Open Collections

UBC Theses and Dissertations

UBC Theses Logo

UBC Theses and Dissertations

Eco-behavioural factors as indices of residential stability Duguid, Allan Garson 1972

Your browser doesn't seem to have a PDF viewer, please download the PDF to view this item.

Notice for Google Chrome users:
If you are having trouble viewing or searching the PDF with Google Chrome, please download it here instead.

Item Metadata

Download

Media
831-UBC_1972_A8 D83.pdf [ 13.22MB ]
Metadata
JSON: 831-1.0302433.json
JSON-LD: 831-1.0302433-ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): 831-1.0302433-rdf.xml
RDF/JSON: 831-1.0302433-rdf.json
Turtle: 831-1.0302433-turtle.txt
N-Triples: 831-1.0302433-rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: 831-1.0302433-source.json
Full Text
831-1.0302433-fulltext.txt
Citation
831-1.0302433.ris

Full Text

ECO-BEHAVIOURAL FACTORS AS INDICES OF RESIDENTIAL STABILITY by ALLAN GARSON DUGUID BSc(Econ)., Un ivers i ty Col lege of Swansea, Wales, 1970 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in the School of Community and Regional Planning We accept th i s thes i s as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA A p r i l , 1972 In presenting th i s thes i s in p a r t i a l fu l f i lment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the Un ivers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L ibrary sha l l make i t f ree l y ava i l ab le for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of th i s thes i s for scho lar ly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representat ives . It i s understood that copying or pub l i ca t i on of th i s thes i s for f i n anc i a l gain sha l l not be allowed without my wr i t ten permiss ion. School of Community and Regional Planning The Un iver s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada ii ABSTRACT H i s t o r i c a l l y , the most common ana lys i s of the way i n which a c i t y evolved was in terms of market f o r ce s . According to t h i s school of thought, propounded by the human e c o l o g i s t s , a r e s i d e n t i a l area matured u n t i l i t reached a point when i t could be p r o f i t a b l y redeveloped at a higher i n tens i t y of use. Th i s type of explanat ion r e f l e c t s the r i s e in land costs associated with rapid urban growth. More p e r t i n e n t l y , i t a lso r e f l e c t s the power vested in p o l i t i c i a n s and business i n te re s t s to contro l the dest iny of parts of the c i t y . Recent ly , however, we have witnessed an increas ing concern amongst i nd i v i dua l s and c i t i z e n i n te re s t groups over the way in which urban areas are being manipulated for p o l i t i c a l or corporate ga in , at the expense of c i t i z e n s ' s a t i s f a c t i o n . This concern has been expressed in terms of an increas ing consciousness, or environmental and p o l i t i c a l awareness. This study examined West K i t s i l a n o , one of Vancouver's older r e s i den -t i a l d i s t r i c t s , in the l i gh t of the general hypothes is : That the degree of s t a b i l i t y of a r e s i d e n t i a l environ cannot be accounted for so le ly in terms of market f o r ce s . Part of the explanat ion must now be sought in terms of i nd i v idua l eco-behaviora1 f a c t o r s . The hypothesis was va l ida ted by the research undertaken. This i n d i c a -ted that fur ther ins ight on the contemporary forces a f f e c t i n g the evo lu t ion of urban areas can be gained by examining the understanding res idents have of t h e i r environ and the behavior patterns they d i s p l a y . It revealed that desp i te the presence of market forces committed to the redevelopment of the area, inhab i tants can play a conscious ro le in the preservat ion of i i i t h e i r r e s i d e n t i a l environ in a form which s a t i s f i e s t h e i r day to day requirements. I f continued i n te rven t i on in the way in which the c i t y evolves i s to be re levant , i t w i l l depend on a more informed planning process . It must take account of the sentiments and expectat ions of i n d i v i d u a l s throughout the urban area, in add i t ion to cons ider ing the continued deployment of people and a c t i v i t i e s in terms of market induced f a c t o r s . Th i s requires cons iderable i n t ro spec t i on on behalf of those involved in environmental management. It demands that c i t i z e n s be regarded as d i r e c t o r s of the urban f a b r i c rather than as mere actors to be d i r e c t e d . However, the a b i l i t y to ask fundamentally soc i a l and organ izat iona l questions w i l l be wasted unless planners can demonstrate equal f l e x i -b i l i t y i n t h e i r search for p o l i c i e s and avenues of i n t e r v e n t i o n . Th i s w i l l i nev i t ab l y lead them outside t r a d i t i o n a l areas of competence, or outs ide t r a d i t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n a l frameworks. Most s i g n i f i c a n t l y , i t w i l l emphasise that those involved in environmental management must become part o f , rather than a l leged experts f o r , soc i a l change. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ABSTRACT ii LIST OF FIGURES vii LIST OF MAPS viii LIST OF TABLES ix ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS xi Chapter I. WHY STRIVE FOR A KNOWLEDGE OF URBAN STRUCTURE? 1 1. The Processes of Invas ion and Success ion 1 2. The I nc reas ing Power of I n t e r v e n t i o n i n 3 C i t y S t r u c t u r e 3. The Focus of t h i s Research k I I . THE CONTRIBUTION OF HUMAN ECOLOGY TOWARDS AN 7 UNDERSTANDING OF RESIDENTIAL STRUCTURE 1. Ea r l y Development of E c o l o g i c a l Thought 8 2. T r a n s l a t i o n of Thought i n t o S p a t i a l Models 12 3- Methodo log ica l Re fo rmula t ions \k k. T h e o r e t i c a l Re fo rmula t ions 17 5« Conc lu s i on 21 I I I . THE EMERGENCE OF A BEHAVIOURAL APPROACH TO UNDERSTAND RESIDENTIAL STRUCTURE 2k 1. Conceptual Departure 2k 2. The Role of Sentiment and Symbolism i n 26 Shaping R e s i d e n t i a l P a t t e r n i n g 3. Operat iona l Framework 29 D e f i n i t i o n of Terms 35 5- Fo rmulat ion of the Hypotheses 36 6. Summary V Chapter Page IV. EXPERIMENTAL DESIGN k6 1. S e l ec t i on of the Study Area k6 2 . Representativeness of Waterloo Street 55 3 - The Interview 58 k. Summary , 61 V. THE CHARACTERISTICS OF THE RESIDENTS 65 1. The Housing C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the Residents 66 2 . The Personal C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the Residents 71 3 . Summary Jk VI. THE RESEARCH FINDINGS 77 PART I Kit South and Ki t North D i s t ingu i shed on the Basis of the Personal C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s 78 1. The Populat ion Descr ip tor s 78 2 . The Behavioural and A t t i t u d i n a l C l a s s i f i c a t i o n s 80 of Var iab les 3 . Summary 87 PART II Kit South and Kit North D i s t ingu i shed on the 8 8 Basis of Behavioural and A t t i t u d i n a l Character i s t i e s 1. The Populat ion Descr ip tor s 88 2 . The Strength of Informal I n terac t ion 89 3 - The Strength of Formal In terac t ion Sk k. The Understanding of, and Commitment to , the 10*+ Res ident ia l Environ 5 . The Understanding at the Ci ty Scale 133 6 . Summary I39 VI Chapter Page VI I. SUMMARY ANO CONCLUSIONS 1. Summary of the Study 2. The Value of Eco-behavioural Factors as Indices of Res ident ia l S t a b i l i t y 3. Impl icat ions for Environmental Management k. Suggestions for Further Research 150 151 153 156 160 APPENDICES APPENDIX A. SAMPLE AREA AND SAMPLE CHOICE 163 APPENDIX Bo INTERVIEW METHODS AND QUESTIONNAIRE FORMAT 171 APPENDIX Co THE INTERPRETIVE TECHNIQUES USED IN THIS STUDY 192 APPENDIX D. LIST OF VARIABLES USED IN THIS STUDY 196 REFERENCES CITED 199 vii LIST OF FIGURES Figure Page 1. The Eco log ica l Separat ion of B i o t i c and Cu l tu ra l 11 Levels 2. The Integrat ion of B i o t i c , Cu l tura l and Organisat iona l 33 Elements in the Behaviour Se t t ing 3. Hypotheses Formulat ion, A n a l y t i c a l Organ i sat ion, 62 and Quest ionnaire Format k. The Scope of K i t s i l a n o Area Resources Council 99 5« The Scope of K i t s i l a n o Inter-Neighbourhood 100 Deve1opment v i i i ' LIST OF MAPS Map Page 1. Local Areas of Vancouver, showing the study area k9 2. K i t s i l a n o and the West K i t s i l a n o study area 50 3. Major Periods of Construct ion in West K i t s i l a n o 1900-1917 52 k. Major Periods of Construct ion in West K i t s i l a n o 1923-19^ +8 53 5. Present City Zoning of K i t s i l a n o 56 6. C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of Study Area , and blocks sampled 59 7- K i t s i l a n o as seen by a Respondent in Kit South, I 108 8. K i t s i l a n o as seen by a Respondent in Kit South, II 109 9- K i t s i l a n o as seen by a Respondent in Kit North, I 110 10. K i t s i l a n o as seen by a Respondent in Kit North, II 111 11. Summary of Local Area Boundaries as Defined by 113 Residents of K i t South 12. Summary of Local Area Boundaries as Defined by 114 Residents of Kit North ix LIST OF TABLES Table Page 1. Length of Residence in Vancouver 68 2. Length of Residence in the Present House 68 3. Housing C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the Study Area 70 k. Home Ownership 71 5. Tota l Family Income 72 6. Age of Head of Household Unit 75 7. Stage in L i f e Cycle of Family Unit 75 8. Populat ion Descr ip tors as D i scr iminatory Var iab les 79 9- The I n t e r c o r r e l a t i o n Between Dwell ing Type and 80 Other Populat ion Descr ip tor s 10. Strength of Informal In terac t ion in the Area as 81 Discr iminatory Var iab les 11. Car Ownership 82 12. Degree of Involvement in Formal Organisat ions as 83 Discr iminatory Var iab les 13* Other Organisat ions Named of which Respondents were 8k Members \k. A t t r a c t i v e Features of the Area Pr ior to Moving 85 15» Understanding of, and I d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i th , the 86 Environ as D i scr iminatory Var i ab le s 16. Populat ion Descr ip tors as D i scr iminatory V a r i a b l e s , 89 having Standardised for Dwell ing Type 17* Strength of Informal In teract ion in the Area as 90 D i scr iminatory V a r i a b l e s , having Standardised for Dwel1i ng Type 18. The Areal D i s t r i b u t i o n of A c t i v i t y Patterns for 93 Kit South and Kit North 19^  Extent of Formal In terac t ion in the Area as 95 Discr iminatory Var iab les X Table Page 20. Number of Formal Organisat ions named by Respondents 96 in K i t South and Kit North 21. Household Involvement in Clubs and Organisat ions 97 22. Suggested Areas of Involvement for a Local Voluntary 102 Organi sa t i on 23. i ) Understanding of, and I d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i th , 106 Res ident ia l Environ as D i scr iminatory Var iab les and i i ) Understanding at the C i ty Scale as D i scr iminatory 106 Var i ab l e s , having standardised for dwel l ing type 2k. Name Given to The i r Res ident ia l Environ by Respondents 107 i n Kit South and Kit North 25. P r i nc i pa l Features of- the Maps Drawn by Respondents 115 in Kit South and Kit North 26. Items Helpfu l in Marking the Boundaries of the Area 118 27. The Qual i ty of the Res ident ia l Environ as a Place 120 to L ive 28. Ac t i on Proposed in the Face of Development 129 29. Voting Pattern in the Last C i v i c E l e c t i o n 13^ 30. Number of Aldermen Able to Name 13^ •31« Should C i t i zens be Consulted over Matters of C i v i c 136 Development? 32. The Decen t ra l i s a t i on of C i ty O f f i c i a l s 137 Tables in Appendices 1. West K i t s i l a n o as a Sample Area 168 2. Waterloo Street as a Sample Area 169 3. Comparison Between West K i t s i l a n o and Waterloo Street 170 as Potent ia l Study Areas - According to Sub-Groups k. Organisat ion of Var iab les for D iscr iminant Ana ly s i s 193 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would l i k e to thank Dr. Nirmala devi Cherukupalle for introduc ing me to th i s subject , and for her inva luable guidance as my F i r s t Reader during the course of the study. Professor B i l l Rees of fered cons t ruc t i ve c r i t i c i s m as my Second Reader. I extend a s incere thank you to Susan, who of fered her cartographic s k i l l s and her a b i l i t y as an in terv iewer , in add i t ion to many hours spent at the typewr i ter . Her patience w i l l long be remembered. $SIG STUS helped p i l o t my ear ly way round the computer cent re . Ei1een Warnock typed the f i n a l copy. To you both and my other f r i end s , thanks. ECO-BEHAVIOURAL FACTORS AS INDICES OF RESIDENTIAL STABILITY CHAPTER I WHY STRIVE FOR A KNOWLEDGE OF RESIDENTIAL STRUCTURE? 1. The Processes of Invasion and Succession The manipulation of the urban environment has become big business. C i ty governments are involved i n lengthy real estate t r ans -ac t ions , es tab l i shed firms are preoccupied erec t ing corporate e f f i g i e s , and developers create tentac les of growth co lon i s ing farmlands. A l l these processes suggest that the ex i s t i ng use has become sub-opt imal. Previous s tructures or uses are regarded as having out l i ved t h e i r econ-omic usefu lness . But were they r e a l l y dead? Were they empty, d id they serve no funct ion - d id no one stop to f ind out? C i ty planning devotes i t s energies to regu lat ing and even accommodating th i s reckless process of d i s c a r d . The methodological s oph i s t i c a t i on i t has does not compare to the environmental s o p h i s t i c a -t i o n i t endeavours to c o n t r o l , but, i t i s often as complex. Models a r e " devised to supposedly understand the process of ac t ion and reac t i on , usua l ly i n terms of read i l y quan t i f i ab l e values of cos t , time and d i s tance. The complex and interdependent systems of ac t ion inherent i n the funct ion ing of the c i t y produces a patterning at any point i n t ime. This research i s in teres ted in studying some of the factors i n f l u e n t i a l in producing patterns in r e s i den t i a l env irons. The l i t e r a t u r e i n th i s f i e l d i s voluminous but r e p e t i t i v e . H i s t o r i c a l l y the most common ana lys i s of r e s i den t i a l patterning was i n - 2 -terms of ra t iona l economic evo lu t i on , centered around the concepts of invas ion and success ion. •'The spat ia l d i s t r i b u t i o n of a c t i v i t i e s i s an orderly phenomenon, governed by an impersonal economic process of competit ion for locat ions with f ixed d i f f e r e n t i a l va lue, a competit ion in which a l l un i ts seek s im i l a r ends, but d i f f e r in cost and ava i l ab le resources. This i s a competit ion that i s e s s e n t i a l l y and profoundly economic." ' Economic models of equ i l i b r ium and opt imisat ion with respect to urban s t ructure can be traced to the ear ly twentieth century and were formalised wi th in the human eco log ica l school . These theor i s t s exerted a powerful in f luence over the analys i s of urban areas from the 1920's to the 1950's. There were only a few voices of dissent which suggested that the economic models provided an i n s u f f i c i e n t exp lanat ion, and that analys i s should include a wider range of soc ia l forces and va lues. Th i s sort of ana lys i s deals with space as: "A r e f l e c t i o n of, or i n d i c a t i o n of soc i a l va lues , governed in part by sentimental or non-economic or c u l t u r a l (factors. The des i re for and achievement of spa t i a l locat ion involves the conscious choice of ac tor s , who vary in the i r ends and va lues. The choice i s e s s e n t i a l l y and profoundly s o c i a l . " It was not u n t i l the 19601s that these ideas gained theo re t i c a l respect . By th i s t ime, however, pub l i c po l icy dec i s ions were being made on the basis of the economic model. The des i re for urban renewal pro-grammes, for example, can be traced to a b e l i e f i n pathology as a 1. Feldman, A.S. & T i l l y , C , (1966), " I n te rac t i on of Soc ia l and Physical Space", American Journal of Socio logy, V o l . XXV, p.879» 2. I b i d . , p.880. coro l l o ry of decrepit phys ica l s t ruc tures . A new s t ruc tu re , i t was con-tended, would provide contracts to development companies, would produce more money for the c i t y and in add i t ion would make i nd i v i dua l s good, responsible c i t i z e n s ! 2. Increasing Power of Intervent ion in C i ty Evo lut ion Not only do c i t i e s possess the t e c h n i c a l , p o l i t i c a l and f i s c a l a b i l i t y to make sudden widespread and penetrat ing impacts on the i r future form - there has a l so been an increas ing acceptance of i n te rven t i on . I f th i s d i r e c t in tervent ion in the process of urban development is to be a meaningful one, i t w i l l depend on a more informed planning process, which i s versed i n the s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l , and admin i s t rat ive complexity or urban s t ructure and growth rather than with the deployment, through market induced f a c t o r s , of people and a c t i v i t i e s wi th in the metropol i tan area. The pattern of urban s t ructure at any point in time is the pro -duct of people to people and people to things r e l a t i o n s h i p s . Any attempt to understand the emergence of a pattern mustijnclude both elements i n the ana l y s i s . Yet the eco log ica l school devoted i t s a t tent ion ( p a r t i c u -l a r l y in the ear ly years) to the people versus people i n t e r a c t i o n . The environment was a backcloth to which urbanites would demonstrate mindless adaption. It i s now c l e a r , however, that i f the urban environment is to be analysed, th i s environment includes s o c i a l , c u l t u r a l and phys ica l con-d i t i on s which form an interdependent and i n te rac t i ng system. The ind iv idua l can no longer be passed over as a th ink ing and act ing part of th i s system. - It -An ind iv idua l has ce r t a i n perceived goals w i th in a p a r t i c u l a r s e t t i n g , ideas of means to achieve these ob jec t i ve s , and appropriate behaviour 3 to r e f l e c t the achieving of these goals. These conscious ly held goa ls , Barker fur ther suggests, leads to an ind iv idua l i den t i f y i ng the points of stress in an env i ron, de f in ing the condit ions which must be overcome to achieve h i s ob jec t i ve s , and dev is ing means of counteract ing the k intervening cond i t i ons . This p i c ture contrasts with that of the human eco log ica l theor -i s t s , who would suggest that th i s en t i r e process could be analysed in terms of the unre lent ing forces of invas ion and success ion, which would change the behaviour se t t ing and introduce new people to people r e l a -t i ons. These two approaches lead to very d i f f e r e n t understandings of the process of r e s i d e n t i a l evo lu t i on . In add i t i on , i f used as the basis for po l i cy formulat ion, they would lead to contrast ing p o l i c i e s of i n t e r -vention in c i t y s t ruc ture . It i s , there fo re , of paramount importance to thoroughly understand the process of r e s i d e n t i a l s t ructure and evo-l u t i o n . It i s not suggested that the process r e f l e c t i n g economic equ i l i b r ium and opt imisat ion be replaced by one emphasising soc ia l forces and va lues, but rather that both be placed in perspect ive . 3• The Focus of th i s Research The focus of th i s research i s on the soc ia l forces and values 3. Barker, R., (1968), Eco log ica l Psychology, (Stanford, Stanford Un iver -s i t y Press ) , p.178. k. I b i d . , p . I 6 9 . - 5 -w h i c h a r e i n s t r u m e n t a l i n i n f l u e n c i n g t h e e v o l u t i o n of r e s i d e n t i a l p a t t e r n i n g . I t t a k e s as i t s t h e o r e t i c a l d e p a r t u r e F i r e y ' s n o t i o n s o f s e n t i m e n t and sym b o l i s m , and t h e s u g g e s t i o n made by M o l o t c h t h a t t h e f a i l u r e o f economic t h e o r i e s o f urban development a r e r o o t e d i n t h e v e r y i n c o m p l e t e v i e w o f t h e n a t u r e o f the a s s o c i a t i o n w h i c h e x i s t s between modern man and s p e c i f i c p a r c e l s o f urban l a n d . y T h i s work i s an attempt t o o p e r a t i o n a l i s e t h e s e c o n s t r u c t s 6 u s i n g B a r k e r ' s b e h a v i o u r s e t t i n g t h e o r y , and M i c h e l s o n ' s e g o - c e n t r e d approach t o urban a n a l y s i s . ^ C h a p t e r s I I and I I I a r e de v o t e d t o t h e o r e t i c a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s . C h a p t e r I I r e v i e w s t h e c o n t r i b u t i o n o f t h e human e c o l o g i c a l s c h o o l t o the a n a l y s i s o f urban p a t t e r n i n g and change. I t examines some of the c r i t i c a l f a l l a c i e s t h a t u n d e r l i e t h e n o t i o n s of i n v a s i o n and s u c c e s s i o n and how t h e s e remained d e s p i t e a t t e m p t s at m e t h o d o l o g i c a l and t h e o r e t -i c a l r e f o r m u l a t i o n s . C h a p t e r I I I d i s c u s s e s t h e emergence of a b e h a v i o u r a l approach t o u n d e r s t a n d i n g r e s i d e n t i a l s t r u c t u r e . The i d e a s o f F i r e y and M o l o t c h a r e e x p l o r e d i n g r e a t e r d e t a i l and l i n k e d t o b e h a v i o u r a l s c i e n c e method-o l o g y . The l a t t e r p a r t o f t h e c h a p t e r i s de v o t e d t o t h e f o r m u l a t i o n o f f o u r w o r k i n g d e f i n i t i o n s , e v o l v e d from the t h e o r e t i c a l b a s e s . 5. F i r e y , W., (1949), " S e n t i m e n t and Symbolism as E c o l o g i c a l V a r i a b l e s " , A m e r i c a n S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, V o l . 14, pp.32-41. M o l o t c h , H., (1967), 'Toward a More Human Human E c o l o g y " , Land Economics 43, pp.336-441. " 6. B a r k e r , R., op. c i t . , C h a p t e r 3. 7. M i c h e l s o n , W., Man and H i s Urban E n v i r o n m e n t , (New Y o r k : A d d i s o n W e s l e y ) , 1970, Chapter 2. - 6 -Chapter IV, The Experimental Design, ind icates how the theore-t i c a l constructs are operat iona l i sed in th i s study. For s i m p l i c i t y Chapter IV has been organised in three sec t ions , the se l ec t i on of the study area, the sampling methods and f i n a l l y the interv iew methods and the quest ionnaire des ign. A b r i e f h i s t o r i c a l perspect ive of West K i t s i l a n o is a l so included in the d i scuss ion of the study area. Chapters V and VI document the research f ind ings . The f i r s t of these descr ibes the housing and personal c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the respondents. Chapter VI, on the other hand, states the resu l t s of the te s t i ng of the four hypotheses es tab l i shed in Chapter III. The concluding chapter of t h i s work discusses the research f ind ings i n the l i gh t of the general hypothesis , as a prelude to comment-ing on the impl icat ions th i s research has for environmental management. ' Chapter VII concludes by suggesting further research poss ibi1 i t ies which would contr ibute to an improved understanding of urban s t ruc tu re . - 7 -CHAPTER II THE CONTRIBUTION OF HUMAN ECOLOGY TOWARDS AN UNDERSTANDING OF RESIDENTIAL STRUCTURE i Chapter I ind icated the importance of understanding the d iverse forces which combine to produce a r e s i d e n t i a l patterning at a p a r t i c u l a r point of t ime. It was emphasised that th i s was p a r t i c u l a r l y true from the po l i cy formulat ion point of view. A t ten t ion was drawn to the fact that the l i nger ing eco log i ca l school and the continuing romantic notions of community and neighbourhood, have tended to view the metropol is at any one time in terms of the system-a t i c , order ly and pred ic tab le d i s t r i b u t i o n of i nd iv idua l s and i n s t i t u t i o n s . This d i s t r i b u t i o n taken at any point in time was considered dependent 1 upon the competit ion between land users . In a very de te rm in i s t i c sense, there fore , theor i s t s have assumed that ce r t a in areas,of the landscape are more des i r ab le than others, which leads to competit ion amongst potent ia l land users , with v i c to ry going to the land user who uses the contested 2 urban space most i n t e n s i v e l y . Adopting th i s conceptual framework, urban ecojlogists have pro-ceeded to descr ibe the patterns of urban s t ruc tu re , supposedly i d e n t i f y the factors that were responsible for producing th i s pa t te rn , and suggest reasons for urban patholog ies . 1. Hawley, A . , (1950), Human Ecology, A Study of Community S t ruc ture , (New York: Ronald Press ) . 2. Molotch, H., (1967), "Toward a More Human Human Ecology" , Land Economics 43, p«337• - 8 -As an attempt to descr ibe and predict urban s t ruc tu re , how-ever, ecology turned out to be more time-bound and culture-bound than 3 the eco log i s t s or anyone e l se had an t i c i pa ted . Nevertheless, a know-ledge of the ra i son d ' e t r e , and the premises of the eco log ica l ^school are fundamental for the d e f i n i t i o n of the conceptual departure of t h i s p a r t i c u l a r research. This chapter reviews the cont r ibut ion of the eco log ica l theor-i s t s to the ana lys i s of urban s t ructure and change. It analyses the ph i losoph ica l development of eco log ica l thought and ind ica tes how these conceptua l i sat ions were t rans lated in to spat ia l models. The l a t t e r part of the chapter examines the methodological and theore t i ca l improvements, which were a l leged ly made wi th in the framework of the eco log ica l schoo l . These are analysed c r i t i c a l l y to see whether they do, in f a c t , provide a departure from the myopic focus of ear ly eco log ica l thought. Chapter II i s prel iminary to the d i scuss ion of the behavioural approach to fur ther under.^ structure,,which i s documented in Chapter III. 1. The Ear ly Development of Human Eco log ica l Thought The use of b i o l o g i c a l analogies in the study of human popula-t ions provided the i n i t i a l impetus to the theory of human ecology. How-ever, A l i han a l so revealed the dependence of the ear ly eco log i s t s on the theor ies of C h i l d , the human psycholog i s t , and on the empir ica l 4 wri t ings of the land economist, Hurd. 3 . Reisman, L., (1964) , The Urban Process, (New York: Free Press of Glencoe), p.24. 4 . A l i h a n , M., (1938) , Soc ia l Ecology: A C r i t i c a l A n a l y s i s , (New York: Cooper Square Publ ishers Inc . ) , Ch . 5 . Robert McKenzie endeavoured to c r y s t a l i s e these broad bases into a s ing le ob jec t i ve . He suggested that the aim of human ecology should be " t o discover the p r i n c i p l e s and factors involved in the changing patterns of spa t i a l arrangements of populations and i n s t i t u t i o n s r e s u l t -ing from,the in terp lay of l i v i n g beings in a cont inua l l y changing cu l tu re . 1 (Emphasis mine.) From i t s i ncept ion , there fo re , the app l i c a t i on of eco log ica l theory to c i t y s t ructure was endeavouring to discover the p r i n c i p l e s and factors involved in changing land use patterns. But McKenzie was l im i t i n g the universe of var iab les that might have comprised these f a c -t o r s . The emphasis was on Man to Man re l a t i on sh ip s , character i sed by a continual adaption to a changing c u l t u r a l framework, ( " . . . the i n t e r -play of/human beings in a cont inua l l y changing c u l t u r e " ) . Th i s conceptual framework was making c r i t i c a l a p r i o r i assump-tions as to the factors which were instrumental in producing the spat ia l arrangement of populations and i n s t i t u t i o n s . The j u s t i f i c a t i o n of t h i s approach can be traced to Robert Park. Park was convinced that the pat -terns and forces of competit ion and dominance found in the b i o l o g i c a l sciences made sense out of many of Man's ac t ions . He therefore t rans -6 lated these processes into human terms. Competi t i on was an extra-human fo rce , operat ing in terms of land values which, "through the pr i ce mechanism, sorted out l i ke types R « , (193U, "Human Ecology" , Encyclopaedia of Soc ia l Sc iences. (1952), Human Communities, (Glencoe, I l l i n o i s : The Free 5. McKenzie, 6. Park, R., Press ) . - 10 -of persons i n to s im i l a r sorts of areas. . . . compet i t i on , therefore, led to the segregation of l i ke persons and l i k e types of business a c t i v i t y . " ^ Dominance became the second of these forces which formed and governed the existence of s p a t i a l l y located c lu s te r s (natural a reas ) . As was the case with d i f f e r e n t plant a s soc ia t ions , a group of people or an i n s t i t u -t i on was seen to exert a dominant in f luence in a p a r t i c u l a r area, the net e f f e c t of which was to contro l the condit ions which encourage or discourage the emergence of other groups or i n s t i t u t i o n s . The mechanics of dominance were further def ined in terms of the invas ion and succession of types of land use. Park was well aware of the poss ib le problems in applying t h i s analogy to the spat ia l arrangement of populat ion and i n s t i t u t i o n s of which McKenzie had spoken. Park suggested that e i ther the b i o t i c leve^ had to be independent, or i t had) to r e f l e c t accurate ly what went on at 8 the cu l tu ra l l e v e l , but his response was a complex one. For methodolog-i c a l s i m p l i f i c a t i o n he seemed forced to separate the b i o t i c and c u l t u r a l l e v e l s , whi l s t t h e o r e t i c a l l y he suggested that the cu l tu ra l superstructure re f l e c ted b i o t i c developments and in turn imposed cu l tu ra l r e s t r i c t i o n s on what was permiss ib le . This i s best seen in the fo l lowing diagram. 7. Robson, B.T., (1969), Urban Ana l y s i s , (Cambridge: Cambridge Un ive r s i t y Press ) , p.10. 8. Reisman, L., op. c i t . , p.162. - 11 -Figure 1. The Eco log ica l Separat ion of B i o t i c and Cu l tura l Levels Passive Environmental Framework Community I Community JJ Non-quantifiable Quantifiable Individuals compete for space Park, there fo re , went to cons iderable t roub le to emphasise that i f the b i o t i c level r e f l e c t e d what happened at the c u l t u r a l level there was no need to examine both, and the focus could be l eg i t imate l y placed on b i o t i c f a c t o r s . The reason, however, i s l i k e l y to be far less soph i s t i c a ted : "A more p r a c t i c a l reason is the fact that the community i s a v i s i b l e object . One can point i t out, def ine i t s t e r r i t o r i a l l i m i t s , and plot i t s const i tuent elements, i t s populat ion and i n s t i t u t i o n s on maps. Its charac-t e r i s t i c s are more suscept ib le to s t a t i s t i c a l treatment than s o c i e t y . " 9 Methodo log ica l ly , the notion of community became a c r i t i c a l aspect of eco log i ca l ana l y s i s . "Community was a human aggregation l i v i n g in a f ixed geographical l o ca l e , and con t ro l l ed by the sub -cu l tu ra l 9. Park, R., op. c i t . , p.158. - 12 -processes of compet i t ion, co -opera t ion , a s s im i l a t i on and c o n f l i c t . " ^ As such i t became the focus for countless eco log ica l studies def ined in terms of natural areas. This focus on natural areas of the c i t y permitted: a) the de sc r i p t i on of urban areas based on land use; b) de sc r i p t i on of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of inhabi tants of the area; c) the chart ing of changes i n populat ion composition and land use. Changes in urban s t ructure were, however, consequent upon the expansion of the urban area at i t s f r i n ge s , which would send rejuvenating waves of invas ion and succession throughout the rest of the c i t y . The app l i c a t i on of eco log ica l theory to a s tab le society was  not cons idered, man to things re la t ionsh ips were not cons idered, nor  were the more complex factors of i nd iv idua l cogn i t i ve behaviour, values  and organ i sa t ion. 2. T rans l a t i on of Conceptual isat ions in to Spat ia l Models This sect ion of Chapter II i s concerned with the t r a n s l a t i o n of ea r l y eco log ica l thought in to spat ia l models. It does not inc lude a d e s c r i p t i v e account of each of the most common models - the concentr ic zone?^; t n e sector and the mul t ip le nuclei models - these are wel l docu-12 mented in the l i t e r a t u r e . Instead, i t suggests the conceptual s i m i l a r i t y 10. Reisman, L., op. c i t . , p.103. 11. I b i d . , p.105. 12. Murdie, R., (1969), F ac to r i a l Ecology of Metropol i tan Toronto, 1951-1961,Research Paper 116, Department of Geography, Un iver s i t y of Chicago, pp.9-26. between these models, and the more pressing need to evaluate whether a l leged theore t i ca l departures from the theor ies of invas ion and succes-sion do represent a re - formulat ion of human eco log ica l thought. Conceptual s i m i l a r i t y between ear ly models The f i r s t attempt to re l a te the underly ing concepts of Park ' s 13 human ecology was made by Burgess in the concentr ic zone model. He ind icated that urban patterns could be summarised in terms of f i v e con-c e n t r i c zones: ( i ) the centra l business d i s t r i c t , ( i i ) the zone in t r a n s i t i o n , ( i i i ) the zone of better res idences, ( iv ) zone of independ-ent working men's houses, (v) the commuter zone. The model was based on the eco log ica l p r i n c i p l e s of invas ion and success ion, in which neighbourhood c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s change, as the c i t y grows, permitt ing the outward expansion of lower status groups. The existence of a c e r -t a i n phenomena, for example a p a r t i c u l a r socio-economic s ta tus , was explained by: " r e f e r r i n g to the homogeneous soc ia l organisat ion to be found wi th in the c i t y sub area, which in turn was dependent on the spa-" Ut t i a l arrangements of that place to surrounding a r e a s . " The Burgess approach, i t i s contended, became a sterotype for the subsequent formulat ion df models. Phenomena, have been studied at an aggregate l e v e l , having d iv ided the c i t y as far as poss ib le in to a number of socio-economic sub areas. Hoyt, for example, developed h i s 15 sector theory i n qu i te d i f f e r e n t physical terms to that of Burgess. 13. Burgess, E.W., (1925), "The Growth of the C i t y " in R.E. Park, E.W. Burgess, and R. McKenzie, eds. , The C i t y , (Chicago: Un i ve r s i t y of Chicago Press ) , Ch. 2. \k. Michelson, W., op. c i t . , p.9. 15. Hoyt, H., (1939), S tructure and Growth of American C i t i e s , (Washington, D . C : U.S. Federal Government P r in t ing O f f i c e . ) - 14 -But the process of invas ion and succession which Hoyt i s o l a t e d , once again depended on the outward expansion of the c i t y - as Burgess had postulated - and change in r e s i den t i a l environs was consequent upon t h i s Therefore , the dynamic q u a l i t i e s descr ibed by Hoyt p a r a l l e l those of Burgess, merely adding a d i r e c t i o n a l element to d i s t i n gu i sh sectors of growth in add i t ion to the concentr ic r ings . Despite the fact that almost t h i r t y years separated the formu-l a t i on of the Burgess, Hoyt and Ullman models, they are a l l based on the eco log i ca l p r i n c i p l e s as f i r s t out l ined in the 1920 ' s . During th i s time span, however, there were attempts to broaden the perspect ive of ecologi ca l thought beyond the processes of invas ion and success ion. These a l leged departures from theor ies of r a t i ona l economic evo lut ion are d i s -cussed below, under the headings of methodological and theo re t i c a l r e -f ormu 1 a t i on. 3. Methodological Reformulations a) Natural Area Ana lys i s The concept of the natural area had been introduced by Park, who envisaged i t as a geographical un i t d i s t ingu i shed by phys ica l i n d i -v i d u a l i t y and s o c i a l , economic and c u l t u r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the popul t i o n . This concept, however, could not be read i l y t rans la ted in to the spa t i a l models of urban s t ructure which were deal ing with aggregates on a c i t y wide s ca l e . Zorbaugh suggested that whi l s t the zonal model appeared t r u e , f i ne r grained ana lys i s could be obtained by breaking the zones up i n to - 15 -smaller u n i t s . ^ The paths of t ranspor ta t ion routes, i ndu s t r i a l com-plexes, parks and boulevards were a l l seen as agents which performed th i s task. Hatt considered that as a de sc r i p t i ve technique the concept of the natural area was v a l i d , and found that in Seat t le race and renta l values were the most useful var iab les for def in ing such a r e a s . H o w e v e r , Hatt was l imi ted in his formulations by the s t a t i s t i c a l techniques that were ava i l ab le - a problem that preva i led throughout ear ly eco log ica l work. Park bel ieved that natural areas could be defined by a c e r t a i n in terna l homogeneity which could be described in terms of a s ing le v a r i a b l e . Hatt was s cep t i ca l of t h i s , and used the more ambitious and i n c l u s i v e d iagnost ic var i ab le approach. Such var iab les are i n d i c a t i v e of va r i a t i on s along more than one dimension. The Seat t le study, for example, def ined natural areas in terms of rental values but these areas were a l so d i f f e r -ent in terms of income group or mode of behaviour. A second wave of natural area theo r i s t s were attempting to i n t r o -duce some soph i s t i c a t i on in to the d e f i n i t i o n of c i t y sub areas, but the number and nature of var iab les that were considered s t i l l d id not repre -sent a s i g n i f i c a n t methodological departure from the s i m p l i s t i c a l l y des-c r i p t i v e human eco log i ca l schoo l , b) Soc ia l Area Ana lys i s Soc ia l area ana lys i s d id represent an empir ica l refinement of 16. Zorbaugh, H. W., (1929), Gold Coast and The Slum, (Chicago: Chicago Un ivers i ty Press ) . 17. Hatt , P., (19^6), "The Concept of the Natural A r e a " , American Soc io log i ca l Review, V o l . XI. - 16 -previous work associated with de f in ing c i t y sub areas. The use of the composite va r i ab le approach meant that a number of va r i ab les could be considered simultaneously in the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of sub areas* Shevky and Bel 1 were strongly inf luenced by a des i re to inc lude the dynamic aspects of soc iety in the i r formulat ion. It was considered to be r e f l e c t e d i n three trends: i ) changing r e l a t i on sh ip s ; i i ) increas ing complexity of func t ion ; i i i ) increas ing complexity of organ i sa t ion. These notions were used to descr ibe c i t y sub areas on the basis of three 18 i nd i ce s , namely, soc ia l rank, urban i sat ion and segregat ion. The technique, however, was heavi ly dependent on census data of a socio-economic nature. Therefore, wh i l s t soc ia l area ana lys i s does provide a more penetrat ing ins ight into the soc ia l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of sect ions of metropol i tan areas, i t does not include any information per -ta in ing d i r e c t l y to behaviour or to dec i s ion making f a c t o r s . The resu l t s obtained from the soc ia l area ana lys i s s t i l l i n d i -cates that the d i s t r i b u t i o n of c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i n the c i t y i s ordered and r a t i o n a l , and qu i te s im i l a r to the arrangement descr ibed by the spat ia l models referred to e a r l i e r . i ) The soc ia l rank index emerges with a strong sectora l ba s i s , (Hoyt). i i ) The segregation index i s r e f l e c t e d in a ser ies of separate c l u s t e r s , and has some a f f i n i t y to the Harr i s and Ullman model. 18. Shevky, E. & B e l l , W., (1955), Soc ia l Area Ana l y s i s , (Stanford: Stanford Un ivers i ty Press ) . i i i ) The family status index has a concentr ic zonal form, (Burgess). The omission of behavioural and dec i s i on making data weakens the apparent strength of the methodological improvement associated with soc ia l area ana l y s i s . In add i t i on , no i nd i ca t i on i s given of the factors that would be of s i gn i f i c ance in producing, or a f fec t ing a t t i tudes towards, changes in the arrangement of a c t i v i t i e s and i n s t i t u t i o n s . Whilst i t does represent an empir ica l refinement of previous studies of urban pat tern ing , soc ia l area ana lys i s does not represent a departure from the human eco log i ca l school of thought. The soc ia l and economic var iab les i t uses to def ine the c l u s t e r i n g of a c t i v i t i e s in space were the same as those employed in the theor ies of ra t iona l econ-omic evo lu t i on . 4. Theore t i ca l Reformulations a) Neo-Orthodox School The neo-orthodox school of thought reached i t s climax dur ing the 1950's. Its object ives were twofold: in the f i r s t p lace , i t endeavoured to remove the image of mindlessness which had been created by ear ly eco log ica l thought - th i s was to be achieved by the second ob jec t i ve . This second object ive cons isted of a des i re to incorporate in to human ecology theory a more accurate representat ion of i t s b i o -l og i ca l parent. Hawley, Duncan and Schnore were the key theor i s t s in th i s movement. 19. Berry, B., (1970), " Interna l S tructure of C i t y " in Internal S tructure  of C i ty Ed. Bourne, L., (Toronto: Un ivers i ty of Toronto Press ) , p.100-101. - 18 -Hawley stated that the fundamental law of ecology T s . t h e interdependence of systems with in eco log i ca l o r g a n i s a t i o n . ^ The analogous s i t u a t i o n in human terms would be the system of soc ia l o rgan i -s a t i on , def ined in terms of d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , community s t ructure and spa t i a l s t ruc tu re . On c lo ser inspect ion th i s does not d i f f e r too r a d i c -a l l y from the s o c i a l , economic and cu l tu ra l factors which Park wanted to incorporate into his concept of community. Park, i t w i l l be r e c a l l e d , had to be s a t i s f i e d in the end by separat ing out the cu l tu ra l processes from the eco log i ca l ana l y s i s . Duncan and Schnore agreed that the bas ic law of ecology was the interdependence of systems. But in the i r conceptua l i sa t ions , soc ia l organisation;^ becomes one of four interdependent v a r i a b l e s . 21 These are, populat ion, organ i sa t ion, environment and technology. When i t came to operat iona l i se these theore t i ca l c o n t r i b u -t ions what had appeared a potent ia l extension of eco log ica l ana l y s i s , was faced with the same methodological problem as had confronted Park. Having set out to descr ibe community s t ructure in terms of the i n t e r -dependence of systems, the neo-orthodox eco log i s t s found themselves forced to omit cu l tu ra l processes per se, from ana l y s i s . As a r e s u l t , community d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n and s p e c i a l i s a t i o n , and the e f f e c t s of i n t e r -nal and external changes upon community organ i sa t ion, were invar iab ly 22 23 descr ibed i n terms of economic v a r i a b l e s . ' 20. Hawley, A . , (1950), Human Ecology, A Theory of Community S t ruc ture , (New York: Ronald Press ) . 21. Duncan, O.D. and Schnore, L . F . , (1959), " Cu l tu ra l , Behavioural and Eco log ica l Perspectives in Study of Soc ia l Organ i sa t ion " , American Journal of Soc io logy, V o l . 65, p.134. 22. Reisman, L., op. c i t . , Ch. 1. 23. Michelson, W., op. c i t . , p.13. - 19 -The neo-orthodox school a l te red l i t t l e ; the patterning of r e s i d e n t i a l environs was s t i l l considered ra t iona l and the community had been studied without the ana lys i s of the motivat ion or a t t i tudes 2k of the act ing agents. Hawley, an i n f l u e n t i a l neo-orthodox t h e o r i s t , states the problem th i s school of thought encountered: " A t t i t u d e s , sentiments, motivat ion and the l i ke are omitted from cons idera t ion , not because they are unimportant, but because the assumptions and points of view of human ecology are not adapted to the i r treatment. " 2 5 We have to concur with Reisman, who suggests that the neo-orthodox eco log i s t s have made l i t t l e theore t i ca l advance on Park 's o r i g i -26 nal assumptions. The emphasis on community as the prime uni t of analys i s i s maintained and notions of b i o l o g i c a l determinism remain. b) Soc io -Cu l tu ra l School An ear ly react ion set in towards the s t r i c t human eco log i ca l notion that the most l i k e l y r e l a t i on sh ip which locat iona l a c t i v i t i e s bear to space i s an economic one. The vo ice of d issent from the s o c i o - c u l t u r a l school of thought was the e a r l i e s t , and from the point of view of t h i s research, the most meaningful attempt at a departure from the s t r i c t eco log ica l ana l y s i s . , Mi 11a A l ihan suggested that the b i o l o g i c a l analogy was a f a l s e one, for there were a whole range of values and forces at work in human 2k. Robson, B.T., op. c i t . , p.22-24. 25. Hawley, A . , op. c i t . , p.180. 26. Reisman, L., op. c i t . , p. l18-119-- 20 -27 society not present in the biological world. As long ago as 1938 Alihan had contended that social (cultural) and ecological (community) aspects of urban structure were indiv is ib le. The making of decisions and actual behaviour could not be separated, as the ecological theorist had alleged. Gettys had come to a similar conclusion when he suggested that culture forms a matrix which modifies Man's evaluation and exploitation of his environment, and which cannot be thought away in the process of 28 d i ch ot omi sing. In 1949, Walter Firey echoed Alihan's voice of discontent He suggested that the historical analysis of the Beacon H i l l areaPjof Boston did not reflect the ecological concept of invasion and succession. In contrast to these processes the inhabitants had col lect ively resisted the change-producing forces on the basis of h i s tor ic , aesthetic and familial sentiments. In addition, space becomes a symbol for certain cultural values. On the basis of these factors, Firey suggested that residential patterning could be examined in terms of retentive, attractive and resist ive forces; Firey 's conceptualisation wi11 be returned to, and enlarged upon in the following chapter. It is considered as the only s i g n i f i -cant departure, during the history of the human ecological school of thought, from the rational economic model, and as such i t becomes one of the theoretical bases of this study. Unfortunately, Firey did not 27. Alihan, M., op. c i t . , Ch. 3. 28. Gettys, W.E., (1940), "Human Ecology and Social Theory", Social Forces, Vol. XVIII, p.471. 29. Firey, W., "Sentiment and Symbolism as Ecological Variables", American Sociological Review, Vol. 14, 1949, p.32-41. - 21 -endeavour to operat iona l i se h is cons t ruct s . This task is undertaken in Chapter III by l i nk ing F i r e y ' s work with that of Harvey Molotch and Stuart Chapin. 5. Conclusion "Given a uniform p l a i n , perfect compet i t ion, complete knowledge of the market by a11 concerned, no c o n f l i c t -ing ideo log ies , no other sources of power than that obtained from the economic system through the d i v i s i o n of labour, the a b i l i t y of the poorest to obtain she l ter through gradual ly increas ing prosper i ty , then i t might be p o s s i b l e x t o develop eco log i ca l models of the economic system." 30 This rather t h e a t r i c a l statement does make i t s point qu i te c l e a r l y . I f fur ther analys is i s to contr ibute in a po s i t i ve way to understanding the nature and evo lut ion of r e s i den t i a l s t ruc tu re , t h i s i s not to be made by omitt ing the complex cu l tu ra l f a c t o r s . I f th i s i s the case, why has eco log ica l ana lys i s pers is ted? The answer to th i s i s t h r e e f o l d : i ) Care was taken in the formative stages of the eco log i ca l school to ensure a loose d e f i n i t i o n of the eco log ica l pe r spec t i ve .3 ' H i s t o r i c a l l y , i t has been stretched to inc lude what was considered praiseworthy- for example, the ideas of the neo-orthodox school - and contracted to accomplish what was emp i r i ca l l y pos s ib le . i i ) The soph i s t i c a t i on of ana lys i s has been l imi ted by the lack of quant i t a t i ve techniques ava i l ab le u n t i l recent years . 30. Pahl , R.E., (1970), Whose C i ty? (London: Longman's), p.191. 31. Ross i , P.H., (1959), "Comment", American Journal of Soc io logy, p.148. - 22 -i i i ) The eco log ica l school has pers i s ted to have some method-o log i ca l re levance. It has been the most successful and pervasive technique to account for macro and micro urban pat terns . It represented an attempt to def ine patterns at a p a r t i c u l a r time - but a lso included the mechanisms of invas ion and succession which accounted for changes i n patterns over t ime. This chapter has i nd i ca ted , however, the l imi ted range of va r i ab les that were included i n the ana lys i s of patterning and change and how, with the exception of the socio-cu1tural schoo l , there have been no departures from the economic model of equ i l i b r ium and opt im i -s a t i on . Ind iv idua ls long associated with the eco log ica l school are beginning to r e a l i s e i t s inadequacies. Schnore, for example, has owned up to a m a t e r i a l i s t i c emphasis. The fact that r e s i d e n t i a l l oca t ion i s motivated or animated:py ends or goals of a wide va r ie ty has been given no cons idera t ion . He points out that there are numerous i n s t i t u t i o n a l arrangements with respect to the use of land and the transmiss ion of property which introduces v a r i a b i l i t y not yet accounted for i n eco log i ca l ana l y s i s . The increas ing environmental and p o l i t i c a l awareness amongst some urban dwellers i s a r e f l e c t i o n of the increas ing a b i l i t y he has tp shape h i s own dest iny - both i n d i v i d u a l l y and c o l l e c t i v e l y . The focus of human ecology on the c o l l e c t i v e competit ion for land uses has i n e v i t -ably obscured a more sens i t i ve treatment of an ind iv idua l as a th ink ing agent, who, act ing on his own or as a member of a geographical unit or i n teres t group, can have an impact on the future use of land areas. It may be contended that Man's in tervent ion in the urban process has i t s e l f weakened eco log ica l theor i s ing as to the nature of. ,the - 23 -c i t y . The nature of i n t e r a c t i o n must be analysed and the s o c i a l , o rgan i -sat iona l and behavioural elements of i t de ta i l ed i f further ins i ght s i n to the patterning of r e s i den t i a l environs are to be made. - 24 -CHAPTER III THE EMERGENCE OF A BEHAVIOURAL APPROACH TO UNDERSTAND RESIDENTIAL STRUCTURE It was suggested i n Chapter II that the human eco log ica l approach has been character i sed by a gross s i m p l i f i c a t i o n of spat ia l r e a l i t y and the s t r i c t adherence to economic r a t i o n a l i t y . It has a l leged ly focussed on the phenomena of urban growth and change, but has merely i so la ted ce r t a in regu lat ive forces which act to promote orderly development, ce te r i s par ibus. This orderly development has been des-cr ibed in terms of segregation by zones or sectors ; the exact nature of th i s segregation being determined by the competit ive forces under-ly ing r e s i den t i a l s t ructure defined in terms of invasion and success ion. This narrow conceptua l i sa t ion was re f l e c ted in the spat ia l models developed wi th in the eco log i ca l school : It was concluded that with the exception of the soc io-cu1tura l approach the methodological and theore t i ca l reformulations do not represent a departure from the market induced stage theory of growth. 1. Conceptual Departure The premise upon which th i s chapter is b u i l t , and the research developed, i s one suggested by Stuart Chapin: " that in any pa r t i cu l a r environ i t is poss ib le to e s tab l i sh emp i r i ca l l y the r e l a t i v e importance of conscious behaviour patterns as determinants of the present.day pattern of r e s i den t i a l change"J This represents a marked departure from the 1. Chapin, F.S., and Weiss, S .F . , (1962), Urban Growth Dynamics, (New York: John Wiley & Sons Inc . ) , p.*430. - 25 -eco log ica l school i n the sense that i t means the cu l tu ra l level must be explored. It i s the way in which the environment i s perceived that sub- sequently governs an i n d i v i d u a l ' s ac t ion or non- intervent ion with respect to h i s env i ron. It c a l l s for the ana lys i s of ind iv idua l preferences, 2 ob jec t i ve s , ignorance and error amongst urban dwel ler s . An understanding of the eco log ica l school of thought remains important for two reasons. In the f i r s t instance an acquaintance with eco log ica l ana lys i s i s a p r e r e q u i s i t e , s ince a commentary and c r i t i c i s m of previous work i s necessary for relevant and progress ive enquiry. More important ly, the human ecologica1 theor i s t s had been the f i r s t to endeavour to understand the macro pattern of urban s t ruc tu re . Even in the ear ly stages of theory formulat ion the need to incorporate a dynamic element into the schemes had been r e a l i s e d . This qua l i t y must be incorporated in to any subsequent formulations and departures from th i s otherwise d e t e r -m i n i s t i c school of thought. Th i s chapter suggests that the recent lack of progress made by the eco log i ca l school in fu r ther ing knowledge of r e s i d e n t i a l s t ruc ture and change ind ica tes the need for a micro behavioural approach. The level of aggregation associated with eco log ica l ana lys i s meant that at no time was i t examining Man's in tegrated, cont inuing and purposive behaviour in a complex soc ia l s e t t i n g . Yet , any environ w i l l "evoke complex human responses i n the form of f e e l i n g s , a t t i t ude s , va lues, expectations and des i res and i t i s i n t h i s sense that the re l a t i on sh ip of the environ to human experience and behaviour must be unders tood. " J 2. Bourne, L., (1970), Internal Structure of the C i t y , (Toronto: Oxford Un ivers i ty Press ) , p.135-3. Proschansky, H.M., (1970), "The Influence of Soc ia l Environment on Behaviour", i,'n Environmental Psychology, Ed. Proschansky, H.M., (New York: Ho l t , Remhart , Winston), p.28. - 26 -The evocat ive ro le an environ can play was r e f l e c t e d in F i r e y ' s 4 work.and in the recent work undertaken by Harvey Molotch. This chapter examines in more d e t a i l these contr ibut ions and subsequently integrates them into a behaviour se t t ing approach to the study of r e s i den t i a l s t r u c -ture and change. 2. The Role of Sentiment and Symbolism i n Shaping Res ident ia l Patterning Proponents of the soc io -cu1tura l school had suggested that the b i o l o g i c a l analogy was a f a l se one. More recent ly Molotch has concluded that in order to achieve a more adequate explanation of contemporary metropol itan development i t i s important to ind ica te exact ly where the analogy ends. The shortcoming of the anima1-human analogy i s that : "wh i l s t people of the metropolis re l a te themselves to a ce r t a i n area (and) t h e i r fortunes become dependent upon the fate of the geographical unit to which they have become a t t ached . . . p lants and animals do not cognise the fact that the i r future and the future of t h e i r community habitat are int imate ly i n te r tw ined . " If the analogy is adhered to , as the human eco log i ca l school has done, i t re su l t s inan inadequate explanat ion of urban s t ructure and development s ince i t r e f l e c t s an incomplete view of the as soc ia t ion 6 which ex i s t s between modern man and s p e c i f i c parcels of urban land. It assumes a soc ie ta l adaption to space rather than a s i t u a t i o n in which human v o l i t i o n has an impact on development processes. 4. F i r e y , W., (1949), "Sentiment and Symbolism as Eco log ica l V a r i a b l e s " , American Journal of Soc io logy, V o l . 14, pp.32-41. Molotch, H., (1967), 'Toward a More Human Human Eco logy" , Land Economics, V o l . 43, PP«336-34l. 5. Molotch, H., op. c i t . , p.337. 6. I b i d . , p.336. - 27 -More than twenty years ago F i rey noted examples of land use which were determined by people according to cu l tu ra l goals , rather than as the resu l t of adaption in the face of economic f o r ce s . "He stressed that i f the economic forces which normally played such a strong part in determining which aggregate would be located where he had been working in Boston, then a h i s t o r i c a l bur ia l ground would be replaced by , commercial bu i ld ings . . . and the atmospheric old Boston / H i l l would have lost i t s low r i s e r e s i d e n t i a l character . Instead, he argued that groups of Bostonians valued the preservat ion of the past and organised to guarantee r e -as i s tance to invas ion by other land uses . " 7 This process does not have to be as dramatic as the one sugges-ted by F i r e y . As Molotch has suggested, inhabitants throughout the c i t y re l a te themselves to a c e r t a i n area in which they may develop an ac t i ve and se l f -consc ious i n t e r e s t . He suggests that i t may be associated with ownership of land but i t could as e a s i l y be because the i r l i f e s t y l e or day to day goals are s a t i s f i e d in that pa r t i cu l a r env i ron. It i s the contention of th i s pa r t i cu l a r research that the act ion taken by these i nd i v i dua l s to enhance or improve the i r own environ is d i r e c t l y re la ted to the way in which they perceive issues as threats which may lead to degrading changes and the loss of goal s a t i s f a c t i o n . Th i s approach i s s im i l a r to one being pursued by Chapin. He has proposed a values - behaviour pattern - consequences framework 8 as a bas ic organis ing concept for theory development. This framework seeks explanations for any pa r t i cu l a r man induced phenomenon being studied ( i n my case re s i den t i a l patterns and change), in terms, of human 7. Michelson, W., (1970), Man and His Urban Environment, (New York: Addisson Wesley), p.16. 8. Chapin, F.S., and Weiss, S .F . , op. c i t . , Ch. 13. - 28 -behaviour (patterns of ac t iv i ty ) , with behaviour patterns being a function in turn of people's values - or the attitudes held concerning 9 these ac t i v i t ie s . However, Chapin later states that the decision is the c r i t i c a l part in the behavioural sequence. Public and private priming decisions (those involving u t i l i t y or major shopping centre locations) set the stage for secondary decisions, made by households or businesses. This is a very uni-directional approach, and as such, i t does not make speci-f i c provision for the secondary decisions to negate the priming decisions. Yet, Fiery and Molotch suggest that this negation does occur as an ind i -vidual realises his ab i l i ty to shape his destiny. This systematic progression through levels of decision making, is somewhat reminiscent of the human ecological school. This school considered, i t wi l l be recalled, that the processes of economic e q u i l i -brium and optimisation were based on the assumption that individuals behave in an ordered and predictable way in the face of the pressure of invasion and succession. The secondary decision of the inhabitants to move, was consequent upon the priming decisions and ran a paral lel course throughout the c i ty . This contrasts with the thesis presented in this work: i) that areas in the c ity are becoming strategic because of man made capital and social factors, riot because of certain characteristics relative to natural topography or central i ty. i i ) that individuals are increasingly cognizant of this factor, which wi l l lead to col lect ive action to thwart priming decision factors to preserve their own environ. 9. Ibid., p.56. - 29 -Whilst Chapin remains confusing over the i n e v i t a b i l i t y of priming and secondary dec i s i ons , one fact remains c l e a r . I f we are to contr ibute to a further understanding of r e s i den t i a l s t ructure and the way in which environs change, or re s i s t change over t ime, th i s w i l l be a f te r the c lose examination of r e s i d e n t i a l behaviour. The fo l lowing sect ion of th i s chapter ind icates how these conceptua l i sat ions are operat iona l i sed in th i s research. 3. Operational Framework Chapter II ind icated the human e c o l o g i s t ' s focus on the b i o t i c system. Th i s system was character i sed by the competit ion amongst land users for the optimum l oca t i on , whether th i s be def ined in topographical or r e l a t i ona l terms. Molotch suggests that the focus may be more appro-10 p r i a t e l y discussed in terms of the competit ion amongst land areas. Th i s needs some c l a r i f i c a t i o n . It was stated in the last sect ion that man i s increas ing ly cognizant of the ro le he can play i n shaping h i s own des t iny , and con-scious of the fact that h is fate is i n some way associated with the fate of h is env i ron. The maintenance of t h i s environ in i t s present goal s a t i s f y i n g state depends on a t t r a c t i n g people of s im i l a r object ives to that e n v i r o n . ^ This process manifests i t s e l f in the competit ion with  other areas for ce r t a i n kinds of land users who are regarded as d e s i r a b l e . This leads Molotch to conclude that "more and more, urban spaces are com-12 peting for c e r t a i n kinds of people and land u se r s . " 10. Molotch, H., op. b i t . , p.338. 11. I b i d . , p.337. 12. I b i d . , p.338. - 30 -This change in focus has a parallel $n psychology. A popu-lar approach to the study of man-environment relationships has been 13 termed Watsonian behaviourism. This approach fragmented the environ-ment into discrete, quantifiable stimuli whose specif ic functional relationship to experience and behaviour has been sought; but this has offered l i t t l e insight on the inter-relationships of man's purposive behavi our. In order to focus on the patterning and interaction of indiv-iduals and groups, a branch of psychology has emerged, which concentrates on the relationships amongst users in particular areas. This shift con- veniently dovetails with Molotch's notion of the changing nature of  competition. The understanding of the reasons for clustering in a par-t icular area requires the close scrutiny of the users and the attitudes, values, objectives and expectancies they possess. This cal ls for an approach which examines the environment as i t is experienced. Alihan had contended that the cultural and community levels could not be separated from each other, and this was also re f lec -ted in Lewin's conception, of the l i f e space. He stated that behaviour does not spring from the objective properties of the stimulus 'out there ' , but from that world transformed into the inner world or psychological environment by an inherently cognising organism. Social scientists have commonly held that this inner world is manifested not in the biotic system adopted by the human ecologist, 13. Proschansky, H.M., op. c i t . , p.28. 14. Lewin, K., (1952), Field Theory in Social Science, Selected Theore-t ica l Papers, Cartwright D., (Ed.), (London: Tavistock Publications Ltd.), Ch. IV. - 31 -but in terms of three other systems, namely the c u l t u r a l , soc ia l and 15 persona l i ty systems. Parsons subsequently added behavioural and environmental systems to th i s l i s t . As Michelson has suggested, each of these systems can be viewed as a n a l y t i c a l l y independent, but they 16 nonetheless impinge on one another. The point or loca le at which these systems impinge on each other becomes c r i t i c a l i n t h i s ana l y s i s . Not only does i t provide an ins ight on micro - leve l behaviour pat terns , but i t a l so acts as a medium through which issues of only seemingly greater magnitude in f luence human ac t i on . The behaviour se t t ing approach i s used i n th i s research to operat iona l i se these complex facets of i n t e r a c t i o n . ^ Barker s tresses that in behaviour se t t ing theory, " . . . the eco log ica l environment of human molar behav-iour and i t s inhabitants are not independent. Rather the environment i s a set of homeostat ical ly governed eco-behavioural e n t i t i e s , cons i s t i ng of non-human components and contro l c i r c u i t s that modify the com-ponents i n a p red ic tab le way to maintain the environmen-ta l i e n t i t i e s in the i r o r i g i na l s ta tes . This framework provides us with the opportunity to incorporate the c u l -tura l and organisat ional var iab les i n to the ana ly s i s , as proponents of the neo-orthodox school had hopped to accomplish. 15* Parsons, T . , (1961), "An Out l ine of the Soc ia l System" in Theor ies  of Soc ie ty , Ed. Parsons, T . , (New York: Free Press of Glencoe), pp.30-79-16. Michelson, W., op. c i t . , p.23. 17- Barker, R., (1968), Eco log ica l Psychology, (Stanford: Stanford Un ivers i ty Press ) , Ch.3. 18. I b i d . , p.186. - 32 -The behaviour sett ing_(a r e s i d e n t i a l environ in th i s research) i s therefore the spat ia l loca le in which systems of soc ia l ac t ion impinge on each other. Figure 2 shows the in teg ra t ion of b i o t i c , cu l tu ra l and organisat ional factors i n the behaviour s e t t i n g . An i n d i v i d u a l , as an element of one of these systems, senses and reacts to a c t i v i t y in the other systems and evaluates whether they are consonant with his goals and asp i ra t ions which are cur rent l y s a t i s f i e d ^ ; / that pa r t i cu l a r env i ron. "Behaviour sett ings and the i r inhabitants are mutual ly, casua l l y r e l a t e d . Sett ings have plans for the i r i n h a b i -tants ' behavi our and inputs are with in the l im i t s of the set t ings contro l systems to produce planned behaviour. I f one channel of th i s behaviour i s c l o sed , the se t t ing searches with in the l i f e space arrangements of the sub-j ec t s for another open c i r c u i t . " ^ The adoption of th i s approach in the study of environ patterns i s based on the assumption that human purposes and intent ions l i e w i th in consciousness. The work of both F i rey and Molotch r e f l e c t t h i s premise. This sentiment is a l so echoed in the work of P iaget, who suggests that^ an ind iv idua l i s more than just a theatre on whose stage plays are per -formed independent of him. "The subject performs in and sometimes composes these p lays: as they un fo ld , he adjusts them by act ing as an equi1 ibriating agent compensating for external d i s -turbances. He is constant ly involved i n s e ! f - r e gu l a t i n g processes."20 This theatre takes as i t s stage the behaviour s e t t i n g . 19. Barker, R., (1963), "On the Nature of the Environment", Journal of Soc ia l Issues, V o l . 19, p.37-20. P iaget , J • , S t ructura l ism, (New York: Basic Books), p.69. Biotic Cultural Organisational Integrated, collective impact Ego-centred = | n d j v j d u a | approach -n (0 2 S </> o 3 A RESIDENTIAL BEHAVIOUR SETTING Evocative Role Cognitive Image of Environ Individual understanding of, and identification with, the environ 3| Continuing appraisal VJJ VJJ F igure 2. The I n t eg r a t i on of B i o t i c , C u l t u r a l and Organ i sa t iona l Elements i n the Behaviour S e t t i n g - 3k -•There i s , however, only a beginning of a s c i e n t i f i c l i t e r a t u r e on behaviour se t t i ng s . The b i o l o g i c a l and phys ica l sciences have eschewed eco log ica l un i t s with human behaviour as component e lements. . . Behaviour se t t ing type un i t s have almost completely f a l l e n between the b iophys ica l and the behavioural sc iences , and th i s has been a source of ser ious trouble for the eco-behavioural problem."21 Michelson appears to have taken the i n i t i a t i v e in th i s f i e l d . He has suggested that w i th in a r e s i d e n t i a l environ (a behaviour s e t t i n g ) , an ego-centred approach can e l i c i t information of people ' s a t t i tudes and react ions toward both micro and macro i s sues. "An ego-centred point of view does not ignore the fact that people operate in c i t i e s as members of groups that have well def ined spa t i a l needs of the i r own. Nor does i t suggest that the macroscopic environment i s any less important. A11 i t suggests i s that the environment must be conceptual ised in terms that are meaningful to the smallest un i t that wanders throughout a l l l eve l s - the i nd i v idua l . "22 Viewed in th i s way, Man re la tes to h is environ in h is actual 23 presence. Michelson de f i nes Qthiji' i n terms of mental and exper ien t i a l congruence. In th i s research, concern l i e s with experimental congruence -how well the behaviour se t t i ng ac tua l l y accommodates the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and behaviour of the people domici led there. It seeks to i d e n t i f y the factors that contr ibute toward a f e e l i n g of exper ien t i a l congruence, l i nk ing these with the degree of s t a b i l i t y demonstrated by a p a r t i c u l a r r e s i d e n t i a l env i ron. 21. I b i d . , p.26. 22. Michelson, W., op. c i t . , p.45. 23. Mental congruence i s an ant i c ipated i d e n t i f i c a t i o n - a notion that a pa r t i cu l a r environ w i l l accommodate an i n d i v i d u a l s ' values and aspi r a t i 6ns. - 3 5 -k. D e f i n i t i o n o f Terms The p r e c i s e d e f i n i t i o n of the terms used i n t h i s r e s e a r c h w i l l add c l a r i t y t o the g e n e r a l h y p o t h e s i s and the work ing hypo these s wh ich a re s t a t e d i n the f o l l o w i n g s e c t i o n . a) Change Change i s d e f i n e d i n terms o f the s tage t h e o r y o f u rban g rowth . T h i s has most commonly been c o n s i d e r e d as a p r o c e s s o f i n v a s i o n and 2 s u c c e s s i o n by t y p e s o f land u s e r s , as a r e s u l t o f market i nduced f a c t o r s . But i t c o u l d be ex tended t o i n c l u d e any change t h a t i s r ega rded as mechan-i s t i c a l l y i n e v i t a b l e , t o wh ich r e s i d e n t s would show m i n d l e s s a d a p t i o n . b) S t a b i l i t y or P r o p e n s i t y t o Change of an E n v i r o n The degree o f s t a b i l i t y r e f l e c t s a h i s t o r i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e o f the n a t u r e of e v o l u t i o n o f an e n v i r o n . It i s measured on an a p r i o r i b a s i s t o i n c l u d e , the l eng th o f r e s i d e n c e o f the p r e s e n t o c c u p i e r s , the f r e q u e n c y of z o n i n g changes i n the a r e a , and the age of the h o u s i n g s t o c k . c) E c o - B e h a v i o u r a l V a r i a b l e s These a r e the e l ement s wh ich c o n t r i b u t e toward the c o n s c i o u s b e h a v i o u r p a t t e r n s of the i n h a b i t a n t s . They i n c l u d e s o c i a l , e c o n o m i c , p o l i t i c a l , a t t i t u d i n a l and e n v i r o n m e n t a l e l e m e n t s . 2k. B i r c h , D . L . , (1971), "Toward a S tage Theory o f Urban G r o w t h " , E k i s t i e s 188, J u l y , 1971, p .84 . - 36 -Each of these are synthesised by the ind iv idua l to produce a commitment (or lack of) toward a r e s i den t i a l area depending on the extent to which l i f e s t y l e demands are s a t i s f i e d . d) Issues The potent ia l change inducing mechanisms which are perceived by the inhabitants to pose a threat to the continued s a t i s f a c t i o n of the i r day to day goals in that pa r t i cu l a r env i ron. There may be poten-t i a l change inducing mechanisms which are not perceived by the i n h a b i -tants to be such. I f th i s i s the case these forces are not considered as issues i n th i s work, and are l i k e l y to emerge as evidence of the invas ion of a nonconforming use in the area, as the f i r s t stage in the t r a n s i t i o n of the environ to an area exh ib i t i n g d i f f e r e n t c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . e) Res ident ia l Environ The r e s i d e n t i a l environ has already been def ined in terms of the behaviour s e t t i n g . The pa r t i cu l a r loca le used in th i s research, and the reasons for i t s choice are discussed in Chapter IV. 5. Formulation of the Hypotheses a) The General Hypothesis The patterning of a r e s i d e n t i a l environ at any one time rep-resents the outcome of a complexity of choices made by, and demands imposed upon, a p a r t i c u l a r group of i n d i v i d u a l s . These choices and demands do not r e f l e c t the processes of economic opt imisat ion and e q u i -librium-, but are more l i k e l y to be the funct ion of the i n te rac t i on between the socio-economic and behavioural c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the popu-l a t i o n , the environmental framework and the organisat ional elements of the c i t y . - 37 -Indiv iduals are increas ing ly cognizant of the ro le they can play in a f f ec t i n g the choices that are open to them. It i s " the (eco-behavioural) system which determines the s i tuat ions in which ro les are played and def ines the cu l tu ra l content of choices and demands, as we11 as the opportunit ies for the i r achievement." ^ Therefore, whi l s t potent ia l change producing mechanisms may be present in any re s i den t i a l env i ron, change i t s e l f is not i n e v i t a b l e , as the stage theory of urban growth would suggest. " It appears poss ib le to l im i t the rate of change in ce r t a in environs, and even create places 26 of qu ie t , l a s t ing t r a d i t i o n . " The formulat ion of the general hypothesis for th i s research represents the r e a l i s a t i o n of the shortcomings of the market induced stages of growth, the perception of i s sues, which pose a threat to the continued existence of an environ in i t s present form, and the s i g n i f i -cance of eco-behavioural factors in understanding the perception and response of i nd iv idua l s to these i s sues. General Hypothesis That the degree of s t a b i l i t y of a r e s i den t i a l environ cannot be accounted for so le ly in terms of market fo rces . Part of the explanation must now be sought in terms of ind iv idua l eco-behavi dtimal f ac to r s . b) Formulation of the Working Hypotheses The mic ro -o r ien ta t ion of th i s study has already been def ined in terms of s o c i a l , organi sat ional ;/an:d behavi oural f a c to r s . This i s 25. Gans, H., (1968), "Urbanism and Suburbanism as Ways of L i f e " , People and Plans, (New York: Bas ic Books), p.45. 26. Gerson, W., (1970), Patterns of Urban L i v i n g , (Toronto: Un ivers i ty of Toronto Press ) , p.15. ~ - 3 8 -c l e a r l y evident i n the composition of the working hypotheses, i ) The Role of Informal In teract ion Greer suggests that a l i f e cyc le factor can have a s i g n i f i c a n t e f f e c t on the extent of neighbouring and soc ia l i n t e r a c t i o n . "As r e s i -dent ia l enclaves are more cons i s tent ly inhabited by f a m i l i s t i c popula-t i o n s , i n te rac t i ons among households increases and the neighbourhood 27 f l our i shes as a soc ia l system." T h e o r e t i c a l l y , th i s means that primary group contact , character i sed by contacts of int imacy, i s f a c i l i -t a ted . Roper has suggested that ch i l d ren cons t i tu te the true primary group, but they a l so act as a stimulus to the formation of adult primary 28 groups. As a resu l t of t h i s , the household has5 become an important 29 base for the organisat ional s t ructure of the area. The r e s i d e n t i a l environ becomes synonymous with a pa r t i cu l a r l i f e s t y l e . In a d d i t i o n , for those people involved i n the primary group r e l a t i o n s , the environ becomes s t r a teg i c because of man induced soc ia l a t t r i b u t e s . I f , as Molotch has suggested, the competit ion associated with land uses spreads 30 to competit ion amongst land users , then the nature of the primary group could have a powerful e f f e c t in mul t ip ly ing the a t t r a c t i o n of a p a r t i c u l a r 2 7 . Greer, S., ( 1 9 6 4 ) , The Emerging C i t y , (New York: Free Press of Glencoe), pp. 124-13"^ 2 8 . Roper, M., (1967), 'The City and The Primary Group" in Urban Sociology (Ed.) Burgess, R., (Chicago: Chicago Un ivers i ty Press ) , p .Z31. 2 9 . Young, W., & Wi l lmot, P., ( I 9 6 7 ) , Family and Kinship i n East London, (London: Penguin), C h . 2 . 3 0 . Molotch, H „ , op. c i t . , p .338 . - 39 -environ to a p a r t i c u l a r group of people. The extent of primary group contact i n a r e s i den t i a l environ may, there fo re , r e f l e c t r e s i den t i a l cohesion and secondly, may f a c i l i t a t e the extension of th i s cohesion by a t t r a c t i n g populations with s im i l a r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s to that env i ron. The f i r s t working hypothesis r e f l e c t s these f a c to r s . Working Hypothesis I; Informal i n t e r a c t i o n in the environ i s stronger in the area exh ib i t i ng greater r e s i d e n t i a l s t a b i l i t y . i i ) Formal Organisations Ref lect a Des ire for S t a b i l i t y in the  Face of a Threatened Environ For the purposes of t h i s work, formal organ i sat ions , or vo lun -tary a s soc ia t ions , are considered to be formally organised groups whose 31 membership i s by choice or ind iv idua l v o l i t i o n . By i t s very nature i t must represent a community of i n teres t or some f ee l i n g of cohes ive-ness. Th i s f e e l i n g could be area s p e c i f i c , or i t could represent a c i t y wide in teres t group. In e i the r case i t s funct ion ing would be char-acter i sed by some sense of r egu l a r i t y and consensus. In th i s sec t ion a t tent ion w i l l only be paid to those formal organisat ions which play a ro le with respect to a p a r t i c u l a r env i ron. In the d i scuss ion of the f i r s t hypothesis i t was suggested that primary group contact may r e f l e c t cohesion, and that t h i s may be extended by areas competing for people who would f ind exper ien t i a l 31. Goldhammer, H., (1967), "Some Factors a f f ec t i n g P a r t i c i p a t i o n in Voluntary A s soc i a t i on s " , in Urban Socio logy, Burgess, R. & Bogue, D. (Eds. ) , (Chicago: Un iver s i ty of Chicago Press ) , p.138V" - ko -congruence in that env i ron. The continuing growth of urban soc iety has been accompanied by two, well documented, trends which need to be exam-ined in th i s context. - Land i s increas ing ly seen as a t rans ferab le property rather than as a pa r t i cu l a r p lace , with a p a r t i c u l a r meaning. This has had the e f fec t of d iminish ing the unique soc ia l value of p laces . - The continued urban expansion has been associated with the displacement of many a c t i v i t i e s from the r e s i d e n t i a l env i ron. This d i spersa l of work and l e i su re a c t i v i t i e s to other parts of the c i t y has led to the formation of the bedroom community. Greer has suggested, in add i t i on , that processes such as these have weakened the communion of those who share a l o c a l i t y , and that i t leads 32 to the d i s s o l u t i o n of the primary community. It i s contended here, however, that even i f land i s i nc reas -ing ly regarded as a commodity, and the wage-earner does have to journey to work, the environ s t i l l remains a potent ia l i n te r ac t i on space, and an agent of s o c i a l i s a t i o n for those l e f t behind. A major commitment does continue to be made in terms of a pa r t i cu l a r env i ron; i t represents a conscious choice on behalf of an ind iv idua l or family uni t based on preconceived notions of mental congruence. This choice i s based on the best balance that can be obtained between ce r t a in asp i ra t ions and 33 expectat ions, and what i s economically f e a s i b l e . In the l i ght of t h i s , propinquity may be an i n i t i a l cause of an in tens ive soc i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p , but i t i s un l i ke l y to be the f i n a l or 32. Greer, S., op. c i t . , p.108-109. 33. Bourne, L., (1970), Internal Structure of the C i t y , (Toronto: Oxford Un ivers i ty Press ) , p.139. - 41 -34 s u f f i c i e n t cause. Propinquity may well generate primary group con-t a c t s , but these in themselves are not s u f f i c i e n t condi t ions for the maintenance of that environ to serve the i r c o l l e c t i v e needs. A l l i t may take i s for a key household to move away to t r i gger the changing soc ia l and behavioural character of that env i ron. It must be assumed that geographical propinquity has no d i r e c t soc ia l meaning i n terms of the future of that env i ron. P rop in -qu i ty only becomes meaningful when i t i s synonymous with a soc ia l ac t ion space, when a local commitment with respect to some issue has been made in terms of a formal organ i sat ion. To speak in terms of cohesiveness of an env i ron, there fo re , requires more than the simple fact of prop inqui ty . It requires an i nves t i ga t i on of the c o l l e c t i v e r e a l i s a t i o n of the r ichness of an area, which is r e f l e c t e d in a homogeneity amongst the inhabitants with respect to c e r t a i n issues regarded as community i n te res t s and problems. The ana lys i s of the ra i son d ' e t r e of an emerging homogeneity has been h i n -dered by those who have sought a so lu t ion in physical reasons a lone, and by demographers who thought i t could be explained in terms of age or income. However, re l a t i on s are not based on census data, "but on sub-j e c t i v e l y experienced d e f i n i t i o n s of homogeneity and heterogeneity which 35 terminate in judgements of compatabi1ity or incompatabi1 i ty. " It would seem appropr iate, there fo re , to use the existence of homogeneity with respect to ce r t a i n issues (or the lack of i t ) i n an environ as an aid to understanding i t s funct ion ing . Fest inger has come 34 . Gans, H.,, (I967), People and Plans, (New York: Basic Books), p.153-15^ 35. I b i d . , p.156. - kl -to a s im i l a r conclus ion when he commented, "whenever we seek to under-stand the behaviour of i nd iv idua l s we must consider the group member-36 ship of the people with whom we are concerned." It becomes imperative to consider why groups have formed, t h e i r cont inuing soc ia l funct ion ing , who they a t t r a c t , and the i r f i e l d of i n t e r e s t . The appearance of formal organisat ions i s the f i r s t stage i n the formation of what Greer has c a l l e d the - ' A s soc i a t i ona l S o c i e t y 1 . He suggests that i t i s necessary to accept "the formal organisat ion as the e f f e c t i v e sub-community . . . one that i s capable of performing the func-37 t i on of organis ing i nd i v idua l s in to meaningful wholes. " They can then be used as a medium through which ind i v idua l s can express the i r sentiment as to the future of the i r environ to the larger soc iety and power groups. It i s suggested that the presence of formal organisat ions in a pa r t i cu l a r environ ind ica tes a form of cohesion in the face of issues which threaten the continued s a t i s f a c t i o n of day to day goals by that env i ron. This const i tutes the second working hypothesis . Working Hypothesis II Formal i n te rac t i on is more extensive in a r e s i d e n t i a l environ in the face of issues which threaten the maintenance of the environ in i t s present form. i i i ) S t a b i l i t y and an Imageable Environ Considerable a t tent ion has been devoted to the phys ica l image of the env i ron, and the way in which th i s furnishes the raw materia l for symbolic and purposeful networks of group communication, but l i t t l e 36. Fes t inger , L., Schachter, S., and Back, K., (1950), Soc ia l Pressures  in Informal Groups, (New York: Harper and B ro s . ) , p.103• 37. Greer, S., op. c i t . , p.88. - 43 -research has included the cont r ibut ion other soc ia l and behavioural var iab les have had in f a c i l i t a t i n g a purposeful i d e n t i t y . This research does not assume that the phys ica l image of the environment is the most s i g n i f i c a n t v a r i ab l e ; rather an image has a p r a c t i c a l or emotional s i g -n i f i c ance to an observer and th i s i s not necessar i ly inf luenced by physical manipulat ion. What is of i n te res t in t h i s context are the factors which have produced an i den t i t y with a p a r t i c u l a r environ and the cohesiveness amongst i t s inhabitants with respect to issues perceived as threatening i t s future existence in i t s present form. It i s suggested that th i s i s re lated to the knowledge the inhabitants have of the funct ion ing of t h e i r l o ca l e , and the psychological as well as the physical image i t has. Working Hypothesis III The knowledge inhabi tants show of the i r own environ i s d i r e c t l y proport ional to the s t a b i l i t y of that envi ron. i v ) The Level of Understanding at the C i t y Scale The des i re to introduce an organisat ional element into th i s study at the local level i s repeated at the c i t y s ca l e . Form has suggested*that there are four organisat ional congeries concerned with the land market, namely the real estate and bu i ld ing b u s i -ness, the larger i ndu s t r i e s , the small consumers of land ( inc lud ing home-38 owners), and the complex functions of local government agencies. 38. Form, W.H., (1971), 'The Place of Soc ia l Structure in the Deter -mination of Land Use", Internal Structure of the C i t y , Ed. L. Bourne, (Toronto: Oxford Un ivers i ty Press ) , p.181-182. - kk -However, a t tent ion is confined in th i s work to at t i tudes toward the c i t y government s t ruc tu re . A c i t y government i s in a unique pos i t i on with respect to land use, for i t i s simultaneously a consumer of land and a mediator of con-f l i c t i n g land use i n t e r e s t s . In add i t i on , one aspect of c i v i c i nvo l ve -ment concerns the production and implementation of a c i t y p lan. The future form of the c i t y - the pattern of ca l cu la ted and ant ic ipated development - i s , there fo re , int imate ly t i e d to the c i t y government func t i on . Despite t h i s , l i t t l e work appears to have been done r e l a t i n g the understanding i nd i v idua l s have of that funct ion to: i ) the a t t i tudes they d isp lay toward the i r env i ron, i i ) the degree to which ind iv idua l s fee l they can r e s i s t proposed developments in or near to the i r area which are l i k e l y to a f fec t the s a t i s f a c t i o n of t h e i r l i f e s ty le demands. Uncertainty as to the exact nature of the l ink between the ind iv idua l and the functions of c i t y government, has led th i s author to suggest a nu l l hypothesis to tes t the nature of t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p . Working Hypothesis IV That there i s no c o r r e l a t i o n between the s t a b i l i t y of an environ and the knowledge inhabitants show of the funct ion ing of c i t y government. 6. Summary. 1 This chapter represents an outgrowth of Chapter II which sug-gested the l imi ted range of var iab les included in human eco log ica l ana l y s i s . The need to incorporate c u l t u r a l , s o c i a l , economic and organisat ional var iab les in any analys is designed to reveal the nature of urban s t ructure has been emphatical ly s ta ted. - k5 -The complementary conceptual frameworks developed by Chapin, F i rey and Molotch have been integrated with Barker ' s behaviour se t t i ng theory, at which scale i t has been poss ib le to develop an ego-centred approach to conduct the study. The chapter concluded with the formulation of the general hypothesis and the four working hypotheses. The s t ructure of the work-ing hypotheses forms the basis of the quest ionnaire const ruct ion and data ana ly s i s , which are discussed in Chapters IV and VI r e spec t i ve l y . / - 2*6 -CHAPTER IV EXPERIMENTAL DESIGN The chapter presents the experimental design used to tes t the conceptual framework and the working hypotheses es tab l i shed in Chapter III. The hypothes is , and more s p e c i f i c a l l y the working hypotheses, represent the bridge between the theore t i ca l constructs and the f i e l d research. They serve as both a guide to the type of data which must be co l l e c ted to answer the research quest ion, and a l so the way in which they can be organised most e f f i c i e n t l y in the ana l y s i s . For the sake of c l a r i t y , th i s chapter has been organised ih three sec t i ons , the se l ec t i on of the study area; the sampling methods; and t h i r d l y , the interview methods and the quest ionna i re . This a r b i -t rary d i v i s i o n does not pa r a l l e l the log ica l development of the e x p e r i -mental des ign, the f i n a l form of which i s the resu l t of the continual in terp lay between a l l of these sec t ions . 1. The Se lec t i on of the Study Area Ana lys i s of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of r e s i den t i a l environs i s increas ing ly based on the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of soc ia l areas. Thus Peter Mclnnes' work on re s i den t i a l behaviour patterns in Toronto ' was heav i ly 2 inf luenced by the work of Robert Murdie. Impl ic i t in such an approach 1. Mclnnes, P., (19&9), Eco-Behavioura1 Dimensions of Urban Neigh- bourhoods. Unpublished Masters Thes i s , Un iver s i t y of Waterloo. 2 . Murdie, R., (1969), F ac to r i a l Ecology of Metropol i tan Toronto I95J-I96I. Research Paper No. l i b , Department of Geography Research S e r i e s , Un iver s i t y of Chicago. - kl -i s the notion of the neighbourhood as a meaningful i n t e r a c t i v e space, and the pervasiveness of socio-economic a t t r i bu tes in determining s t y le s of l i f e and associated behaviour patterns. I do not make such assumptions. F i rey documented the res i s tance of upper middle income r e s i d -ents in Beacon Hi 11 to change producing f o rces , and more recent ly in Vancouver the res idents of Strathcona success fu l l y re s i s ted the i n t r u s i o n of a freeway in to the i r area comprising old housing stock. Socio-economic status was not a common feature in these cases, but something must have been. The theo re t i c a l constructs of th i s study suggest that the answer may be found in the common f e e l i n g and a t t i tude toward the s t r a teg i c value of r e s i den t i a l areas, as they now e x i s t , to the present i n h a b i -tants . As a consequence of t h i s , i t was not necessary to choose my study area in terms of the soc ia l areas def ined for Vancouver by L ione l 3 Be l l i n 1965- His research was, nevertheless, useful in order to ensure that my f i e l d area included more than one of the socio-economic groupings he has i d e n t i f i e d . The fo l lowing is a l i s t of the c r i t e r i a upon which the choice of the test area was made* a) The study area had to be exc lu s i ve l y r e s i d e n t i a l . b) The ent i re study area had to be approximately equ i -d i s tant from downtown Vancouver, in order that the factor of d is tance would not e f f e c t the comparabi l i ty of the data. 3. B e l l , L., (1965), Metropol i tan Vancouver: An Overview for Soc ia l  Planners, Research Department, Community Chest and Counci ls of the Greater Vancouver Area. - 1*8 -c) The area had to be a s u f f i c i e n t l y mature one to ensure that the processes of invasion and succession would have had an opportunity to exert t h e i r i n f l uence . d) The area had to inc lude potent ia l change inducing elements, some of which would be i d e n t i f i e d on an a p r i o r i bas i s . e) The study area should be a lower middle-income area. Such areas have general ly been by-passed in research in favour of exposing the p l i ght of the poor man, or the i n t r i c a t e web of soc ia l and p o l i t i c a l e l i t e s . Instead of fo l lowing th i s path, I have endeavoured to throw some l i ght on what may be regarded as the u b i -qu i tous, North American urban community. It should be s t ressed, however, that the methodology developed here i s intended to be app l i cab le to any type of r e s i den t i a l env i ron. On the basis of these c r i t e r i a , the area se lected for th i s study was the western part of K i t s i l a n o . (Map 1 shows the locat ion of West K i t s i l a n o in r e l a t i o n to the local areas of Vancouver as def ined by the c i t y . ) West K i t s i l a n o was i t s e l f d iv ided into two areas, namely Kit South and Kit North. (Map 2 d e t a i l s the study area and i t s d i v i s i o n in to Kit South and Kit North.) The area can be character i sed throughout as a mature re s i den -t i a l d i s t r i c t , which has preserved i t s s ing le family re s i den t i a l form in the southern part . However, north of Broadway a large number of un i t s have been subdivided to provide mul t ip le dwel1ing u n i t s . The ent i re area presents a contrast to the eastern part of K i t s i l a n o which i s being exten-s i ve l y redeveloped as a higher density apartment d i s t r i c t adjacent to the downtown core. The fo l lowing sect ion provides a b r i e f h i s t o r i c a l perspect ive of the area, and descr ibes the present c i t y zoning. j jgFAIRVIEWil /r. I H IE b • o , i MOUNT" PLEASANT 11 • j ^^i!i-J2±:?^™J.l CEDAR , i ! COTTAGE ) 11 •2 LITTLE; \2 Ri! PY PARK-'^^ ; j j RILEY PARK--MOUNTAIN j ; KENSINGTON Air* /'Vl. ••• HASTINGS EAST •COLLIWGWCCD __! ___-_^/-....^v^ KERRISDALE |'; OAK RIDGE ' ] , SUNSET MARPOLE r |o V ICTORIA-j ; X ! L L A R N £ Y ! | -RAS£RV !E iV ! :' i : . / • FRASER RIVER Map 1. Local Areas of Vancouver, showing the study area. Map 2. Kitsilano and the West Kitsilano Study Area. - 51 -H i s t o r i c a l Development of West K i t s i l a n o The pattern of r e s i den t i a l development in West K i t s i l a n o has been character i sed by speculat ive bu i l d ing in b locks, between 1912 - 1939, with a cont inuing process of i n f i l between ex i s t i ng s t ruc tures . This has produced an i n te res t ing d i v e r s i t y of bu i ld ing s ty les and s izes through-out the area. Pr ior to 1910, the study area was v i r g i n forest land se t t l ed by a few pioneer cottages. In 1909, however, the s t reet car l i ne had been extended from Tra fa lgar Street (to the east of the study area) to Alma S t ree t , the western boundary of the c i t y at that t ime. This opened up the northern part of the study area for development. The zone between Eng l i sh Bay and 4th Avenue was se t t l ed f i r s t . By 1917, more than 75% of the lots had been developed, with notable exception along the waterfront and 4th Avenue. Maps 3 and 4 summarise the spread of r e s i d e n t i a l development throughout the study area from 1900 to 1948, at which time most of the present lot bu i ld ing had been completed. The last part to have been developed was the area between 10th Avenue and 16th Avenue. The swamp which covered th i s area was f i l l e d between 1928 and 1930. However, the poor drainage i s r e f l e c ted in the type of dwel l ing u n i t s . They are without basements and have a more 'cottage l i k e ' appearance than the bui ld ings to the east and south. The greatest asset possessed by West K i t s i l a n o i s i t s po s i t i on r e l a t i v e to the rest of the c i t y . Ten minutes from the Un iver s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia in one d i r e c t i o n and downtown in the other, and i t s frontage on to the waterfront have maintained i t s a t t rac t i veness as an inner c i t y r e s i den t i a l area. Through t r a f f i c i s concentrated on 4 main Scale 1900 r ODD O D 0~ D [ZHH C O C O C O L O T J C O 41k Avenue Z] DE] oi l L O — i c o n 11 1 r: r~o o c l c ITOJ O i o n I C O • I n_J m c o n i • r_" jfiEo^d way E3: S O u o i 3 O l o B O r o t : I6th Avenue U O O IJoo nemo I J o c r - jzrjt—- N j fJZ^H+30 f,».»,IZf Cj f> m ^ V V v Z 3 il -: tl^-y-w+i+il Jill: 1912 n c i i -1 i™ ! :i c o r i Pi--t r o o — K J Ul "IDEDEilCJC in C O D CJ a crea —I o i o r r o o n J t o n I O J L O J E o l c o c o z n r ZJDLi Z3 O C O o n o u O P c o o n r i c o L'ulJ n ] DI' 3 o n n o o 3 O l J U o O o o DD DC Map 3. Major Periods of Construct ion in West K i t s i l ano 1900-1917. rrj r o u o t i IMVW!WVW!W3 limvwwwvnvj | •wwwwj .^ +»fr,t+vW».W pill>Wtfwt WAWMWM«V I9I7: "]f-:JLC —I p i 3 E ._ii:.„ fi'i D ccini : ; i c v i i •J o i a c * n ra... • E E 3 C p o o rn cn^ ] t o i o n o i do o n o I O o o i i n ' I O J o c o o n o o n oi c o o :n o i i'i o i ! , r - i r - . 1 ( - | l ] D !G t o L O oD I ] ZD co) a n rn o n o u i o o rrr I f O O : o o r o p o o U O J O t o c r I:.::JO: o o t o o '4% 90-100 5 0 - 7 4 < 2 4 > J 7 5 - 9 0 l | | | | | 2 5 - 4 9 Map k. Major Periods of Construct ion in West K i t s i l a n o _ 5 4 -E - W a r t e r i e s , namely 16th Avenue, Broadway, 4th Avenue and Point Grey Road. This preserves the quietness of the heav i ly treed s t r e e t s , par-t i c u l a r l y in Kit South. Kit North, in contras t , presents a more confused appearance. It presents a mixture of low r i s e apartment bu i ld ings along 4th Avenue, former s ing le family homes now d iv ided into mul t ip le u n i t s , and s ing le family homes. There are numerous homes throughout the area which are being completely renovated, as the value of a s ing le family res ident ia l d i s t r i c t c lose to downtown is increas ing ly r e a l i s e d . However, the area does present one of increased congestion i f compared to Kit South. The large number of rented houses produces many untidy frontages and s t reet s 1i ned wi th ca r s . Present C i ty Zoning of the Area The d i f fe rences in the range of uses of the dwel l ing un i t s found in Kit South and Kit North, r e f l e c t the sub let ies of the C i ty of Vancouver Zoning ordinance. Whilst both areas are zoned as s ing le family r e s i den t i a l d i s t r i c t s , the uses and regulat ions do d i f f e r . South K i t s i l a n o s t i l l preserves i t s image as a s ing le family r e s i d e n t i a l d i s t r i c t , des-p i te the emergence of some non-conforming mul t ip le dwel l ing uses. Th i s contrasts with North K i t s i l a n o , which contains instances of the f i v e types of dwel l ing un i t s def ined at the outset of the f i e l d research: the s ing le family home; the duplex; the t r i p l e x ; the mu l t ip le u n i t ; and the apartment. The Zoning and Development by-law for Kit North permits the conversion of s ing le family houses in to dwel l ing un i t s or housekeeping or s leeping un i t s ; ' i n any case where such an ex i s t i ng b u i l d i n g , by - 55 -L reason of i t s s i ze or age, i s deemed unsuitable for i t s present useV;-In Kit South, however, the conversion of s ing le family dwel l ing in to any mul t ip le form is not permitted, unless the bu i l d ing has been continuously used for such purposes s ince 195°. The Broadway commercial s t r i p provides the buffer between these two zones. Within K i t North there has been spot rezoning to permit m u l t i -ple dwell ings of up to 120' in he ight . However, attempts by City Counci l as recent ly as I968 to rezone the whole area for garden apartments to 5 create "the R i v i e r a of Canada" have so far been unsuccess fu l . Map 5 ind icates the present zoning of the K i t s i l a n o area. The thrust of the l i ght i ndus t r i a l area as far west as Vine S t ree t , and the re-zoning of East K i t s i l a n o in 1952 to permit mul t ip le dwel l ing d i s t r i c t throughout that area north of Broadway, should be p a r t i c u l a r l y noted. 2. The Representativeness of Waterloo Street The i n i t i a l focus had been on the 16 x 6 block area which I had def ined as West K i t s i l a n o . Given the severe time const ra int s under which th i s study was undertaken, interview costs were reviewed c r i t i c a l l y . Depth of information could not be spared in a study hoping to e s t ab l i sh l inks between behaviour and a t t i t u d e s . Careful cons iderat ion was therefore given to the representa-t iveness of Waterloo S t ree t , as r e f l e c t i n g the d i v e r s i t y of house type, length of residence and zoning ordinances, found in West K i t s i l a n o as k. C i ty of Vancouver, (1970), Zoning and Development By-Law No. 3575, City of Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia. . 5. The Sun, A p r i l 25th, 1968. . f — H r : _ u — I H 3EEE B f c f i B H i l l l i t i i E .i umm fim\WM m HggDD^d BBByyggBBBBD m Mi $m i l IK |g» ^ N Map 5 Present C i t y Zoning of Ki t s i1ano Scale: 35"= 1 mile R A- l RS-I RS - 2 RS-3 RS-4 L I M I T E D A G R I C U L T U R A L Oi C I IIIC I O N E - F A M I L Y D W E L L I N G O l f .TH IC T O N E - F A M I L Y D W E L L I N G 01 5 T fl 1C T 0 " £ - F A M I L Y D W E L L I N G D I S T R I C T O N E - F A M I L Y O W E L L I N G D I S T R I C T RT-I RT -2 RM-I RM-2 RM-3 RM-4 1 W 0 - f 4 V I L Y D W E L L I N G 0 I J T H I C T O W C l . L I N G D I S T R I C T M U L T I P L E D W E L L I N G D I S T R I C T MULT 1 PL E owrLL I NG D I S T R I C T M U L T I P L C O W f L U N G DlS T Ul C T M U L T I P L E DWELL ING D l S T H l C T Iff l i t C -I C - 2 C -3 C -4 C -5 C O M M E R C I A L [ D I S T R I C T C O M M E R C I A L D I S T R I C T C O M M E R C I A L D I S T R I C T C O M M E R C I A L O I S T R I C T C O M M E R C I A L O I S T R I C T CD" P- l CM-I CM-2 M-1 M-2 ( . O M I ' l l l . Ml N 'J IVE ill VI L O I ' M I N I D IM H i C T P A R K I N G PIS T HIC I COMM( MC.IAL IMSI HIC T C0MMI MCIAL OlC T H l C T INDUS f Rt A l D ISTR ICT I N D U S T R I A L oisT nic i mm •• • * • • * > • • * * mm - 57 -a whole. Reference should be made to the maps of house cons t ruct ion data (Maps 3 and k), the Zoning Map (Map 5), and Appendix I, which documents in d e t a i l the choice of the study area, and the subsequent se lec t i on of the sample from Waterloo S t ree t . a) S t r a t i f i c a t i o n of West K i t s i l a n o into 2 sub areas West K i t s i l a n o was d iv ided in to 2 sub areas, K i t South and Kit North, using the east-west Broadway commercial s t r i p as the boundary. This d i v i s i o n p a r a l l e l e d : i ) The d i f f e r e n t lengths of residence of the present occupant ( s i g n i f i c a n t at the 0.05 level of probab-i l i t y ) . ^ i i ) The Vancouver C i ty Zoning By-laws. i i i ) Approximate dates of house cons t ruc t ion . b) The Se lec t i on of Waterloo Street as a Sample Base Further ana lys i s proved that Waterloo Street could be used as a s t r a t i f i e d sample ( in to Kit South and Kit North), representat ive of the West K i t s i l a n o s t r a t a . (No s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e rence across s t ra ta at 0.05 level of p r o b a b i l i t y . ) (See Appendix IA). c) Sample Se lec t ion Waterloo Street formed the sample base. Of the \$k household uni ts in Waterloo S t reet , the sample s ize was set at 50 completed i n t e r -view schedules. Having tested the level of a s soc ia t ion between Water 1oo Street and West K i t s i l a n o , the researcher f e l t confident that th i s sample f r a c t i o n of one-th i rd of Waterloo Street households would capture the v a r i a b i l i t y found in West K i t s i l a n o as a whole. The sample s ize for Kit South and Ki t North was d i r e c t l y - 58 -proport ional to the variance of that s t ra ta (See Appendix IB). This produced a sample s ize of 29 households in Kit South and 21 in Kit 6 North. S p e c i f i c respondents were chosen using the technique of systematic random sampling, without replacement, from the numerical l i s t of house number and, where appropr iate, su i te number. I f there was no response from the household o r i g i n a l l y contacted, the immediate higher house number was se lec ted . (Map 6 shows the locat ion of the blocks sampled wi th in the study area.) 3. The Interview The interview used a combination of c losed and open ended quest ions, and was i n tens i ve . It frequently lasted for 75 to 90 min-utes, although normally continued for 40 to 60 minutes. The interv iews, of which 60% were completed by the author, met with l i t t l e res i s tance . This may be a t t r ibuted to two f a c t s . In the f i r s t p lace, each house selected for i nc lu s i on in the sample was sent a l e t te r b r i e f l y informing the potent ia l respondent of the aims and nature of the study pr ior to the interview taking p lace. The high response rate was, in the second instance, a t t r i bu tab le to the nature of the quest ion-naire i t s e l f . It avoided the r i g i d format and content associated with many 'market ana ly s i s ' type s tud ies . The interviewer was free to a l t e r the order of the questions i f th i s meant that a pa r t i cu l a r theme was being developed by the respond-ent. In add i t i on , the respondents quick ly became i nterested part i ci pants 6. The f i n a l sample s ize was 48, comprising 28 respondents for Kit South, and 20 for Kit North. - 59 -LEGEND Streets Sampled (Sample choice) Blocks Sampled (Questionnaire) KIT NORTH Houses older, more diverse Heterogeous population Unstable KIT S O U T H Smaller houses Homogeous population Stable Map 6. C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of Study A rea , and the B locks Sampled - 60 -as the i r own at t i tudes toward, and use of, t h e i r r e s i den t i a l environ were revea led. The respondents were asked at the outset what part of Vancouver they considered themselves to be l i v i n g i n . To create an ear ly impres-s ion of in forma l i ty the respondent was then asked to a c t i ve l y p a r t i c i p a t e in the interview by drawing on the map provided the boundaries of the area named, and any physical features he thought i n t e r e s t i n g or important. The quest ion order r e f l e c t e d the log ica l progression through the information des i red , and th i s was doveta i led with the way in which the data was to be organised in the ana l y s i s . As such, the ques t ion -naire was broken i n t o three parts : i ) Questions 'li2B;were concerned with the respondents' a t t i tudes toward the use made of t h e i r r e s i d e n t i a l envi ron. i i ) Questions Q&3j£viere concerned with the respondents' understanding at the c i t y s ca le . i i i ) Questi ons .37>§5vel i c i ted personal data of the respondents. The organisat ion of the questions in the analys i s p a r a l l e l e d the working hypotheses de ta i l ed in Chapter 111.5. They were broken in to the fo l lowing four parts : i ) The extent of informal i n te r ac t i on in the area. This was based on questions which examined the nature and extent of soc ia l r e l a t i o n s h i p s , and some weekly a c t i v i t y pat terns . i i ) The extent of involvement i n formal organisat ions i n the area was gauged from questions seeking the depth of involvement and knowledge of local organ i sat ions . This was supplemented by probing the respondents as to the nature and scope of a c t i v i t i e s in which a local organisat ion could become invo lved. i i i ) The strength of commitment that respondents d isp layed towards the i r r e s i d e n t i a l environ was obtained from questions which p in-pointed the i r knowledge of , and sentiment toward the i r area. This comprised q u a l i t a -t i ve and quant i ta t i ve data which have been synthesised in the research f i nd ing s . iv) Only one aspect of the respondents' understanding of the rest of the c i t y was probed. Questions were i n -cluded which revealed the acquaintance (or lack of i t ) with e lected c i t y o f f i c i a l s , and the extent to which c i t i z e n s should become involved in dec is ions made about the future of the c i t y . Figure 3 shows the re l a t i on sh ip between the quest ionnaire format and the organisat ion of the information in the ana ly s i s . It should be noted that nothing was stated in the interv iew i n terms to suggest that the future of the area was threatened i n i t s present form. In add i t i on , the quest ionnaire was c a r e f u l l y worded to avoid ambiguous or contentious words such as 'development', ' change ' , or ' react t o ' . Appendix B documents in more d e t a i l the interview methods and the quest ionnaire format. k. Summary. Chapter IV recorded the experimental design used i n th i s study. It documented the c r i t e r i a upon which the study area was chosen and subsequently provided a b r i e f de sc r i p t i ve account of West K i t s i l a n o . The representat iveness of a s t r a t i f i e d Waterloo Street of the West K i t s i l a n o area was discussed and the systematic random sampling method-ology presented. The chapter c losed with some comments on the ques t i on -na i re , emphasising the l ink between the hypotheses formulat ion and the quest ionnaire cons t ruc t ion . General H y p o t h e s l i Working Hypotheses A n a l y t i c a l O r g a n i s a t i o n Questionnaire Format That the degree of s t a b i l i t y of a r e s i d e n t i a l e n v i r o n cannot be accounted f o r s o l e l y i n terms of market f o r c e s ; P a r t of the . e x p l a n a t i o n must now be sought i n terms of i n d i v i d u a l eco-behavi o r a l f a c t o r s . a) Informal I n t e r a c t i o n i n the Envir o n i s stro n g e r i n the area e x h i b i t i n g g r e a t e r r e s i d e n t i a l s t a b i l i t y . Extent of Informal I n t e r a c t i o n . Questions 1-28 No. of Neighbours. Where Respondent V i s i t s w i t h F r i e n d s most. Frequency of S o c i a l V i s i t s . Weekly A c t i v i t y P a t t e r n s . b) Formal I n t e r a c t i o n Is more ex t e n s i v e i n the r e s i d e n t i a l e n v i r o n i n face of i s s u e s p e r c e i v e d as t h r e a t e n i n g the maintenance of the e n v i r o n i n i t s present form. Extent of Involvement i n Formal O r g a n i s a t i o n s . Knowledge of Local O r g a n i s a t i o n s . Family Involvement i n Organisations or S o c i e t i e s . P o s s i b l e Areas of Involvement f o r a Neighbourhood O r g a n i s a t i o n . c) Knowledge i n h a b i t a n t s show of t h e i r e n v i r o n i s d i r e c t l y p r o p o r t i o n a l t o the s t a b i l i t y o f that e n v i r o n . I d e n t i f i c a t i o n , Commitment and Understanding of the R e s i d e n t i a l E n v i r o n . C o g n i t i v e Mapping Questions. A c t i o n Proposed by I n h a b i t a n t s In the Reasons f o r Moving i n t o the Area. Face of Development. S a t i s f a c t i o n w i t h the Area as a Place t o L i v e . A t t i t u d e s Toward Development. d) That there i s no c o r r e l a t i o n between s t a b i l i t y o f e n v i r o n and knowledge i n h a b i t a n t s show of the f u n c t i o n i n g of c i t y government. Understanding at the C i t y S c a l e . Questions 2 9 - 3 6 Should C i t i z e n s be Consulted? Questions d i r e c t e d at A t t i t u d e s toward C i t y P o l i t i c s , Need f o r a Ward System. (Frequency of Electlons/vot 1ng P a t t e r n s ) . Need f o r Area P l a n n e r s . P o p u l a t i o n D e s c r i p t o r s . Questions 37 - **5 Length of Residence In Present U n i t . Stage i n L i f e C y c l e . Type Df Owe!ling U n i t . Income. Ownership P a t t e r n . Age of the Head of the Household. Figure 3- The Re la t ionsh ip Between Hypotheses Formulation and Ana l y t i c a l Organisat i - 63 -The se l ec t i on of the study area and the sampling techniques adopted i n th i s study are discussed emp i r i ca l l y i n Appendix A. Appendix B reviews the interview methods more c r i t i c a l l y , and contains a complete copy of the quest ionnaire used. - 65 -CHAPTER V CHARACTERISTICS OF THE RESIDENTS The d i v i s i o n of West K i t s i l a n o into K i t South and Kit North was based emp i r i ca l l y on the d i f f e rence in the length of residence of the inhabitants wi th in the area. Th i s was a lso p a r a l l e l e d , however, by d i f fe rences in the age of the houses and the present zoning o r d i -nances. As stated in Chapter IV, the success of the study did not depend on the i nc lu s i on of a pa r t i cu l a r socio-economic group i n the sample. The dec i s ion to study West K i t s i l a n o represented a conscious choice of a heterogeneous soc ia l area. The object ive of th is chapter is to document the soc i o -economic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the respondents as conc ise ly as pos s ib le . None of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s were i n themselves unusual, although the range found proved to be an even more d i s t i n c t i v e feature of the area than had been an t i c i pa ted . The socio-economic data co l l e c ted are not important in them-se lves , once the d iverse nature of the area has been apprec iated. However, they do become c r i t i c a l i n the f i n a l eva lua t ion , when the e x i s t -ence of pa r t i cu l a r behaviour patterns and leve l s of understanding are re lated to personal c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s to assess the degree of correspond-ence between the two. The f i n a l sample s i ze for West K i t s i l ano was 48, comprising 28 respondents from Kit South and 20 from Kit North. The populat ion descr ip t ions for these sub-areas are examined in two parts : - 66 -i ) The h o u s i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f t h e r e s p o n d e n t s , i i ) The p e r s o n a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f t he r e s p o n d e n t s . 1. The H o u s i n g C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f the Respondents a) Length o f R e s i d e n c e i n Vancouver In t h e sample drawn f rom West K i t s i l a n o as a w h o l e , 15-5% o f the peop le q u a l i f i e d as members o f t he Vancouver P i o n e e r C l u b , h a v i n g l i v e d i n Vancouver f o r more than 40 y e a r s . The p e r c e n t a g e d i s t r i b u t i o n was s i m i l a r f o r K i t South and K i t N o r t h . W h i l s t 5h% of the r e s i d e n t s o f K i t South had l i v e d i n Vancouver f rom 20 t o 40 y e a r s , on l y 25% o f t he r e s i d e n t s o f K i t No r th had . T h i s i s not s o l e l y a t t r i b u t a b l e t o t h e r e l a t i v e age g r o u p i n g s o f t h e s amp le . I t i s more i n t i m a t e l y r e l a t e d t o a f a c t o r of m i g r a t i o n , the K i t N o r t h p o p u l a t i o n b e i n g c h a r a c t e r i s e d by y o u t h f u l n e s s and m o b i l i t y . No d a t a was c o l l e c t e d as t o the o r i g i n o f the r e s p o n d e n t s , but i t became c l e a r d u r i n g some of the d i s c u s s i o n s t h a t Vancouver was a ' s t o p p i n g o f f p l a c e 1 f o r p e o p l e from Europe and e l s e w h e r e i n N o r t h A m e r i c a , and they had been gu ided t o K i t s i l a n o as an a r e a o f f e r i n g non-apar tment r e n t a l f a c i l i t i e s . 45% of the r e s i d e n t s o f K i t No r th had been i n Vancouver 5 y e a r s or l e s s , compared t o a f i g u r e of 10.7% f o r K i t S o u t h . ( T a b l e 1 shows the p e r c e n t -age d i s t r i b u t i o n o f l e n g t h o f r e s i d e n c e i n Vancouver f o r K i t South and K i t N o r t h . ) b) Length of R e s i d e n c e i n P r e s e n t House West K i t s i l a n o had been d i v i d e d i n t o two a r e a s , u s i n g d a t a f rom the C i t y D i r e c t o r y . The d i f f e r e n c e was d r a m a t i c a l l y r e v e a l e d i n t he f i e l d sample c h o s e n . 17.8% o f t he r e s p o n d e n t s i n K i t South had moved i n t o t h e i r p r e s e n t d w e l l i n g w i t h i n the l a s t 2 y e a r s , compared t o the ve ry h i g h f i g u r e o f 55% f o r K i t N o r t h . 1. C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r , C i t y D i r e c t o r y , 1955, I960, 1965, 1970 and 1971. This could give the misleading impression of extreme r e s i -dent ia l mobi l i ty through the area of Kit North. This is not necess-a r i l y the case. The growing number of Un ivers i ty students in the sub area suggested that rent , or the des i re for a garden or a view, were often important reasons for moving, but wi th in Kit North. The smaller houses without basements found in Kit South were p a r t i c u l a r l y su i ted for the owner bu i l de r f during the 2 major periods of construct ion in the sub area. There were several f ami l i e s who were interviewed who were s t i l l l i v i n g in the house they had b u i l t , e i ther pr ior to the 1939-19^ *5 war or immediately a f ter i t . Land value was low, as the area had formerly been a swamp, and modest dwel l ing uni ts could be erected at low cos t . In such cases a s i t u a t i o n appears to have d e v e l -oped in which ex i s t i n g owners are locked into the i r property. Tota l family income, p a r t i c u l a r l y in the case of the r e t i r e d respondents, i s now i n s u f f i c i e n t to undertake a further mortgage, even i f they d id ind ica te a des i re to move away from the area. (Table 2 shows the percent -age d i s t r i b u t i o n of length of residence in present house for Kit South and Kit North.) It would appear, there fore , that length of residence d id d i s -t ingu i sh between the areas and could be used as one measure of the d i f f e r e n t pace of change found in Kit South and Ki t North. The task now remains to see whether the behaviour pa t tern , the sense of commit-ment toward, and understanding of the area, correspond to th i s d i s t i n c t i o n c) Type of Dwell ing Unit Once the study area had been chosen, there was no contro l exerted over the type of dwell ing unit sampled. Mu l t ip le dwell ings that - 68 -Table 1. Length of Residence in Vancouver (Percentage D i s t r i b u t i o n ) Length of Residence in Vancouver South Kits i1ano North Kits i1ano 2 Years or less 0 10.0 3 to 5 Years 10.7 35.0 6 to 10 Years 18.0 10.0 11 to 20 Years 20.0 21 to kO Years 36.0 10.0 Over kO Years 18.0 15-0 Tota l 100 100 Number of Household Units 28 20 Table 2. Length of Residence in Present House (Percentage D i s t r i bu t i on ) Length of Residence in Present House South K i t s i l ano North K i t s i l a n o 2 Years or less 17.8 55.0 3 to 5 Years 10.7 10.0 6 to 10 Years 21.5 15-0 11 to 20 Years 32.1 * 20 to kO Years ]k.k 5.0 Over kO Years * 5.0 Tota l 100 100 Number of Household Units 28 20 * No cases recorded in th i s c e l l . - 69 -ex i s t in both Kit South and Ki t North were not excluded on an a p r i o r i bas i s , in a n t i c i p a t i o n that t h e i r i n c lu s i on would throw some l i gh t on the understanding of, and commitment toward West K i t s i l a n o , on the part of the increas ing number of mul t ip le unit dwel lers . The d i f f e rence in the type of dwel l ing unit found in Kit South and Ki t North r e f l e c t the sub le t ies of the City Zoning and Development By-Law. Therefore , whi l s t both areas are zoned as'one family dwel l ing d i s t r i c t s ' , the uses and regulat ions permitted do d i f f e r . (See Chapter IV.) (Table 3 ind icates the d i s t r i b u t i o n of types of dwel l ing un i t s among the sample for Kit South and Kit North.) South K i t s i l a n o s t i l l preserves i t s image as a s ing le family dwel l ing area. Less than 5% of the houses have been subdivided in to su i t e s . Over 95% of the dwell ings remain occupied by a s ing le fami ly . It should be emphasised that there were four houses w i th in the South K i t s i l a n o sample area which would f a l l in to the s ing le family category but, in f a c t , d isp layed a non-conforming use. These dwell ing un i t s were communal res idences. In contrast to the South K i t s i l a n o area, only 55% of the dwel l ing un i t s sampled in North K i t s i1ano were s t i l l used as a s ing le family dwe l l ing . A further 20% were apartment un i t s , adjacent to the 4 t h Avenue commercial s t r i p . The remaining 25% were d i s t r i b u t e d between duplex and t r i p l e x un i t s , and su i tes in sub-div ided houses. Each of the duplex and t r i p l e x units sampled had at one time been s ing le family houses. They represented a more complete s t ruc tura l t r a n s i t i o n from the s ing le family un i t to the mul t ip le dwel l ing u n i t , than the houses which were only d iv ided i n t e r n a l l y in to s u i t e s . Table 3» Housing Cha rac te r i s t i c s of Study Area (Percentage D i s t r i b u t i o n ) Type of Dwell ing Unit South K i t s i l a n o North Ki ts i1ano S ing le family 96.k 55.0 Duplex * 10.0 T r i p l e x * 5.0 Sui te in house 3-6 10.0 Apartment * 20.0 Total 100 100 Number of Household Units 28 20 No cases recorded in th i s c e l l , d) Home Ownership There is a contrast ing pattern of home ownership between the two sub areas. Of those sampled in Kit South, almost 90% own the home in which they were l i v i n g . Th i s compared to a f i gure of 50% for Kit North. The f i gure for Kit South i s 11.3% above that es tab l i shed by -Lij5^e1 Be l l for Census Tract 20 (of which West K i t s i l a n o represents about h a l f ) . This may be a t t r ibuted to the pecu l i a r r e s i den t i a l s t a b i l i t y of those l i v i n g at the south end of Waterloo S t ree t . Th i s fact was r e f l e c t e d in the large number of people of, or approaching, retirement age who were the o r i g ina l owners of the home. (Table k shows the pattern of home-ownership in Kit South and Kit North.) Table 4. Home Ownership (Percentage D i s t r i bu t i on ) Home Ownership South K i t s i l a n o North K i t s i l a n o Own 89.3 50.0 Rent 10.7 50.0 Tota l 100 100 No. of Household Units 28 20 It was thought l i k e l y that home owners would respond to t h e i r re s i den t i a l environ in a d i f f e r e n t way to that of renters . However, i t was decided by the author that both types of response r e f l e c t e d a po s i t i ve a t t i tude toward the re s i den t i a l a rea. For th i s reason no attempt was made to bias the sample in favour of renters or owners, and each stood an 2. Personal Cha rac te r i s t i c s of the Respondents A knowledge of the personal c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the respondents performs two funct ions ; i t ind ica tes the d i v e r s i t y of people found w i th in the area, and secondly, i s used to check the degree of a s soc ia t ion between the d i v e r s i t y and the behavioural c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the res ident s . a) Income Kit South and Kit North are roughly s im i l a r in income d i s t r i b u -t i o n , with approximately 70% of a l l family incomes f a l l i n g between $5,000 and $15,000. However, in Kit South over 35% of the respondent^ had incomes between $10,000 and $14,999, comparing with only 20% of the respondents in Kit North. (Table 6 shows the income d i s t r i b u t i o n for Kit South and Kit North.) equal ly good chance of being inc luded. - 72 -T a b l e 6. T o t a l F a m i l y Income ( P e r c e n t a g e D i s t r i b u t i o n ) T o t a l F a m i l y Income South K i t s i l a n o Nor th K i t s i l a n o Under $3,000 JL 5.0 $3,000 - $4,999 3.6 5.0 $5,000 - $6,999 10.7 15.0 $7,000 - $9 ,999 25.0 30.0 $10,000 - $14,999' 35.7. 20.0 Over $15,000 7.1 5.0 R e t i r e d 17.9 15.0 No answer 5.0 T o t a l 100 100 Number o f h o u s e h o l d u n i t s 28 20 T h i s r e f l e c t s , i n p a r t , t h e s t age i n t h e l i f e c y c l e o f the f a m i l y u n i t s found i n t h e two a r e a s . A lmos t 30% o f t he r e s p o n d e n t s i n K i t South compared t o on ly 5% i n K i t No r th were over 40 y e a r s , t h e i r c h i l d r e n h a v i n g l e f t home. At t h i s s t a ge an i n d i v i d u a l i s a p p r o a c h i n g , or has reached, h i s peak e a r n i n g c a p a c i t y . T h i s i s p a r t i c u l a r l y t r u e o f t h i s p a r t o f town, wh ich i s c h a r a c t e r i s e d by i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h 1 b l u e c o l 1ar j o b s ' . A t t he o t h e r end of the income s c a l e 10% of t he r e s p o n d e n t s o f K i t No r th have incomes l e s s t han $5 ,000 . T h i s compares w i t h on l y 3.6% of t he K i t South r e s p o n d e n t s . T h i s d i s c r e p a n c y i s a t t r i b u t a b l e t o the f a c t t h a t t h e p e r c e n t a g e o f peop le under 30 y e a r s i n K i t N o r t h - 73 -i s twice that of K i t South. The increas ing number of mu l t ip le d w e l l -ing un i t s found in Kit North, with some of the larger , older houses sub-div ided into su i t e s , and i t s proximity to the Un iver s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, make th i s area a p a r t i c u l a r l y a t t r a c t i v e one to students, and young marrieds. These are predominantly i nd i v idua l s who have not -yet s t a r t e d , or are in the ear ly years of the i r working l i f e , and whose incomes are predominantly lower. b) Age and Stage in L i f e Cycle As one would have been led to expect, the median age level was lower i n Kit North, f a l l i n g w i th in the 31-40 age group, as opposed to the 41-50 group for Kit South. Mention has already been madefof the segment of the populat ion made up of un i ve r s i t y students. However, i t s equal proximity to the downtown area, with good a c c e s s i b i l i t y , makes i t an a t t r a c t i v e l oca t ion for young marrieds. K i t s i l a n o has gained a f r i e n d l y , and sometime h i p , reputat ion during the last few years, and th i s serves to further a t t r ac t young people to the renta l accommodation ava i l ab le in the area. The c i t y zoning ordinance does not permit houses in the Kit South area to be d iv ided into su i t e s , unless they were sub d iv ided pr ior to 1956. Most of the homes, there fo re , remain intact as s ing le family u n i t s . Furthermore, only 10% of the populat ion sampled were rent ing the homes they were l i v i n g i n . This lack of rental accommodation ava i l ab le in the Kit South area, both in the form of complete houses or in the form of s u i t e s , immediately places a r e s t r i c t i o n on the populat ion composit ion. Th i s - I k -d i s t r i b u t i o n i s r e f l e c t e d i n t he below kO age g r o u p . Only 28% o f t he sample f e l l i n t h i s age b r a c k e t i n K i t S o u t h , compared t o 65% i n K i t N o r t h . The p a t t e r n o f age d i s t r i b u t i o n i s c l o s e l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t h a t o f the s t a ge o f f a m i l y l i f e c y c l e . K i t South i s c h a r a c t e r i s e d by a c h i l d o r i e n t a t e d s i n g l e f a m i l y d i s t r i c t . A lmos t 40% of the r e s p o n d -e n t s had c h i l d r e n l i v i n g at home; a f u r t h e r 29% may be rega rded as denuded f a m i l i e s , i n wh ich t h e c h i l d r e n have now grown up and l e f t home. T h i s c o n t r a s t s q u i t e s h a r p l y w i t h the f i g u r e s of 30% and 5% r e s p e c t -i v e l y f o r K i t N o r t h . One f a c t o r emerges q u i t e c l e a r l y f rom the d a t a on l i f e c y c l e , and not f rom t h e d a t a on the age o f h o u s e h o l d head . The p e r c e n t a g e o f young m a r r i e d s e i t h e r w i t h o u t c h i l d r e n , or whose c h i l d r e n a r e under f i v e y e a r s o l d , i s t w i c e as h i g h i n K i t Nor th as i t i s i n K i t S o u t h . T h i s r e f l e c t s the a v a i l a b i l i t y o f h o u s i n g f o r r e n t i n K i t N o r t h , f o r young 0 f a m i l i e s who do not have the money t o buy a house , or who w i sh t o p r e -s e r v e t h e i r m o b i l i t y . ( T a b l e s 6 and 7 show the Age o f Househo ld Head and the S tage i n the L i f e C y c l e o f t h e F a m i l y U n i t r e s p e c t i v e l y . ) 3. Summary T h i s c h a p t e r c o n t r a s t s t he p o p u l a t i o n c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f t he sample drawn from the s u b - a r e a s o f West K i t s i l a n o . W h i l s t the d e c i s i o n t o s tudy t h i s a r e a was a c o n s c i o u s c h o i c e o f a he te rogeneous r e s i d e n t i a l e n v i r o n , t he d i v e r s i t y o f the p e r s o n a l and h o u s i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s found i n the a r e a was a more d i s t i n c t i v e f e a t u r e than had been a n t i c i p a t e d . K i t South i s a more s t a b l e , homogeneous, s i n g l e f a m i l y a r e a . The r e s i d e n t s a re c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y o l d e r , have l i v e d i n t h e i r p r e s e n t house longer and have a h i g h e r income than the younger r e s i d e n t s o f t he - 75 -Table ,6'i. Age of Head of Household Unit (Percentage D i s t r i bu t i on ) Age of Head South K i t s i l ano North K i t s i l a n o 19-24 3.6 5.0 25-30 17.9 35.0 31-40 7.1 25.0 41-50 . 14.3 20.0 51-60 32.1 ; . 61-65 3.6 5.0 Over 65 17.9 10.0 No answer 3«6 * Tota l 100 100 Number of household uni ts 28 20 Table 7- Stage i n L i f e Cycle of Family Unit (Percentage D i s t r i b u t i o n ) Stage in L i f e Cycle of Family Unit South K i t s i lano North K i t s i lano Under 40; s i ng le ; no ch i l d ren 7.1 15.0 Under 40; marr ied; no ch i l d ren 14.3 25.0 Married; youngest c h i l d at home under 5 7.1 20.0 Marr ied; youngest c h i l d at home 5-1*+ 21.4 5.0 Marr ied; youngest c h i l d at home over 15 10.7 5*P Over 40; s i ng le ; no ch i l d ren * 5.0 Over 40; marr ied; no ch i l d ren 3.6 15.0 Over 40; marr ied; ch i l d ren l e f t home 28.6 5.0 Widowed 7.1 5.0 Tota l 100 100 Number of household uni ts 28 20 * No cases recorded in th i s c e l l . - 76 -less s t ab le , heterogeneous area of Kit North. An understanding of the personal c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the sample i s an es sent ia l part of the ana lys i s of the research f i nd ing s . Having i so la ted behaviour patterns and a t t i tudes of the respondents, these are re la ted to the i r personal c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s to assess the degree of correspondence. - 77 -CHAPTER VI RESEARCH FINDINGS The quest ionnaire format developed for th i s study was organised such that i t , at once, r e f l e c ted the hypotheses formulat ion and represen-ted the way i n which the data could be best organised in the ana l y s i s . Chapter IV documented the l ink between hypotheses formulat ion and ques t ion -naire des ign. This chapter examines the resu l t s of the quest ionnaire adminis-t r a t i o n . It contains two unequal par t s . The f i r s t part d i s t ingu i shes between the sub-areas of Kit South and Kjjt North on the basis of the populat ion d e s c r i p t o r s . The second, and larger par t , d i s t ingu i shes between the areas on the basis of the behavioural and a t t i t u d i n a l v a r i a b l e s , and as such p a r a l l e l s the working hypotheses. It deals with each in turn under the headings of: a) the extent of informal i n t e r a c t i o n in the area. b) the extent of formal i n te rac t i on in the area. c) ;ttie commitment res idents d i sp lay towards the area. d) the understanding res idents show at the C i ty Sca le . Each of these sect ions d e t a i l s the nature of the var iab les used to test the hypotheses and the reasons for the i r inclusion!, as a prelude to eva luat ing the q u a l i t a t i v e and quant i t a t i ve data gathered by the ques-t i o n n a i r e . As such, the information presented in t h i s chapter is both de sc r i p t i ve and i n t e r p r e t i v e . The eva luat ion of the data in terms of the working hypotheses is the product of three d i s t i n c t types of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . - 78 -i ) The use of b i va r i a te t ab le s . i i ) The use of mu l t ip le d iscr iminant ana ly s i s . i i i ) ) The use of q u a l i t a t i v e data to supplement the ' ha rd ' data ana l y s i s . The nature and a p p l i c a b i l i t y of these s t a t i s t i c a l techniques are reviewed in Appendix C. Appendix D l i s t s the var iab les used to tes t each of the working hypotheses. Part I. Kit£Sjbu|h and Kit North Dis t inguished on the Basis of the Personal Cha rac te r i s t i c s It was stated in Chapter V that the dec i s ion to study West K i t s i l a n o was a conscious choice of a heterogeneous soc ia l a rea. This heterogeneity, reviewed in that chapter, included income, stage in l i f e c y c l e , length of residence in the present dwel l ing and in Vancouver, and also the type of dwel l ing u n i t . The f i r s t evaluat ion of the data using mu l t ip le d i scr iminant ana ly s i s , presented in Part I, attempted to capture th i s heterogeneity, i s o l a t i n g the var iab les which best account for d i f fe rences in understand-ing and knowledge on the part of the res idents of K i t South and Kit North. The resu l t s discussed i n th i s part should be reviewed c r i t i c a l l y for sub-sequent ana lys i s was a l te red on the basis of these prel iminary f i nd ing s . 1. The Populat ion Descr iptors The ro le the populat ion descr ip tor s play in th i s study should be c l e a r l y understood. They are not intended to be used themselves to d i s t i ngu i sh between the areas. They are to be used as a backcloth against which the behavioural and a t t i t u d i n a l data can be compared. The f i r s t round of mul t ip le d iscr iminant analys is revealed that for those var iab les c l a s s i f i e d as populat ion de sc r i p to r s , the areas of Kit South and Kit North could be d i s t ingu i shed on the basis of the type of dwel l ing unit found in the area. The resu l t i s hardly s u r p r i s i n g ; Chapter V ind icated that whi l s t 96.4% of the Kit South sample l ived in s ing le family dwel l ing un i t s , only 55.0% of those in K i t North d i d . (See Table 4.) The resu l t s of t h i s d iscr iminant ana lys i s are recorded in Table 8 below. Table 8. Population Descr iptors as D iscr iminatory Var iab les a) Var iab les Included and FProb. to Remove, ( P robab i l i t y of Error)?. Step No. Var iab le FPROB. 1 DUTYPE 0.0012 b) Var iab les Not Included and FProbs. to Enter. LOFRES 0.5641 INCOME 0.7245 AGEHEAD 0.6182 R0WN 0.1735 LCSTAGE 0.8758 c) Goodness of C l a s s i f i c a t i o n in to Kit South and Kit North. Group Kit South Kit North Kit South 27 1 Kit North 11 9 75% of the Cases Correct ly C l a s s i f i e d . The va r i ab le dwel l ing type was, i n add i t i on , highly i n t e r c o r r e l a t e d with length of res idence, ownership pattern and the age of the head of the household. Th i s i s ind icated in the fo l lowing tab le which shows the chance of each va r i ab le to be included i n the d i s c r i m i n a t i o n , before and a f ter dwel l ing type was chosen as the best d i s c r im ina to r . - 80 -Table 9« The I n te r co r re l a t i on i j Between Dwell ing Type and Other Population Descr iptors  Var iab le FPROB Before FPROB A f te r INCOME LCSTAGE AGEHEAD LOFRES DUTYPE ROWN 0.0787* 0.0012 0.0021* 0.4276 0.1066 0.0825* 0.1735 0.7245 0.8758 0.6182 0.5461 Var iab les whose FProb is less than 0.1 and are therefore e l e g i b l e for i n c l u s i o n . Four of the populat ion de s c r i p to r s , there fore , play an import-ant ro le i n d i s t i ngu i sh ing between Kit South and Kit North. This d i f f e r -en t i a t i on i s , however, captured by the s ing le factor of dwel l ing type. have been grouped together in th i s sect ion rather than discussed i n d i v i d -u a l l y . This r e f l e c t s the sceptism of the author as to the value of the resu l t s of the i n i t i a l analys i s for the purposes of th i s study. The d i sc r iminat ions which were produced for the extent of i n fo r mal and formal i n t e r a c t i o n , for the understanding of , and i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i th , the area, and the understanding at the c i t y scale were inconc lus ive both from the point of view of the nature of s p e c i f i c var iab les i s o l a t e d , and the number i d e n t i f i e d . 1. The strength of informal and formal i n te rac t i on in the area, the under derstanding of and i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with the area by the respondents, and the understanding at the c i t y s ca l e . 2. The Behavioural and A t t i t u d i n a l C l a s s i f i c a t i o n s of Var iab les The four behavioural and a t t i t u d i n a l c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s of var iab l Table 10 shows the re su l t s obtained for the strength of i n f o r -mal i n t e r a c t i o n in the area. The only var iab le entered was 'Gas 1 . This was a measure of whether respondents usua l ly bought gas in the area or outs ide. However, what was r e a l l y ind icated is that fewer people owned; cars in Kit North than in Kit South. This i s ind icated i n Table 11, and accounts for the r e c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of cases shown in Table 10c. Table 10. Strength of Informal In teract ion in the Area as D i scr iminatory Var iab les a) Var iab les Included and the FProb. to Remove, ;(Probabi 1 i ty of E r r o r ) . Step No. Var iab le FPROB. 1 GAS 0.0584 b) Var iab les Not Included and FProb. to Enter. NBOURS 0.5257 KID 0.5075 DENTS 0.9445 VISITS 0.4924 GR0CS 0.8894 WALKS 0.1594 OUTING 0.5768 DOeS 0.9030 SHOPS 0.2913 LOCALE 0.4058 c) Goodness of C l a s s i f i c a t i o n i n to Kit South and Kit North. Group Kit South Kit North Kit South 26 , 2 Kit North 15 5 64.5% of Cases Correct ly C l a s s i f i e d . - 82 -Table 11. Car Ownership (Percentage d i s t r i b u t i o n s ) Number of cars owned Kit South Kit North by unit No cars owne@ 7'1 25.0 1 car owned 71.4 kO.O 2 cars owned 21.k 25.0 3 or more cars owned per unit '""*' 10.0 . Tota l 100 100 Number of household un i t s 28 20 No cases recorded in th i s c e l l . The var iab les which were intended to ind ica te the degree of involvement in formal organisat ions produced three factors which d i s -criminated between the areas. These comprised a des i re to improve f a c i l i t i e s for senior c i t i z e n s , involvement in cha r i t y work and the knowledge respondents show of other organisations besides the ones which were l i s t e d in the quest ionna i re. (Results of th i s d i scr iminant ana lys i s are l i s t e d in Table 12.) - 83 -Table 12. Degree of Involvement in Formal Organisations as D iscr iminatory Var iab les a) Var iab les Included and FProb. to Remove (P robab i l i t y of E r r o r ) . Step No. Var iab le FPROB. 1 SCIT 0.0047 2 OTHER 0.0231 3 CHARITY 0.0878 b) Var iab les Not Included and FProbs. to Enter . KN0RG 0.2820 PROF 0.7285 COMMD 0.2009 PTA 0.4768 RESASS 0.8901 ADEDUC 0.1428 CHURCH 0.5607 INOW 0.5^ 72 INFO 0.4123 CCENTRE 0.1236 DESI 0.2337 DRUG 0.1559 RATEP 0.0518 HOUSED 0.6659 REGCAR 0.1559 P0LIT 1.0361 DCARE 0.9130 DROPIN 0.8944 T.U . 0.0553 LOCALP 0.8987 CHARAC 0.3356 ACTIVE ffo70j15 c) Goodness of C l a s s i f i c a t i o n i n to Kit South and Kit North. Group Ki t South Kit North Kit South 25 3 Kit North 10 16 72.92% of Cases Correct ly C l a s s i f i e d . - 8k -The extent of involvement in formal organ isat ions, measured for both areas, was d i s t ingu i shed by the respondents in K i t South being members of more c i t y wide organisat ions, such as a yacht c lub , a bowling c lub , or the Vancouver Symphony Soc ie ty . Table 13 l i s t s the range of responses to th i s quest ion. Table 13* Other Organisations Named of which Respondents were Members Organisat ion Kit South Kit North Bowling Club 2 Yacht Club 3 A t h l e t i c Union 1 1 S.P.E.C. 1 Fra te rn i t y or Lodge 3 1 Vancouver Symphony Society 2 1 Choir Group 1 P h i l a t e l i c Society 1 Number of Respondents 12 3 Tota l Sampled 28 20 It was f e l t , however, that p a r t i c i p a t i o n in such a c t i v i t i e s was a r e f l e c t i o n of the length of residence of the respondent in Vancouver, and as a resu l t newcomers ( renters perhaps) would neither be f am i l i a r w i th , nor belong t o , such organ i sat ions . The analys i s of the var iab les designed to gauge the understand-ing of, and i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i th , the area ra ised s im i l a r doubts in the mind of the author as to what they could be a t t r i b u t e d . 5 of the 7 v a r i -ables which were most l i k e l y to d i sc r iminate between the areas (with an FProb of less than 0.1) were those aspects of the area considered most important to the respondent before moving to the area. This can be seen - 85 -in the fo l lowing tab le which l i s t s a l l the var iab les to inc lude in the d iscr iminant analys i s and the i r p r o b a b i l i t i e s of error i f included i n the ana l y s i s . Table 14. A t t r a c t i v e Features of the Area Pr ior to Moving > Var iab le S ize of House Access to Work Closeness to Shops Recreational Opportunit ies in the area FPROB. To Include 0.0550 0.0415 0.0385 0.0616 Var i ab le School F a c i l i t i e s in Area Close to Friends House Pr ice FPROB. To Include 0.0159 0.0251 0.2102 However, a l l th i s v a r i a b i l i t y was captured by the importance attached to the s ing le va r i ab le of (school f a c i l i t i e s . On c loser inspect ion i t was found that these factors had been entered as d i s c r im ina t ing var i ab les because a higher percentage of the sample drawn from Kit North had moved to the area wi th in the last 10 years than had done to Kit South.) (80%-com-pared to 53.6%.) Table 15, f o l l ow ing , shows the re su l t s obtained for the d i s -criminant analys i s for the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of var iab les designed to gauge the depth of understanding res idents had of t h e i r respect ive areas. - 86 -Table 15» Understanding of, and I d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i th , the Environ as D iscr iminatory Var iab les a) Var iables Included and FProb. to Remove /(Probability of E r r o r ) . Step No. Var iab le FPROB. 1 PARSH 0.0079 2 SCHOOL 0.0075 3 AUTRE 0.0914 4 CONSUL 0.0762 5 WPAPER 0.0867 b) Var iab les Not Included and FProbs. to Enter. SIZE 0.2129 ANOTHE 0.4261 NEARW 0.8537 ACCESS 0.4236 FEELIN 0.9259 HLARGE 0.9156 CLOSE O.6987 CHANGE 0.9223 RPLUS 0.8801 R0PS 0.2294 NTIM 0.9139 ED PLUS 0.5571 FRNDS 0.4150 WALD 0.7860 NRBUDS 0.7966 PRICE 0.2716 WANY 0.5209 PHYSAT 0.8376 NAME 0.4981 SNORG 0.2861 PLUS 0.2616 HAPPEA 0.4712 SALD 0.2853 ELECT 0.1341 BUDS 0.8204 SPLAN 0.5*+04 VOTE 0.3^95 GUN IT 0.4873 SANY 0.8214 NOALD 0.7904 SUNIT 0.7411 MOVE 0.8209 WARD 0.5247 IMPOSS 0.3459 CONSID 0.8854 AREAPS 0.8540 DAREA 0.9381 HEARGS 0.7215 c) Goodness of C l a s s i f i c a t i o n into Kit South and Kit North Group Kit South Kit North K i t South 21 7 Ki t North 5 15 75% of the cases were co r rec t l y c l a s s i f i e d . - 87 -3. Summary. Part I of t h i s chapter has reviewed the number and nature of the var iab les entered in the d iscr iminant analyses for a l l the v a r i a b l e s . These two f a c t s , i n add i t ion to the high percentage of cases which had to be r e c l a s s i f i e d , led the author to be very c r i t i c a l of the re su l t s obtained. It i s suggested that, the d i sc r iminat ions which were obtained were a r e f l e c t i o n of the d i f fe rences inherent in the populat ion d e s c r i p -t o r s . The more stable and homogeneous K i t South, and the more hetero -geneous K i t North were not being d i s t ingu i shed on the basis of behavioural or a t t i t u d i n a l f a c t o r s . They were, in s tead , being d i f f e r e n t i a t e d on the basis of a t t r i bu te s associated with a pa r t i cu l a r dwel l ing form. It i s c r i t i c a l from the point of view of th i s work to be able to state whether the d i f f e rence i n understanding, and in the behaviour pat terns , found between the two areas could be a t t r ibuted to fee l ings invoked by a pa r t i cu l a r area, rather than a pa r t i cu l a r dwel l ing form. This high level of uncerta inty led to the dec i s i on to standard-i se for dwel l ing type in subsequent d iscr iminant analyses. The re su l t s are documented in Part II of t h i s chapter. - 88 -Part II. Kit South and Kit North Dis t inguished on the Basis of Behavioural and A t t i t u d i n a l Cha rac te r i s t i c s Part II of the research f ind ings documents the resu l t s of the mul t ip le d iscr iminant ana ly s i s , having standardised for dwel l ing type. Table 8c ind icated the goodness of c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of the cases i n to K i t South and Kit North on the basis of dwell ing type. This r e c l a s s i f i c a t i o n was based on whether they were s ing le family dwel l ing un i t s on the one hand, or mul t ip le family dwel l ing un i t s on the other. Out of the 28 respondents in Kit South, 27 were l i v i n g in s ing le family dwel l ing u n i t s , whi l s t only 11 out of the 20 respondents in Kit North were. These 38 respondents const i tuted the sample s i ze for the second round of d i scr iminant ana l y s i s . This l e f t 10 respondents out of the o r i g ina l 48, who were l i v i n g in assorted types of mu l t ip le family dwel l ing u n i t s . Th i s was too small a number on which to perform a d i scr iminant ana ly s i s . Part II of th i s chapter is d i v ided in to f i v e parts which c o r r e s -pond to the ana l y t i ca l organisat ion of the data i l l u s t r a t e d i n Figure 3« 1. The Populat ion Descr iptors The dec i s ion to standardise for dwel l ing type served the pur-poses of th i s study w e l l . It meant that there was was no d i s c r im ina t ing va r i ab le amongst the populat ion descr ip tor s for the two areas. Table 16 shows the re su l t s of th i s d iscr iminant ana ly s i s . - 89 -Table 16. Population Descr iptors as D iscr iminatory Var i ab le s , having Standardised for Dwell ing Type a) Var iab les included and the FProb to remove. (P robab i l i t y of e r ro r ) None. b) Var iab les not included and the FProb to enter . LOFRES 0.7536 INCOME 0.5394 AGEHEAD O.8096 ROWN 0.1019 LCSTAGE 0.7248 Any d i f f e rence which was now estab l i shed could be a t t r ibu ted to behavioural and a t t i t u d i n a l d i f fe rences between the areas, and did not merely r e f l e c t d i f fe rences associated with the socio-economic charac ter -i s t i c s of the populations of the two areas. 2. The Strength of Informal In teract ion The var iab les included in th i s sect ion may be d iv ided in two. F i r s t l y there are those which contr ibute toward an index of s o c i a b i l i t y . The number of people considered as neighbours, the frequency of soc ia l v i s i t s and the ro le of ch i l d ren in the formation of family f r iendsh ips are aspects of th i s index which were obtained through the quest ionna i re . The other aspect of informal i n t e r a c t i o n for which information was obtained was the d i s t r i b u t i o n of weekly a c t i v i t y patterns. It w i l l be reca l l ed that in Chapter IV.5 i t was suggested that as i n t e r a c t i o n amongst households increases , the environ f l our i shes as a soc ia l system. To speak of a soc ia l system in terms of f r iendsh ip re la t ions a lone, i s to speak of a rather f l imsy soc ia l system. The questions on a c t i v i t y patterns were included s p e c i f i c a l l y to extend th i s soc ia l system beyond the degree of s o c i a b i l i t y to the extent to which the r e s i d e n t i a l environ - 90 -met the demands of the respondents' weekly a c t i v i t y patterns. The resu l t s of the mul t ip le d iscr iminant analys is (shown in Table 17) ind icates that two var iab les were se lected as best d i s t i n g u i s h -ing between the areas; one contr ibut ing toward the index of s o c i a b i l i t y , the other being an aspect of the d i s t r i b u t i o n of a c t i v i t y patterns. Table 17* Strength of Informal In terat ion in the Area as D i scr iminatory Var i ab le s , having Standardised for Dwelling Type a) Var iab les Included and FProb. to Remove (P robab i l i t y of E r r o r ) . Step No. Var iab le FPROB. 1 . GAS 0.0185 2 NBOURS 0.0712 ' b) Var iab les Not Included and FProb to Enter. (P robab i l i t y of E r r o r ) . VISITS 0.7902 ,, LOCALE 0.8844 GR0CS 0.3171 DENTS 0.3485 OUTINGS 0.8809 KID 0.7032 DOCS 0.4508 WALKS 0.7979 SHOPS 0.6493 c) Goodness of C l a s s i f i c a t i o n into Kit South and Kit North, having Standardised for Dwell ing Type. Group Kit South Kit North Kit South 19 8 Kit North;1- 3 8 71.05% of cases were c o r r e c t l y c l a s s i f i e d . The number of people considered neighbours by the respondents of Kit South and Ki t North was entered as a d i s c r im ina t ing v a r i a b l e . This r e f l e c t e d the fact that the respondents in Kit North cons i s tent l y named more people as the i r neighbours. Neighbours had been def ined as people with whom they would exchange favours ^br^wouId c a l l on in an emergency. - 91 -This might appear to contrad ict the fact es tab l i shed in Chapter VI, that the more stable Kit South had remained the s ing le family r e s i d e n t i a l area, and not Kit North. However, the existence of K i t South as a s ing le family area must not be confused with i t as an area inhabited by a more f a m i l i s t i c populat ion, for i t i s not. The ana lys i s of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the population presented in Chapter V ind icated that Kit South was inhabited by ind iv idua l s and denuded f a m i l i e s , in the l a ter stages of the i r l i f e c y c l e . Many of the more seasoned res idents of K i t South mentioned the large numbers of f ami l ie s with ch i l d ren who inhabited the area prev ious ly . However, s ince that time these i n d i v i d u a l s , who had performed ro les of both f r iends and neighbours, had moved to other parts of Vancouver as t h e i r ch i l d ren l e f t home, or had d i e d . These facts suggest why respondents in Kit South quoted fewer people as t h e i r neighbours despite the longer average length of res idence than that found amongst the inhabitants of Kit North. The other var iab les which comprised the index of s o c i a b i l i t y showed l i t t l e v a r i a t i o n between the areas of Kit South and Kit North. The respondents throughout West K i t s i l a n o v i s i t e d s o c i a l l y in f r i e n d s ' homes every two weeks on average, and only went with a f r iend to a soc iety or meeting once or twice a year. In neither area did ch i l d ren appear to play a s i g n i f i c a n t ro le in determining with whom they had made f r i e n d s . The other va r i ab le which the mul t ip le d i scr iminant ana lys i s had i so l a ted was 'GAS' - which was used to ind ica te where the respond-ents usua l ly buy gas. This var iab le has already been discussed i n Part I of th i s chapter, It does not, in f a c t , r e f l e c t a conscious d i f f e rence - 92 -in the a c t i v i t y patterns of the respondents of the two areas. It m i r ro r s , i n s tead , the higher percentage of car ownership found in Kit South. (See Table 11.) The d i s t r i b u t i o n of responses for the other a c t i v i t y patterns i s recorded in Table 18. The pattern which emerges ind ica tes a more ' l o c a l ' o r i en ta t i on on the part of the respondents from Kit South, which i s not r e f l e c t e d in the degree of s o c i a b i l i t y recorded for that area. More people in Kit North attend doctors and dent i s t s outside the i r r e s i den -t i a l env i ron, and more conduct both the i r weekly shopping, and the i r s p e c i a l i s t shopping in other parts of the c i t y . It may be suggested that th i s ind icates the more cosmopolitan nature of the respondents from Kit North. Th i s typology is used in subsequent analyses. Condus i on , • • Informal i n te rac t i on in the re s i den t i a l environ has been expressed in two d i f f e r e n t ways. F i r s t l y , through the degree of s o c i a b i l i t y which character i ses the area, and secondly, through an examination of se lected a c t i v i t y pat terns . It i s not suggested that t h i s cons t i tu tes a soc i a l system, nor is i t suggested that such a system ex i s t s w i th in a r e s i d e n t i a l env i ron. In Chapter III.5 i t was stated that : informal i n te r ac t i on in the environ i s stronger in the area exh ib i t i n g greater re s iden t i a l s t a b i l i t y . Kit South i s the more stable area, in terms of the length of residence of the present occup ier , and in the frequency of zoning changes. Kit South, however, does not exh ib i t more informal i n te r ac t i on i f th i s i s judged on the basis of the degree of s o c i a b i l i t y . The frequency of v i s i t s was com-parable between the two sub-areas, but more people were considered to be - ys -JZ 4 J !_ O z 4-> "r— HI T> c 4 J I O O O 4-> tf) • r— <u HI •f— o !_ c o <u u- cr tf) OJ c i_ l_ 14-0) +-> <U +•» O) (0 ID Q. + J tz >-. <U 4 J o • i— L. > <D •r— Q. +-> O ~o Ct V <+- Ul O c T 3 o < •r— 4-> X) •f— L. + J tf) •r— o , (0 01 < JZ \-CO <u (0 o JZ + J o oo Elsewhere in the C i ty Just Outside the Area & Elsewhere in the Ci ty Just Outside the Area Within the Area and Elsewhere i n the Ci ty Within the Area and Just Outside Within the Area Elsewhere in the C i ty Just Outside the Area & Elsewhere in the Ci ty Just Outside the Area Within the Area and Elsewhere in the C i ty Within the Area and Just Outside L A L A L A O A rx CM O A O * • -5c o CO LA CM O LA — CM — CM rx. L A r-~ — - 3 " O A o o L A L A O O # * # * LA O LA •— LA o CM - 3 - O O A O o L A O A O L A CM CM r-. M 3 • O A MD OA O o r— CO O o CA • • • • • • L A O A O A L A L A CO CM CM rx fx. CM CO vO vO ON O A O A O A ("•--4" 00 O A L A vO • • • L A CM i— O A O A CM J" -4* • — • . O A CM O A rx. <— — . . . o fx rx. Within the Area -a- CM • CO • M 3 • rx . • rx . i— ON o L A rx o CM O A CO CO i/> cn <u c c </) ' r— o •1— c L . •r— CL i_ <D tf) + J a. in V O tf) +•> <U a -O +-> O c/> +J JZ C +-> • L> o • (•" 0 0 0 0 <D CO o +J 4-> • r— u c (/) + J L> 1_ o <u ro tf) tf) L L . O o o CD M— •— .— JZ "r— 0) (1) (U ro ro •w > CD x: .c •r— ' r-• r— C 4-> +-> + J o 3 •M • r— i_ <u U CL -t-> 4-> o o Q. + J < uu *r-V) •r— 10 4-> «+- O O (0 JZ • r— O o o 0 0 > > L 3 o o > o in • r-•o a> x> u o u a L . </) <u tf) (D O - 94 -neighbours in the less stable Kit North. This was attributed to the stage in the l i f e cycle of the residents. In terms of the city wide distribution of activity patterns, however, the residents of Kit South do have a more local orientation stressing the self-suff iciency of the area for their l i f e style demands. The residents of the less stable, more heterogeneous Kit North claimed a more city wide activity pattern, which has been described in terms of the more cosmopolitan nature of the population of that sub-area. 3. The Extent of Forma! Interaction in the Area.^ During the formulation of the hypothesis concerning the extent of formal interaction in a res identia l environ, i t was suggested that I land is increasingly seen as a transferable property, and that this has often had the effect of diminishing the social value of places. How-ever, it was also contended that the residential environ remains a potential interaction space for those who do not leave i t during the day, and for everyone in the increasing amount of leisure time available. On the basis of this, the questions which have been c lass i f ied as producing formal interaction variables were designed to e l i c i t two types of information. F i r s t l y , there were those whose object was to gauge the respondent's knowledge of, and depth of participation in , specif ic organisations - which were named for him. In the second place, there were those questions which probed the respondent's feelings about 1. Formal organisations were defined in Chapter III.5 as: formally. organised groups whose membership is by choice or individual vo l i t ion . - 95 -the range of subjects in which a local voluntary organisat ion could become invo lved. The mul t ip le d iscr iminant ana lys i s which was performed for th i s c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of var iab les i s o l a ted three var iab les which best d i s t i n gu i sh between the areas of K i t South and Kit North. The re su l t s are recorded i n Table 19-One of these var iab les is a measure of the knowledge the respondents showed of formal organisat ions (KNORG); the other two (SCIT and REGCAR) are ind ica tor s of poss ib le areas of involvement for a local voluntary organ i sat ion. The knowledge and depth of involvement in formal organisat ions are dealt with f i r s t in th i s s e c t i on . Table 19- Extent of Formal In teract ion in the Area as D i scr iminatory Var iab les a) Var iab les Included and FProb to Remove (P robab i l i t y of Error ) Step No. Var iab le FPROB. 1 2 3 SCIT KNORG REGCAR 0.0138 0.0087 0.0949 b) Var iab les Not Included and FProb to Enter. PTA 0.4116 RESASS 0.2644 ADEDUC 0.1239 CHURCH 0.5645 OTHER 0.3247 INFO 0.3828 CCENTRE 0.4651 INOW 0.6992 DRUG 0.1318 RATEP 0.8095 DESI 0.8098 DR0PIN 0.2015 POLIT 0.3419 HOUSD 0.4065 CHARAC 0.8580 TUA 0.3698 DCARE 0.1460 ACTIVE 0.7180 PROF 0.2904 LOCALP 0.9395 CHARITY 0.3991 COMMD 0.2591 c) Goodness of C l a s s i f i c a t i o n i n to Kit South and Kit North, having Standardised for Dwell ing Un i t . Group Kit South Kit North K i t South Kit North 26 6 81.58% of cases were c l a s s i f i e d c o r r e c t l y . - 96 -The knowledge respondents have of formal organisat ions (KNORG), c l e a r l y d i s t ingu i shed the areas. Table 20 ind icates that inhabi tants of Kit South could name, on average, at least one organ i sat ion, whereas those in K i t North had d i f f i c u l t y in naming any. Table 20. Number of Formal Organisations named by Respondents of Kit South and Ki t North (Percentage D i s t r i bu t i on ) Number of Formal Organisations Kit South K i t North 0 28.6 65.O 1 28.6 5.0 2 21.4 25.0 3 17.9 5.0 k or more 3«6 * Total 100 100 No. of Households 28 20 * No entry in th i s c e l l . The most frequent ly quoted organisations amongst the inhabitants of K i t North were the Ratepayers As soc ia t ion and the Community Centre a c t i v i t y groups, both of which were mentioned by 15% of the respondents. This contrasts with 28.8% of the respondents in Kit South who mentioned the Ratepayers and 18.0% who mentioned Community Centre a c t i v i t y groups. It i s i n te re s t i n g to note, however, that these f igures do not r e f l e c t the extent of p a r t i c i p a t i o n in these organisat ions. (See Table 21.) Th i s fact has led the author to suggest that the knowledge inhabitants demonstrate of local organisat ions i s not so much a funct ion of a des i re to maintain the ex i s t i ng re s i den t i a l environ in i t s s tab le form, but is a product of past s t a b i l i t y , and is therefore c l o se l y a s soc i a -ted with the length of residence in the area of the respondent. - 97 -Table 21 records the household involvement in clubs and community organisat ions. The en t i re area of West K i t s i l a n o i s charac-te r i sed by low assoc ia t iona l membership, with two notable except ions. The f i r s t of these i s that 30% of the respondents of Kit North were recorded as p a r t i c i p a t i n g in community centre programs. Th i s can be explained by matching stage in l i f e cyc le of the inhabitants of Kit North, which was character i sed by s ing les or young marrieds, to the hand i c ra f t , yoga and cookery courses of fered at the community centres . Table 21. Household Involvement in d u b s and Organisations (Percentage D i s t r i bu t i on ) Organi sat i on K i t South Kit North Parent/Teacher As soc ia t ion 10.7 5.0 Church Group 21.4 20.0 Community Centre A c t i v i t i e s Group 21.4 30.0 Ratepayers As soc ia t ion 7.1 5.0 P o l i t i c a l Organisat ion 14.3 Trade Union 35.7 20.0 Profess ional Organisat ion 32.1 25.0 Char i ty Organisat ion 7.1 5.0 Residents As soc ia t ion 3.6 5.0 Other. (See Table 13-) 46.4 20.0 * No entry in th i s c e l l . The second exception i s the high percentage of respondents from Kit South who stated they were members of organ isat ions, other than the ones l i s t e d in the quest ionna i re . This t o t a l l e d 46.4% of the respondents of K i t South compared to only 20.0% for Kit North. This fact was discussed in Part I of th i s chapter (Table 13), at which time i t was concluded i t r e f l e c t e d the stage in l i f e cyc le and the length of residence in Vancouver, of the respondents. - 98 -The low as soc ia t ion membership i s p a r t i c u l a r l y marked in the case of local res idents organisat ions. Only 7«1% of the respondents of Kit South were members of the Ratepayers A s soc i a t i on , and only one respondent was a member of the local res idents a s soc i a t i on , ' K i t s i l a n o Area Resources C o u n c i l ' , (K.A.R.C.) . The f igures for Kit North were 5% and 1 member re spec t i ve l y . Not only were the people in the sample not members of K.A.R.C., but they were unaware of i t s ex i s tence. It would appear that i n i t s e f f o r t s to tack le problems in the area such as the zoning of Eastern K i t s i l a n o and senior c i t i z e n s f a c i l i t i e s , i t i s neglect ing other ro les associated with encouraging more of the res idents in K i t s i l a n o to j o i n the ex i s t i ng 80 - 100 members. Only 3 people from a l l of the West K i t s i l a n o sample had heard of K i t s i l a n o Inter-Neighbourhood Development (K.I.N.D.), and no one had used i t s f a c i l i t i e s . Th i s was a project cons i s t ing of eight people, running during the spring in which th i s study was undertaken, funded by the Federal Government under the Local I n i t i a t i v e s Programme, to be of general ass i s tance to the people in the K i t s i l a n o area. The adver t i s ing l e a f l e t s , i nd i ca t ing the ant ic ipated scope of these two organisat ions are shown in Figures 'k and f j . The other two var iab les produced by the mul t ip le d i scr iminant analys is (see Table 19) d i s t ingu i shed between the a t t i tudes of the resir-dents of Kit South and Kit North, on the basis of poss ib le areas of involvement for a local voluntary organ i sa t ion. The f i r s t of these var iab les was a des i re to improve housing and t ranspor ta t ion f a c i l i t i e s for senior c i t i z e n s . The la ter stage of - 101 -l i f e cyc le which character i ses the respondents of Kit South leant weight to the fact that they f e l t more strongly about the need to provide im-proved f a c i l i t i e s . However, none of the respondents mentioned, or know of , the work presently being undertaken by K i t s i l a n o Area Resources Council for senior c i t i z e n s in K i t s i l a n o , in which res idents themselves are p lay ing a v i t a l ro le in the locat ion and design of a new senior c i t i z e n home to be b u i l t in the area. The other var iab le which d i s t ingu i shed between the areas with respect to poss ib le areas of involvement for a loca l organisat ion was the need to regulate motor t r a f f i c in the area. Once again i t was the respondents of Kit South who f e l t the stronger need. Only t en ta t i ve suggestions may be made as to what prompts th i s d i f f e r e n c e . Two p o s s i -b i l i t i e s are suggested. In the f i r s t p lace, Kit South is a qu ieter area in which the s t reets are s t i l l l ined with trees rather than car s . As a resu l t of t h i s , the in t rus ion of the automobile in to the area i s more not i ceab le . The second reason involves pedestr ians. Concern was ex-pressed for the older res idents and the school ch i l d ren about the lack of cross ing f a c i l i t i e s along the two main s t reets which border the north and south of South K i t s i l a n o . The problem had been p a r t i c u l a r l y acute on 16th Avenue, where the res idents had success fu l l y pet i t i oned for a cont ro l l ed cross ing to the schools and the bus terminus. Table 22 summarises the d i s t r i b u t i o n of responses to the poss-i b l e areas of involvement for a local voluntary a s soc i a t i on . Apart from the two var iab les i so la ted in the d iscr iminant ana lys i s descr ibed above, the responses are qui te uniform between the areas. - 102 -Table 22. Poss ib le Areas of Involvement for a Local Voluntary Organisat ion (Percentage D i s t r i bu t i on ) Kit South Kit North Role of Organisat ion Agree Neutral D i sagree Agree Neutral Disagree Control Housing \ Development 64.3 21.4 14.3 65.O 10.0 25.0 Day Care and Baby S i t t i n g 50.0 42.9 7.1 57.9 31.6 10.5 Nei ghbourhood PIanni ng 67.9? 28.6 3.6 60.0 20.0 20.0 Improve Housing and Transportat ion for Senior C i t i zens 85.7 10.7 3.6 50.0 25.0 25.0 Control Commercial Deve1opment 60.7 32.1 7.1 70.0 10.0 20.0 Run Recreat ion/ Education Programs for Adults 50.0 42.9 7.1 50.0 10.0 40.0 Information Centre 59.3 37.0 3.7 55.0 35.0 10.0 Perform Drug and Alcohol Education 25.9 40.7 33.3 45.0 20.0 25.0 Regulate Motor T r a f f i c 59.3 37.0 3-7 50.0 25.0 25.0 Run Youth Drop- in Centres 29.6 25.9 50.0 25.0 25.0 Any ;program which preserves the present character of the area 66.7 25.9 7.4 60.0 20.0 20.0 - 103 -Whilst people general ly agreed that a local involvement in these a c t i v i t i e s would ensure a more orderly development of the area, of the respondents in Kit South and 65.0% of the respondents in Kit North stated that they would not want to play an act ive r o l e . Th i s echoes the ant i -o rgan i sa t iona l f ee l i n g ind icated by many respondents during the course of the interviews and re f l e c ted i n the degree of involvement in formal organ isat ions . Conclusi on In the formulat ion of the hypothesis perta in ing to the extent of formal i n t e r a c t i o n , i t was suggested that the existence of a homogen-e i ty (or lack of i t ) with respect to ce r t a in i s sues , could be used as one measure of understanding of an env i ron ' s funct ion ing . In the case of West K i t s i l a n o , we are deal ing with an absence of homogeneity. Mem-bership of formal organisat ions r e f l e c t s ind iv idua l i n te res t groups rather than a geographical i n teres t group whose concern is the dest iny of the i r env i ron. West K i t s i l ano i s c e r t a i n l y not an example of what Greer c a l l e d the 'As soc ia t iona l S o c i e t y ' . The res idents of the area do not see any need to be organised to express t h e i r sentiment as to the future of t h e i r environ to the larger soc iety and power groups. If areas of concern d id emerge, the opinion was expressed that act ion would be taken to inform res idents and let them decide what ac t ion would be most appropr iate. But to perform those a c t i v i t i e s l i s t e d in the quest ionna i re , a l l the t ime, could lead to a dup l i c a t i on of an ex i s t i ng p rov i s i on . In the case of West K i t s i l a n o , formal i n t e r a c t i o n is more exten-s ive in the area exh ib i t i n g greater s t a b i l i t y , namely Kit South. This - 104 -does not r e f l e c t a f ee l i n g that the existence of the area in i t s present form i s threatened; i t more accurate ly r e f l e c t s the greater length of residence in the present house, and the la ter stage of l i f e c y c l e , of the respondents in Kit South. 4. The Understanding of, and I d e n t i f i c a t i o n wi th , the Res ident ia l Env iron. The imageabi l i ty of an area is usua l ly def ined in terms of the physical environment. However, i n the context of th i s research th i s notion i s extended to include both soc ia l and physical understanding, and th i s is subsequently l inked with a sense of commitment to the area on behalf of the res ident s . The type and range of questions included in the quest ionnaire r e f l e c t s th i s breadth of scope. They are cons id -ered here i n two categor ies . i ) The physical and soc ia l images the respondents have of the i r env i ron. i i ) The qua l i t y of the area as a place to l i v e . In the quest ionnaire there had been a t h i r d group of questions designed to compare the mental congruence of the inhabitants p r io r to moving to the area, with t h e i r exper ien t i a l congruence once they were l i v i n g in the area. This part of the data c o l l e c t i o n , however, suf fered from severe incons i s tenc ies of record ing, which would have led to mis-leading r e s u l t s . It was, there fo re , omitted from the ana l y s i s . The mul t ip le d iscr iminant analys is for these two groups of var iab les was a good one. It i so l a ted f i v e d i s c r im ina t ing v a r i a b l e s , two from g roup . ( i ) , and three from group ( i i ) . In add i t i on , i t stated that 86.4% of the var iab les were c o r r e c t l y c l a s s i f i e d . This v e r i f i e s the goodness of the a p r i o r i c l a s s i f i c a t i o n estab l i shed of Kit South - 105 -and Kit North. The d iscr iminant analys is re su l t s are presented i n Table 23. The f i v e var iab les i so l a ted are discussed below in the i r question context. i ) The Physical and Socia l Images the Respondents have of t h e i r Env i ron. The quest ionnaire opened by asking the respondents in which part of town they considered they were l i v i n g . Th i s was followed by asking them to draw the boundaries of th i s area on the map provided, adding any soc ia l or physical features they considered important. This group of questions concluded by asking which s p e c i f i c factors were he lp -fu l in marking the boundaries of the area. 65% of the respondents i n Kit South and Kit North stated that they were l i v i n g in K i t s i l a n o . The names chosen by the remainder of the respondents in the two areas r e f l e c ted contrast ing geographical or emotional a f f i n i t i e s . Of the other res idents sampled in K i t South, a l l but 4% said they were l i v i n g in West, Upper or South K i t s i l a n o , thereby d i s t i ngu i sh ing the i r area from 'hippy hol low 1 nearer to the water f ront . The d i s t r i b u t i o n s of responses are recorded in Table 2k. The general consensus of opinion ind icated that the area in which the respondents from each of the sub areas was l i v i n g was K i t s i l a n o . However, the naming of the area in th i s manner obscured c o n s i d e r a b l e , v a r i a t i o n in what these respondents perceived as cons t i t u t i ng K i t s i l a n o . Maps 6 to 9 show examples from Kit South and Kit North to the cogn i t i ve mapping quest ion. - 106 -Table 23. i ) Understanding of, and I d e n t i f i c a t i o n wi th , Res ident ia l Environ as D iscr iminatory Va r i ab le , having standardised for dwel1i ng type. i i ) Understanding at the City Scale as Descriminatory Va r i ab l e , having standardised for dwel l ing t y p e . * * a) Var iab les Included and FProb to Enter (P robab i l i t y of Error) Step No. Var iab le FPROB. 1 PARSH 0.0004 2 WPAPER 0.0048 3 AUTRE 0.0005 4 CONSUL** 0.0111 5 ANOTHER 0.0040 6 FEELIN 0.0161 b) Var iab les Not Included and FProb to Enter SIZE 0.9276 IMP0SS 0.5866 NEARW 0.6562 ACCESS 6.8932 CHANGE 0.6342 HLARGE 0.7685 CLOSE O.8383 NTIM 0.8007 RPLUS 0.6480 R0PS 0.9156 WALD 0.6860 ED PLUS 0.7243 SCHOOL 0.6826 WANY 0.2470 NRBUDS 0.6949 FRNDS 0.8198 SN0RG 0.2571 PHYSAT 0.7613 PRICE 0.8629 •SAID 0.2843 PLUS 0.8237 NAME 0.3264 SPLAN 0.2955 ELECT 0.3361 HAPPEA 0.9138 SANY 0.7088 VOTE 0.8485 BUDS 0.6509 MOVE 0.7376 NOALD 0.7592 GUNIT 0.7579 CONSID 0.6949 WARD 0.7909 SUNIT 0.3527 DAREA 0.6088 AREAPS 0.5929 HEARGS 0.3473 c) Goodness of C l a s s i f i c a t i o n in Kit South and Ki t North, standardised for dwel1ing type Group Kit South Kit North South Kit 24 3 North Kit 2 9 86.84% of var iab les were co r rec t l y c l a s s i f i e d . See Chapter VI.5 - Understanding at the City Sca le . - 107 -Table 2k. Name Given to The i r Res ident ia l Environ by Respondents in Kit South and Kit North (Percentage D i s t r i b u t i o n ) Name Kit South K i t North Ki tsi1ano 64.3 65.1 West K i t s i l a n o 17.9 5.1 Upper K i t s i l a n o 10.7 * South Ki tsi1ano 3.6 * Un iver s i t y D i s t r i c t * 5 Ki t s -Po int Grey 3.6 5 Pbi nt Grey Vr 15 Alma and Broadway * 5 Tota l 100 100 No. of Households 28 20 * No cases recorded in th i s c e l l . Map 7. K i t s i l a n o as seen by a Respondent in Kit South I. (Reduced to 61% of o r i g i n a l ) . Scale: 1 mile ZX~EJ EEEEE : 2 - ^ E Z E L L : • E S E J E = E : E5E^]LEiE5HElEE S ^ i p Ev[EJE3 EElE: zB B i l l E 3 GE: B '• r~£ 2:2 ED f O IESEJ E F EE3 ^  PF? ] • • • [ • [ E E E E >>• S i 3 S E=3EE3IH3SEEiE5S3]CeE| E E E E ^ H E ; E E E " " - E F ^ ^ 2 EEE! IHEJ EEEi EEE; E E 2 B ! I 3 B B H E | : E E p E Ei L U EEEEj L J E U BB LZE ^  E ^ ^ ~ E L z E t EEBEEH fo. LEEDS B E E P E D C B E j i E S E E l F E i a E ^ t - r , ^ ^ ; ';:r::EEEEE' - : " - - V ' ~1 EEEEI .EE ElEi : HEE EHEr EEErEiEEEv^EEE! EBiEEEEEl] E I E E E J C E ' E J E E O E 7rN V-:, • ~-tffiBEii Map 8. K i t s i l a n o as seen by a Respondent i n K i t South II. (Reduced to 61% of o r i g i n a l ) . Hap 9. K i t s i l a n o as seen by a Respondent in Kit North I. (Reduced to 61% of o r i g i n a l ) . &=-=WLE. ' LI 11.i!".!.:iu . ^  ^ <£s3 c ITziB E T i :i:3 ] LT|.-i ^ ^ D B E E E j l S E l H E ^ F i i i ! [BEE! s E EE ISJE ED ET ES ET E E LEE -] ~ E LE &: E i i T LEE3EE B E : ^ T T E E E E M = 2 3 C ^ c E E E E E E 333 EE EE LEE E! .EE ET ET LE BBHI F -• 1EG CE E:' EELE ET K E E LE E E EridEEEEEOEEE SETT FEE FEE LETT B l E E LET E3 E E ;;S EE EEE E) £E S E E 3 E E B E J ; E E FEB F LEzTt;r: 3 FEE EE EE^ EEE?.EE EE E,: EE 3 EE EE\!Ei E E E EE? EE] E E E E E E 1 LEEEf ~iL'^E:: Es L E E F ~ i f e EE E E LEE E E E E LEE&EE [EE! EES E E FEE E E ^ EE E E LEd E: E E EES LEE£ Es H LET LEE? LEE [EE! LET C T E T E E EVEEEE 'EEE ' ^ _ EE EE E3 EE] E E E E E E-T :EI E E EE! LET LET E E LEE ITT EET E E E E E E EE 3" EE EEEEEEEEEi' iE5 E E T i.EkE E! LEI LE] LEE E E LET E E Q'EJ LET ' E E EE' EEE ' E E&ET 3 LEE. E3 E ] LEE E E E E LEE LET LEE E E ! E E E E E E E E EE! E E LET E E EE] LE 7 E E E E E E E E E F EE FEE E T ^ E g L ^ r E E E : H E J ^  ci:; tr-i1 bes Ti: i—i zzi t-i IzdEi «=.? F ? —l* FT? FE? ^  p»->: ;~T;EE ,^ ^^ S^ j^f£^p; O ^ ? . ^ Q 3 E3 Q s g g SQ E E ^  ' ' IBBB3 E E E E E E E E E E E T E E L E ^ F ^ O _ I S S E i l ^ E --=jj i E E r ! B ) E : - ^ E EFTET FEBEEEEEETEEEEEEHrE^ ; E T E E ^ E E i L E E l f e E E E E i j l E i ^ E E ^ E F d 1 ^ ^ c r ^ ^ E B c ^ E E -T E ET ' i E T j H E JO^P it si £3E Map 10. K i t s i l a n o as seen by a Respondent in K i t s i l a n o N o r t h II. (Reduced to 61% of or i g ina l ) - 112 -One of these maps was obtained for a l l but three of the respondents. Every map which was produced was aggregated, keeping Kit South and Kit North responses separate. Two maps were produced which ind icated the frequency with which parts of K i t s i l a n o were shown as ly ing w i th in the respondents r e s i d e n t i a l env i ron. The re su l t s are shown in Maps 10 and 11. The frequency of i nc lu s i on i s d i r e c t l y pro-port ional to the density of the shading. The boundary of the study area i s a l so shown in.both maps. The d i s t i n c t i v e features of these maps have been summarised in Table 2 5 . The respondents in the more stable Kit South ind icated a sympathy toward the natural topographic features of the area, and sug-gested the more gradual tapering o f f of the i r environ in to adjacent re s i den t i a l d i s t r i c t s to the west and south. In add i t i on , the bound-ar ies they had drawn bore a c lose resemblance to the boundaries as def ined by the Real Estate Board, the Ci ty Planning Department and the B r i t i s h Columbia Telephone Company. It may be suggested that these inf luences r e f l e c t three factors of in teres t to th i s study. In the f i r s t p lace, the longer length of residence which character i sed the respondents of Kit South would ce r t a i n l y lead to an improved knowledge of the i n s t i t u t i o n a l d e f i n i t i o n s of the loca l areas of Vancouver. Secondly, e a r l i e r in th i s study the area of West K i t s i l a n o had been descr ibed as a low to middle income area. It i s bordered on the west.and south side.by middle income areas, and on the east by a low income area. The boundaries drawn by th i s sample show a gradual tapering o f f in to the adjacent re s i den t i a l areas to the west and the south, but a marked break in the east . This gradual merging in to adjacent areas LEGEND (Percentage Response) 1 o 07.1 50-74 5-24 75-99 | 25-49 1-4 J' '•"'•"r^ tT'^  ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ I • • i*^ "—^ r^*?^ r ' " r ^ I IE; : I fed EdjhrH' J ^ U y ^ . ™ w , <~~.~«, m-v.-^ . J^™.. ...^.VK A*"*' ~-^-->*> ( • w ^ A ^ . f ^ - . » ^ ^ * l t X - : :^NmwWHfpw'*,:^^ 1 -V . --j f — 1 f *«* -Mr . . , • "A— r E E EE:! E E 3 r E E l E E ! K M P •2SC$ Ik xEJL; -EE f M E l f e c E -. A s V c W r ' . ' . V . ' i l ' . ' . V . 1 y-x-:-:: >^ p - - - E- vri v:o:'>:-:-J:<v:':-:.x+:*:-:->x-:s4J:^ ; H E E 3 E E i lEMII^ S :Elift. . , ! r - i r a L E E S i f - - - ^ i l ~ ! ' E E 3 & r, ^*~m i »'V,V"'''%L" *. ^r*^-'*^v%1 ^Wyv^VAL f ^ ^ ^  | ^  ^  i ' " ' " ' l * ' ' ^ -Jl 1 K;EE> E X 1 IL^IC^JrELliiE! [ETKEE E E EEft lEEJPTEiE^; " l ! E i ! | ; i ( lEEjEEiiEDii ][E-!F1 i l l FEB E 3 •-rt at tt) : it __i-t-::>v: 1C 1 !::fty:!::::.»:;«u; :I»J::il:|:*>'::x: l i m i E E i BaE^Biiieiii i ii E E E 3 D ? t E j E E " EHF-'-'JFRfj .j t t: TJ: |E| _J1 Map 11. Summary of Local Area Boundaries as def ined by Res idents of K i t South. S c a l e : 3"= 1 m i l e L E G E N D ( P e r c e n t a g e R e s p o n s e ) 1 0 o'/„ 50-74 5-24 75-99 25-49 , - 4 :1 H Q B «s= - •  JlAvZI 11 i r-" - i rr . ; : 11 J i r E ' L .T t JL i L i i y c 1r"1 L.. _ilUr_\v—3C 3 C _ E H E E S S I I a n r — j c a c n I II." if—-_JC_'JtUI>.C-. lLll..'_ 1 Map 1 2 . Summary of Local Area Boundaries as def ined by Residents of K i t Nor th . - 115 -i s consistent w i th , and ~r<s£l.ecfts'\ the f ind ing of the previous sec t ion which suggested that the inhabitants of Kit South could be l inked with more c i t y wide involvement in formal organisat ions and the more widespread locat ion of f r i e n d s . Table 25- P r inc ipa l Features of the Maps Drawn by Respondents in Kit South and Kit North Feature Major determinants of the boundaries. Areal extent of the r e s i d e n t i a l env i ron. Kit South a) Ref lects the top-ographic features of the a rea . a) Define a large 16 - 20 block area as cons t i tu t i ng the i r env i ron. b) Gradual merging of thei r area wi th adjacent ones to the west and south. K i t North a) Has a r i g i d pa t tern , r e f l e c t i n g the g r i d -i ron pattern of the s t r ee t s . b) D iv i s ions w i th in the area p a r a l l e l d i f f e r -ences i n dwel1i ng type in the area. fa) Define a small 8 - 10 block area as cons t i t -ut ing the i r env i ron. b) More prec i se d e f i n i t i o n of the extreme bound-ar ies of the area. P a r t i c u l a r l y in south and east . Correspondence to a) Close resemblance to a) Ref lects the sub t l e t i e s other maps of the c i t y and real estate of the C i ty of Vancouver area. maps of the area. Zoning ordinance -i s o l a t i n g an area zoned 'mu l t ip le d w e l l i n g ' , i between an apartment d i s t r i c t and a s ing le family dwel l ing area. The sample drawn from the more heterogeneous and less s tab le Kit " N o r t h , show a marked contrast to the responses from Kit South. In the case of Kit North emphasis has been placed on the man-made physical s t ructure of - 116 -of the area. The boundaries r e f l e c t the g r i d - i r o n pattern of the s t r e e t s , and the d i f fe rences in the dwel l ing type found wi th in K i t s i l a n o . The decisiiiveness of the boundaries ind icate a lack of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with surrounding re s i den t i a l d i s t r i c t s for s o c i a l , i n te rac t i ona l or phys ica l purposes. On the basis of these f ind ings i t i s poss ib le to i den t i f y the image producing forces for the two sub-areas. The inhabitants of the more stable Kit South area have a c u l t u r a l - i n t e r a c t i o n i s t image of the area. The image the respondents from Kit North developed was heavi ly inf luenced by man-made landmarks of the area. These contrast ing images were a l so revealed in the data con-cerning the s i g n i f i c a n t physical and.socia l features of the area, and the items which helped the respondents mark the boundaries of the i r r e s i den t i a l env i ron. These f ind ings are discussed below. The'^wealth of recreat iona l amenities possessed by K i t s i l a n o const i tuted the d i s t i n c t i v e physical and soc ia l feature of the area. This was held in common by the respondents throughout the study area. More s p e c i f i c a l l y , the waterfront l o ca t i on , with good beach and park f a c i l i t i e s , the p l e n t i f u l tennis cour t s , the community centre o f f e r i n g programmes for youngsters and adu l t s , and the recent ly constructed planetarium were mentioned. Apart from these elements, however, there was no consistency of response between the two areas. The respondents from Kit South spoke in more general terms about the i r area. It was described in terms of an 'e s tab l i shed d i s t r i c t 1 , by one respondent, and as an area of ' f i n e homes run down' by another. Others spoke in terms of apartment bu i ld ings and l i ght i n d u s t r i a l b l i ght - elements which contrasted with the usual image - 117 -of a s ing le family re s i den t i a l area. Two fami l ie s reached the apex of anonymity when they suggested that there was 'nothing unusual ' about the area! The composite map of the response from Kit South (Map 10) ind icated the s i gn i f i c ance attached to topographical features of the . area. This perspect ive was broadened when the respondents spoke of the d i s t i n c t i v e features of the area. The abundance of trees (the po l len from which enabled one respondent to keep bees), the p reva i l i n g wind^and the fact that the area was a reclaimed marsh were the most frequent ly mentioned aspects of t h i s . The respondents from Kit North were more s p e c i f i c in the f a c -tors they saw as contr ibut ing towards the s i g n i f i c a n t physical and soc i a l features of the area. The K i t s i l a n o Showboat (an outdoor summer thea t re ) , the brewery, the marina, the corner shops and the ethnic mix were the prominent features of the area in the eyes of these respondents. A l l of these items point towards the importance of man-made landmarks in con-t r i b u t i n g to the image of the area. As the f i n a l par t -o f i den t i f y i n g t h e i r r e s i den t i a l env i ron, respondents from both sub areas were asked which of a l i s t of f i v e items were p a r t i c u l a r l y he lpfu l in marking the boundaries of the area. These items and the d i s t r i b u t i o n of responses are recorded in Table 26. Two of these var iab les had been i so l a ted by the d iscr iminant analys i s as best d i s t i ngu i sh ing between the areas of Kit South and Kit North. (See Table 23.) The f i r s t of these was the existence of par-t i c u l a r shopping f a c i l i t i e s - PARSH. The res idents of the more stable Kit South thought that the existence of pa r t i cu l a r shopping f a c i l i t i e s - 118 -Table 26. Items Helpful in ,0arkjhg the Boundaries of the Area Kit South Kit North Items CD z a> c r+ -1 IV a in OJ IQ -1 a> U3 -1 fD CD CD C a> CQ n Appearance of Houses 32.1 57-1 10.7 25.0 65.0 10.0 Pa r t i cu l a r Shopping F a c i1 i t i e s 28.6 71.4 * 100. . * Friends that pCou Have Made 7.1 89.3 3.6 10.0 85.O 5.0 A D i s t i n c t Geographical Unit 46.4 50.0 3.6 25.0 65.O 10.0 A D i s t i n c t Soc ia l Unit 7.1 82.1 10.7 10.0 80.0 10.0 Other 14.3 * * 5-0 No cases recorded in th i s c e l l . was of help in marking the boundaries of the area. This might appear to contrad ict the sentiments expressed by the respondents of the other sub-area (K i t North) who looked upon the small shops as a d i s t i n c t i v e element of the area.V It w i l l be r e c a l l e d , however, that the inhabitants of K i t South demonstrated more l o ca l l y or iented weekly a c t i v i t y pat terns , of which s p e c i a l i s t shopping and shopping for grocer ies were elements. Th i s con-trasted with the more cosmopolitan inhabitants of Kit North who not only did the i r s p e c i a l i s t shopping outside of the i r env i ron, but a l so some of the i r weekly shopping. (See Table 18.) It i s suggested that t h i s va r i ab le (PARSH) r e f l e c t s th i s d i f f e rence in shopping patterns es tab l i shed e a r l i e r . - 119 -The second va r i ab le (AUTRE), which c l e a r l y d i s t ingu i shed between the sub areas of Kit South and Kit North ind icated the number of other factors which were instrumental in de f in ing the boundaries of t h e i r r e s i den t i a l env i ron. 15% of the respondents of Kit South suggested that i n s t i t u t i o n a l d e f i n i t i o n s of the area and the boundaries had been of ass istance in de f in ing the l im i t s of the area. (There was only one respondent from Kit North who suggested that i n s t i t u t i o n a l d e f i n i t i o n s of the area had been he lpfu l in making the boundaries.) i i ) The Qual i ty of West K i t s i l a n o as a Place to L ive It was suggested in the previous sect ion that the respondents of the more homogeneous Kit South produced a cu1 t u ra l - i n te rac t i onist image of the i r r e s i den t i a l env i ron. This contrasted with the image held by the res idents of the more heterogeneous Kit North. They had been more inf luenced by man-made landmarks. The elements of t h i s dichotomy are repeated i n the group of var iab les designed to test for the q u a l i t y of the environ as a place to l i v e . Th i s group of var iab les consisted of four elements. Respondents were asked to rank the area from exce l lent to poor, and in the second place to state i f they thought the character of the area was changing. This was followed by a ser ies of questions posed in an open ended form. These were intended to d iscover what the res idents thought about s ix projects taking place in or near to the i r r e s i den t i a l env i ron. F i n a l l y , they were asked what act ions they would personal ly pursue i f they f e l t very strongly about a pa r t i cu l a r development. The rank given to the re s i den t i a l environ - as an index of i t s qua l i t y as a place to l i v e - was i so l a ted by the d iscr iminant ana lys i s as - 120 -one of the best d i s t i ngu i sh ing var iab les between Kit South and Ki t North. (See Table 23, FEELIN.) The respondents from Kit North were more emphatic in t h e i r praise for the area; 85% thought that the area was good or excel-4 lent compared to 77% from Kit South. The resu l t s are recorded in Table 27. Table 27. The Qual i ty of the Res ident ia l Environ as a Place to L ive Qual i ty K i t South Kit North Exce l lent 17.9 15.0 Good 60.7 70.0 Average 17-9 15.0 Below Average 3«6 * Poor * * Total 100 100 No. of Households 28 20 '.No cases recorded in th i s c e l l . However, th i s rather s i m p l i s t i c eva luat ion of how res idents fee l about the area obscures two bas ic d i f fe rences in the way in which the sam-ples drawn from the two sub areas view .West K i t s i l ano as a place to l i v e . These d i f fe rences are as fo l lows: a) The substantive way in which the environ i s perce ived. This is the cdntrast of the c u l t u r a l - i n t e r a c t i o n i s t image and that of the man-made landmark image. b) The level of s p e c i f i t y employed when the respondents are descr ib ing the changes which are occurr ing in the area, and the e f fec t ce r t a in projects are l i k e l y to have on the area. This i s i l l u s t r a t e d in the fo l lowing example. Whi lst 55-60% of the respondents from Kit South and from Kit North thought that the area was changing, the samples drawn from these two sub areas had very d i f f e r e n t - 121 -perspect ives of the nature of th i s change. Those in the more s t ab le , homogeneous Kit South quite naturea l ly viewed the changing character over a much longer time perspect ive; one resident even spoke in terms of the change from a rural area! The stable Kit South sample spoke in terms of the increas ing number of people in the area, i s o l a t i n g the Greeks and the Hippies for spec ia l a t ten t i on . They mentioned the general d e t e r i o r a -t ion of the qua l i t y of the area. At a s imi la r level of genera l i t y , the respondents who did not think that the area was changing in character spoke in terms such as: 'There i s no change 'round here, but elsewhere the bui ld ings are d e t e r i o r a t i n g . " "The area is d i ver se ; some property is a l i t t l e run down, but that i s nothing pecu l ia r to th i s a r e a . " These a t t i tudes r e f l e c t the c u l t u r a l , broad-brush image presen-ted by the respondents of Kit South in the cogn i t ive mapping quest ion. The respondents of Kit North were far more d i r ec t in t h e i r judgement of the way in which the area was changing. They spoke of the remodell ing of houses, the removal of some of the older property, the renovation of some of the stores and the improvement of park f a c i l i t i e s . The i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of these elements by the sample drawn from Kit North is cons istent with the ro le played by man-made landmarks in the formation of the i r image, of the re s i den t i a l env iron. In the process of formulat ing the quest ionna i re, and on the basis of the p re tes t , the author se lected a ser ies of projects which were occurr ing in or near to the K i t s i l a n o area. Some of these items were mentioned in the context of the image of the area, or the way in which the area was changing. The in tent ion was to probe, through the use of open ended quest ions, how the respondents f e l t about these p ro jec t s . - 122 -They are examined here in three sect ions : a) the bu i ld ing of apartments and the sub -d iv i s ion of houses. b) improving the appearance of commercial f a c i l i t i e s , and the construct ion of o f f i c e s . c) the widening of Point Grey Road and the improvement of beach f a c i l i t i e s . The bu i ld ing of apartments and the sub -d iv i s i on of houses. When the respondents of the more stable Kit South were con-fronted with these developments, they expressed5 overr id ing concern for the appearance of the area. Furthermore th i s concern for the image was based on the close as soc ia t ion which was held to ex i s t between.the appearance of the dwell ing type and the nature of human occupancy. This l ine of reasoning produced the fo l lowing comments: "It is r ea l l y a family apartment area; many of the houses are f a l l i n g down." " . . . n o f e e l i n g against th i s (bu i ld ing of apartments); the eastern part (of K i t s i l ano ) has never been well preserved - Japs, Hindus and l i ght industry , with very l i t t l e improvement over the yea r s . " The sub -d i v i s i on of houses into su i tes prompted comments which a l so re f l ec ted the concern amongst the inhabitants of Kit South for the appear-ance of the area. "Don't l i ke i t . Beaut i fu l three bedroom houses -and now s ix fami l ie s l i v e there; bad for a l l . Too many people, too many cars parking in front of other people 's homes. That ' s why we need apartments." "In these last years we have noticed a dramatic change in the area, from quiet s ing le family to one in which we fee l insecure - leads to a des i re to move away from the a r e a . " This statement was made by a r e t i r e d couple who had l i ved in t h e i r present house for twenty years. They were c lose to two communal residences which - 123 -were character i sed by no i s iness , untidy gardens and the cars and trucks parked in the s t r e e t . Other respondents spoke more s p e c i f i c a l l y about the tenants: •'Should be more carefu l over the se lec t i on of the tenants . " " . . . n o . (The subd iv i s ion of houses) w i l l lead to lower standards of l i v i n g ; the houses around here were i n t e n -ded for one f am i l y . " These comments once again r e f l e c t the ro le c u l t u r a l l y induced factors played in the concern the inhabitants of K i t South had for the image of the i r env i ron. There was, in add i t i on , an i n e v i t a b i l i t y attached to the b u i l d -ing of apartments by the Kit South respondents. The l i f e of the area as a s ing le family area was quoted by one person as being 10 to 15 years , and by another as 20 to 25 years. This l a t te r opinion was voiced by an ind iv idua l who a lso suggested that th i s inf luenced the amount of money he would invest in the house with respect to improvements. It appears that the res idents of the more stable Kit South thought that the bu i ld ing of apartments could only be f o r e s t a l l e d . The re-use of the ex i s t i n g housing stock could only be used as a temporary measure to halt the re-development of the area. In the immediate future the inhabitants envisaged the const ruct ion of apartment bu i ld ings and the enforc ing of zoning regulat ions as improving the physical appearance of the other parts of K i t s i l a n o which were more run down. This would preserve (and perhaps even improve) the t idy cu l tu ra l image they possessed of the area. The Kit North zoning and development regulat ions permit the con-vers ion of s ing le family residences in to mul t ip le dwel l ing u n i t s . In add i t i on , i t was recent ly proposed that the ent i re area should be - 124 -redeveloped in the form of garden apartments. At present, the eastern part of the area i s bordered by a burgeoning apartment d i s t r i c t . These factors may be part ly responsible for the more wide-spread opposit ion to the const ruct ion of apartment bu i ld ings by the sample from Kit North. It was f e l t that th i s type of construct ion would introduce an element of s t e r i l i t y into a d iverse r e s i d e n t i a l area, and would lead to increased congestion from the point of view of cars and people. The d i v e r s i t y of the older housing stock was seen; as one of the major assets of the image presented by the Western port ion of K i t s i l a n o by the res idents of Kit North. The sub -d iv i s i on (of houses) was seen as one way of preserving th i s feature, providing that s t r i c t contro l was exercised over the way in which the sub -d iv i s i on took p lace . In add i t i on , i t provided much needed rental accommodation c lose to the un iver s i t y and downtown. Whilst the respondents from Kit North expressed greater oppos i -t i o n to the construct ion of apartment bu i ld ings , the heterogeneity of the inhabitants produced some quite d iverse points of view. The s e n t i -ments of i n e v i t a b i l i t y found in Kit South were repeated on a smaller scale in Kit North. One respondent even stated that the only reason he had bought a large property in the area was to make a 'few bucks' from the eventual s a l e . However, the Kit North sample could be d i s t ingu i shed from Kit South in terms of the conscious or ca lcu la ted opposit ion to apartment cons t ruc t ion . The res idents of Kit South f e l t that i t could only be f o r e s t a l l e d , whi l s t the res idents of Kit North thought that the area could be maintained as an area of s ing le family and d iv ided dwel l ing u n i t s . The - 125 -fo l lowing comment made by a respondent from the less stable Kit North r e f l e c t s th i s viewpoint: " . . . the people in th i s area have chosen to improve t h e i r houses; therefore there is an increased r e s i s t -ance (to apartment cons t ruc t i on ) . In the east (of K i t s i l ano ) the houses are poorer and fewer, and there fo re , there is less r e s i s t a n c e . " Improving the appearance of commercial f a c i l i t i e s and the const ruct ion  of o f f i ce s in the arelu The respondents from Kit South were in strong agreement that the phys ica l appearance of the shops needs improvement. Two reasons emerged for th i s need. In the f i r s t place i t would make the area more independent, and secondly, i t would give the area a less shoddy appear-ance. Th i s r e f l e c t s the more l o ca l l y or iented a c t i v i t y patterns and the concern for neatness of appearance expressed already by the res idents of the more stable Kit South. Whi lst there was a general consensus amongst the res idents of Kit North that some of the stores did need s t ruc tu ra l improvements made to them, they were more reserved about the exact form th i s should take. The smal l , d iverse shops were regarded as an a t t r a c t i v e feature of the area. It provided a personal shopping atmosphere. The neon signs and glossy frontages associated with improvements would detract from t h i s . There is extensive construct ion of o f f i c e space taking place at the present time along Broadway, just to the east of the study area . Respondents throughout West K i t s i l a n o were asked i f they had any p a r t i c u -lar fee l ings toward t h i s , and i t s poss ib le extension into the study area . The respondents from Kit South were, in aggregate, favourably disposed toward the construct ion of o f f i c e bu i ld ings along Broadway. It was suggested that i t would provide more work, and give a f ee l i n g of - 126 -prosper i ty to the area. It was f e l t that there were too many vacant lots and run down houses at the present t ime, and that the const ruct ion of o f f i c e s would give the area a .better type of bu i l d i n g . There were only two respondents who thought that o f f i c e space should be kept qu i te sepa-rate from a re s i den t i a l area. The sample drawn from Kit North was d iv ided into three groups as to the i r f ee l i ng toward the construct ion of o f f i c e space. A t h i r d of the respondents were in favour, suggesting that i t could perform the funct ion of a business core. However, the res idents were very s p e c i f i c about the physical form i t should take. It was suggested that o f f i c e development should be c l u s te red , and have landscaped surroundings. This would have the e f fec t of making them less obvious. The Champs Elysees was quoted as an example of a less obvious commercial d i s t r i c t . A further one th i r d of the respondents from Kit North were- in oppos i t ion to the const ruct ion of o f f i c e bui ld ings in or near to the i r r e s i den t i a l env i ron. It was f e l t that th i s would act as a ca ta ly s t for further development. The subsequent emergence of apartment bu i ld ings and the des t ruc t ion of the re s iden t i a l character of the area were mentioned as s p e c i f i c products. The th i rd group expressed no pa r t i cu l a r fee l ings towards th i s type of development. These d i f fe rences of opinion wi th in Kit North r e f l e c t the heterogeneity of that area. However, the more important d i f fe rences l i e between the responses from Kit South and Kit North. The respondents from the more stable Kit South were less s p e c i -f i c in the way in which they documented the i r a t t i tudes toward these p ro jec t s . The res idents descr ibed the i r fee l ings in terms of the ways in which the bu i l d ing of apartments or '.the/ expansi on and improvement of - 127 -commercial f a c i l i t i e s would increase the s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y of the area and- improve the general physical appearance of the i r env i ron. The respondents of the less s table Kit North were more pre -pared to d e t a i l the s p e c i f i c e f f ec t s of the construct ion of apartments, and the renovation and r e v i t a l i s a t i o n of commercial f a c i l i t i e s would have on West K i t s i l a n o . Such developments were seen as destroying some of the d i s t i n c t i v e re s iden t i a l and commercial a t t r i bu te s of the area at the present t ime. The widening of Point Grey Road and the Improvement of Beach F a c i l i t i e s Point Grey Road acts as the northern boundary for the study area. It runs along the sea f r on t , although separated from i t by a row of large, expensive houses on waterfront l o t s . The Ci ty of Vancouver had at one time proposed buying these houses when they became vacant and bu i ld ing a scenic dr ive along the f r on t , connecting the downtown and the Un ivers i ty Endowment Lands. Th i s proposal i s now ly ing dormant. The respondents in both of the sub areas were asked how they f e l t toward the widening of th i s road. There was a consensus of opinion throughout the study area with respect to the widening of the road, Many of the respondents from the more stable Kit South f e l t that i t would have a severe impact on the area, despi te the fact that the Kit South sub area lay between 10 and 16 blocks from the road. It was suggested that i t would remove the t r a n q u i l i t y of the area and hasten a dec l ine in the backwaterness f e e l i n g . S imi lar sentiments were expressed by the respondents in Kit North, who s ingled out the increased noise and a i r p o l l u t i o n which would result from the increased t r a f f i c f low. - 128 -The beach in K i t s i l a n o presents a ser ies of contras t s , from sandy ones backed by park f a c i l i t i e s , to rocky ones l ined by sea front l o t s . Respondents from throughout West K i t s i l a n o suggested that the preservat ion of th i s contrast was important, although the need to improve publ ic access to the f a c i l i t i e s was widely f e l t . The uniformity of opinion with respect to beach f a c i l i t i e s in the area i s perhaps to be expected s ince i t was regarded as one of the major amenities of the area by respondents from Kit South and Kit North. It had, in add i t i on , been instrumental in producing the image respond-ents of both of these sub areas had of the i r re s iden t i a l env i ron. The f i n a l question associated with the qua l i ty of West K i t s i l a n o as a place to l i v e probed what act ion the respondents would take i f they f e l t very strongly about a pa r t i cu l a r development which was taking place in or near to the i r re s iden t i a l env i ron. The act ions proposed and the d i s t r i b u t i o n of responses are recorded in Table 28. The mul t ip le d iscr iminant analys is had i so la ted two of these var iab les as p a r t i c u l a r l y d i s t i ngu i sh ing between the more homogeneous Kit South and the heterogeneous Kit North. These were, the dec i s ion to wr i te to a newspaper to express one's fee l ings (WPAPER), and secondly, other poss ib le courses of act ion suggested by the respondents which the author had not included in the quest ionnaire •(AUTRE-)•> 35•7% of the res idents of Kit South suggested that they would write to the newspaper i f they f e l t concerned about a pa r t i cu l a r p ro jec t , compared to 25% from Kit North. A l l but one of the respondents from - 129 -Table 28. Ac t ion Proposed in the Face of Development Kit South Kit North Ac t ion Yes ,-.No Yes No No time to do anything 3.6 96.4 10.0 90.0 Write to newspaper 35.7 64.3 25.0 75-0 Write to Alderman 39.3 60.7 20.0 80.0 Write to anyone at C i ty Ha l l 35.7 64.3 20.0 80.0 Speak to a Neighbourhood Organi sat i on 25.0 75.0 10.0 90.0 Speak to an Alderman 10.7 89.3 15.0 85.0 Speak to a C i ty Planner • 25.0 75.0 15-0 85.0 Speak to anyone at C i ty Ha 11 14.3 85.7 5-0 95.0 Move away from the area 21.4 78.6 15.0 85.O Other 17-9 82.1 35-0 65.O Kit South said that they would have time to take a c t i o n , and ind icated a des i re to approach the problem through formal channels such as the news-paper or wr i t i ng to an alderman or some other o f f i c i a l at C i ty H a l l . The respondents of the less stable Kit North, in cont ras t , had lower scores on each of the suggested l ines of ac t i on , with one notable except ion. More of the respondents from th is sub area suggested that they would speak d i r e c t l y to an alderman. This i s despite the shorter average length of residence in the area and in Vancouver of respondents from Kit North. Th i s d i rectness of act ion on behalf of the res idents of Kit - 130 -North is r e f l e c ted in the fact that 35% of them suggested other courses of act ion which could be taken in. the face of projects about which they f e l t concerned. These suggestions took the form of p e t i t i o n s , the establishment of ' a c t i o n ' groups and the need for publ ic hearings to create a better informed pub l i c . The acceptance of more formal l ines of communication on the part of the res idents from Kit South re f l ec ted both the stage in the l i f e cyc le of the respondents, and t h e i r length of residence in Vancouver. Certa in courses of act ion have become formalised over time as a resu l t of popular usage. To th i s end, two respondents spoke of the use of the radio ta lk show to convey the i r a t t i tudes to a wider p u b l i c . It should be emphasised, however, that during the course of the interview several respondents from Kit South suggested that i f f o r - , mal channels f a i l e d , and the development was a p a r t i c u l a r l y undesirable one, then that would be the time to look for a l ternate courses of a c t i o n . The des i re for more d i r e c t involvement on the part of the res idents of the less stable Kit North r e f l e c t s the i r younger stage in l i f e c y c l e . In add i t i on , i t may ind i ca te an acquaintance with the way in which issues have been fought elsewhere in America and Europe, in which the c i t y p o l i t i c i a n s are challenged more d i r e c t l y than has been the case in Vancouver. - 131 -Cone 1 usi on This part of the research ana lys i s was concerned with the understanding inhabitants of West K i t s i l a n o have of the i r r e s i d e n t i a l env i ron. It was d iv ided in to two sec t ions . The f i r s t of these was designed to reveal the physical and soc ia l images the respondents have of t h e i r env iron. The second was designed to gauge the qua l i ty of the area as a place to l i v e . It was hoped to re la te these factors to a sense of i den t i t y the inhabitants had with West K i t s i l a n o , and a cohesiveness on.their part with respect to issues p o t e n t i a l l y threaten-ing i t s future existence in i t s present form. Within West K i t s i l a n o res idents have contrast ing physical and soc ia l images of the i r env i ron. The respondents from the more s t ab le , homogeneous Kit South area perceived the area in c u1 t u r a l - i n t e r a c t i o n i s t terms. This emphasised the soc ia l and psychologica l a f f i n i t y the r e s i -dents had to the adjacent middle income areas, and re f l ec ted formal and informal patterns of i n t e r a c t i o n . In contrast to t h i s , the respondents from the heterogeneous, less s table Kit North were heav i ly inf luenced by man-made landmarks in de f in ing the extent and producing the image of the i r env iron. This d i f fe rence in imageabi l i ty may be re la ted to d i f fe rences ih the l i f e s t y l e of the inhabitants of the two sub areas. The res idents of the mature, s ing le fami ly , r e s i d e n t i a l Kit South, were c h a r a c t e r i s t i c -a l l y older than those of Kit North and had l ived in Vancouver and the i r present house longer. - 132 -As such, they: \ i ) expected the i r environ to play the appropriate ro le for a homeowner d i s t r i c t . It should be quiet and well looked a f t e r , in a s im i l a r manner to the adjacent r e s i den t i a l areas to the west and south. i i ) expected the i r environ to be as s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t as poss ib le with respect to the i r weekly a c t i v i t y patterns. Any changes in the area were assessed against th i s c u l t u r a l -i n t e r a c t i o n i s t image, and were viewed over a longer time perspect ive . The changes were considered in terms of the physical appearance of the area. Int imately re lated to th i s appearance was the composition of the inhabitants of the area, the large sub-divided houses synonymous with h ippies and crowding. The res idents in Kit South were p a r t i c u l a r l y desirous to keep the area as a f a m i l i s t i c area, even i f th i s neces s i t a -ted the in t roduct ion of some low r i s e apartment bu i l d ing s . The residents of K i t North had quite d i f f e r e n t expectations of the i r env i ron, which was c l e a r l y r e f l e c t e d in the image they d e v e l -oped. The average length of residence in th i s sub area was found to be less than f i v e years, and about ha l f the inhabitants rented the i r dwe l l -ing u n i t . The lack of soc ia l and psychological roots in the community  appeared to promote an i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with the man-made landmarks which  d i s t i n gu i sh Kit North from other r e s i d e n t i a l environs in the c i t y . To th i s end the d i v e r s i t y of housing types, the f r i end l y corner stores and other physical elements were of considerable s i g n i f i c a n c e . It would appear, in conc lus ion, that i t is not accurate to suggest that the knowledge inhabitants show of the i r environ i s re la ted to the s t a b i l i t y of that env i ron, as was suggested in the working hypo-thes i s in Chapter IV.5. Instead, i t i s more accurate to state that - 133 -the type of knowledge possessed by the inhabitants is d i r e c t l y re la ted  to the s t a b i l i t y experienced by that env iron. 5. Understanding at the Ci ty Scale L i t t l e work has been done l i nk ing sentiments concerning the nature and future of a pa r t i cu l a r env i ron, and the understanding r e s i -dents have at the c i t y s ca le . The range of understanding was l imi ted in th i s study to the c i t y government func t ion . The questions which produced th i s c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of var iab les f e l l into two par t s . The f i r s t of these was concerned with the extent of involvement the respondent had with c i t y p o l i t i c s , and secondly, the poss ib le adjustments which could be made to enhance th i s involvement. The sub areas of Kit South and Kit North could be d i s t ingu i shed on the basis of recent p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n c i t y p o l i t i c s . Table 29 shows the voting pattern in the last c i v i c e l e c t i o n ( F a l l 1970). The d i f f e rence in the percentage who voted in the last e l e c t i o n between Kit South and Ki t North (90% compared to 65% respectively)f ; was pr imar i l y due to the larger number of people in the less stable Kit North who were not e l i g i b l e to vote at the t ime. This was due to them l i v i n g outside of Vancouver, or were not on the voters l i s t because of age, n a t i o n a l i t y , or length of residence in Vancouver. However, acquaintance with Vancouver c i t y p o l i t i c s was a l so re f l e c ted in the number of Aldermen respondents were able to name. Over 53% of the respondents from the more stable Kit South could name three or more of the 10 C ity of Vancouver Aldermen. This corresponds to only 25% of the respondents from Kit "North, 60% of whose inhabitants could, only name one to two. (See Table 30.) - 134 -Table 29. Voting Pattern in the Last C i v i c E l e c t i o n (Percentage D i s t r i bu t i on ) Vote Kit South Kit North Yes 89.3 65.O No * 10.0 Not E l i g i b l e 10.7 25.0 T6t ;a1 100 100 No. of Households 28 20 No cases recorded in th i s c e l l . Table 30. Number of Aldermen Able to Name (Percentage D i s t r i b u t i o n ) Number Kit South Kit North None 14.3 15.0 1 to 2 32.2 60.0 3 to 4 42.8 25.0 5 or more 10.7 * Tota l 100 100 No. of Households 28 20 No cases recorded in th i s c e l l . The vot ing pattern and the number of Aldermen who'were named by the res idents of the sub areas r e f l e c t the factor of length of r e s i -dence in Vancouver. However, when they are compared to the nature of poss ib le involvement in c i t y p o l i t i c s , i t becomes apparent that the vary-ing extent of p a r t i c i p a t i o n and knowledge may r e f l e c t other f a c to r s . They are discussed below. - 135 -The mul t ip le d iscr iminant analys i s performed for th i s c l a s s i f i -cat ion of var iab les i so la ted one va r i ab le which best d i s t ingu i shed between the sub areas. Th i s was the var i ab le designed to gauge whether the respondents f e l t c i t i z e n s should be involved in the making of dec i s ions which a f fec t the future of the C i t y . (See Table 23.ii,CONSUL.) Despite the fact that the inhabitants of Kit North favoured d i r ec t act ion by res idents in the face of contentious developments, 30% of these same respondents suggested that c i t i z e n s should not be con-sul ted in dec i s ions made about the future of the c i t y . Two reasons were quoted for t h i s . The f i r s t of these was that the ex i s t ing p o l i t i c a l s t ructure made seeking c i t i z e n s ' opinions a 'sham 1 . The referendums and money by-laws held in Vancouver are accompanied by a r e s t r i c t i v e c lause def in ing who can vote. The second reason stemmed from a fee l ing that once c i t y o f f i c -i a l s have been e l ec ted , they should be entrusted with carry ing out the associated du t i e s . In the more stable Kit South the 7-1% of the respondents who f e l t that people should not be consulted echoed these l a t t e r sentiments. The p ro fe s s i ona l , and those e l e c ted , were regarded by th i s small percent-age, as knowing best . However, almost 90% of the res idents from the more stable Kit South area f e l t that they should be consul ted. The pecu l iar status given to homeowners in Vancouver without doubt 'contr ibutes to th i s f e e l i n g . The homeowner i s vested with complete voting r i gh t s , for example in a school referendum or a money by-law, whi l s t vot ing p r i v i l e ge s are w i t h -held from tenant s . ' (See Table 3'«) 1. Vancouver C i ty Council approved the idea of tenants ' vot ing r i ght s on A p r i l 26, 1972. But th i s excluded loca l improvement votes i n s p e c i f i c neighbourhoods. - 136 -Respondents were a lso asked whether the decen t r a l i s a t i on of c i t y o f f i c i a l s , s p e c i f i c a l l y aldermen and c i t y planners, would improve communication between c i t i z e n s and the ex i s t i ng dec i s i on making body. 96% of the respondents from Kit South, who had suggested d i f f i c u l t y over wr i t ing or speaking to. an alderman, were in agreement with the e l e c t i o n of Aldermen on the basis of a ward system. The reason most frequent ly quoted was that i t would both make him or her more a cce s s i b l e , and that at least one e lected c i t y o f f i c i a l would be more acquainted with p a r t i c u -lar parts of the c i t y . The r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to the c i t i z e n s would a l so be more exact ly de f ined. Table 3 1 • Should C i t i zens be Consulted over Matters of C i v i c Development? (Percentage D i s t r i bu t i on ) A t t i tude Kit South Kit North Yes 89.3 70.0 No 7.1 30.0 Don't know 3.6 * Tota l 100 100 No. of Households 28 20 Vc No cases recorded i n th i s c e l l . The respondents from the more heterogeneous Kit North were less enthus ia s t i c about the in t roduct ion of a ward system. 25% expressedEcphcern that i t would lead to a s i t ua t i on of i n te r -a rea r i v a l r y . It w i l l be r e c a l l e d , in add i t i on , that a higher percentage of the Kit North res idents had suggested that they would approach an Alderman d i r e c t l y i f they f e l t s u f f i c i e n t l y strongly about a p a r t i c u l a r proposal . In ,the l i ght of t h i s , - 137 -the c rea t ion of a ward system would not necessar i ly lead to improved communication between the c i t i z e n s and the e lected representat ives . There was more scept ic ism throughout West K i t s i l a n o with respect to whether c i t y planners should be responsib le for p a r t i c u l a r parts of the c i t y . Almost 25% of the respondents from Kit South were uncerta in of, or disagreed w i th , the proposal to create area planners, compared to 35% from Kit North. To phys i ca l l y move the planner from c i t y ha l l was not to sever his p o l i t i c a l t i e s and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . The planner was seen as being answerable to the p o l i t i c a l and admin i s t rat ive system. It was f e l t that despite the increased understanding the planner would have of a pa r t i cu l a r area, he would s t i l l be a handmaiden to that system. (See Table 32.) Table 32. The Decent ra l i s a t i on of City O f f i c i a l s (Percentage D i s t r i bu t i on ) E°;> K i * South Kit North ro Ci ty O f f i c i a l , ? {] : oi Q) < z Should Aldermen be e lected on the 96.4 3.6 basis of a ward system? Should planners be responsible for 2\.h s p e c i f i c areas of the c i t y ? No cases recorded in th i s c e l l . <0 <D <D — (O u ro u cn <u i_ cn ro <P •)-> ro u) u 3 ui * r - cn <y • »r-o < z o * 70.00 15.0 10.0 3.6 60.0 25.0 10.0 - 138 -Conclusion The res idents of the more stable Kit South were able to name more Aldermen from the C i ty of Vancouver, and more had voted in the las t c i v i c e l e c t i o n . Such f a c t s , however, do not lead us very far in t r y ing to e s tab l i sh the re l a t i on sh ip between the understanding at the c i t y scale and the way th i s inf luences the inhab i tants ' a t t i tudes toward the i r r e s i -dent ia l env i ron. It i s perhaps more productive to suggest on the basis of the rather meagre information co l l ec ted that greater length of residence leads to a better knowledge of the City p o l i t i c a l machine. Th i s in turn leads to a more formal approach and the a t t i tude towards the e lected c i t y o f f i c i a l s , and the way in which people should be consulted over dec i s ions made concerning the future of the c i t y . This was ind icated in sect ion k of th is chapter in which i t was suggested that the respondents from the more stable Kit South would exhaust formal channels of communication before t ry ing more d i r ec t act ion in the face of projects about which they f e l t p a r t i c u l a r l y concerned. A l s o , in th i s s ec t i on , respondents from Kit South ind icated a high consensus of opinion that the ward system CshbuId be ins t i ga ted in order to improve communication between areas of the c i t y and e lected c i t y o f f i c i a l s . In contrast to t h i s , i&e res idents of the less s tab le Kit North indicated less knowledge of Vancouver C i ty p o l i t i c s , but th i s would not deter them from seeking a d i rec t approach to an e lected c i t y o f f i c i a l to achieve act ion with respect to a pa r t i cu l a r i s sue. Furthermore, of the Kit North res idents sampled, a smaller percentage considered that i t was necesssary to introduce a ward system to improve communication between - 139 -the c i t i z e n s and the i r e lected representat ives . Therefore , whi l s t the hypothesis can be corroborated, there appears to be a pa r t i cu l a r type of c o r r e l a t i o n between the knowledge people have of the c i t y government funct ion and the way res idents fee l they can re s i s t development which would e f fec t the ex i s t ing s a t i s f a c -t i on of the i r l i f e s ty le demands. With greater s t a b i l i t y , there appears to be an increased confidence in the formal l ines of communication, which the res idents of the heterogeneous, less s table Kit North do not have. This research was not able to suggest the measure of success e i ther approach would rece ive . 6. Summary Part II of th i s chapter has presented the research f ind ings for the West K i t s i l a n o study area. The comments have been both des-c r i p t i v e and i n t e r p r e t i v e , r e f l e c t i n g the d i v i s i o n of the study area in to Kit South and Kit North, estab 1 ished (during the formulation of the experimental des ign. (See Chapter IV.) At that timet it was emphasised that West K i t s i l a n o was not being s p l i t on the basis of socio-economic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s ; .Quite the cont rary , the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the res idents described in Chapter V ind icated that the area was character i sed by considerable v a r i a t i o n both.within and between the sub areas. More i n t e r e s t i n g l y , the study area could be d iv ided into approximately two equal parts r e f l e c t i n g the s t a b i l i t y of these parts at the present t ime. S t a b i l i t y was defined in terms of the length of r e s i -dence of the present occupiers, the frequency of zoning changes made in the area, and the age of the housing stock. On th i s basis i t has been poss ib le to speak throughout th i s - 140 -chapter in terms of, on the one hand, the more s tab le , homogeneous Kit South character i sed as an area of s ing le family residences and on the other, the less s t ab le , heterogeneous Kit North, character i sed by an assortment of dwell ing types and wide ranging populat ion character -i s t i c s . The data presented here was the product of two types of ana ly-s i s . The simple frequency d i s t r i b u t i o n which records the quest ionnaire responses to the d i f f e r e n t c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s of va r i ab le s , and secondly, mul t ip le d i scr iminant ana ly s i s . Discr iminant analys is proved to be an exce l lent technique to deal with data in a q u a l i t a t i v e way. Itf ipermit-ted the author to check the a p r i o r i grouping of the study area into Kit South and Kit North, and also e s tab l i sh which var iab les best d i s -criminated between the areas. The var iab les i so la ted by the d iscr iminant analys i s have been woven around the frequency d i s t r i b u t i o n s and the quant i t a t i ve data c o l l e c -ted during the course of the interv iew. Part I of the chapter had attempted to capture the maximum amount of heterogeneity from the study area. It endeavoured to inc lude a l l the v a r i a b i l i t y ind icated by the populat ion de sc r i p to r s . As a resu l t of t h i s , however, i t was concluded at the end of Part I that the areas of Kit South and Kit North were being d i s t ingu i shed on the basis of d i f -ferences inherent in the population c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , p a r t i c u l a r l y the type of dwel l ing unit sampled,and not on the basis of d i f fe rences in the behaviour patterns or a t t i tudes of the res idents of the two areas. It was stated in Chapter III that i f ins ight is to be thrown on the way in" which the re s i den t i a l environ is perce ived, th is w i l l only - 141 -be the resu l t of the analys i s of ind iv idua l preferences, ob jec t i ve s , ignorance and e r r o r . It therefore became of paramount importance to know whether the d i scr iminat ions between the areas r e f l e c t the f e e l -ing associated with a pa r t i cu l a r dwel l ing form, or more properly from the point of view of th i s research, the fee l ings invoked by a p a r t i c u -lar area. This led to the dec i s ion to standardise for dwell ing type in performing subsequent d i scr iminant analyses. The ana lys i s was repeated for every c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of var iab les which pa ra l l e l ed the working hypo-theses. The v a l i d i t y of the four working hypotheses are reviewed below. Working Hypothesis I Informal i n te rac t i on in the environ is stronger in the area exh ib i t i n g greater r e s i d e n t i a l s t a b i l i t y . Part ly va l idated in West K i t s i l a n o . The way in which informal i n te rac t i on is measured produces contrast ing resu l t s with respect to th i s hypothesis. The more s tab le Kit South area was character i sed by a weaker index of s o c i a b i l i t y . This had been based on the frequency of s o c i a l v i s i t s and ..the number of people respondents would consider as neighbours. Whilst the frequency of soc ia l v i s i t s was comparable between the two areas, the respondents from the less stable Kit North area named more people whom they f e l t they could c a l l on in an emergency, or exchange favours wi th. In contrast to t h i s , however, the more stable Kit South area scored higher on the second measure of informal i n t e r a c t i o n , namely the degree to which the re s iden t i a l environ could cater for the re s ident s ' weekly a c t i v i t y pat tern . Kit North was character i sed by a more cosmop-o l i t a n resident whose weekly a c t i v i t y pattern was more c i ty wide. - 142 -It may be suggested that the c o n f l i c t i n g resu l t s which th i s working hypothesis revealed throws l ight on the nature of changes which are underway in West K i t s i l a n o . The h i s t o r i c a l l y pecu l i a r l y stable area of Kit South produced a se l f - conta ined re s i den t i a l env iron; th i s i s s t i l l r e f l e c ted in the weekly a c t i v i t y pattern of many of i t s re s ident s . How-ever, the f i r s t of the long-term res idents have moved away from the area, and th i s has led to the in t reduc t ion ;o f a much younger element into the env i ron. Whi lst the l o ca l l y oriented a c t i v i t y pattern has been maintained, there has been a reduct ion in the number of primary re l a t i onsh ip s in the area. The older res idents lament the fact that the i r c lose f r iends have begun to move away from the area, whi l s t the new, younger res idents f ind the i r c lose contacts in other parts of the c i t y . Whilst informal i n te r ac t i on has been stronger in the more stable K i t South, i t appears that t h i s area wi11 increas ing ly be inhabited by ind iv idua l s and fami l ie s who look to elsewhere in the c i t y for the i r f r iends and entertainment, and w i l l therefore hasten the emergence of the \ area as a bedroom community. Working Hypothesis II Formal i n te rac t i on is more extensive in a r e s i den t i a l environ in the face of issues which threaten the maintenance of the environ in i t s present form. 1 The sub areas of West K i t s i l a n o are experiencing two kinds of change elements. On the one hand, the s t ab le , s ing le family r e s i d e n t i a l area of K i t South i s being populated by younger inhab i tant s , some of whom are rent ing the i r homes. On the other hand, Kit North, a more d iverse area from the point of view of house type and populat ion composit ion, i s - 143 -adjacent to a burgeoning apartment d i s t r i c t . It would be the next area to be redeveloped as such - unless the res idents re s i s t the change inducing fo rces . There i s nothing the res idents of Kit South can do to contro l the property changing hands, let alone in f luence who the new tenants are. The re su l t s of Working Hypothesis I suggested that wh i l s t Kit South as an area had been synonymous with a pa r t i cu l a r l i f e s t y l e in the past , i t could no longer be thought of in th i s way. The environ was becoming s t r a teg i c for other reasons besides man-induced ones. Its value as a r e l a t i v e l y inexpensive r e s i d e n t i a l area, c lose to the downtown area, i s making i t an a t t r a c t i v e locat ion for young marrieds. The res idents of Kit North are taking more d i r ec t ac t ion in the face of ant i c ipated apartment cons t ruc t ion , through the r e h a b i l i t a -t i on of much of the older property in the area. In neither of these cases have the residents made use of a local res idents organisat ion to vo ice the i r opin ions. Less than 5% of the respondents from throughout the study area had heard of the local res idents organ i sat ion, let alone' played an ac t i ve part . Working hypothesis IT has not been va l idated in the case of  West Ki t s i l a n o . The res idents of the sub areas do perceive ways in which the environ i s changing, or could poss ibly change in character , but t h i s has not been re f l e c ted in the membership of formal organisat ions. The organisat ions which were mentioned by respondents through-out the study area re f l e c ted ind iv idua l i n t e r e s t s , rather than a geo-g raph ica l l y s p e c i f i c in teres t group. The extent of th i s formal organ i sa -t i on was greater in the more s tab le Kit South. Th i s can be l inked to the greater length of residence and knowledge those res idents have of Vancouver. - ]kk -Such formal organisations do not present a medium through which i n d i v i d -uals, can express the i r sentiment as to the future of the i r environ to the larger society and c i t y power groups. Working Hypothesis I I I The knowledge inhabitants show of the i r environ i s d i r e c t l y proport ional to the s t a b i l i t y of that env iron. Va l idated in West K i t s i l a n o . However, the rather simple nature of th i s working hypothesis obscures an i n te re s t i ng aspect of the f ind ings from the West K i t s i l a n o study area. This i s revealed i f the hypothesis i s re-stated in the fo l lowing way: The type of knowledge possessed by the inhabitants i s d i r e c t l y re lated to the s t a b i l i t y experienced by that env i ron. ThisCpermits a t tent ion to be drawn to a very s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e rence in the type of understanding demonstrated by the respondents from the two sub areas. The understanding of their environ by the respondents from the h i s t o r i c a l l y more s tab le , homogeneous K i t South i s heavi ly inf luenced by c u l t u r a l - i n t e r a c t i o n i s t f a c to r s . This contrasts with the image pos-sessed by the res idents of the less s t ab le , heterogeneous Kit North which is the product of man-made landmarks. This d i s t i n c t i o n may be re lated to three f a c to r s : a) stage in l i f e cyc le b) patterns of i n te rac t i on c) t ime.perspect ive over which the area cons idered, such that the lack of soc ia l and psychological roots in the community, and the more cosmopolitan nature of the res idents of Kit North, appeared - 145 -to promote an i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with the man-made landmarks of the area. The d i v e r s i t y of housing types and shopping f a c i l i t i e s which charac ter -i se the area are obvious even to the v i s i t o r . Reference to these items means that a newcomer to the area can be immediately po s i t i ve about h is env i ron, despi te the fact he may have no other t i e s to the area. The c u 1 t u r a l - i n t e r a c t i o n i s t image res idents of Kit South have of the environ is a product of ce r t a i n l i f e s t y l e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which resu l t s in the d e f i n i t i o n of t h e i r area tapering of f gradual ly into adjacent middle c lass areas. In add i t i on , the longer time perspect ive on which the image i s based means that the change inducing elements are viewed over a s imi la r time per iod . These two facts permit the respondents of Kit South to descr ibe the image of the i r area in the form of patterns of i n t e r a c t i o n , which carry them outside of the i r r e s i den t i a l env i ron, thereby showing the i r a f f i n i t y to other re s i den t i a l areas. Simultaneously, they can descr ibe the change elements which are underway in the i r West K i t s i l a n o area in negative terms without fear o f . ' runn ing down' the i r environ and the way in which they use and perceive i t . This d i s t i n c t i o n between Kit South and Kit North of negative and pos i t i ve images re spec t i ve l y , i s very important in the f i n a l ana l y s i s . They r e f l e c t the a t t i tudes the respondents have in the two sub areas, and the act ion they would take in the face of threats to the continued e x i s t -ence of the environ in i t s present form. Working Hypothesis IV That there i s no c o r r e l a t i o n between the s t a b i l i t y of an env i ron, and the knowledge inhabitants show of the funct ion ing of c i t y government. - 11*6 -The nu11 hypothesis was re jec ted , and the re l a t i on sh ip between s t a b i l i t y and knowledge was accepted. Once again, however, the rather s i m p l i s t i c hypothesis obscured the l ink between the understanding at the c i t y scale and the way th i s inf luences the inhab i tants ' a t t i tudes toward the i r re s iden t i a l env iron. The greater understanding demonstrated by the* 1 ' respondents from the more stable Kit South produced a greater formal i ty over the way in which the e lected o f f i c i a l s should be approached in the case of an issue of p a r t i c u l a r concern to the res ident s . The less knowledgeable respondents (with respect to the Vancouver c i t y government function) from Kit North favoured a more d i r ec t approach. Th i s was i l l u s t r a t e d in the way in which many houses in the area were being r e h a b i l i t a t e d , and was a l so re f l e c ted in the i r proposed act ion in the face of projects which a f fected the s a t i s f a c t i o n of the i r l i f e s t y l e demands. In l i ght of t h i s , the hypothesis could be reworded to read: That the greater the s t a b i l i t y exhib i ted by an env i ron, the more formalised ; i s the approach of the res idents of that area to the c i t y government func t ion . This says nothing about the r e l a t i v e success of the two types of approa-ches in r e s i s t i n g change inducing fo rces . What patterns can be drawn from the re su l t s of these working hypotheses? The author suggests that there is not only a pat tern, but that i t throws considerable ins ight on the present funct ioning and the future of the sub areas of West K i t s i l a n o . The pattern of s t a b i l i t y exhib i ted by the sub areas in the past cannot be extended into the fu ture . The s t a b i l i t y exhib i ted by Kit South - 147 -over the past 30 years was a pecu l i a r one. It was the product of three f ac to r s : a) The timing of development in the area. In the immediate pre-war period land and cons t ruct ion costs were low, and houses cheap to b u i l d . b) The poorly drained land meant that the houses had to be of a modest s i z e , making i t p a r t i c u - ' l a r l y su i tab le for the owner-bui lder. c) Many of the res idents have become locked into the i r property, as a resu l t of e sca la t ing land and property p r i ce s . If the bu i ld ing of the house had not contr ibuted a sense of commitment to the area, then the r i s i n g pr ices would have done so by d e f a u l t . The newer res idents of Kit South do not demonstrate the same commitment to the area. They, have a greater choice of poss ible house locat ions to choose from, s ince new, larger houses on the urban f r inge of Vancouver can be bought for a comparable p r i c e . The houses i n the Kit South area may, furthermore, be regarded as a convenient stepping stone to more expensive property elsewhere in the c i t y whi l s t b e n e f i t -ing in the meantime from a convenient inner c i t y l o ca t i on . The low assoc ia t iona l membership found throughout West K i t s i l a n o r e f l e c t s in part the lack of commitment demonstrated by the res idents ; however, four reasons are suggested: a) The longer term res idents of Kit South are approaching, or have reached, retirement age. They may not l i ke the image the i r environ i s gaining but fee l there is l i t t l e they can now do about i t . b) The new res idents of Kit South do not have the commit-ment to the area possessed by the older re s ident s , many of whom had b u i l t t h e i r own house in the area. It i s suggested that they would move away from the area in the face of developments which they regarded as incompatible with the i r l i f e s t y le demands. - 148 -c) The large rental populat ion in Kit North do not have a long term commitment with respect to the area. It i s regarded as a convenient and very f r i end l y area for Un ivers i ty students and other i nd i v idua l s f ind ing themselves in Vancouver at the present t ime. d) There was a general an t i -o rgan i sa t iona l f ee l i n g sensed throughout West K i t s i l a n o . If a c r i t i c a l issue a s soc i a -ted with the environ d id a r i s e , then that would be the time to gauge the inhab i tant s ' fee l ings and take the appropriate evasive a c t i on . It would appear that in the case of West K i t s i l a n o a long a s soc ia t ion with the environ leads to the development of soc ia l and psychological roots and the development of a corresponding cu l tu ra l i n teract i oni st image. The lack of roots in the area demands the search for other forms of belongingness. The i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of man-made land- marks provide a ready suppont. It may further be contended that before res idents take act ion with respect to the future of the i r env i ron, they must have rea l i sed the a t t r i bu tes of the area in the form of the man-made landmarks and at the same time r e a l i s e the soc ia l value of an environ which may well be des-cr ibed in cu l tu ra l i n t e r a c t i o n i s t terms. In the case of West K i t s i l a n o , the undist inguished nature of the houses of Kit South do^'not present d i s t i n c t i v e man-made features i n comparison with other re s ident i a l areas in Vancouver. In add i t i on , the basis for the cu l tu ra l i n t e r a c t i o n i s t image conveyed by the res idents of Kit South is d i sappear ing. There appears to be l i t t l e basis for the further commitment to the area by the res idents of Kit South. This contrasts with the d iverse nature of Kit North, with i t s wealth of man-madefattributes. What i s needed now i s to further the - 149 -soc ia l and psychological a f f i n i t y the res idents have for the area. This w i l l necess i tate the reso lv ing of some of the antagonism which ex i s t s between the res idents of s ing le family houses and at the other extreme the communal households. If th i s can be achieved, there may be a reversa l of the patterns of s t a b i l i t y exhib i ted by the sub areas of West K i t s i l a n o . - 150 -CHAPTER VII SUMMARY ANO CONCLUSIONS The nature and scope of urban research has become c l o se l y associated with the methodological s oph i s t i ca t i on current ly a v a i l a b l e . In th i s respect the analys is of behavioural and perceptual data has been t r a d i t i o n a l l y confined to the laboratory or r igorous ly cont ro l l ed experimental cond i t ions . Where such condit ions do not p r e v a i l , for example in the r e s i -dent ia l env i ron, explanation has been sought in the more read i ly q u a n t i -f i a b l e data of population c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and housing cond i t ions . Whi lst these may be regarded as i nd i ca to r s of some of the inputs in to the da i l y funct ion ing of a re s iden t i a l env i ron, they do not throw any l i ght upon others, nor on the environ as 'output ' of a l l these f a c t o r s . The timing of th i s study co inc ides with theore t i ca l and method-o log i ca l departures in the f i e l d of urban ana ly s i s , which have revolved around the development of s oc i a l and behavioural ind ices of the way in which people in terac t wi th, perceive and use the i r env i ron. It i s undertaken at a time when the fr inges of Vancouver are expanding r ap id l y , and inner c i t y re s i den t i a l areas are becoming ' r i p e ' for redevelopment. It is undertaken at a time when the p o s s i b i l i t y of the re in t roduct ion of a ward system for Vancouver is being d i scussed, and when the City of Vancouver is cons ider ing the int roduct ion of 'area pianners ' . - 151 -1. Summary of the Study This study should be reviewed in terms of the theore t i ca l and methodological contr ibut ions to the fur ther ing of the understanding of the s t ructure and funct ioning of r e s i den t i a l environs. The theore t i ca l d i scuss ion opens with a c r i t i c a l eva luat ion of the l inger ing eco log ica l school of thought. This school sought an understanding of urban s tructure and change in terms of the economic model of equ i l i b r ium and opt imisat ion which had been based conceptual ly on an analogy with animal ecology. It was t r a d i t i o n a l l y associated with a quest for processes. However, as A l i han suggested, "the data presented cons i s ts of geometric conf igurat ions w i th in which some sort of soc ia l or economic s t ructure is assumed to e x i s t . Processes were merely the physical movements between these conf i gurat ions . "^ I f further under-standing of urban s t ructure i s to be made, the s u p e r f i c i a l de sc r i p t i on of processes is of l imi ted value; what i s more important i s the ana lys i s of the factors which contr ibute toward these processes. Further shortcomings of the eco log ica l school were suggested. It d id not consider the app l i ca t i on of i t s p r i nc i p l e s to a s table soc ie ty , and man to things re la t ionsh ips were not considered nor d id i t consider the more complex factors of ind iv idua l cogn i t ive behaviour, values and organisat ions. A behavioural approach to further understand urban r e s i d e n t i a l s t ructure was examined in the l i gh t of these f a i l i n g s . {I. A l i h a n , M., (1938), Soc ia l Ecology^,New York: Cooper Square Pub l i shers , Inc., p.136. * V - 152 -. The study has a threefo ld conceptual departure which is hinged around a behavioural approach to the study of r e s i den t i a l s t ruc ture . Central to th i s i s the notion developed by Chapin that i t is poss ib le to e s t ab l i sh the r e l a t i v e importance of conscious behaviour patterns as determinants of the present day pattern of r e s i d e n t i a l change. The nature of these behaviour patterns are int imate ly re la ted to the way in which the environ is perce ived. In th i s research the environment is c red i ted with an evocat ive ro le .c This fol lows the conceptua l i sat ions of F i rey and Molotch, who have suggested that a r e s i den t i a l environ can invoke a sentimental and symbolic attachment to i t on behalf of the res ident s . This i s manifes-ted i n a c e r t a i n commitment to the future of that environ in the face of the processes of invas ion and succession which would eventual ly pro-duce a new physical and soc ia l form to that env iron. The theo re t i c a l bases on which the study is based are operat ion-a l i sed in a modest way. The behaviour se t t ing used to test the general hypothesis and the four working hypotheses was 16 x 6 block area, located mid-way between downtown and the Un ivers i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia. The study area was c a r e f u l l y chosen to ensure that i t was heterogeneous from the point of view of population c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , and secondly that i t was s u f f i c i e n t l y mature in order that the processes of invasion and succession would normally have begun to emerge. The study area was broken into two par t s . Kit South was a s tab le, homogeneous area, whereas Kit North was a less s t ab le , hetero-geneous area. It must be emphasised that the d i s t inet ions estab1ished between the areas do not themselves contr ibute toward the eco-behavioural - 153 -c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the two areas; they are merely factors which descr ibe the outward appearance of the env iron. The formulation of the four working hypotheses, the ques t ion -naire construct ion and the data analys i s were cons i s tent ly organised in four sect ions . This ' permits a c lea rer understanding of the s t ructure of th i s study. The v a l i d i t y of the working hypotheses was'?reviewed in Chapter VI; the fo l lowing sect ion reviews the re su l t s in terms of the generaly' hypothesis . 2. The Value of Eco-behavioural Factors as Indices of Res ident ia l S t a b i l i t y . -JX i s very important to emphasise the d i s t i n c t i o n between the var iab les which ac tua l l y increase understanding of r e s i d e n t i a l s t ructure and funct ion ing , and the factors which are associated with such v a r i a b l e s . West Kits i1ano has been d iv ided in to two areas in th i s study. This d i s t i n c t i o n has been descr ibed in terms of the degree of s t a b i l i t y and homogeneity, r e f l e c t i n g the population descr ip tors i so l a ted for the study area, and aspects of i t s physical i n f r a s t r u c t u r e . These factors should not be used, indeed cannot be used, as ind ica tor s of the percept ion and understanding of the res idents . They are merely descr ip tor s of the two areas. The focus of th i s research was defined in terms of the s o c i a l , cu l tu ra l and organisationa1J;factors which inf luenced the sentiments expressed toward a pa r t i cu l a r r e s i den t i a l env i ron. f£uty eco-behavioural factors were considered c r i t i c a l in th i s analysis: ' i ) the extent of informal i n te ra t i on in the area, i i ) the extent of formal i n te r ac t i on in the area. - 1 5 4 -i i i ) the understanding and i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with the i r r e s i den t i a l environ. iv) the understanding res idents have at the c i t y s ca le . The most i n te res t ing and useful of these sets of var iab les from the point of view of the ant ic ipated s t a b i l i t y of the r e s i d e n t i a l env i ron, was that set associated with the understanding and percept ion of the environ ( i i i ) . As was ind icated -in the last s ec t i on , the r e s i -dents of Kit South had a c u 1 t u r a l - i n t e r a c t i o n i s t image of the i r env i ron, which contrasted with the image held by the respondents of Kit North which was heavi ly inf luenced by man-made landmarks. According to the eco log ica l school of thought, the area of Kit North would be more suscept ib le to change inducing fo rces , such as the bu i ld ing of apartment b locks, s ince the heterogeneous populat ion would not show a consenses of opinion towards the future of t h e i r area. Contrary to t h i s , th i s research postulates that the ana lys i s of eco-behavioural factors demonstrates the increased res i s tance to  change by the res idents of Kit North. This i s a t t r i bu tab le to the r e a l i s a t i o n amongst these res idents that the amenities provided by the area were p a r t i c u l a r l y suited to the i r often contrast ing l i f e s t y l e s , and d i f f i c u l t to r ep l i c a te elsewhere in the c i t y . Kit South has t r a -d i t i o n a l l y been more s t ab le ; however, evidence obtained suggests that th i s part of the study area is character i sed by a more ubiquitous l i f e s t y l e , the s a t i s f a c t i o n of which can be met elsewhere in the c i t y . The other eco-behavioural factors i so la ted of informal and formal i n t e r a c t i o n , and the level of understanding at the c i t y s c a l e , throw further l i ght on the ways in which the inhabitants of the two sub areas view the i r environ and the way in which they as i nd i v idua l s - 155 -can intervene in i t s evo lu t i on . The increased environmental and p o l i t i c a l awareness possessed by some urban dwellers is manifested in the recogn i t ion of the increased a b i l i t y he has to shape h i s own des t iny . This 'suggests that in a l l unban ana lys i s the ind iv idua l must be regarded as a th ink ing and act ing agent who can have an impact on the future use of land areas. The evo lut ion of the c i t y form can no longer be thought of as. one which i s charac ter -ised by the continual soc ie ta l adaption to space. The stage of l i f e cycl the length of res idence, or the to ta l family income did not correspond to the extent of the symbolic attachment demonstrated by the respondents to a part icu lar , env i ron. The in f luence of these populat ion character - i s t i c s was a l tered by sentiments attached to , and invoked by, env i ron - mental qua l i t y which had been measured in s o c i a l , cu l tu ra l and phys ica l terms.. It has been demonstrated in th i s study that the patterning of a re s i den t i a l environ at any one point in time represents the outcome of a complexity of choices made by, and demands imposed upon, a p a r t i c u -lar group of i n d i v i d u a l s . These choices and demands do not r e f l e c t the economic processes of opt imisat ion and equ i l i b r i um, but have been proved to be the funct ion of the in terp lay of the populat ion, the environ mental framework, and the organisat ional elements of the c i t y ' s func t ion i C r i t i c a l in th i s i n te r ac t i on is the ro le a phys i ca l l y d iverse and unusual r e s i den t i a l environ p lays . We must concur, in conc lus ion, with a statement made by Gerson, "that i t appears poss ib le to l im i t the rate of change in ce r ta in environs - 156 -and even c r e a t e p l a c e s of q u i e t , l a s t i n g t r a d i t i o n . " The g e n e r a l h y p o t h e s i s d e v e l o p e d f o r t h i s s tudy has been s u b s t a n t i a t e d : Tha t t he deg ree o f s t a b i l i t y o f a r e s i d e n t i a l e n v i r o n cannot be accoun ted f o r s o l e l y i n terms o f market f o r c e s . Pa r t o f the e x p l a n a t i o n must now be sought i n terms of i n d i v i d u a l e c o - b e h a v i o r a l f a c t o r s . 3• I m p l i c a t i o n s f o r E n v i r o n m e n t a l Management. T h e r e has been a r e c e n t spa te o f r e s e a r c h whose o b j e c t i v e has been the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of i n d i c a t o r s wh ich would c o n t r i b u t e t o a f u r t h e r u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f u rban s t r u c t u r e and f u n c t i o n . The i n d i c a t o r s which have been d e v e l o p e d i n the past have been r e a d i l y q u a n t i f i a b l e , market a n a l y s e s f a c t o r s wh ich r e f l e c t t he d i v e r g e n t and d i s p a r a t e i n p u t s i n t o the urban f a b r i c . The i n c r e a s i n g r e a l i s a t i o n of the p ro found c o m p l e x i t y of u rban s t r u c t u r e has l ed t o an e s c a l a t i n g demand f o r i n d i c e s wh ich may be termed output o r i e n t e d , t h a t i s , i n d i c e s wh ich throw some l i g h t on the q u a l i t y o f l i f e as i t i s e x p e r i e n c e d by c i t y d w e l l e r s . T h i s r e s e a r c h has sugge s ted t h a t t he e x t e n t of i n f o r m a l and forma l i n t e r a c t i o n , the p e r c e p t u a l q u a l i t i e s i nvoked by the e n v i r o n , and the l e v e l o f i n d i v i d u a l u n d e r s t a n d i n g at the c i t y s c a l e , a l l p r o -duce some i n s i g h t on the q u a l i t y of l i f e as i t i s e x p e r i e n c e d by d i f f e r -ent groups and i n d i v i d u a l s i n t he c i t y . 2 . G e r s o n , W., ( 1 9 7 0 ) , P a t t e r n s o f Urban L i v i n g , T o r o n t o : U n i v e r s i t y of T o r o n t o P r e s s , p. 15« - 157 -It is essent ia l that these ind ices be re-examined and the l i s t expanded i f those responsible for eny,i ronmental management are to respond to two developments. The f i r s t of these i s the increas ing knowledge inhabitants show of the c i t y ' s funct ion ing , and the level of involvement des ired in the way in which areas of the c i t y are to evolve. Secondly, the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y owed to a l l c i t y dwellers as i t becomes increas ing ly poss ib le to exert profound inf luences on the nature and pace of growth in the c i t y . The work presented here s p e c i f i c a l l y suggests that in order to gain a better understanding of the wayin which i nd i v idua l s use, and behave i n , the i r re s iden t i a l env i ron, we must ask more fundamentally soc ia l and .organisational questions than has t r a d i t i o n a l l y been the case. To d iv ide the c i t y in to areas based upon socio-economic data alone does not permit i nd iv idua l s throughout a l l ' ranks ' of society to recognise the worth of a pa r t i cu l a r area to his l i f e s t y l e , and as a resu l t take conscious steps to ensure i t s preservat ion. Secondly, to d iv ide the c i t y up into neighbourhoods on the basis of socio-economic c h a r a c t e r i s -t i c s , and treat each as a separate enclave, ignores the re l a t i onsh ip s and dependencies inhabitants have with the phy s i ca l , soc ia l and organ i -sat iona l r e a l i t i e s of other parts of the c i t y . The urgency of a more penetrat ing ana lys i s of urban soc i a l s t ructure is a real one, and nowhere more so than in Vancouver. The s i t y i s a young one; at the turn of the century most of the met ropo l i -tan area was f o r e s t , but with a present population increase of approach-ing k% per annum, important dec is ions as to the future form of the c i t y w i l l have to be taken soon. - 1 5 8 -These factors have a twofold impact. In the f i r s t p lace, the ro le of the planning funct ion must be c a r e f u l l y e s tab l i shed , and secondly, the nature of the information required for pol icy formation de f ined , and the most appropriate way of c o l l e c t i n g the information d e t a i l e d . These two facts are int imate ly in ter twined. A lack of c l a r i t y as to what cons t i tu tes the d i s c i p l i n e and prac t i ce of Community and Regional Planning and a lack of conv ic t ion amongst those involved in planning have contr ibuted to the., dilemma associated with the d e f i n i t i o n of the planning funct ion . As a r e s u l t , an i l l - d e f i n e d d i s c i p l i n a r y t e r r i t o r y has been superseded by a well defined and r e s t r i c t i v e p o l i t i c a l n iche. "The w i l l of the community is mediated through the p o l i t i c a l process . . . those with the most power 3 set the goals , the planner is simply the tool of the e l i t e " . In h is regard for his profess ional p o s i t i o n , the planner has not sought an adequate understanding of the dynamism and complexity of urban s t ruc tu re , and as a resu l t has often by-passed relevant p o l i c i e s . This has prompted theor i s t s such as Reisman to suggest that the path to urban analys i s must run through broader soc ie ta l ana l y s i s , whi l s t others have suggested that processes and s t ructure are more important than symptoms. The mic ro -o r ien ta t ion developed in th i s study seems a good one. It examines the interdependence of the numerous systems that comprise a re s i den t i a l environ at a level at which .they impinge upon one another, whi l s t at the same time provides the.opportunity to examine the impact of 3. Pahl , R.E., (1970), Whose C i t y ? , London: Longman's, p .206. - 159 -forces and developments of only seemingly greater magnitude. However, these comments say nothing about the most appropriate organisat ional framework for those involved in environmental management. At the present time the City of Vancouver is contemplating the establishment of area planners in se lected parts of the c i t y , inc lud ing K i t s i l a n o . Yet among the respondents of th i s study there was sceptism as to whether the decen t ra l i s a t i on of the planner from City Hal l would e i ther f a c i l i t a t e the better communication of re s ident s ' f e e l i n g s , or a s s i s t in the preservat ion of ex i s t i ng amenit ies. ' A f te r a l l , he would remain the handmaiden of the p o l i t i c i a n s . " As1 e f f e c t i v e as an area planner might be in s h i f t i n g the power c loser to the res idents of the area, each part of the c i t y w i l l s t i l l have to operate wi th in the const ra ints set by other parts of the c i t y , and by the c i t y operating as an interdependent un i t^ such in teres t s may be quite d i f f e r e n t , or even c o n f l i c t i n g . To impose a system of p l u r a l i s t mechanisms such as area planners on to a heavi ly cent ra l i sed c i t y p o l i t i c a l s t ructure which character i ses Vancouver at the present t ime, is c e r t a i n l y not the way to solve the dilemma of the undemocratic nature of soc ie ty . What i s more appropr iate, i t may be suggested, is to develop a more micro-or iented monitoring system s imi la r to the one used in th i s research, but at the same time ensure that those involved in environmental management become part of , rather than al leged experts f o r , c u l t u r a l change. There was a recent example of th i s working in Vancouver. The mature r e s i -dent ia l area of Strathcona was scheduled by the C i ty Planning Department to be redeveloped to include a downtown freeway. This threat has been _ 160 -r e s i s t e d , temporari ly at l eas t , by ind iv idua l s involved in d iverse aspects of environmental management, working outside the i r profess ional ro les with the community groups. Not only would i t appear poss ib le to r e p l i c a t e th i s type of i n te rvent ion in West K i t s i l a n o to maintain the d i v e r s i t y of dwel l ing types in the face of encroaching apartment b locks, but i t would appear that the res idents would favour a more d i r ec t approach of th i s kind at the appropriate moment. The m ic ro -o r ien ta t i on of th i s study has i s o l a ted ind ices which r e f l e c t respondents' a t t i tudes toward d i v e r s i t y , s t imulat ion and env i ron -mental q u a l i t y . These are factors which contr ibute towards a more general qua l i t y of l i f e . I f, as planners, we are to address ourselves to the pub l i c i n teres t and develop a broader and more penetrat ing soc ie ta l ana lys i s along the l ines suggested here, we must a l so be prepared to suggest so lut ions which t r a d i t i o n a l l y l i e outside our f i e l d of competence or outside our i n s t i t u t i o n a l r o l e . This becomes a p rerequ i s i te for r e l e -vant in tervent ion or c a r e f u l l y ca lcu la ted non- intervent ion. Our a b i l i t y to ask fundamentally soc ia l questions w i l l be wasted i f we cannot demonstrate equal f l e x i b i l i t y in our search for appropriate p o l i c i e s and avenues of i n te rven t i on . k. Suggestions for Further Research. Some suggestions for further research may be documented. It should be emphasised, however, that th i s does not preclude the care fu l scrut iny of the theore t i ca l conceptua l i sat ions and operat ional framework by every reader to suggest ways in which i t could be improved. It i s f e l t by the author that the dec i s ion to have one dependent - 161 -v a r i a b l e , namely the degree of s t a b i l i t y , and to have a l l the other eco-behavioural factors as independent v a r i ab l e s , has been a successful one from the point of view of th i s study. It permitted a l l the input var iab les to be considered as having an equal impact on the a t t i tudes of the res idents to the environ, without e s tab l i sh ing a cause/ef fect r e l a t i on sh ip at an ear ly stage. Two p o s s i b i l i t i e s stem from th i s approach. In the f i r s t place, there i s a need to i den t i f y other v a r i -ables which could be regarded as eco-behavioural inputs . Secondly, having undertaken the prel iminary i n v e s t i g a t i o n , i t may now be poss ib le to invest i gate pa r t i cu l a r interdependencies. i ) The nature of the as soc ia t ion which ex i s t s between bu i ld ing form and the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with a p a r t i c u -lar env i ron. Does an attachment to a p a r t i c u l a r bu i ld ing form ar i se in the absence of other soc i a l and cu l tu ra l roots? What measures would res idents take to preserve a pa r t i cu l a r bu i ld ing form? i i ) The re l a t i on sh ip between perception of change elements and involvement in formal organ isat ions . Do neighbour-hood organisat ions merely dup l icate e f f o r t s taken elsewhere? Should act ion taken by the res idents be ad hoc and s p e c i f i c ? i i i ) The ro le of p o l i t i c a l and organisat ional in f luence i n the preservat ion of ex i s t i ng environmental amenit ies. What is the re l a t i onsh ip between ' s u c c e s s f u l ' local campaigns against s p e c i f i c i s sues , and the c i t y power s tructure? Is there any pattern associated with the d i s t r i b u t i o n of publ ic resources? iv) The value of examining the s t a b i l i t y of a r e s i den t i a l env i ron. Should the d e f i n i t i o n of s t a b i l i t y be expanded to include such factors as, the frequency with which ctJjevelopment permits are i s sued, the volume of telephone i n s t a l l a t i o n s , or the school enrolment turnover? What i s the re l a t i onsh ip between stable re s i den t i a l environs and the c i t y tax base? Can re s iden t i a l s t a b i l i t y ex i s t in physical terms despite soc ia l mobi l i ty throughout the area? - 162 -This study was undertaken in an area character i sed by low to middle income res ident s . The methodology developed makes i t equal ly su i tab le to be appl ied to lower or higher income groups, in centra l c i t y or in urban f r inge l oca t ions . It i s suggested that the study be repeated with other income groups and in other parts of the c i t y to assess the in f luence these factors have had i n the resu l t s obtained. The increased consciousness found throughout society must be r e f l e c t e d in further urban ana l y s i s . No longer can urban s t ructure be explained in terms of the unrelent ing forces of invas ion and succession which changes the form-of the behaviour s e t t i n g , and introduces new people to people r e l a t i o n s . If further ins ight is to be shed on re s i den t i a l s t ruc ture and change, th i s w i l l requi re'Ethe cont inuing conceptual development along the l ines developed in th i s study. We must seek to i d e n t i f y the con-sc ious ly held goals of urban dwel lers , the factors which encourage r e s i -dents to seek the s a t i s f a c t i o n of these goals in pa r t i cu l a r r e s i den t i a l environs, and the.means by which intervening condit ions are overcome. This w i l l pave the way for sympathetic po l i cy i n te rvent i on . - 163 -APPENDIX A SAMPLE AREA AND SAMPLE CHOICE A. SELECTION OF THE STUDY AREA The choice of Waterloo Street as the sample area is the outcome of a two-stage process. a) The dec i s ion to study the area def ined by myself as West K i t s i l a n o . b) The choice of Waterloo Street as being representat ive of the sect iona l d i v e r s i t y of West K i t s i l a n o . 1. Choice of West K i t s i l a n o as the Study Area The fo l lowing i s a l i s t of the c r i t e r i a upon which the choice of the test area was made: a) The study area had to be exc lu s i ve l y r e s i d e n t i a l . b) The en t i r e study area had to be approximately equ i -d i s tant from downtown Vancouver, in order that the factor of d is tance from the c i t y centre would not e f f e c t the comparabi l i ty of the data. c) The area had to be a s u f f i c i e n t l y mature one to ensure that the processes of invas ion and succes-s ion would have had an opportunity to exert t h e i r i nf luence. d) The area had to include potent ia l change inducing elements, some of which would be i d e n t i f i e d on an a p r i o r i ba s i s . e) The area had to be known to me as a resident rather than as a researcher a lone. I l i ved in the area p r i o r to and during the research period for one and a ha l f years. (A de sc r i p t i on of the study area appears in Chapter IV.1 of the tex t . ) The study area i s shown in Map 6, Chapter IV.2. The area i s divided, by two commercial s t r i p s , namely Broadway and Fourth Avenue. j - 16A - ! These s t reets were not included in the sample; the low r i s e apartment bu i ld ings and Central Mortgage and Housing Corporat ion War Veterans Housing, which are interspersed between the commercial development, were considered to be a typ ica l of the type of housing which otherwise character i ses th i s area. These two commercial s t r i p s were ten ta t i ve l y used to d iv ide the area into three s t r a t a . (Later col lapsed into two.) 2. ;Choice of Waterloo Street as Representative of West K i t s i l a n o . Vancouver has a r e p e t i t i v e s t reet pat tern. Every f i f t h east-west s t r e e t , and every eighth to tenth north-south s t reet are main a r t e r i e s . In the f i v e by eight block area between these s t reets the houses normally face on to the east-west s t r ee t s . Waterloo Street in West K i t s i l a n o i s unusual in th i s respect; i t runs north to south wi th in th i s f i ve by eight block area, but has houses f ront ing on to i t . Further analys i s was therefore conducted to e s t ab l i sh i f Waterloo Street could be used as a subs t i tu te for West K i t s i l a n o . More s p e c i f i c i a l l y that : a) Waterloo Street could be s t r a t i f i e d into sub-areas. b) Waterloo Street did not d i f f e r s i g n i f i c a n t l y from West K i t s i l a n o in terms of length of res idence. Nine out of the seventeen east-west s t reets in the area were examined in the C i ty D i rec to ry . (Streets se lected are shown in Map 6.) Every entry for each of these s t reets was noted for the years 1955, 19&0, 1965, 1970 and 1971 to e s tab l i sh the length of residence of the present occupier, and changes in ownership patterns. A l l the en t r ie s for Waterloo Street were s i m i l a r l y noted. - 165 -Analys i s of variance for West K i t s i l a n o suggested that in terms of the length of residence of the present occupier, the area could not be s t r a t i f i e d into three s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t areas. A more accurate r e f l e c t i o n of patterns of length of residence i s obtained from the d i v i -s ion of the area into two sub-areas, d iv ided by Broadway. It was on the basis of th i s d i v i s i o n that West K i t s i l a n o and Waterloo Street were sub-sequently examined. The comparisons of the length of residence of the present occupier for each of the two s t r a t a , for both West K i t s i l a n o and Waterloo Street are shown in tables 1 to 3 of th i s Appendix. a) There was a s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e rence between the sub-areas wi th in West K i t s i l a n o for the length of re s idence . * (See Table 1.) b) There was a s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e rence between the length of residence between the sub-areas in Waterloo S t r e e t . * Both West K i t s i l a n o and Waterloo Street can, there fo re , be d iv ided into 2 s t r a t a . c) There was no s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e rence in the length of residence between West K i t s i l a n o and Waterloo Street for sub-area ' K i t South ' . (See Table 3.)* d) There was no s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e rence in the length of residence between West K i t s i l a n o and Water 1oo ; Street for the sub-area ' K i t No r th ' . (See Table 3.)* The d i s t i n c t i o n between. ' K i t South' and 'K i t North ' p a r a l l e l s the present Zoning By-Laws of the C i t y , the approximate d i f f e rence in ages of the houses, and the boundary of the soc ia l area as defined by B e l l . This s t a t i s t i c a l and q u a l i t a t i v e representat iveness of Waterloo Street led to the dec i s ion to draw the sample only from Waterloo S t r e e t , S i g n i f i c a n t at the 0.05 level of p r o b a b i l i t y . -.166 -s ince i t contains a l l of the v a r i a t i o n found in the larger area of West Ki ts i1ano. B. SELECTION OF THE SAMPLE FROM WITHIN WATERLOO STREET Of the 154 household uni ts in Waterloo Street recorded in 1971, 95 were in Kit South and 59 in Kit North. However, Kit South contained a s i g n i f i c a n t l y greater v a r i a b i l i t y than the remainder of the area. (A var iance of 2.243 as compared to 1.657.) The sample s i ze was var ied between the sub-groups according to the var iance demonstra-ted by th i s area. The t o t a l sample s ize was set before the f ieldwork was under-taken. The object ive was 50 completed interv iews, (48 a c tua l l y being completed). The houses were chosen on the basis of a systematic random sample without replacement. The systematic random sample was proport ional to the s i ze of the variance of the sti-ata. (The larger the variance the larger the sample s i z e , i r r e s p e c t i v e of the s i ze of the populat ion.) There fore , Sample s ize . Kit South : Kit North Sample s ize =- 2.243 : 1.657 Which, with a Sample s i ze of 50 (48) i s equal to : 29 (28) households from Ki t South 21 (20) households from Kit North. The actual households chosen to p a r t i c i p a t e in the survey were picked according to these proportions from a complete l i s t of a l l the households in both s t ra ta arranged numerical ly according to house (and where necessary) su i te number. I f there was no response from the house-hold o r i g i n a l l y chosen, the immediately higher house number was s e l e c t e d . -1.67. C. SUMMARY The f i na l choice of the sample i s , there fo re , the outcome of a) The se lec t i on of West K i t s i l a n o as the study area. b) The s t r a t i f i c a t i o n of West K i t s i l ano into two sub-areas. c) The se l ec t i on of Waterloo Street as a s t r a t i f i e d sample representat ive of the West K i t s i l a n o S t r a ta . d) The systematic random sampling of households from each of the s t ra ta represented by Waterloo S t ree t . of a 4-stage process: TABLE 1. WEST KITSILANO AS A SAMPLE AREA VARIABLE: LENGTH OF RESIDENCE OF THE PRESENT OCCUPIER KIT SOUTH KIT NORTH Length of Residence Tota l No. Frequency Total No. Frequency Under 1 Year 25 8.9 145 29.4 1 to 5 Years 88 31.4 178 36.0 6 to 10 Years 45 16.1 10.1 11 to 15 Years 37 13.2 34 6.9 Over 15 Years 85 30.4 ^87 17.6 Total No. of Households 280 100% 494 100% Mean 3.246 2.474 Standard Deviat ion 1.401 1.426 Variance 1.964 2.035 Standard Error of d i f fe rences between sub-areas in West K i t s i l ano : s ' E - (3.246-2.474) = 7(1-964/280) + (2.035/494) = 0.1055 0 + or - I.96 S.E. gives a range of -O.20678 to +O.20678, but the d i f f e rence between the means i s greater than t h i s . Therefore accept the nul l hypothesis that, there is a s i g n i f i -cant d i f f e rence between the length of residence of the present occupier for residents of K i t South and Ki t North, for West K i t s i l a n o . TABLE 2. WATERLOO STREET AS A SAMPLE AREA . VARIABLE: LENGTH OF RESIDENCE OF THE PRESENT OCCUPIER KIT SOUTH KIT NORTH Length of Residence Total No. Frequency Tota l No. Frequency Under 1 Year 13 13.7 18 30.5 1 to 5 Years 24 25.3 23 39^0 6 to 10 Years 15 15.8 8 13.6 11 to 15 Years 10 10.5 . 3 5.1 Over 15 Years 33 34.7 7 11.9 Tota l No. of Households 95 100% 59 100% Mean 3-274 2.288 Standard Deviat ion 1.498 1.287 Vari ance 2.243 1.657 Standard Error of d i f fe rences between sub-areas of Waterloo S t reet : S*E,(3.274-2.288) = / (2-2^3/95)+ ( 1 .657/59) = 0.22758 0 + or - 1.96 S .E. gives a range of -0.44607 to +0.44607, but the d i f fe rence between the means is greater than t h i s . Therefore accept the nul l hypothesis that there is a s i g n i f i -cant d i f f e rence between the length of residence of the present occupier for residents of Kit South and Ki t North, for Waterloo S t reet . TABLE 3» COMPARISON BETWEEN WEST KITSILANO AND WATERLOO STREET AS POTENTIAL STUDY AREAS - ACCORDING TO SUB-GROUPS VARIABLE: LENGTH OF RESIDENCE OF THE PRESENT OCCUPIER a) For Kit South: West K i t s i l a n o Waterloo Street Mean 3.246 3.274 Standard Dev ia t ion 1.401 1.498 Variance 1.964 2.243 Total No. of Households 280 95 Standard Error of d i f fe rences between West K i t s i l a n o and Waterloo Street for sub-area Kit South: S*E'(3.274-3.246) = y (2.243/95) + (1.964/280) = 0.3062 0 + or - I.96 S .E. gives a range of -0.628 to +0.628, but the d i f f e rence between the means is smaller than t h i s . Therefore re jec t the nu l l hypothesis and conclude that there i s no s i g n i -f i can t d i f f e rence between the length of residence amongst the present occupants of West K i t s i l a n o and Waterloo Street for Kit South. b) For K i t North: West K i t s i l a n o Waterloo Street Mean 2.474 2.288 Standard Dev ia t ion 1.426 1.287 Variance 2.035 1.657 Tota l No. of Households 494 59 Standard Error of d i f f e rences between West K i t s i l a n o and Waterloo Street for sub-area Kit North: S-E'(2.474-2.288) = V ( 2 - 0 3 5 / W + (1 .657/59) = 0.180 0 + or - I.96 S.E. gives a range from -0.3528 to +0.3528, but the d i f f e rence between the means i s smaller than t h i s . There fore , re ject the nul l hypothesis and conclude that there i s no s i g n i f i -cant d i f f e rence between the length of residence amongst the present occupants of West K i t s i l a n o and Waterloo Street for K i t North. A l l d i f fe rences measured at the 0.05 p robab i l i t y of being wrong. APPENDIX B INTERVIEW METHODS AND QUESTIONNAIRE FORMAT The quest ionnaire used in th i s study appears in the fo l lowing 1 pages. The format and content were designed s p e c i f i c a l l y to r e f l e c t the breadth and depth of the information demanded by the working d e f i n i t i o n s . (See Chapter III.5.) The quest ionnaire represents a j o i n t study of per -sonal and environmental data , behaviour and a t t i t u d e s . Time const ra int s necess i tated the in t roduct ion of measures to reduce costs associated with the admin is t rat ion of the quest ionna i re . It was decided at the outset that th i s would be achieved through the care fu l s e l ec t i on of the sample s i ze of f i f t y respondents, rather than los ing the opportunity for ' i n depth ' in terv iews. In i t s f i n a l form, the quest ionnaire format came to resemble an interview schedule, contain ing three sect ions . i ) Questions ;1 -28 .concerned with formal and informal group p a r t i c i p a t i o n and a t t i tudes toward, and the use made of the i r r e s i den t i a l env i ron, by the respondents. i i ) Questions ;29f3.6-concerned with the respondents' understanding at the c i t y s ca le . i i i ) ; Questions ?|1^#J? concerned with personal data a s s o c i -ated with the respondents. Throughout, the questions were c a r e f u l l y worded to avoid ambigu-i t y and contentious words such as, 'development', ' change ' , or ' react t o ' . In add i t i on , the questions were standardised to e l iminate potent ia l v a r i a -t i on in the data from interview to interview a r i s i n g out of d i f f e rences in the way questions were s tated. However, the interviewer was free to chang - 172 -the order of the questions w i th in the three sect ions i f a t r a i n of thought was being developed by the respondent. Such addi t iona l comments were, noted beside the o r i g ina l question asked in as f u l l a form as po s s i b l e . A question that had been covered already in the d i scuss ion was asked again in the way i t was stated in the quest ionna i re. For example, a respondent may have commented upon the. bu i ld ing of apartments when asked; in Question 11 - What s ing le factor i s most he lp fu l in de f in ing the bounda-r i e s of t h i s d i s t r i c t for you? In such a case, Question 2k would have been asked in the fo l lowing manner: "You menti oned the bu i l d ing of apar t -ments previous ly when, you were def in ing th i s area - how do you feel about the new apartment bu i ld ings which are being b u i l t ? This demands a thorough acquaintance with the quest ionnaire format and the object ives on the part of the interv iewer, and an a b i l i t y to know how and when to encourage the respondent to e laborate on a par -t i c u l a r quest ion. The questions themselves f a l l into two broad ca tegor ie s , open ended and closed quest ions. In th i s study i t was decided that wherever poss ib le the open ended question should be used. A pattern developed, in which a c losed quest ion would be followed by an open ended one to gauge why the respondent fee l s th i s way about th ings . This method proved par-t i c u l a r l y product ive. (For an example of th i s technique, see Question 29.) This technique of l ink ing closed and open questions was used in combination with contingency i n s t r u c t i o n s . Once c e r t a i n c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of a household unit had been e s tab l i shed , fur ther quest ioning could some-times be omitted. For example, Questions 25-27 were only for those respondents who had looked at other property with a view to moving. - 173 -The respondents were required to a c t i ve l y p a r t i c i p a t e i n the quest ionnaire throughout i t s admin i s t ra t ion . This took two forms. At the beginning of the quest ionnaire the respondent was asked to draw the boundaries of the area he had spec i f i ed in Question 3 on the map pro-v ided. The respondent kept the map throughout the interview and con-t inua l reference was made to i t and the area he or she had marked, in the posing of subsequent quest ions. The second form of p a r t i c i p a t i o n took place using cards. The information on the cards corresponded to the categor ies on the ques t i on -na i re . Question 22, for example, asks i nd i v idua l s how they fee l towards ce r t a i n a c t i v i t i e s which a re s ident s ' organisat ion could become involved i n . Handing the respondent a card with the l i s t of a c t i v i t i e s on i t prompted a better understanding of the quest ion and permitted more time to be devoted to the response. It became apparent that making the r e s -pondent p a r t i c i p a t e in these ways contr ibuted s i g n i f i c a n t l y to es tab-l i s h i ng a good rapport between interviewer and respondent. Cards were a lso used in Questions 38 and U}i+Jwhere the object was to e l i c i t information of a more personal nature. Using th i s t e c h -nique, i t became apparent to the respondent that the study was not in teres ted in a prec ise f i gure for age or income, but only i n the appro-p r i a te range. A pre- tes t was conducted on 8 respondents l i v i n g in Kit South, during the week March 27-31, 1972, and the form of the quest ionnaire used in the fo l lowing two weeks f i n a l i s e d as i t appears in t h i s Appendix. Included in th i s Appendix is the covering l e t t e r which was sent pr ior to the interview to a l l the households chosen in the sample. The low rate of refusa l i s a t t r i b u t a b l e in part to t h i s . - 175 -SCHOOL OF COMMUNITY & REGIONAL PLANNING UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA BEHAVIOURAL FACTORS & RESIDENTIAL STABILITY STUDY INTERVIEWER SECTOR NUMBER HOUSE NUMBER LENGTH OF INTERVIEW RESPONDENT - 176 -1. How long have you l ived in Vancouver? Try to get the length of residence to the c losest f u l l year. years . UNDER 1 YEAR 1 TO 2 YEARS 2 TO 5 YEARS 5 TO 10 YEARS 10 TO 15 YEARS OVER 15 YEARS 2. How long have you l ived in th i s house? Try to get the length of residence to the c losest f u l l year, years. UNDER 1 YEAR 1 TO 2 YEARS 2 TO 5 YEARS 5 TO 10 YEARS 10 TO 15 YEARS OVER 15 YEARS f 3. I f someone was to ask you which part of Vancouver are you l i v i n g in now, what would you say? Would you please draw the boundaries of (USE NAME GIVEN IN QUESTION 3) on th i s map for me? (HAND RESPONDENT MAP A) INTERVIEWER: IF R MAKES ANY VOLUNTARY COMMENTS ABOUT THE APPROPRIATENESS OF THE AREA MAPPED, PLEASE NOTE THEM. /OVER - 177 -MAPPED AREA TOO SMALL MAPPED AREA TOO LARGE MAPPED AREA WRONG SHAPE DON'T UNDERSTAND IT OTHER NO COMMENT 1 2 3 k 5 6 On th i s same map I would l i ke you to mark the phys ica l and soc ia l features you consider to be d i s t i n c t i v e , i n t e r e s t i n g , or important. How do you fee l about t h i s area as a place to l i v e . (POINT TO THE AREA THEY MARKED IN QUESTION k). From your own personal point of view would you rate th i s as a place to l i v e as e x c e l l e n t , good, average, below average, or poor? EXCELLENT GOOD AVERAGE J Why do you feel th i s BELOW AVERAGE POOR I have here another map of t h i s part of Vancouver. (HAND R MAP B.) I would l i k e you to mark on t h i s map: a) Where your neighbours are located. b) Where your f r iends are located. Please number them as you go along. Now which of these by number: (For neighbours) ARE RELATIVES WOULD YOU CALL ON IN AN EMERGENCY OR FOR A FAVOUR /OVER - 178 -7- (Continued). WOULD YOU VISIT WITH AT HOME WOULD YOU GO WITH TO A MEETING OR AN ORGANISATION (For Friends and Neighbours) ONCE A WEEK OR MORE ONCE EVERY TWO WEEKS ONCE A MONTH ONCE OR TWICE A YEAR a) How often do you vi s i t s oc i a l1y . b) How often do you go together to a meeting or an organisat i on? 9. I am a lso in teres ted where your 5 c losest f r iends in Vancouver l i v e . Would you mark them with a red penci l on Map B. I f they do not l i v e in th i s area could you give me the name of the s t reet and the block number where they l i v e . FRIEND I FRIEND II FRIEND III FRIEND IV FRIEND V 10. Have ch i l d ren been an in f luence in determining whom you have made f r iends with? YES (Comments) 1 NO 2 OTHER 3 - 179 -11. We s t a r t e d by mark ing ^ (USE NAME GIVEN IN QUESTION 3) on the map". S i n c e then we have looked at p h y s i c a l and s o c i a 1 f e a t u r e s o f t h e a r e a and the l o c a t i o n s o f f r i e n d s . What s i n g l e f a c to r , i s most h e l p f u l i n mark ing the b o u n d a r i e s of t h i s d i s t r i c t f o r you? (HAND R CARD A) Ag ree N e u t r a l :' D i s a g r e e APPEARANCE OF HOUSES PARTICULAR SHOPPING FACIL IT IES FRIENDS THAT YOU HAVE MADE IT IS A DISTINCT GEOGRAPHICAL UNIT PRESENTS A DISTINCT SOCIAL UNIT IMPOSSIBLE TO SAY OTHER IF MOVED HERE WITHIN THE LAST 10 YEARS IF NOT GO TO 14 12a. When you were c o n s i d e r i n g moving t o t h i s a r e a what t h i n g s about t h e a r e a d i d you see as b e i n g p a r t i c u l a r l y a t t r a c t i v e ? 12b. Were t h e r e any t h i n g s t h a t seemed u n s a t i s f a c t o r y , but you d e c i d e d t o move here j u s t the same? 13. (HAND R CARD B.) Would you t e l l me whether each of t h e s e i tems was, ve ry i m p o r t a n t ( 4 ) , q u i t e i m p o r t a n t (3), not v e r y i m p o r t -ant (2), or not c o n s i d e r e d (1) when you were c o n s i d e r i n g moving t o t h i s a r e a . 4 '3 2 1 S IZE OF HOUSE ACCESS TO WORK CLOSENESS TO SHOPS RECREATIONAL OPPORTUNITIES IN THE AREA • SCHOOL FACIL IT IES IN THE AREA CLOSENESS TO FRIENDS HOUSE PRICE - 1 8 0 -14. Would you t e l l me where you do the fo l lowing a c t i v i t i e s normally? (HAND R CARD C & SHOW MAP A ) . Do you do them in (USE NAME FROM QUESTION 3) ? J u s t outside that area, or elsewhere in town? IN AREA 1 JUST OUTSIDE 2 ELSEWHERE IN CITY 3 WEEKLY SHOPPING FOR GROCERIES VISIT THE DOCTORS VISIT THE DENTIST GO TO GAS STATION GO FOR WALKS VISIT WITH FRIENDS DO SPECIALIST SHOPPING 15. Do you know of any organisat ions made up of res idents of th i s area? YES 1 NO 2 IF YES, please spec i fy : a. -. c. ' d. 16. (HAND R CARD D) Please look at t h i s l i s t and t e l l me which of these organisat ions the family belongs to (4 ) , Household Head (3) , Husband/Wife (2) , Ch i ldren (1 ) , No Member (0 ) . /OVER - 181 -16. (Continued) k 3 2 1 Q. 17 Q.18 a. PARENT/TEACHER b. CHURCH GROUP c. COMMUNITY CENTRE ACTIVITY GROUP -d. RATEPAYERS ASSOCIATION e. POLITICAL ORGANISATION f. TRADE UNION g. PROFESSIONAL ORGANISATION h. CHARITY ORGANISATION i . RESIDENTS ASSOCIATION j , OTHER IF 'NEITHER1 GO TO 21 17. How often do you go to meetings? Is i t : -ONCE A WEEK 5 ONCE EVERY TWO WEEKS - h ONCE A MONTH 3 A FEW TIMES A YEAR NEVER (ASK R a.17 IN THE CASE OF EACH ORGANISATION IN WHICH HE IS A MEMBER, AND NOTE THE NUMBER BESIDE THE LIST IN Q.16). 18. Where do most of the members l i ve? IN THIS AREA IN OTHER PARTS OF THE CITY ' 1 (ASK R a.18 IN THE CASE OF EACH ORGANISATION IN WHICH HE IS A MEMBER, AND NOTE THE NUMBER BESIDE THE LIST IN Q.16). 19« At the last meeting you attended, did you p a r t i c i p a t e in the d i scuss ion? YES 1 NO 2 CAN'T REMEMBER 3 - 182 -20. Thinking of your involvement ' in clubs and community organisat ions in the past two years , would you say you were more involved now, the same as before, or less involved now? MORE INVOLVED NOW 3 SAME AS BEFORE 2 LESS INVOLVED NOW 1 Some people l i ke to be more involved in clubs and community a c t i v i t i e s than they are, whi le others l i ke to be less invo lved. Would you l i ke to be more invo lved, less invo lved, or about as - involved as you are now? MORE INVOLVED SAME AS NOW LESS INVOLVED 3 2 1 Why do you fee l th i s way? 22. Here is a l i s t of items which a local organisat ion could become involved i n . (HAND R CARD E) . Do you think i t should become involved with these a c t i v i t i e s ? Would you say whether you agree (3 ) , disagree (1 ) , or (2) are neutral in each case. 3 2 1 a. CONTROL TYPE OF HOUSING DEVELOPMENT b. ORGANISE DAY CARE/BABY SITTING SERVICE c. BE INVOLVED IN NEIGHBOURHOOD PLANNING d. IMPROVE HOUSING & TRANSPORTATION SERVICES FOR SENIOR CITIZENS e. CONTROL TYPE OF COMMERCIAL DEVELOPMENT f . RUN RECREATION/EDUCATION PROGRAMS FOR ADULTS 9* ASSEMBLE & DISTRIBUTE INFORMATION ON THIS AREA & THE REST OF THE CITY /OVER - 183 -22. (Continued) 3 2 1 h. CARRY OUT DRUG & ALCOHOL EDUCATION i . REGULATE MOTOR TRAFFIC j • RUN YOUTH 'DROP IN' CENTERS k. ANY PROGRAM WHICH PRESERVES THE PRESENT CHARACTER OF THE AREA ^ If ' k ' please specify what you have in mind: 23. Do you see yourse l f as playing an act ive ro le in any of these items? YES 1 NO 2 DON'T KNOW 3 24. I have a s e l ec t i on of projects taking place in or near to th i s area. I would l i ke to know how you feel about each of them. (BE ON THE LOOK OUT FOR OPINIONS WHICH INDICATE WHETHER R WOULD ACCEPT, RESIST OR MOVE AWAY IN THE LIGHT OF DEVELOPMENT). (CONTINUE COMMENTS ON THE FOLLOWING SHEET IF NECESSARY), a. NEW APARTMENT BUILDINGS BEING BUILT b. IMPROVING THE APPEARANCE OF STORES ALONG BROADWAY. /OVER - 184 -24. (Continued) c . CONSTRUCTION OF OFFICE BUILDINGS ALONG BROADWAY, d. WIDENING OF POINT GREY ROAD. e. IMPROVING PARK AND BEACH FACILITIES f. SUBDIVISION OF EXISTING HOUSES INTO SUITES, 25. S ince you have l ived in (USE NAME FROM Q..3) have you looked at another property with a view to moving? YES 1 (IF YES) NO 2 Was i t i n t h i s area or not? YES 1 NO 2 GO TO Q . 28 (IF YES GO TO QUESTION 28) 26. What were some of your reasons for looking for another place to l i ve? (HAND R CARD F ) . Would you ,te11 me whether each of these reasons was very important (4), qu i te important (3) , not very important (2 ) , not considered (1) . 4 3 2 1 a. THE FACT THAT IT WAS IN A DIFFERENT AREA b. IT WAS NEARER TO WORK c. IT WAS A LARGER HOUSE d. MORE RECREATIONAL FACILITIES IN THE AREA /OVER - 185 -26. (Continued) Very important (k), Quite important (3), Not very important (2 ) , Not considered (1 ) . k 3 2 1 e. BETTER EDUCATIONAL FACILITIES f . NEARER FRIENDS OR RELATIVES g- PHYSICAL SURROUNDINGS MORE ATTRACTIVE • h. OTHER 27. What made you decide not to move in the end? - ^ 2 8 . Do you consider the character of th i s area to be changing? YES 1 NO 2 DON'T KNOW 3 (IF 1 OR 2) Would you please speci fy exact ly what you mean by th i s ? - 186 -(I WOULD LIKE TO SHIFT FOCUS FROM THIS AREA TO THE VANCOUVER REGION GENERALLY) 29. Do you think that ind iv idua l s l i ke yourse l f should be consulted in dec is ions about the future of the City? (Other than in C i ty E l e c t i o n s ) . YES 1 NO 2 HADN'T THOUGHT ABOUT IT 3 (IF 1 OR 2) Why do you fee l th i s way? 30. Have you attended any publ ic hearings in Vancouver in the last year? YES 1 NO 2 •(IF YES (1) ) a. What was i t about? b. Did you take part in the d i scuss ion at a l l ? YES 1 NO 2 - 187 -31. I f you were concerned about the nature of housing developments in th i s area of the c i t y what would you do? I have a l i s t of poss ib le courses of act ion (HAND R CARD G). Mark a l l the ones you are most l i k e l y to do, YES (1), NO (2). WOULD NOT HAVE ENOUGH TIME TO DO ANYTHING 1 WOULD WRITE TO A NEWSPAPER 2 WOULD WRITE TO AN ALDERMAN 3 WOULD WRITE TO ANYONE AT CITY HALL h WOULD SPEAK TO A NEIGHBOURHOOD ORGANISATION 5 WOULD SPEAK TO AN ALDERMAN 6 WOULD SPEAK TO A CITY PLANNER . 7 WOULD SPEAK TO ANYONE AT CITY HALL 8 WOULD MOVE AWAY FROM THE AREA 9 OTHER 10 32. Suppose Aldermen were attached to s p e c i f i c areas of the c i t y , would i t be eas ier or more d i f f i c u l t to express your point of view on i s sues, or would i t make no d i f fe rence? AGREE 3 NEUTRAL 2 DISAGREE 1 33. Suppose a c i t y planner had a pa r t i cu l a r r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for th i s area, would i t be eas ier or more d i f f i c u l t to express your point of view on i s sues, or would i t make no d i f fe rence? AGREE 3 NEUTRAL 2 DISAGREE 1 - 188 -34. How often do you think the Mayor and Aldermen should be e lected? ONCE A YEAR EVERY TWO YEARS EVERY THREE YEARS EVERY FOUR YEARS EVERY FIVE YEARS OTHER 35« Did you vote in the last City e lect ion? YES 1 NO 2 UNABLE TO 3 •(IF (3) PLEASE SPECIFY WHY) 36. Which Aldermen in Vancouver, i f any, would you say you were most f ami l i a r with? - 189 -(1 HAVE JUST A FEW MORE QUESTIONS TO ASK. I WOULD LIKE TO KNOW SOME FACTS ABOUT THE PEOPLE I HAVE INTERVIEWED) 37. Do you own or rent th i s house? OWN 1 RENT 2 38. I am going to give you a card with a l i s t of ages on Would you please t e l l me which number best descr ibes your age? 1 NO ANSWER 2 19-24 3 25-30 4 31 -40 What is your current 1 NO ANSWER 2 SINGLE 3 WIDOWED 5 41-50 6 51-60 7 61-65 8 OVER 65 4 DIVORCED 5 SEPARATED 6 MARRIED 40. How many ch i l d ren do you have l i v i n g at home? NO CHILDREN /OVER 190 -40. (Continued) Could you t e l l me the i r ages, and whether each is at school or i s working? CHILD AGE SCHOOL WORKING a. b. c . d . e. 41. Do you have any ch i l d ren not l i v i n g at home? YES 1 NO 2 •(IF YES) What are a. t h e i r ages? b. . c . d. TOTAL Does th i s household own a car? YES 1 NO 2 | (IF YES) How many? MORE THAN ONE 3 - 191 -In what part of the c i t y does the Head of the household work? Here i s a card with a l i s t of year ly incomes on i t . (HAND R CARD I ) . I am not in teres ted in knowing your exact family income, but I would l i k e to know which range your family income i s i n . Which number best descr ibes your family income for one year? 1 UNDER $3,000 2 $3,000 TO $4,999 3 $5,000 TO $6,999 4 $7,000 TO $9,999 5 $10,000 TO $14,999 6 $15,000 AND ABOVE 7 NO ANSWER (BY OBSERVATION) Type of housing u n i t . SINGLE' FAMILY 1 SUITE IN SUB-DIVIDED HOUSE 2 APARTMENT BUILDING 3 DUPLEX 4 TRIPLEX 5 I'D LIKE TO THANK YOU FOR YOUR ASSISTANCE IN MY SURVEY, AND FOR GIVING ME MUCH OF YOUR VALUABLE TIME. DO YOU HAVE ANY COMMENTS OR QUESTIONS YOU WOULD LIKE TO ASK ME? Comments: (CONTINUE OVERLEAF IF NECESSARY) - 192 -APPENDIX C THE INTERPRETIVE TECHNIQUES USED IN THIS STUDY The eva luat ion of the data in terms of the working hypotheses is the product of three d i s t i n c t types of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . i ) The use of b i v a r i a t e t ab le s . i i ) The use of mul t ip le d i scr iminant ana ly s i s . i i i ) The use of q u a l i t a t i v e data to supplement the 'hard ' data ana ly s i s . 1. The B i va r i a te Table This represents the simplest form of s t a t i s t i c a l presentat ion, in which the responses to a number of questions are p lot ted according to the frequency „of response. They are used in the data ana lys i s i n two ways. In the f i r s t instance they are used to descr ibe the responses to the var iab les i so l a ted in the mul t ip le d i scr iminant ana l y s i s . Secondly, they are always shown as a p a i r , in order that comparisons between Kit South and Ki t North can be made r e a d i l y . Unless i t i s ind icated other -wise, the response to the quest ion is presented as an adjusted r e l a t i v e frequency, which permits a ready comparison in cases where the data is i ncomplete. 2. Mu l t ip le Discr iminant Ana lys i s Discr iminant ana lys i s is a technique which ind ica tes which var iab les best d i scr iminate between groups. It assumes that groups have been estab l i shed beforehand, to which a l l cases can be ascr ibed. In th i s study an ear ly c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of West K i t s i l a n o in to Kit South and Kit North had been made. This d i v i s i o n was intended to Table k. ORGANISATION OF VARIABLES FOR DISCRIMINANT ANALYSIS Group KIT SOUTH KIT NORTH Popu1 at i on Descr i ptor s Mi nimi se wi t h i n group v a r i a t i on y, » y , — y 1 2 n Maxi mise between group v a r i at i on X X,. . . . . X I / n Informa1 I n te rac t ! on Var i ab1es Mi nimi se w i t h i n group va r i a t i on y r y 2 . . . . v n Maximi ze between group v a r i a t i on X , , X,. • a • • X 1 2 n Formal I n t e r a c t i on Va r i ab l e s C ommi tment to the Area 4-Mi nimi se w i t h i n group va r i a t i on V, , V 2 " - - V n Maximise between group var i at i on 1 , w ~ • • • • X 1 2 n Mi nimi se w i t h i n group var i at ion y ,v . . . .y 1 2 n Maximise between group var i a t i on • X — • • • • x 2 n Va r i ab le s i s o l a t e d . (See Appendix D) Minimise w i t h i n group v a r i a t i o n i Minimise ! w i t h i n group i v a r i a t i o n ; i Mi nimi se w i t h i n group va r i at i on ! Min imise ! w i t h i n group ! v a r i a t i o n DUTYPE 1 i GAS | NBOURS J 1 I ! SCIT KNORG REGCAR ' PARSH i WPAPER ! AUTRE ! ANOTHER FEELIN Understand! - ng at the C i t y Sca le Mi nimi se w i t h i n group va r i a t i on V l ' y 2 " - - y n Maximi se between group var i at i on x| , x^ • < . x Mi ni mi se wi t h i n group va r i a t i on CONSUL - 194 -r e f l e c t a d i f f e rence in the degree of r e s i den t i a l s t a b i l i t y exh ib i ted w i th in West K i t s i l a n o . ( S t a b i l i t y being measured in terms of the length of residence of the present occupier, and the frequency of zoning changes w i th in the area.) In add i t i on , the 111 var iab les used i n th i s study were c l a s s i -f i ed according to the hypothesis to which they re l a ted . The d i s c r i m i n -ant ana lys i s was performed between Kit South and Kit North for each of the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s , ' and for the 6 va r iab les used as populat ion d e s c r i p -t o r s . Th i s organisat ion for analys i s i s i l l u s t r a t e d in Table k i n th i s Appendix. (A complete l i s t of the var iab les used in th i s ana lys i s i s given in Appendix D.) The process of maximising the d i s c r im ina t ion between the groups for the purposes of my study answers two quest ions: i ) Is the a p r i o r i grouping into Kit South and Kit North v a l i d in terms of the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of the var iab les used to d i s t i n gu i sh the areas? If not, which cases should be r e - c l a s s i f i e d ? i i ) What s p e c i f i c var iab les i n each c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of var iab les best d i scr iminate between the areas? Mu l t i p le d iscr iminant analys i s i s a p a r t i c u l a r l y valuable technique to use in th i s study. It provides the opportunity to tes t the v a l i d i t y of the ear ly conceptual formulat ion and working hypotheses against some i n t u i t i v e assumptions concerning the nature and poss ib le evo lut ion of West K i t s i l ano as a r e s i d e n t i a l area. It es tab l i shes 1. The four c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s consisted of: the extent of informal i n t e r a c t i o n , the extent (qf_>forma1 i n t e r a c t i o n , the commitment towards the area, and the understanding at the c i t y s ca l e . 2. Cherukupal1e, N. d . , (1970), " C l a s s i f i c a t i o n Techniques in Planning A n a l y s i s " , Socio-Economic Planning Sc ience, Vol;. IV. - 195 -with a minimum p robab i l i t y of e r r o r , whether eco-behavioural factors are s i g n i f i c a n t d i s t ingu i sh ing var iab les between the sub-areas. 3. Data Gathered from the Open-Ended Questions The q u a l i t a t i v e data obtained as a resu l t of the open-ended quest ions, and often v o l u n t a r i l y during the course of in terv iews, has pa r t i cu l a r value in th i s work. Depth of information cannot be spared in a study wishing to throw some l i ght on the ro le ind iv idua l needs, preferences and perceptions play as factors in f luenc ing the nature of re s i den t i a l evo lu t i on . The q u a l i t a t i v e information gathered for the purposes of th i s study i s used in two ways. The cogn i t ive mapping quest ion, for example, i s used d i r e c t l y as one measure of commitment toward the area. A l t e r n a t i v e l y , and more f requent ly , non-quant i f ied data is used as a secondary source to add depth, or c l a r i t y to var iab les which have been def ined in empir ical terms. This proved to be an inva luable source of d e t a i l which helped to remove some ambiguity in the i n t e r p r e -t a t i o n of the re su l t s of the d i scr iminant ana l y s i s . Chapter VI, 'The Research F i n d i n g s ' , demonstrates how these techniques were integrated in the ana l y s i s . - 196 -APPENDIX D LIST OF VARIABLES USED IN THIS STUDY Population Descri ptors: VANRES, Length of res idence i n Vancouver LOFRES, Length of residence in' present unit DUTYPE, Type of dwel l ing unit ROWN, Rented or owned by present occupant INCOME, Tota l family income last year LCSTAGE, Stage in l i f e cyc le of family unit AGEHEAD, Age of household head CAR, Number of cars owned by family Extent of Informal Interact!" on: NBOURS, Number respondent would c a l l neighbours VISITS, Frequency of soc ia l v i s i t s OUTINGS, Frequency of v i s i t s to s oc i e t i e s or organisat ions KID, Do ch i l d ren inf luence f r iends made? Weekly A c t i v i t y Pattern: LOCALE, Area in which v i s i t f r iends most GROCS, Shopping for grocer ies DOCS, V i s i t the doctors DENTS, V i s i t the dent i s t GAS, Go to the gas s ta t ion , WALKS, Go for walks SHOPS, Do s p e c i a l i s t shopping Extent of Formal I n terac t ion : KNORG, Knowledge of loca l organisat ions Membership of Organisat ions: PTA, Parent Teacher As soc ia t ion CHURCH, Church group CCENTRE, Community Centre a c t i v i t y group RATEP, Ratepayers As soc ia t ion POLIT, P o l i t i c a l organisat ion TUA, Trade Union As soc ia t ion PROF, Profess ional organisat ion CHARITY, Charity organisat ion RESASS, Residents As soc ia t ion OTHER, Other INOW, Extent of present involvement DESI, Depth of involvement des ired - 197 -Formal I n terac t ion : (Conti nued) Areas of Poss ib le Involvement for a Local Voluntary Organisat ion:  HOUSD, Control type of housing development DCARE, Day Care serv ice NP, Involvement in neighbourhood planning SCIT, Improve housing and t ranspor ta t ion for old COMMD, Control type of commercial development ADEDUC, Run adult recreat ion and education programs INFO, Gather and d i s t r i b u t e area information DRUG, Perform drug and alcohol education REGGAR, Regulate motor t r a f f i c DROPIN, Run youth drop- in centres CHARAC, Preserve present character of area ACTIVE, Ac t i ve ro le in any items ACCESS, Access to work CLOSE, Closeness to work ROPS, Recreational opportuni t ies in area SCHOOL, School f a c i l i t i e s FRNDS, Closeness to f r iends PRICE, House pr ice NAME, Name given to the area Factors Helpfu l in Making Boundaries: HAPPEAJJK Appearance of Houses PARSH, Pa r t i cu l a r shopping f a c i l i t i e s BUDS, Friends made GUNIT, D i s t i n c t geographic unit SUNIT, D i s t i n c t soc ia l unit IMPOSS, Impossible to say ANOTHER, Other FEELING Qual i ty of area as a place to l i v e CHANGE, Is character of area changing? Understanding of, and Commitment t o , the Area: Reasons for Moving to the Area: SIZE, S ize of house - 198 -Understanding of , Ac t ion Proposed in the Face of Development: and Commitment to , the Area: NTIM, No time to do anything (Continued) WPAPER, Write to newspaper WALD, Write to alderman WANY, Write to anyone at C i ty Hal l SNORG, Speak to neighbourhood organisat ion SALD, Speak to an alderman SPLAN, Speak to a c i t y planner SANY, Speak to anyone at City Hal l MOVE, Move away from the area AUTRE, Other CONSIDM, Considered moving outside area Reasons for Considering Moving: DAREA, Fact i t was a d i f f e r e n t area NEARW, It was nearer to work ^LARGE, It was to a larger house RPLUS, Better recreat ion f a c i l i t i e s in area EDPLUS, Better education f a c i l i t i e s in area NRBUDS, Nearer f r iends or r e l a t i v e s PHYSAT, Phys i ca l l y more a t t r a c t i v e PLUS, Other Understanding at ELECT, How often do we e lec t aldermen? the C i ty Sca le: VOTE, Did respondent vote in last c i v i c e l ec t i on? CONSULjV Should c i t i z e n s be consu1 ted? NOALD, Number of aldermen able to name WARD, Should aldermen be e lected in wards? AREAPS, Should there be area planners? HEARGS, Number of pub l ic hearings attended. - 199 -REFERENCES CITED A l i h a n , M., (1938), Soc ia l Ecology. New York: Cooper Square Publ i shers Inc. Barker, R. G., (I968), Eco log ica l Psychology. Stanford: Stanford Un iver s i t y Press. Barker, R. G., (1963), "On the Nature of the Envi ronment", The Journal of Soc ia l Issues, V o l . 19, 17-38. B e l l , L . , (I965), Metropol i tan Vancouver: An Overview for Soc ia l Planners" Research Department, Community Chest & Counci ls of the Greater Vancouver Area. B e l l , Wendell and Boat, M. T . , (1956), "Urban Neighborhoods and Informal Soc ia l Re la t ions " , The American Journal of Socio logy, V o l . 62, 391-398. Berry, B.; J . L., ( 1 9 7 0 , " In terna l Structure of the C i t y " , Internal Structure of C i t i e s . Edited by L. S. Bourne. Toronto: Oxford Un iver s i t y Press. B i r c h , D. L. (1971), "toward a Stage Theory of Urban Growth", E k i s t i e s 188, J u l y , 1971, p.Sk. Bourne, L. S., (1971), E d i t o r . Internal Structure of C i t i e s . Toronto: Oxford Un ivers i ty Press. Burgess, Robert L. and Bushel 1, D., J n r . , (1969), Behavioural Soc io logy. The Experimental Ana lys i s of Soc ia l Process. New York: " Columbia Un iver s i t y Press. Burkhardt, J . E., (1970), "Impact of Highways on Urban Neighbourhoods. A Model of Soc ia l Change", Highway Research Board B u l l e t i n #365. Chapin, F. S., (1970), " Se lected Theories of Urban Structure and Growth", Internal Structure of C i t i e s . Edited by L. S. Bourne. Toronto: Oxford Un iver s i t y Press. Chapin, F. S. and Weiss, S. F. , (I962), Urban Growth Dynamics. New York: John Wiley & Sons Inc. Chein, I., ( 1 9 5 M , 'The Environment as a Determinant of Behaviour" , The Journal of Soc ia l Psychology, V o l . 38, 115-127. Cherukupal le, N. d . , (1970), " C 1 a s s i f i c a t i on Techniques in Planning A n a l y s i s " , Socio-Economic Planning Sc ience, V o l . IV. - 200 -City of Vancouver, (1971), C i ty D i rec to ry . City of Vancouver, (1970), Zoning and Development By-Law No. 3575, Ci ty of Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia. Duncan, D., (1964), " Soc ia l Organisat ion and the Ecosystem", Handbook of Modern Soc io logy. Edited by L. Fan ' s . Chicago: Rand McNally. E v e r i t t , J . and Cadwallder, M., (1972), 'The Home Area Concept in Urban Ana l y s i s . Use of Computer Mapping and Computer Procedures as Methodological Poo l s " , EDRA III, 1.2.1. Feldman, A.S. and T i l l y , C , (1966), "The In teract ion of Soc ia l and Physical Space*', The American Soc io log i ca l Review, V o l . XXV, 877-884. : : Fest inger , L and Katz, D., (I966), Research Methods i n the Behavioural  Sc iences. New York: Ho l t , Rinehart and Winston Inc. F i r e y , W., (1949), "Sentiment and Symbolism as Eco log ica l V a r i a b l e s " , American Soc io log i ca l Review, Vo l .14, pp.32-41 Form, W., (1971), " Soc ia l S tructure in the Deformation of Land Use", Internal Structure of C i t i e s . Edited by L. S. Bourne. Toronto: Oxford Un ivers i ty Press. G a l l i n s , M., (1970), Use of Newcomers' Experiences in the Urban Planning  Process. Unpublished Masters Thes i s , Un iver s i ty of B r i t i s h Columbia. Gans, Herbert , (I968), "P lanning and Socia l L i f e : Fr iendship and Neighbour Re l a t i on s " , People and Plans. New York: Basic Books, 152-166. Gans, Herbert , (1968), "Urbanism and Suburbanism as a Way of L i f e " , People and Plans. New York: Basic Books, 34-53. Gettys, W. E. , (1940), "Human Ecology and Soc ia l Theory" , Soc ia l Forces , V o l . 18, 469-476. Gerson, W., (1970), Patterns of Urban L i v i n g . Toronto: Un iver s i t y of Toronto Press. Goldhammer, H., (1907), "Some Factors A f f e c t i n g P a r t i c i p a t i o n in Voluntary A s soc i a t i on s " , Urban Soc io logy. Edited by E. W. Burgess and D. J . Bogue. Chicago: Univers i ty of Chicago. Greer, S., (1964), The Emerging C i t y . New York: Free Press of Glencoe. Hait/t., P., (1946), "The Concept of the Natural A rea " , American Soc i o l og i ca l Review, V o l . XI. - 201 -Hawley, A . , (1950), Human Ecology. New York: The Ronald Press Company. Hoyt, H., (1939), Structure and Growth of American C i t i e s . Washington, D . C : U.S. Federal Government P r in t ing O f f i c e . King, L. J . , (1969), S t a t i s t i c a l Ana lys i s i n Geography. New Jersey: Prent ice Hal 1 Inc. Lansing, J . B., Marans, R. W., and Zehner, R. B., (1970), Planned Res ident ia l Environments. Michigan: Survey Research Centre, I n s t i t u te for Soc ia l Research, The Un iver s i t y of Michigan. Lewin, K., (1952), F i e l d Theory in Socia l Sc ience. Selected Theore t i ca l Papers. Edited by D. Cartwright. London: Tavistock P u b l i c a -t ions L t d . Lohnes, P. R. and Cooley, W. W., (1962), Introduct ion to S t a t i s t i c a l  Procedures. New York: John Wiley and Sons Inc. Lowenthal, D., (1972), "Methodological Problems in Environmental Perception and Behaviour Research", EDRA III, 30.1.1. Lynch, K., and Rodwin, L., (1958), "A Theory of Urban Form", Journal of  Amer i can I ns t i t;ute of. Planners,"" V o l . 24 , 20k. Lynch, K., (i960), The Image of the C i t y . Cambridge,;) Mass.: M.I.T. Press. Mclnnes, P., (1968), Eco-Behavioural Dimensions of Urban Neighbourhoods: Some Pol icy Cons iderat ion for the Planning and Design of Urban  Environments. Unpublished Master 's Thes i s , Un ivers i ty of Water 1 0 0 . Michelson, W., (1970), Man and his Urban Environment. New York: Addison Wesley. Molotch, H., (1967),"Toward a More Human Human Ecology, An Urban Research Strategy,"^, Land Economics, V o l . k3, 336-341. Moser, R. C , and Walton, G., (1970, Survey Methods in Soc ia l Inves t i ga t ion . London: Longmans. Murdie, R. A . , (1971), "The Sociji l Geography of the C i ty : Theore t i ca l and Empir ical Background", Internal S tructure of C i t i e s . Edited by L. S. Bourne. Toronto: Oxford Un ivers i ty Press. Nelson, H. J . , (1971), "The Form and Structure of C i t i e s " , Internal •~ S tructure of C i t i e s . Edited by L. S. Bourne. Toronto: Oxford Un ivers i ty Press. Orleans, Peter, (1972), "Mapping the C i t y : Environmental Cognit ion of Urban Res idents " , EDRA, III, 1.4.1. - 202 -Pah 1, R. E., (1970), Whose C i t y . London: Longmans. Park, R., (1952), Human,Communities. Glencoe, I l l i n o i s : The Free Press. Park, R., Burgess, E. W., and McKenzie, R., (Eds.), (1925), The City.-, Chicago: Un iver s i t y of Chicago Press. P iaget, J . , (1970), S t ruc tura l i sm. New York: Basic Books. Proshansky, H. M., I t t e l s o n , W. H., and R i v l i n , L. G., (1970), "The Influence of the Physical Environment on Behaviour", Environmental Psychology. Edited by H. M. Proshansky et a l . New York: Ho l t , Rinehart and Winston Inc. Quinn, J . A . , (1961), "The Nature of Human Ecology: Re-examination and R e - d e f i n i t i o n " , Studies in Human Ecology. Edited by G. A. TheodorsonT Reisman, L., (1964), The Urban Process. New York: Free Press of Glencoe. Robinson, W. S., (1961), " Eco log i ca l Corre lat ions and the Behaviour of I nd i v i dua l s " , Studies in Human Ecology. Edited by G. A. Theodorson. Robson, B. T . , (1969), Urban Ana l y s i s . Cambridge: Cambridge Un iver -s i t y Press. Rogers, Andre i , (1971), "Theor ies of Urban Spat ia l S t ructure : A Dissent ing View", Internal Structure of the C i t y . Edited by L. S. Bourne"! Toronto: Oxford Un iver s i t y Press. Ross, L., (1962), "The Local Community: A Survey Approach", The American Journal of Soc io logy, V 0 1 . Xv11, 75-84. S e l l t i z , C , Jahoda, M., and Cook, S., ( 1967), Research Methods in  Soc ia l Re la t ions . London: Methuen and Co. L td . Shevky',;- , E. , and Bel 1, W., (1955), Soc ia l Area Ana l y s i s . Stanford: Stanford Un ivers i ty Press. S tuar t , A . , (1968), Bas ic Ideas of S c i e n t i f i c Sampling. London: Charles G r i f f i n and Co. L td . S u t t l e s , G. D., (1970), The Socia l Order of the Slum. Chicago: Un iver s i t y of Chicago Press. Young, W., and Wi l lmot, P., (1967), Family and Kinship in East London. London: Penguin. Zorbaugh, H. W., (1929), The Gold Coast and the Slum. Chicago: Un ivers i ty of Chicago Press. 

Cite

Citation Scheme:

        

Citations by CSL (citeproc-js)

Usage Statistics

Share

Embed

Customize your widget with the following options, then copy and paste the code below into the HTML of your page to embed this item in your website.
                        
                            <div id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidgetDisplay">
                            <script id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidget"
                            src="{[{embed.src}]}"
                            data-item="{[{embed.item}]}"
                            data-collection="{[{embed.collection}]}"
                            data-metadata="{[{embed.showMetadata}]}"
                            data-width="{[{embed.width}]}"
                            data-media="{[{embed.selectedMedia}]}"
                            async >
                            </script>
                            </div>
                        
                    
IIIF logo Our image viewer uses the IIIF 2.0 standard. To load this item in other compatible viewers, use this url:
https://iiif.library.ubc.ca/presentation/dsp.831.1-0302433/manifest

Comment

Related Items