UBC Theses and Dissertations

UBC Theses Logo

UBC Theses and Dissertations

Exploratory study of marriage termination in tribal societies : using a role-analysis approach. Ornstein, Toby Elaine 1968

Your browser doesn't seem to have a PDF viewer, please download the PDF to view this item.

Item Metadata

Download

Media
831-UBC_1968_A8 O75.pdf [ 9.44MB ]
Metadata
JSON: 831-1.0302484.json
JSON-LD: 831-1.0302484-ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): 831-1.0302484-rdf.xml
RDF/JSON: 831-1.0302484-rdf.json
Turtle: 831-1.0302484-turtle.txt
N-Triples: 831-1.0302484-rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: 831-1.0302484-source.json
Full Text
831-1.0302484-fulltext.txt
Citation
831-1.0302484.ris

Full Text

AN EXPLORATORY STUDY OP MARRIAGE TERMINATION IN TRIBAL SOCIETIESj USING A ROLE-ANALYSIS APPROACH by Toby E l a i n e Ornstein B.A., University of Manitoba, 19*>3 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIJIEMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF Master of Arts i n the Department of Anthropology and Sociology We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September, 1968 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f t h e r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r an advanced degree a t the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree t h a t t he L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and Study. I f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y p u rposes may be g r a n t e d by the Head o f my Department or by h Ms r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t c o p y i n g or p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Department o f Anthropology and Sociology The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada Date September 1 0 t h , 1968 i . ABSTRACT Two problems are considered i n t h i s t h e s i s . There i s an attempt to explore the nature of marriage termination cross-c u l t u r a l l y while at the same time investigate the value of basing comparative studies on analyses of systems of r o l e s . Thus the i n v e s t i g a t i o n of the two problems i s interdependent. Since "marriage" i s defined as e s t a b l i s h i n g a s e r i e s of r e l a t i o n s h i p s p a r t i c u l a r l y f o r the husband and wife, "marriage termination" i s seen as creating at l e a s t a change i n these r e l a t i o n s h i p s . The focus of the study then i s the point at which the marriage ceases. Six categories of the major r e d e f i n i t i o n s of r o l e s that must occur at t h i s point were established. The fund of ethnographic data used i n t h i s study comes from sixteen t r i b a l s o c i e t i e s which were selected from s i x t y works f o r t h e i r containing information i n at l e a s t three of the s i x categories. The relevant data was coded and phrased i n terms of the various problems that the husband and wife confront at the termination of t h e i r marriage. The solutions to these problems were also coded and presented as the choices made by the couples i n each society. A t o t a l of sixteen problems and 243 v a r i a b l e s were coded. I t was hoped that when the v a r i a b l e s were tabulated that some connections between the v a r i a b l e s could be found, g i v i n g r i s e to p r i n c i p l e s of marriage termination which, with more research, might produce hypotheses. i i In f a c t no r e l a t i o n s h i p s between the v a r i a b l e s could be drawn. This i s seen as p r i m a r i l y due to too small a sample and a lack of c r u c i a l data, making accurate comparisons impossible. However t h i s study does delineate the problems i n a comparative study of marriage termination and demonstrates the kind of c r o s s - c u l t u r a l tableau nade possible by a r o l e -analysis which, on l o g i c a l grounds, should f a c i l i t a t e anthropological generalizations. i i i TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF TABLES i v CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION 1 I I . FROM MARITAL INSTABILITY TO MARRIAGE TERMINATION AND THE ROLE-ANALYSIS APPROACH 1 9 III. THE APPLICATION OF THE PROBLEM-SOLVING TECHNIQUE TO MARRIAGE TERMINATION 4 8 IV. THE ANALYSIS OF THE PROBLEM-SOLVING TECHNIQUE AND AN EVALUATION OF ROLE-ANALYSIS 8 2 V. CONCLUSIONS 1 1 2 BIBLIOGRAPHY 1 2 0 APPENDIX I. Ethnographic D e t a i l s 1 2 9 I I . Work Sheets 1 4 4 I I I . Explanation f o r the Choice of Variable where Mate r i a l was Vague 1 7 6 i v LIST OF TABLES Page KEY TO VARIABLES FOR TABLES I - VII 83 TABLE I. Problem Solutions f o r the Role-Analysis 86 I I . Percentage Compilation of a l l Variables 88 I I I . Problem Solutions of Iteso and Kgatla i n Contrast to the Mae-Enga and Nuer 97 IV. Problem Solutions of Gonja, Yako and Somali 99 V. Problem Solutions of Gonja and Samburu -^03 VI. Problem Solutions of The Lakeside Tonga, Gonja, Somali and Trobriand J- 0- ) VII. Problem Solutions of the Lakeside Tonga, Plateau Tonga, Gonja, Mae-Enga, Sonjo, Amba and Somali 107 V I wish to express my gratitude to Professor C y r i l S. Belshaw f o r a number of the cogent ideas on which t h i s t h e s i s i s based and to Miss Helga Jacobson f o r her many e f f o r t s i n helping to complete t h i s t h e s i s • made a l l the more d i f f i c u l t by my residence i n England. Also, I wish to thank my husband, Jack, f o r h i s encouragement, patience and invaluable assistance. 1 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION This i s a comparative study that combines an i n q u i r y i n t o marriage termination with a new method of conducting the i n q u i r y . Anthropological research i n the f i e l d of marriage termination has produced a number of propositions none of which has been adequately explored. I t i s one of the premises of t h i s study that the propositions and the standard means of t e s t i n g them hinder analysis rather than nurture i t , hence the necessity f o r new methods and new formulations. The objectives of t h i s study were l i m i t e d to i n v e s t i g a t i n g the merits of the r o l e - a n a l y s i s method and i n the process seeking to characterize marriage termination. Unfortunately, not even these modest aims were f u l l y r e a l i z e d . Nothing conclusive was learned about marriage termination although r o l e - a n a l y s i s has, i n my opinion, been shown to be a p o t e n t i a l l y dynamic process of i n v e s t i g a t i o n . Despite the inconclusiveness of t h i s study, I believe that i t s usefulness l i e s i n three areas. One of i t s contributions i s i t s attacking the problem of marriage termination (explanations of terms w i l l appear s h o r t l y ) . I have found i n the course of preparing t h i s t hesis that most ethnographers i n t h e i r f i e l d studies r a i s e the issue of marriage termination (as "divorce") but usually i n a cursory fashion. This has tended to r e s t r i c t analysis of the subject and where propositions have been formulated t h e i r v a l i d i t y has remained 2 untested. Furthermore, the type of information given about marriage termination has tended to follow a pattern. We are informed of the s o c i o l o g i c a l causes of divorce, which spouse i n i t i a t e s i t and how common an occurrence i t i s or i s not, and l i t t l e e l s e . The following i s one of many examples of the s u p e r f i c i a l treatment given divorce i n an ethnography. Barrenness and adultery by a wife are grounds f o r divorce About two marriages i n ten end i n divorce Divorce occurs l e s s r e g u l a r l y a f t e r the b i r t h of a c h i l d , e s p e c i a l l y a son I f a woman i s divorced, she returns to the care of her n a t a l lineage. Middleton ( 1965:56-7) . Middleton has not given, among other things, any i n d i c a t i o n of what happens to the ch i l d r e n , what changes divorce creates f o r both of the ex-spouses and i n t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p s with r e l a t i v e s and a f f i n e s . He does not even explain how he defines "divorce" nor attempt to d i f f e r e n t i a t e between "divorces that occur before the b i r t h of a c h i l d and those that occur a f t e r , even though he notes that there are diff e r e n c e s . V i r t u a l l y the only information about marriage termination which appears with some r e g u l a r i t y i n most of the ethnographies has to do with the frequency of divorce. I t i s f o r t h i s reason that most of the relevant analyses concentrate on marital i n s t a b i l i t y . This t h e s i s i s based upon a survey of the l i t e r a t u r e on marriage termination both i n ethnographies and comparative studies. In i t , i t i s argued that discussions of ma r i t a l s t a b i l i t y do not represent a t o t a l treatment of marriage 3 termination. Before marital s t a b i l i t y can become a v a l i d subject of analysis i t i s necessary to ou t l i n e the p r i n c i p l e s and d e f i n i t i o n s of the phenomena pe r t a i n i n g to the d i s s o l u t i o n of a marriage, which can then be applied accurately i n comparative analyses. Although t h i s study does not advance our knowledge of marriage termination, i t does argue f o r e s t a b l i s h i n g p r i o r i t i e s i n the i n v e s t i g a t i o n of t h i s problem and i t does introduce a possible method of achieving t h i s end. This method of conducting comparative analyses i s seen as a second u s e f u l aspect of the study. A r o l e - a n a l y s i s method was devised to s u i t the subject but at the same time an attempt was made to overcome the shortcomings of e a r l i e r comparative studies. This i s dealt with at length i n the t h e s i s . The major feature of r o l e - a n a l y s i s i s i t s attempt to eliminate the use of r i g i d categories and preconceived concepts, such as p a t r i l i n e a l , clans, etc. This i s the i d e a l on which the r o l e - a n a l y s i s was structured but t h i s i d e a l could not be attained i n the a p p l i c a t i o n of the method. A l l too often the material i n the ethnographies i s presented i n terms of i n s t i t u t i o n s or concepts which had to be analyzed i n order to extract the data necessary f o r the study. The r o l e - a n a l y s i s approach i s founded on the p r i n c i p l e that the basic unit of s o c i a l action i s the " r o l e " and i s thus the proper basis of i n v e s t i g a t i o n i n s o c i a l anthropology. The model employed i n t h i s study sees the termination of a marriage as i n v o l v i n g a s e r i e s of r o l e r e d e f i n i t i o n s since 4 the break up of a marriage i s a d i s r u p t i v e process. I t was hoped that fcy analyzing a s e r i e s of these role r e d e f i n i t i o n s throughout a number of s o c i e t i e s , some elements or p r i n c i p l e s could be drawn and perhaps an i n t e r n a l system would take shape. This system based on i n t e r a c t i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n a s p e c i f i c s i t u a t i o n would y i e l d information about marriage termination which could then be understood and explained as i t occurs i n a number of s o c i e t i e s . Neither systems nor p r i n c i p l e s were extracted from t h i s analysis due l a r g e l y to the u n s u i t a b i l i t y of the ethnographic material. However the a p p l i c a t i o n of the r o l e - a n a l y s i s method di d demonstrate that i t i s po s s i b l e to i s o l a t e dimensions of the behaviour being investigated without regard to preconceived categories and c l a s s i f i c a t o r y systems. Given the necessary data and a much la r g e r sample i t should be possible to f i n d patterns of v a r i a b l e s repeated throughout and subsequently to formulate hypotheses from these. A t h i r d development of t h i s study i s i t s d i r e c t i n g attention to the kind of ethnographic data that would be u s e f u l i n comparative studies. Not only does i t discuss the type of questions that can be directed at the ethnographies to learn about marriage termination s p e c i f i c a l l y but i t also shorethe type of data needed generally. I f anthropological i n q u i r i e s i n the future are going to be divested of a p r i o r i concepts, then there has to be a dialogue between anthropologists doing f i e l d work and those doing comparative studies. This study upholds 5 the view that i n order to understand and explain s p e c i f i c occurrences i n society, the data must be s u i t a b l e f o r cross-c u l t u r a l comparisons. One method of cre a t i n g t h i s favourable base f o r comparative studies i s to approach the data i n terms of the role s that i n d i v i d u a l s play i n s p e c i f i c s i t u a t i o n s . I t i s hoped that t h i s study demonstrates the advantages of presenting the ethnographic f a c t s on the l e v e l of i n t e r a c t i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p s . Furthermore i t i s hoped that t h i s study shows the kind of questions that must be answered before i t i s p o s s i b l e to adequately characterize marriage termination. The foregoing would imply that t h i s study intends to do away with all-embracing and imprecise anthropological categories and concepts since they are not i d e n t i c a l i n a l l s o c i e t i e s . T h i s i s not so. Only one concepti marriage termination, i s under review here. Others such as "marriage", the "community", " a f f i n e s " also need to be r e f i n e d to make them applicable to a wide range of s o c i e t i e s but i t would be impossible to examine a l l of these while t r y i n g to f u l f i l l the objectives of t h i s study. Consequently, concepts other than marriage termination w i l l be used as they appear i n the l i t e r a t u r e . Alsov t h i s study i s not f r e e from some form of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n o f the data. I prefer to c a l l i t ordering the data, which i s a necessity i n any study. What I hope the r o l e - a n a l y s i s method avoids i s r e l y i n g on r i g i d categories and r e i f i e d terms that do not account f o r a l l p o s s i b i l i t i e s c r o s s - c u l t u r a l l y . 6 Before defending the introduction of a new term, "marriage termination", I believe the notion used here of marriage — that i n s t i t u t i o n which defines the r o l e s of the husband and wife — should be established. There are many problems f a c i n g anyone wishing to depict or define "marriage". These d i f f i c u l t i e s are due not only to v a r i a t i o n i n types of marriages or "marriageness" (Groldschmidt (1966:25)) such as woman-te-woman marriage or absence of a conjugal family as amongst the Nayar, but are more basic than t h i s . Students of t h i s subject are faced with the problem of determining when a marriage i s a marriage. Some anthropologists (such as: Radcliffe-Brown, (1922:70); Evans-Pritchard, (1951:67); Stefaniszyn, (1964:104)) have reported that a marriage i s not considered consummated u n t i l the b i r t h of the f i r s t c h i l d . The people, i t might be sa i d , thus view marriage as a process that f i n a l l y takes shape a f t e r passing through a serie s of stages. P r i o r to the b i r t h of a c h i l d the couple do have r i g h t s and duties towards each other so the union does not have the status of a concubinage. The problem that a r i s e s i s how to compare these s o c i e t i e s with a gradual marriage process with s o c i e t i e s i n which marriage i s p r e c i s e l y demarcated. This problem does have important consequences f o r t h i s study since i f the couple do terminate t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p p r i o r to the b i r t h o f the f i r s t c h i l d , can i t be sa i d to be a marriage termination? Stefanieyn i n f a c t reported f o r the Ambo that the r e l a t i o n s h i p i s easy to terminate before the f i r s t c h i l d i s born (1964:104). The problem has been 7 posed but l e f t unanswered u n t i l some approach i s found to deal with questions such as these i n e s t a b l i s h i n g an operatL onal d e f i n i t i o n of marriage. Perhaps i t w i l l be found that marriage termination occurring a f t e r the b i r t h of a c h i l d i s the only termination that need be considered since the c h i l d creates a permanent l i n k between the two f a m i l i e s and at t h i s point the rupture of the marriage i s a f a r more serious event. There was an attempt i n the i n v e s t i g a t i o n to allow f o r differences created by the presence or absence of c h i l d r e n but the lack of data prevented i t s being c a r r i e d out s u c c e s s f u l l y . Any s o c i a l anthropological d e f i n i t i o n i s d i f f i c u l t to formulate since the d e f i n i t i o n must be general enough to be u n i v e r s a l and yet d e t a i l e d enough to a c t u a l l y characterize the i n s t i t u t i o n . The formulation that would s a t i s f y both c r i t e r i a would have to embody Wittgenstein's notion of "family resemblances". Such a d e f i n i t i o n would include a l l possible c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the item under scrutiny, any of which i n d i f f e r e n t combinations could apply i n s p e c i f i c s i t u a t i o n s . The discussion of marriage that I found most s e n s i t i v e to the complexities of d e f i n i n g marriage and therefore contains the idea of "family resemblances" i s M. Douglas'. She i n i t i a l l y depicts the essence of marriage as: mating arrangements approved i n society with s p e c i a l reference to the i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d r e l a t i o n s h i p s of husband and wife; also the ceremonies which e s t a b l i s h such r e l a t i o n s h i p s . 8 Then, bearing i n mind the great d i v e r s i t i e s that can occur c r o s s - c u l t u r a l l y , she writes: marriage may have a l l or only some of the f o l l o w i n g functions: a) of e s t a b l i s h i n g the l e g a l status of the chi l d r e n of the p a r t i e s to the marriage: b) of t r a n s f e r r i n g r i g h t s to each of the p a r t i e s ; 1) d o m i c i l i a r y ; 2) i n the sexua l i t y of the other; 3) i n the labour and domestic services of the other; c) of e s t a b l i s h i n g a j o i n t fund of property (for the benefit of the ch i l d r e n of the marriage); d) of e s t a b l i s h i n g an a l l i a n c e or r e l a t i o n of a f f i n i t y between the kinsmencof the p a r t i e s ; e) of giving p u b l i c recognition to the r e l a t i o n s h i p . M. Douglas i n "A Dictionary of the S o c i a l Sciences", J. Gould, ed. (1964:409). I t i s on t h i s notion of marriage that an i n v e s t i g a t i o n of marriage termination i s based. The terminology advanced i n t h i s study to denote the phenomenon of the destruction of a marriage i s not "divorce", the term used i n the l i t e r a t u r e , but "marriage termination". This d e s c r i p t i y e term i s preferred to "divorce" which, I contend, r e f e r s to a s p e c i f i c type of marriage termination found i n Western i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t i e s with elaborate j u d i c i a l systems. In Canada, when we speak of divorce we think of i t i n l e g a l i s t i c terms, as the dictio n a r y d e f i n i t i o n of divorce shows: "1) a l e g a l d i s s o l u t i o n i n whole or i n part of a marriage r e l a t i o n u s u a l l y by a court or other body having competent authority". (Webster's T h i r d New International Dictionary, 1961). The danger of misrepresentation when "divorce" i s applied f r e e l y to other s o c i e t i e s without a s i m i l a r l e g a l 9 process i s r e f l e c t e d by Professor Freedman i n h i s monograph. He remarks: The Chinese tend to think of themselves as a people without divorce i n the sense of the Malay casualness or the En g l i s h l e g a l process. On the other hand, the d i s s o l u t i o n of marriage " l i - h u n " i s common enough i n Singapore and i s recognized to be so. I t r a n s l a t e " l i - h u n " as divorce, while noting that English-speaking Chinese often i d e n t i f y "divorce" e x c l u s i v e l y with the d i s s o l u t i o n r e s u l t i n g from a j u d i c i a l process. "Li-hun" normally r e f e r s to a signed agreement between the spouses to end t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p . Freedman (1957:176). Thus our concept of divorce i s not u n i v e r s a l l y a p p l i c a b l e . Divorce represents i n Canadian society only one type of d i s s o l u t i o n of a marriage. Scores of Canadians are separated from t h e i r spouses and have even engaged i n a new r e l a t i o n s h i p . However t h i s new r e l a t i o n s h i p i s not even accorded the status of a common-law marriage but would be considered by the l e g a l a u t h o r i t i e s as merely adultery. In f a c t , though, one marital r e l a t i o n s h i p has terminated and a new conjugal one has been established. S t i l l , the couple are not divorced; they are separated and no new r e l a t i o n s h i p i s l e g a l l y recognized. Anthropologists (e.g. Goody (1962); Meggitt (1965)) have reported that i n some s o c i e t i e s a d i s s o l u t i o n of marriage can be effected by a separation. Unlike separations i n Canada, these separations under c e r t a i n conditions are recognized as di s s o l u t i o n s or terminations of the marriage bond and new conjugal r e l a t i o n s h i p s are recognized as marriages. Goody (1962) reports f o r the Gonja that: 10 " D i s s o l u t i o n of marriage may oome about through formal divorce elopement, separation or death of a husband" ( 1962:22) . She claims that both formal divorce and elopement are rare but "more usual i s the gradual transformation of an extended separation i n t o a de facto divorce" ( 1962:22) . This i s not divorce as defined above since no formal recognition of the d i s s o l u t i o n occurs. S i m i l a r l y , Meggitt (1965:141) reports f o r the Mae-Enga that a "de facto" divorce i s eff e c t e d when a woman goes to l i v e with another man who gives bride p r i c e to her kinsmen to v a l i d a t e the l i a i s o n but does not recompense the deserted husband. The people recognize t h i s as a second marriage. And t h i s i s neither a "divorce" f o r the reasons stated above nor a "separation" since a new marriage was contracted. I assert that our concepts of "divorce" and "separation" do not take cognizance of the n o n - j u d i c i a l forms of the d i s s o l u t i o n of marriage that do take place. I would also suggest that whether the d i s s o l u t i o n i s formally recognized or the r e s u l t of an extended separation, they are i n f a c t both d i s s o l u t i o n s and there i s no reason to d i s t i n g u i s h between them i n an analysis such as t h i s . Consequently, I have designated the phenomenon of d i s s o l u t i o n of marriage by whatever means, as long as i t i s recognized as a d i s s o l u t i o n by the people, as "marriage termination". This new term i s intended to eliminate r e s t r i c t i o n s i n comparative analyses and ethnographic reporting imposed by equating "divorce" with 11 a j u d i c i a l process and "separation" with the absence of a recognized cessation of the marriage. Most of the ethnographies do not explain how "divorce" i s being used and i t i s impossible f o r the reader to determine i f a l l marriage terminations are l a b e l l e d as "divorce" or only those which most c l o s e l y p a r a l l e l the d i c t i o n a r y d e f i n i t i o n of i t . For the purposes of t h i s study, those d i s s o l u t i o n s of marriages reported by the anthropologists w i l l be taken to stand f o r a l l marriage terminations. I t i s hoped though that anthropologists conducting f i e l d work i n t h i s area w i l l recognize that the concept of "divorce" i s a l i m i t i n g one while "marriage termination" or something s i m i l a r denotes a l l possible v a r i a t i o n s found throughout a wide range of s o c i e t i e s and i s therefore preferable. In Chapter I I there i s a review of some of the propositions advanced by anthropologists seeking to explain the causes of marriage termination throughout a number of s o c i e t i e s . However, f o r the reasons presented e a r l i e r (see page 2), discussions have tended to centre around frequency, why c e r t a i n s o c i e t i e s experience frequent divorce whereas i n others i t i s rare. The anthropologists are discussing marriage termination (or divorce as they r e f e r to i t ) but with an added element — the frequency of these d i s s o l u t i o n s — which i s r e f e r r e d to as "marital s t a b i l i t y " or " i n s t a b i l i t y " . This designation could not be applied to the phenomenon under study here as the differences i n rate are not the immediate concern of t h i s i n q u i r y . I t i s believed that an 12 adequate understanding of marriage termination must be achieved f i r s t before problems of frequency can be studied. This "adequate understanding" of marriage termination was one of the objectives of t h i s study but could not be attained. However as stated before a very general working d e f i n i t i o n used i n t h i s study i s that marriage termination r e f e r s to the d i s s o l u t i o n of marriage recognized as such by the people i n the s o c i e t y . In p a r t i c u l a r , the focus of t h i s paper i s on the point of rupture of the marriage and what leads from there. Although no p r i n c i p l e s of marriage termination were discovered, t h i s study does underline that not only the husband-wife r e l a t i o n s h i p i s altered i n various ways, but other r e l a t i o n s h i p s as w e l l , i n v o l v i n g the chil d r e n , one's own family, the a f f i n e s and others. Any discussion of marriage termination which omits these f a c t o r s i s not even approaching an adequate explanation. As w e l l , any discussion which i s o l a t e s only one or two va r i a b l e s i s untenable, f o r t h i s study has shown the complexity of the subject. Although one v a r i a b l e may appear co n s i s t e n t l y throughout a number of s o c i e t i e s , thus f a r i n t h i s l i m i t e d study no concomitant v a r i a b l e s are d i s c e r n i b l e , perhaps i n d i c a t i n g that a great many i n t e r r e l a t e d f a c t o r s constitute a marriage termination. I t may be evident already that the i d e a l i n t h i s analysis i s to avoid the researcher's regulating the data wherever poss i b l e . However c e r t a i n controls need be imposed on the study so that a c e r t a i n l e v e l of homogeneity i n the data may be achieved. One 13 such control is confining the study to tribal societies in the belief that societies which share more or less common principles of social organization will attempt to solve their problems in similar ways. "Tribal societies" refers to those societies which are neither peasant nor industrial. J.J. Honigmann characterizes the tribe as: A system of social organization which includes several local groups — villages, bands, districts, or lineages — and normally includes a common territory, a common language, and a common culture. The elements constituting the tribe may or may not be coordinated by formal or centralized political power.,"A Dictionary of the Social Sciences", J. Gould, ed. (1964:729). A further demand made on the ethnographic material used to investigate marriage termination is that i t be material on traditional tribal societies. This is necessary to avoid including societies which have incorporated into their social structure the judicial system of Western industrial societies where matters such as divorce are settled in a state-operated court. This method of handling marriage termination is alien to the traditional tribal society. Where the court system has been imposed on i t , attitudes to marriage termination that have been developed in industrial countries or even in other tribes are being promoted. I am referring only to societies which have lost their right to decide matters of marriage termination for themselves. In some African ethnographies i t is reported that disputes arising from marriage terminations which simply cannot be settled in the traditional manner are submitted to a state-controlled native court. These societies are included since 14 decisions i n the native court are based on the t r a d i t i o n a l precepts. Thus Porde reports f o r the Yako that "deserted husbands, f i n d i n g i t d i f f i c u l t to obtain payment from the wives* matrikin, have been su c c e s s f u l l y making claims before the 'Yabot* and the Native Authority courts f o r d i r e c t recompense by the men with whom t h e i r wives have gone to l i v e " (1964*126). A s i m i l a r issue i s that of Western r e l i g i o n or any r e l i g i o n which i s not indigenous to the society and which a c t i v e l y d i c t a t e s rules of marriage and marriage termination. A survey of s i x t y or so ethnographies on t r i b a l s o c i e t i e s y i e l d e d not one case of a t r a d i t i o n a l r e l i g i o n r e g u l a t i n g marriage customs. The problem ar i s e s p r i n c i p a l l y with s o c i e t i e s which have adopted Islam or C h r i s t i a n i t y , e s p e c i a l l y the l a t t e r . C h r i s t i a n i t y i s a very new r e l i g i o n f o r any t r i b a l society e x i s t i n g to-day and d e f i n i t e l y so f o r one described f o r t y years ago. Consequently, s o c i e t i e s which had wholly adopted C h r i s t i a n i t y were omitted since t h e i r marriage rules are recent and i n any case do not nec e s s a r i l y r e f l e c t the solutions to ma r i t a l problems which might have arisen out of the s o c i a l structure. In f a c t , anthropologists do in d i c a t e where C h r i s t i a n i t y has or has not caused changes i n the rules governing marriage (see P a l l e r s , 1957)* Where C h r i s t i a n i t y was p r a c t i s e d by only a segment of the population and where the ethnographer established that the customs he was reporting were t r a d i t i o n a l , then the ethnography was used. 15 Not so pre c i s e a case e x i s t s f o r Muslim s o c i e t i e s . Although Islam d i r e c t s the marriage customs i t has played an i n t e g r a l r o l e i n most of the s o c i e t i e s , I "believe, f o r hundreds of years. I t i s not a matter of recent d i f f u s i o n and the s o c i a l structure has had time to adjust to the Muslim precepts. I found that i n a l l Muslim s o c i e t i e s a termination of the marriage was e a s i l y obtained by the husband, but f o r subsequent problems, such as who took the c h i l d r e n , there were differences i n the solutions. However, the r e l i g i o n i s an internati. onal one with common codes of behaviour and c e r t a i n fundamental aspects cannot be alte r e d by one s o c i a l system. In t h i s respect Muslim t r i b a l s o c i e t i e s d i f f e r i n an important way from other pagan t r i b a l s o c i e t i e s . I have not been able to determine how fundamental or s i g n i f i c a n t t h i s difference i s and therefore decided to include one Muslim society i n the study (the Somali, Lewis 1962). No other f a c t o r s were considered i n the s e l e c t i o n of the s o c i e t i e s used i n t h i s study. The ethnographies making up the sample of sixteen were chosen simply because they contain much of the material needed to conduct the study. The absence of any fur t h e r l i m i t a t i o n s on the material i s e n t i r e l y i n keeping with the exploratory nature of t h i s study. The design of the study was to r e f r a i n from too many preconceived assumptions about marriage termination i n order to gather as much information as possib l e . The i n t e n t i o n was to examine the merits of a r o l e -analysis method while at the same time to formulate p r i n c i p l e s of marriage termination. Although the objectives were not f u l l y 16 r e a l i z e d , c r i t i c a l issues r a i s e d i n t h i s Introduction are considered more thoroughly i n the succeeding chapters. 17 References Cited i n Chapter I Evans-Pritchard, E.E. 1951 Kinship and Marriage Among the Nuer, Oxford: Clarendon Press. F a l l e r s , Lloyd A. 1957 "Some Determinants of Marriage S t a b i l i t y i n Busoga: A Reformulation of Gluckman's Hypothesis", A f r i c a , 27: 106-21. Porde, D a r y l l 1964 Yako Studies, London: Oxford Un i v e r s i t y Press. Freedman, M. 1957 Chinese Family and Marriage i n Singapore* London: U.K. C o l o n i a l Research Studies # 20. Goldschmidt, Walter 1966 Comparative Functionalism: An Essay i n Anthropological Theory. Berkeley, University of C a l i f o r n i a Press. Goody, Esther N. 1962 "Conjugal Separation and Divorce Among the Gonja of Northern Ghana" IN Marriage i n T r i b a l S o c i e t i e s , M. Fortes, ed., Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Gould, J . and Kolb, W., eds. 1964 A Dictionary of the S o c i a l Sciences, London: Tavistock. Lewis, I.M. 1962 Marriage and the Family i n Northern Somaliland, East A f r i c a n Studies, # 5' Meggitt, M.J. 1965 The Lineage System of the Mae-Enga of New Guinea, New York: Barnes and Noble. Middleton, John 1965 The Lugbara of Uganda, New Y 0 r k : Holt, Rhinehart and Winston. 18 Radcliffe-Brown, A.R. 1922 The Andaman Islanders, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, (reference taken from the Human Relations Area Pile), Stefaniszyn, Bronislaw 1964 Social and Ritual Life of the Ambo of Northern Rhodesia, R. Apthorpe, ed., London: Oxford University Press. 19 CHAPTER I I PROM MARITAL INSTABILITY TO MARRIAGE TERMINATION AND THE ROLE-ANALYSIS APPROACH Systematic research i n t o the phenomena of marriage termination has "been recognised (by P a l l e r s (1957)» Gibbs ( I963) , Leach (1963)* among others) as dating back to 1950 when Max Gluckman's (1962) paper was f i r s t published. In i t he compared the marriage system of the p a t r i l i n e a l Zulu with that of the p a t r i l i n e a l L o z i and suggested that m a r i t a l s t a b i l i t y was a fu n c t i o n of the kinship structure, that divorce was rare where p a t r i l i n e a l i t y was strong (1962: 191-2). His proposal i s : I . . . . a f f i r m t e n t a t i v e l y that divorce i s rare and d i f f i c u l t i n those organized on a system of marked f a t h e r - r i g h t , and frequent and easy t o obtain i n other types. Gluckman (1962:190). Dr. Leach (1963:119) questioned Gluckman*s use of the term "Father R i g h t " 1 as an i n d i c a t i o n of the degree of p a t r i l i n e a l i t y i n a soci e t y . Leach points out that Gluckman associates marked Father Right with the degree to which the p a t r i l i n e a g e of the woman's husband acquires r i g h t s over her but Leach suggests that a society which showed a greater degree of Father Right would be one i n which the fat h e r of the g i r l continued to exercise l e g a l control over a l l i t s members throughout t h e i r l i v e s . He asks, "Surely the Father Right of a fathe r who ret a i n s considerable control over h i s daughter's person 20 even a f t e r she i s married is greater than the Father Right of a fathe r who surrenders a l l such co n t r o l to h i s daughter's husband?" (Leach 1 9 6 3 : 1 1 9 ) . According to Leach (1963 :119)* G-luckman agreed that "Father Right" was not an acceptable term but as Leach also suggests, the problem of measuring the degrees of p a t r i l i n e a l i t y s t i l l remains: "What can we mean i f we say that, of two p a t r i l i n e a l s o c i e t i e s , one i s 'more strongly p a t r i l i n e a l ' than the other?" (Leach 1 9 6 3 : 1 1 9 ) . In the same paper Leach challenged another of Gluckman's •hypotheses' ( s i c ) that the "general d u r a b i l i t y of marriage.... i s a function of the kinship structure as a whole" (Gluckman 1 9 6 2 : 1 9 0 ) . Having c a r r i e d out an analysis of Gluckman*s c o r r e l a t i o n by considering data from three c u l t u r a l l y s i m i l a r s o c i e t i e s , the Ordinary Jinghpaw, the Gauri and the Lakher, Leach (1963:123) concludes that the determinants of marital s t a b i l i t y are not found i n the kinship structure per se of these u n i l i n e a l descent systems but "economic and p o l i t i c a l f a c t o r s " need also be considered. Other anthropologists a f t e r Gluckman c a r r i e d on t h i s theme of the degree to which the woman was incorporated i n t o her husband's k i n grouping and severed from her natal one. David Schneider (1961:17) speaks of: "the bonds of marriage being maximized as against the bonds of descent" and where t h i s occurs, marriage termination i s l e s s l i k e l y to occur, with the converse 21 also true. These are structural determinants and they affect the s t a b i l i t y or duration of marriage. Some of the theorists who followed Gluckman embraced his original correlation but also attacked the problem of determining incorporation and severance. Professor Fortes would use the woman's jural status outside the conjugal relationship as the significant factor and this i s dependent on "the degree to which she retains her status as a daughter and sister after marriage" :tfl959:210). Another indice determining the membership of the woman i s Lloyd Fallers' suggestion of the "complete transfer of her child-bearing properties" (1957:121). I t i s when this transfer occurs, he claims, that "patriliny tends to stabilize marriage" (1957:121). The possibility that the rights i n genetrioem was the key to predicting the frequency of marriage termination was pursued by both Mitchell (1961) and Southall (1961). J .C. Mitchell (1961:518) suggests that once a woman's reproductive powers were transferred to her husband's lineage permanently, then the marriage could not easily be broken. He reinforces his statement by pointing to societies with corporate matrilineages where the woman's reproductive powers are not transferred so that the wellbeing of the children i s not affected by the duration of the marriage. In these societies, Mitchell claims that "divorces usually are relatively frequent" (1961:518). A very similar stand proposing that where corporate groups acquire the genetricial 22 r i g h t s as opposed to j u s t i n d i v i d u a l s acquiring them, then the s t a b i l i t y of marriage i s greatest, i s adopted by Southall (196l:59). I.M. Lewis (1962) i n h i s monograph on the Somali o f f e r s one of the most comprehensive examinations of the relevant l i t e r a t u r e . He r e j e c t s the r e l a t i o n s h i p between r i g h t s i n genetricem and marriage termination and c i t e s numbers of s o c i e t i e s which are " p a t r i l i n e a l , g e n e t r i c i a l r i g h t s are tr a n s f e r r e d , high bride-wealth i s p a i d but marriage i s unstable" (1962:41). He argues that " f u l l g e n e t r i c i a l " and "permanent t r a n s f e r " are d i f f e r e n t issues and not to be ^treated as the same. He sees no d i f f i c u l t y i n recognizing that where the marriage contract i s defined as in v o l v i n g the t r a n s f e r of the woman's reproductive powers permanently to the husband and h i s group, then of course marriage must be stable (1962:42). However he takes exception to the c o r r e l a t i o n advanced between the t r a n s f e r o f g e n e t r i c i a l r i g h t s and marriage s t a b i l i t y and i n f a c t does not see a c o r r e l a t i o n at a l l . He writes: I t i s merely t a u t o l o g i c a l to state that i n those p a t r i l i n e a l s o c i e t i e s where the g e n e t r i c i a l r i g h t s are permanently held by a husband marriage i s stable, whereas i n other cases where they are not held permanently marriage i s unstable. This preoccupation with the p o s i t i o n i n regard to the t r a n s f e r of g e n e t r i c i a l r i g h t s leads eventually to an impasse. Lewis (1962:42). Lewis' formulation on marriage s t a b i l i t y takes up the idea of j u r a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , advanced by Fortes (1959). He suggests that one might in v e s t i g a t e the extent to which l e g a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y 23 f o r the woman i s retained by her M*i or i s borne by her husband's k i n . One method of determining the extent of t h i s l e g a l care, Lewis proposes, i s by the proportion of blood-wealth that i s due both of the lineages i n the event of the woman's murder or the amount they would have to pay out i f she were to commit murder. Lewis' formal proposition advances a c o r r e l a t i o n between marital s t a b i l i t y and the degree to which the woman i s i n the l e g a l care of her husband's k i n grouping. Conversely, he suggests that where the wife re t a i n s much of her premarital j u r a l status marriage i s not stable (1962:43). This i s by no means a complete review of the ideas advanced to account f o r marriage termination or the lack of i t . I t i s an in d i c a t i o n , though, of the l i n e s of thought with which the anthropologists have been working. There has been an emphasis, f i r s t of a l l , on accounting f o r frequency of marriage termination, why i t occurs more commonly i n some sociieties than i n others. Most of the anthropologists working on t h i s problem have sought elements i n the kinship structure as the l i k e l y answer. They have suggested that the c r u c i a l f a c t o r i s the degree of the wife's incorporation i n t o her husband's k i n grouping, t h i s being measured by the a l l o c a t i o n of her reproductive powers and/or the d i s t r i b u t i o n of j u r a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y over her person. Although the concept of incorporation-severance seems t o have gained wide acceptance i n discussions o f marriage s t a b i l i t y , i t i s s t i l l obscure. Much 24 more research i n t o the interchange between the two k i n groups brought together by marriage must f i r s t be conducted before the v a l i d i t y of t h i s approach can be learned, I would suggest that the notion of strong p a t r i l i n y as the dec i s i v e f a c t o r i n marriage s t a b i l i t y may have to be dropped since descent i s characterized by a number of aspects. To speak of one society being more p a t r i l i n e a l than another would require a scoring of a l l the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of descent rather than r e l y i n g on one or two f a c t o r s such as j u r a l control or r i g h t s i n genetricem. Gibbs (1963) proposes a system f o r determining " t i g h t l y structured s o c i e t i e s " (1963:553)t "too involved a scheme to consider i n these pages, but again there i s the problem of "measuring" elements throughout a wide range of cultures. The nature o f anthropological data just does not lend i t s e l f to t h i s kind of an a l y s i s . There i s a danger too that these propositions may not provide a cause and e f f e c t r e l a t i o n s h i p necessary to an understanding of marriage termination, or j u s t of marriage s t a b i l i t y . Lewis has already r a i s e d the point i n h i s charge that the preoccupation with g e n e t r i c i a l r i g h t s leads to an impasse. There i s the danger of using one element i n the kinship structure to explain another both of which may be the r e s u l t s of other non-kinship f a c t o r s i n the s o c i a l structure. They may not form a c o r r e l a t i o n on t h e i r own nor might they be dec i s i v e factors i n p r e d i c t i n g the chances of marriage termination. As Dr. Leach (1962) suggests, socio-economic and p o l i t i c a l f a c t o r s should be considered besides j u s t 25 elements in the social structure. M.J. Meggitt (1965:159) strikes a~ similar note in his study of the Mae-Enga when he submits that their marriage stability is controlled by two variables: corporate descent groups and the ceremonial and exchange relationships linking them. For the time being, factors such as social absorption (however i t is determined) are only indicators of marriage stability or instability and as Lewis (1962:41) shows with his negative cases, are not always accurate. There is l i t t l e doubt that marriage stability is normally found in societies with corporate patrilineages and instability usually in matrilineal societies (this notion is implicit in a l l the formulations cited). Once more information iaa available on the exchange relationships between the two allied lineages or on other variables that are considered related to this problem of marriage stability or termination, i t is these negative cases which will provide the most useful results in refining any correlations. This brief consideration of the types of approaches suggested to advance our knowledge of divorce shows that the main concern of a number of anthropologists is with marriage instability - an attempt to account for the differences in rate of marriage termination found among a number of societies. This emphasis on frequency should come after a clear characterization of the phenomenon has been established, after operational definitions 26 have "been found and, most important, a f t e r a method of presenting the data has been produced that would f a c i l i t a t e accurate comparisons. I t i s f o r these reasons, already discussed i n the Introduction, that t h i s paper neglects the unfinished analyses of marriage i n s t a b i l i t y and considers the wider aspects of marriage termination. In considering the approach most s u i t a b l e f o r an i n v e s t i g a t i o n i n t o the nature o f marriage termination, the pertinent writings of a number o f anthropologists were consulted. Most of them expressed a d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with the standard comparative methods and a few (such as: Goldschmidt (1966), Leach (1963) and Schapera (1953)) offered t e n t a t i v e schemes i n t h e i r place. The shortcomings of past comparative studies most often discussed can, f o r a b r i e f review, be c l a s s i f i e d under two headings - 'weakness o f the data' and 'need f o r c l a r i f i c a t i o n ' . Among some of the anthropologists consulted there was a primary concern that at l e a s t some anthropological problems were not r e c e i v i n g i n t e n s i v e i n v e s t i g a t i o n because the a v a i l a b l e data was inadequate or ju s t not a v a i l a b l e . This was reported by Udy (1959:22) who had d i f f i c u l t y i n f i n d i n g data on c o l l e c t i v e manufacturing that was sui t a b l e f o r "comparative i n s t i t u t i o n a l a n a l y s i s " . This was also Needham's predicament. Schneider (1965:68) quotes him as saying: "There i s no adequate account of u n i l a t e r a l cross cousin marriage anywhere i n the l i t e r a t u r e ; and 27 u n t i l there i s , there can be no great t h e o r e t i c a l progress (Needham 1956:108)". Schneider also reports Needham1s p o s i t i o n as b e l i e v i n g that ethnographers have been mistaken and "have f a i l e d to provide c r u c i a l information" (Schneider 1 9 6 5 : 6 8 ) . This i s a serious problem as i t a f f e c t s the q u a l i t y o f comparative studies, an issue r a i s e d by Oscar Lewis. He writes: "The q u a l i t y and r e l i a b i l i t y of comparative c r o s s - c u l t u r a l analysis can hardly be be t t e r than that of the o r i g i n a l f i e l d data upon which i t i s based" (Lewis 1961:76) . The inadequacy of the data f o r comparative purposes can probably be traced back to i t s o r i g i n a l preparation as a f i e l d study. The emphasis i n ethnographies has been to investigate each i n s t i t u t i o n as part of the wider system. This accords w e l l with a comprehensive analysis of each cu l t u r e but not i n a comparative analysis when each i n s t i t u t i o n has to be i s o l a t e d and combined with s i m i l a r ones from other cultures. Goldschmidt (1966) subscribes to t h i s view and he r e f e r s to t h i s predicament as the "Malinowskian dilemma". His remarks are as follows: Malinowski was most i n s i s t e n t that every culture be understood i n i t s own terms; that every i n s t i t u t i o n be seen as a product of the culture within which i t developed......Yet the i n t e r n a l mode of analysis can never g&re us a basis f o r true generalization and o f f e r s no means of extrapolation beyond the l o c a l time and place. Goldschmidt ( 1 9 6 6 : 8 ) . The method of analysis discussed l a t e r i n these pages t r i e s to overcome the problem of the u n s u i t a b i l i t y of the material f o r 28 comparative studies by focusing the analysis not on the i n s t i t u t i o n s but on elements reported by the ethnographers. Although nothing could be done with i n s u f f i c i e n t data immediately, the i n t e n t i o n of t h i s study was t o show, the kind of questions that can be asked of ethnographical materials and hence i n d i c a t e the type of data needed. The second category of weaknesses i n comparative studies i s t h e i r lack of c l a r i t y . This issue has received great attention i n the l i t e r a t u r e and the main concern i s that categories and concepts have not been standardized and probably could not be. Again, the d i f f i c u l t y may p a r t l y l i e i n the f a c t that comparative studies are e n t i r e l y based on the material a v a i l a b l e i n ethnographies. Since the l a t t e r p r i m a r i l y seek to describe i n d e t a i l the various patterns of s o c i a l behaviour wi t h i n a society, i t does not matter i f the i n s t i t u t i o n or concept being elaborated resembles i n a l l aspects other c u l t u r a l manifestations of s i m i l a r phenomena, f o r the differences can be d e t a i l e d . The problem, though, a r i s e s when the material i s looked at throughout a number of s o c i e t i e s . An excellent example of t h i s dilemma i s found i n Max Gluckman*s (1962) essay, "Kinship and Marriage Among the L o z i of Northern Rhodesia and the Zulu of Natal". Gluckman has c l a s s i f i e d both s o c i e t i e s as " p a t r i l i n e a l and p a t r i l o c a l " (1962:167,169) and yet the kinship and residence systems of each d i f f e r so widely that the author, before using the s o c i e t i e s as 2 9 a basis of comparison, has to devote many pages (166-206) to describing their vast differences. Briefly, the differences are to be found in the fact that the Lozi do not have: corporate lineages; an extensive genealogical system^ lineage-owned villages; rigid residence rules; clans; distinctions between lines of descent in their kinship terminology; and strict adherence to patrilineal descent. By contrast the Zulus have a l l of these and adhere much more strictly to patrilineality and patrilocality. Certainly the Lozi possess what Leach (1963:5) calls a "patrilineal ideology" but to incorporate them into the same category with societies that demonstrate many more dimensions of a patrilineal kinship system is not only pointless but misleading. Their structural principles are very different. No wonder the author at the end of his lengthy analysis made this statement: Some of the difficulties are inherent in sociological analysis Others arise from the vague and embracing use of categories and concepts (of which I too am guilty) such as patrilineal, lineal, marriage, divorce, & c. Gluckman (1962:202). Dr. Leach (1963) recognizes the frustrations in social anthropology caused by what he calls the "straitjacket of thought" which he claims had been imposed by the rigid use of categories (Leach 1963:3). To illustrate his stand, Leach (19^ 3) refers to a paper of Dr. Richards* printed in African Systems of Kinship and Marriage (eds. Radcliffe-Brown and Porde, 1962). In i t she asserts that "the problem" of matrilineal societies is due 30 p r i m a r i l y to c o n f l i c t s between rules of exogamy and descent ( i . e . c o n f l i c t between the father of the children and t h e i r maternal uncle). Leach chides Dr. Richards f o r her ethnocentrism ( v i s - a - v i s the m a t r i l i n e a l Bemba) and asks why brothers-in-law i n m a t r i l i n e a l s o c i e t i e s should have problems that t h e i r counter-parts i n p a t r i l i n e a l and b i l a t e r a l s o c i e t i e s do not. He cannot i n t h i s case see any s i g n i f i c a n c e i n the use of categories such as " m a t r i l i n e a l " . He writes: What I object to i n t h i s i s the p r i o r category assumptions having selected a group of so c i e t i e s which have nothing i n common except that they are m a t r i l i n e a l , she i s n a t u r a l l y l e d to conclude that m a t r i l i n e a l descent i s the major f a c t o r to which a l l the other items of c u l t u r a l behaviour which she describes are fu n c t i o n a l l y adjusted. Her argument I am a f r a i d i s a tautology; her system of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n already impBes the t r u t h of what she claims t o be demonstrating. Leach (1963:4). Others express s i m i l a r concern f o r t h i s r e s t r i c t i v e e f f e c t of concepts or categories used f r e e l y from one so c i e t y to the other. Gluckman and Eggan (1966) appeal f o r c l a r i f i c a t i o n i n s o c i a l anthropology. They ask f o r an: "elimination of muddles; a c l e a r i n g away of concepts that, though once u s e f u l , now appear to be too gross and to block analysis" (1966:xxv). Likewise, Marion Levy (1952) r a i s e s the issue of concepts not being con s i s t e n t l y employed and i t s e f f e c t on comparative analysis. 31 He claims that: Many s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s are not i n the habit of de f i n i n g t h e i r major concepts at all....Many who do define them do not use t h e i r concepts consistently Many empirical differences w i l l be l o s t sight of by such a concept (e.g. family) and i n many cases at t e n t i o n w i l l be focused on a uni t that, from the point of view of actors i n the societ y concerned, i s not a focus of attention. Levy (1952:2-3). Goldschmidt (1966) seesthe d i f f i c u l t i e s i n comparative analysis as stemming from a focus on i n s t i t u t i o n s (another manner of expressing categories or concepts of patterns of s o c i a l behaviour). He believes that t h i s focus r e s u l t s i n the e s t a b l i s h i n g of taxonomies and/or terminological disputes. "The l a t t e r " , according to him, "are never resolved, while the former often become so complex that each possible sub-sub type contains but a si n g l e case". (Goldschmidt 1966:16-17). I t i s evident from the foregoing that methods of comparative analysis must be designed to avoid the errors discussed by the anthropologists. Care must be taken to avoid the f r e e use of concepts, categories or i n s t i t u t i o n s and, where necessary, to develop operational d e f i n i t i o n s f o r them that can be applied e a s i l y throughout a wide range of s o c i e t i e s . One possible approach which i s explored i n t h i s study involves the abandonment of any c l a s s i f i c a t o r y system of the s o c i e t i e s i n the sample and the use (where the data permits i t ) of the actual data reported by the ethnographer rather than the concepts or categories through which he c l a s s i f i e s the s o c i a l behaviour. 32 "Role-analysis approach" i s the name given to the scheme and i t also describes i t s e s s e n t i a l feature. This method was devised to explore the nature of marriage termination, to perhaps discover p r i n c i p l e s of marriage termination which could be investigated i n other s o c i e t i e s and to apply these p r i n c i p l e s to the d r a f t i n g of a s a t i s f a c t o r y operational d e f i n i t i o n of marriage termination. C r i t i c i s m s by anthropologists of the comparative method, already discussed, were examined and a serious attempt was made to eliminate those obstacles from the ro l e - a n a l y s i s method. The basic feature embodied i n ro l e - a n a l y s i s i s i t s incorporation of the ac t u a l , basic data as reported by the ethnographer i n an attempt to r e f l e c t the action of the i n d i v i d u a l - i n - s o c i e t y . This i s not a novel idea. One of i t s c h i e f and e a r l i e s t advocates i s T a l c o t t Parsons (1962). In the Parsonian "theory of ac t i o n " , the focus of h i s theory i s on the actor's o r i e n t a t i o n - how the actor views the s i t u a t i o n and confronts i t ( 1 9 6 2 : 4 ) . This i s not reducing anthropological i n v e s t i g a t i o n s to psychological problems f o r the r o l e of "cu l t u r e " must not be forgotten. I f culture does not determine exactly the choice that the indiaridual makes, at l e a s t i t defines the choices from which he has to choose. I t i s these choices or solutions that are the subject matter of the rol e - a n a l y s i s method. According to R.J. Preston (1966), t h i s idea of working with c u l t u r a l l y governed, i n d i v i d u a l behaviour i s what Sapi r wished to accomplish: "Sapir wished to plant h i s conceptual 33 framework as close as possible to the level of the actual perception of individuals in hopes of approximating or approaching the inherent structure of individuals-in-culture" (Preston 1966:1127). Although the use of the concept of "institutions" has been criticized as being rigid and blocking analysis in cross-cultural studies, i t is seen in this study as having limited value. As long as institutions in total are not the basis of the analysis, then this concept is useful in ordering the data, in grouping together similar patterns of action. The use of "institutions" must be kept in its proper perspective as an analytic tool rather than an analytic subject. This is because the anthropologist defines the boundaries of the institution; i t does not exist in a society as a distinct entity. It seems possible that the idea of separate institutions for separate functions reflects more the situation in industrial societies than in tribal ones. There does not seem to be among the latter a series of distinct institutions. Rather, tribal societies almost by definition seem to denote a certain combination of resources. The family, as just one example, functions as an economic unit, a political unit, a religious unit and an educational unit. Certainly i t is a l l the more of these things than is the family in non-tribal societies. There does not appear to be a one-to-one relation between institution and function. S t i l l , institutions are necessary for organizing the structural features in a culture and thus facilitating cross-cultural comparisons. They are useful as 34 long as they do not become r e i f i e d . A formal d e f i n i t i o n of " i n s t i t u t i o n " i s provided by R.C. Sheldon (1962). R e w r i t e s : an i n s t i t u t i o n i s thus a concept which states that many separate s i t u a t i o n s have features i n common, i n terms of p r i n c i p l e s of abstraction or order, and i n which, i n the same terms, actors exhibit the same or c l o s e l y s i m i l a r actions. Sheldon ( 1962:40) . Sheldon has described i n s t i t u t i o n s as being composed of r e g u l a r i t i e s of actions or o f patterns of actions. Action, of course, i s the focus of the method being developed i n t h i s t h e s i s but i t i s not the patterns of actions that are the concern, f o r the reasons given above, but i n d i v i d u a l actions. The concept of patterns of actions or i n s t i t u t i o n s helps focus attention on r e l a t e d s e r i e s of actions, such as marriage or marriage termination, so that the problem can be defined. However, the analysis must examine the data reporting the a c t u a l behaviour to avoid using a p r i o r i categories and concepts. I f an i n s t i t u t i o n r e f e r s to patterns of action, then i t i s also a system o f r o l e s . For the concept of r o l e i s the most basic u n i t of s o c i a l a c t i o n . I t r e f l e c t s the c u l t u r e at the l e v e l of human i n t e r a c t i o n . Parsons (1962:23) considers " r o l e " as: "the most s i g n i f i c a n t unit of s o c i a l structure" since i t defines the a c t o r 1 s p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n an i n t e r a c t i v e process. I t i s by examining " r o l e s " that t h i s r o l e - a n a l y s i s approach seeks to characterize marriage termination throughout a number of t r i b a l s o c i e t i e s . 35 The importance of " r o l e " as the basic unit of analysis as recognized by S.P. Nadel (1958) i n The Theory of S o c i a l Structure. He argues that the s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t has not r e a l l y imposed t h i s concept of r o l e on s o c i e t i e s as he claims that r o l e i s n a t u r a l to a l l s o c i e t i e s : No society e x i s t s which does not i n t h i s sense c l a s s i f y i t s population - into fathers, p r i e s t s , servants, doctors, r i c h men and so f o r t h . . . In short, every society gives such l i n g u i s t i c n o t i c e of the d i f f e r e n t i a l parts i n d i v i d u a l s are expected (or 'briefed') to play. Nadel (1958:20). Furthermore, Nadel recognizes that r o l e i s a s t r u c t u r a l feature - that i t i s one of the basic elements i n any s o c i e t y . In the same work, he remarks: We a r r i v e at the structure of a society through abstracting from the concrete population and i t s behaviour the pattern or network (or 'system') of r e l a t i o n s h i p s obtaining 'between actors i n t h e i r capacity of playing r o l e s r e l a t i v e to one another'. (T. Parsons). Nadel (1958:12). Later, Nadel adds: "We therefore regard the r o l e system of any society with i t s given coherence, as the matrix of the s o c i a l structure" (1958:102). In view of the s i g n i f i c a n c e ascribed by Nadel and others (Parsons (1962), Sheldon (1962)) to r o l e as the f o c a l point i n sociology, i t seemed possible and productive to found t h i s comparative analysis of marriage termination on t h i s u n i t of a c t i o n . What i s intended i s a study that i s a tran s p o s i t i o n of the comparative studies c r i t i c i z e d by the anthropologists. Rather than inv e s t i g a t e large groupings on the l e v e l of i n s t i t u t i o n s and work down, t r y i n g to f i n d patterns of behaviour 36 (e.g. Where there are corporate p a t r i l i n e a g e s , marriage w i l l tend to he stable - so group together a l l p a t r i l i n e a l and s t r i c t l y p a t r i l o c a l s o c i e t i e s and look f o r breakdown or s t a b i l i t y ) , I would pref e r to work from the bottom up. This way, I would s t a r t with the i n d i v i d u a l ' s behaviour from the rupture of the marriage and see i f patterns of actions can be found throughout a number of s o c i e t i e s . Again, the use of r o l e s should be an excellent i n d i c a t o r of what goes on amongst and between husband and wife because r o l e not only denotes action, but i n t e r a c t i o n . A r o l e involves not only the way i n which 'A* behaves towards 'B*, but also the way i n which *B* expects 'A* to behave. There i s both o r i e n t a t i o n and expectation involved and t h i s i s i n t e r a c t i o n . Since r o l e s are governed by the society, by i t s norms, customs and folkways, a r e g u l a r i t y , a constancy i n the type of i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s would in d i c a t e that these are the accepted (at l e a s t one of them) forms of behaviour and i n f a c t they are r o l e s . Nadel characterizes r o l e s as " s e r i e s of interconnected ways of a c t i n g l a i d down by the rules of society" (Nadel, 1958*65). I t i s recognized that the concept of r o l e s i s not as simple as has been expounded. I t i s not merely a matter of one's r e l a t i o n s h i p to another •» the concept contains a number of q u a l i t i e s . Each r o l e can be broken down into a t t r i b u t e s such as aims, ob l i g a t i o n s , expectations and so on. Thus a father p l a y i n g that r o l e could represent to h i s son both authority and 37 paternal care, or j u s t one or neither of these (example taken from Hadel, 1958*102). Furthermore, s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s to-day-speak of: "overt r o l e " ; "covert r o l e " ; " p r e s c r i p t i v e r o l e " ; "evaluative r o l e " ; " active r o l e " ; "sanctioning r o l e " , etc. (Biddle 1966:31)• Once I have mentioned t h i s , I choose to ignore i t . With the type of ethnographic material a v a i l a b l e and because the analysis i s to be e s s e n t i a l l y exploratory, i t would s i m p l i f y matters to recognize " r o l e " as a composite of a l l these q u a l i t i e s and attempt to avoid d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g between these a t t r i b u t e s . "Role" as used here w i l l denote the generic idea of the p a r t i c u l a r behaviour of given persons within s p e c i f i c s i t u a t i o n s of s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n . This study i s intended to be an examination of marriage termination, using r o l e - a n a l y s i s as the key methodological t o o l . The reason f o r the di g r e s s i o n on the s t r u c t u r a l features of society, i . e . , i n s t i t u t i o n s composed of r o l e systems, i s that marriage termination can be viewed within the l a r g e r context of the i n s t i t u t i o n of marriage. The rupture of a marriage does not form a s o c i a l system on i t s own, f o r almost by d e f i n i t i o n i t i s deviant behaviour. To view i t s t r u c t u r a l l y and locate i t , one would have to designate i t as a system of r o l e s within the l a r g e r context of marriage. This i s i t s proper s e t t i n g as marriage has i n i t i i a l l y defined the r o l e s which now must be redefined. 38 "Marriage", as was described i n the Introduction, i s e s s e n t i a l l y a r e l a t i o n s h i p between husband and wife w i t h i n a l a r g e r pattern of s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s . I t follows t h a t "marriage termination" involves at l e a s t the i n t e r r u p t i o n of these r e l a t i o n s h i p s . I t cannot be s a i d that i t involves a cessation of them f o r i t i s the study of the l a t t e r that i s intended. To i n v e s t i g a t e marriage termination w i t h i n each society then, attention can be focused on the various r o l e s which, at the point of rupture of the marriage, have to be redefined or readjusted. The idea f o r t h i s novel approach comes from Dr. C y r i l Belshaw through discussion (1966) and i n h i s recent paper, "Th e o r e t i c a l Problems i n Economic Anthropology" found i n S o c i a l Organization: Essays Presented to Raymond F i r t h , edited by M. Freedman (1967). In h i s essay, Dr. Belshaw i s concerned with developing a method of analysis which i s based not on Western society's economic p r i n c i p l e s (monetary p r o f i t and accumulation of wealth), but one which i s f l e x i b l e enough to determine the economic make-up of a l l s o c i e t i e s . He suggests working with an abstract model founded on the " s o c i a l u n i t act" (1967:27). He writes: "the obvious a l t e r n a t i v e (to examining r o l e d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n based on symbolic data, T.O.) from the point of view of economic anthropology, i s to begin with the transactions (my emphasis) themselves, and by observing t h e i r flow and t h e i r implications, a r r i v e at a f u n c t i o n i n g model of a s o c i a l system" (Belshaw 1967:31). 39 There i s no reason why Dr. Belshaw's proposals f o r economic anthropology should not he applied to other areas of the same d i s c i p l i n e . Since he sees h i s construction of a model "based on t h e " s o c i a l unit act", there i s nothing inherent i n i t that would r e s t r i c t t h i s basis f o r analysis to economic anthropology. In f a c t the most worthy aspect of h i s t h e o r e t i c a l contribution i s that i t can be used in; a l l s o c i a l anthropological enquiries, both i n ethnographic and comparative studies. By now i t may be obvious that my t h e o r e t i c a l framework was i n i t i a l l y derived from Dr. Belshaw's (19&7) work attempting t o develop as b i a s - f r e e an abstract model as p o s s i b l e . The basing of the i n v e s t i g a t i o n of marriage termination on a study of r o l e s i s a n a t u r a l outcome of Dr. Belshaw's t h e o r e t i c a l conclusions, but a l s o , I hope i t has been adequately demonstrated i n t h i s t h e s i s as being a proper basis f o r study. Marriage, as previously discussed, establishes a s e r i e s of r e l a t i o n s h i p s f o r the p r i n c i p a l s involved, p a r t i c u l a r l y the husband and wife. I t follows from t h i s that a termination of the marriage produces at l e a s t a change i n the r e l a t i o n s h i p s . Each i n d i v i d u a l who was affected by the rupture of the marriage would have to redefine h i s r o l e towards another, even i f the r o l e were to remain the same, (e.g. a father to h i s c h i l d r e n ) . In t h i s case there s t i l l would have to be a reinforcement, a reassurance that the r e l a t i o n s h i p would continue i n a s i m i l a r fashion and so there would be a r e d e f i n i t i o n of the r o l e . 40 The new re l a t i o n s h i p s or r e d e f i n i t i o n s of r o l e s can he grouped under the following headings: a) new r e l a t i o n s h i p to the c h i l d r e n b) new r e l a t i o n s h i p to the a f f i n e s c) new r e l a t i o n s h i p to one's own k i n d) new r e l a t i o n s h i p to members of the opposite sex e) new r e l a t i o n s h i p to the community as a whole f ) new r e l a t i o n s h i p to the former spouse I t should be emphasized that each of these r e l a t i o n s h i p s has a number of possible contexts - through property, through j u r a l r i g h t s , through a f f e c t or through general i n t e r a c t i o n - and each w i l l have to be examined. This l i s t i s not intended to exhaust a l l p o s s i b i l i t i e s but i t i s believed to represent the most important r e l a t i o n s h i p s . An analysis of how these new r e l a t i o n s h i p s are defined could y i e l d to us the new system of r o l e s i n which ego f i n d s himself or h e r s e l f . I t should be stressed that no c l a s s i f i c a t o r y system i s being employed nor i s i t a study of •divorce* or 'separation'. I t simply s t a r t s from the point of rupture of the marriage. I t i s hoped that i n a c r o s s - c u l t u r a l study such as t h i s , using a point-by-point analysis of the r e d e f i n i t i o n of r o l e s , there would develop some consistent r e l a t i o n s h i p , such as between 'a' and »b', or 'b* and 'e*. The i d e a behind t h i s study i s to investigate the material i n t h i s way so that a new system could show i t s e l f to the researcher - one that was not preconceived. I t i s hoped that the dimensions over a number of studies w i l l lend themselves to c l a s s i f i c a t i o n . I f they do, then p r i n c i p l e s could be 41 formulated to express the i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s among a few of the dimensions. I t i s also possible that the dimensions or var i a b l e s w i l l group themselves i n such a way as to shew a r e l a t i o n s h i p with other systems i n the soci e t y . I f these r e s u l t s do mater i a l i z e , then the ro l e - a n a l y s i s approach w i l l have been u s e f u l i n ch a r a c t e r i z i n g marriage termination and also perhaps p r e d i c t i n g i t s e f f e c t s on other systems of behaviour. I f these r e s u l t s are not forthcoming then i t i s possible that t h i s approach i s not a f r u i t f u l device and some other means must be explored. The method devised to i s o l a t e the dimensions or va r i a b l e s relevant t o a study of marriage termination i s to pose a s e r i e s of problems and decide how ego i n each society would choose i n a s p e c i f i c s i t u a t i o n . The choices are, of course, c u l t u r a l l y determined and have been i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d i n t o accepted patterns of behaviour. By applying the t e s t - which choice i s made - i t should be possible t o characterize the new system of r e l a t i o n s h i p s . The researcher would be d e l i n e a t i n g the choices that have to be made, but only a f t e r thorough examination of the material, making sure that a l l possible choices were included i n the code. I t would, i n e f f e c t , be applying structured questionnaires to each society, but the researcher would? also be answering them. 42 The "posing of a problem" can be i l l u s t r a t e d with the following examples: 1) The c h i l d r e n remain or go with: a) father b) father's k i n c) mother d) mother's k i n e) any of these f ) none of these g) can't t e l l And, i n terms of the same r e l a t i o n s h i p another question can be asked using the same choices as above: 2) In whom i s the authority over the chi l d r e n vested? Each problem would have to be phrased generally so that i t can apply to both male and female. Thus one could ask: 3) Who might consider ego as a prospective spouse? a) member of a f f i n a l group b) a l l others who might have p r i o r to the f i r s t marriage c) doesn't remarry d) former spouse The answers received to a l l these questions should operate together to characterize the new r o l e s . These "problems" r e q u i r i n g some sort of s o l u t i o n f o r both the husband and wife are most s u i t a b l e f o r recording the r e d e f i n i t i o n of r o l e s that must occur at the breakdown of a marriage. The problems are not weighted; they are general enough to apply to any society. So must the range of choices be applicable to a l l s o c i e t i e s . They must be coded and the phrasing of the va r i a b l e s must be general enough to include a l l possible v a r i a t i o n s found w i t h i n the s o c i e t i e s and yet not too general so as to be devoid of meaning. This coding can be conducted once there i s a f a m i l i a r i t y with the ethnographic data. 43 Further elaboration of the problem-solving technique w i l l ensue i n the process of t e s t i n g i t . This i s presented i n the following chapter. 44 Notes to Chapter I I 1* Gluckman s p e l l s " f a t h e r - r i g h t " with small l e t t e r s and a hyphen; Leach c a p i t a l i z e s i t and uses no hyphen. Hence the two s p e l l i n g s . 45 References Cit e d i n Chapter I I Belshaw, C y r i l S. 1967 "Theoretical Problems i n Economic Anthropology" IN S o c i a l Organization: Essays Presented to Raymond F i r t h , M. Freedman, ed., London: F. Cass. Biddle, B.J. and Thomas, E.J., eds. 1966 Role Theory: Concepts and Research, New York: John Wiley. F a l l e r s , Lloyd A.. 1957 "Some Determinants of Marriage S t a b i l i t y i n Busoga: A Reformulation of Gluckman*s Hypothesis", A f r i c a , 27:106-21. Fortes, Meyer 1959 "Descent, A f f i l i a t i o n and A f f i n i t y : A Rejoinder to Dr. Leach", Part I: Man, 59:195-7; Part I I : Man, 59:206-12. Gribbs, James L. J r . 1963 "M a r i t a l I n s t a b i l i t y Among the Kpelle: Towards a. Theory of Epainogamy", American Anthropologist, 65:552-74. Gluckman, Max 1962 "Kinship and Marriage Among the L o z i of Northern Rhodesia and the Zulu of Natal" IN A f r i c a n Systems of Kinship and Marriage, A.R. R a d c l i f f e -Brown and D. Forde, eds., London: Oxford Uni v e r s i t y Press. (1st e d i t i o n , 1950)* Gluckman, Max and Eggan, F. 1966 "Preface" IN The S o c i a l Anthropology of Complex S o c i e t i e s , M. Banton, ed., London: Tavistock. Goldschmidt, Walter 1966 Comparative Functionalism: An Essay i n Anthropological Theory. Berkeley, U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a Press. Leach, Edmund R. 1957 "Aspects o f Bridewealth and Marriage S t a b i l i t y Among the Kachin and Lakher", Man, 57:50-55« (reprinted i n Rethinking Anthropology, 1961,1963). 1963 Rethinking Anthropology, London: University of London, Athlone Press. (1st e d i t i o n , 196l). 46 Levy, Marion J . J r . 1952 The Structure of Society, Princeton: Princeton University Press. Lewis, I.M. 1962 Marriage and the Family i n Northern Somaliland, East A f r i c a n Studies, 5. Lewis, Oscar 196l "Comparisons i n C u l t u r a l AnthropologyV IN Readings i n Cross-Cultural Methodology, F.W. Moore, ed., New Haven: HRAF Press. M i t c h e l l , J.C. 1961 " S o c i a l Change and the S t a b i l i t y of A f r i c a n Marriage i n Northern Rhodesia" TU S o c i a l Change i n Modern A f r i c a , A. Southall, ed., London: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press. Nadel, S.F. 1958 The Theory of S o c i a l Structure, Glencoe: Free Press. Parsons, T a l c o t t , ed. 1962 Toward a General Theory of Action, New York: Harper and Row. (1st e d i t i o n , Harvard Press, 195D. Preston, Richard J . 1966 "Edward Sapir's Anthropology: S t y l e , Structure and Method", American Anthropologist, 6%*&TQ5-(2&. Schapera, I* and Singer, Mi l t o n B. 1955 "Some Comments of Comparative Method i n S o c i a l Anthropology", American Anthropologist, 55s353-66. Schneider, David M. 1965 "Some Muddles i n the Models" IN The Relevance of Models f o r S o c i a l Anthropology, M. Banton, ed. A.S.A. Monographs, London: Tavistock. Schneider, David M. and Gough, E.K., eds. 1961 M a t r i l i n e a l Kinship, Berkeley: U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a Press. Sheldon, R.C. 1962 "Some Observations on Theory" IN Toward A General Theory of Action, T. Parsons, ed., New York: Harper and Row. 47 S o u t h a l l , Aidan 1961 "The P o s i t i o n of Women and the S t a b i l i t y of Marriage" IN S o c i a l Change i n Modern A f r i c a , A. South a l l , ed., Oxford: International A f r i c a n I n s t i t u t e . Udy, Stanley H. J r . 1959 Organization of Work, New Haven: HRAP Press. 48' CHAPTER I I I THE APPLICATION OP THE PROBLEM-SOLVING TECHNIQUE TO MARRIAGE TERMINATION This chapter i s devoted to a f u l l exposition of the "problem-solving technique" of determining r o l e r e d e f i n i t i o n s and includes an analysis of a number of s o c i e t i e s to show how each problem was •solved* by the coder i n the context of each society. A s i t o be expected o f a study based on a d i f f e r e n t approach ( r o l e r e d e f i n i t i o n s ) , the ethnographic material f o r i t i s inadequate. I t i s f o r t h i s reason that a random sample method cannot be used. Instead, the basis of t h i s analysis must be a "judgement sample", that i s , the choice of the ethnographies to be analyzed i s f u l l y dependent on the researcher's judgement as to t h e i r containing the appropriate data. The use of t h i s type of sample i s indeed unfortunate since nothing s p e c i a l l y conclusive can be drawn from i t ; i t i s not at a l l representative of t r i b a l s o c i e t i e s . S t i l l , the research should continue i n order to point out possible avenues of analysis and hopefully the data w i l l then be forthcoming. The s o c i e t i e s analyzed i n t h i s study were selected a f t e r reading through some s i x t y ethnographies a v a i l a b l e to the researcher''', on the basis of t h e i r containing data which seemed to provide answers to at l e a s t three of the s i x categories of problems. I f just those studies which yielded information on a l l s i x of the problems were to be used, then, only one of the s o c i e t i e s would have been analyzed (the Gonja) while one fu r t h e r society y i e l d e d answers t o f i v e of them (the 49 Sonjo). I f four categories were considered necessary there would have been an ad d i t i o n a l three s o c i e t i e s : the Lakeside Tonga, Plateau Tonga and Mae-Enga and no decisive information could be drawn from that small a number of cases. The s o c i e t i e s included i n the study number sixteen. They x are (along with t h e i r authors i n brackets): the Lakeside Tonga (Van Velsen, 1964); "the Plateau Tonga 2 (Colson, 1958 and 1961); the Gonja (Goody, 1962); the Mae-Enga (Meggitt, 1965); the Yako (Porde, 1964); the Khasi (Sanwal, 1966); the Samburu (Spencer, i960) ; the Sonjo (Gray, 1963); the Iteso (Lawrance, 1957); the Nuer (Evans-Pritchard, 1951); the Amba (Winter, 1956); the Tangu (Burridge, 1957 and 1958); the Kgatla (Schapera, 1966); the Somali (Lewis, 1962); the Ambo (Stefaniszyn, 1964)^; and the Trobrianders (Malinowski, 1957). To r e i t e r a t e : None of the s o c i e t i e s was selected on the basis of i t s having a s p e c i f i c kinship system, or marriage pattern or any other such features. They were chosen because they contained the type of information needed to determine the problems presented. The data found i n these ethnographies i s s t i l l very d e f i c i e n t and most of the ensuing complications had to be decided by reference to a relevant comment found i n the study. Although the s p e c i f i c c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the t r i b a l s o c i e t i e s had no bearing on t h e i r s e l e c t i o n f o r t h i s study, i t i s deemed necessary to b r i e f l y characterize each society to p a r t i a l l y acquaint the reader with the material known to the researcher. This summation of the ethnographic d e t a i l s can be found i n Appendix I. 50 The s i x categories of r o l e r e d e f i n i t i o n s l i s t e d i n the previous chapter are, i n the researcher's thinking, a l i s t of the major r o l e r e d e f i n i t i o n s that must occur at the cessation of any marriage. They were ar r i v e d at i n t u i t i v e l y , but a f t e r considerable reading i n the a v a i l a b l e l i t e r a t u r e . I t i s recognized that each r o l e i s not a simple matter of a s p e c i f i c r e l a t i o n s h i p towards another but that each r o l e must be examined i n d i f f e r e n t contexts such as: through property, through j u r a l r i g h t s , through a f f e c t , or j u s t through general i n t e r a c t i o n . In order to r e f l e c t these v a r i e d contexts, i t was f e l t that within each category, d i f f e r e n t aspects of the problems would have to be posed. Not a l l the above contexts nor a l l relevant s i t u a t i o n s are given under each category. The problems and solutions that are presented are only those which were encountered i n the sixteen ethnographies on which t h i s study i s based. This was decided so that the researcher's bias would be kept to a minimum. Since the i n i t i a l s i x categories were "established" by the researcher, i t was f e l t that the actual problems and solutions should be only those which presented themselves i n the l i t e r a t u r e . A coding of the sixteen s o c i e t i e s was pursued so thattthe researcher added no problems or solutions of her own. This reduces the amount of interference - of imposing what i s thought may or should be the case, rather than what i s the case as presented i n the monographs. 51 The l i s t i n g of the s i x basic categories describing r o l e r e d e f i n i t i o n s i s not i n any p a r t i c u l a r order. T h i s i s because there i s no known r e l a t i o n s h i p between the categories. I t i s the same f o r the l i s t i n g of the problems within each category. Furthermore, as the copy of the "questionnaire" on the foll o w i n g page shows, some categories are more complete than others. This demonstrates that some areas (namely, new re l a t i o n s h i p t o : the a f f i n e s , the members of the opposite sex, and the community as a whole) are desperately i n need of in v e s t i g a t i o n by the anthropologists^. The problems presented were formulated i n as general a language as possible i n order to be applicable to every soc i e t y . The same holds true f o r the "answers". Yet the code has not been so generalized that i t no longer r e f l e c t s accurately the choice the man or woman must make. I t i s v i r t u a l l y f r e e from a p r i o r i categories and involves d e s c r i p t i v e categories. The f r e e use of "coder can't t e l l " i s designed to ind i c a t e that the appropriate s e l e c t i o n was neither given nor could be i n f e r r e d . In a l l cases i t i s s i g n i f i e d with an 'x*. Where the problem does not apply, a dash (-) i s used to in d i c a t e such. I f possible, the problems were phrased so that they would be applicable to both the man and the woman. C l e a r l y , there are instances where the problems must s p e c i f i c a l l y r e f e r to one or the other. In t h i s case, i f appropriate, a mirror problem was 52 S o c i e t y : I. New Relationship To The Children A. Children remain with or go with: a) f a t h e r b) mother c) mother only while c h i l d r e n are very young d) g i r l s with mother; boys with father x) coder can't t e l l B. Absolute r i g h t s over children vested i n : a) father and chi l d ' s p a t n k i n b) mother and c h i l d ' s matrikin c) father over boys; mother's brother over g i r l s d) mother's new husband x) coder can't t e l l C. When c h i l d r e n l i v e permanently with t h e i r mother, t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p to t h e i r father: a) involves both finances and i n t e r e s t b) ceases c) weakens x) coder can't t e l l D. When ch i l d r e n l i v e permanently with t h e i r father, t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p to t h e i r mother: a) involves both duties and i n t e r e s t b) ceases c) weakens x) coder can't t e l l I I . New Relationship To The A f f i n e s A. The a f f i n a l bonds are: a) broken b) weakened c) p r i m a r i l y the same x) coder can't t e l l B. The a f f i n a l bonds are e s p e c i a l l y maintained when there are chi l d r e n : a) yes b) no x) coder can't t e l l I I I . New Relationship To One 'B Own Kin A. Woman returns to or remains with: a) her father's and her p a t r i k i n ' s residence b) her mother's and her matrikin's residence c) e i t h e r d) takes up immediate residence with a lover or new husband x) coder can't t e l l B. Man returns to or remains with: a) h i s father's and h i s p a t r i k i n ' s residence b) h i s mother's and his matrikin's residence o) e i t h e r d) neolocal residence x) coder can't t e l l C. J u r a l control i n a woman rests with: a) her f a t h e r and/or her brother b) s p e c i f i c a l l y a brother c) her mother's brother and/or her brother d) she i s comparatively free of cont r o l x) ooder can't t e l l 53 IV. New Relationship To Members Of The Opposite Sex A. Upon considering remarriage, a woman can marry: a) no one belonging to her ex-husband's r e l a t i v e s b) anyone x) coder can't t e l l V. New Relationship To The Community As A Whole A, The woman i s considered by the community as: a) no longer desirable as a wife b) free to remarry immediately c) not expected to remarry f o r some years x) coder can't t e l l VI. New Relationship To The Former Spouse A. With regard to conjugal duties, the man and woman: a) have no obligations b) do have obligations o) have obligations only i n s p e c i a l cases x) coder oan't t e l l B. The man and woman can resume t h e i r conjugal duties: a) even i f woman i s married to someone else b) only i f man has not taken back bride p r i c e and she i s not remarried c) never x) coder can't t e l l C. The marriage r e l a t i o n s h i p i s completely dissolved even i f there are children: a) yes b) no x) coder can't t e l l D. In order to remarry, the woman i s dependent on the man f o r : a) h i s acceptance of the bride p r i c e repayment b) i s nat dependent on him x) coder can't t e l l E. I f a man had i n i t i a t e d a j u r a l termination of the marriage: a) he can seek a new husband f o r h i s ex-wife b) he has no ri g h t s of disposal over her x) coder can't t e l l 54 presented f o r the opposite sex (see IJC & D or III:A & B). L a s t l y , i t was decided to r e f e r to the p r i n c i p a l s involved i n a cessation of t h e i r marriage as 'man' and 'woman' rather than 'ex-husband* and 'ex-wife'. This i s purely a r b r i t r a r y . I t was f e l t that not using 'husband' and 'wife' would serve to r e i n f o r c e the f a c t that the concern i s with marriages that have come to an end and the s p e c i f i c i n t e r e s t i s how these people re-orient themselves. As w e l l , t h i s choice was made because i t reads more e a s i l y . The f i r s t category r e f e r r i n g to a r o l e r e d e f i n i t i o n i s e n t i t l e d : " I . New Relationship to the Children" and the l i t e r a t u r e y i e l d e d four problems. This i s a category that i s handled i n a l l of the ethnographies, yet not a l l four aspects are illuminated i n every case. In each ethnography i t i s stated who claims custody of the c h i l d r e n , but there are few d e t a i l s of any continuing r e l a t i o n s h i p with the absent c h i l d r e n . The category r e f e r s to the r e d e f i n i t i o n of r o l e s towards t h e i r c h i l d r e n that must be made by the mother and father, i n d i v i d u a l l y , on the cessation of t h e i r marriage. A. Children remain or go with: a) father b) mother c) mother only while children are very young d) g i r l s with mother; boys with father x) coder can't t e l l The most pressing problem a f t e r the rupture of a marriage i s always that of who claims the c h i l d r e n . The problem was phrased as " c h i l d r e n remain or go with" i n order to apply to 55 both, mother and father, f o r i n a l l cases the c h i l d r e n would "go with" or "remain with" t h e i r mother and the same with father, depending on the accepted residence rules of the so c i e t y . Again, the choices given f o r t h i s problem are only those which appeared i n the ethnographies. Only "father" and "mother" were l i s t e d and not t h e i r respective k i n as being possible ' f o s t e r homes* f o r the ch i l d r e n , as nowhere i n the l i t e r a t u r e was such indicated. Naturally, one can assume that where the c h i l d goes with h i s mother he w i l l come under the influence of h i s matrikin or her new husband and where he stays with h i s father, the p a t r i k i n w i l l have much to do with him. The c r u c i a l choice, I believe, i s between mother and father, and the r e l a t i v e s and new husband are secondary. In none of the sixteen s o c i e t i e s does the c h i l d remain with h i s matrikin while h i s mother l i v e s with a new husband. There was also an allowance made, i n the choices, f o r the two s o c i e t i e s (Amba (Winter, 1956:63) and Kgatla (Schapera, 1966:299)) which sent the very young with the mother and decreed that the older c h i l d r e n (usually over age six) stay or go with father. Within t h i s c l a s s i f i c a t i o n i t i s expected (according to the data) that when the ch i l d r e n are of age they w i l l be claimed by t h e i r father. Since t h i s would i n d i c a t e a d i f f e r e n c e i n r e l a t i o n s h i p to the mother unlike where the c h i l d r e n automatically go with father, i t i s being included. S i m i l a r l y , s e l e c t i o n *d' has been included to incorporate those s o c i e t i e s which allow the mother to keep the g i r l s with her u n t i l they marry and the father to take h i s sons with him. In these cases 56 i t i s the father who decides t h i s , f o r u l t i m a t e l y he has the r i g h t to take the g i r l s as w e l l , hut usually leaves them to help t h e i r mother. B. Absolute r i g h t s over ch i l d r e n vested i n : a) fat h e r and c h i l d ' s p a t r i k i n b) mother and c h i l d ' s matrikin c) father over boys; mother's brother over g i r l s d) mother's new husband x) coder can't t e l l The second problem found under " I : New Relationship to Children", was whether the father or mother had the f i n a l say over the c h i l d i r r e s p e c t i v e of whether or not the c h i l d was l i v i n g with him or her. I t has been presented as "absolute r i g h t s " to emphasize that u l t i m a t e l y one or the other has been given the r i g h t to decide. In Some s o c i e t i e s (e.g. the Nuer Evans-Pritchard, 1951) i t i s c l e a r l y a case of absolute r i g h t s over the chi l d r e n but i n others e i t h e r the father or the mother eventually win over the other parent and dominate the c h i l d ' s future. The choices are four. There i s father and the c h i l d ' s p a t r i k i n . The l a t t e r have been included to show that upon the death of the father the c h i l d would remain under the d i r e c t i o n of father's k i n , be they father's p a t r i k i n or matrikin. The same range has been given f o r answer 'b*. Both mother and c h i l d ' s matrikin have been grouped together f o r the same reason. There are a few s o c i e t i e s where i t seems that the s i b l i n g s are divided: the sons go with the father and the daughters with the mother. In some, but not a l l of these s o c i e t i e s , j u r a l 57 c o n t r o l over the boys i s vested i n the father and the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the g i r l s i s the mother's brother's. A fourth possible choice 'd' i s one that i s rare, yet has been found i n the l i t e r a t u r e . I t reads: "mother's new husband" and applies to those s o c i e t i e s where the c h i l d i s adopted by hi s step-father. C. When ch i l d r e n l i v e permanently with t h e i r mother, t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p to t h e i r father: a) involves both finances and i n t e r e s t b) ceases c) weakens x) coder can't t e l l D. When children l i v e permanently with t h e i r father, t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p to t h e i r mother: a) involves both duties and i n t e r e s t b) ceases c) weakens x) coder can't t e l l These two problems can be treated together f o r they are complementary. Both the problems and choices are vague and t h i s r e f l e c t s t h e i r treatment i n the ethnographies; there i s so l i t t l e e x p l i c i t material on the subject. B a s i c a l l y , the problems are t r y i n g to express the new r e l a t i o n s h i p the c h i l d has to the parent who ho longer has j u r a l r i g h t s over him, nor with whom he resides. "Lives permanently" attempts to express these two fa c t o r s . Most ethnographies do not discuss t h i s problem and we know nothing about the c h i l d ' s r e l a t i o n s h i p to the father or mother with whom he no longer l i v e s . Those that have considered t h i s , do so only i n a cursory fashion and only three types of answers could be found. 58 When the r e l a t i o n s h i p involves hoth "finances and i n t e r e s t " on the part of the father, i t means he continues to provide material support and helps make some of the decisions concerning the c h i l d r e n , besides looking out f o r t h e i r welfare. I t would also imply that the children and father see each other with some r e g u l a r i t y . An attempt to characterize the same sort of r e l a t i v e l y strong r e l a t i o n s h i p has been made f o r when the c h i l d no longer dwells with h i s mother. The answer *a' was v a r i e d s l i g h t l y . "Duties" was substituted f o r "finances" because i t was l e s s l i k e l y f o r a mother or her k i n to make f i n a n c i a l contributions to the children's upkeep when they were l i v i n g with the father. I t was recognized that mother's brother might p a r t i c i p a t e i n h i s s i s t e r ' s son's bridewealth payment but t h i s was not considered on the same l e v e l as the " f i n a n c i a l o b l i g a t i o n " of the father and was not implied i n the wording. The duties of the mother r e f e r more s p e c i f i c a l l y to "motherly support" and "motherly advice". In other words, "duties" i s meant to express a continuation, to some degree, of the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y that the mother had to the chi l d r e n when she was l i v i n g with them. As i n problem C, the " i n t e r e s t " r e f e r s to the mother's p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the children's welfare i n the sense of checking that they are being treated f a i r l y and properly by t h e i r p a t r i k i n . The a l t e r n a t i v e s l i s t e d as 'b' represent the other extreme. I t very d e f i n i t e l y r e f e r s to a complete cessation i n the r e l a t i o n s h i p between father and children or mother and ch i l d r e n . 59 I t implies that the non-resident parent has neither obligations towards the childre n r o r even v i s i t a t i o n r i g h t s . Their r e l a t i o n s h i p ceases and with i t the parental r o l e . The middle choice between these two polar opposites i s a very weak r e l a t i o n s h i p that e x i s t s between the non-resident parent and the c h i l d r e n . One could even say that jhere too the parental r o l e has ceased to e x i s t , or at l e a s t i s highly diminished. The type of r e l a t i o n s h i p that i s r e f e r r e d to i n 'c* i s one where the parent has no say at a l l i n , and contributes nothing to, the children's welfare. Some r e l a t i o n s h i p does e x i s t though, as anthropologists report that children are at times allowed to v i s i t the other parent or the parent i s inte r e s t e d i n maintaining some t i e s with his c h i l d r e n . I I . New Relationship to the Aff i n e s This category has been sadly ignored by a l l the anthropologists. No one has rai s e d the issue and discussed whether or not there i s a continuing r e l a t i o n s h i p with the ex-spouse's k i n and the woman or man. Or, i f there i s , to what degree of k|n i t extends. The reason that t h i s category could be included i s that a few of the ethnographies contain some hint of what takes place between the ex-spouses and the a f f i n e s . Since " a f f i n e s " are never s p e c i f i e d , i t would have to include former parents, s i b l i n g s , grandparents and parents' s i b l i n g s of one's ex-spouse. An example of the d i f f i c u l t i e s of properly analyzing t h i s category of a f f i n e s i s shown by quoting 60 from Stefaniszyn's work on the Amho: "In s p i t e of divorce men t r y to part on good terms with t h e i r in-laws " (1964:113). Or, Lewis reports f o r the Somali that "on divorce the a f f i n a l t i e i s weakened " (1962:38). Since t h i s c l a s s i f i c a t i o n does not appear anywhere i n the l i t e r a t u r e i n more d e t a i l e d form, i t had to be l e f t i n i t s completely general (and rather non-informative) state. Before proceeding to explain the two problems, I should l i k e to expand t h i s unsatisfactory category of a f f i n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s . In keeping with the system of coding I cannot add any dimensions to the category which are not found i n the sixteen categories, not would i t be of any use to do so without the data. However, since t h i s i s a speculative study with one of i t s aims being to in d i c a t e to the ethnographers the type of sense data^required f o r such a study, I would draw attention to the following possible f a c t o r s : the new r e l a t i o n s h i p between the woman/man and t h e i r former parents-in-law; the r e d e f i n i t i o n of r o l e s between the woman and her former husband's s i s t e r s ( f o r i n many s o c i e t i e s she would have l i v e d and worked with them while they were unmarried); the changed ( i f any) re l a t i o n s h i p between the man and h i s ex-wife's brothers (with whom he ei t h e r worked or accounted to f o r the welfare of h i s w i f e ) . These would probably be primary considerations. As we l l , i t might prove h e l p f u l to t h i s type of study to investigate i f there i s a continuing r e l a t i o n s h i p (and what 61 kind) with any of the other a f f i n a l r e l a t i v e s - ex-spouse's: grandparents, parents' s i b l i n g s , p a r a l l e l and cross-cousins - a l l those with whom he/she might have l i v e d or worked. Although the ethnographies y i e l d e d only t r i v i a l information within t h i s category, i t i s included because i t i s important i n the consideration of the role r e d e f i n i t i o n s that occur on the rupture of a marriage. A. The a f f i n a l bonds are: a) broken b) weakened c) p r i m a r i l y the same x) coder can't t e l l T his problem asks what happens to the a f f i n a l bonds between the man or woman and t h e i r ex-spouse's k i n . The p o s s i b i l i t i e s are simply stated as t h i s problem i s never f u l l y discussed and the choices are a l l quite self-explanatory. The explanation f o r the d i s t i n c t i o n between 'Weakened" and "pr i m a r i l y the same" i s that the l a t t e r r e f e r s to the bonds being maintained but recognizes that some changes must obviously occur, whereas •Weakened" refe r s to a d r a s t i c change i n the a f f i n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p , although the bonds are never completely broken. Again, the ambiguity stems from the absence of any r e a l discussion on the subject. B. The a f f i n a l bonds are es p e c i a l l y maintained when there are chil d r e n : a) yest b) no x) coder can't t e l l This i s the other problem presented i n the readings which simply determines whether or not the continuance of the a f f i n a l bonds (presumably between the man/woman and the in-laws with whom 62 the c h i l d might he residing) i s due to the presence of ch i l d r e n . I t i s important to he f a r more s p e c i f i c than t h i s hut i f i t i s not to be found i n the l i t e r a t u r e , i t cannot be contrived. I I I . New Relationship to One's Own Kin This set of problems seeks to determine what changes i n the r e l a t i o n s h i p are effected between a man or a woman and t h e i r own k i n once t h e i r marriage has ceased to e x i s t . Although three problems have been found f o r t h i s t o p i c , they have only been s u p e r f i c i a l l y discussed i n the ethnographic material and no c l e a r p i c t u r e can emerges, as to the change i n roles between the ex-spouse and h i s or her r e l a t i v e s . I t i s quite p o s s i b l e that there i s a r a d i c a l change i n the r o l e behaviour between a woman and her family, while l e s s so between a man and h i s family. This could be the case since i n a l l instances the woman's status i s d r a s t i c a l l y changed. She i s now a s i n g l e woman! However, i n polygynous s o c i e t i e s (as are a l l sixteen s o c i e t i e s ) , i t i s possible that the man's status i s only s l i g h t l y a l t e r e d because he could s t i l l be a married man and the network of ro l e s with which he confronts h i s family might be l e s s changed than f o r the woman. There i s no v e r i f i c a t i o n f o r t h i s ; the subject i s not pursued at a l l . I t may be only i d l e ethnocentric speculation on my part. I t i s being mentioned only as a possible consideration f o r i n v e s t i g a t i o n , nothing more. As w i l l be seen, reports of new residence and j u r a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the woman are the only sources of information on her new r e l a t i o n s h i p to her k i n , and there i s only residence 63 from which to surmise the man's. The whole subject w i l l have to he investigated i n much greater d e t a i l by ethnographers to ind i c a t e s p e c i f i c a l l y what changes ( i f any) i n t h e i r r o l e s the man and woman have to make.as a returned member to t h e i r parents' home. I t would also be important to learn i f , having been once married, the woman i n p a r t i c u l a r i s allowed more freedom i n her movements - i f her k i n t r e a t her with respect or i f they resent having to support her. I t could also be investigated whether the man i s treated r e s p e c t f u l l y or r e s e n t f u l l y and i f he receives from h i s k i n any d i f f e r e n t treatment than i s accorded to hi s ex-wife by her k i n . Furthermore, i t would be h e l p f u l to le a r n i f both become f u l l working members of the family they l i v e with or are considered v i s i t o r s . Answers of t h i s type would i n d i c a t e the new r o l e patterns that might have to be developed by the man and woman. A . f/oman returns to or remains with: a) her father's and her p a t r i k i n ' s residence b) her mother's and her matrikin's residence c) e i t h e r d) takes up immediate residence with a lover or new husband x) coder can't t e l l B. Man returns to or remains with: a) h i s father and h i s p a t r i k i n ' s residence b) hi s mother's and h i s matrikin's residence c) e i t h e r d) neolocal residence x) coder can't t e l l As mentioned before, these two questions are complementary. They are l i s t e d separately as there are a few differences inherent i n the residence patterns of a man and a woman. The f i r s t two items (a & b) need no explanation. They r e f e r to the set of 64 r e l a t i v e s the man or woman reside with just a f t e r t h e i r separation. In most s o c i e t i e s i n the sample i t i s the woman who returns to a kin's home and the .husband who remains. There are a few s o c i e t i e s where the husband does the moving; thus the wording, "returns to or remains with". The i n d i s t i n c t i v e designation of ki n as "his/her p a t r i k i n " and "his/her matrikin" i s deliberate to avoid the confusion of using " p a t r i l i n e a l " and " m a t r i l i n e a l " . The c r u c i a l d i s t i n c t i o n which seems to be i n the monographs i s whether the man or woman seeks refuge with h i s father's family (be they the father's matrikin or p a t r i k i n ) or i n the mother's family home (eith e r mother's matrikin or p a t r i k i n ) . The t h i r d item "c) e i t h e r " i s included to account f o r those s o c i e t i e s where the man or woman can choose with which parent's k i n he w i l l l i v e . The choices given under *d' i n both A and B r e f l e c t the d i f f e r e n t p o s s i b i l i t i e s open to a man and a woman. The woman, i n addition to l i v i n g with s p e c i f i c a l l y her father's r e l a t i v e s or her mother's r e l a t i v e s may have the choice of taking up immediate residence with a lover or hew husband. In the above choices i t i s understood that a f t e r sojourning f o r a while with her r e l a t i v e s she w i l l take up residence with a new spouse. The concenn of t h i s problem, however, i s her immediate residence a f t e r the termination of her marriage. There are a couple of ethnographies (Yako, Forde: 1964 ^ Nuer, Evans-Pritchard: 195D which state that the woman can go d i r e c t l y from the home of her ex-spouse to the home of a lover. In these s o c i e t i e s the moving to a lover's residence a c t u a l l y e f f e c t s the separation 65 of the spouses, whether or not i t causes i t . A new co-ha b i t a t i o n was never reported f o r the man, probably because i n most s o c i e t i e s the residence i s v i r i l o c a l and polygyny i s pra c t i s e d . But the man does have a choice of residence d i f f e r i n g from the woman's - i t i s neolocal residence. He has the choice of staying i n an independent (of any r e l a t i v e ' s ) residence, or of e s t a b l i s h i n g such a residence, and item 'd' of problem B accounts f o r t h i s . C. J u r a l control i n a woman res t s with: a) her father and/or her brother b) s p e c i f i c a l l y a brother c) her mother's brother and/or her brother d) she i s comparatively f r e e of control x) coder can't t e l l " J u r a l c o n t r o l " r e f e r s to the r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s , r i g h t s and duties one member of a family (representing a kinship unit) may have over another member. I t i s not a new concept f o r i t often reads as " j u r a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y " ( T a l l e n s i , Fortes 1949:138); "paternal authority" (Sonjo, Gray 1 9 6 3 : 6 6 ) ; "guardian" (Ambo, Stefaniszyn 1 9 6 4 : 9 ) ; and other s i m i l a r expressions. A l l encompass a s e r i e s of duties and obligations and the context decides which these are. I f reference i s made to a husband's r i g h t s over h i s wife, one of the r i g h t s u sually assumed (unless otherwise t o l d ) i s that of exclusive sexual access to h i s wife. When a father's r i g h t s over h i s daughter are considered, i t i s thought to be i n terms of the father's r e s p o n s i b i l i t y towards her as a protector (even i f she i s married) and his t h e o r e t i c a l r i g h t s to dispose of her i n marriage. The phrasing of these " r i g h t s " , "duties", 66 "authority", and "guardianship" as " j u r a l c o n t r o l " was taken from Leach's (1963) Rethinking Anthropology, where he remarks: " i f Father Right i s a va r i a b l e at a l l , then i n a p a t r i l i n e a l society, i t i s concerned with the degree of permanence with which the pa t r i l i n e a g e of b i r t h continues to exercise j u r a l c o n t r o l over a l l i t s members throughout t h e i r l i v e s " (1963:119). The use of i t i n t h i s study i s not intended to add any new dimensions to the subject; i t was merely seen as a convenient way of denoting t h i s idea. The f a c t that the word " j u r a l " i s employed i s not to imply that there are l e g a l sanctions backing a father's or a husband's r i g h t s to or over a woman. Rather, within each society where the cont r o l i s vested i n the father, brother, or husband t h i s i s supported by moral sanctions as the r i g h t s of the father, etc., are recognized by the society. Fortes (1949) explains h i s use of " j u r a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y " i n t h i s manner: "A father's r i g h t s and duties have no l e g a l sanctions i n Tale society. They rest on a moral basis" (1949:139)• The subject of j u r a l c o n t r o l or guardianship i s being handled here only as i t applies to the woman as none of the studies refers to j u r a l control or any control over the man, although there must be some within h i s kinship group. S t i l l , i f not a si n g l e ethnography i n the wider sample of s i x t y broached t h i s problem then i t i s possible that i t might not be a f a c t o r i n marriage termination. C e r t a i n l y whatever r e s p o n s i b i l i t y there i s over the man would not a l t e r as r a d i c a l l y as with a woman. She has usually not only to change 67 her residence hut also to seek a proteotor a f t e r her marriage has ceased as she does not have a voice or the exercise of power within the p o l i t i c a l structure. More r e l i a b l e data on j u r a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y over women i s to be found i n the l i t e r a t u r e . I t does not appear as discussions on j u r a l c o n t r o l but I believe that those r e l a t i v e s who would be responsible f o r a s s i s t i n g the woman i n her termination proceedings and f o r making up the p a r t i a l or f u l l repayment of bridewealth, would also be the same ones invested with j u r a l control over her. This i s the assumption on which the answers to t h i s problem w i l l be based. Again, t h i s same assumption had to be rejected f o r determining the j u r a l control over the man because the l i t e r a t u r e does not y i e l d any relevant information. The man's family do not have to make a repayment of the bridewealth and i n f a c t may receive something back. They are therefore not as noticeably involved. They lend him support f o r h i s actions but when they do not commit themselves to f i n a n c i a l backing i t i s d i f f i c u l t to determine where the j u r a l authority l i e s . In t h i s problem the choices given are e a s i l y followed. The f i r s t attempts to locate j u r a l control with the woman's fathe r (and h i s kin) and/or her brother. The second i s included e s p e c i a l l y f o r the Amba f o r whom Winter (1956:68) points out that each g i r l i s given over to a p a r t i c u l a r older brother who has j u r a l r i g h t s over her f o r the rest of her l i f e . The 'c' item i s the a l t e r n a t i v e choice to 'a'. I t assigns j u r a l c o n t r o l over the woman i n the other set of r e l a t i v e s - i n her mother's 68 brother and/or her brother. Another p o s s i b i l i t y discovered i s that a woman may i n some s o c i e t i e s be comparatively f r e e of control and be allowed to make decisions more or le s s on her own (as i s s p e c i f i c a l l y reportedffor the Sonjo (Gray 1963:74)). However, i t i s recognized that ult i m a t e l y j u r a l control must be vested i n ei t h e r the father's or mother's brother and t h i s l a s t v a r i a b l e i s not intended to c o n f l i c t with t h i s . These problems do not even begin to characterize one's new r e l a t i o n s h i p to h i s k i n . We cannot l e a r n whether they view each other i n the same manner as when the p r i n c i p a l was s i n g l e , or i f the r e l a t i o n s h i p has changed to a great degree. Are the same duties and obli g a t i o n s expected and provided by each? We cannot t e l l ; we must await f u r t h e r research. IV. New Relationship to Members of the Opposite Sex This i s s t i l l another category of r o l e r e d e f i n i t i o n s which i s very poorly documented. The analysis of t h i s category i s an attempt to determine what the new r e l a t i o n s h i p of the man or woman i s to p o t e n t i a l spouses. The material only allows an attempt at designating who i s now av a i l a b l e f o r marriage. A, Upon considering remarriage, a woman can marry; a) no one belonging to her ex-husband's r e l a t i v e s b) anyone x) coder can't t e l l Only information on the possible marriageable mates f o r the woman could be found i n the l i t e r a t u r e . This i s not considered too serious. In a l l cases, the husband i s a p o t e n t i a l polygamist. Therefore i t seems that the rules governing his 69 s e l e c t i o n of wives i s set and would apply to a l l h i s marriages no matter what h i s marital h i s t o r y . I f a man i s prohibited from marrying twice i n t o the same clan, then t h i s p r o h i b i t i o n would apply throughout and the breakdown of one marriage would not r e s u l t i n a change of r u l e s . The woman, however, i s expected to marry only once and there probably would not ex i s t elaborate rules d e f i n i n g who her second spouse could be. Therefore when she i s ready to remarry (either because of widowhood or marriage termination) there must be some r e d e f i n i t i o n on her part as to who i s e l i g i b l e . This i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i s my conjecturing and may not mitigate the seriousness (to the study) of the omission of a man's new r e l a t i o n s h i p to p o t e n t i a l spouses. However the necessary data i s not av a i l a b l e . The choices contained under the problems are not very s p e c i f i c or wide-ranging but are the only ones reported i n the ethnographies. The f i r s t one i s very vague and r e f e r s to any male who belongs to eit h e r the ex-spouse's clan or kindred. In other worfts, i f a woman may not marry someone i n t h i s category, i t i s simply a matter of her not being able to marry one of her ex-husband's k i n . The a b i l i t y t o do so i s r e f l e c t e d i n the second a l t e r n a t i v e - "anyone". I t denotes that she can re-enter her ex-husband's family. With both these choices i t i s very important to note that they are intended to represent only the a d d i t i o n a l p o s s i b i l i t i e s a v a i l a b l e to a woman on her second marriage. They are not intended to represent the o r i g i n a l choices a woman has on her f i r s t marriage. These are understood 70 to remain the same throughout a l l marriages. So the two items given under t h i s problem are only intended to characterize what new p r o h i b i t i o n s may a r i s e f o r a woman a f t e r the breakdown of her f i r s t marriage. I would have l i k e d to have been able to explore t h i s category of r o l e r e d e f i n i t i o n s much f u r t h e r . I t i s necessary to t h i s study to determine who, beyond a kinship consideration, i s ava i l a b l e to the man and woman as new spouses. Are they considered as desirable husbands or wives? Or, are these men and women who have had one marriage terminate, forced into marrying the more undesirable members of t h e i r community? Must they re c o n c i l e themselves to a second marriage with a much older or p h y s i c a l l y deformed mate, one without any material means, or perhaps a sorcerer or former p r o s t i t u t e ? In other words, can the ex-husband and wife expect to be courted by much the same type of persons they expected i n the days before t h e i r marriage? I t would also be b e n e f i c i a l to the i n v e s t i g a t i o n to lea r n i f there i s a difference between the kinds of second marriages the man as opposed to the woman can make. Does the f a c t that the man has experienced one marriage rupture make him l e s s desirable i n contracting another marriage, as i t might f o r the woman? V. New Relationship to the Community as a Whole This i s an important category f o r i t should be able t o inform us of the new status the community assigns to the man and woman whose marriage i s terminated and i n part could overlap 71 with the preceeding category. Is there a stigma attached to these people? Are they considered non-conformists or are t h e i r new statuses just accepted as a matter of f a c t and promptly forgotten? Again, i t i s not po s s i b l e to represent t h i s new atti t u d e or r e l a t i o n s h i p f o r the same reason - absence of any s i g n i f i c a n t coverage of t h i s subject. The reason f o r using as ambiguous a term as "community" has already been given. I t i s intended to encompass a l l the va r i a t i o n s to be found i n the sixteen cases. There i s no way to break down t h i s concept without i t s r e s u l t i n g i n a c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of the s o c i e t i e s - something which I wish to avoid f o r the reasons given i n Chapter I I . This i s another area i n which much in q u i r y must take place. A. The woman i s considered by the community as: a) no longer desirable as a wife b) f r e e to remarry immediately c) not expected to remarry f o r some years x) coder can't t e l l Once more the ethnographies have yi e l d e d just one problem with which to depict t h i s new r e l a t i o n s h i p of the woman to the community, but again the problem only revolves around the woman. No comments concerning the new attitude of the community to the man could be found. As f o r the woman, the only applicable data involves the community's p o s i t i o n on the woman's remarriage. It asks whether she i s to be considered at a l l a t t r a c t i v e as a wife and, i f so, i f i t i s thought proper f o r her to remarry r i g h t away or to wait f o r some years. 72 VI. New Relationship to the Former Spouse The f i n a l r o l e change (and probably the most d r a s t i c ) i s the new r e l a t i o n s h i p one spouse creates towards the other. Fortunately the l i t e r a t u r e delves into t h i s subject somewhat more deeply and enabled t h i s study to prpduce f i v e problems. One s t i l l cannot make an adequate statement about t h i s changing r e l a t i o n s h i p . I t was never i s o l a t e d as a subject f o r discussion i n any of the monographs and the f i v e queries had to be drawn out. This i s also the explanation f o r a lack of coherence i n the s e r i e s of problems. They do not follow upon each other. Each i s merely an i s o l a t e d aspect of the changing r e l a t i o n s h i p . A. With regard to conjugal duties, the man and woman: a) have no obligations b) do have obligations c) have obligations only i n s p e c i a l cases x) coder can't t e l l In a number of ethnographies i t was indicated just what, i f any, continuing obligations and r e c i p r o c a l r i g h t s the ex-husband and ex-wife have towards each other on the cessation of t h e i r marriage. The items provided are quite c l e a r and selfexplanatory. They r e f e r to conjugal duties such as providing food, preparing food, providing s h e l t e r , protection, seit and so f o r t h . The t h i r d a l t e r n a t i v e appears s p e c i f i c a l l y f o r the Gonja (Goody, 1962:34) who require that an ex-wife cook her former husband's r i t u a l feast i f he has no one to do so f o r him. 73 B. The man and woman can resume t h e i r conjugal duties: a) even i f woman i s married to someone else b) only i f man has not taken hack bride p r i c e and she i s not remarried c) never x) coder can't t e l l The appearance of t h i s problem i s due to the f a c t that i n some s o c i e t i e s i t seems possible f o r a man and woman to resume t h e i r cohabitation on a permanent basis even a f t e r t h e i r marriage has been considered ended. Where t h i s i s possible, usually i t can only happen i f the man has refused a l l claims to the bride p r i c e or has not received i t yet, and the woman has not remarried. The Gonja (Goody 1962:33) are once more the exception f o r they claim that permanent cohabitation can recur even a f t e r the woman has remarried someone else . C. The marriage r e l a t i o n s h i p i s completely dissolved even i f there are ch i l d r e n : a) yes b) no x) coder can't t e l l T his problem i s a simple one. I t i s designed to guage i f the man and woman s t i l l think of themselves as having some type of marital r e l a t i o n s h i p - i f they are s t i l l united i n some way. I t i s presented i n terms of the presence of ch i l d r e n as t h i s i s the only context i n which i t appeared i n the studies. I t i s quite l i k e l y that there would be no concept of a continuing bond i f there were no ch i l d r e n . Given the problem the way i t i s phrased, i t i s a surer way of determining i f there are ongoing t i e s between the couple as these marriages with c h i l d r e n would have been f u l l y established unions i n a l l s o c i e t i e s . 74 D» In order to remarry, the woman i s dependent on the man f o r : a) h i s acceptance of the bride p r i c e repayment b) i s not dependent on him x) coder can't t e l l T his problem i s designed to determine the amount of influence a man has over h i s former wife, even a f t e r t h e i r marriage has ended. I t i s best demonstrated by i n q u i r i n g into h i s c ontrol over her a b i l i t y to remarry. The one area d e t a i l e d i n the l i t e r a t u r e i n which he might b r i n g pressure to bear i s with regard to h i s accepting a refund of the bride p r i c e . I f he refuses then he i s i n e f f e c t not r e a l l y recognizing a cessation of the marriage, although the woman's family and the res t of the community may. He can make i t d i f f i c u l t f o r her to remarry although she may s t i l l be able to do sp. Some s o c i e t i e s do not see the return or acceptance of the bride p r i c e payment as a bar to a woman's remarriage and thus v a r i a b l e 'b* i s included. E. I f a man has i n i t i a t e d a j u r a l termination of the marriage: a) he can seek a new husband f o r h i s ex-wife b) he has no ri g h t s of disposal over her x) coder can't t e l l The f i n a l problem included i n the category concerned with the new r e l a t i o n s h i p between ex-spouses i s a fu r t h e r attempt to determine how much control the man has over h i s ex-wife, but i n a s p e c i f i c s i t u a t i o n . In a few s o c i e t i e s i t was discovered that where a man i n i t i a t e s the j u r a l termination of the marriage (throughout a l l the s o c i e t i e s , the woman was more often the i n i t i a t o r ) , he has r i g h t s of disposal over her; 75 he can determine who w i l l he her new spouse. This i s not to say that he does i n f a c t do t h i s or that the wife agrees, but at le a s t i t i s recognized that he has the r i g h t to do so. Where he i s not the i n i t i a t o r of the proceedings and i n a l l other s o c i e t i e s (excluding the above few) the man does not have the r i g h t s of disposal over the woman as i s expressed i n v a r i a b l e 'b*. Although t h i s problem i s represented i n only a few ethnographies, i t i s included because i t does appear. Since i t i s a d i f f e r e n t s o l u t i o n i t i s hoped that i n conjunction with a l l the other answers i n t h i s "questionnaire" i t might be of d e f i n i t e value. This l a s t problem brings to an end a d e t a i l e d account of the categories, problems and var i a b l e s that were used i n the analysis of marriage termination. Unfortunately the problems and v a r i a b l e s are not adequately formulated and expressed since the data i s inadequate f o r t h i s new approach. As discussed i n Chapter I I , t h i s study i s not the only one to f i n d omissions i n the data. Udy, Needham and Oscar Lewis a l l remarked that inadequate anthropological reporting r e s t r i c t e d t h e i r i n q u i r i e s . I do not believe any of these scholars would hold the f i e l d worker e n t i r e l y responsible f o r they must recognize, as do I, that the observer goes in t o the f i e l d with s>me sort of t h e o r e t i c a l framework which guides h i s research. Therefore those anthropologists who are conducting comparative or c r o s s - c u l t u r a l studies must suggest to the ethnographer the kind of material that i s needed. I t i s possible that a number of anthropologists 76 do have t h i s data but have never published i t , not knowing the need f o r i t . Perhaps studies such as these can induce them to rework t h e i r f i e l d notes and publish t h e i r much needed f i n d i n g s . U n t i l t h i s i s done, we cannot f u l l y explore t h i s method of rol e - a n a l y s i s as a s a t i s f a c t o r y means of char a c t e r i z i n g marriage termination. APPLICATION OP PROBLEM-SOLVING TECHNIQUE Having completed a d e t a i l e d d e s c r i p t i o n of each category, problem and choice ( v a r i a b l e ) , i t remains to furth e r demonstrate the possible advantages and r e s u l t s of t h i s technique. I t s t e s t was c a r r i e d out through an analysis of the sixteen s o c i e t i e s . I t was also mentioned that the s e l e c t i o n of the monographs was purely on the basis of t h e i r containing enough information i n at l e a s t three of the s i x major areas of i n v e s t i g a t i o n . The material sought from these ethnographies was the basic data whenever pos s i b l e . This study was not interested p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s of the anthropologists as i t was argued (Chapter II) that a l l too often the concepts used are too general to be of use or too set to be comparatively applicable. However when there was an absence of data p e r t a i n i n g d i r e c t l y to r o l e behaviour these concepts (e.g. m a t r i l i n e a l , p a t r i l o c a l ) were analyzed. Having already c a r r i e d out a de t a i l e d , point by point explanation of the code, i t was decided not to do the same f o r the analysis of the s o c i e t i e s . Nor was t h i s considered e s s e n t i a l , as each society's "answer" appears on the "questionnaire". Where the problems were not e a s i l y decided, explanations and an account of the process of a r r i v i n g at the answer i s given. Conversely, 77 where the answer i s completely self-evident, no reference was made to i t , but the choice i s found on the score sheets. See Appendix I I . Due to the incompleteness of the material on marriage termination, i t was found i n the process of " s o l v i n g the problems" that a great deal of "deductive" reasoning had to be made, This approach, unfortunate as i t i s , seemed preferable to leav i n g great numbers of the problems unsolved. However, where the answer has been determined by deduction, the reasoning behind the s e l e c t i o n i s given. Those problems which seemed beyond the pale of f a i r l y accurate guesswork are simple designated with "coder can't t e l l " . The i n t e r p r e t a t i o n and ap p l i c a t i o n of each society within the context of the categories, problems and v a r i a b l e s i s found i n Appendix I I I . 78 Notes to Chapter I I I 1* At the time the research f o r t h i s section was conducted, I had the use of the l i b r a r i e s at the University of C a l i f o r n i a , San Diego and San Diego State College. The l a t t e r had a p a r t i a l HRAP f i l e which was also used. 2. C.V. M i t c h e l l , p.v. i n the P o l i t i c s of Kinship, Van Velsen, 1964, claims there at l e a s t f i v e d i s t i n c t and separate peoples c a l l e d "Tonga". 3. Edited by R. Apthorpe. 4 . I t i s acknowledged that the use of such concepts as " a f f i n e s " and "community" r a i s e s the question of exactly what each denotes. What degree o f a f f i n e s are considered here? What i s a community - a hamlet, a ward, a v i l l a g e , a number of v i l l a g e s ? These are of course extremely general and ambiguous terms. But i t i s my contention that they must be general and vague i n order that comparisons can be attempted. I t i s not p a r t i c u l a r l y important f o r t h i s study who i s p r e c i s e l y included amongst a f f i n e s i n each society. I t lends i t s e l f more e a s i l y to comparative studies i f " a f f i n e s " l o o s e l y stands f o r the group of r e l a t i o n s recognised as a f f i n e s within each society. I cannot see that i t a f f e c t s the r e s u l t s of t h i s i n v e s t i g a t i o n i f " a f f i n e s " i s a generic term used to denote those who are recognized by the society as related through marriage. In f a c t ' i f a d i s t i n c t i o n were made between the range of a f f i n e s i t would 79 create untold and unnecessary complications. Since the a f f i n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s themselves are not under scrutiny i n t h i s study, " a f f i n e s " w i l l have t o remain as one of the unrefined concepts. The same arguments are being applied to the use of "community". I t i s acknowledged that the meaning of "community" takes shape only within the context of each society. But t h i s i s what i s wanted. There i s no wish to impose one circumscription of community i n one soc i e t y onto another. The category of community should be wide enough t o encompass a l l p o s s i b i l i t i e s w i t h i n the various s o c i e t i e s or p o l i t i e s . Therefore "community" i s being used here to denote (for each society) the people l i v i n g w ithin a p a r t i c u l a r area and who are recognized by themselves as having common i n t e r e s t s , or the people with whom "ego" has frequent contact and on whom he depends f o r moral support. I t i s only a f t e r the s p e c i f i c aim o f t h i s research project has been c a r r i e d out, namely, a more or l e s s spontaneous (" c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of elements found i n r o l e r e d e f i n i t i o n s which occur at a marriage termination, that a t t e n t i o n might be turned to the i n v e s t i g a t i o n of the s p e c i f i c bounds o f "community" and " a f f i n e s " as found i n each o f the s o c i e t i e s which show c e r t a i n s i m i l a r patterns i n marriage termination. This i s not intended to be within the scope of t h i s exploratory examination. 80 References Cited i n Chapter I I I Burridge, K.O.L. 1957 "Descent i n Tangu", Oceania, 28: 8 5 - 9 9 . 1958 "Marriage i n Tangu" Oceania, 29: 4 4 - 6 1 . Colson,Elizabeth 1958 Marriage and the Family Among the Plateau Tonga of Northern Rhodesia, Manchester: Manchester U n i v e r s i t y Press. 1961 "Plateau Tonga" IN M a t r i l i n e a l Kinship, D.M. Schneider and E.K. Gough, eds., Berkeley; University of C a l i f o r n i a Press. Evans-Pritchard, E.E. 1951 Kinship and Marriage Among the Nuer, Oxford: Clarendon Press. Forde, D a r y l l 1964 Yako Studies, London: Oxford Un i v e r s i t y Press. Fortes, Meyer 1949 The Web of Kinship Among the T a l l e n s i , London: Oxford Un i v e r s i t y Press. Goody, Esther N. 1962 "Conjugal Separation and Divorce Among the Gonja of Northern Ghana" IN Marriage i n T r i b a l S o c i e t i e s , M. Fortes, ed., Cambridge: Cambridge Uni v e r s i t y Press. Gray, Robert F. 1963 The Sonjo of Tanganyika, London: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press. Lawrance, J.C.D. 1957 The Iteso, London: Oxford Un i v e r s i t y Press. Lewis, I.M. 1962 Marriage and the Family i n Northern Somaliland, East A f r i c a n Studies # 5» London. Lewis, Oscar 1961 "Comparisons i n C u l t u r a l Anthropology" IN Readings i n Cross-Cultural Methodology, Frank W. Moore, ed., New Haven: HRAF Eress. 81 Malinowski, Bronislaw 1957 The Sexual L i f e of Savages, London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. (1st e d i t i o n , 1929). Meggitt, M.J. 1965 Sanwal, R.D. 1965 Schapera, I. 1965 Schneider, D.M. 1965 The Lineage System of the Mae-Enga of New Guinea, New York: Barnes and Noble. "Bridewealth and Marriage S t a b i l i t y Among the Khasi of Kumaon", Man, 1: 46-59* Married L i f e i n an A f r i c a n T r i b e , Evanston: Northwestern Uni v e r s i t y Press. "Some Muddles i n the Models" IN The Relevance of Models f o r S o c i a l Anthropology, M. Banton, ed., A.S.A. Monographs, London: Tavistock. Sout h a l l , Aidan 1961 "The P o s i t i o n of Women and the S t a b i l i t y of Marriage" IN S o c i a l Change i n Modern A f r i c a , A. Southall, ed. Oxford: International A f r i c a n I n s t i t u t e . Spencer, Paul 1965 The Samburu, Berkeley: U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a , P r e s s . Stefaniszyn, Bronislaw 1964 S o c i a l and R i t u a l L i f e of the Ambo of Northern Rhodesia, R. Apthorpe, ed., London: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press. Udy, Stanley H., J r . 1959 Organization of Work, New Haven: HRAP Press. Van Velsen, J . 1964 . The P o l i t i c s of Kinship, Manchester: Manchester Uni v e r s i t y Press.. Winter, E.H. 1956 Bwamba, Cambridge: Cambridge Uni v e r s i t y Press. 82 CHAPTER IV THE ANALYSIS OP THE PROBLEM-SOLVING TECHNIQUE AND AN EVALUATION OP ROLE-ANALYSIS The problem-solving technique was applied to determine the possible role redefinitions that occur after a marriage has ceased, in the hope of being able to characterize marriage termination* Sixteen societies were analyzed in this manner so that possible connections or relationships between or among variables could be plotted to show what marriage termination is , not what comes to mind based only on experience with i t in one society. Despite the improvement over comparisons of two to three tribes, the sample studied here was nevertheless too small to provide any conclusive results. What crippled the study most of a l l , though, was the necessary practice of deducing the solutions when ready answers could not be found in the literature. If this had not been done i t would have encouraged a vicious cycle. Analyses such as role-analysis would not be explored until the necessary data was available while the latter could not be realized until the need for such data was shown. Table I on the following pages is a graphic array of the solutions for the sixteen problems presented in the ethnographies and was used in determining the make-up of a l l subsequent tables. Before investigating possible connections between variables, there are the general findings made possible by the percentage 83 KEY TO VARIABLES FOR TABLES I - VII I. New Relationship to The Children A. Children remain or go with: a) father h) mother c) mother only while children are very young d) girls with mother; hoys with father B. Absolute rights over children vested in: a) father and child's patrikin b) mother and child's matrikin c) father over boys; mother's brother over girls d) mother's new husband C. When children live permanently with their mother, their relationship to their father: a) involves both finances and interest b) ceases c) weakens D. When children live permanently with their father, their relationship to their mother: &} involves both duties and interest b) ceases c) weakens II. New Relationship to The Affines A. The affinal bonds are: a) broken b) weakened c) primarily the same B. The affinal bonds are especially maintained when there are children: a) yes b) no III. New Relationship to One's Own Kin A. Woman returns to or remains with: a) her father's and her patrikin's residence b) her mother's and her matrikin*s residence c) either d) takes up immediate residence with a lover or new husband 84 B. Man returns to or remains with: a) his father's and his patrikin's residence h) his mother's and his matrikin*s residence c) either d) neolocal residence C. Jural control in a woman rests with: a) her father and/or her brother b) specifically a brother c) her mother's brother and/or her brother d) she is comparatively free of control 17. Hew Relationship To Members Of The Opposite Sex A. Upon considering remarriage, a woman can marryi a) no one belonging to her ex-husband's relatives b) anyone V. New Relationship To The Community As A Whole A. The woman is considered by the community as: a) no longer desirable as a wife b)free to remarry immediately c) not expected to remarry for some years VI. New Relationship To The Former Spouse A. With regard to conjugal duties, the man and woman: a) have no obligations b) do have obligations c) have obligations only in special oases B. The man and woman can resume their conjugal duties: a) even i f woman is married to someone else b) only i f man has not taken back the bride price and she is not remarried c) never 85 C. The marriage relationship is completely dissolved even i f there are children a) yes b) no D. In order to remarry, the woman is dependent on the man for: a) his acceptance of the bride price repayment b) i s not dependent on him E. If a man had initiated a jural termination of the marriage: a) he can seek a new husband for his ex-wife b) he has no rights of disposal over her x) in a l l cases refers to: coder can't t e l l 86 TABLE I - PROBLEM SOLUTIONS FOR THE ROLE-ANALYSIS 1. L..T 0 N G A 2. >.T 0 N t 3. G 0 N i 4. ME AN EG -A 5. Y A K 0 6. K 1 S I. 7. SB AU 8. S 0 N i 9 . I T E S 0 10. N Q E R 11. A M B A 12. T A N 8 13. St G A A T 14. SA OL M l 1-M B 0 16. s 3 I: A b b d a d a b b a a 0 b c d b b B b b a a 0 a a d a a a X a a b b C a a a - b - b b - - - X - X c X D - - a X X X m - c X c - X c - -II: A c b c b X X X a X a b 0 c b b X B a a a X X X X b X b a b a a b X III: A a b c a c&d a a a a a&d a c a a b b B 0 o 0 a a a a a a a a d a a b a C c c a a c a a d a a b b a a c d 17: A X X a b X X X a X X X X X X X X V: A b b b b b X b X c b X b a b X b VI: A a a c a a X X a a X X X X X X X B X X a b X b a b X b b X b X X X C b b b a X b X a X X b X b b X X D b a b a a a a a a a a X a b X b E b b b a b X b a b X b X X b X b 87 t a b l e , Table I I . (Percentages quoted i n the d e s c r i p t i o n are i n round f i g u r e s ) . Amongst the sixteen s o c i e t i e s used i n t h i s study, a s l i g h t l y greater number (44% to 38%) sent the c h i l d r e n with t h e i r mother when a marriage breakdown occurred. These s t a t i s t i c s show that a f a r greater percentage of the s o c i e t i e s locate r i g h t s over the c h i l d r e n i n the fa t h e r and h i s p a t r i k i n (56$ as opposed to 25% of the s o c i e t i e s with the r i g h t s vested i n the matrikin). The discrepancy between the percentages f o r the f i r s t two s i m i l a r problems r e f e r r i n g to children's residence and j u r a l c o n t r o l over them can probably be accounted f o r by the p r a c t i c e i n some t r i b e s of sending the g i r l s with the mother and the boys with the father. This occurs i n 19% of the cases, which i s the di f f e r e n c e between the number where the children l i v e with the f a t h e r (38%) and where he has absolute r i g h t s over them (56%). T h i s would probably i n d i c a t e that even where the s i b l i n g s are separated, daughters going with the mother and sons with the fa t h e r , the f a t h e r and h i s p a t r i k i n would s t i l l have con t r o l over a l l the c h i l d r e n . In problems I:C and I:D the number of cases used was smaller than the sixteen since each of the problems r e f l e c t s a complementary portion of the cases. The f i r s t problem (C) depends upon residence with the mother and the second (D) with the f a t h e r . I t w i l l be noticed that the t o t a l number of cases y i e l d e d i n these two problems i s 19. The a d d i t i o n a l three responses are caused by I:A:d where the s i b l i n g s are divided 88 TABLE I I - PERCENTAGE COMPILATION OP ALL VARIABLES No* of cases = 16 VARIABLE NO. * SOCIETY I. New Relationship-Children A. Remain or go with: a. f a t h e r 4 25 Nuer MaeEnga, Khasi, Iteso c. mother-only while young 2 12.50 Amba, Kgatla (combined a & c) (37.50) b. mother 7 43-75 L.Tonga, P.Tonga, Sambu Son.io, Tangu, Ambo, Trob. d. girls-mo:boys-fa. 3 18.75 Gon.ia, Yako, Somali x. coder can't t e l l 0 0 T o t a l 16*" B. Absolute r i g h t s - c h i l d r e n a. f a t h e r 9 56.25 Gonja, M.Enga, Khasi, Sam. Iteso, Nuer, Amba, Kgatla Somali b. mother's matrikin M L.Ton, P.Ton, Ambo, Trob. c. fa.-boys;mo.bro.-girls T725 100% Yako d. mother's new husband Sbn.1o x. coder can't t e l l 1 "IT Tangu T o t a l No, of cases - 10 C. Chldrn. r e l a t i o n s h i p - f a . D. a» xxiituiueu emu lai ieres^ b. ceases ? 3 30 Yako, Samburu, Son.io c. weakens 1 10 Ambo x. coder can't t e l l 3 50 Tangu, Somali, Trobrian. T o t a l 10 100% of cases = 9 chldrn.relationship-mo. a. duties and i n t e r e s t l 11.11 Gon.ia b. ceases 0 0 c. weakens 3 33.33 Iteso, Amba, Somali x« coder can't t e l l 5 55.56 M.Enga, Yako, Khasi, Huer, Kgatla T o t a l 9 100% 8 9 II • New Relationship - Affines A. Affinal Bonds broken 2 Total B. Affinal bonds-children a. Yes 6 37.50 L.Tonga, P.Tonga, Gonja Amba, Kgatla, Somali b. no 4 25 Son, Nuer. Tangu. Ambo x. coder can't t e l l I 37.50 M.Enga, Yako, Khasi,Samb Iteso, Trobriand Total 16* 100% III. New Relationship - Kin A. Woman lives with: a. father and patrikin 9 56.25 L.Ton,M.Enga,Khasi,Samb. Son, It .Amba.Kgatla.Somali b. mother and matrikin 3 18.75 P.Tonga,Ambo.Trobriand c. either 2 12.50 Gonja, Tangu d. lover/new husband 0 0 a. & d. 1 6.25 Nuer c. & d. 1 6.25 Yako x. coder can't t e l l 0 0 Total 1«S 100% B. Man lives with: a. father and patrikin 11 68.75 M.Enga, Yak, Khas, Sam, Trob Son, It ,Nuer ,Amba.Kgat ,Som b. mother and matrikin "gT25" Ambo c. either 18.75 6.25 L.Tonga,P. Tonga, Gonja d. neolocal residence Tangu x. coder can't t e l l 0 15" 0 100% Total C. Jural control in woman a. father 8 50 Gon,M.Eng, Khasi,Samb, It•Nuer,Kgatla,Somali b. specifically a bro. 2 12.50 Amba, Tangu c. mother's brother 4 25 L.Tonga,P.Tonga, Yak.Ambo d. comparatively free 2 12.50 Sonjo, Trobriand x. coder can't t e l l 0 0 Total 161 100% 90 A. A. A. B. C. Woman can marry: a. no one of ex-hush's r e l . 2 12.50 Gonja, Iteso b. anyone 1 6.25 Mae-Enga x. coder can't t e l l 81.25 a l l rem. s o c i e t i e s . T o t a l 100% New Relationship-Community Woman considered: a. not desirable as a wife l 6.25 Kgatla b. f r e e to remarry immed. 10 62.50 L.Ton, P .Ton, Gron ,M. E, Yako,Samb,Nu,Tangu, Som, Srob c. not expected to remarry l 6.25 Iteso x, coder can't t e l l 25 Khasi, Son.io,Amba,Ambo T o t a l 16 100% New Relationship-Ex-Spouse Conjugal duties a. have no obli g a t i o n s 6 57-50 L.Ton,P.Ton,M.Enga, Yako. Son.io, Iteso b. have o b l i g a t i o n s 0 0 c. s p e c i a l o b l i g a t i o n s 1 6.25 Gon.ia x. coder^can't t e l l :?9 56.25 Khasi,Samb,Nu,Amba, Tangu,Kgatla,Som, Ambo, Trob. T o t a l 16 100% Man and woman resume duties a. even i f woman remarried 2 12.50 Gon.ia, Samburu b« i f man not accepted br. pr. back & woman not remarried 6 37.50 Amba, Kgatla, M.Enga, Khasi, Sonjo, Nuer c. never 0 0 x. coder can't t e l l 8 50 L.Ton,P.Ton,Yako,It. Tangu.Som.Ambo ,Trob. T o t a l 16 100% Marriage r e l a t i o n s h i p d i s s , even with chldrn. a. yes 2 12.50 Mae-Enga, Son.io b. no 7 43.75 L.Ton,P.Ton.Gon,Khasi, Amba, Kgatla, Somali x. coder can't t e l l 7 43.75 Yako,Sam,Iteso,Nuer, Tangu,Ambo, Trob. T o t a l 16 100% 91 D. To remarry woman depends on man for: a. acceptance of br. pr. 10 62.50 P.Ton,H.E,Yak,Khasi, Sam,Son, Iteso,Nuer, Amba, Kgatla b. is not dependent on him 4 25 L.Ton.Gon.ia.Som.Trob. x. coder can't t e l l 2 12.50 Tangu, Ambo Total l6 100% If man initiated jural termination: a. can seek new husband for her 2 12.50 Mae-Enga, Sonjo b. no rights of disposal 9 56.25 L.Ton, P .Ton, (Jon, Yako, Sam,It,Amba,Som.Trob. x. coder can't t e l l 5 31.25 Khasi, Nuer, Tangu, Kgatla, Ambo Total 16" 100% Total Number of Variables - 243 Total Number of "x" - 68 Percentage of "x" - 28 ("x" being "coder can't tell") 92 between their parents. No clear-cut pattern emerges for there is a great percentage of unknowns. Although nearly one-third of the answers in II:A, the state of the affinal bonds, could not be determined, i t seems that in most of the societies the man or woman break or weaken their ties with their former affines. However in one-quarter of the societies there is an indication that these relationships continue in much the same fashion as when the couple were married. In only a l i t t l e more than one-third of the ethnographies did we find that some form of affinal ties are maintained because of children. This is not a reliable figure because for the same number the answer could not be determined. What shows though is that there are more instances of the affinal ties being continued due to the presence of children. Unfortunately, i t cannot be suggested that perhaps the children create these ongoing relationships. In order to answer this problem, in a few instances (e.g. the Amba), i t was necessary to look to a maintenance of ties with the children when they were living at the home of the ex-spouse's family as being a probable indication of the continuance of affinal ties. Thus i t would be tautological. One of the problems taken from the literature concerning the man and woman's new relationship to their own kin was where each lived after his/her marriage terminated. For both the man and the woman the greater percentage return to live with their father and his patrikin. The figures are more reliable for this 93 category since every society's choice could he determined. In only two s o c i e t i e s , the Nuer and Yako ( t o t a l of 13%), was i t p o s s i b l e f o r the woman to take up immediate residence with another man. Amongst the Nuer though, the woman had an alternate choice of returning to her father's and p a t r i k i n ' s residence, while among the Yako she could choose whether to l i v e with e i t h e r her matrikin or p a t r i k i n . In the sixteen s o c i e t i e s investigated only one society, the Tangu, allowed i t s men t o l i v e neolooally -non-aligned to any kinship u n i t . In only one society, representing 6% of the t o t a l , was the man expected to l i v e with h i s matrikin. Half of the peoples, according to the percentage table, locate the j u r a l control of a woman i n her father (and h i s p a t r i k i n ) and one-quarter i n the mother's brother. Amongst two groups (13%)* the Amba and the Tangu, the s i s t e r i s the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of a s p e c i f i c brother as i s c l e a r l y noted i n the respective ethnographies. The explanation.for t h i s i s the f a c t that both groups p r a c t i c e sister-exchange i n marriage. For two other s o c i e t i e s , the Sonjo and Trobriand,the j u r a l control i s weakened as the ethnographers report that the woman i s "comparatively f r e e of c o n t r o l " . The most noteworthy development i n t h i s category of the new r e l a t i o n s h i p to the k i n i s the f a c t that f o r both the man and the woman t h e i r father and t h e i r p a t r i k i n are the most important r e l a t i v e s to them at the time of t h e i r marriage termination. 94 No statement can r e a l l y be made concerning the woman's new r e l a t i o n s h i p t o members of the opposite sex f o r information was not a v a i l a b l e f o r 13 o f the s o c i e t i e s or 81%. Unfortunately there was no material at a l l on the man's r e l a t i o n s h i p to the opposite sex. Determining the woman's new r e l a t i o n s h i p to the community i s somewhat more r e l i a b l e though t h i s category s t i l l contains a 25% rate of information missing. However i n the majority of cases (63%), the woman i s f r e e to remarry immediately and only two s o c i e t i e s show contrary conditions. In the l a s t category, composed o f the problems a r i s i n g out of the man and woman's r e l a t i o n s h i p to t h e i r former spouses, c e r t a i n general statements can be made. I t must again be noted that i n the f i r s t three problems the "unknownw percentage rate borders e i t h e r way on f i f t y percent so that any general findings are f a r from being even d e s c r i p t i v e . We might only think of them as tendencies. What appear to t h i s student from a comparison of the percentages are a few things concerning the ex-spouses* t i e s to each other. F i r s t , i t seems that f o r 38% of the cases, once t h e i r marriage has been considered f i n i s h e d , the man and woman no longer have any o b l i g a t i o n s to each other. Nor are they considered as being bound i n such a way as able to resume t h e i r married l i f e at a l a t e r date. Of eight s o c i e t i e s f o r which some answer could be given only two, the Gonja and the Samburu, indi c a t e d that the o r i g i n a l m a r i t a l t i e s could be resumed even i f the woman had 95 remarried. The remaining s i x allow i t on two conditions: 1) that the man has not accepted the bride p r i c e back and 2) the woman has not remarried. As mentioned, there i s a 50% "can't t e l l " r ate and i t may be that some of the s o c i e t i e s would not allow a resumption of conjugal duties even i f the two aforementioned conditions d i d not e x i s t . The marriage r e l a t i o n s h i p does not seem to be completely dissolved i n 44% of the s o c i e t i e s , and childr e n , i t would appear, are a f a c t o r . I f the ch i l d r e n l i v e with the mother and the ethnographer reports that the father has a continuing i n t e r e s t i n them, then i t could sa f e l y be assumed that the ex-spouses recognize and carry out some shadow of t h e i r former r e l a t i o n s h i p . The l a s t two problems (VI :D & E) are concerned with the amount of cont r o l the man has over the woman and here the unknown f a c t o r i s considerably reduced. Although i n 63% of the s o c i e t i e s the woman must await the man's acceptance of the bridewealth refund e i t h e r from her k i n or new husband, i t i s only i n 13% (and then i t i s not binding) that he can determine who her new partner i s t o be. So i t seems that once a couple have terminated t h e i r marriage, the man's cont r o l over her i s considerably reduced and once he has taken the bride p r i c e back, he loses a l l c o n t r o l over her. Obviously these general fin d i n g s are us e f u l only to see what the trends might be i n the majority of s o c i e t i e s when the marriage has ceased and the man and woman must make at l e a s t a s i x - f o l d 96 redefinition of their roles. The fact that they are based only on sixteen societies, with much of the material unknown, makes them useless outside this study. To recount: The real aim of this study i s to investigate the po s s i b i l i t i e s of employing i n comparative studies a method which does not set up any prior categories of the material under analysis. The method chosen here i s to begin with the role redefinitions that must occur when a man's and woman's marriage has ceased. I have suggested that a possible and f r u i t f u l method of examining this would be through the problem-solving technique fashioned partly after the Parsonian "pattern variables" which contain basic dilemmas. After this technique had been applied i t was hoped that certain clusters of variables might appear which would indicate that under specific conditions, marriage termination takes such and such a form. Consequently, as earlier discussed, the variables were analyzed to determine what i f any connections between them could be found. I do not intend to laboriously review a l l the relationships that were trie d . Some of the negative along with a l l the positive relationships w i l l be given i n order to demonstrate the process used. Special attention was devoted to the atypical variables i n the hope that complementary conditions would be found particularly for them. The two societies where the community either considered the woman no longer desirable as a wife (Kgatla) or was not expected to marry for some years (Iteso) show a paralleling of roles 97 TABLE III - PROBLEM SOLUTIONS OF ITESO AND KGATLA IN CONTRAST TO -•• •-.THE.MAE-ENGA.AND- NUER, VARIABLES - woman no longer desirable asr.a wife; not expected to remarry (V:A:a & c) in contrast to the Mae-Enga and Nuer where she can remarry (V:A:b). 9. ITESO 13. KGATLA 4 . MAE-ENGA 10. NUER I: A children stay with f a mo.temp. • • • • 91* f a • • • • 9* • • • • » f a a rights - children • • ••••••• f a • • • • • 9* • • • • • • f a a a f a f a C children vis-a-vis fa. similar/ceases D children vis-a-vis mother c weak X X X II: A affina l bonds X c b a same weak cease B aff i n a l bonds kept when children X a X b yes no III: A woman lives with f a fa * • • » 9*« •••••• fa fa/love] B man lives with a a a .. . a f a f a f a f a C jural control-wo. a a a a f a fa f a f a IV: A wo.can marry hu.rel. X X ....1? any X V: A comm'ty - woman's remarriage c a b b not expected not desirable free free VI: A couple's obligations to each other a X a X none none B couple can resume duties when X 1..." J. 1? b b br. pr. not ret'd. br. pr. not ret'd. C couple's r e l . dissolved completely X b a X no yes D to remarry, woman dependent on man a a a a yes yes yes yes E man's rights over . woman b X a X none has 98 expected and performed (see Table III) though i f some of the gaps could be f i l l e d i t might change. The data V!T have f o r these two groups i s i d e n t i c a l i n seven problems f o r which there i s information* I t seems dubious though to advance a r e l a t i o n s h i p between these s i x v a r i a b l e s and the r e s t r i c t i v e a t t i t u d e towards the remarriage of women, since these two s o c i e t i e s do not d i f f e r from others which do allow t h e i r women to marry r e l a t i v e l y soon, e.g. the Nuer and the Mae-Enga (as w e l l as the Khasi and Amba, both of which are l e s s w e l l documented). However within the confines of this very l i m i t e d study, one could say that i n those s o c i e t i e s where the community no longer deems the woman as a desirable wife, the fath e r r a i s e s the chi l d r e n and i s t h e i r guardian, while t h e i r mother's r e l a t i o n s h i p to them probably weakens (only one response here). As we l l , both the man and woman reside with t h e i r respective p a t r i k i n and the woman i s again the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of her father. L a s t l y , where the community i l l - r e g a r d s a woman whose marriage has broken down she i s dependent on the man's taking back the bridewealth before she can remarry. The p r a c t i c e of sending the daughters with t h e i r mother and the sons with t h e i r f a t h e r was i s o l a t e d f o r analysis (I:A:d). I t i s found amongst the Gonja, the Somali and the Yako, and the r e s u l t s appear i n Table I? on the fol l o w i n g page. There i s a c e r t a i n degree of consistency i n the way the problems are solved i n each of the s o c i e t i e s which s p l i t s i t s 99 TABLE IV - PROBLEM SOLUTIONS OF GONJA. YAKO AND SOMALI VARIABLE - the p r a c t i c e of sending daughters with t h e i r mother and sons with t h e i r father, (I:A:d). 3 . GONJA 5 . YAKO 14. SOMALI Is A chil d r e n stay with d mo/fa d mo/fa d mo/fa B • r i g h t s - c h i l d r e n • • • • « Q • •••••• f a • •• •• •Jm' •••••• fa/mo.bro Q • • • • • • f a C ch i l d r e n v i s - a - v i s fa.similar/ceases a b X sim ceases D ch i l d r e n v i s - a - v i s mother a X c sim weak I I : A a f f i n a l bonds c X b same weak B a f f i n a l bonds kept when c h i l d r e n a X a yes yes H i t A woman l i v e s with c c&d a e i t h e r e i t h e r / l o v f a B man l i v e s with ••••• e i t h e r f a i • • • • • 9*« • • • • • f a G j u r a l c o n t r o l - wo. a c a f a mo.bro. f a IV. A wo.can remarry hu.rel a X X no VJ A comm'ty - woman's remarriage b b b f r e e f r e e f r e e VI: A couple's obligations to each other c a X s p e c i a l none • o . - - B ' couple can resume duties when a X X wo,rem. C couple's r e l a t i o n s h i p dissolved completely b X b no no D to remarry, woman dependent on man b a b . no yes no E man's r i g h t s ov.wom. b b b none none none 100 s i b l i n g s between the mother and father. Both the Gonja and the Somali locate the r i g h t s i n a c h i l d with the father and the c h i l d ' s p a t r i k i n , while the Yako di v i d e the co n t r o l to coincide with the residence: f a t h e r over boys; mother over g i r l s . The next problem with which they are f a i r l y harmonious i s III:A, concerning with whom of her k i n the woman l i v e s . The Somali woman resides with her f a t h e r and her p a t r i k i n and the Gonja woman can choose between them and her mother's brother's residence. The sane i s true f o r the Yako woman except that she has an a d d i t i o n a l choice of being allowed to take up immediate residence with a l o v e r / new husband. There i s also a consistency i n the man's residence (III:B) f o r the Yako and Somali send him to h i s father's and p a t r i k i n * s residence and the Gonja man can choose them or h i s matrikin's home. Two furth e r points of agreement are: the s o c i e t i e s deem the woman f r e e to remarry immediately (V:A:b) and the man has no r i g h t s of disposal over the woman (VI:E:b). Most of the other solutions are marred by at l e a s t one society r e g i s t e r i n g as "unknown", and analyses of these problems cannot be done. There are only two problems with divergent answers. One i s found i n category I I I , problem C, " J u r a l c o n t r o l i n a woman re s t s with:". The Gonja and Somali locate i t with the woman's fa t h e r and h i s p a t r i k i n , while f o r the Yako i t i s her mother's brother. In VI:D which concerns the woman's dependence on the man to remarry, both the Gonja and Somali recognize no dependence while f o r the Yako the man must accept 101 repayment of the bride p r i c e before her subsequent marriage i s i n i t i a t e d . I f the f u l l aim of t h i s study could be r e a l i z e d , then the material l a i d out i n Table IV might be summed up something l i k e t h i s : In those s o c i e t i e s which f i n d i t desirable to allow each of the couple to continue as a parent by s p l i t t i n g the o f f s p r i n g according to sex, we f i n d that the man's cl o s e s t supporting r e l a t i v e s are h i s father and h i s p a t r i k i n , though f o r the Gonja the man has the choice of with which set of r e l a t i v e s he wishes to a l i g n himself. The woman must think i n terms of becoming the f u l l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of her father once again as she was p r i o r to her marriage. This i s found amongst the Gonja and Somali while the Yako woman reverts to the care of her maternal uncle. Furthermore, i n a l l three s o c i e t i e s the woman i s not stigmatized because one marriage has terminated. She i s f r e e to remarry immediately. Her former husband does not continue to exercise any control over her by deciding whomeshe i s to marry, although with the Yako he can pos s i b l y aggravate h i s former wife by r e f u s i n g to accept the bride p r i c e refund Such was the hope of t h i s study, to be able to characterize the various consequences of marriage termination found i n the sixteen s o c i e t i e s by looking f o r c e r t a i n patterns of v a r i a b l e s turning up c o n s i s t e n t l y . However, even the short c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n given above i s of l i t t l e h e u r i s t i c value since of the three s o c i e t i e s containing e x c l u s i v e l y the one v a r i a b l e , at l e a s t one ei t h e r had a varying s o l u t i o n f o r most of the problems or no 102 s o l u t i o n could be determined. This occurred i n one h a l f of the problems. In Table V another r e l a t i o n s h i p was sought based on the va r i a b l e o f the man and woman being able to renew t h e i r conjugal t i e s even i f the woman had remarried (VI:B:a). This i s pos s i b l e only among the Gonja and the Samburu. Again, no other number of var i a b l e s could be found which complement i t . Both s o c i e t i e s have d i f f e r e n t ideas about the r o l e r e d e f i n i t i o n s that must occur. They do agree on the j u r a l c o n t r o l of the woman and the child r e n being located i n the p a t r i k i n , on the woman being f r e e to remarry and the men having no r i g h t s of disposal over them. They d i f f e r i n such respects as to who ra i s e s the ch i l d r e n , where the woman goes to l i v e and the dependence on the husband to remarry. This l a s t v a r i a b l e i s worth a b r i e f comment f o r i t i s an element i n determining the couple's new ro l e s v i s - a - v i s each other. I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g that although both peoples recognize the couple as s t i l l having some tenuous t i e s which could be revived completely ( i . e . l i v e together as husband and wife again), each society sees the man's control over the woman d i f f e r e n t l y . The Samburu woman must await her ex-husband's acceptance of the bride p r i c e while i t i s not necessary f o r the Gonja woman to do so. S t i l l , the problem solutions which are i n accord are no d i f f e r e n t than those of many other s o c i e t i e s and I see no poss i b l e connection between resumption of marriage and another v a r i a b l e . 103 TABLE V - PROBLEM SOLUTIONS OF GONJA AND SAMBURU VARIABLE - man and woman being able to renew t h e i r conjugal duties even i f woman has remarried (VI:B:a). 3. GONJA 7. SAMBURU I: A ch i l d r e n stay with mo/fa • ••!•)•••••• mo B r i g h t s - ch i l d r e n a ...a f a f a C c h i l d r e n v i s - a - v i s fa..similar/ceases a b sim cease D . ch i l d r e n v i s - a - v i s mother a sim H i A a f f i n a l bonds c X same • B a f f i n a l bonds kept when chil d r e n a X yes I I I : A woman l i v e s with c a e i t h e r f a B man l i v e s with e i t h e r • • • 9** • • • • • f a C j u r a l control-wo. a ...a f a f a IV: A wo.can marry h u . r e l . a X no V: A oomm*ty-woman's remarriage b b f r e e f r e e VI: A couple's obligations t o each other 0 X s p e c i a l B couple can resume duties when a a wo. rem. wo.rem. C couple's r e l a t i o n s h i p dissolved completely b X no D to remarry, woman dependent on man b a no yes E man's r i g h t s over woman b b none none 104 There are four s o c i e t i e s where the woman i s not dependent on the man to remarry, i . e . , she does not have to await the return of the bridewealth (VI:D:b). They are: the Lakeside Tonga, the Gonja, the Somali and the Trobriand as shown i n Table VI on the f o l l o w i n g page. Not a l l are consistent but a few s p e c i f i c interconnections were found. Where the woman i s not prevented from remarrying by her former spouse, i t seems that the woman i s also not subject to h i s deciding her next spouse (VI:E), as could happen i n other s o c i e t i e s . Also occurring with t h i s condition i s the v a r i a b l e denoting some form of continuing t i e s between the couple (VI:C). This i s found i n three of the four s o c i e t i e s and there i s no information f o r the fourth (Trobriand). The residence of the chi l d r e n might be a furth e r concomitant feature since i n two cases the children dwell with t h e i r mother and i n the others are divided between t h e i r mother and fath e r (I:A). However, i t must be emphasized that these are not exclusive r e l a t i o n s h i p s f o r each o f these complementary conditions e x i s t i n other s o c i e t i e s where the woman i s dependent on the man to remarry. In f a c t a l l three (I:A:b/d;VI:C:b and VI:E:b) are to be found together i n the Plateau Tongan society which requires the woman to wait f o r the husband's acceptance of the refund before remarrying. This i s the only negative case but there are four other s o c i e t i e s where the answer to the problem i s unknown. 105 TABLE VI - PROBLEM SOLUTIONS OF THE LAKESIDE TONGA, GONJA, J.SQMALI AND TROBRIAND , •• VARIABLE - Woman i s not dependent on the man to remarry (she does not have to await h i s acceptance of the bridewealth); (VI:D:b) 1. L.TONGA 3. GONJA 14. SOMALI 16. TROB. Is A ch i l d r e n stay with b ....d 1 ....b mo mo/fa mo/fa mo B r i g h t s - ch i l d r e n 1? a a ....h mo f a f a mo C ch i l d r e n v i s - a - v i s f a . s i m i l a r / ceases a sim a sim X X -D chi l d r e n v i s - a - v i s mother a sim weak l i s A a f f i n a l bonds c b x same same weak B a f f i n a l bonds kept when ch i l d r e n a a a X yes yes yes I l l s A woman l i v e s with a c a f a e i t h e r f a mo B man l i v e s with c a a e i t h e r e i t h e r f a f a C j u r a l control - wo. a ...A mo.bro. f a f a f r e e 17: A wo.can marry h u . r e l . X a no X X V: A comm'ty - woman's remarriage b b b b f r e e f r e e f r e e free VI: A couple's ob l i g a t i o n s to each other a none c s p e c i a l X • X B couple can resume duties when X wo.rem. X C couple's r e l a t i o n s h i p dissolved completely b b b X no no no D to remarry, woman dependent on man b b b b no no no no E man's r i g h t s over wo. b . b b none none none none 1 0 6 Table VII involves the analysis of seven s o c i e t i e s and three v a r i a b l e s , as one combination o f r o l e r e d e f i n i t i o n s was discovered. I t seems that when the c h i l d r e n go to l i v e with t h e i r mother permanently (I:Asb) and l e s s so temporarily, there i s a continuing r e l a t i o n s h i p i n a strong or weak form between the children and the absent father (I:C:a/c), the a f f i n e s (II:A:b/c) and the former spouses (VI:C:b). In other words, i n those s o c i e t i e s which hand over the c h i l d r e n to the mother some p r o v i s i o n i s made f o r on-going r e l a t i o n s h i p s . Perhaps one can say that marriage termination i s not that severe an occurrence. The contrary also seems to hold - that where the c h i l d r e n are sent permanently with t h e i r father, a l l other r e l a t i o n s h i p s are e i t h e r completely severed or considerably weakened. These statements are being made i n the f u l l r e a l i z a t i o n that there i s a considerable degree of researcher b i a s , f o r the researcher would sometimes look to the s o l u t i o n of one problem to help solve another. The seriousness of t h i s very u n s c i e n t i f i c approach i s r e a l i z e d but as explained previously, i t could not have been otherwise. I t i s p o s s i b l e that the r e l a t i o n s h i p s of v a r i a b l e s s i n g l e d out here are genuine as they hold f o r each so c i e t y f o r which there i s s u f f i c i e n t material. The s o c i e t i e s on which this r e l a t i o n s h i p was tested are the: Lakeside Tonga, Plateau Tonga, Gonja, Mae-Enga, Sonjo, Amba, and Somali. Nine of the sample of sixteen s o c i e t i e s had to be omitted because there was no data f o r at l e a s t one or more of the three r e l a t i o n s h i p s being tested (I:C:D; II:A; VI:C)» 107 TABLE V I I - PROBLEM SOLUTIONS OF THE LAKESIDE TONGA* PLATEAU TONGA,..GONJA,-MAE-ENGA-, SONJO, - AMBA. AND SOMALI VARIABLES - continuing r e l a t i o n s h i p s with c h i l d r e n ; a f f i n e s ; and former spouses. (I:C,D; I I : A ; V I : C ) 1. L. TONGA 2. P. TONGA 3. GONJA 4. MAE-ENGA 8. SONJO . LI. UffiA 14. SO-MALI I : A c h i l d r e n stay with ....h... ...1?... ...4... ..h... ..d mo mo mo/fa f a mo ao.tem mo/fa B r i g h t s - c h i l d r e n b b a a d a a mo mo f a f a step.f£ f a f a C c h i l d r e n v i s - a - v i s fa.similar/ceases a a a b b - X sim sim sim ceases ceases D c h i l d r e n v i s - a - v i s mother - - a X c c sim weak weak I I : A a f f i n a l bonds c b c ..]?... a b b same weak same weak cease weak weak B a f f i n a l bonds kept when ch i l d r e n a a a X b a a yes yes yes no yes yes I I I : A woman l i v e s with • • • * • • f a • • • • mo eit h e r f a f a • • • • f a f a B man l i v e s with ei t h e r e i t h e r e i t h e r • • f a a • • • • • • f a a f a a f a C j u r a l c o n t r o l - wo. c c a a .A... a mo.bro mo.bro f a f a free bro f a I B : A wo.can marry h u . r e l . X X a b a X X no any no V: A comm'ty - worn. rem. b b b b X X b f r e e f r e e f r e e f r e e f r e e V I : A couple's obligations to each other a a c a a X X none none have none none B couple can resume duties when X X a b b b X wo.rem br.pr not ret'd C 3ouple*s r e l a t i o n s h i p dissolved completely b b b a a b b no no no yes yes no no D to remarry, woman dependent on man b a b a a a b no yes no yes yes yes no E man's r i g h t s over woman b b b a a b b none none none has has i one lone 108 As can be seen i n Table VII the s o c i e t i e s which send t h e i r c h i l d r e n to t h e i r mother permanently (the Lakeside Tonga and Plateau Tonga) have continuing strong t i e s between the c h i l d r e n and the father, the a f f i n e s (weaker f o r the Plateau Tonga) and the former spouses. In those s o c i e t i e s where the boys go with t h e i r father, but the g i r l s remain with t h e i r mother (the Gonja and the Somali), the Gonja have very strong continuing a f f i l i a t i o n s while the Somali have weaker ones. The Amba people send t h e i r c h i l d r e n only temporarily to the mother and a l l t h e i r continuing t i e s appear to be weak. The Mae-Enga require that the c h i l d r e n remain with the father and t h e i r t i e s are broken though the a f f i n a l ones are weakened. The Sonjo society i s the one negative case. Although the Sonjo send t h e i r c h i l d r e n to t h e i r mother permanently, a l l the former a f f i l i a t i o n s cease. The probable explanation f o r t h i s i s that the ch i l d r e n are completely adopted by t h e i r step-father, but of course there i s s t i l l the question of why, u n l i k e other s o c i e t i e s , t h i s adoption occurs. This was the one other set of v a r i a b l e combinations that was discovered and t h i s one too i s suspect as i t s v e r i f i c a t i o n i s dependent on l e s s than h a l f the sample, besides the f a c t that the r e s u l t s r e f l e c t researcher b i a s . The remaining searches f o r v a r i a b l e connections w i l l not be illu m i n a t e d here as nothing could possibly be reaped from them. The rather small number of tables i s o l a t i n g various r e l a t i o n s h i p s i s the unfortunate outcome of having an unknown v a r i a b l e r a t e of 28%. To have continued showing other arrangements of the various 1 0 9 elements of r o l e r e d e f i n i t i o n s i n t h i s t e s t would he p o i n t l e s s . I t must he r e i t e r a t e d that the purpose of t h i s study has not been only to formulate marriage termination p r i n c i p l e s . I t wasl&nown from the beginning that t h i s would l i k e l y never be. I do not intend to r e c a p i t u l a t e the few p o s s i b l e c o r r e l a t i o n s that were extracted since they are not genuine and nothing about marriage termination can be learned from them. Throughout t h i s whole chapter I have stressed that many of the answers were deduced and the holes i n the tables were too great to lead to f r u i t f u l comments. Anything that could be said about marriage termination based on these r e s u l t s would be j u s t guesswork. Nevertheless i t i s hoped that the lack of r e s u l t s has not detracted from the proposed comparative method of r o l e - a n a l y s i s as developed here. This student i s s t i l l very much excited by i t s p o s s i b i l i t i e s . Table I i s a testimony to t h a t . Here g r a p h i c a l l y arrayed i s a means of delving i n t o an aspect of an i n s t i t u t i o n , marriage termination i n t h i s case, and d i s s e c t i n g i t so that i t becomes po s s i b l e to see the phenomenon i n much the same way that the various peoples studied see i t . With data presented that i s more s e n s i t i v e to the demands of r o l e - a n a l y s i s , the problem-solving technique developed may w e l l be able to chart the actual behaviour of the people. With t h i s model of soci e t y i t should also be p o s s i b l e to examine, over a wide range of cultures, the d i f f e r e n t and various means by which the people themselves define marriage termination and how they go about re-adjusting to i t . 110 The f a i l u r e of t h i s p a r t i c u l a r exploration to divulge some concrete r e l a t i o n s h i p s (given that where *yt i s present, %z% w i l l occur) should not lead to an abandonment of t h i s approach. Rather, i t s i n e f f e c t u a l i t y should be understood. A l l would agree that to describe even a small part of a s o c i a l structure i s a very complicated procedure f o r there are numerous interconnections. To be able to see these networks repeating themselves when only a small sample of sixteen was used, with a good number of t h e i r problems being indeterminate, i s asking too much. Such a study as t h i s should have used many more cases so that d e f i n i t e patterns could be traced. T h i s would have been attempted had there been the material. In l i g h t of my argument that there was i n s u f f i c i e n t data and therefore the r o l e - a n a l y s i s procedure should not be condemned, one might charge that the problem-solving technique should not have been applied knowing that the material was wanting. Instead, a problem with a known wealth of data should have been explored to examine the benefits of both the r o l e -analysis and problem-solving techniques. My answer to t h i s charge i s that t h i s type of study i s most necessary even though nothing conclusive was derived from i t . Ethnographers must be shown the type of analysis that can be conducted and the kind of basic data needed f o r these studies. I do not believe t h i s study was a wasted e f f o r t . I recognize the importance of bringing the analysis down to the l e v e l of the actual sense I l l data and now seeing that i t could probably be done, I hope to persuade others. 112 CHAPTER V CONCLUSION In summarising and r e s t a t i n g the r e s u l t s of t h i s study, l i t t l e can he presented that i s conclusive. To a great degree the dual tasks of t h i s study ( i n v e s t i g a t i n g marriage termination and t e s t i n g r o l e - a n a l y s i s ) i n t e r f e r e d with each other and neither has been s u f f i c i e n t l y documented to generate further areas of i n v e s t i g a t l o n . Although there are no p o s i t i v e r e s u l t s f o r e i t h e r problem, what has emerged, I believe, are some observations which have meaning i n the context of comparative anthropological i n v e s t i g a t i o n s . I t i s recognized that the ethnographer's primary o b l i g a t i o n i s to adequately describe the society he i s studying and only then to concern himself with comparisons. I t i s also necessary that anthropologists wishing to construct c r o s s - c u l t u r a l studies should provide the f i e l d worker with the theory by which he can structure h i s study. In the past t h i s theory has conformed to what Goldschmidt (1966:15) r e f e r s to as the " f u n c t i o n a l i s t " approach where the s o c i a l behaviour has been neatly c l a s s i f i e d i n t o categories and concepts that u s u a l l y apply accurately to only a few s o c i e t i e s and has tended to block analysis. Dr. Leach (1963) aptly portrays t h i s idea when he comments* "The d i f f i c u l t y of achieving comparative generalizations i s d i r e c t l y l i n k e d with the problem of escaping from ethnocentric b i a s " ( 1965:1) . 113 This study attempted to derive some concrete notions of marriage termination as i t occurs throughout a wide range of s o c i e t i e s by not focusing the study upon " p r i o r category assumptions" (Leach 1 9 6 3 : 4 ) . There were assumptions i n t h i s study which n a t u r a l l y mould the r e s u l t s hut I do not view them as r e s u l t i n g from ethnocentric Mas. For instance, the suggestions that the most constructive point at which to begin a study of marriage termination i s the rupture o f the marriage or that there are s i x basic categories of r o l e r e d e f i n i t i o n s d i f f e r i n kind from such category assumptions as c l a s s i f y i n g the data according to descent p r i n c i p l e s or residence r u l e s . Both types of assumptions impose on the data the researcher's sense of what i s important. The assumptions i n t h i s study attach importance to s p e c i f i c aspects, but uniformly, throughout a l l the s o c i e t i e s i n the sample. However i n the " f u n c t i o n a l i s t " type of comparative studies s p e c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e i s a t t r i b u t e d to features i n s o c i e t i e s , creating d i v i s i o n s within the sample p r i o r to knowing i f these d i v i s i o n s are warranted. I t seems that such c l a s s i f i c a t i o n should follow a comprehensive i n v e s t i g a t i o n rather than precede i t . V/hat has been learned from t h i s examination o f marriage termination i s that a study can be conducted without regard to many preconceived concepts, without paying homage to the b e l i e f that m a t r i l i n e a l i t y and p a t r i l i n e a l i t y are s i g n i f i c a n t anthropological categories. Although the p o s i t i o n has not been confirmed by p o s i t i v e r e s u l t s , i t would seem that lack of r i g i d c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s does not a f f e c t the actual handling and 114 processing of the data and i n f a c t should r a t i o n a l l y he a f a r more productive approach. Another feature of t h i s t h e s i s i s that i t has shown the lack of d e s c r i p t i v e material on marriage termination i n the ethnographies. Even i f the p a r t i c u l a r r o l e - a n a l y s i s of r o l e r e d e f i n i t i o n s was found to be f r u i t l e s s i t s t i l l has contributed by demonstrating the large gaps there are i n the ethnographic fund of material on marriage termination. E i t h e r the anthropologist has t h i s material i n h i s f i e l d notes and has not seen any need f o r p u b l i s h i n g i t or he has not yet conducted an i n v e s t i g a t i o n of the phenomenon. In eit h e r case, t h i s study s t i l l i n d icates the kind of data that i s not avai l a b l e f o r examinang marriage termination and possibly f o r comparative studies i n general — a f u l l d e t a i l e d account of the s o c i a l behaviour occasioned by s p e c i f i c events occurring more or l e s s u n i v e r s a l l y . There i s no need to itemize the ki n d of data on marriage termination that the ethnographer should e i t h e r publish or research. The t h e s i s has produced a t o t a l of sixteen problems and 243 v a r i a b l e s which could serve as a guide to the kind of information i t i s possible to produce. As has been mentioned, there are other aspects to marriage termination which are not discussed i n t h i s paper and the categories of r o l e r e d e f i n i t i o n s could not d i r e c t the researcher to the appropriate material. Problems r e l a t i n g to the s o c i o l o g i c a l causes of marriage termination, such as the status of co-wives and the socio-economic l e v e l , have t o be explored as well as rate. In order to deal with t h i s 115 problem of frequency the ethnographies must y i e l d more r e l i a b l e s t a t i s t i c s than "divorce i s frequent" (Krader 1963:40) and " i t (divorceiT.O.) i s rare" (Hogbin 1964:29) . J.A. Barnes (1949) discussed t h i s problem and suggested a standardized method of c o l l e c t i n g s t a t i s t i c s on marriage termination. Although t h i s occurred i n 1949 few (as i l l u s t r a t e d i n the above quotes) have c a r r i e d out h i s recommendations. Another r e l a t e d area of i n v e s t i g a t i o n i s suggested by Evans-Pritchard's (1951) report of Nuer s t a b i l i t y i n j u r a l (re-marriage) r e l a t i o n s but i n s t a b i l i t y i n conjugal r e l a t i o n s . Research would have t o be conducted to determine i f t h i s occurs i n other s o c i e t i e s and an explanation of the discrepancy between marriage break-down and marriage termination could be sought. A f u r t h e r inquiry might focus on whether the solutions to problems created by marriage termination (as discussed i n Chapter III) are p e c u l i a r to t h i s event or are the same as solutions to the s i m i l a r considerations that must occur f o r both the husband and wife on the death of t h e i r spouses. Thi s would help i n further understanding marriage termination by e s t a b l i s h i n g i f c e r t a i n p r a c t i c e s are r e s t r i c t e d to i t and why they are. These are some of the considerations that have to be explored but, as discussed i n the Introduction, t h i s paper 116 argues f o r p r i o r i t i e s . Before these peripheral questions can be examined there must be established an adequate cha r a c t e r i z a t i o n and d e f i n i t i o n of marriage termination. Students of t h i s subject must understand the phenomenon before basing fur t h e r c r o s s - c u l t u r a l studies on i t . Although the mode of inqui r y documented i n t h i s t h e s i s d i d not produce conclusive r e s u l t s , I would maintain the view, u n t i l i t i s proven otherwise, that a r o l e - a n a l y s i s i s a most promising method. I hope i t has been shown that by analyzing s p e c i f i c anthropological problems i n terms of t h e i r constituent systems of r o l e s , the student i s able to work with the data that most c l o s e l y documents the basic i n t e r a c t i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p s . Furthermore, and most important, by organizing the data i n terms of the u n i t s of s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n , one i s working with ethnographic data that i s comparable. Since " r o l e s " r e f l e c t t h i s basic unit of action they can be likened to b u i l d i n g blocks i n the sense that they can be arranged and re-arranged i n various ways to s u i t d i f f e r e n t problems and d i f f e r e n t methods of t e s t i n g them. The ethnographic data, once expressed i n terms of r o l e s , holds out the p o s s i b i l i t y of experimentation; i t may be that these v a r i a b l e s can be manipulated so that the e f f e c t s of the absence or presence of c e r t a i n ones can be traced. 117 In addition to the general a p p l i c a b i l i t y and f l e x i b i l i t y of the data when produced from an .analysis of r o l e s , a new element can be added which greatly increases i t s supremacy over conventional methods. Because a r o l e - a n a l y s i s can reduce the data to a coherent arrangement of v a r i a b l e s , much as was done i n the problem-solving technique, then i t imay be possible to explore the r e s u l t s by s u b s t i t u t i n g mathematical terms f o r these v a r i a b l e s . The advantages to using mathematical models are argued by Leach (1963) more knowledgeably and convincingly that can I. However, the use of mathematics i s seen as e l i m i n a t i n g the need f o r e i t h e r profusions of taxonomies or lengthy descriptions which have always been necessary to account f o r the numerous v a r i a t i o n s found i n comparative studies. Moreover, mathematical expressions could be useful i n i s o l a t i n g s p e c i f i c r e l a t i o n s h i p s of v a r i a b l e s . For example, i f t h i s study had been able to produce a more comprehensive account of marriage termination i n many more s o c i e t i e s , mathematical expressions of the v a r i a b l e s could have been used with more accuracy to discover connections between v a r i a b l e s . A f u r t h e r consideration would be how computers can best be used to the benefit of s o c i a l anthropology. In order to take advantage of these new s c i e n t i f i c techniques i n analysis, I would stress the importance of using data that represents basic units of action, i . e . , r o l e s . 118 This p o s i t i o n does assume that s o c i e t i e s can he compared. Evans-Pritchard (1965) r a i s e s the l i k e l i h o o d of t h i s not being the case. He wonders i f i t would be "temerarious" t o : ask ourselves i f we should not question whether the basic assumption which has so long been taken f o r granted, that there are any s o c i o l o g i c a l laws of the kind sought; whether s o c i a l f a c t s , besides being remarkably complex, are not so t o t a l l y d i f f e r e n t from those studied by the inorganic and organie sciences, that neither the comparative method nor any other i s l i k e l y to lead to the formulation of generalizations comparable to the laws of those sciences. We have to deal with values, sentiments, purposes, w i l l , reason, choice, as well as with h i s t o r i c a l circumstances. Evans-Pritchard ( 1965:33) . I cannot dispute Evans-Pritchard; nor can anyone at t h i s stage i n anthropological research. Yet, i t seems that he may be wrong, that we may compare with b e n e f i t . We must remember that i t i s not comparable i n s t i t u t i o n s which are found from one socie t y to the other, but common human problems which are consistent. Consequently there must be some r e g u l a r i t y i n the human solutions to these problems. We need, not studies based on comparing i n s t i t u t i o n s and other r i g i d categories, but studies probing s o c i a l action. I think then we may be able to d i s p e l Evans-Pritchard's f e a r s . 119 References Cited i n Chapter V Barnes, J.A. 1949 "Measures of Divorce Frequency i n Simple S o c i e t i e s " Journal of the Royal Anthropological I n s t i t u t e , 79: 37-62. Evans-Pritchard, E.E, 1951 Kinship and marriage Among the Nuer, Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1965 The P o s i t i o n of Women i n P r i m i t i v e S o c i e t i e s and Other Essays i n S o c i a l Anthropology, London: Faber. Goldschmidt, Walter 1966 Comparative Functionalism: An Essay i n Anthropological Theory. Berkeley: Un i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a Press. Hogbin, Ian 1964 The Kaoka Speakers: A Guadalcanal Society, New York: Holt, Rhinehart and Winston. Krader, Lawrance 1963 S o c i a l Organization of the Mongol-Turkic Pastoral Nomads, The Hague: Mouton. Leach, Edmund R. 1963 Rethinking Anthropology, London: University of London, Athlone Press. (1st e d i t i o n , 1961). 120 BIBLIOGRAPHY Aokerman, C. 1963 " A f f i l i a t i o n s : S t r u c t u r a l Determinants of D i f f e r e n t i a l Divorce Rates", American Journal of Sociology, 69:13-20. Adams, J.B., Queen, S.A. and Habenstein, R.W. 1961 The Family i n Various Cultures, New York: Lippincott Ardener, Edwin 1962 Divorce and F e r t i l i t y : An A f r i c a n Study, London: Oxford Un i v e r s i t y Press. Banton Michael, ed. 1966 The S o c i a l Anthropology of Complex S o c i e t i e s , A.S.A. Monographs, London: Tavistock. Barnes, J.A. 1949 "Measures of Divorce Frequency i n Simple S o c i e t i e s " , Journal of the Royal Anthropological I n s t i t u t e , 79:37-62. 1951 A Study i n S t r u c t u r a l Change Among the Fort Jameson Ngoni, Livingstone: Rhodes-Livingstone Papers 20. Barnett, Homer G. 1955 The Coast S a l i s h of B r i t i s h Columbia, Portland: Un i v e r s i t y of Oregon Press. Barth, F. 1966 "Models of S o c i a l Organization", Royal Anthropological I n s t i t u t e , Occasional Papers -23* Belshaw, C y r i l S. 1964 Under the I v i Tree, London 1967 "Theoretioal Problems i n Economic Anthropology" In S o c i a l Organization: Essays Presented to Raymond.Firth, M. Freedman, ed., London: F. Cass. Berndt, Ronald M. 1962 Excess and Restraint, Chicago: Un i v e r s i t y of Chicago Press. Bhandari, J.S. 1963 "Kinship, Marriage and Family among the Korwa o f Dudhi", Eastern Anthropologist; 16: 79-106. Biddle, B.J. and Thomas, E.J., eds. 1966 Role Theory: Concepts and Research, New York: John Wiley. 121 Bohannan, Paul 1963 Social Anthropology, New York: Holt, Rhinehart and Winston. . Bunzel, Ruth 1959 Chiohicastenango, St. Louis: University of Washington Press. Burridge, K.O.L. 1957 Descent in Tangu, Oceania, 28: 85-99. 1958 Marriage in Tangu, Oceania, 29: 44-61. Cohen, R. 1961 "Marriage Instability Among the Kanuri of Northern Nigeria", American Anthropologist: 63: 1231-49. Colson, Elizabeth 1958 Marriage and the Family among the Plateau Tonga of Northern Rhodesia, Manchester: Manchester University Press. 1961 "Plateau Tonga" IN Matrilineal Kinship, D.M. Schneider and E.K. Gough, eds., Berkley: University of California Press. Djamour, Judith 1959 Malay Kinship and Marriage in Singapore, London: University of London, Athlone Press. Du Bois, Cora 1960 The People of Alor, Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Eggan, F. 1954 "Social Anthropology and the Methods of Controlled Comparison", American Anthropologist, 56: 743-63. Eggan, F., ed. 1955 Social Anthropology of the North American Tribes, Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Evans-Pritchard, E.E. 1951 Kinship and Marriage Among the Nuer, Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1965 The Position of Women In Primitive Societies and Other Essays in Social Anthropology, London: Faber. 122 Fallers, Lloyd A. 1957 "Some Determinants of Marriage Stability in Busogas A Reformulation of Gluckman*8 Hypothesis", Africa, 27: 106-21. 1965 Bantu Bureaucracy, Chicago: Chicago University Press. Forde, Daryll 1964 Yako Studies, London: Oxford University Press. Fortes, Meyer 1949 The Web of Kinship Among the Tallensi, London: Oxford University Press. 1959 "Descent, Affiliation and Affinity: A Rejoinder to Dr. Leach", Bart I: Man, 59: 193-7; Part II: Man, 59: 206-12. Fortes, Meyer, ed. 1962 Marriage in Tribal Societies, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Fortune, R.F. 1963 Sorcerers of Dobu, revised edition, London. Freedman, M. 1957 Chinese Family and Marriage in Singapore, London: U.K. Colonial Research Studies 20. Gallaghe, O.R. 1965 "Endogamous Marriage in Central India", Ethnology, 4: 72-77. . - -Garvan, J.W. 1927 "A Survey of the Material and Sociological Culture of the Manobo of Eastern Mindanao", American Anthropologist, 29: 567-604. Geddes, W.R. 1945 Deuba - A Study of a Fijian Village, Wellington: The Polynesian Society. Gibbs, James L., Jr. 1963 "Marital Instability Among the Kpelle: Towards a Theory of Epainogamy", American. Anthropologist, 65: 552-74. Gluckman, Max 1953 "Bridewealth and the Stability of Marriage", Man, 53: 141-2. 1954 "Bridewealth and the Stability of Marriage", Man, 54: 67. 123 1962 "Kinship and Marriage Among the Lozi of Northern Rhodesia and the Zulu of Natal" IN African Systems of Kinship and Marriage, A.R. Radcliffe-Brown and D. Forde, eds., London: Oxford University Press. (1st edition, 1950) Goldschmidt, Walter 1966 Comparative Punctionalism: An Essay in Anthropological Theory. Berkley, University of California Press. Goody, Esther N. 1962 "Conjugal Separation and Divorce Among the Gonja of Northern Ghana" IN Marriage in Tribal Societies, M. Fortes, ed., Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Gough, E.K. and Schneider, D.M., eds. 1961 Matrilineal Kinship, Berkley: University of California Press. Gould, J. and Kolb, W., eds. 1964 A Dictionary of the Social Sciences, London: Tavistock. Granquist, Raima 1935 Marriage Conditions in a Palestinian Village, Helsingfors. Gray, Robert F. 1963 The Sonjo of Tanganyika, London: Oxford University Press. Hogbin, Ian 1964 The Kaoka Speakers: A Guadalcanal Society, New York: Holt, Rhinehart and Winston. Honigmann, J.J. 1953 "A Comparative Analysis of Divorce", Marriage and Family Living, 15: 37-43* Howell, P.P. 1953 "Divorce Among the Nuer", Journal of the Royal Anthropological Society, 83: 136-47* Kluckhohn, Clyde 1962 "Universal Categories of Culture" IN Anthropology Today: Selections, S. Tax, ed., Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Kobben, Andre 1952 "New Ways of Presenting an Old Idea: The Statistical Method in Social Anthropology", Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, 82: 129-46. 124 1967 "Why Exceptions? The Logic of Cross-Cultural Analysis", Current Anthropology, 8: 3-34 • Krader, Lawrance 1963 Social Organization of the Mongol-Turkic Pastoral Nomads, The Hague: Mouton. La Fontaine, Jean 1962 "Gisu Marriage and Affinal Relations" IN Marriage in Tribal Societies, M. Fortes ed., Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Lawrance, J.C.D. 1957 The Iteso, London: Oxford University Press. Leach, Edmund R. 1953 "Bridewealth and the Stability of Marriage", Man, 53: 179-80. 1954 "Bridewealth and the Stability of Marriage", Man, 54: 99-100. 1957 "Aspects of Bridewealth and Marriage Stability Among the Kachin and Lakher", Man, 57: 50-55. (reprinted in Rethinking Anthropology, 1961, 1963). 1961 Pul Eliya: A Village in Ceylon, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1963 Rethinking Anthropology, London: University of London, Athlone Press. (1st edition, 1961)• Levy, Marion J., Jr. 1952 The Structure of Society, Princeton: Princeton University Press. Lewis, I.M. 1962 Marriage and the Family in Northern Somali land, East African Studies, 5* 1965 "Problems in the Comparative Study of Unilineal Descent IN The Relevance of Models for Social Anthropology, M. Bant on, Ed., A.S.A. Monographs, London; Tavistock. Lewis, Oscar 1961 "Comparisons in Cultural Anthropology" IN Readings in Cross-Cultural Methodlogy, F.W. Moore, ed., New Haven: HRAF Press. 125 Li An-Chee 1939 "Zuni: Some Observations and Queries", American Anthropologist, 39: 62-76. Loeb, E.M. 1933 "Patrilineal and Matrilineal Organization in Sumatra", American Anthropologist, 35: 16-50. Majumdar, D.N. 1962 Himalayan Polyandry, Bombay. Malinowski, Bronislaw 1957 The Sexual Life of Savages, London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, (1st edition, 1929). Maquet, Jacques J. 196l The Premise of Inequality in Ruanda, London: Oxford University Press. Meggitt, M.J. 1965 The Lineage System of the Mae-Enga of New Guinea, New York: Barnes and Noble. Middleton, John 1965. The Lugbara of Uganda, New York: Holt, Rhinehart and Winston. Mitchell, J.C. 1961 "Social Change and the Stability of African Marriage in Northern Rhodesia" IN Social Change in Modern Africa, A. Southall, ed., London: Oxford University Press. Murdock, George Peter 1965 Culture and Society, Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press. Nadel, S.F. 1958 The Theory of Social Structure, Glencoe: Free Press. Nimikoff, Meyer, F., ed. 1965 Comparative Family Systems, Boston: Houghton, Miflin. Oliver, D.L. 1959 A Solomon Island Society, Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Ottenberg, Simon and Phoebe, eds. 1961 Cultures and Sooieties of Africa, New York: Random. 126 Parry, N.E. 1932 The Lakhers, London: Macmillan. Parsons, Talcott, ed. 1962 Toward a General Theory of Action, New York: Harper and Row, (1st edition, Harvard Press, 195D* Peristiany, J.G. 1964 The Social Institutions of the Kipsigis, New York: Humanities Press. Peter, H.R.H. Prince of Greece and Denmark 1963 A Study of Polyandry, The Hague: Mouton. Preston, Richard J. 1966 "Edward Sapir*s Anthropology: Style, Structure and Method", American Anthropologist, 68: 1105-28. Radcliffe-Brown, A.R, 1922 The Andaman Islanders, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, (reference taken from the Human Relations Area File). Radcliffe-Brown, A.R. and Forde, Daryll, eds. 1962 African Systems of Kinship and Marriage, London: Oxford University Press. (1st edition, 1950). Richards, A.I. 1956 Chisungu, London: Faber. Ryan, D'arcy, 1959 "Clan Formation of the Mendi Valley", Oceania, 29: 257-89. Sanwal, R.D. 1966 "Bridewealth and Marriage Stability Among the Khasi of Kumaon", Man. (N.S.), 1: 46-59. Schapera, I. 1965 Married Life in an African Tribe, Evanston: Northwestern University Press. Schapera, I. and Singer, Milton B. 1953 "Some Comments of Comparative Method in Social Anthropology", American Anthropologist, 55:353-66. Soheffler, H.W. 1965 Choiseul Island Social Structure, Berkley: University of California Press. 127 Schneider, David M. 1953 "A Note on Bridewealth and the S t a b i l i t y of Marriage", Man, 53: 55-57. 1965 "Some Muddles i n the Models" IN The Relevance of Models f o r S o c i a l Anthropology", M. Bant on, ed. A.S.A. Monographs, London: Tavistock. Schneider, David M. and Gough, E.K., eds. 1961 M a t r i l i n e a l Kinship, Berkley: Un i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a Press. Sheldon, R.C. 1962 "Some Observations on Theory" IN Towards A General Theory of Action, T. Parsons, ed., New York: Harper and Row. Sjoberg, Gideon 1955 "The Comparative Method i n the S o c i a l Sciences" Philosophy of Science, 22: 106-117. S o u t h a l l , Aidan, 1961 "The P o s i t i o n of Women and the S t a b i l i t y o f Marriage" IN S o c i a l Change i n Modern.Africa, A. Southa l l , ed.,. Oxford: International A f r i c a n I n s t i t u t e . Spencer, Paul 1965 The Samburu, Berkley: U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a Press. Spier, L e s l i e 1928 "Havasupai Ethnography", Anthropological Papers o f the American Museum of Natural His t o r y , 29: 83-230. Stefaniszyn, Bronislaw, 1964. S o c i a l and R i t u a l L i f e of the Ambo of Northern Rhodesia, R. Apthorpe, ed., London: Oxford University Press. Stenning, Derrick J . 1962 "Household V i a b i l i t y Among the Pas t o r a l Pulani" LN The Developmental Cycle i n Domestic Groups, Jack. Goody, ed., Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press. Stephens, W. 1963 The Family i n Cross-Cultural Perspective, New York: Holt, Rhinehart and Winston. Swift, M.G. 1965 Malay Peasant Society i n Jelebu, London: U n i v e r s i t y of London, Athlone Press. . 128 Temple, R.C. 1901 The Andaman and Nicohar Islands, C a l c u t t a : Census of India, (reference taken from the Human Relations Area F i l e ) . Thurnher, Majda, 1966 A Comparative Study o f Marriage S t a b i l i t y i n A f r i c a n S o c i e t i e s , Unpublished doctoral d i s s e r t a t i o n , U n i v e r s i t y o f C a l i f o r n i a , Berkley. Turner, V.W. 1957 Schism and Continuity i n an A f r i c a n Society, Manchester: Manchester University Press. Udy, Stanley, H., J r . 1959 Organization of Work, New Haven: HRAF Press. 1964 "Cross C u l t u r a l Analysis: A Case Study" IN S o c i o l o g i s t s at Work, P.E. Hammond, ed., New York: Basic Books. Van Den Berghe, P.L. 1963 " D i a l e c t i c and Functionalism: Toward a T h e o r e t i c a l Synthesis", American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, 28: 695-705. Van Velsen, J . 1964 The P o l i t i c s of Kinship, Manchester: Manchester University Press. Watson, William 1954 "Bridewealth and the S t a b i l i t y of Marriage", Man, 54: 67-8. Wilson, T.R. 1952 "Randomness of the D i s t r i b u t i o n o f S o c i a l Organization Forms: A Note on Murdock*s S o c i a l Structure". American Anthropologist,.54: 134-8. Winter, E.H. 1956 Bwamba, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Z e l d i t c h , Morris, J r . 1963 "Role D i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n the Nuclear Family: A Comparative Study" IN SociologicalResearch: A Case Approach, M.W. R i l e y , ed., New York. 129 APPENDIX I Ethnographic Details 1» lakeside Tonga are described by J. Van Velsen in his book, The Politics  of Kinship: A Study in Social Manipulation Among the Lakeside Tonga of Ny as aland, 1964. The anthropologist's thesis is that Tonga stability is achieved through a series of complicated relationships and cross exchanges. The Lakeside Tonga economy is based on a subsistence food production of cassava (no cattle kept) produced mainly by women* Their chief export is labour. There is no overall tribal authority and the important socio-political unit i s the village, an amorphous entity composed of a series of hamlets which interact with one another. There are village headmen but the office lacks "subsistence and sanction". Of the two lines of filiation, the matrilineal one is more important but is tempered by strongly patrilateral links, for the wife lives in her husband's chosen village. He can take up residence with either his patrilineal or matrilineal groups of kin and Van Velsen reports that "The struggle for control over offspring and particularly their residential allegiance is one of the central themes of Tonga l i f e " (1964:82). However, the pull to the matrilineal village seems to be slightly stronger. Amongst the Lakeside Tonga, i t is the payment or non-payment of bridewealth which gives a marriage its tangible content. The bridewealth i s supplied by the relatives of the man's village and i t is shared by the bride's patrikin and matrikin. Either party can initiate the 'divorce' proceedings (divorce rate is high) and i f the husband is entitled to a return of the bridewealth he has paid, he often forfeits i t in order 130 not to break his relationship with his children. 2. Plateau Tonga in Marriage and the Family Among the Plateau Tonga of  Northern Rhodesia. 1958 and "Plateau Tonga" in Matrilineal Kinship (eds., Schneider and Gough 196l) are recorded by Elizabeth Colson. The focus of her major study is on the way in which changing economic and social conditions are impinging upon the Tonga family and the regulation of marriage. The Plateau Tonga economy has changed from one of subsistence farming to cash-crop farming supplemented by cattle raising. The most enduring units in the Plateau Tonga society are the clans which are named, dispersed, exogamous units in which membership is derived through matrilineal descent; they are not corporate bodies. Each clan consists of a number of kinship groups referred to by the author as matrilineal groups. The groups are dispersed but control inheritance, succession, provision and sharing of bridewealth. There is no rigid structuring of the kinship groups within the clan. Each person is also an "honorary member" of his father's matrilineal group but the ties between an individual's patrikin and matrikin lapse at his death. Both kin groups co-operate in matters concerning the individual. The largest indigenous local units are the neighbourhoods which consist of four to eight villages. This membership is often more significant than membership within the matrilineal group since the land is held in common by this unit without any kinship basis. The neighbourhood is composed of a number of homesteads whose heads participate in decisions relating to common interests. Residence i s a matter of personal preference and changes throughout the couples' lives. There is 131 a tendency for men to join their matrilineal kinsmen later in l i f e hut i t is not very great. A f u l l marriage is created over a period of time and involves the final bridewealth payment and rituals. Elizabeth Colson writes that "at the present time the divorce rate appears to be relatively high" (1958:175). The divorce is effected by the return of the bridewealth and Colson indicates that i t is easier for the wife to initiate i t since her kin holds the bridewealth and will have to return i t . 3. Gonja are described by Esther N. Goody in a paper entitled, "Conjugal Separation and Divorce Among the Gonja of Northern Ghana" which i s found in the Fortes book, Marriage in Tribal Societies. 1962. The Gonja are subsistence farmers who grow millet and guinea corn and keep a small number of cattle. The Gonja are stratified into three estates - a ruling group, a small Muslim estate and a third social one consisting of several commoner groups. Both the commoners and rulers are pagan. Marriage between the estates i s permitted and i t occurs frequently. Kinship is based on agnatic principles, though the mother's brother has obligations to his nephews. The Gonja live in permanent villages of 60 to ICO people and several villages are often clustered around divisional capitals. Residence is virilocal, either with the man's patrikin or matrikin. The marriage is effected by a small bridewealth payment. Goody reports that there is frequent divorce (half of the women over 40 have had 2 or more husbands) during the early years of marriage and i t is more a de facto divorce (gradual transformation of an extended separation) than a formal divorce. 132 4* Mae-Enga from M.J. Meggitt*s monograph, The Lineage System o f the  Mae-Enga o f New Guinea, 1965. The Mae-Enga l i v e i n the Western Highlands of A u s t r a l i a n New Guinea and are subsistence a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s . The phratry i s the l a r g e s t p a t r i l i n e a l descent group that the people recognize and i t i s a land occupying u n i t . The eight or more clans of the phratry u s u a l l y occupy a continuous area. A l l male members of the phratry are recognized as brothers. The clans are i n turn composed o f p a t r i l i n e a g e s whose land i s scattered throughout the clan holdings* Residence, then, i s p a t r i l o c a l . A long s e r i e s of transactions over bridewealth form the Mae-Enga prelude to a marriage. L e v i r a t i c marriage i s also a custom. Meggitt reports that there i s a low incidence of divorce but distinguishes between two forms of divorce. There i s the more common j u r a l divorce which i s a b i l a t e r a l annulment and part of the bridewealth i s repaid t o the man's agnatic k i n . Aa w e l l , Meggitt discovered another type - de facto divorce which i s u n i l a t e r a l . The woman goes to l i v e with another man who gives b r i d e p r i c e to her agnatic k i n but does not recompense the former husband. This sometimes r e s u l t s i n a feud. Inasmuch as Meggitt reported that divorce was not frequent and that t h i s l a s t type o f de facto divorce was not common, t h i s study w i l l only consider the " j u r a l divorce" and i t s r a m i f i c a t i o n s . 5* Yako - Yako Studies by D a r y l l Forde. The Yako are a people l i v i n g i n the middle Cross River region o f Eastern N i g e r i a . They are subsistence farmers growing mainly yams and subsidiary crops. The Yako tend to l i v e i n rather large v i l l a g e s of up to 11,000 people, which are divided i n t o wards occupied by p a t r i l i n e a l k i n groupings. 133 Within these kin groupings are patrilineages and the men of each usually farm on the same path. There is a matrilineal organization which is also of great importance in the village government and is responsible for rituals of prestige. Whereas the patrilineal kin group holds the economic resources, the matrilineal kin distribute the accumulated wealth and moveable property. Porde labels the Yako descent system as "double descent" since there is " f u l l and simultaneous development of both patrilineal and matrilineal groups" (1964:86). The residence of the young married couple is usually with the husband's patrikin, i.e. patrilocal. The marriage is contracted with the parents of the g i r l but after the marriage i t is her mother's brother who takes responsibility and i t is her matrikin. who receive the largest share of the bride price. The payment is the responsibility of the boy's father though his mother's brother may also contribute. Porde reports that divorce is frequent and comes about through the return of the bride price either by her matrikin or from a man with whom she may take up residence. 6. Khasi This Society is discussed by R.D. Sanwal in MAN, New Series, Vol., 1, in an article entitled "Bridewealth and Marriage Stability Among the Khasi of Kumaon". Sanwal states that he is going to discuss i t in the context of the discussions by Schneider, Gluckman, Leach, etc. These people live in Kumaon, a north-west province of India in the Himalayan district. Their economy is based on subsistence.agriculture. The majority of the Khasi belong to the Rajput oaste. Their social 134 structure is cut across by a large number of patri-clans which are sometimes not even exogamous and are not socially important. The Khasi live in small villages of about twenty-five households usually-belonging to the same agnatic lineage which owns a l l the land. The lineages are exogamous. Interaction between neighbouring villages, even i f they are inhabited by different lineages of the same clan is never intense. Residence is patrilocal. A woman does not participate in the religious activities of her husband's lineage nor is there a relationship between her agnatic kin and her husband's until a child is born. A marriage is created by the payment of a bride price to the woman's agnatic kin. There is a token religious ceremony but i t is not essential. Marriage among the Khasi does not have a sacramental basis given to i t by Hindu scriptures. Whatever form the marriage takes, i t can be easily dissolved and involves partial return of the bridewealth only i f the woman has initiated the proceedings. 7. Samburu. Paul Spencer wrote this ethnography entitled, The Samburu: A Study of Gerontocracy in a Nomadic Tribe, 1965* He is interested in analyzing Samburu society as one in which power is essentially in the hands of older men. The Samburu are a pastoral people, raising cattle, small stock and donkeys in the Kenyan Highlands. They live in small settlements of 4-10 stock owners and their families and herds. As they are migratory, the clusters of settlements form as people group and regroup themselves. The homestead is the basic economic unit in the society, consisting of a stockowner, his wives, his 135 unmarried c h i l d r e n or s i b l i n g s and pos s i b l y married sons. The Samburu t r i b e i s subdivided i n t o important p a t r i l i n e a l clans \.Jahd;i i s composed of a number of l o c a l c l a n groups. I t i s the l a t t e r which i s the s o c i a l group o f f e r i n g the i n d i v i d u a l s e c u r i t y and help. A man's r e l a t i o n s h i p to h i s mother's clan can vary from mistrust to t r u s t and goodwill depending l a r g e l y on the way i t has developed during h i s l i f e t i m e . T h e i r residence i s v i r i l o o a l f o r a man may l i v e with h i s a f f i n e s , but he usu a l l y resides with a c l a n member which could be h i s father, brothers, or other r e l a t i v e s . Marriage f o r a man creates a debt to h i s wife's r e l a t i v e s which can never be e n t i r e l y repaid. The bridewealth i s accepted as an i n i t i a l payment to be followed by an i n d e f i n i t e number of other g i f t s . Spencer reports that marriage i s b r i t t l e i n i t s early stages but a f t e r c h i l d r e n are born, i n theory, divorce i s impossible. However, a husband can force a divorce by demanding back a l l the bridewealth payments. According to him, the f i r s t husband can make bids f o r the return o f h i s wife and her chi l d r e n by her second husband, u n t i l the oldest of these c h i l d r e n has been circumcised (usually around the age o f puberty). 8. Sonjo. are described by Robert P. Gray i n h i s work, The Sonjo  of Tanganyika; An Anthropological Study of an Irrigation-Based  Society, 1963. They are subsistence crop c u l t i v a t o r s i n Northern Tanzania (formerly Tanganyika) and the only ones i n East A f r i c a who are wholly dependent on the p r a c t i c e of i r r i g a t i o n i n t h e i r a g r i c u l t u r e . The most important s o c i a l u n i t i n Sonjo society i s the v i l l a g e which i s both economically s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t and p o l i t i c a l l y 136 autonomous. Even defenoe was a v i l l a g e matter. S t i l l there i s a p r e v a i l i n g sense of s o l i d a r i t y throughout the t r i b e . The Sonjo v i l l a g e s are divided i n t o three to s i x t e r r i t o r i a l sub-divisions or wards. The wards are synonymous with clans which are based on p a t r i l i n e a l descent and are exogamous u n i t s . Making up the c l a n are small lineage groups which are based on adjacent households and common ownership of property. Residence i s p a t r i l o c a l . The f u l l payment of the br i d e p r i c e i s never refunded. The father of the boy and h i s k i n are responsible f o r making the payment and the boy's mother's brother may make a token contribution. E i t h e r the man or woman may i n i t i a t e the divorce proceedings which involves the woman's new husband paying the former one the bride p r i c e . 9. Iteso. This t r i b e was recorded by J.C.D. Lawrance i n h i s 1957 monograph, The Iteso: F i f t y Years of Change i n a Hilo-Hamitic T r i b e  of Uganda. The people p r a c t i c e both subsistence farming and animal husbandry. There are two d i s t i n c t s o c i a l groupings i n Teso so c i e t y . There i s the grouping through kinship based on the p a t r i l i n e a l p r i n c i p l e . I t i s composed of the family, the extended family (with a recognized head) and the clan which i s not exogamous. The second grouping has a t e r r i t o r i a l basis and i s composed of the people who come together t o discuss matters i n common. This grouping i s composed of the people of a number of clans. In e a r l i e r days there was an hereditary c h i e f now replaced by a government appointed o f f i c i a l . Beyond t h i s t e r r i t o r i a l l y based group i s s t i l l a l a r g e r l o c a l i t y of undefined s i z e and roughly corresponds to a d i a l e c t group. 137 Residence i s p a t r i l o c a l . The payment of the bride p r i c e i s the e s s e n t i a l element of marriage. Lawrance states that "divorce was formerly very rare" (1957:211), which would imply that i t i s more common now. In cases of mutual consent the divorce may be regularized by c l a n leaders without recourse to constituted native courts. In these uncontested cases, the bri d e p r i c e must be repaid. 10. Nuer. The information on the Nuer i s taken from E.E. Evans-Pritchard* s study, Kinship and Marriage Among the Nuer. 1951- They are a N i l o t i c people l i v i n g near the Upper N i l e i n the Sudan. Their economy i s based on the r a i s i n g of c a t t l e and consequently they lead a transhumant l i f e . The Nuer can be divided i n t o a number of t r i b e s , each segmented i n t o exogamous clans and lineages with agnatic a f f i l i a t i o n being the dominant feature. The smallest corporate grouping i s the v i l l a g e which i s associated with a lineage. Also important to the Nuer are the r e l a t i o n s h i p s with close k i n who are not ag n a t i c a l l y aligned, such as the r e l a t i v e s of the mother and the father, the maternal k i n , the paternal k i n and the a f f i n e s . Some of these may be dwelling i n a man*s v i l l a g e . Nuer f a m i l i e s often change v i l l a g e s f o r a number of years at a time and they can be e a s i l y incorporated i n t o the new community through one or more kinship l i n k s . Among the Nuer, marriage i s brought about by the payment of bride-wealth and the performance of ceremonial r i t e s , but the marriage i s not considered consummated u n t i l the b i r t h of the f i r s t c h i l d . I t i s only a f t e r t h i s occurs and when the c h i l d i s weaned that the Nuer husband brings h i s wife to h i s father's homestead and builds her a hut. 138 The Nuer p r a c t i c e a v a r i a t i o n of l e v i r a t i c marriage where the woman i s considered s t i l l married to her dead husband, but h i s brother or son may serve as a pro-husband. Evans-Pritchard reports that most of the broken marriages occur during or sh o r t l y a f t e r the wedding ceremonies and.adds that one cannot properly speak of divorce at t h i s stage. He says that a f t e r a year or two of t h e i r co-habiting, divorce i s very unusual. Nuer divorce involves a p a r t i a l repayment of the bridewealth. 11. Amba. A t r i b e studied by E.H. Winter and documented i n h i s 1956 ethnography Bwamba. I t i s a de s c r i p t i o n and analysis o f the s o c i a l structure of Bwamba with attention focused upon the group structure. The people inhabit an area i n West Uganda, on the border of the Belgian Congo. They are subsistence c u l t i v a t o r s of pl a n t a i n . The most important s o c i a l u n i t s i s the s e r i e s of l o c a l communities f o r they are the largest corporate groups and are structured on maximal lineages. Winter divides Amba society i n t o maximal and minimal lineages which are p a t r i l i n e a l l y determined. Residence i s usually p a t r i l o c a l . Outside a man's maximal lineage, the man has a warm and enduring r e l a t i o n s h i p with h i s mother's brother and i t i s common f o r a man to j o i n h i s uncle. The payment of the bridewealth or the exchange of women i s a s i g n i f i c a n t part of the marriage. Not only the husband but also the maximal lineage are considered to have secured exclusive r i g h t s of sexual access to the woman. The bridewealth payment i s not s p l i t into many shares f o r normally her 139 "brothers receive i t . Divorce i s very common and the Amba are notorious f o r i t amongst t h e i r neighbours. Divorce i s ef f e c t e d only through the repayment of the bridewealth. 12. Tangu. The material was taken from two a r t i c l e s i n OCEANIA by K.O.L. Burridge. In 1957 he wrote "Descent i n Tangu" and i n 1958, "Marriage i n Tangu". The society i s located on the north coast of New Guinea. They are a hunting, gathering and gardening people. The population of 2,000 i s grouped i n t o four neighbourhoods, each distinguishable by various c r i t e r i a . Some 50-60 years ago the s o c i a l structure was d i f f e r e n t . There was a j u r a l group known as the "gagai" based on r e s i d e n t i a l connections, k i n a f f i l i a t i o n s and e x p l i c i t choice. In three of the neighbourhoods i t appears to have been mainly m a t r i l i n e a l and i n the one other, mainly p a t r i l i n e a l . P a r t l y due to h i s t o r i c a l event but also to the element of choice i n "gagai" membership, Burridge claims that these groups have ceased to be of s o c i a l , economic and p o l i t i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e . "To-day, the basic and most permanent co-operative s o c i a l u n i t i s the household ...... In no part of Tangu i s descent the f a m i l i a r formal constant. I t s value as a s o c i o l o g i c a l category i s v a r i a b l e and depends upon a v a r i e t y of claims made good i n c e r t a i n contexts" (1957:86). Usually a number o f households whose husbands as brothers or c l a s s i f i c a t o r y brothers or whose wives with s i m i l a r q u a l i f i c a t i o n s are s i s t e r s , w i l l co-operate i n the exchanging of gardening and hunting land, f r u i t s , and f e a s t i n g exchanges. Ego, male, should marry a g i r l i n the category of mother's brother's daughter (not f i r s t cousin) and there should be an exchange of spouse's s i b l i n g s of d i f f e r e n t sex i n a second marriage. I f a 140 woman does not l i k e her husband, she leaves him and goes back to her parents or remains a r e s p o n s i b i l i t y on her brothers. No stigma i s attached to a f i r s t marriage termination. No obli g a t i o n s remain outstanding except that i f a brother and s i s t e r exchange has been completed the brothers of the d i s s a t i s f i e d wife should provide the husband with another s i s t e r as a wife and the exchange r e l a t i o n s h i p lapses. 13. Kgatla. Married L i f e i n an A f r i c a n T r i b e , 1965. i s I. Schapera's monograph about Kgatla marriage and family l i f e . They dwell i n the south east of Botswana (formerly Bechuanaland Protectorate) and are subsistence a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s , with ani mal husbandry and hunting as supplemental a c t i v i t i e s . P o l i t i c a l l y , a l l Kgatla are under the authority of the t r i b a l c h i e f who i s t h e i r representative and spokesman. His power has been reduced over the years but he i s s t i l l the t r i b e ' s r u l e r and judge. The p r i n c i p a l administrative and s o c i a l u n i t s are the wards, a c o l l e c t i o n of households occupying a w e l l defined p o r t i o n of a v i l l a g e under the authority of an hereditary headman. Wards are usu a l l y based on lineage segments* p a t r i l i n e a l l y aligned. The p a t r i l i n e a l k i n are most important f o r a man but h i s maternal uncles are intimately attached to him by various economic and r i t u a l t i e s and have an important say i n the regulation of h i s domestic a f f a i r s . The residence i s p a t r i l o c a l . No marriage i s considered really- complete u n t i l i t produces o f f s p r i n g . When a marriage i s crumbling, Schapera reports that every e f f o r t i s made to bri n g a couple back together and that divorce i s not at a l l frequent. 141 14* Somali. A Muslim Eamitic people recorded by I.M. Lewis i n h i s work, Marriage and the Family i n Northern Somaliland. 1962. They are p a s t o r a l nomads with some c u l t i v a t i o n . The Somali have a segmentary lineage organization with descent being p a t r i l i n e a l . Lewis reports nine clans f u r t h e r divided i n t o a s e r i e s of component lineages which are j u r a l and p o l i t i c a l groups. The Somali l i v e i n nomadic and f l u c t u a t i n g hamlets and these are composed of a group of nuclear f a m i l i e s whose heads are c l o s e l y r e l a t e d agnatic k i n , though a f f i n e s and non-agnates are frequently included. Bridewealth i s e s s e n t i a l to the e s t a b l i s h i n g of a marriage and the fath e r of the boy i s mainly responsible f o r i t , with some assistance from wealthy agnatic k i n . Residence i s p a t r i l o c a l and the woman never r e a l l y i d e n t i f i e s with her husband's agnatic k i n . L e v i r a t i c marriage i s pr a c t i s e d . Divorce, according to Lewis, i s easy f o r the husband and frequent and he notes a 24% divorce rate. The divorce procedure follows the Muslim one of the pronouncement by the husband and the ensuing approval of the sheikh. I t w i l l be r e c a l l e d that at the beginning of t h i s study I questioned the wisdom of i n c l u d i n g into t h i s i n v e s t i g a t i o n those s o c i e t i e s where marriage (and therefore marriage termination) i s a r e l i g i o u s matter. The objection was raised because i t would seem that once a r e l i g i o n has assumed command of an i n s t i t u t i o n , e s p e c i a l l y i f that r e l i g i o n were imposed on the s o c i a l structure at some time, then the i n s t i t u t i o n would no longer be e n t i r e l y subject to the 'control' of the r e s t of the s o c i a l structure. Nevertheless, I have not been able to resolve t h i s issue and am w i l l i n g t o include i n t h i s exploratory 142 i n v e s t i g a t i o n , a Muslim society* I t i s hoped that some i n t e r e s t i n g aspects w i l l come to the fore. 15* Ambo. Bronislaw Stefaniszyn i s the anthropologist who produced S o c i a l and R i t u a l L i f e of the Ambo of Northern Rhodesia, The book, however, was edited by Raymond Apthorpe i n 1964. The Ambo are a Bantu speaking group of about 1 0 , 0 0 0 . They grow maize, a cash crop of tobacco and r a i s e chickens. The structure of the society i s segmented by a descent system based on m a t r i l i n e a l p r i n c i p l e s . The clans are exogamous and comprise a number of major matrilineages which have a prominent headman but are not r e s i d e n t i a l u n i t s . Making up each of these major matrilineages are exogamous minor matrilineages which reach back to a common ancestress of three to four generations. The ownership of a v i l l a g e by a minor matrilineage i s desi r a b l e but not always the s i t u a t i o n . Residence i s at f i r s t u x o r i l o c a l but a f t e r the b i r t h of the f i r s t c h i l d the husband has the choice o f the domicile. Stefaniszyn mentions that often c o n f l i c t occurs because the wife opposes l i v i n g v i r i l o c a l l y but he also indicates that s i b l i n g s tend to l i v e i n t h e i r own v i l l a g e and return to i t whenever they can. Thus m a t r i l o c a l residence would seem to be the case. The g i r l ' s mother i s reported to have the l a s t word i n her daughter's marriage which i s effected by a token bridewealth payment (the man also works f o r the g i r l ' s parents) to the g i r l ' s senior maternal uncle, but the marriage i s not r e a l l y complete u n t i l the f i r s t c h i l d i s born. The ethnographer quotes a divorce rate of 18*9% and states that the very young and the very old are most divorce prone. The men i n i t i a t e the divorce and Stefaniszyn says i t i s easy. 143 16. Trobriander. Bronislaw Malinowski's famous work, The Sexual L i f e  of Savages. 1959, i s "the source of the material f o r the Trobriand s o c i e t y . As i s w e l l known, the Trobriand Islands are s i t u a t e d o f f eastern New Guinea and the inhabitants grow yams, hunt, f i s h and gather s h e l l s and f r u i t s . Trobriand society i s divided i n t o four m a t r i l i n e a l exogamous clans which are again sub-divided into a s e r i e s of ranked sub-olans (or lineages?) each of which owns a v i l l a g e . The head of the sub-clan, i f he i s of high rank, may have a number of v i l l a g e s under h i s authority, each o f which i s r u l e d by a lower ranking headman. Residence i s u x o r i l o c a l , but a man would continue to consider h i s mother's brother's v i l l a g e as h i s natural home. Each nuclear family produces i t s own food, though there i s considerable g i f t exchange. In contracting a marriage a boy has a f r e e ohoice f o r h i s family do not take an i n t e r e s t and i t i s the g i r l ' s f a t h e r who has the most say. A s u b s t a n t i a l bride p r i c e i s given by the groom's family which i s never returned, but also a cycle of g i f t - g i v i n g i s established. Malinowski reports that divorce i s not infrequent, that i t i s the wife who u s u a l l y i n i t i a t e s i t . Divorce occurs when the wife refuses her husband's "peace o f f e r i n g s " but her new spouse i s expected to recompense the former one f o r h i s o r i g i n a l bride p r i c e . 144 APPENDIX II - Work Sheets Society: 1« Lakeside Tonga I. New Relationship To The Children A. Children remain with or go with: a) father h) mother c) mother only while children are very young d) g i r l s with mother; boys with father x) coder can't t e l l B. Absolute rights over children vested i n : a) father and child's patrikin b) mother and child's matrikin c) father over boys; mother's brother over g i r l s d) mother's new husbnnd x) coder can't t e l l C. When children live permanently with their mother, their relationship to their father: a) involves both finances and interest b) ceases c) weakens x) coder can't t e l l D. When children l i v e permanently with their father, their relationship to their mother: a) involves both duties and interest b) ceases c) weakens x) coder can't t e l l I I . New Relationship To The Affines A. The affinal bonds are: a) broken b) weakened c) primarily the same x) coder can't t e l l B. The affinal bonds are especially maintained when there are children: a) yes b) no x) coder can't t e l l I I I . New Relationship To One's Own Kin A. Woman returns to or remains with: a) her father's and her patrikin's residence b) her mother's and her matrikin*s residence c) either d) takes up immediate residence with a lover or new husband x) coder can't t e l l B. Man returns to or remains with: a) his father's and his patrikin's residence b) his mother's and his matrikin's residence c) either d) neolocal residence x) coder can't t e l l C. Jural control i n a woman rests with: a) her father and/or her brother b) specifically a brother c) her mother's brother and/or her brother d) she i s comparatively free of control x) coder can't t e l l 145 S o c i e t y c o n t i n u e d : 1. L a k e s i d e Tonga IV. New R e l a t i o n s h i p To Members Of The O p p o s i t e Sex A. Upon c o n s i d e r i n g r e m a r r i a g e , a woman can marry: a) no one b e l o n g i n g t o h e r ex-husband's r e l a t i v e s b) anyone x ) c o d e r c a n ' t t e l l V. New R e l a t i o n s h i p To The Community As A Whole A. The woman i s c o n s i d e r e d by t h e community a s : a) no l o n g e r d e s i r a b l e as a w i f e b) f r e e t o r e m a r r y i m m e d i a t e l y c ) n o t e x p e c t e d t o r e m a r r y f o r some y e a r s x) c o d e r c a n ' t t e l l V I . New R e l a t i o n s h i p To The Former Spouse A. W i t h r e g a r d t o c o n j u g a l d u t i e s , t h e man and woman: a) have no o b l i g a t i o n s b) do have o b l i g a t i o n s c) have o b l i g a t i o n s o n l y i n s p e c i a l c a s e s x ) c o d e r c a n ' t t e l l B. The man and woman c a n resume t h e i r c o n j u g a l d u t i e s : a) even i f woman i s m a r r i e d t o someone e l s e b) o n l y i f man has n o t t a k e n back b r i d e p r i c e and she i s n o t r e m a r r i e d c) n e v e r x ) c o d e r c a n ' t t e l l C. The m a r r i a g e r e l a t i o n s h i p i s c o m p l e t e l y d i s s o l v e d even i f t h e r e a r e c h i l d r e n : a) y e s b) no x) c o d e r c a n ' t t e l l D. I n o r d e r t o r e m a r r y , t h e woman i s dependent on t h e man f o r : a) h i s a c c e p t a n c e o f t h e b r i d e p r i c e repayment b) i s n a t dependent on h i m x ) c o d e r c a n ' t t e l l E. I f a man had i n i t i a t e d a j u r a l t e r m i n a t i o n o f t h e m a r r i a g e : a) he c a n seek a new husband f o r h i s e x - w i f e b) he has no r i g h t s o f d i s p o s a l o v e r h e r x ) c o d e r c a n ' t t e l l 146 Society: 2. Plateau Tonga I. New Relationship To The Children A. Children remain with or go with: a) f a t h e r b) mother c) mother only while ch i l d r e n are very young d) g i r l s with mother; boys with father x) coder can't t e l l B. Absolute r i g h t s over children vested i n : a) father and ch i l d ' s p a t r i k i n b) mother and c h i l d ' s matrikin c) f a t h e r over boys; mother's brother over g i r l s d) mother's new husband x) coder can't t e l l C. When c h i l d r e n l i v e permanently with t h e i r mother, t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p to t h e i r father: a) involves both finances and i n t e r e s t b) ceases c) weakens x) coder can't t e l l D. When ch i l d r e n l i v e permanently with t h e i r father, t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p to t h e i r mother: a) involves both duties and i n t e r e s t b) ceases c) weakens x) coder can't t e l l I I . New Relationship Ta The A f f i n e s A. The a f f i n a l bonds are: a) broken b) weakened c) p r i m a r i l y the same x) coder can't t e l l _ B. The a f f i n a l bonds are e s p e c i a l l y maintained when there are ch i l d r e n : a) yes b) no x) coder can't t e l l I I I . New Relationship To One's Own Kin A. Woman returns to or remains with: a) her father's and her p a t r i k i n ' s residence b) her mother's and her matrikin's residence c) e i t h e r d) takes up immediate residence with a lover or new husband x) coder can't t e l l B. Man returns to or remains with: a) h i s father's and h i s p a t r i k i n ' s residence b) h i s mother's ant his matrikin's residence c) e i t h e r d) neolocal residence x) coder can't t e l l — C. J u r a l c o n t r o l i n a woman rests with: a) her fath e r and/or her brother b) s p e c i f i c a l l y a brother c) her mother's brother and/or her brother d) she i s comparatively free of cont r o l x) coder can't t e l l 147 Society continued: 2. Plateau Tonga IV. New Relationship To Members Of The Opposite Sex A. Upon considering remarriage, a woman can marry: a) no one belonging to her ex-husband's relatives b) anyone x) coder can't t e l l V. New Relationship To The Community As A Whole A. The woman i s considered by the community as: a) no longer desirable as a wife b) free to remarry immediately c) not expected to remarry for some years x) coder can't t e l l VI. New Relationship To The Former Spouse A. With regard to conjugal duties, the man and woman: a) have no obligations b) do have obligations c) have obligations only in special cases x) coder oan't t e l l B. The man and woman can resume their conjugal duties: a) even i f woman i s married to someone else b) only i f man has not taken back bride price and she i s not remarried c) never x) coder can't t e l l C. The marriage relationship i s completely dissolved even i f there are children: a) yes b) no x) coder can't t e l l D. In order to remarry, the woman i s dependent on the man for: a) his acceptance of the bride price repayment b) i s nat dependent on him x) coder can't t e l l E. If a man had initiated a jural termination of the marriage: a) he can seek a new husband for his ex-wife b) he has no rights of disposal over her x) coder can't t e l l 148 Society: 5. Gonja  I. New Relationship To The Children A. Children remain with or go with: a) father b) mother c) mother only while ch i l d r e n are very young d) g i r l s with mother; boys with father x) coder oan't t e l l B. Absolute r i g h t s over c h i l d r e n vested i n : a) father and ch i l d ' s p a t r i k i n b) mother and c h i l d ' s matrikin c) f a t h e r over boys; mother's brother over g i r l s d) mother's new husband x) coder can't t e l l C. When c h i l d r e n l i v e permanently with t h e i r mother, t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p to t h e i r father: a) involves both finances and i n t e r e s t b) ceases c) weakens x) coder can't t e l l D. When c h i l d r e n l i v e permanently with t h e i r father, t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p to t h e i r mother: a) involves both duties and i n t e r e s t b) ceases o) weakens x) coder can't t e l l I I . New Relationship Ta The A f f i n e s A. The a f f i n a l bonds are: a) broken b) weakened c) p r i m a r i l y the same x) coder can't t e l l B. The a f f i n a l bonds are e s p e c i a l l y maintained when there are ch i l d r e n : a) yes b) no x) coder can't t e l l I I I . New Relationship To One's Own Kin A. Woman returns to or remains with: a) her father's and her p a t r i k i n ' s residence b) her mother's and her matrikin's residence c) e i t h e r d) takes up immediate residence with a lover or new husband x) coder can't t e l l B. Man returns to or remains with: a) h i s father's and h i s p a t r i k i n ' s residence b) h i s mother's ani hi s matrikin's residence c) e i t h e r d) neolocal residence x) coder can't t e l l C. J u r a l c o n t r o l i n a woman rests with: a) her f a t h e r and/or her brother b) s p e c i f i c a l l y a brother c) her mother's brother and/or her brother d) she i s comparatively f r e e of co n t r o l x) coder can't t e l l 1 4 9 Society continued: 3« Gonja IV. New Relationship To Members Of The Opposite Sex A. Upon considering remarriage, a woman can marry: a) no one belonging to her ex-husband's r e l a t i v e s b) anyone x) coder can't t e l l V. New Relationship To The Community As A Whole A. The woman i s considered by the community as: a) no longer desirable as a wife b) free to remarry immediately c) not expected to remarry f o r some years x) coder can't t e l l V I . New Relationship To The Former Spouse A. With regard to conjugal duties, the man and woman: a) have no obligations b) do have obligations c) have obligations only i n s p e c i a l cases x) coder oan't t e l l B. The man and woman can resume t h e i r conjugal duties: a) even i f woman i s married to someone else b) only i f man has not taken back bride p r i c e and she i s not remarried c) never x) coder can't t e l l C. The marriage r e l a t i o n s h i p i s completely dissolved even i f there are child r e n : a) yes b) no x) coder can't t e l l D. In order to remarry, the woman i s dependent on the man f o r : a) h i s acceptance of the bride p r i c e repayment b) i s nat dependent on him x) coder can't t e l l E. I f a man had i n i t i a t e d a j u r a l termination of the marriage: a) he can seek a new husband f o r h i s ex-wife b) he has no ri g h t s of disposal over her x) coder can't t e l l 150 Society; 4. Mae-Enga I. New Relationship To The Children A. Children remain with or go with: a) f a t h e r b) mother c) mother only while c h i l d r e n are very young d) g i r l s with mother; boys with father x) coder can't t e l l B. Absolute r i g h t s over c h i l d r e n vested i n : a) father and ch i l d ' s p a t r i k i n b) mother and c h i l d ' s matrikin c) f a t h e r over boys; mother's brother over g i r l s d) mother's new husbcnd x) coder can't t e l l C. When c h i l d r e n l i v e permanently with t h e i r mother, t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p to t h e i r father: a) involves both finances and i n t e r e s t b) ceases c) weakens x) coder can't t e l l D. When ch i l d r e n l i v e permanently with t h e i r father, t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p to t h e i r mother: a) involves both duties and i n t e r e s t b) ceases c) weakens x) coder can't t e l l I I . New Relationship To The A f f i n e s A. The a f f i n a l bonds are: a) broken b) weakened c) p r i m a r i l y the same x) coder can't t e l l B. The a f f i n a l bonds are e s p e c i a l l y maintained when there are child r e n : a) yes b) no x) coder can't t e l l I I I . New Relationship To One's Own Kin A. Woman returns to or remains with: a) her father's and her p a t r i k i n ' s residence b) her mother's and her matrikin's residence c) ei t h e r d) takes up immediate residence with a lover or new husband x) coder can't t e l l B. Man returns to or remains with: a) h i s father's and h i s p a t r i k i n ' s residence b) h i s mother's and his matrikin's residence c) e i t h e r d) neolocal residence x) coder can't t e l l C. J u r a l c o n t r o l i n a woman rests with: a) her f a t h e r and/or her brother b) s p e c i f i c a l l y a brother c) her mother's brother and/or her brother d) she i s comparatively free of cont r o l x) coder can't t e l l 151 Society continued: 4» Mae-Enga IV, New Relationship To Members Of The Opposite Sex A. Upon considering remarriage, a woman can marry: a) no one belonging to her ex-husband's relatives b) anyone x) coder can't t e l l V, New Relationship To The Community As A Whole A, The woman is considered by the community as: a) no longer desirable as a wife b) free to remarry immediately c) not expected to remarry for some years x) coder can't t e l l VI, New Relationship To The Former Spouse A. With regard to conjugal duties, the man and woman: a) have no obligations b) do have obligations c) have obligations only in special cases x) coder oan't t e l l B. The man and woman can resume their conjugal duties: a) even i f woman is married to someone else b) only i f man has not taken back bride price and she is not remarried c) never x) coder can't t e l l C. The marriage relationship is completely dissolved even i f there are children: a) yes b) no x) coder can't t e l l D. In order to remarry, the woman is dependent on the man for: a) his acceptance of the bride price repayment b) is not dependent on him x) coder can't t e l l E. If a man had initiated a jural termination of the marriage: a) he can seek a new husband for his ex-wife b) he has no rights of disposal over her x) coder can't t e l l 152 Society: 5» Yako I. New Relationship To The Children A. Children remain with or go with: a) father b) mother c) mother only while children are very young d) girls with mother; boys with father x) coder can't t e l l d_ B. Absolute rights over children vested in: a) father and child's patrikin b) mother and child's matrikin c) father over boy3; mother's brother over girls d) mother's new husband x) coder can't t e l l 2L C. When children live permanently with their mother, their relationship to their father: a) involves both finances and interest b) ceases c) weakens x) coder can't t e l l lL D. When children live permanently with their father, their relationship to their mother: a) involves both duties and interest b) ceases c) weakens x) coder can't t e l l — 2 L II. New Relationship Ta The Affines A. The affinal bonds are: a) broken b) weakened c) primarily the same x) coder can't t e l l x B. The affinal bonds are especially maintained when there are children: a) yes b) no x) coder can't t e l l III. New Relationship To One's Own Kin A. Woman returns to or remains with: a) her father's and her patrikin's residence b) her mother's and her matrikin1s residence c) either d) takes up immediate residence with a lover or new husband x) coder can't t e l l ! B. Man returns to or remains with: a) his father's and his patrikin*s residence b) his mother's ani his matrikin's residence c) either d) neolocal residence x) coder can't t e l l — C. Jural control in a woman rests with: a) her father and/or her brother b) specifically a brother c) her mother's brother and/or her brother d) she is comparatively free of control x) coder can't t e l l 153 Society continued: 5. Yako IV. New Relationship To Members Of The Opposite Sex A. Upon considering remarriage, a woman can marry: a) no one belonging to her ex-husband's r e l a t i v e s b) anyone x) coder can't t e l l V. New Relationship To The Community As A Whole A. The woman i s considered by the community as: a) no longer desirable as a wife b) free to remarry immediately c) not expected to remarry f o r some years x) coder can't t e l l VI. New Relationship To The Former Spouse A. With regard to conjugal duties, the man and woman: a) have no obligations b) do have obligations c) have obligations only i n s p e c i a l cases x) coder can't t e l l B. The man and woman can resume t h e i r conjugal duties: a) even i f woman i s married to someone else b) only i f man has not taken back bride p r i c e and she i s not remarried c) never x) coder can't t e l l C. The marriage r e l a t i o n s h i p i s completely dissolved even i f there are children: a) yes b) no x) coder can't t e l l D. In order to remarry, the woman i s dependent on the man f o r : a) h i s acceptance of the bride p r i c e repayment b) i s nat dependent on him x) coder can't t e l l E. I f a man had i n i t i a t e d a j u r a l termination of the marriage: a) he can seek a new husband f o r h i s ex-wife b) he has no ri g h t s of disposal over her x) coder can't t e l l 154 Society: 6, Khasi I. New Relationship To The Children A. Children remain with or go with: a) f a t h e r b) mother c) mother only while c h i l d r e n are very young d) g i r l s with mother; hoys with father x) coder can't t e l l B. Absolute r i g h t s over c h i l d r e n vested i n : a) father and c h i l d ' s p a t r i k i n b) mother and c h i l d ' s matrikin c) father over boys; mother's brother over g i r l s d) mother's new husbond x) coder can't t e l l C. When c h i l d r e n l i v e permanently with t h e i r mother, t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p to t h e i r father: a) involves both finances and i n t e r e s t b) ceases c) weakens x) coder can't t e l l D. When c h i l d r e n l i v e permanently with t h e i r father, t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p to t h e i r mother: a) involves both duties and i n t e r e s t b) ceases c) weakens x) coder can't t e l l — I I . New Relationship To The A f f i n e s A . The a f f i n a l bonds are: a) broken b) weakened c) p r i m a r i l y the same x) coder can't t e l l B. The a f f i n a l bonds are e s p e c i a l l y maintained when there are child r e n : a) yes b) no x) coder can't t e l l I I I . New Relationship To One's Own Kin A . Woman returns to or remains with: a) her father's and her p a t r i k i n ' s residence b) her mother's and her matrikin's residence c) e i t h e r d) takes up immediate residence with a lover or new husband x) coder can't t e l l B. Man returns to or remains with: a) h i s father's and h i s p a t r i k i n ' s residence b) his mother's ani his matrikin's residence c) ei t h e r d) neolocal residence x) coder can't t e l l — C. J u r a l control i n a woman rests with: a) her fath e r and/or her brother b) s p e c i f i c a l l y a brother c) her mother's brother and/or her brother d) she i s comparatively free of control x) coder can't t e l l 155 Society continued: 6. Khasi IV. New Relationship To Members Of The Opposite Sex A. Upon considering remarriage, a woman can marry: a) no one belonging to her ex-husband's r e l a t i v e s b) anyone x) coder can't t e l l V. New Relationship To The Community As A Whole A. The woman i s considered by the community as: a) no longer desirable as a wife b) free to remarry immediately c) not expected to remarry f o r some years x) coder can't t e l l V I . New Relationship To The Former Spouse A. With regard to conjugal duties, the man and woman: a) have no obligations b) do have obligations c) have obligations only i n s p e c i a l cases x) coder can't t e l l B. The man and woman can resume t h e i r conjugal duties: a) even i f woman i s married to someone else b) only i f man has not taken back bride p r i c e and she i s not remarried c) never x) coder can't t e l l C. The marriage r e l a t i o n s h i p i s completely dissolved even i f there are child r e n : a) yes b) no x) coder can't t e l l D. In order to remarry, the woman i s dependent on the man f o r : a) h i s acceptance of the bride p r i c e repayment b) i s nat dependent on him x) coder can't t e l l E. I f a man had i n i t i a t e d a j u r a l termination of the marriage: a) he can seek a new husband f o r h i s ex-wife b) he has no ri g h t s of disposal over her x) coder can't t e l l 156 Society: 7» Samburu I. New Relationship To The Children A. Children remain with or go with: a) f a t h e r h) mother c) mother only while c h i l d r e n are very young d) g i r l s with mother; boys with father x) coder can't t e l l b_ B. Absolute r i g h t s over c h i l d r e n vested i n : a) father and ch i l d ' s p a t r i k i n b) mother and c h i l d ' s matrikin c) father over boys; mother's brother over g i r l s d) mother's new husband x) coder can't t e l l i C. When c h i l d r e n l i v e permanently with t h e i r mother, t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p to t h e i r father: a) involves both finances and i n t e r e s t b) ceases c) weakens x) coder can't t e l l 5. D. When c h i l d r e n l i v e permanently with t h e i r father, t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p to t h e i r mother: a) involves both duties and i n t e r e s t b) ceases c) weakens x) coder can't t e l l — I I . New Relationship Ta The A f f i n e s A. The a f f i n a l bonds are: a) broken b) weakened c) p r i m a r i l y the same x) coder can't t e l l x B. The a f f i n a l bonds are e s p e c i a l l y maintained when there are child r e n : a) yes b) no x) coder can't t e l l I I I . New Relationship To One's Own Kin A. Woman returns to or remains with: a) her father's and her p a t r i k i n ' s residence b) her mother's and her matrikin's residence c) e i t h e r d) takes up immediate residence with a lover or new husband x) coder can't t e l l a B. Man returns to or remains with: a) h i s father's and h i s p a t r i k i n ' s residence b) h i s mother's and hi s matrikin's residence c) e i t h e r d) neolocal residence x) coder can't t e l l C. J u r a l c o n t r o l i n a woman rests with: a) her f a t h e r and/or her brother b) s p e c i f i c a l l y a brother c) her mother's brother and/or her brother d) she i s comparatively free of control x) coder can't t e l l a 157 i Society continued: 7» Samburu IV. New Relationship To Members Of The Opposite Sex A. Upon considering remarriage, a woman can marry: a) no one belonging to her ex-husband's r e l a t i v e s b) anyone x) coder can't t e l l V. New Relationship To The Community As A IVhole A. The woman i s considered by the community as: a) no longer desirable as a wife b) free to remarry immediately c) not expected to remarry f o r some years x) coder can't t e l l VI. New Relationship To The Former Spouse A. With regard to conjugal duties, the man and woman: a) have no obligations b) do have obligations c) have obligations only i n s p e c i a l cases x) coder can't t e l l B. The man and woman can resume t h e i r conjugal duties: a) even i f woman i s married to someone else b) only i f man has not taken back bride p r i c e and she i s not remarried c) never x) coder can't t e l l C. The marriage r e l a t i o n s h i p i s completely dissolved even i f there are child r e n : a) yes b) no x) coder can't t e l l D. In order to remarry, the woman i s dependent on the man f o r : a) h i s acceptance of the bride p r i c e repayment b) i s not dependent on him x) coder can't t e l l E. I f a man had i n i t i a t e d a j u r a l termination of the marriage: a) he can seek a new husband f o r h i s ex-wife b) he has no ri g h t s of disposal over her x) coder can't t e l l 158 Society: 8. Sonjo I. New Relationship To The Children A. Children remain with or go with: a) father b) mother c) mother only while c h i l d r e n are very young d) g i r l s with mother; hoys with father x) coder can't t e l l b B. Absolute r i g h t s over c h i l d r e n vested i n : a) father and c h i l d ' s p a t r i k i n b) mother and c h i l d ' s matrikin c) father over boys; mother's brother over g i r l s d) mother's new husband x) coder can't t e l l d C. When c h i l d r e n l i v e permanently with t h e i r mother, t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p to t h e i r father: a) involves both finances and i n t e r e s t b) ceases c) weakens x) coder can't t e l l — D. When c h i l d r e n l i v e permanently with t h e i r father, t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p to t h e i r mother: a) involves both duties and i n t e r e s t b) ceases c) weakens x) coder can't t e l l Z. I I . New Relationship Ta The A f f i n e s A. The a f f i n a l bonds are: a) broken b) weakened c) p r i m a r i l y the same x) coder can't t e l l a B. The a f f i n a l bonds are e s p e c i a l l y maintained when there are child r e n : a) yes b) no x) coder can't t e l l b I I I . New Relationship To One's Own Kin A. Woman returns to or remains with: a) her father's and her p a t r i k i n ' s residence b) her mother's and her matrikin's residence c) e i t h e r d) takes up immediate residence with a lover or new husband x) coder can't t e l l a B. Man returns to or remains with: a) h i s father's and h i s p a t r i k i n ' s residence b) h i s mother's and his matrikin's residence c) e i t h e r d) neolocal residence x) coder can't t e l l C. J u r a l c o n t r o l i n a woman rests with: a) her fath e r and/or her brother b) s p e c i f i c a l l y a brother c) her mother's brother and/or her brother d) she i s comparatively free of cont r o l x) coder can't t e l l d 159 Society continued: 8 . Sonjo IV. New Relationship To Members Of The Opposite Sex A. Upon considering remarriage, a woman can marry: a) no one belonging to her ex»husband's r e l a t i v e s b) anyone x) coder can't t e l l V. New Relationship To The Community As A Whole A. The woman i s considered by the community as: a) no longer desirable as a wife b) free to remarry immediately c) not expected to remarry f o r some years x) ooder can't t e l l VI. New Relationship To The Former Spouse A. With regard to conjugal duties, the man and woman: a) have no obligations b) do have obligations c) have obligations only i n s p e c i a l cases x) coder oan't t e l l B. The man and woman can resume t h e i r conjugal duties: a) even i f woman i s married to someone else b) only i f man has not taken back bride p r i c e and she i s not remarried c) never x) coder can't t e l l C. The marriage r e l a t i o n s h i p i s completely dissolved even i f there are children: a) yes b) no x) coder can't t e l l D. In order to remarry, the woman i s dependent on the man f o r : a) h i s acceptance of the bride p r i c e repayment b) i s not dependent on him x) coder can't t e l l E. I f a man had i n i t i a t e d a j u r a l termination of the marriage: a) he can seek a new husband f o r h i s ex-wife b) he has no ri g h t s of disposal over her x) coder can't t e l l 1 6 0 Society: 9 . Iteso I. New Relationship To The Children A. Children remain with or go with: a) f a t h e r b) mother c) mother only while ch i l d r e n are very young d) g i r l s with mother; boys with f a t h e r x) coder oan't t e l l B. Absolute r i g h t s over c h i l d r e n vested i i i : a) father and ch i l d ' s p a t r i k i n b) mother and c h i l d ' s matrikin c) father over boys; mother's brother over g i r l s d) mother's new husband x) coder can't t e l l C. When c h i l d r e n l i v e permanently with t h e i r mother, t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p to t h e i r father: a) involves both finances and i n t e r e s t b) ceases c) weakens x) coder can't t e l l D. When ch i l d r e n l i v e permanently with t h e i r father, t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p to t h e i r mother: a) involves both duties and i n t e r e s t b) ceases c) weakens x) coder can't t e l l I I . New Relationship To The A f f i n e s A. The a f f i n a l bonds are: a) broken b) weakened c) p r i m a r i l y the same x) coder can't t e l l _ B. The a f f i n a l bonds are e s p e c i a l l y maintained when there are children: a) yes b) no x) ooder can't t e l l \ I I I . New Relationship To One's Own Kin A. Woman returns to or remains with: a) her father's and her p a t r i k i n ' s residence b) her mother's and her matrikin's residence c) ei t h e r d) takes up immediate residence with a lover or new husband x) coder can't t e l l B. Man returns to or remains with: a) h i s father's and h i s p a t r i k i n ' s residence b) h i s mother's and his matrikin*s residence c) e i t h e r d) neolocal residence x) coder can't t e l l — C. J u r a l control i n a woman rests with: a) her fath e r and/or her brother b) s p e c i f i c a l l y a brother c) her mother's brother and/or her brother d) she i s comparatively free of cont r o l x) coder can't t e l l 161 Society continued: 9. Iteso IV. New Relationship To Members Of The Opposite Sex A. Upon considering remarriage, a woman can marry: a) no one belonging to her ex-husband's r e l a t i v e s b) anyone x) coder can't t e l l V. New Relationship To The Community As A Whole A. The woman i s considered by the community as: a) no longer desirable as a wife b) free to remarry immediately c) not expected to remarry f o r some years x) coder can't t e l l VI. New Relationship To The Former Spouse A. With regard to conjugal duties, the man and woman: a) have no obligations b) do have obligations c) have obligations only i n s p e c i a l cases x) coder oan't t e l l B. The man and woman can resume t h e i r conjugal duties: a) even i f woman i s married to someone else b) only i f man has not taken back bride p r i c e and she i s not remarried c) never x) coder can't t e l l C. The marriage r e l a t i o n s h i p i s completely dissolved even i f there are child r e n : a) yes b) no x) coder can't t e l l D. In order to remarry, the woman i s dependent on the man f o r : a) h i s acceptance of the bride p r i c e repayment b) i s nQt dependent on him x) coder can't t e l l E. I f a man had i n i t i a t e d a j u r a l termination of the marriage: a) he can seek a new husband f o r h i s ex-wife b) he has no ri g h t s of disposal over her x) coder can't t e l l 162 Society: 10. Muer I. New Relationship To The Children A. Children remain with or go with: a) father b) mother c) mother only while children are very young d) girls with mother; boys with father x) coder can't t e l l a B. Absolute rights over children vested in: a) father and child's patrikin b) mother and child's matrikin c) father over boys; mother's brother over girls d) mother's new husband x) coder can't t e l l a C. When children live permanently with their mother, their relationship to their father: a) involves both finances and interest b) ceases c) weakens x) coder can't t e l l D. When children live permanently with their father, their relationship to their mother: a) involves both duties and interest b) ceases c) weakens x) coder can't t e l l II. New Relationship Ta The Affines A. The affinal bonds are: a) broken b) weakened c) primarily the same x) coder can't t e l l a B. The affinal bonds are especially maintained when there are children: a) yes b) no x) coder can't t e l l p III. New Relationship To One's Own Kin A. Woman returns to or remains with: a) her father's and her patrikin's residence b) her mother's and her matrikin's residence c) either d) takes up immediate residence with a lover or new husband x) coder can't t e l l a & d B. Man returns to or remains with: a) his father's and his patrikin*s residence b) his mother's and his matrikin's residence c) either d) neolocal residence x) coder can't t e l l -C. Jural control in a woman rests with: a) her father and/or her brother b) specifically a brother c) her mother's brother and/or her brother d) she is comparatively free of control x) coder can't t e l l a 163 Society continued: 10. Nuer IV. New Relationship To Members Of The Opposite Sex A. Upon considering remarriage, a woman can marry: a) no one belonging to her ex-husband's r e l a t i v e s b) anyone x) coder can't t e l l V. New Relationship To The Community As A Whole A. The woman i s considered by the community as: a) no longer desirable as a wife b) fr e e to remarry immediately c) not expected to remarry f o r some years x) coder can't t e l l VI. New Relationship To The Former Spouse A. With regard to conjugal duties, the man and woman: a) have no obligations b) do have obligations c) have obligations only i n s p e c i a l cases x) coder can't t e l l B. The man and woman can resume t h e i r conjugal duties: a) even i f woman i s married to someone else b) only i f man has not taken back bride p r i c e and she i s not remarried c) never x) coder can't t e l l C. The marriage r e l a t i o n s h i p i s completely dissolved even i f there are child r e n : a) yes b) no x) coder can't t e l l D. In order to remarry, the woman i s dependent on the man f o r : a) h i s acceptance of the bride p r i c e repayment b) i s nat dependent on him x) coder can't t e l l E. I f a man had i n i t i a t e d a j u r a l termination of the marriage: a) he can seek a new husband f o r h i s ex-wife b) he has no ri g h t s of disposal over her x) coder can't t e l l 164 Society: 11. Amba I. New Relationship To The Children A. Children remain with or go with: a) f a t h e r b) mother c) mother only while ch i l d r e n are very young d) g i r l s with mother; boys with father x) coder oan't t e l l c_ B. Absolute r i g h t s over c h i l d r e n vested i n : a) father and ch i l d ' s p a t r i k i n b) mother and c h i l d ' s matrikin c) f a t h e r over boys; mother's brother over g i r l s d) mother's new husband x) coder can't t e l l JL C. When c h i l d r e n l i v e permanently with t h e i r mother, t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p to t h e i r father: a) involves both finances and i n t e r e s t b) ceases c) weakens x) coder can't t e l l Z. D. When c h i l d r e n l i v e permanently with t h e i r father, t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p to t h e i r mother: a) involves both duties and i n t e r e s t b) ceases c) weakens x) coder can't t e l l — I I . New Relationship To The A f f i n e s A. The a f f i n a l bonds are: a) broken b) weakened c) p r i m a r i l y the same x) coder can't t e l l b_ B. The a f f i n a l bonds are e s p e c i a l l y maintained when there are child r e n : a) yes b) no x) coder can't t e l l 2L I I I . New Relationship To One's Own Kin A. Woman returns to or remains with: a) her father's and her p a t r i k i n 1 s residence b) her mother's and her matrikin's residence c) e i t h e r d) takes up immediate residence with a lover or new husband x) coder can't t e l l B. Man returns to or remains with: a) h i s father's and h i s p a t r i k i n ' s residence b) h i s mother's and his matrikin's residence c) e i t h e r d) neolocal residence x) coder can't t e l l • C. J u r a l control i n a woman rests with: a) her fath e r and/or her brother b) s p e c i f i c a l l y a brother c) her mother's brother and/or her brother d) she i s comparatively free of cont r o l x) coder can't t e l l b 165 Society continued: 1 1 . Amba IV. New Relationship To Members Of The Opposite Sex A. Upon considering remarriage, a woman can marry: a) no one belonging to her ex-husband's r e l a t i v e s b) anyone x) coder can't t e l l V. New Relationship To The Community As A Whole A. The woman i s considered by the community as: a) no longer desirable as a wife b) free to remarry immediately c) not expected to remarry f o r some years x) coder can't t e l l V I . New Relationship To The Former Spouse A. With regard to conjugal duties, the man and woman: a) have no obligations b) do have obligations c) have obligations only i n s p e c i a l cases x) coder oan't t e l l B. The man and woman can resume t h e i r conjugal duties: a) even i f woman i s married to someone else b) only i f man has not taken back bride p r i c e and she i s not remarried c) never x) coder can't t e l l C. The marriage r e l a t i o n s h i p i s completely dissolved even i f there are child r e n : a) yes b) no x) coder can't t e l l D. In order to remarry, the woman i s dependent on the man f o r : a) h i s acceptance of the bride p r i c e repayment b) i s not dependent on him x) coder can't t e l l E. I f a man had i n i t i a t e d a j u r a l termination of the marriage: a) he can seek a new husband f o r h i s ex-wife b) he has no ri g h t s of disposal over her x) coder can't t e l l 166 Society: 12. Tangu I. New Relationship To The Children A . Children remain with or go with: a) f a t h e r b) mother c) mother only while c h i l d r e n are very young d) g i r l s with mother; boys with father x) coder can't t e l l b_ B. Absolute r i g h t s over children vested i n : a) father and ch i l d ' s p a t r i k i n b) mother and c h i l d ' s matrikin c) father over boys; mother's brother over g i r l s d) mother's new husband x) coder can't t e l l 2. C. V/hen c h i l d r e n l i v e permanently with t h e i r mother, t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p to t h e i r father: a) involves both finances and i n t e r e s t b) ceases c) weakens x) coder can't t e l l — D. When c h i l d r e n l i v e permanently with t h e i r father, t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p to t h e i r mother: a) involves both duties and i n t e r e s t b) ceases c) weakens x) coder can't t e l l — I I . New Relationship Tc The A f f i n e s A . The a f f i n a l bonds are: a) broken b) weakened c) p r i m a r i l y the same x) coder can't t e l l c_ B. The a f f i n a l bonds are e s p e c i a l l y maintained when there are ch i l d r e n : a) yes b) no x) coder can't t e l l Ji. I I I . New Relationship To One's Own Kin A . Woman returns to or remains with: a) her father's and her p a t r i k i n ' s residence b) her mother's and her matrikin's residence c) e i t h e r d) takes up immediate residence with a lover or new husband x) coder can't t e l l 2. B. Man returns to or remains with: a) h i s father's and h i s p a t r i k i n ' s residence b) h i s mother's and his matrikin's residence c) e i t h e r d) neolocal residence x) coder can't t e l l C. J u r a l c o n t r o l i n a woman rests with: a) her fath e r and/or her brother b) s p e c i f i c a l l y a brother c) her mother's brother and/or her brother d) she i s comparatively free of cont r o l x) coder can't t e l l ]l 167 Society continued: 1 2 . Tangu IV. New Relationship To Members Of The Opposite Sex A, Upon considering remarriage, a woman can marry: a) no one belonging to her ex-husband's r e l a t i v e s b) anyone x) coder can't t e l l V. New Relationship To The Community As A Whole A. The woman i s considered by the community as: a) no longer desirable as a wife b) free to remarry immediately c) not expected to remarry f o r some years x) coder can't t e l l V I . New Relationship To The Former Spouse A. With regard to conjugal duties, the man and woman: a) have no obligations b) do have obligations c) have obl i g a t i o n s only i n s p e c i a l cases x) coder oan't t e l l B. The man and woman can resume t h e i r conjugal duties: a) even i f woman i s married to someone else b) only i f man has not taken back bride p r i c e and she i s not remarried c) never x) coder can't t e l l C. The marriage r e l a t i o n s h i p i s completely dissolved even i f there are child r e n : a) yes b) no x) coder can't t e l l D. In order to remarry, the woman i s dependent on the man f o r : a) h i s acceptance of the bride p r i c e repayment b) i s not dependent on him x) coder can't t e l l E. I f a man had i n i t i a t e d a j u r a l termination of the marriage: a) he can seek a new husband f o r h i s ex-wife b) he has no ri g h t s of disposal over her x) coder can't t e l l 168 Society: 15. Kgatla I. New Relationship To The Children A. Children remain with or go with: a) father h) mother c) mother only while ch i l d r e n are very young d) g i r l s with mother; boys with father x) coder can't t e l l B. Absolute r i g h t s over c h i l d r e n vested i n : a) father and ch i l d ' s p a t r i k i n b) mother and c h i l d ' s matrikin c) father over boys; mother's brother over g i r l s d) mother's new husband x) coder can't t e l l C. When c h i l d r e n l i v e permanently with t h e i r mother, t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p to t h e i r father: a) involves both finances and i n t e r e s t b) ceases c) weakens x) coder can't t e l l D. When ch i l d r e n l i v e permanently with t h e i r father, t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p to t h e i r mother: a) involves both duties and i n t e r e s t b) ceases c) weakens x) coder can't t e l l I I . New Relationship Ta The A f f i n e s A. The a f f i n a l bonds are: a) broken b) weakened c) p r i m a r i l y the same x) coder can't t e l l B. The a f f i n a l bonds are e s p e c i a l l y maintained when there are ch i l d r e n : a) yes b) no x) coder can't t e l l I I I . New Relationship To One's Own Kin A. Woman returns to or remains with: a) her father's and her p a t r i k i n ' s residence b) her mother's and her matrikin's residence c) ei t h e r d) takes up immediate residence with a lo v e r or new husband x) coder can't t e l l B. Man returns to or remains with: a) h i s father's and h i s p a t r i k i n ' s residence b) h i s mother's and his matrikin's residence c) e i t h e r d) neolocal residence x) coder can't t e l l — C. J u r a l control i n a woman rests with: a) her fath e r and/or her brother b) s p e c i f i c a l l y a brother c) her mother's brother and/or her brother d) she i s comparatively free of cont r o l x) coder can't t e l l 169 Society continued:13 . Kgatla IV, New Relationship To Members Of The Opposite Sex A. Upon considering remarriage, a woman can marry: a) no one belonging to her ex-husband's r e l a t i v e s b) anyone x) coder can't t e l l V, New Relationship To The Community As A Whole A, The woman i s considered by the community as: a) no longer desirable as a wife b) fr e e to remarry immediately c) not expected to remarry f o r some years x) coder can't t e l l VI, New Relationship To The Former Spouse A, Y/ith regard to conjugal duties, the man and woman: a) have no obligations b) do have obligations c) have obligations only i n s p e c i a l cases x) coder oan't t e l l B, The man and woman can resume t h e i r conjugal duties: a) even i f woman i s married to someone e l s e b) only i f man has not taken back bride p r i c e and she i s not remarried c) never x) coder can't t e l l C, The marriage r e l a t i o n s h i p i s completely dissolved even i f there are children: a) yes b) no x) coder can't t e l l D, In order to remarry, the woman i s dependent on the man f o r : a) h i s acceptance of the bride p r i c e repayment b) i s nat dependent on him x) coder can't t e l l E, I f a man had i n i t i a t e d a j u r a l termination of the marriage: a) he can seek a new husband f o r h i s ex-wife b) he has no ri g h t s of disposal over her x) coder can't t e l l 170 Society. 14» Somali I. New Relationship To The Children A, Children remain with or go with: a) father b) mother c) mother only while c h i l d r e n are very young d) g i r l s with mother; boys with father x) coder can't t e l l B. Absolute rights over children vested i n : a) father and ch i l d ' s p a t r i k i n b) mother and c h i l d ' s matrikin c) father over boy3; mother's brother over g i r l s d) mother's new husband x) coder can't t e l l C. When ch i l d r e n l i v e permanently with t h e i r mother, t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p to t h e i r father: a) involves both finances and i n t e r e s t b) ceases c) weakens x) coder can't t e l l 2E D. When c h i l d r e n l i v e permanently with t h e i r father, t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p to t h e i r mother: a) involves both duties and i n t e r e s t b) ceases c) weakens x) coder can't t e l l 2, I I . New Relationship To The A f f i n e s A. The a f f i n a l bonds are: a) broken b) weakened c) pr i m a r i l y the same x) coder can't t e l l b B. The a f f i n a l bonds are e s p e c i a l l y maintained when there are child r e n : a) yes b) no x) coder can't t e l l a I I I . New Relationship To One's Own Kin A. Woman returns to or remains with: a) her father's and her p a t r i k i n ' s residence b) her mother's and her matrikin's residence c) e i t h e r d) takes up immediate residence with a lover or new husband x) coder can't t e l l B. Man returns to or remains with: a) h i s father's and h i s p a t r i k i n ' s residence b) h i s mother's and his matrikin's residence c) e i t h e r d) neolocal residence x) coder can't t e l l 9: C. J u r a l control i n a woman rests with: a) her fath e r and/or her brother b) s p e c i f i c a l l y a brother c) her mother's brother and/or her brother d) she i s comparatively free of control x) coder can't t e l l a 171 Society continued: 14. Somali IV. New Relationship To Members Of The Opposite Sex A. Upon considering remarriage, a woman can marry: a) no one belonging to her ex»husband's r e l a t i v e s b) anyone x) coder can't t e l l V. New Relationship To The Community As A Whole A. The woman i s considered by the community as: a) no longer desirable as a wife b) free to remarry immediately c) not expected to remarry f o r some years x) coder oan't t e l l V I . New Relationship To The Former Spouse A« V/ith regard to conjugal duties, the man and woman: a) have no obligations b) do have obligations c) have obligations only i n s p e c i a l cases x) coder oan't t e l l B. The man and woman can resume t h e i r conjugal duties: a) even i f woman i s married to someone else b) only i f man has not taken back bride p r i c e and she i s not remarried c) never x) coder can't t e l l C. The marriage r e l a t i o n s h i p i s completely dissolved even i f there are children: a) yes b) no x) coder can't t e l l D. In order to remarry, the woman i s dependent on the man f o r : a) h i s acceptance of the bride p r i c e repayment b) i s nat dependent on him x) coder can't t e l l E. I f a man had i n i t i a t e d a j u r a l termination of the marriage: a) he can seek a new husband f o r h i s ex-wife b) he has no ri g h t s of disposal over her x) coder can't t e l l 172 Society: 15* Ambo I. New Relationship To The Children A, Children remain with or go with: a) f a t h e r b) mother c) mother only while c h i l d r e n are very young d) g i r l s with mother; boys with f a t h e r x) coder can't t e l l b B. Absolute r i g h t s over c h i l d r e n vested i n : a) father and c h i l d ' s p a t r i k i n b) mother and c h i l d ' s matrikin c) father over boy3; mother's brother over g i r l s d) mother's new husband x) coder can't t e l l b C. When c h i l d r e n l i v e permanently with t h e i r mother, t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p to t h e i r father: a) involves both finances and i n t e r e s t b) ceases c) weakens x) coder can't t e l l 9. D. When ch i l d r e n l i v e permanently with t h e i r father, t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p to t h e i r mother: a) involves both duties and i n t e r e s t b) ceases c) weakens x) coder can't t e l l -I I . New Relationship To The A f f i n e s A. The a f f i n a l bonds are: a) broken b) weakened c) p r i m a r i l y the same x) coder can't t e l l t B. The a f f i n a l bonds are e s p e c i a l l y maintained when there are chi l d r e n : a) yes b) no x) coder can't t e l l 1°. I l l ; New Relationship To One's Own Kin A. Woman returns to or remains with: a) her father's and her p a t r i k i n ' s residence b) her mother's and her m a t r i k i n 1 s residence c) e i t h e r d) takes up immediate residence with a lover or new husband x) coder can't t e l l b B. Man returns to or remains with: a) h i s father's and h i s p a t r i k i n ' s residence b) his mother's and his matrikin's residence c) e i t h e r d) neolocal residence x) coder can't t e l l C. J u r a l control i n a woman rests with: a) her f a t h e r and/or her brother b) s p e c i f i c a l l y a brother c) her mother's brother and/or her brother d) she i s comparatively free of cont r o l x) coder can't t e l l . < 173 Society continued: 15. Ambo IV. New Relationship To Members Of The Opposite Sex A. Upon considering remarriage, a woman can marry: a) no one belonging to her ex-husband's r e l a t i v e s b) anyone x) coder can't t e l l V. New Relationship To The Community As A Whole A, The woman i s considered by the community as: a) no longer desirable as a wife b) free t o remarry immediately c) not expected to remarry f o r some years x) coder can't t e l l V I . New Relationship To The Former Spouse A. With regard to conjugal duties, the man and woman: a) have no obligations b) do have obligations c) have obligations only i n s p e c i a l cases x) coder oan't t e l l B. The man and woman can resume t h e i r conjugal duties: a) even i f woman i s married to someone else b) only i f man has not taken back bride p r i c e and she i s not remarried c) never x) coder can't t e l l C. The marriage r e l a t i o n s h i p i s completely dissolved even i f there are children: a) yes b) no x) coder can't t e l l D. In order to remarry, the woman i s dependent on the man f o r : a) h i s acceptance of the bride p r i c e repayment b) i s not dependent on him x) coder can't t e l l E. I f a man had i n i t i a t e d a j u r a l termination of the marriage: a) he can seek a new husband f o r h i s ex-wife b) he has no ri g h t s of disposal over her x) coder can't t e l l 174 Society: l6» Trobriander I. New Relationship To The Children A, Children remain with or go with: a) f a t h e r b) mother c) mother only while c h i l d r e n are very young d) g i r l s with mother; boys with father x) coder can't -bell B. Absolute r i g h t s over children vested i n : a) father and ch i l d ' s p a t r i k i n b) mother and c h i l d ' s matrikin c) father over boys; mother's brother over g i r l s d) mother's new husband x) coder can't t e l l C. When c h i l d r e n l i v e permanently with t h e i r mother, t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p to t h e i r father: a) involves both finances and i n t e r e s t b) ceases c) weakens x) coder can't t e l l D. When ch i l d r e n l i v e permanently with t h e i r father, t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p to t h e i r mother: a) involves both duties and i n t e r e s t b) ceases o) weakens x) coder can't t e l l I I . New Relationship To The A f f i n e s A. The a f f i n a l bonds are: a) broken b) weakened c) p r i m a r i l y the same x) coder can't t e l l _ B. The a f f i n a l bonds are e s p e c i a l l y maintained when there are ohildren: a) yes b) no x) coder can't t e l l x_ I I I . New Relationship To One's Own Kin A. Woman returns to or remains with: a) her father's and her p a t r i k i n ' s residence b) her mother's and her matrikin's residence c) ei t h e r d) takes up immediate residence with a lover or new husband x) ooder can't t e l l b B. Man returns to or remains with: a) h i s father's and h i s p a t r i k i n ' s residence b) h i s mother's ani his matrikin's residence c) ei t h e r d) neolocal residence x) coder can't t e l l fL C. J u r a l control i n a woman rests with: a) her fath e r and/or her brother b) s p e c i f i c a l l y a brother c) her mother's brother and/or her brother d) she i s comparatively free of cont r o l x) coder can't t e l l d_ 175 Society continued: 16. Trobriander IV• New Relationship To Members Of The Opposite Sex A. Upon considering remarriage, a woman can marry: a) no one belonging to her ex-husband's r e l a t i v e s b) anyone x) coder can't t e l l V. New Relationship To The Community A3 A Whole A. The woman i s considered by the community as: a) no longer desirable as a wife b) free to remarry immediately c) not expected to remarry f o r some years x) coder can't t e l l VI. New Relationship To The Former Spouse A. With regard to conjugal duties, the man and woman: a) have no obligations b) do have obligations c) have obligations only i n s p e c i a l cases x) coder can't t e l l B. The man and woman can resume t h e i r conjugal duties: a) even i f woman i s married to someone else b) only i f man has not taken back bride p r i c e and she i s not remarried c) never x) coder can't t e l l C. The marriage r e l a t i o n s h i p i s completely dissolved even i f there are child r e n : a) yes b) no x) coder can't t e l l D. In order to remarry, the woman i s dependent on the man f o r : a) h i s acceptance of the bride p r i c e repayment b) i s not dependent on him x) coder can't t e l l E. I f a man had i n i t i a t e d a j u r a l termination of the marriage: a) he can seek a new husband f o r h i s ex-wife b) he has no ri g h t s of disposal over her x) coder can't t e l l 176 APPENDIX I I I Explanation For The Choice o f V a r i a b l e Where M a t e r i a l Was Vague 1. Lakeside Tonga. The f i r s t d i f f i c u l t y encountered i n t h i s analysis i s that of determining with whom the c h i l d goes (I:A). J . Van Velsen writes that the woman "generally takes the c h i l d r e n with her, e s p e c i a l l y i f they are s t i l l young" (1964:107). Throughout the r e s t of h i s discussion, he seems to assume that the woman claims the c h i l d r e n . However, residence i s ' v i r i l o c a l * with a ' m a t r i l o c a l ' M a s (1964:3) and he l a t e r reports that there i s a struggle between the children's m a t r i l a t e r a l and p a t r i l a t e r a l r e l a t i v e s f o r the children's r e s i d e n t i a l a l l e g i a n c e . But, I take t h i s l a s t statement t o r e f e r s p e c i f i c a l l y to when the sons are grown and ready to make a new home f o r themselves. And, of course, the concern of t h i s category i s wMch parent claims the c h i l d r e n when they are s t i l l minors. T h e i r subsequent housing, upon e s t a b l i s h i n g separate households, would not be a relevant consideration. The second problem (l:B) also requires some explanation. The l i t e r a t u r e never r e a l l y states who has absolute r i g h t s over the c h i l d r e n . However, we know that the c h i l d r e n go more or l e s s permanently with the mother (have to be won back by the father) and the anthropologist states that " m a t r i l i n e a l descent matters but p a t r i l i n e a l kinship also creates t i e s wMch unites i n d i v i d u a l s " (1964:41). I t seems here that J . Van Velsen i s s t r e s s i n g the importance of the woman's matrikin over the c h i l d r e n and the children's p a t r i k i n assume secondary importance. One more item of evidence appears i n the form of "a man has a say i n h i s 177 daughter*s marriage " (1964:108). Note, the words, "a say" and not something like "final word". Thus, I see no reason to avoid indicating that absolute rights over the children l i e with a mother and the children's matrikin* Similarly, there is a need to determine jural control over a woman (III:C). Unfortunately, no mention is made of the return of the bridewealth payment, but we know that both a woman's patrikin and matrikin share in receiving i t . A l l J. Van Velsen writes is that a woman returns to her own village, which would be her father's. However, for the same reasons as stated in the foregoing paragraph, i t would appear that the jural control over the woman is vested in her mother's brother and/or brother. The relationship to the community as a whole was not discussed in any respect (V : A ) . However, because mention of a woman's new husband soon after the cessation of the marriage appears a few times (e.g. "For i f at divorce, the children follow their mother to her new husband's village " (1964:106) , and because the anthropologist notes that "there is a high rate of divorce", i t was deoided that the appropriate choice for this problem would be: "Free to remarry immediately". 2. Plateau Tonga. The decisions to be made in the fi r s t category concerning the new relationships to the children are a l l clear-cut. The fi r s t question arises in the new relationship to the affines (LL : A ) . Colson never delves into this area but i t is surmised that the affinal bonds are considerably weakened as she reports that "The ancestors of the husband .... no longer serve as guardians to the household of the 178 wife. She has left them behind with her marriage" (1958:209)* However, i t was felt that the affinal bonds could not be completely severed as the father continues to have obligations to assist the sons with bridewealth and to meet the cost of their damages, and so on, a l l of which would seem to indicate that some relationship must continue between the children's patrikin and matrikin. It is for this reason that II:B was adjudged to be affirmative - that affinal bonds are maintained because of the children. The residence of the man at the cessation of his marriage is unclear. Colson states that residence is usually virilocal, but there is no real rule. "There is a tendency for a man to join matrilineal kinsmen in later l i f e .... and the tendency is not very great" (1961:42). Thus i t seemed as though the proper answer for this dilemma would be "either". There is no definite statement for V:A - the community's attitude to the woman but since Colson simply mentions that divorce is frequent, i t seemed fair to assume that the woman is "free to remarry immediately". With respect to the new roles developed by the former spouses, the question arises concerning the complete dissolution of the marriage relationship (VI:C). Without any data on this, the researcher took a stand based on the information that the man, the father of the children, has continuing obligations and duties towards the sons. So, i t seemed probably that there is some sort of tie between the spouses because of their mutual interest in the children. 179 It appears as though the Plateau Tonga woman is dependent on her husband's acceptance of the bridewealth repayment (VI:D) and he has control over her subsequent remarriage, for Colson states that "divorce comes about through the return of the bridewealth. Until then the husband can sue lovers for adultery" (1958:176). 3. Gonja. This following treatment of the Gonja, results not so much from insufficient information, but more because some of the answers are highly unusual and I wish to document them. Indeed, Esther Goody's study is by far the most comprehensive study of marriage termination. The first question is due, however, to lack of specific reference. It concerns absolute rights over the children (I:B) and I singled out "father and child's patrikin" as being the correct one. The Gonja seem to split up their sibling groups and the girls go with the mother, while the boys over seven years of age, with the father. Goody makes statements to the effect that both parents have continuing interests in the children and claims on them, as well as the fact that both kinship ties "tend to be significant for l i f e " (1962:34). But, on the next page she writes "Within the context of divorce, whatever arrangement is made for boys during childhood and adolescence,they are expected to return to their agnatic kin" (1962:35). It is this statement, along with the one: "Marriage is marked by the transfer by the groom's representative to the father or guardian of the bride of twelve which formally legalizes the union" (1962:17), that might indicate that the absolute rights over the daughter are likely to be found with the "father and child's patrikin". She does say that rights to the custody of the children are imprecisely defined. p 180 Likewise, Goody says nothing of jural control over the woman (III:C) and the same evidence can he used to select: "a) her father and/or her brother". As for the "New Relationship to the Community", this too is not indicated, but since divorce is frequent and she claims that"The prevalence of simple conjugal separation followed by remarriage " (1962:30), i t appears that a woman is free to remarry immediately. Among the Gonja, the man and woman do have obligations, but only in specific cases (VI:A) for Goody reports that "If the ex-husband has not remarried, the ex-wife will prepare a sacrificial meal for her husband's ancestors " (1962:34). The Gonja answer to VI:B is indeed an unusual one. It i s reported that the Gonja man and woman can resume their duties toward each other even i f the woman is married to someone else. "The possibility that an estranged wife who has remarried may some day return to her fi r s t husband is a real one and older men, particularly, speak hopefully of i t some wives do actually return" (1962:33). One further clarification remains for VI:D referring to the woman's dependence on the man to remarry. It seems as though there is none for we read the following: "The prevalence of simple conjugal separation followed by remarriage as a means of ending a marriage suggests that a formal termination of or retransfer of conjugal duties is not of great importance to the Gonja" (1962:30). 181 4* Mae-Enga* This ethnography is fairly comprehensive, hut there are two areas where the information is lacking, namely the relationship between the man and woman, and of both of them to the children. The children go essentially with their father ("the ex-husband is entitled to retain the offspring of the union" (1965:140), but Meggitt reports that depending upon the children's age and sex, "He may allow some of them to remain permanently with their mother and are later affiliated with the agnatic group of their mother's brother or of their step-father" (1965:140). S t i l l , since the decision was the father's and Meggitt made other statements referring to the mother's relinquishing the offspring, i t was felt that clearly the children remain with the father. Unfortunately, there was absolutely no indication of what the relationship i s to the mother when the children live permanently with their father. As mentioned previously, Meggitt does not develop the relationship with the affines. It seems, though, that the affinal bonds are considerably weakened, i f not broken. This decision was based on the factlthat the ethnographer repeatedly stresses that marriage is seen as widening relations and for this reason the Mae-Enga frown upon "divorce". He writes: "The people strongly disapprove of divorce or any form of marital separation likely to endanger the inter-group links that initially depend on marriage" (1965:159). Whether or not the affinal bond is maintained without children, just could not be determined. 182 The next category that must be investigated i s V:A, concerning the woman* s r e l a t i o n s h i p to the community. Although Meggitt states that most people strongly disapprove o f both divorce and people who seek divorce, s t i l l i t seems possible f o r a woman t o be remarried. In a few instances she j u s t goes to l i v e with another man who pays her agnates br i d e p r i c e . Also, he writes that: "A divorcee r a r e l y has to wait long f o r an o f f e r n (1965: 146) . Within the l a s t category ( r e l a t i o n s h i p of the spouses) there are a number of d i f f i c u l t i e s . The f i r s t one involves the conjugal dutie s . Meggitt makes no d i r e c t statement about t h i s , but one i s l e d t o i n f e r that the marital r e l a t i o n s h i p comes to an abrupt end. Nor, i s there any evidence as to whether or not the man and woman can resume t h e i r conjugal d u t i e s . However, i t i s stated that a j u r a l termination occurs only with a p a r t i a l repayment o f the bridewealth and so i t i s pos s i b l e that the couple would be allowed to resume t h e i r m a r i t a l r e l a t i o n s h i p provided that the husband had not received the bride p r i c e repayment and the woman had not remarried. L a s t l y , problem D has been solved i n terms of the woman being dependent on the man to remarry, on h i s acceptance of the bridewealth. As mentioned e a r l i e r , there i s amongst the Mae-Enga a "de f a c t o " divorce created when the wife takes up residence with another man and he only makes a bridewealth payment to the woman*s agnatic k i n and does not recompense the former husband. However, Meggitt reports that t h i s i s not at a l l common, that the j u r a l divorce i s three times more frequent, so only 183 this latter type is being considered. This "editing" is being done most reluctantly, but this being an exploratory study i t was felt to be too complicated to handle two different variables for one problem. Fortunately, this is the only instance of having to "ignore" some of the evidence. 5* Yako. Unfortunately, Forde*s ethnography contains many omissions that would be relevant to this study, and a few other choices are problematic. We do know that the girls go with their mother and the boys with their father. Forde also tells us that the 'kepun* (corporate patrilineage) is important and that the sons usually settle with their fathers. So we are certain that jural control over the sons is vested in the fathers and the son's patrikin (I:B:a). But, he does not say who has rights over the daughters. So, we interpret this statement: "Girls, however, always accompany mother and the matrilineal normally accept responsibility for her marriage, receiving the bridewealth" (1964:81), as indicating that jural rights in the daughters are vested in mother's brother. When the son lives permanently with either his mother's family or her new husband (I:C) his relationship to his father must cease, for Forde says he i s "likely to associate himself permanently with the kepun of his foster-father" (1964:82). And, we know that the daughter ceases to be the responsibility of her father. As far as the woman's relationship to the community, we are only given that divorce is frequent and that a woman can go through several marriages, so i t seems reasonable to assume that she i s free to remarry immediately. 184 6. Khasi. The discussion of this analysis will he brief due to the fact that there are few choices that could be determined from the literature. And, those selections that were made, were a l l rather olear-cut, except for one. It is the problem concerning the ability of the man and woman to resume their conjugal duties (VI:B). The author makes no mention of this, but he does indicate that the woman can only remarry after a jural dissolution of her marriage. This statement, then, would support the view that they could resume duties i f the man has not taken back the bride price and the woman is not remarried. 7. Samburu. Mr. Spencer's account does not give explicit answers to many of the problems, but some of them can be quite easily ascertained. Upon the cessation of the marriage, he does not state with whom the children actually go, but he remarks that "a boy who grows up among his maternal kin ... because his mother has returned there " (1965:38). At least we know that i t i s permissible for the children to go with the mother, and that i t does occur. The question of absolute rights over the children is less difficult to ascertain as there are statements to the effect that: a) " i t is a difficult process to incorporate a man into his maternal clan" (1965:40), and b) " i f a boy returns to his: paternal kin he can expect substantial help in building up a herd" (1965:38). It seems that control over the daughters must also be with her patrikin, as there is never any importance ascribed to the matrikin. 185 When the children live permanently with their mother (I:C) i t must be the case that the relationship to their father ceases for, difficult as the process i s , they are incorporated into the mother's kin group. Unfortunately, there is no indication of the relationship with the mother when the children align themselves with their father. Problem V:A is concerned with the community's sanction concerning her remarriage. Again, l i t t l e is said. We learn from our reading of the Samburu that "in theory divorce is impossible once a woman has had a pregnancy" ( 1965:46) , yet Spencer does refer to remarriage and second husbands. It seems as though women can remarry and most likely (since there is no mention to the contrary) can do so quite soon after. Within the context of the "new relationship to the former spouse", the solution to problem B, that of a man and woman resuming their conjugal duties, is being described not because i t is questionable but because i t is unusual. According to Spencer, "A fir s t husband can make bids for the return of his wife and her children by her second husband, until the oldest of these children has been circumcised" (1965:46) . He also claims that this has happened, but i t is not common since i t produces bad feelings between clans. 8. Son.io. By contrast, Gray's recording offers much more detail about marriage termination and most of the problems are easily solved. I:B is not at a l l problematic, but is being commented on here because its solution i s , thus far, unique. The Sonjo children a l l go with their mother, and Gray explicitly states that by Sonjo law 186 "her c h i l d r e n go with her and are adopted by the new husband ....." (1963:75). Furthermore, the new husband has f u l l r i g h t s over the c h i l d r e n and "assumes the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y o f providing bride p r i c e f o r the stepsons* wives? Property inheritance i s also through the stepfather. The ch i l d r e n are assimilated into h i s clan and automatically acquire the same kinship bonds that h i s own ch i l d r e n have" (1963:76). A problem that does a r i s e 1 i n t h i s analysis of Sonjo marriage termination i s with regard to j u r a l c o n t r o l . Although the woman returns to her father*s home, Gray says she i s "comparatively f r e e from the c o n t r o l of her father or other r e l a t i v e s and they do not d i r e c t l y intervene i n any divorce proceedings" (1963:74). In f a c t , the woman i s not dependent on her r e l a t i v e s f o r the return o f the bridewealth, f o r i t i s made by her second husband. One l a s t item r e q u i r i n g c l a r i f i c a t i o n i s VI:B. We do not know d e f i n i t e l y that a Sonjo man and woman can resume t h e i r conjugal duties, but i t does seem a p o s s i b i l i t y . The clue f o r t h i s i s found i n Gray's claim that a woman cannot be remarried u n t i l the second husband pays the f i r s t one, bridewealth. I t i s l i k e l y , that the once-separated couple can renew t h e i r bonds up to the point t h a t the man accepts a bridewealth payment. 9. Iteso. This ethnography contains l i t t l e information on marriage cessation, but the statements made i n t h i s connection are a l l c l e a r . Lawrance does not say which parent has absolute r i g h t s over the ch i l d r e n (I:B), but there i s no doubt that i t i s the fath e r and 187 c h i l d ' s p a t r i k i n because Lawrence writes. " A l l c h i l d r e n , whatever the grounds of divorce belong to the husband'' (1957:216), and "A mother can always claim the r i g h t to see her c h i l d " (1957:217). These statements c l e a r l y show that the c h i l d r e n are t o t a l l y bound over to t h e i r father's care. In order to determine the woman's residence and the locus of j u r a l control over her we have to r e l y on Lawrance*s statements that p a t r i l o c a l i t y i s the Iteso norm. Because the wife has t o r e l y on her parents to i n i t i a t e the proceedings, i t would c e r t a i n l y be the case that her fa t h e r and her p a t r i k i n have ultimate r i g h t s over her. 10. Nuer. Although Evans-Pritchard's study has been long h a i l e d as a c l a s s i c , i t i s , unfortunately, i l l - s u i t e d to t h i s i n v e s t i g a t i o n as the number of "x*s" on the ta b l e s portray. The researcher wished t o include i t because t h i s s o c i e t y i s always singled out i n any discussion of marital i n s t a b i l i t y as one with a very low divorce rate but high frequency of adultery and conjugal separation. So the purpose of using i t here i s to see how i t compares to the other s o c i e t i e s . Even though much data i s massing, i t i s p o s s i b l e , i n keeping with the exploratory nature of t h i s paper, that some features may show up as being p e c u l i a r to the Nuer. The anthropologist does not answer a l l of our questions, such as j u r a l c o n t r o l , residence of woman and so on. However, i n view of t h i s monograph's widespread f a m i l i a r i t y , i t was f e l t unnecessary to explain i n a l l cases why c e r t a i n answers were seleoted. There are only three which need be b r i e f l y mentioned. 188 III:B (man's residence): Evans-Pritchard mentions that the Nuer move about much and can take up residence i n any v i l l a g e i n which they can e s t a b l i s h kinship l i n k s . However, since v i l l a g e s are lineage based and since the f i r s t home the husband b u i l d s f o r h i s wife a f t e r the b i r t h of the f i r s t c h i l d i s i n h i s father*s homestead, i t i s deemed probable that the Nuer man recognizes t h i s as h i s permanent home. The second r e f e r s to the community's a t t i t u d e to the woman (V:A). I t seems quite appropriate to say that the woman i s f r e e to remarry immediately, f o r Evans-Pritchard writes: "Wedding and consummation ceremonies are held even f o r a g i r l who i s pregnant or one who has been divorced and i s being married a second time " (1951:70). In l i g h t of t h i s statement i t appears that the women are not ost r a c i z e d and even t h e i r second marriages are p u b l i c l y celebrated. The t h i r d d i f f i c u l t y i s to determine i f the man and woman can resume t h e i r conjugal duties (VI:B). I t might very w e l l be the case, f o r the Nuer require that a man must accept a portion of the bridewealth back before the woman reweds, i n d i c a t i n g that up u n t i l t h i s point they could s t i l l have claims to each other as spouses. 11. Amba. There i s somewhat more information i n t h i s monograph on which to base the s e l e c t i o n s . However, explanations of the choices must be given since they are not s p e c i f i c . I t was deemed l i k e l y that the a f f i n a l bonds between the c h i l d ' s matrikin and 189 p a t r i k i n do continue (II:A&B), though i n a very weakened form. This conclusion i s based on the statements that the woman i s able to have contact with her chi l d r e n and they are allowed to v i s i t t h e i r mother from time to time. This would imply some r e l a t i o n s h i p among the a f f i n e s , but s p e c i f i c a l l y when there are c h i l d r e n . As: f o r both residences r e f e r r e d to i n III:A&B, we again must r e l y on the simple statement made by E.H. Winter that the Amba people are " p a t r i l i n e a l and p a t r i l o c a l " . T h i s argues strongly f o r s e l e c t i n g t h e i r residences, upon the cessation of t h e i r marriage, as t h e i r father's and t h e i r p a t r i k i n ' s . Determining who holds j u r a l control i n a woman i s not at a l l problematic - i t i s s p e c i f i c a l l y a brother. Winter states that "the fat h e r formally presents each daughter t o a p a r t i c u l a r son " (195^:68) and e a r l i e r he t e l l s us that i t i s the brother who must repay h i s s i s t e r ' s bridewealth, that she i s "almost completely dependent upon her brother" (1956:68). F i n a l l y i t was decided that the marriage r e l a t i o n s h i p i s not completely dissolved when there are chi l d r e n (VI:C) f o r , as stated above, the woman does maintain contact with her children and they are allowed to make short v i s i t s . Thus i t seems l i k e l y that both parents would have some contact i n the process o f making arrangements f o r these v i s i t s and more;:SQ, i n discussing the welfare of t h e i r mutual o f f s p r i n g . 190 12. Tanga. These people are not at a l l s u f f i c i e n t l y documented f o r our study, and as a borderline case are being included f o r the . i n t e r e s t i n g problems created by t h e i r f a v o r i n g exchange r e l a t i o n s h i p s between two sets of brothers. Although category I I - "New Relationship to the A f f i n e s " was not at a l l handled i n the monograph, the Tangu stress of exchange r e l a t i o n s h i p s would seem to i n d i c a t e that even though the marriage t i e s were broken (II:A), the a f f i n a l bond would s t i l l very much continue, i n f a c t could not be escaped, as the woman's brother would be married to her ex-husband's s i s t e r . Likewise i t i s c e r t a i n that the a f f i n a l t i e s would remain even without c h i l d r e n . The r e s i d e n t i a l choice of the woman (III:B) i s not given -ju s t that she returns to her parents. Since Burridge also i n d i c a t e s that the Tangu are b i l i n e a l i t would appear accurate to s e l e c t her residence as " e i t h e r " . He does state though, that the man's residence i s 'neolocal*. There i s as well an uncertainty about the j u r a l c o n t r o l over the woman. Because there are these exchange r e l a t i o n s h i p s , Burridge claims the brother or brothers have a stake i n the success of her marriage, and are anxious f o r her to enter a new one i f she becomes unattached. He writes: "and remains a r e s p o n s i b i l i t y on the brothers" (1958:57). Surely, then, we can conclude that the authority over a woman i s vested i n her brother(s). 191 Bur ridge also stresses that there i s pressure on the woman to remarry (V:A), not only from her brothers, but from the oommunity, f o r they be l i e v e an unattached woman causes trouble and r i v a l r i e s which lead i n t o sorcery. I t i s l i k e l y then that the woman i s " f r e e to remarry". However, Burridge points out that i t i s d i f f i c u l t to f i n d a t h i r d husband f o r her. 13. Kgatla. There are a few problems here and a few omissions. Schapera says nothing of the continuing state of the a f f i n a l bonds, but we presume they are maintained i n somewhat the same fashion. Our reasoning i s based on the statement that the chi l d r e n , when young, go with the mother but that the fa t h e r supports h i s c h i l d r e n at t h i s stage and v i s i t s them. Besides i n d i c a t i n g that the marriage r e l a t i o n s h i p i s not completely dissolved (VT:C) i t also could be argued that the a f f i n a l t i e s are not ruptured completely, f o r both f a m i l i e s would have i n common the welfare of idle c h i l d r e n and hence the bonds are p r i m a r i l y the same (II:A). There i s another question concerning the woman's dependence on the man to remarry (VI:D). This seems the s i t u a t i o n f o r not only must the ex-husband take back the bride p r i c e , but Schapera reports that he often does make i t impossible f o r her to rewed. Furthermore, he claims that "the women are not regarded with favour as po s s i b l e wives" ( 1965:301) . 14. Somali. The Somali ethnography by Lewis presented few d i f f i c u l t i e s i n the a n a l y s i s , although there i s a lack of information about r e l a t i o n -ships to members o f the opposite sex and to the former spouse. 192 I t i s only f o r t h i s l a s t category (71) that the solutions need he deduced. I t i s most l i k e l y the case that the marriage r e l a t i o n s h i p i s never completely dissolved. Lewis explains that the woman keeps the boys u n t i l age s i x and the g i r l s u n t i l they marry, but the father has absolute r i g h t s over them and while they are r a i s e d by t h e i r mother, he makes f i n a n c i a l contributions. The parents must view themselves as having some t i e as they must come together to discuss t h e i r children's welfare. The l a s t two problems are l e s s e a s i l y i n f e r r e d . According t o Lewis, marriage cessation i s a very simple matter and a l l the man need do i s proclaim i t three times i n fr o n t of witnesses. The woman can protest but Lewis says she seldom does; she i s u s u a l l y anxious to remarry and can do so a f t e r r e c e i v i n g a l e t t e r from the sheikh informing her that "they are divorced" (1962:58). In view of t h i s i t i s u n l i k e l y that the woman i s dependent on the man f o r h i s consent or acceptance of the bride p r i c e i n order to remarry. As w e l l , since the man i s the only one who can seek a j u r a l termination to the marriage, and Lewis does not mention that he has r i g h t s of disposal over the woman, i t i s l i k e l y that he does not. 15. Ambo. Only the problems i n the f i r s t three categories could be solved. For the l a s t three categories there was not enough data on which to base the answers and rather than make unsupported guesses, i t was decided to j u s t omit them. Therefore, there i s only one problem r e q u i r i n g some elaboration. I t concerns j u r a l c o n t r o l over the woman. 193 Stefaniszyn notes that "the eldest brother w i l l act as a guardian of hi s s i b l i n g " ( 1 9 6 4 : 9 ) ' He also states that "the brother i s the guardian of h i s s i s t e r , a f t e r her mothers brother" (1964:9) and so p r i m a r i l y , i t must be her mother's brother who has authority over the woman and i t i s only a f t e r h i s death that her brother receives t h i s authority. T h i s i s the reasoning behind the s e l e c t i o n of the "mother's brother and/or brother" as being the correct one rather than " S p e c i f i c a l l y a brother". 16. Trobriander. As evidenced by the score sheet the Trobriand ethnography i s another one not p a r t i c u l a r l y adaptable t o t h i s study. I t i s being included because i t meets the one requirement, namely, that there be s u f f i c i e n t data to inve s t i g a t e at l e a s t three o f the s i x problems. As with the Nuer monograph, Malinowski's treatment of the Trobrianders i s also a famous document and we need not be as d e t a i l e d as with the other works. As w i l l be quoted l a t e r , we f i n d that i n Trobriand s o c i e t y , the brother i s her guardian. S t i l l ! , : i t seemed correct to show i n III:C that the woman i s r e l a t i v e l y f r e e of j u r a l c o n t r o l even o f her brother, since her new spouse recompenses h i s predecessor and not her brother or her mother's brother. Malinowski never suggests what the community a t t i t u d e to the remarriage of the unattached woman i s but i t i s highly probable that she can rewed immediately. Malinowski writes that "the woman resumes the l i f e of an unmarried g i r l " (1957:121) and follows t h i s statement 194 with a discussion of the new spouse's o b l i g a t i o n s . And. since "divorce... i s not infrequent" (1957:121) i t i s doubtful that the community would require a woman to wait a few years to remarry or even would not allow her to do so. The l a s t v a r i a b l e r e q u i r i n g c l a r i f i c a t i o n i s VI:E:b, r e f e r r i n g to the man having no r i g h t s of disposal over the woman. The opposite could not be the case f o r Malinowski describes the man as commanding very l i t t l e power or authority. "The husband i s only p a r t i a l l y the head o f a household; he i s only p a r t i a l l y i t s provider. His wife's brother, who according to t r i b a l law remains the guardian of the wife and c h i l d r e n ...." (1957:110). This statement seems to i n d i c a t e that the Trobriander man i s l i t t l e more than a begetter who would hardly c o n t r o l h i s wife's a b i l i t y to remarry. 

Cite

Citation Scheme:

        

Citations by CSL (citeproc-js)

Usage Statistics

Share

Embed

Customize your widget with the following options, then copy and paste the code below into the HTML of your page to embed this item in your website.
                        
                            <div id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidgetDisplay">
                            <script id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidget"
                            src="{[{embed.src}]}"
                            data-item="{[{embed.item}]}"
                            data-collection="{[{embed.collection}]}"
                            data-metadata="{[{embed.showMetadata}]}"
                            data-width="{[{embed.width}]}"
                            async >
                            </script>
                            </div>
                        
                    
IIIF logo Our image viewer uses the IIIF 2.0 standard. To load this item in other compatible viewers, use this url:
http://iiif.library.ubc.ca/presentation/dsp.831.1-0302484/manifest

Comment

Related Items