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Community development -- The struggle for housing rights : a case study of pavement dwellers in Bombay… Boucher, Lauretta Anne 1990

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COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT— THE STRUGGLE FOR HOUSING RIGHTS: A CASE STUDY OF PAVEMENT DWELLERS IN BOMBAY INDIA by LAURETTA ANNE BOUCHER B.A., Simon Fraser University, 1985 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES School of Community and Regional Planning We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA December 1990 Lauretta Anne Boucher In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada Department Date DE-6 (2/88) 11 A B S T R A C T The international campaign for housing rights focuses on the process of l e g i s l a t i v e change. C r i t i c s of the l e g i s l a t i v e change approach argue that t h i s process i s e l i t i s t insofar as such campaigns are fought on behalf of those people denied the r i g h t to housing by academics, lawyers and international non-governmental agencies, instead of i n conjunction with the people. This approach, i t i s argued, excludes the people themselves from defining what housing rights mean to them, t h e i r culture and t h e i r community standards, placing such decisions i n courts of law and l e g i s l a t u r e s . I t i s the position of t h i s study that a more e f f e c t i v e approach i n the struggle for housing rights i s one that recognizes that the problems of the poor and disenfranchized are not just t h e i r lack of rights per se, but also t h e i r lack of power to demand the l e g i s l a t i v e recognition and enforcement of those r i g h t s . This study explores a more in c l u s i v e approach to the housing rights struggle wherein the achievement of l e g i s l a t i v e rights represents only one peg i n a more h o l i s t i c strategy for change. This approach i s represented by the theory and practice of Community Development — a process which empowers people to work c o l l e c t i v e l y for change. Community Development provides the tools for people to understand, define and demand t h e i r r i g h t s , thus providing a bottom up and sustainable strategy i n the struggle for housing r i g h t s . Community Development does not reje c t the role of l e g i s l a t i v e change, nor the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the state to recognize and enforce housing righ t s among i t s c i t i z e n r y , but enhances the process to include a l l dimensions of the the housing struggle, most notably the community based sector which i s currently excluded from the l e g i s l a t i v e change approach. The v i a b i l i t y of a Community Development approach i s b u i l t upon the premise that rights are norms or standards determined by the shared values of society and influenced by the dominant ideology. If people can a r t i c u l a t e t h e i r values as well as organize to demand from the state the recognition and enforcement of t h e i r values, then they can work for change and begin to shape t h e i r housing r i g h t s . An indigenous non-governmental organisation using the methods of Community Development i n the struggle for housing rights i s the Society for the Promotion of Area Resources (SPARC). The work of SPARC focuses on a group of women pavement dwellers i n Bombay India. In SPARC'S analysis, i t i s women who bear the brunt of poverty, yet are vested with v i r t u a l l y no powers of decision-making within (or outside) the family. SPARC uses the methods of Community Development to empower these women to demand the recognition and enforcement of t h e i r housing rig h t s . Their work has resulted in such manifest outcomes as: challenging the Bombay Municipal Council i n a court of law, b u i l d i n g prototype houses, establishing a c r e d i t co-operative, undertaking a people's census and the creation of Mahila Milan — a community based organisation run e n t i r e l y by the women themselves. Other latent, less measurable outcomes have also resulted from t h e i r work such as confidence building and s o l i d a r i t y among the women. SPARC'S use of Community Development methods on the streets of Bombay has important lessons for the international struggle for housing r i g h t s . Incorporating the community based sector i n the struggle ensures that the process of defining and demanding housing rights remains democratic, c u l t u r a l l y sensitive and sustainable. Community Development can be e f f e c t i v e l y f a c i l i t a t e d by an indigenous non-governmental organisation which can gain the trust of the community and understand l o c a l customs, cultures, language and history. E s s e n t i a l l y the debate over the ri g h t to housing comes down to a set of e t h i c a l questions, the answers to which form the philosophical and moral framework for the p o l i c y decisions that face a society. A Community Development approach ensures that a l l people have a voice i n answering these questions and influencing the decisions that a f f e c t t h e i r l i v e s , t h e i r housing and indeed t h e i r r i g h t s . TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT i i TABLE OF CONTENTS V ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ix 1. 0 INTRODUCTION 1 1.1 PURPOSE 3 1. 2 RATIONALE 4 1. 3 SCOPE 7 1.4 ORGANISATION OF STUDY 9 1.5 ASSUMPTIONS 10 2.0 COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT: ITS VISION, THEORY AND ACTION 14 WHAT IS VISION 14 WHAT IS THEORY 15 WHAT IS ACTION 15 2.1 BACKGROUND 16 2.2 COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT: A DEFINITION 19 2.3 COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT: AN ANALYSIS 20 2.4 COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT: ITS VISION, THEORY AND ACTION 24 VISION 25 THEORY 26 ACTION 28 2.5 CRITIQUES 29 3.0 THE ROLE OF CD IN THE HOUSING RIGHTS STRUGGLE 34 3.1 RIGHTS 34 WHAT ARE RIGHTS? 35 HUMAN RIGHTS 35 THE HOUSING RIGHTS DEBATE 36 v i OTHER ASPECTS OF THE RIGHTS DEBATE 41 3.2 HOUSING 44 3.3 CD AND THE HOUSING RIGHTS STRUGGLE 48 HOUSING AS A VEHICLE FOR CHANGE 48 THE RIGHT TO HOUSING: A LOCAL ACTIVITY 49 HOUSING RIGHTS AND THE ROLE OF THE STATE 51 4.0 CASE STUDY: THE SOCIETY FOR THE PROMOTION OF AREA RESOURCE CENTRES 53 RATIONAL FOR CASE STUDY ..54 METHODOLOGY 54 4.1 CONTEXT: THE HOUSING PROBLEM IN INDIA 55 COLONIALISM. 55 GROWTH BASED DEVELOPMENT MODEL 57 THE GREEN REVOLUTION 58 4.2 PEOPLE AND THE HOUSING CRISIS 58 4.3 GOVERNMENT RESPONSES TO THE HOUSING CRISIS 60 4.4 NON-GOVERNMENTAL RESPONSES 62 4.5 SPARC: BUILDING HOUSING RIGHTS FROM THE BOTTOM UP 63 THE CONTEXT IN WHICH SPARC EVOLVED 64 WHAT ARE SPARC'S OBJECTIVES? 65 WHO DOES SPARC WORK FOR? 66 4.6 WHAT ARE SPARC'S STRATEGIES?.... 67 ESTABLISHING THE GROUNDWORK 68 ATTAINING OBJECTIVES 70 LAND IDENTIFICATION AND HOUSING DESIGN 7 2 PEOPLE'S CENSUS 74 CREDIT CO-OPERATIVE 75 COURT CASE 76 ONGOING EVALUATION 77 4.7 OUTCOMES AND IMPLICATIONS 77 4.7.1 OUTCOMES 78 v i i MANIFEST OUTCOMES 78 LATENT OUTCOMES 82 4.7.2 IMPLICATIONS 83 5.0 IMPLICATIONS FOR THE STRUGGLE FOR HOUSING RIGHTS 87 5.0.1 REPLICABLE STRATEGIES 88 5.0.2 ADVANTAGES AND LIMITATIONS FACED BY SPARC 89 5.0.3 LIMITATIONS FOR REPLICABILITY 90 5.1 IMPLICATIONS/LESSONS FOR THE BROADER HOUSING RIGHTS STRUGGLE 91 THE IMPORTANCE OF INDIGENOUS NGO'S 91 UNIVERSAL MINIMUM 92 THE IMPORTANCE OF THE COMMUNITY BASED SECTOR ..93 5.2 ARE HOUSING RIGHTS DIFFERENT IN DEVELOPED AND DEVELOPING COUNTRIES?..95 5.3 CONCLUSIONS .98 APPENDICES APPENDIX 1 INTERNATIONAL HOUSING RIGHTS INSTRUMENTS APPENDIX 2 FINAL STATEMENTS FROM THE CONFERENCE "A PLACE TO LIVE: ASIAN PEOPLE'S DIALOGUE" HELD IN SEOUL, SOUTH KOREA, JUNE 14-20 1989. APPENDIX 3 INTERVIEWS: - CELINE D'CRUZ, ORGANISER, SPARC SOMSOOK BOONYABANCHA, SECRETARIATE ASIAN COALITION FOR HOUSING RIGHTS A. JOCKIN, ORGANISER, NATIONAL SLUM DWELLER'S FEDERATION RAMA SWAMI, ORGANISER, UNNAYAN AND NATIONAL COALITION FOR HOUSING RIGHTS PREMA GOPALON, ORGANISER, SPARC PAROU, ORGANISER, SPARC APPENDIX 4 COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT DEFINITIONS APPENDIX 5 ARTICLES 21,22,39 AND 41 OF THE INDIAN CONSTITUTION APPENDIX 6 BRIEF NOTE OF THE COURT JUDGEMENT THREE DIMENSIONAL SOCIETY MODEL OF THE COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT PROCESS PROTOTYPE HOUSING DESIGNS BY MAHILA MILAN ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS There are many people I wish to thank for t h e i r help and support i n the completion of t h i s thesis. F i r s t I would l i k e to thank Peter Boothroyde and Brahm Wiesman for t h e i r timely advice throughout the conceptual development of t h i s t h e s i s . Special thanks i s extended to Dr. J. David Hulchanski for h i s continuing support and i n s p i r a t i o n throughout the course of my M.A.. I would l i k e to thank the Canadian International Development Agency for f i n a n c i a l l y supporting my f i e l d research. Many thanks goes to Ms. Somsook Boonyabancha and the members of the Asian C o a l i t i o n for Housing Rights for opening up a whole new world for me and making me a part of i t . I would l i k e to extend my gratitude and admiration to the community organisers of the Society for the Promotion of Area Resources (SPARC), p a r t i c u l a r l y Celine D'Cruz and the women of Mahila Milan whose h o s p i t a l i t y and warmth allowed me to record t h e i r worthy accomplishments. F i n a l l y I would l i k e to thank my husband Andrew Smith for his ongoing love and support and his gentle reminders to "stop and smell the roses". 1 "The solution to t h i s central problem of housing involves the forming of a philosophy concerning the rights and equities within our society. For i f i t i s not considered important that every adult and every c h i l d i n a community should be able to enjoy a certain way of l i f e , then there i s no housing problem." Humphrey Carver, 1948 1.0 INTRODUCTION The year 1988 marks the f o r t i e t h anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights i n which the right to secure, affordable and accessible housing was f i r s t enshrined and given l e g a l recognition. Since then, t h i s r i g h t has been reaffirmed and inserted into an array of human rights instruments.(see appendix 1) The focus of the struggle for housing rights has la r g e l y been concentrated i n the world wide campaign for l e g i s l a t i v e change. There are campaigns underway for defining, recognizing and enforcing housing rights i n India and the United Kingdom through national constitutions. Many countries have already c o d i f i e d the ri g h t to housing i n th e i r national constitutions. C r i t i c s of the l e g i s l a t i v e change approach to housing rights argue that t h i s i s an e l i t i s t approach insofar as such campaigns are fought on behalf of the people by academics, lawyers and international non-governmental organisations (NGO's), instead of i n conjunction with the people. They argue that t h i s process excludes the people themselves from defining what housing rights mean to them, t h e i r culture and t h e i r community standards, placing such decisions i n the hands of the courts 2 of law. Such a "top down" approach to the struggle for housing rig h t s may be inappropriate to the needs of the people or to t h e i r community context, and as a r e s u l t impossible to recognize or enforce. In a 1989 landmark conference e n t i t l e d "A Place to Live: Asian People's Dialogue", 95 delegates, most of whom were the urban poor of Asia, discussed the l i m i t a t i o n s of the l e g i s l a t i v e change approach to housing rights and concluded that the housing problems of the poor are not just t h e i r lack of rights per se, but rather t h e i r lack of power to demand the recognition and enforcement of those r i g h t s . In t h i s regard, i t has been advocated by those seeking more than the empty rhetoric produced from a " l e g a l " rights strategy, that the achievement of l e g i s l a t i v e rights represents only one peg i n a more h o l i s t i c strategy for change. This thesis explores a strategy for a more inc l u s i v e approach to the housing rights struggle. Such a strategy i s represented by the theory and practice of Community Development (CD). Community Development i s a process involving people working c o l l e c t i v e l y for change. The CD approach to housing rights involves people understanding, defining and demanding t h e i r r i g h t s , thus providing a more bottom up and sustainable strategy i n the struggle for housing r i g h t s . I t does not r e j e c t the role of l e g i s l a t i v e change, nor the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the state to recognize and enforce housing r i g h t s , but opens up the process to include 3 a l l dimensions of the housing rights struggle, most notably the community or " t h i r d dimension" which i s currently excluded from the l e g i s l a t i v e change approach. The CD approach i s b u i l t upon the premise that rights are norms or standards determined by the shared values of society and influenced by the dominant ideology. If we recognize that the e x i s t i n g dominant ideology of l i b e r a l i s m , which guides the value systems of most western nation states, has not u n i v e r s a l l y led to the l e g a l recognition and enforcement of the r i g h t to housing for a l l sectors of society, then, support for t h i s r i g h t must be generated from the bottom up through the c o l l e c t i v e action of those excluded from enjoying such r i g h t s . A CD approach offers a theory to inform s o c i e t a l values on defining a right to housing as well as strategies to implement that r i g h t by influencing the dominant ideology i n a democratic and non-vi o l e n t way. 1.1 P U R P O S E The purpose of t h i s study i s to explore the role of Community Development in f a c i l i t a t i n g a more incl u s i v e role for a l l people i n the housing rights struggle. To do t h i s , the t h e o r e t i c a l and p r a c t i c a l l i n k s between the CD approach to s o c i a l change and the housing rights struggle are examined. Following an overview of the t h e o r e t i c a l foundations which shape CD theory and practice, a t h e o r e t i c a l l i n k i s made between the CD approach and the 4 housing rights struggle. A case study i s then employed to empirically document the p r a c t i c a l application of a CD approach and to better c l a r i f y i t s rel a t i o n s h i p to housing rights among the poor. Based on t h i s exploration of the relat i o n s h i p between CD and the housing rights struggle, t h i s study argues that CD, f a c i l i t a t e d by a l o c a l indigenous organization, i s an int e g r a l part of the campaign for housing r i g h t s , and that CD represents an important p i l l a r i n the o v e r a l l strategy of providing secure, accessible and affordable housing for the world's poor. 1.2 RATIONALE Shelter i s a basic human need upon which so many other rights.depend such as voting, working, r a i s i n g a family and bui l d i n g a community — rights that many of the world's poor are denied from enjoying because they do not have housing. Housing i s more than bricks and mortar and a roof over one's head. I t i s a fundamental human a c t i v i t y and a v i t a l base i n society from which c i t i z e n s can b u i l d free and equal relationships among themselves and, i n turn, b u i l d c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t i e s and society i t s e l f (Sen:1985:139). In s i m i l a r fashion, rights are more than l e g a l codes and constitutions, but r e f l e c t i o n s of s o c i a l values and s o c i a l decisions. Rights, therefore, can be seen as a means 5 to a t t a i n a larger goal — the "good s o c i e t y . " 1 Housing right s issues, therefore, address the fundamental aspects of the structure of a p a r t i c u l a r society. The nature of t h i s s o c i e t a l structure evolves based upon the shared values of society. A l l people, including the poor, ought to have a role to play i n the development and design of t h e i r s o c i e t a l structure. The rationale for exploring housing r i g h t s , therefore, i s e t h i c a l l y and morally based, that i s , i t i s dependent upon normative values which define how people ought to l i v e — one's v i s i o n of the "good society." CD seeks to a t t a i n i t s v i s i o n of a good society by challenging the dominant power structure and replacing i t with a genuine grassroots democratic process. Indeed CD i s a process that would incorporate housing as a vehicle for a larger struggle i n which the poor must engage — one of empowerment and change, and management of that change. CD basis i t s philosophical underpinnings upon a platform of change through c o l l e c t i v e action. I t supports the notion that i t i s the people who must f i g h t to demand and define t h e i r rights and CD offers a strategy on how such a process of organizing communities could occur. Such a strategy of people led change was the major conclusion which came out of the June 1989 Asian People's Dialogue Conference held i n Seoul, Republic of South Korea. 1 Plato submits that the "good society" i s a work of f i e r c e d i s c i p l i n e and of commitment to the transcendent p o s s i b i l i t i e s of being human (Friedmann:1979:1) 6 Based upon the f i n a l statements of the delegates there was overwhelming unanimity that the method of defining and demanding t h e i r rights should be through the c o l l e c t i v e action of the urban poor (see appendix 2 for the f i n a l statement of the Conference). While the use of CD as a methodology was not a r t i c u l a t e d s p e c i f i c a l l y , i t s theory and practice i s most suited as a vehicle for a r t i c u l a t i n g and achieving the values i d e n t i f i e d at the conference. Hence the choice of a strategy of people-led change has been generated from the roots up — from those affected by poverty and homelessness d i r e c t l y . This study i s an attempt to i d e n t i f y a method by which the strategies of the poor can begin to be implemented. In addition to i d e n t i f y i n g methods to implement strategies of the poor for the achievement of housing r i g h t s , t h i s study i s also meant to address the concerns voiced by grassroots individuals with the way i n which some organizations are approaching the housing rights issue i n a top down manner. Cri t i c i s m s of some of the actions of leading housing rig h t s organisations include "losing touch with the grassroots." (Interview, Somsook Boonyabancha, June, 1989, Bangkok, see appendix 3) or "these groups are colonizers of the people who have become deluded with t h e i r r e a l or perceived power. They are working to give housing righ t s to the NGO's l i k e themselves not to the people." (interview, A. Jockin, July 17, 1989 Bombay, see appendix 3). 7 Indeed the housing rights struggle i s a r e l a t i v e l y new one and roles are s t i l l i n the process of being defined. If substantial progress i s to be made, however, a clear delineation must be drawn by NGO's and international organizations, between t h e i r role as f a c i l i t a t o r s of a process, and colonizers of that process. Moreover, there i s discussion among some groups that there needs to be un i v e r s a l l y defined norms or standard of housing. Based on the strategies voiced by the poor at the conference i n Seoul, and based on the v i s i o n of the good society b u i l t upon p r i n c i p l e s of democratic p a r t i c i p a t i o n , t h i s would be inadvisable. Housing i s something which i s unique to a culture, a climate and a p o l i t i c a l , s o c i a l and economic environment. I t must be up to the people to determine t h e i r housing needs. In t h i s regard the l i n k between CD and the housing rights struggle w i l l ensure the democratic nature of the process necessary to guarantee that people obtain t h e i r human ri g h t to housing. The incorporation of CD into the housing rights struggle i s the additional step required to enforce and demand the implementation of the ri g h t to housing for a l l people -- with housing being defined by the people. 1.3 SCOPE F u l l recognition of housing as a human ri g h t w i l l take the concerted e f f o r t s of community based organizations, non-governmental organizations and l o c a l , national and 8 international governments. This study, however, i s focussed on the role of NGO's and CBO's i n r e l a t i o n to how they can use CD as a process to help people to successfully demand from the state t h e i r r i g h t to housing. This study does not discuss the roles of the other players, including the state, but t h i s i n no way must be perceived as ignoring the importance of t h e i r respective r o l e s . Indeed CD can be seen as a means of defense for people against the discriminatory and exclusive p o l i c i e s of the state, the private sector and the dominant ideology of society. It i s important to note, however, that such a defense may only be achieved within the structures and i n s t i t u t i o n s of a democratic state. Indeed CD's dependence upon democratic i n s t i t u t i o n s presents a major l i m i t a t i o n of i t s effectiveness as an approach to change. The context of the case study i s l i m i t e d to an examination of the practice of CD as i t pertains to housing rights for the urban poor of a c i t y i n India. Other factors may have to be taken into consideration when r e l a t i n g these concepts to a r u r a l area, or a country of a d i f f e r e n t p o l i t i c a l or s o c i a l culture. Moreover the case study depicted represents those who might be considered "the poorest of the poor". Other organizational d i f f i c u l t i e s might arise for groups with more middle class tendencies or values. These aspects are not discussed. However, the f i n a l chapter deals with the implications and r e p l i c a b i l i t y of the 9 general concepts of CD, and i t s rel a t i o n s h i p with the housing rig h t s struggle. 1.4 ORGANISATION OF STUDY This study sets out four research objectives i n which to test the hypothesis that CD i s an i n t e g r a l player i n the campaign for housing rights and represents an important p i l l a r i n the o v e r a l l strategy of providing secure, accessible and affordable housing for the world's poor. The method used to achieve these objectives i s as follows: 1) An overview of the t h e o r e t i c a l foundations and orig i n s which shape community development theory and practi c e . This overview i d e n t i f i e s the influences, debates and assumptions of the major theorists within the f i e l d of CD, as well as outlines the significance and implications of t h e i r positions i n defining and shaping CD theory and practice. An a n a l y t i c a l framework to examine t h i s theory i s put forward based upon three tenets i n t e g r a l to any development approach: v i s i o n , theory, and action. From t h i s analysis a working d e f i n i t i o n of CD i s i d e n t i f i e d and Robert's six point model of the CD process i s introduced; 2) This research step develops a rationale for l i n k i n g CD t h e o r e t i c a l l y and p r a c t i c a l l y with the housing rights struggle by analysing the fundamental concepts of rights and housing, and t h e i r respective roles i n change. It then c l a r i f i e s the role of CD theory and practice i n working to achieve housing rights for the poor. It i s advocated that a role for CD i n r e l a t i o n to housing rights should be a r t i c u l a t e d through l o c a l i n i t i a t i v e to ensure that housing rights and housing solutions are defined i n a manner that i s appropriate to the needs and the resources of the people and sens i t i v e to t h e i r c u l t u r a l preferences; 3) A case study i s used to document the use and practice of CD methods by the Society for the Promotion of Area Resource Centres (SPARC) i n working to achieve housing rights with a group of women pavement dwellers in Bombay, India. In order to do t h i s , the context of the case study, including the state of housing i n India 10 and the housing rights struggle i n India i s briefly-examined. In addition, t h i s research step examines the objectives, strategies and outcomes of SPARC and analyses t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p with the theory and practice of CD by using Robert's s i x point framework. In doing so t h i s section addresses the following t h e o r e t i c a l propositions as developed from step one and two, that i s : CD, f a c i l i t a t e d by a l o c a l indigenous organization i s int e g r a l for b u i l d i n g housing rights from the bottom up, and that the CD process i s applicable to SPARC'S method of developing community and f i g h t i n g for housing rights; and 4) An examination of the significance of SPARC'S use of CD methods and the implications for the broader housing rights struggle. In doing so, the following questions w i l l be addressed: What lessons can be learned from SPARC'S example and are t h e i r strategies replicable? What factors allowed SPARC to implement a CD process? What are the li m i t a t i o n s of CD i n r e l a t i o n to the housing rights struggle? and What are some major conclusions that can be drawn from t h i s examination? 1.5 ASSUMPTIONS While there are assumptions embedded within the theory and practice of CD i t s e l f , there are certa i n assumptions within the intent and motivation of t h i s study. F i r s t , i t i s assumed that housing i s a fundamental human ri g h t necessary for a l l people to l i v e i n peace, security and dignity — to at t a i n the good society. Margaret Macdonald reasons that humanity natu r a l l y s t r i v e s for the good society because of our a b i l i t y to reason and think abstractly. With t h i s innate a b i l i t y we can dis t i n g u i s h the idea l from the actual and therefore envision the good society (Macdonald:1949:25). The measure of the good society i s based upon the notion of what ought to be as a re s u l t of human choice and 11 i s , therefore, an expression of value. These decisions a f f e c t i n g the fundamental structure of society are, as Macdonald asserts, " e t h i c a l decisions made by the acceptance of those who l i v e and work i n a society and operate i t s i n s t i t u t i o n s " (1949:36). Given t h i s rationale, one can argue that rights i n the good society are normative concepts based upon the shared values of a society. Such shared values, as C B . Macpherson argues, are influenced and guided by the dominant ideology. I f people can a r t i c u l a t e t h e i r values as well as organize to demand, from a democratic state, the recognition of t h e i r values, then they can work for change to shape t h e i r v i s i o n of the good society. Second, the notion of society as two dimensional, where resources (housing i n t h i s case) are d i s t r i b u t e d either by the state or the private market i s rejected. Instead i t i s assumed that s o c i e t a l organization i s best analyzed by a three dimensional model, incorporating three interdependent systems: the state (or government), the private market economy, and community based organisations (Cohen:1982:9) (see diagram 1). As Turner notes, the conventional view of society simply as c o n f l i c t and compromise between free markets and central governments i s a gross over s i m p l i f i c a t i o n of r e a l i t y . A more careful analysis of s o c i e t a l a c t i v i t y leads necessarily to an i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of three dimensions (Turner:1988:13). Indeed the importance of t h i s t h i r d dimension was noted i n the F i n a l Statement of the Asian People's Dialogue: DIAGRAM 1 Government . . > Community Based Organizations r Private Market Economy • SOURCE: JEAN COHEN:1982 12 The key (to the housing rights struggle) i s forming strong community organisations that bring people together and give them an e f f e c t i v e voice on the issues that a f f e c t t h e i r l i v e s (Final Statement, June 14-20, 1989, Seoul, Korea). If one accepts the notion of a three dimensional model of s o c i e t a l organization, then one must recognize that housing rights discussions must include the t h i r d dimension. In t h i s way we can look for housing solutions which consist no longer of simply a choice between, or combination of, speculative commercial developments and categorical government programmes. Instead we can focus on the importance of the t h i r d sector which i s non-governmental and non-commercial, i n b u i l d i n g housing and working toward the greater implementation of housing r i g h t s . T r a d i t i o n a l l y we have ignored the role of the t h i r d dimension, but as Turner points out, between half and three quarters of a l l urban settlement and home bui l d i n g i n r a p i d l y growing c i t i e s of the t h i r d world are b u i l t by and for the poor themselves when they have access to available resources and are free to use them i n t h e i r own way (Turner:1988:14). He further argues that people and t h e i r Community Based Organisations can b u i l d up to f i v e times more housing than t h e i r governments with the same funds, and to s i m i l a r or better standards (Turner:1988:14). To ignore the role of the community based sector i n the struggle for housing rights can only r e s u l t i n i n e f f e c t i v e changes i n l e g i s l a t i o n which w i l l not address the st r u c t u r a l b a r r i e r s to housing. The integration of the community based sector into the housing rights struggle w i l l not only encourage the incorporation of the needs and ideas of a broader spectrum of society within the formulation of housing solutions, but w i l l strengthen the voice of the community i n influencing s o c i e t a l decisions, and thereby empowering the people to demand the enforcement and recognition of t h e i r r i g h t s . 14 2.0 COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT: ITS VISION, THEORY AND ACTION This chapter provides an overview of the the o r e t i c a l foundations and origi n s which shape the community development approach to change. I t i d e n t i f i e s the influences, debates and assumptions of the major theorists and outlines the implications and significance of t h e i r positions i n defining and shaping the CD approach. The a n a l y t i c a l framework for examining CD i s based on the three interconnected aspects common to any approach to change: v i s i o n , theory and action. S p l i t t i n g CD into these three categories provides a better understanding of i t s notion of the good society and how i t can be put into p r a c t i c e . WHAT IS A VISION? ^ A v i s i o n of the good s o c i e t y ^ i s based upon b e l i e f s or values. A v i s i o n i s not f a l s i f i a b l e . No appeal to past or present experience can confirm or disconfirm these statements. Our v i s i o n i s concerned with the fundamental preconceptions about s o c i a l r e a l i t y . As Heilbroner asserts, a v i s i o n i s a deep often half consciously held notion with respect to such vast and vague ideas as human nature, society, h i s t o r y or progress (1988:190). We need to understand the v i s i o n of CD for as schumpeter notes without a v i s i o n there can be no analysis. There w i l l be nothing to analyse (in Heilbroner:1988:189). That i s , we need to understand the values and ideals that CD i s b u i l t upon i f we are to determine what relevance t h i s 15 approach has for b u i l d i n g a v i s i o n of a good society that includes the human r i g h t to housing. WHAT IS A THEORY? A theory of change i s the i n t e l l e c t u a l a r t i c u l a t i o n of the v i s i o n . Unlike the v i s i o n , however, a theory can be f a l s i f i e d . That i s , a theory i s a construct which may be, among other things, s i t u a t i o n a l , h i s t o r i c a l , reductionist or h o l i s t i c i n nature. A good theory seeks to dejfcjribe, explain and prescribe and generally give us a better understanding of the world. It i s contextual i n that i t should e x p l i c i t l y recognize the p o l i t i c a l , economic and s o c i a l context within which i t operates. As well, a theory helps us develop knowledge which we can use to develop an e f f e c t i v e action or practice. By examining the theories which make up CD we can determine the dominant ideas which guide i t s values of a good society. WHAT IS ACTION? The t h i r d aspect of th i s framework i s action. The action component of any approach to change provides a test of f e a s i b i l i t y . Action means to set something new into the world. Goal achievement i s not an essential part of i t , i n that actions may be undertaken to discover new objectives or to explore the meaning of a p a r t i c u l a r c o n s t e l l a t i o n of values (Friedmann:1987:44). 16 An i n t e g r a l role of any theory i s i t s a b i l i t y to be manifest into practice. As Friedmann asserts, a theory unrelated to action i s a respectable bourgeois practice that i s t o l e rated p r e c i s e l y because i t i s ir r e l e v a n t (1987:268). Friedmann goes on to say that action requires an intense commitment to values. Without i t , opposition cannot be overcome, counter actions cannot be deflected and movement cannot be sustained (1987:101). By examining the actions of CD we can determine how i t s v i s i o n i s manifest into practice and how t h i s approach seeks to encourage s o c i e t a l decisions and choices based upon i t s v i s i o n of the good society. 2.1 BACKGROUND Before examining Community Development i n t h i s a n a l y t i c a l framework, we must explore the early origins of CD theory and define some of the fundamental concepts which make up t h i s approach to change. The term Community Development has a long and varied h i s t o r y and there i s no clear o r i g i n . Although community development projects were i n i t i a t e d i n some countries, such as Egypt and Jamaica i n the late 1930's, most writers trace the acceptance of the term community development to the end of World War II (Cary i n Chekki:1979:33). The term community development was f i r s t o f f i c i a l l y documented i n a Conference on Af r i c a n Administration at Cambridge University, sponsored by the B r i t i s h Colonial O f f i c e i n 1948, and the notion of community development had to do with emerging c o l o n i a l 17 states which were poor, predominantly r u r a l , and lacking i n sophisticated government machinery (Roberts:1979:25). Community Development projects and programmes as a r e s u l t were pri m a r i l y implemented on a large scale i n a r u r a l s e t t i n g and delivered i n a top down fashion by government bureaucracies. P r i o r to formal or i n s t i t u t i o n a l recognition, CD was being practiced on a smaller scale. These e a r l i e r community development a c t i v i t i e s could be i d e n t i f i e d i n programmes of adult education and community betterment during the depression era i n the United States as well as r u r a l animation projects i n France (Kotze:1987:32). These programmes were b u i l t upon basic concepts such as c i t i z e n involvement i n l o c a l decision making which were well established i n much of North America and Western Europe. Some of the e a r l i e s t CD l i t e r a t u r e sets forth p r i n c i p l e s about such things as f e l t needs, c i t i z e n involvement, consensus, and l o c a l decision making (Cary i n Chekki: 1979:33). Indeed the notion of democracy and c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n are central to CD theory and practice r e f l e c t i n g i t s Western philosophical roots. Other p r i n c i p l e s of CD such as s e l f r e l i a n c e , however, were f i r s t formulated by Mao-Tse Tung who c a l l e d i t "regeneration by our own e f f o r t s " i n 1945. The popularity of the notion of s e l f reliance was driven l a t e r from the Arusha Declaration (1967) when President Nyerere of Tanzania used the term of s e l f reliance as an affirmation to the aspirations of his own 18 people and those of the t h i r d world. Thus the concept of CD was c l o s e l y linked with neo-colonialism and became a popular practice a f t e r WWII among newly independent countries and aid giving agencies, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the area of r u r a l s e l f help projects. Today CD finds application i n development practice, community planning and s o c i a l work. Indeed these basic p r i n c i p l e s of CD such as s e l f reliance, c i t i z e n involvement and consensus decision making s t i l l apply today, however, they are very general, and there i s l i t t l e documentation on how these general p r i n c i p l e s are applied i n practice. This ambiguity of t r a n s l a t i n g theory into practice i s r e f l e c t e d i n the i n a b i l i t y of the CD l i t e r a t u r e to come to any consensus regarding a d e f i n i t i o n of community development. Indeed a number of d e f i n i t i o n s of CD have been proposed at various times i n various countries and these w i l l be discussed below. By giving an overview of the range of CD d e f i n i t i o n s we can i d e n t i f y the d i v e r s i t y and commonalty of CD perceptions and ultimately put forward a s p e c i f i c d e f i n i t i o n for the purpose of t h i s thesis. I t must be noted that t h i s study i s i n no way attempting to develop the d e f i n i t i o n for CD, but rather i d e n t i f y one d e f i n i t i o n which w i l l be useful i n l i n k i n g CD with the broader housing rights struggle. 19 2.2 COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT: A DEFINITION A number of d e f i n i t i o n s of Community Development have been proposed at various times i n various countries. Appendix 4 presents d e f i n i t i o n s of CD taken from a survey of the CD l i t e r a t u r e and explores d e f i n i t i o n s from d i f f e r e n t countries, organizations and th e o r i s t s . This range of d e f i n i t i o n s represents as William Biddle notes, the "fuzziness" of defining community development (Biddle:1966:5). Commonalties among d e f i n i t i o n s w i l l be highlighted to discern the concepts which seem fundamental to the make up of community development theory and practice. These concepts w i l l be b r i e f l y discussed to gain a better understanding of t h e i r role i n the complexion of CD theory and pr a c t i c e . In the d e f i n i t i o n s which have been surveyed i n Appendix 4, ce r t a i n words or phrases have been highlighted to point out common c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of CD. Certainly the most obvious components of these CD d e f i n i t i o n s are the terms community and development. In addition to these most fundamental of terms, concepts such as adult education, s e l f r e l i a n c e , democratic p a r t i c i p a t i o n and f e l t needs are recurring themes i n the overview of d e f i n i t i o n s . Before adopting a d e f i n i t i o n of CD for the purposes of t h i s thesis, these preceding concepts fundamental to the notion of CD must f i r s t be discussed. 20 2.3 COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT: AN ANALYSIS The concept of CD i s made up of a number of fundamental terms: community, development, adult education, f e l t needs and democratic p a r t i c i p a t i o n among others. Perhaps the most fundamental of these terms i s the notion of community, as i t deals with the human component of t h i s approach to change. Indeed the idea of community i s complex and dynamic. I t i s an a l l u s i v e concept meaning d i f f e r e n t things to d i f f e r e n t people and on d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s : physical, emotional, p o l i t i c a l , economical or s p i r i t u a l . That i s , community can be s p a t i a l l y defined, i t may mean f a m i l i a l t i e s , or i t may mean home. There are also communities of intere s t which grow out of economic, s p i r i t u a l , s o c i a l or p o l i t i c a l contexts. What i s in t e g r a l to the d e f i n i t i o n of community as i t relates to CD i s that of group i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and the coming together around a problem. As Roberts notes, people who come to see themselves as deprived and powerless i n the face of other people, can seek change by creating a base of support from which to move farther, and t h i s base i s seen to exist in a group of people i n the same conditionsocial (1979:27). It i s only when there i s some sense of i d e n t i t y and the objectives have a mutual rela t i o n s h i p that a community begins to form. Hence the community exists when a group of people perceive common needs and problems, acquire a sense of i d e n t i t y , and have a common set of objectives (Rubin:1969 in Roberts:1979:27). 21 Such an understanding of community then accentuates the essen t i a l constituents as a common bond, membership i n a group, the sharing of common interests and an i d e n t i t y together with the acknowledgment of the rights and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of a l l community members. This understanding i s c r u c i a l when we consider methods to develop community and also how the rights of that community should be defined and by whom. I t presupposes an organic base of values which grows out of that community, and i s shaped by, and subject to the changes which evolve within that community and the choices that community makes (Chekki: 1979:6). Indeed communities a l l have a un i v e r s a l l y dynamic nature, they undergo a continuous process of a l t e r a t i o n , adjustment and reorganization — hence change i s essential to a community i f i t i s to endure and develop — the role of CD, i t i s argued i s to act as a catalyst of planned change or development. Having described "community" then, what does the "development" of such a community refer to i n r e l a t i o n to the theory and practice of CD? Roberts argues that development i s a process — a process of making r a t i o n a l s o c i a l choices and of improving the a b i l i t y of groups of people to make such choices, to implement them, to judge t h e i r outcomes, and to revise them so that the condition of l i f e improves(1979:41). In t h i s way the development of a community means the establishment of a process and the personal empowerment wherein a group of people, or a 22 "community" can formulate and a r t i c u l a t e t h e i r shared values and necessarily t h e i r v i s i o n of the good society. What tools does CD o f f e r to f a c i l i t a t e the process of personal empowerment which leads to the making of r a t i o n a l s o c i a l choices and improvement of the communities a b i l i t y to make such choices? From the CD l i t e r a t u r e we can see that the notion of development i s linked very c l o s e l y with education, p a r t i c u l a r l y adult education. This natural l i n k between the objectives of CD and adult education i s obvious for as Ju l i u s Neyere says, people cannot be developed, they can only develop themselves. Adult education i s the key to the development of free people, and free s o c i e t i e s . Its purpose i s to help people to think for themselves and to make t h e i r own decisions and to execute those decisions themselves (1976-77:ix,iv). Hence the connection between CD's desire for "development" and adult education i s the manifestation of s e l f reliance — a key tenet of CD as we have seen from the preceding d e f i n i t i o n s . From a process of s e l f reliance through adult education people can begin to understand t h e i r own s i t u a t i o n and i d e n t i f y t h e i r needs and eventually work together to f i n d the solutions to meet those needs. This stems from the notion that communities are endowed with indigenous wisdom and s k i l l s , and are, therefore, i n a better p o s i t i o n to i d e n t i f y t h e i r " f e l t needs", as opposed to t r a d i t i o n a l forms of development practice where needs were i d e n t i f i e d from top down outside agencies, often r e s u l t i n g i n inadequate and 23 inappropriate solutions. In addition, CD encourages the development of communities based on an inc l u s i v e manner of democratic p a r t i c i p a t i o n , wherein the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of needs can be voiced by the whole community and people can begin to develop t h e i r communities. Roberts (1979:34-35) sees t h i s process of community development as a s i x step model: 1) The process begins with a problem, need or common condition which i s int e g r a l for the bui l d i n g of "community", i . e . poverty, homelessness, unemployment etc. ; 2) The next step i s to i d e n t i f y and understand what i s causing t h i s common need or condition. This understanding i s achieved by: a) gaining a greater awareness about s e l f , the community and the environment within which they exist; b) learning s k i l l s to f a c i l i t a t e t h i s awareness such as group f a c i l i t a t i o n s k i l l s and consensus decision-making; and c) discussing and understanding the d i f f e r e n t needs and values of the group members toward themselves, one another and the outside world i n order that the community can begin to a r t i c u l a t e and formulate t h e i r shared values; 3) with t h i s a c q u i s i t i o n of basic s k i l l s , and the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of shared values, the community can then begin to ask, "where do we go from here?", and formulate objectives to answer t h i s question; 4) to r e a l i z e these objectives, Roberts argues that further learning i s necessary: s k i l l s and concepts such as organization, administration, group f a c i l i t a t i o n , democratic p a r t i c i p a t i o n or even simple tasks such as record keeping depending on the community's objectives; 5) having acquired these s k i l l s the community i s in a po s i t i o n of being able to take actions to achieve i t s objectives and become more s e l f r e l i a n t ; and f i n a l l y 24 6) then follows evaluation, which i s the process by which the community assesses the extent to which i t has achieved i t s objectives. Evaluation can bring out further tensions which can s t a r t off another cycle of development. This model of the community development process i s set out i n graphic form i n Diagram 2. The basic tenets of CD and the CD process as previously outlined w i l l form the basis of analysis to be examined i n the context of the case study. Based on t h i s overview of CD tenets and process, and for the purposes of t h i s thesis, a modification of Michael Bramberger's d e f i n i t i o n of CD w i l l be adopted: CD i s a process by which people become aware of t h e i r r i g h t s and organize themselves to obtain t h e i r r i g h t s while developing the a b i l i t y to f u l f i l l t h e i r obligations as c i t i z e n s by demanding t h e i r r i g h t s (Bramberger:1967:14). Before we can r e a l l y begin to understand a development approach we must analyze i t s v i s i o n , theory and action. 2.4 COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT: ITS VISION, THEORY AND ACTION CD i s a development approach rooted i n the p r i n c i p l e s of f e l t needs, democratic p a r t i c i p a t i o n and c o l l e c t i v e change. Also steeped within these p r i n c i p l e s i s the assumption that people are necessary and capable partners i n the shaping of t h e i r l i v e s and t h e i r community. In order to have such influence, CD espouses the Ghandian b e l i e f that DIAGRAM 2 Tension (i.e., problem,-goal) Learning Knowledge ol - s e l f - group - environment Skill s in - communicalion - group discussion Attitudes toward - s e l l -others - things Evaluation Action Objectives Learning Skills in - organization - planning - administralion Model of the community development process SOURCE: ROBERTS:1979 25 inner transformation of people precedes s i g n i f i c a n t change. In Robert's s i x step model of the CD process, there i s a strong focus of CD practice on the methods of development education and empowerment through s e l f awareness and s o c i a l learning. The following four sections explore more deeply the underlying v i s i o n , theory and actions which drive these fundamental concepts of the CD approach to change as well as outline the weaknesses of t h i s approach. VISION CD's v i s i o n of the good society i s a s h i f t i n the s o c i a l , economic, p o l i t i c a l and technical structures of society, from ones based on domination to structures based on cooperation and consultation. CD i s grounded i n the b e l i e f that people have a natural desire to be s o c i a l l y and s p i r i t u a l l y connected to each other and that human beings are n a t u r a l l y benign. Recognizing that t h i s connection has been suppressed i n our "over developed" society, CD stresses the importance of personal growth, cooperative s p i r i t and freedom from manipulation from anonymous forces. There i s an inherent b e l i e f i n CD that people are capable of perceiving and judging the condition of t h e i r l i v e s ; that they have the w i l l and capacity to plan together i n accordance with these judgments and to change that condition for the better; that they can act together i n accordance with these plans and that such a process can be seen i n terms of certa i n values (Roberts:1979:xv). 26 The object of CD i s s o c i a l , psychological, economic and p o l i t i c a l emancipation. The goals of t h i s v i s i o n are to create the good society based upon among others, a non-h i e r a r c h i c a l and i n c l u s i v e s o c i a l order, the practice of s e l f reliance, voluntary cooperation and decentralized decision-making (Friedmann:1987:84). CD's v i s i o n has been influenced by John Dewey's s o c i a l learning theory wherein the good society i s premised on a Utopia of the great community, which would be sustained by an intimate dialogue on public questions (Friedmann:1987: 192). Indeed, Dewey asserts that to reach the great community the journey has to begin at home, and home i s the neighbourly community. For Dewey and for CD, "the l o c a l i s the ultimate universal and as near an absolute as e x i s t s " (Friedmann:1987:193). THEORY The theory of CD incorporates r a d i c a l and conservative elements. Radical because i t challenges e x i s t i n g power structures, expedites rates of change and aspires to increase s e l f determination. Yet conservative i n that the ends do not j u s t i f y the means. Non-violent change i s affected r a t i o n a l l y and according to democratic ethics. Great importance i s placed on c i t i z e n involvement, consensus decision-making, localism and gradualism. CD embraces the philosophies of s o c i a l mobilization, s o c i a l anarchism and utopianism: 27 (a) From s o c i a l mobilization CD seeks to influence a movement of ind i v i d u a l s , families or s o c i a l groups to p o l i t i c a l consciousness within society, leading them to greater influence and p a r t i c i p a t i o n within t h e i r community; (b) From anarchism, CD has adopted a profound suspicion of a l l h i e r a r c h i c a l relations as a repressive force; the virtues of spontaneity as opposed to an administrative l i f e ; the p r i n c i p l e of mutualism and cooperation as an alternative to competition i n s o c i a l organization; and the use of c o l l e c t i v e action to change the status quo; (c) From utopianism, CD has adopted the idea of the importance of the s o c i a l and physical environment on the formation of the human character; the importance for human development as a strategy for s o c i a l change and a balance between i n d u s t r i a l and a g r i c u l t u r a l pursuits (Friedmann:1987:227-28); From the amalgam of utopianism, anarchy and s o c i a l mobilization CD has developed certain c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which set i t apart from other t r a d i t i o n s . For example: 1) CD strongly adheres to the achievement of emancipation (of both s e l f and society) and st r u c t u r a l change within society through d i r e c t c o l l e c t i v e action from below (Friedmann:1987:83); 2) CD rejects the harmony model of society i n favor of a model based on c o n f l i c t within the dominant society, i t s i n s t i t u t i o n s , and i t s agents (Friedmann:1987:257); and 3) CD i s informed by a paradigm of s o c i a l learning that expresses the d i a l e c t i c a l unity of theory and practic e . That i s "knowledge i s derived from experience and validated i n practice, and, therefore, i t i s i n t e g r a l l y a part of action. Knowledge emerges from an ongoing d i a l e c t i c a l process i n which the main emphasis i s on new p r a c t i c a l undertakings: e x i s t i n g understanding (theory) i s enriched with lessons drawn from experience, and the "new" understanding i s then applied i n the continuing process of action and change (Friedmann:1987:81). Knowledge i s acquired by experience/action and the primary vehicle for t h i s action i s the task oriented small action groups. 28 ACTION The theory of CD i s of p a r t i c u l a r relevance to i t s pract i c e . Indeed Friedmann notes that practice must be saturatedin theory (1987:395). This rel a t i o n s h i p suggests that the theory and practice of CD are i t e r a t i v e i n that they feed o f f one another. That i s , the theory grows out from, and i s informed by, long periods of sustained oppositional practice. Based on experience, i t combines an amalgam of analysis, s o c i a l v i s i o n , and hard strategic thinking with the intent to shape ongoing p o l i t i c a l p ractice, even as i t continually absorbs new learning (Friedmann:1987:390). CD's practice must be saturated i n theory i f i t i s to be e f f e c t i v e . This saturation process evolves into a d i a l e c t i c a l i n t e r a c t i o n between theory and practice which Friedmann c a l l s the theory of s o c i a l transformation: an expressive language capable of reaching ordinary people; consistency i n the r e l a t i o n of i t s several parts to each other; comprehensiveness with respect to the main variable relevant for system information; and a formulation that enables the ready adoption of general theory to unique, s p e c i f i c settings (Friedmann:1987:390). The process of s o c i a l transformation i s i n t e g r a l to the a b i l i t y to influence s o c i e t a l decisions and choices based upon a v i s i o n of the good society. A community can attempt to influence t h e i r shared s o c i e t a l values through a process of elevating t h e i r apprehension of values to a l e v e l of 29 formal abstraction where reasoned discourse about them becomes possible (Friedmann:1979:12). In t h i s way a v i s i o n of the good society can be discussed, validated and possibly adopted. This process of influencing s o c i e t a l values i s manifest i n CD practice by encouraging debate and s o c i a l c r i t i c i s m at the l o c a l l e v e l on the s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l and economic forces i n h i b i t i n g the development of the community. By encouraging awareness of these constraints, community members can begin to formulate a strategy to overcome them. Out of t h i s process, the community developer would become more aware of the communities needs and a mutual learning experience would take place. The ultimate goal i s for people to become p o l i t i c a l l y mobilized and to work together i n defining, c o n t r o l l i n g and experimenting with t h e i r own environment and generally gain control over the important issues a f f e c t i n g t h e i r l i v e s , i n d i v i d u a l l y and as a community. The manifestation of t h i s process i s the reassertion of a more s e l f r e l i a n t p o l i t i c a l community i n c i v i l governance which w i l l undoubtedly require a permanent restructuring of the state (Friedmann:1987:406). 2.5 CRITIQUES Major c r i t i q u e s of CD have been based upon i t s assumptions. That i s , CD assumes action i s non-violent and change can be c a r r i e d through by a s o c i a l process. This implies a society which w i l l tolerate dissent. It assumes a 30 society with democratic structures (Kotze:1987:31). Indeed, Ghandi's a b i l i t y to use non-violence was dependent upon the B r i t i s h tolerance for his actions. Hence CD may not be applicable i n a non-democratic society. Components of the process can be transferred to other p o l i t i c a l systems, but the p o t e n t i a l for v i o l e n t suppression i s usually present. Stemming from i t s b e l i e f i n non-violence and gradual change, CD has been c r i t i c i z e d as a "pleasant form of s o c i a l control." That i s , CD has been accused of neglecting urgently needed changes i n socio-economic and p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s as i t instead focuses on change through values and attitudes. Khinduka argues th i s a t t i t u d i n a l and value modification do not necessarily precede behavioral or s t r u c t u r a l change: they may often follow them (in Chekki:1979:23). Instead Khinduka asserts that t h i s focus i s a pleasant form of s o c i a l control r e s u l t i n g i n what Marcuse terms as "repressive desublimation." That i s , CD merely provides a tool for the dominant powers to subtly mystify, subvert and appease dissenters by allowing them the triumph of having rebelled without making any substantive changes (in Chekki:1979:24). Related to t h i s E l l u l argues that the more manipulative and repressive a s o c i a l system, the more p l e n t i f u l yet disguised are the channels through which the in d i v i d u a l may re l i n q u i s h or express his/her spontaneous actions and reactions, as such outbursts pose no threat to the smooth functioning of the s o c i a l system, for siphoned energy seldom 31 materializes into substantial action or serious confrontation (in Roberts:1979). Based on t h i s argument CD as a method for change poses no threat to the status quo, and consequently changes i n the s o c i a l structure sought by CD w i l l not be achieved. These arguments have been directed toward CD because as Khinduka asserts, the underlying almost exclusively process oriented ideology of CD accentuating localism, gradualism, c i t i z e n p a r t i c i p a t i o n and the attendant exaltation of consensus, has been responsible for i t s neglect of urgently needed changes i n socio-economic and p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s (in Chekki:1979:23). These arguments can be addressed on several d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s . F i r s t , the argument that CD i s a pleasant form of s o c i a l control or the repressive desublimation of people's energies, only makes sense when analysed from a two dimensional model of s o c i a l organization. Indeed, such analysis rejects the notion of the community based sector and adopts a narrow two dimensional d i a l e c t i c of society based on the private and state sectors only. As noted i n the assumptions of t h i s study, society i t i s argued, i s three dimensional, incorporating the state, the private and the community based sector. With t h i s understanding, the argument that a community's e f f o r t s can be sublimated and non-threatening does not stand up. C l e a r l y the argument ignores the contribution and the power of the community to d i s t r i b u t e resources. Moreover, i t ignores and delegitimates 32 the role that people i n a l l countries have played and are playing i n the struggle for t h e i r housing, and housing r i g h t s . At a d i f f e r e n t l e v e l , Kotze argues that the c r i t i q u e s which are directed toward CD are based on a tendency to expect i t s application at a l e v e l which i s inappropriate and for which i t was not designed i n the f i r s t place(1987:31). According to Meister, attempts to make CD do things for which i t was not designed results i n the entry of a d i f f e r e n t i n s t i t u t i o n a l and s o c i a l dynamic, and the CD process no longer functions i n the expected manner. CD rests to a very large extent on the co-operative s p i r i t , personal l o y a l t i e s , c i v i c duty and sound interpersonal relationships which are found i n small communities (Meister i n Kotze:1987:32). Hence Khinduka's c r i t i c i s m s are misguided insofar as h i s expectations for CD far exceed i t s intent and purpose, and do not recognize the interdependence between the state, the private and community based sector i n the approach to development. A further rebuttal to the preceding c r i t i q u e s can be seen by Rubins who notes that CD, as a vehicle for s o c i a l change i s not to be e n t i r e l y scorned, for i t i s based on a concept which stresses the importance of intervening structures which engage people i n learning and formulating s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l objectives, and i n t h i s way "drags them into the torrent of s o c i a l l i f e " (in Roberts:1979:113). The manifestation of which has been seen by Friedmann as the 33 reassertion of a more s e l f r e l i a n t p o l i t i c a l community i n c i v i l governance which w i l l lead ultimately to the restructuring of the state (1987:406). Indeed, CD programmes have focused on creating a process which f a c i l i t a t e s the poor and disenfranchized to gain s e l f confidence and s e l f respect, to learn about organizing and establishing pressure groups and thus causing agencies to be more aware and sensitive to the needs of the poor. If we measure success i n terms other than material or economic ones, power can then be asserted i n means other than economic dominance (Roberts:1979:44). In means that are driven by the tenets of a good society based on cooperation, mutual respect and democratic p a r t i c i p a t i o n . 34 3.0 THE ROLE OF COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT IN THE HOUSING RIGHTS STRUGGLE This study argues that there i s a role for CD i n the housing rights struggle. Before such a role can be a r t i c u l a t e d c e r t a i n concepts must be defined. Indeed we have defined the notion of community development. But what are housing rights? F i r s t what i s meant by a r i g h t i s defined. This i s a woolly area which i s d i f f i c u l t conceptually and ambiguous i n meaning. From t h i s discussion the notion of housing i s explored to c l a r i f y i t s meaning and relationship with r i g h t s . Out of t h i s c l a r i f i c a t i o n the r e l a t i o n s h i p between housing rights and CD i s discussed. 3.1 RIGHTS The notion of " r i g h t s " i s a d i f f i c u l t concept and i t i s not the purpose of t h i s thesis to wrestle with i t s d e f i n i t i o n as others, much more q u a l i f i e d have t r i e d and f a i l e d , but also because ultimately the meaning and scope of housing rights must come from the people themselves, the b e n e f i c i a r i e s and "owners" of t h i s right (Leckie:1989:90). Indeed the notion of rights has been a topic of hot debate among many of the (Western) worlds great philosophers, Hobbs, Rousseau, Marx, Locke and Macpherson to name only a few. Their respective d e f i n i t i o n s have had a great impact upon the s o c i a l structure of western c i v i l i z a t i o n and s t i l l do. However, t h e i r d e f i n i t i o n s were steeped i n the p o l i t i c a l theories out of which they evolved, each with a d i f f e r e n t 35 view of l i f e , of human nature and of the part people take i n determining the d i r e c t i o n and manner of l i v i n g . These d e f i n i t i o n s then, must be understood within that context. WHAT ARE RIGHTS? In general the concept of rights i s used loosely. Terms such as human rig h t s , economic ri g h t s , s o c i a l r i g h t s , c i v i l r i g h t s , p o l i t i c a l rights etc., are not c l e a r l y defined, encompass d i f f e r e n t meanings for d i f f e r e n t people, and present contradictory visions of how to organize society (Felice:1989:34). In the West we have accepted the notion of c i v i l and p o l i t i c a l r i g h t s . That i s the r i g h t to vote, freedom of speech and organization. Indeed many of these rights have been enshrined i n the l e g a l codes of our national governments. Others argue that i n addition to such c i v i l and p o l i t i c a l rights everyone i s endowed with natural rights outside of human made laws — these rights exist through binding precepts of morality and do not depend upon a l e g a l code for t h e i r v a l i d i t y (Scruton:1982:409). Natural rights i n f e r morality, a normative v i s i o n of the "good society." This i s i n contrast to those who perceive rights as l i m i t e d to merely convention or rules. HUMAN RIGHTS More recently there has emerged the notion of adopting and defining human r i g h t s . As a r e s u l t of the a t r o c i t i e s of World War Two, i t was agreed that a v i o l a t i o n of human 36 rights i n one country under international law i s a legitimate concern for a l l people and a l l nations (Hulchanski:1988). Human rights are statements of basic needs or in t e r e s t s . They are a set of claims or entitlements that e x i s t independently of formal l e g a l recognition or enforcement. Such claims or entitlements can be mobilized i n c r i t i c i s m of the denial of such rights by p o l i t i c a l systems (Scruton:1982). In t h i s way human rights have been s i g n i f i c a n t as grounds of protest and j u s t i f i c a t i o n for reforming p o l i c i e s . They d i f f e r from appeals to benevolence and charity i n that they invoke ideals of j u s t i c e and equality. Human rights are, therefore, the c o r o l l a r y to the modern notion of s o c i a l j u s t i c e . Hence the concept of human rights presupposes a standard below which i t i s intole r a b l e that a human being should f a l l — that human deprivation affronts some ideal conception of human excellence (Scruton:1982). THE HOUSING RIGHTS DEBATE The notion of a ri g h t to housing was f i r s t enshrined on an international l e v e l i n 1948 i n the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and has subsequently been c o d i f i e d i n other international instruments and national constitutions. The international acceptance of the concept of human rights opened up for discussion the notion of housing as a human rig h t . 37 Housing as a human r i g h t , unlike i t s human rights counterparts, c i v i l and p o l i t i c a l r i g h t s , i s accepted i n t e l l e c t u a l l y , but remains l a r g e l y unprotected, or where recognized, remains r e l a t i v e l y unenforced. C.B. Macpherson examines the f a i l u r e of Western states to accept housing as a human ri g h t by developing a framework i n which to analyse the notion of human r i g h t s . This framework consists of three separate, but interdependent categories of human ri g h t s : C i v i l Rights and L i b e r t i e s such as speech, publication, association, r e l i g i o n , movement etc.; P o l i t i c a l Rights such as the a b i l i t y to influence government and choose representatives; and Soci a l and Economic Rights such as the r i g h t to work, the r i g h t to s o c i a l security during i l l n e s s and old age, the right to an income consistent with human dignity, the ri g h t to l e i s u r e , and the ri g h t to education (Macpherson:1987). Macpherson notes that within t h i s framework, c i v i l r i ghts are seen c h i e f l y as rights against the state, that i s , claims for in d i v i d u a l freedoms which the state cannot invade. P o l i t i c a l r i g h t s , he suggests are rights to a voice i n the control of the state. Contrast t h i s to economic and so c i a l rights (the r i g h t to housing, food, work, security during i l l n e s s etc.) which are claims for benefits to be guaranteed by the state, both by l e g i s l a t i o n and by p o s i t i v e provision of services and income supplements (Macpherson: 1987:23). Macpherson's explanation of the three categories of human rights helps us to understand the f a i l u r e or the reluctance of most western states to recognize and enforce 38 s o c i a l and economic righ t s of which the ri g h t to housing i s a key component. Hulchanski argues that the reticence of Western l i b e r a l states to recognize and enforce s o c i a l and economic rights can be attributed to the fact that much of the debate around human rights has been waged i n a "negative-positive" rights context (Hulchanski:1989). Walter Block, a proponent of the negative/positive rights framework and a self-proclaimed booster of " l a i s s e z - f a i r e " l i b e r a l i s m , explains the rationale behind his approach: A l l rights have corresponding obligations. If I have a ri g h t to property, you have an obligation to r e f r a i n from s t e a l i n g i t or trespassing upon i t . If you have an in v i o l a b l e r i g h t i n your person, I, and everyone else, have an obligation to leave you unmolested. Note that these are negative r i g h t s . They make incumbent upon people to r e f r a i n ; to cease and desist; to avoid cert a i n aggressive behavior. But they impose no po s i t i v e obligations whatsoever (Block:1981). Block favors negative rights and freedoms, but not po s i t i v e r i g h t s . In p a r t i c u l a r , he opposes the new set of economic and s o c i a l rights outlined i n the UN's declaration and other international human rights covenants and agreements. As Block explains: Of l a t e a new type of "r i g h t " has arisen. What i s claimed here i s not the right to be l e f t alone, free to bu i l d , buy or rent whatever shelter one can afford. Now demanded i s a r i g h t to housing which implies an obligation on the part of other people to provide i t . This claim, i n other words, i s for a so-called p o s i t i v e r i g h t , not the negative rights of c l a s s i c a l o r i g i n . But what i s act u a l l y at stake here has nothing to do with rights at a l l . On the contrary, i t i s disguised, and therefore, a quite insidious demand for wealth (Block:1981). 39 Jeremy Waldron argues that t h i s a r b i t r a r y d i s t i n c t i o n between negative and p o s i t i v e rights does not consider the actual socio-economic p o s i t i o n of people. It relates instead to the broader questions of p o l i t i c a l morality and p a r t i c u l a r l y to " l a i s s e z - f a i r e " and minimalist theories of the state (Waldron:1984:11). This debate, therefore, i s p o l i t i c a l l y motivated. Hulchanski supports Waldron's claim and notes that the d i s t i n c t i o n between negative and po s i t i v e rights promotes and defends a philosophical argument for a minimalist role for the state. Thus the narrow d e f i n i t i o n of human ri g h t s , as defined i n a negative and po s i t i v e d i a l e c t i c , w i l l necessarily l i m i t the role of public p o l i c y and thereby defend the right to private c a p i t a l accumulation (Hulchanski:1989:7 and Macpherson:1987:26). The f a i l u r e to secure economic and s o c i a l rights (housing included) i n the West i s as Macpherson notes, due to the type of economic system. The c a p i t a l i s t economy, he argues, necessarily works against the new human rights, p a r t i c u l a r l y in i t s adherence to the notion of trade-offs when making decisions regarding the d i s t r i b u t i o n of resources. Indeed the argument for the trade-off between human rights and economic development i s frequently made. However, as Macpherson notes, a trade-off i s u n j u s t i f i a b l e i f one set of people get the benefits and a d i f f e r e n t set of people bear the costs (Macpherson:1986:28). This point i s often overlooked as the notion of economic growth i s so essential to capitalism that the directors of c a p i t a l i s t 40 s o c i e t i e s come to take i t as an end i n i t s e l f , to which everything else may appropriately be subordinated (Macpherson:1986:29). I f , however, we accept the notion that rights are norms or standards determined by the shared values of society we can then develop strategies to put housing rights on the public agenda. We must not be swayed by the a r t i f i c i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n between negative and p o s i t i v e rights and we must recognize as Macpherson notes that a l l r i g h t s , c i v i l , p o l i t i c a l or s o c i a l and economic are a l l "claims for a ri g h t to l i f e at a genuinely human l e v e l . A l l that has changed i s the acceptable view of possible ways of securing the ind i v i d u a l r i g h t to the material means of a f u l l y human l i f e " (Macpherson:1986:26). The negative-positive approach to rights has been under steady attack throughout the 20th century as people redefine t h e i r methods and approaches to achieving the good society. Indeed human rights a t t r a c t continuing debate as the package of rights that we accept as a society helps to define our c r i t e r i a for p o l i c y choices. More importantly, however, the debate rages because as Waldron notes, i n d i v i d u a l rights provide the s t a r t i n g point for p o l i t i c a l morality (Waldron:1984:11). In addition to the moral and e t h i c a l components which make up the rights debate there are other c r i t i c i s m s of the Western parameters of human ri g h t s , l a r g e l y put forward by those groups who have been l e f t out of the rights debate. 41 OTHER ASPECTS OF THE RIGHTS DEBATE Perhaps the most common c r i t i c i s m within the rights debate i n addition to the negative-positive d i v i s i o n , i s the debate between i n d i v i d u a l and c o l l e c t i v e r i g h t s . For a l l intents and purposes we i n the West have f u l l y accepted the notion of in d i v i d u a l r i g h t s . While there are discussions regarding the importance of c o l l e c t i v e r i g h t s , l i t t l e movement on the part of the state to recognize and implement c o l l e c t i v e rights has taken place. Many see the b a r r i e r s to espousing c o l l e c t i v e rights as the entrenched b e l i e f i n the value of the i n d i v i d u a l embedded i n Western l i b e r a l ideology. Indeed many would argue that the Western l i b e r a l mode of thinking that separates the i n d i v i d u a l from society or community has been a great hindrance to the acceptance of the notion of human right s as well as c o l l e c t i v e r i g h t s . Carol G i l l i g a n argues that t h i s adherence to the rights of the i n d i v i d u a l at the expense of the community can be traced to the t r a d i t i o n a l notion of rights as seen i n the Western world evolving from a male perspective which tends to atomize society into i n d i v i d u a l parts rather than examining society i n a h o l i s t i c manner. Based upon a survey of school aged boys and g i r l s , G i l l i g a n asserts that sex can predetermine ways of viewing moral problems. Men she argues tend to see morality i n terms of a hierarchy of r i g h t s , whereas women see i t i n terms of a web of relationships. Men see the actors i n a moral dilemma arrayed as opponents i n a 42 contest of r i g h t s , while women see them as members of a network of relationships on whose continuation they a l l depend. In t h i s female conception, the moral problem arises from c o n f l i c t i n g r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s rather than from competing rig h t s , and requires for i t s resolution a mode of thinking that i s contextual and narrative rather than formal and abstract. Men, she argues, define r i g h t s , p a r t i c u l a r l y the protection of those r i g h t s , from a much more ind i v i d u a l point of view, whereas women define rights from a more c o l l e c t i v e view point (Gilligan:1982). Rosalee Tizya, Executive Director of the United Native Nations i n B r i t i s h Columbia, Canada, sees t h i s emphasis on i n d i v i d u a l rights versus the rights of the community as ignoring t r a d i t i o n a l native ways of s o c i a l organization. When aboriginal people t a l k about human rig h t s , we have a d i f f e r e n t perspective. We r e a l i z e that not everyone i n the community can b u i l d a house. Not everyone, can hunt and trap. Not everyone can act, t e l l s t o r i e s , or teach others what he or she knows. But each one of us, i n our own way, has a place i n our society that contributes to the survival of the whole nation. We see rights as more encompassing than the i n d i v i d u a l r i g h t s . We believe i n the r i g h t of a community to define i t s e l f and to manage i t s resources for the benefit of the people (Tizya i n Canadian Housing:1989:78). What can be concluded from t h i s b r i e f overview of the " r i g h t s " debate i s that the notion of rights and i t s d e f i n i t i o n i s a normative concept based upon the dominant values of a society. If we accept t h i s notion of rights being defined by dominant s o c i e t a l values, we might then ask how society determines which value judgments can dominate to achieve a p a r t i c u l a r v i s i o n of a good society? CB. 43 Macpherson offers the explanation that choices regarding value judgments of how we oughtto achieve the "good society" are guided by the dominant ideology of a p a r t i c u l a r society. As well the choice of a guiding ideology necessarily r e f l e c t s the existence (or absence) and enforcement of rights ( i . e . the r i g h t to housing) i n a society. Guided by the philosophical tenets of CD theory, t h i s study adopts a notion of rights based on a v i s i o n of the good society wherein housing i s considered a fundamental human right necessary for a l l people to l i v e i n peace, security and dignity. Given the understanding that the recognition and implementation of housing rights has been ignored because people have lacked access to power over the decisions and resources which aff e c t t h e i r l i v e s . Hence the state, or the dominant powers must allow people to have the power to demand the recognition and enforcement of t h e i r rights and necessarily t h e i r housing so they can f u l f i l l t h e i r obligations as c i t i z e n s by taking part i n c i v i c a c t i v i t i e s . As a r e s u l t t h i s study espouses the notion of the human right to housing which exists regardless of the leg a l recognition of the state. While acknowledging the role of the state i n recognition and enforcement of r i g h t s , and the people i n defining and demanding that r i g h t from the state. As Rosalee Tizya notes today the only rights that ex i s t are those that people had the power to win (1989:78). 44 Before we discuss the relat i o n s h i p between the housing rights struggle and CD we must f i r s t explore exactly what i s meant by the term housing and how i t lends i t s e l f to a CD approach to change. 3.2 HOUSING This section examines the nature of housing as a vehicle for the larger struggle of change and how working i n t e r a c t i v e l y with the tenets of CD, housing i s int e g r a l i n the struggle for housing r i g h t s . The popular notion of housing i s that i t i s four walls and a roof that protects us from the elements. More recently, and p a r t i c u l a r l y , but not exclusively seen i n developed countries, housing has been viewed as a commodity, something one can buy and s e l l , an investment from which a p r o f i t can be made and speculation of that p r o f i t can occur. Largely as a re s u l t of t h i s concept of housing as a product, many countries, developed and developing a l i k e , are faced with high land and housing costs, shortages of low income housing which does not r e a l i z e an adequate return of income, and the increasing homelessness of people who cannot compete for housing i n the private market. In addition to the physical manifestations of viewing housing as a commodity, John Turner argues that there are also s o c i a l , c u l t u r a l and psychological manifestations. He notes that the dominant ideology which sees housing as a product has resulted i n the alienation of the people from 45 t h e i r culture, the f e e l i n g of impotence, the loss of values; and coupled with t h i s as a d i r e c t companion, the growing dominance of bureaucracy and technology over our l i v e s to the extent that everything has started to become a commodity, a consumer product — that i s best c e n t r a l l y produced (Turner:1976). Housing, however, i s more than a commodity and more than just bricks and mortar. Along with feeding oneself and having children and bringing them up, housing constitutes one of the most e x i s t e n t i a l actions that human beings undertake i n personal, c u l t u r a l , economic, s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l terms. Housing i s also one of our most concrete manifestations of culture and of i d e n t i t y i n that i t i s one of the most basic ways by which community and s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s are established (Sen:1985:145). Hence housing actions are among the most meaningful actions we undertake and by housing ourselves we give meaning to society i t s e l f . This notion of housing as a fundamental human action i s in keeping with John Turner's argument that housing i s a verb ( l i k e doing, or being) as opposed to the concept of housing as a noun, an object or a commodity to be b u i l t , bought and sold (Turner:1976). Turner sees housing as a process of a larger struggle for a Just Society, interconnected with a l l aspects i n which the context of housing e x i s t s . The shape and forms of our homes, neighbourhoods, the architecture of the community r e f l e c t the rel a t i o n s h i p of the people, the ways i n which people 46 work and use the Earth's resources and the rel a t i o n s h i p between human society and nature (Turner:1989). To be complete, therefore, housing must give access to the basic things that sustain l i f e . These include proximity to where one can f i n d work, a safe and healthy environment and access to basic necessities such as f u e l and potable water. Good housing then becomes a v i t a l base i n society for c i t i z e n s to b u i l d free and equal relationships amongst themselves, and i n turn to b u i l d c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t i e s and society i t s e l f (Sen:1985:139). In t h i s way, i t can be argued that housing resources ought to be s o c i a l resources to be used for the benefit and welfare of the society as a whole, not just for the benefit of those who can afford to buy i t . In response to the alienation of people from the power to influence t h e i r housing and consequently t h e i r s o c i a l structure, and to reintroduce housing as a fundamental human a c t i v i t y i n t e g r a l for the development of the good society, Turner suggests that there must be a reabsorption of government into the community by c u l t i v a t i n g the habit of d i r e c t action instead of waiting upon representative agencies (Turner:1972). This notion of responding to a loss of control i n a r t i c u l a t i n g and b u i l d i n g one's v i s i o n of the good society through the reassertion of a more s e l f r e l i a n t p o l i t i c a l community i n c i v i l governance i s supported by two leading modern day housing a c t i v i s t s . As Jim Green, community organizer with the Downtown Eastside Residents Association 47 in Vancouver, Canada states, the answer to the housing problem i s human beings learning new s k i l l s , new democratic structures, being involved i n the design and operation of t h e i r own housing, being planners of t h e i r own community (in Canadian Housing:1989:19). These sentiments are echoed by Enriquez O r t i z , the Executive Secretary of the Habitat International C o a l i t i o n who notes that communities must organize to pressure governments to take action. To best accomplish t h i s task individuals and communities must engage in the confrontations essential to securing, defending and sustaining the right to housing; hold national and international bodies accountable for t h e i r actions regarding housing rights at l o c a l , national and global le v e l s and b u i l d an international movement around housing (in Canadian Housing:1989:19). Housing then, i t can be argued i s essential to the development and achievement of the good society. People, p a r t i c u l a r l y the poor have been excluded from voicing t h e i r v i s i o n of the good society by the dominant ideology. A manifestation of t h i s lack of voice i s that they are often denied access to housing as well as access to power over decisions and resources which a f f e c t t h e i r l i f e and indeed t h e i r housing. They are excluded from a process to make people aware of t h e i r rights and organize them so they can a c t i v e l y and responsibly demand those rights and ultimately enjoy them. A process that i n a l i m i t e d way can be achieved through the strategies of community development. 48 3.3 COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT AND THE HOUSING RIGHTS STRUGGLE CD, as defined for the purposes of t h i s thesis, i s a process by which people become aware of t h e i r rights and organize themselves to obtain t h e i r r i g h t s , while at the same time, developing the a b i l i t y to f u l f i l l t h e i r obligations as c i t i z e n s by demanding t h e i r rights (Bramberger:1967:14). The connection between CD and housing rights i s that CD provides the people with the tools to achieve and assert t h e i r r i g h t s . Having made an argument for the t h e o r e t i c a l l i n k s between CD and housing r i g h t s , we can now examine the p r a c t i c a l l i n k s between housing righ t s and CD. HOUSING AS A VEHICLE FOR CHANGE Housing can be a vehicle for change and necessarily community development. That i s , housing i s an arena of a basic struggle for access to, and control over, the basic resources that are necessary to have a place to l i v e with some peace and dignity. Moreover, housing contains issues around which many d i f f e r e n t kinds of people and organizations can work to b u i l d s o l i d a r i t y for a larger struggle of economic, s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l j u s t i c e . Sen espouses the argument that housing can be a powerful vehicle for development because "housing i s e s s e n t i a l l y a fundamental a c t i v i t y where people's keenest 49 i n t e l l i g e n c e and intere s t i s involved. Since the basic interest i s there, people's greatest involvement w i l l also take place — but only i f they are given the opportunity. And involvement (participation) i s surely the basis for human development (and I would argue community development)" (Sen:1985:136). He goes on to say that housing i s a whole process of people se t t i n g p r i o r i t i e s , making decisions, committing themselves, not only i n terms of location, investment of resources, but i n aspirations, hopes and personal expression. Sen argues, therefore, that housing i s an ideal tool for the f a c i l i t a t i o n of human and community development. If people are given a f u l l opportunity to get involved i n a l l the sub-processes and decisions which go into the design and construction of what w i l l be t h e i r house, then i t i s at the same time an opportunity for personal and community development. The r e s u l t w i l l be not only that people are proud of t h e i r houses, but they w i l l know i t as a r e s u l t of t h e i r own i n t e l l i g e n c e and i t w i l l t r u l y belong to them. They w i l l have t r u l y shaped t h e i r own environment, as a l l l i v i n g beings wish to do (1986:4). THE RIGHT TO HOUSING: A LOCAL ACTIVITY As we have previously noted a right i s a norm or standard determined by the shared values of a society. Choices regarding value judgments of how we ought to achieve the good society are guided by the dominant ideology. Where 50 housing rig h t s are l e g a l l y recognized the dominant ideology has often prevented the state from enforcing those rights and excluded the people, p r i m a r i l y the poor, from access to power which shapes and influences decisions a f f e c t i n g t h e i r r i g h t s . Housing, because i t i s so fundamental to the d a i l y l i v e s of people, must also be defined by the people. Indeed housing i s a deeply c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t y dependent upon l o c a l values, norms and experience for i t s shape, siz e , design and even existence. The exact meaning of "a r i g h t to housing", therefore, w i l l mean d i f f e r e n t things based on d i f f e r e n t values. For many communities, a r i g h t to housing may mean the a b i l i t y to stay, unmolested i n t h e i r squatter settlement. For others i t might mean access to cert a i n amenities which r e f l e c t s the l i f e s t y l e of the society. What i s important to note i s that any d e f i n i t i o n of housing rights w i l l be dynamic and r e l a t i v e . That i s , as people's perceptions of the good society change so w i l l the rights they demand. These demands w i l l r e f l e c t a standard necessary to be an active p a r t i c i p a n t i n that society and thus the a b i l i t y to l i v e i n r e l a t i v e affluence (or poverty) to the rest of society. In t h i s regard i t i s d i f f i c u l t to establish a global universal minimum of housing norms and standards. Such standards may be more r e a l i s t i c and, therefore attainable, i f they are defined by the people themselves. CD can serve as a process of helping communities set l o c a l housing standards. 51 Once we recognize that appropriate housing i s l o c a l l y dependent i t i s obvious that there i s a primary role i n the f a c i l i t a t i o n of the CD process for a l o c a l community based organisation. This of course does not exclude such community based organizations from working with outside national or international bodies, but t h e i r understanding and acceptance of the s o c i a l , economic and p o l i t i c a l structure at the l o c a l l e v e l gives them an advantage over outside bodies i n the f a c i l i t a t i o n of the CD process. An important l i n k between CD and housing r i g h t s , then i s the insurance of the housing rights process being based upon democratic values necessary for a l l the people to have an active and i n f l u e n t i a l role i n defining t h e i r r i g h t to housing, and to ensure that the state i s held accountable for the recognition and implementation of these values. HOUSING RIGHTS AND THE ROLE OF THE STATE Although housing i s most commonly seen to be an in d i v i d u a l or family concern, i t i s i n fact very much more a s o c i a l l y determined process. Most of the resources that are required to house oneself are a function of a larger s o c i a l process such as land, b u i l d i n g materials, income etc.. Housing i s , therefore, never done alone, but always i n concert, or i n competition and possibly i n c o n f l i c t with other actors or i n t e r e s t groups. It i s i n t h i s sense that housing i s a struggle — a struggle for access and control over s o c i a l resources and the production of housing 52 (Sen:1985:28). Indeed, one of the most important actors i n housing has been the state, whatever i t s i d e o l o g i c a l commitment. This i s i n p a r t i c u l a r a function of the planning, c i v i c and welfare establishment both i n the sense of se r v i c i n g and enabling c i t i z e n s to b u i l d l i v e s — and of co n t r o l l i n g us and our l i b e r t i e s . The act of housing oneself, therefore, necessarily brings one into d i r e c t r e l a t i o n s h i p with the state. This point i s in t e g r a l to the relationship of CD and the housing rights struggle. CD i s a means of defense against the state. That i s , rights take place within the context of the state. We must recognize t h i s and use CD to make the state work for the poor. The role of CD i s to f a c i l i t a t e a process to achieve goals such as housing rights as well as give a voice to the poor i n th e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p with the state. The housing rights struggle w i l l continue to work for l e g i s l a t i v e recognition of the ri g h t to housing, and through CD the people can use th i s l e g i s l a t i v e r i g h t as leverage along with t h e i r own demands to ensure that housing defined on t h e i r own terms i s being delivered. Hence CD helps communities to gain s k i l l s to interact with the state. Having made the th e o r e t i c a l and p r a c t i c a l connections between housing rights and the CD process, we can now empirically document how the CD approach to change can be used i n a re a l l i f e case study. 53 4.0 CASE STUDY: THE SOCIETY FOR THE PROMOTION OF AREA RESOURCE CENTRES The following i s a case study of the use and practice of Community Development methods by the Society for the Promotion of Area Resource Centres (SPARC) i n i t s attempt to implement housing rights i n conjunction with pavement dwellers i n Bombay, India. A b r i e f summary of the context for the case study i s provided, including the nature and causes of the housing c r i s i s i n India and the government responses to t h i s c r i s i s . A non-governmental response c a l l i n g for the l e g i s l a t i v e recognition and enforcement of people's housing rights i s summarized and c r i t i c i s m s of t h i s approach by leading housing rights a c t i v i s t s i n the region are discussed. Having set the context, the role of SPARC i s examined, an organisation which uses the tenets of CD to f i g h t for the housing rights of women pavement dwellers i n Bombay. This examination includes an analysis of SPARC'S goals and strategies i n order to assess i t s use of the CD process. In addition, the outcomes of SPARC'S strategies, both latent and manifest, are examined to i d e n t i f y the implications of using a process of change to achieve the recognition and enforcement of the housing rights of these pavement dwellers by the state. 54 RATIONALE FOR CASE STUDY The rationale for choosing t h i s case study i s to explore the rel a t i o n s h i p between a CD approach to change and housing r i g h t s . A single case design i s chosen for two reasons: F i r s t , access to case study material on a subject r a r e l y accessible to outside observation was available. The descriptive information alone i s highly relevant and in s t r u c t i v e . Through work with SPARC during a recent t r i p to Bombay, relationships of tru s t were b u i l t with a group of women pavement dwellers and community organisers. At t h i s time, information was gathered on the relationships between the women and the organisers of SPARC, by v i s i t i n g the women in t h e i r homes and meeting t h e i r families, and discussing how the relationships between themselves and t h e i r families and the community have changed since they became organized; Second, the work of SPARC i s innovative and i t use of CD tenets i s extensive. I t provides an excellent case of work i n the f i e l d of housing rights and, therefore, can reveal implications and insights for the larger housing rights struggle. METHODOLOGY Much of the empirical case study information for t h i s study was derived from four months of f i e l d research i n South Asia, wherein material was co l l e c t e d from interviews, s i t e v i s i t s , l i t e r a t u r e c o l l e c t i o n and review, video tapes 55 and l i v i n g and t r a v e l l i n g with SPARC organisers and the women themselves. A s c i e n t i f i c survey was not developed p r i o r to t h i s v i s i t . The values and goals of the people involved have been i d e n t i f i e d with honesty and i n t e g r i t y . Where gaps i n information exist there was no opportunity to return for c l a r i f i c a t i o n as time, distance and expenses prohibited such as second look. 4.1 CONTEXT: THE HOUSING PROBLEMS IN INDIA Homelessness and inadequate housing plague many peoples, but none more acutely than the people of India. For 25 m i l l i o n people representing the number of absolute urban homeless i n India, home i s a t i n shanty or a piece of p l a s t i c sheeting supported by a s t i c k . Water comes from a leak i n the municipal p i p e l i n e that runs alongside providing water to the denizens of b i g apartment blocks; privacy i s a luxury most have never heard about ( I l l u s t r a t e d Weekly: July 2, 1989:10). Indeed much of India's present day urban housing c r i s i s , i t has been argued, can be traced to three contributing forces: colonialism, the green revolution and a growth based development model (Douglass:1984;Worelsy: 1972,-Oakley and Marsden: 1984) . COLONIALISM Prior to colonisation, the Indian economy was based upon the model of large v i l l a g e corporates, rather than highly developed urban centres. Colonialism, by the B r i t i s h , 56 brought about the need to s p e c i a l i z e i n agriculture. The land revenue systems necessitated land ownership rights and generally abolished subsistence economy i n India (Douglass: 1984:19). India, as many colonized countries, became a hinterland of raw materials for the B r i t i s h and i t s trading partners. Major urban centres were established l i k e Calcutta and Bombay for the c o l l e c t i o n , handling and basic processing of those raw materials (Khan:1987:28). The B r i t i s h injected large amounts of c a p i t a l into developing the infrastructure of these urban centres i n order to provide a r e l i a b l e export centre for the cheap raw materials that t h e i r empire was b u i l t upon. In order to e f f i c i e n t l y run these urban export centres cheap labour was needed, and hence large urban centres l i k e Calcutta and Bombay became migration magnates for the landless farmers and the r u r a l poor i n India. As landless people from the r u r a l areas migrated en masse into the c i t i e s they began to form the bulk of what are known as the urban poor. Their hopes for making a better l i f e for t h e i r families were l a r g e l y dashed as c o l o n i a l development programmes and p o l i c i e s worked to accelerate urbanisation, but f a i l e d to implement i n d u s t r i a l i s a t i o n and the attendant s t r u c t u r a l changes which went hand-in-hand with urbanisation i n developed countries. This urbanisation without i n d u s t r i a l i s a t i o n resulted i n a class of newly urbanized people who were unemployed or underemployed as e x i s t i n g industry could not absorb t h e i r labour (Worsley: 1972:209). As a r e s u l t , most of the urban poor i n India's 57 large urban centres are concentrated mainly i n the informal sector of the economy, making barely enough to eke out a subsistence l e v e l income. Their hopes for finding affordable housing are li m i t e d by t h e i r incomes, and as a r e s u l t many are homeless or inadequately housed. GROWTH BASED DEVELOPMENT MODEL When India achieved independence from B r i t a i n i n 1947, the government of the day maintained economic development p o l i c i e s based upon modernisation, i n d u s t r i a l i s a t i o n and urbanisation. The theory of t h i s approach was premised on the b e l i e f that the " i n j e c t i o n " of c a p i t a l inputs from outside would r e s u l t i n "take-off" into self-sustained growth and the eventual spread of benefits throughout the system (Oakley and Marsden:1984:5). This growth based model of development was adopted by many of the newly independent countries of the time and financed through the reconstruction p o l i c i e s of many western developed countries and i n s t i t u t i o n s . Emphasis was l a i d on providing i n f r a s t r u c t u r a l f a c i l i t i e s and i n s t i t u t i o n s to f a c i l i t a t e t h e i r climb up the "evolutionary" economic ladder. What resulted i n India from t h i s neo-classical approach to economic development were massive dislocations of population due to urban migration and increasing evidence of growing inequality as certa i n sectors of society seemed to be able to capture the benefits of t h i s development approach 58 while others, a growing majority, were excluded from them (Oakley and Marsden:1984:5). THE GREEN REVOLUTION This d i s l o c a t i o n and inequality was further fueled by the green revolution i n the 1960's. The green revolution i s the introduction, since the mid-1960's, of g e n e t i c a l l y improved seeds that greatly increase y i e l d s i n some countries. The benefits have gone mainly to r i c h e r farmers with large land holdings who can afford f e r t i l i z e r s and r e l i a b l e i r r i g a t i o n for the new seeds. Since the inception of the green revolution, land prices have increased, the average size of farms has increased and the number of people without land has also increased greatly. Moreover, l i t t l e extra production has remained i n the production area. As a r e s u l t , r u r a l stagnation has become the main catalyst for the exodus into the c i t i e s . 4.2 PEOPLE AND THE HOUSING CRISIS The most blatant manifestation of economic development shaped by colonialism, the green revolution and a growth based development model has been the continuing poverty of those excluded from the benefits of such p o l i c i e s . This poverty i s most evident i n the state of housing (or lack of i t ) for the urban poor i n India. Twenty-five m i l l i o n urban Indian men, women and children are homeless. Many of these people are squatters on vacant public or private lands due 59 to the lack of affordable " l e g a l " housing close to t h e i r work places, transportation f a c i l i t i e s or schools for t h e i r children. Many of these homeless f i n d refuge under bridges and flyovers. L i v i n g i n these tenuous situations leaves these urban dwellers vulnerable to evictions, demolitions, flooding and violence. Access to sanitary f a c i l i t i e s i s rare, hence hygiene related i l l n e s s e s such as leprosy and tuberculosis are prevalent. I l l n e s s related to i n d u s t r i a l waste exposure and p o l l u t i o n i s also common as many urban dwellers seek shelter close to large industry where they might f i n d employment. Ef f e c t s of inadequate sanitary f a c i l i t i e s i s compounded by the congested manner i n which most people l i v e . Forty-four percent of urban families huddle together i n one room, and i n the four large metropolitan centres of Calcutta, Bombay, Madras and Delhi t h i s figure r i s e s to 70 percent ( I l l u s t r a t e d Weekly: July 1989:14). There i s l i t t l e data available on the psychological e f f e c t s of homelessness i n India, but what i s known i s that these people often suffer from a c r i s i s of i d e n t i t y . For the Indian administration, they simply do not e x i s t . They are neither registered on the voter's l i s t nor do they have permanent settlement s i t e s or ration cards. They are thus denied the benefits of government schemes for the poor. This sense of obscurity i s coupled with a loss of self-esteem as many of the homeless people cannot cope with the way a b i g c i t y robs them of t h e i r dignity. Indeed they are forced to 60 remember t h e i r shame at every moment in t h e i r l i v e s . From a woman pavement dweller persuading an attendant to give her water i n return for sexual favors, to having to squat outdoors to defecate. This combative environment, not s u r p r i s i n g l y breeds s o c i a l break down such as alcoholism, aggression, family violence and crime, spurred on by unemployment and lack of education. 4.3 GOVERNMENT RESPONSES TO THE HOUSING CRISIS In the f o r t y years of s e l f rule i n India there has been l i t t l e attempt to understand or tackle the acute housing shortage that affects major c i t i e s i n India. Indeed the Indian federal government i s unique i n i t s ardor to discourage investment i n housing on the grounds that such measures are unproductive. As a r e s u l t , i n t h i r t y years between the early years of the republic and the early 1980's, the share of housing investment i n the gross domestic product f e l l from 4.0 percent to 2.5 percent; housing's share of the t o t a l investment i n the same period crumpled from 3.4 percent to a mere 0.8 percent. At the same time population grew by a stunning 74 percent ( I l l u s t r a t e d Weekly: July 1989:15). This complete indifference on the part of the national government to the housing needs of the poor was most obvious i n i t s refusal to discuss solutions for the homeless m i l l i o n s i n i t s new draft housing p o l i c y . Instead the homeless are bunched together with the 61 p h y s i c a l l y and mentally handicapped, as i f they were just an oddity i n search of o f f i c i a l benevolence. Nor i s housing viewed as a p r i o r i t y at the l o c a l l e v e l . In 1976, i n the C i t y of Bombay, l o c a l authorities responded to the housing shortages by i n i t i a t i n g a census of a l l huts on public lands with a view to finding out the extent of the problems. Identity cards or photo passes were issued to the occupants of censused huts. I t was decided that the p r o v i n c i a l government or the municipal corporation would provide alternative accomodation to these people i f t h e i r huts were demolished. As a r e s u l t these are the only category of slum dwellers who enjoy some security. After 1976 the cut off year for r e g i s t r a t i o n was extended to 1980 and more recently 1986. However, i t i s not obligatory on the part of the authorities to provide alternative accomodation to hutment dwellers whose names figure i n the 1980 or 1985 e l e c t o r a l l i s t s . The authorities are only required to explore the p o s s i b i l i t y of securing alternative accomodation for them. Hence the number of people e l i g i b l e for compensation i n case of demolition represents only a small percentage of the t h i r t y percent of a l l Bombay dwellers who are homeless. Moreover, the City's alternative accomodation p o l i c i e s often r e s u l t i n re-s e t t l i n g the homeless i n areas outside the c i t y l i m i t s . The displaced, however, are unwilling to l i v e far away from places where they are employed and often return to t h e i r home on the pavement despite attempts at relocation. 62 4.4 NON-GOVERNMENTAL RESPONSES To get housing on the national agenda a var i e t y of non-governmental housing groups have sprung up. A common strategy among these groups i s the f i g h t for what they have c a l l e d the People's B i l l of Housing Rights. Leading t h i s f i g h t i s the National Campaign for Housing Rights (NCHR) made up of a c o a l i t i o n of hundreds of community groups, trade unions and private and public c i t i z e n s . Their goal i s to secure within the Indian constitution the guarantee that "Every person, woman and man, s h a l l be guaranteed the r i g h t to a place to l i v e i n se c u r i t y and dignity" (NCHR:1988:15). Currently the Indian Constitution only ambiguously protects the housing rights of the people through a r t i c l e s 21, 22, 39 and 41 (see appendix 5). NCHR hopes to achieve t h i s goal by lobbying national and l o c a l p o l i t i c i a n s , r a i s i n g public consciousness of the subject and using housing and the struggle for housing rights as a platform for b u i l d i n g understanding and s o l i d a r i t y (Anzorena:March 1989:1). NCHR sees i t s e l f as a national broad based c o a l i t i o n seeking the rights to housing for a l l c i t i z e n s through l e g i s l a t i v e changes" (Interview with Rama Swami: July 3, 1989 Calcutta). NCHR's p o l i c y of achieving housing rights through l e g i s l a t i v e change has been c r i t i c i z e d by some groups who see t h i s approach as too narrow. As Somsook Boonyabancha, Secretariat for the Asian C o a l i t i o n for Housing Rights 63 remarks, " i n i t s f i g h t to change l e g i s l a t i o n the NCHR has l o s t touch with the people's needs" (Interview, Bangkok, June, 1989). She sees a need for a strategy for the the recognition and enforcement of housing rights as having more input from the people and implemented i n conjunction with the people. Mr. A. Jockin of the National Slum Dweller's Federation i n Bombay also sees the work of the NCHR and others l i k e them as only one step i n a broader, more inc l u s i v e process of change. "To pursue only l e g i s l a t i v e change i s to exclude the people affected by the lack of housing r i g h t s , and you run the r i s k of creating rights which do not r e f l e c t the needs of the people" (Interview, Bombay, July 1989). In agreement with t h i s notion that a housing rights strategy requires intense involvement from the people, i s the Society for the Promotion of Area Resource Centres (SPARC). Indeed SPARC has taken a d i f f e r e n t approach i n the housing rights struggle, one that can be argued i s based upon the tenants of CD. I t i s thi s approach that i s examined in the following section. 4.5 SPARC:BUILDING HOUSING RIGHTS FROM THE BOTTOM UP The purpose of t h i s case study i s to show how one group, SPARC, i s using the tenets of Community Development to f a c i l i t a t e the struggle of a small group of women pavement dwellers i n Bombay for housing rights on t h e i r own terms. This study demonstrates, f i r s t l y that SPARC i s indeed 64 using a CD approach to change by o u t l i n i n g SPARC'S goals and strategies and examining how these aspects of t h e i r work incorporate a CD approach as i d e n t i f i e d i n Robert's six point model (see diagram 2). Secondly, the outcomes of SPARC'S strategies, both latent and manifest, are examined to i d e n t i f y the implications of using a process of change to achieve the recognition and enforcement of the housing rights of these pavement dwellers by the state. THE CONTEXT IN WHICH SPARC EVOLVED The origins of the Society for the Promotion of Area Resource Centres (SPARC) goes back to a 1985 Supreme Court r u l i n g s t a t i n g that the Bombay Municipal Corporation (BMC) could l e g a l l y e v i c t pavement dwellers without necessarily providing alternative accomodation. With over 62,000 pavement dwellers on the streets of Bombay at that time such l e g i s l a t i o n would threaten the survival of many of the men, women and children who found shelter there, i n response to the r u l i n g , a number of community organisations were formed. While many of these groups formed to provide welfare and advocacy services for the displaced people, SPARC was established on the b e l i e f that c o n s c i e n s i t i z a t i o n , p a r t i c i p a t i o n and control over the processes of change by the poorest people i s the only path to achieving housing rights (Annual Report:1986:3). 65 WHAT ARE SPARC'S OBJECTIVES? SPARC saw the 1985 BMC r u l i n g as a v i o l a t i o n of people's fundamental r i g h t to housing. A ri g h t they see representing not only a basic need of a l l human beings, but also a process wherein people struggle to achieve access to power over decisions and resources which aff e c t t h e i r l i v e s . Based upon t h i s b e l i e f , organisers worked to create Area Resource Centres (ARC). An ARC i s a geographic location, a s p e c i f i c place which i s phy s i c a l l y , as i n other ways, accessible to the urban poor. There are three basic objectives of an ARC based upon the notions of c o l l e c t i v e action, p a r t i c i p a t o r y research and organisational work (Interview with Prema Gopolon:Ottawa:May 1990): 1) To develop a role for SPARC as a f a c i l i t a t o r of a process wherein women pavement dwellers can undertake c o l l e c t i v e functioning whether i n learning, analysis, or decision making. C o l l e c t i v e action i s not only intended to strengthen unity and democratic p r i n c i p l e s , but also challenge the pr e v a i l i n g f e u d a l i s t and explo i t a t i v e leadership patterns (Annual Report:1986:6); 2) To f a c i l i t a t e a p a r t i c i p a t o r y research role for women i n order that they can develop s k i l l s necessary to successfully analyse t h e i r problems, i d e n t i f y resources within themselves, the immediate environment and i n the larger s o c i a l system (Annual Report:1987:5); and 3) To organise a women's c o l l e c t i v e that w i l l gradually take on the role and function which SPARC personnel presently hold, so that SPARC as an organisation can eventually devolve from i t s role and have the women's group take over (Interview:July 1989:Bombay). 66 WHO DOES SPARC WORK FOR? SPARC'S work focuses primarily on women pavement dwellers because, i n t h e i r analysis, among t h i s section of the urban poor, i t i s the women who bear the major brunt of poverty. Yet women are vested with v i r t u a l l y no powers of decision-making within (or outside) the family. As SPARC states i n i t s annual report: "(w)e must a l l be aware that l i k e i n every other so-c a l l e d ^development' programme, women have been t o t a l l y excluded from housing programmes, and t h i s i s as true for voluntary agencies' e f f o r t s as well as for government programmes. Whether i t i s middle-income housing or schemes for the urban or r u r a l poor, men have been the targets, b e n e f i c i a r i e s and decision-makers" (SPARC Annual Report:1986:24). Indeed SPARC i s well aware that within communities and families as well, whatever knowledge or exposure to p o l i c i e s , programmes, design innovations etc., tends to be gained by men. I r o n i c a l indeed, when no one i s more affected by shelter and environment than women as i s so poignantly noted i n SPARC's annual report: " I t i s the women who have to turn a shelter into a home; who must set-up a l l the family's s u r v i v a l systems - the water sources, the cooking f u e l , the care, health, education of the children; i t i s the women who suffer the most hardships v i s - a - v i s the lack of proper l a t r i n e s , bathing areas, water supply, the distance to the market and ratio n shops; i t i s she who i s blamed when the c h i l d runs outside the pavement house and i s h i t by a truck, or i f her son joins the l o c a l gang of thugs, thieves, smugglers or drunks, or i f she or her daughter i s raped when they go out i n u n l i t darkness to rel i e v e themselves; i t i s she who must bear the wrath of demolition squads who arri v e when her husband i s away at work; and af t e r the demolition, i t i s her s a r i t i e d to bamboo poles which w i l l shelter the family from the sun. Yet poor women have no place i n housing schemes and they have no housing r i g h t s . They cannot as a rule, get f i n a n c i a l assistance, shared t i t l e or 67 tenure i n India. And yet no one longs for permanent sustainable settlement, or has a greater stake i n gaining t h i s than they" (SPARC Annual Report:1986:25). Hence SPARC has made the organic l i n k between women and housing r i g h t s . 4.6 WHAT ARE SPARC'S STRATEGIES? "We have no blue p r i n t " says Celine D'Cruz a SPARC organiser. "We l e t the women i d e n t i f y t h e i r needs, plan t h e i r strategies and then help them actualise t h e i r goals. We don't promise them anything. We t e l l them that i f they want to make a change they are the ones who w i l l have to do i t . They prefer i t t h i s way because then they don't f e e l that they are taking handouts or that they are dependant on anyone. They are proud, capable people who i f just given the opportunity w i l l work hard to improve the l i v e s of t h e i r families. They've been excluded, however, from a lar g e l y middle class system and don't have the s k i l l s to obtain t h e i r basic r i g h t s . We at SPARC are working to demystify the process and b u i l d those s k i l l s which w i l l increase community control over events which e f f e c t t h e i r l i v e s -esp e c i a l l y housing" (Interview, Bombay, July 1989 ). SPARCs methodology i s to f a c i l i t a t e the formation of women's groups within the community, so that women can emerge from the i s o l a t i o n of t h e i r families and other t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l groups where opportunities for innovation and change are lim i t e d . SPARC works to est a b l i s h the conditions for group formation, c o l l e c t i v e consciousness and a framework i n which women can begin to i d e n t i f y t h e i r deeper concerns and aspirations. Hence SPARC works to organise women to come together, form c o l l e c t i v e s and to par t i c i p a t e i n c o l l e c t i v e action around relevant issues which are expressed as t h e i r f e l t need. 68 ESTABLISHING THE GROUNDWORK When establishing themselves i n the community, the i n i t i a l strategy adopted by SPARC was to gain the trust of the women by sett i n g up a community centre close to the majority of hutments. They provided tea and snacks for women and t h e i r children who wanted to drop i n . They demanded nothing of the women, but would ta l k to them about the recent l e g i s l a t i o n or would t e l l them how to go about getting a ration card. SPARC also made i t s presence known at the s i t e of any demolitions i n E Ward and appealed to the authorities for the return of confiscated possessions. Soon women began coming to SPARC seeking help for a va r i e t y of problems, and i n t h i s way the workers of SPARC began to earn the t r u s t of the women. After receiving recognition within the community, SPARC began to demand more of a commitment from the women. They started holding organized meetings. At these meetings women were asked to r e f l e c t on the reasons for migrating from r u r a l areas to Bombay (as the majority of the women are ru r a l migrants from d i f f e r e n t parts of the country). They asked them what they had l e f t i n the country-side and what they had hoped to f i n d i n Bombay. Did t h e i r current s i t u a t i o n l i v e up to t h e i r expectations? If not, why? In th i s way SPARC and indeed the women, began to i d e n t i f y the women's common heritage, problems and goals. This i s an important process as i t validates people's experiences as 69 well as develops among the women t h e i r own indicators of change and growth through c o l l e c t i v e r e f l e c t i o n . In addition, t h i s form of discussion begins to bond the community as the women discover that t h e i r goals and experiences are very s i m i l a r to that of t h e i r neighbour's. If one examines diagram 2, which outlines Robert's six point CD process, i t becomes obvious that SPARC'S strategy of group formation, r e f l e c t i o n and i d e n t i t y around a common experience and/or problem represents the f i r s t two steps i n the process of a community development approach to s o c i a l change. Having achieved the s o l i d i f i c a t i o n of the community, SPARC organizers approached the women to organise a group outside of SPARC, whose role would be to represent and communicate to SPARC the needs of the women pavement dwellers of E Ward. A group of the more committed women formed Mahila Milan - a Hindi word meaning women's c o l l e c t i v e . After holding discussions on t h e i r own, with the community and with SPARC organisers, the women established a framework of objectives, based upon t h e i r own experiences and goals, to be used as the terms of reference for t h e i r work. In doing so, they also completed the t h i r d step i n the CD process - set t i n g objectives. Their objectives can be generalized i n the following six points: 1) for pavement dwellers, either e v i c t i o n or resettlement/relocation i s inevitable; of the two relocation i s the better alternative and should be ac t i v e l y sought; 70 2) forced relocation i s a traumatic, disruptive and economically harmful experience. Thus, they want to negotiate with the authorities t h e i r own relocation to f u l f i l l t h e i r own s p e c i f i c needs. To do t h i s a rigorous process of t r a i n i n g and self-education would have to take place, including understanding the c i t y ' s development plans, where vacant lands lay, who owns and controls them, how and to whom to apply, and a gamut of related matters; 3) i t i s preferable to negotiate for relocation as whole communities, not as indi v i d u a l s , groups or factions; that means developing patterns of c o l l e c t i v e leadership and decision making rather than the explo i t a t i v e power-based i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c leadership of the past; 4) resettlement planning must include locating alternative j obs/occupations; 5) even i f the qu a l i t y of t h e i r housing i s better afte r resettlement, the area as a whole should not become a slum. Thus, people need to learn the elements of o v e r a l l settlement design and planning. For example, a l l o t t i n g space for schools, community centres, playgrounds, worksheds for the self-employed, house-to-house drainage, l a t r i n e s , garbage, etc.; and 6) being aware that low cost housing schemes for the poor have often f a i l e d because people s e l l t h e i r holdings and move back to slums and pavements, they would attempt to develop a c o-operative housing scheme. This could, for instance, ensure that anyone wishing to s e l l t h e i r plots would have to give f i r s t option to a community housing committee which would be established. This committee would c o l l e c t i v e l y ensure that both in d i v i d u a l houses as well as the settlement as a whole (regarding the type of construction, location and number of l a t r i n e s , houses, extensions, etc.) would be debated and decided by the community as a whole. In th i s way, the women f e l t they were taking a major step toward democratising planning rather than leaving i t to Government/Municipal planners and administrators (SPARC Annual Report:1986:33). ATTAINING OBJECTIVES To deal with the housing issues as well as i n i t i a t e r elocation negotiations with the authorities, SPARC established a t r a i n i n g programme for the women based upon 71 the s i x objectives. This programme recognized that the main causes of f a i l u r e of people's past attempts to demand adequate housing was: f i r s t , the lack of information about the land p o l i c y and housing schemes i n the c i t y , i t s procedures, vested interests and mechanisms, and; secondly, intermediaries of various kinds ( l o c a l leaders, p o l i t i c i a n s , advocacy groups or voluntary agencies) negotiated on the women's behalf and made decisions on t h e i r behalf so the women continued, as a mass, to remain outside and out of the control of a process which affected t h e i r l i v e s so i n t e g r a l l y . It was therefore, only inevitable, that even when alternative s i t e s had been obtained, people found them dysfunctional i n various ways, too expensive, too far outside the c i t y , r e s u l t i n g i n loss of work and heavy transportation costs. As a r e s u l t of t h i s lack of the people's involvement i n the housing process, additional costs and unforeseen events, meant that once relocated people often sold t h e i r new s i t e s and moved back to the pavements. Reflecting on these past mistakes, SPARC t r i e d a new approach. An approach that a c t i v e l y seeks to give people a l l relevant information, which allows them to view each alternative d i r e c t l y for themselves and to develop a system of c r i t i q u i n g each one. An approach which gives them the knowledge and s k i l l to design and b u i l d themselves better structures within t h e i r budget, and to review c r i t i c a l l y the "low cost" designs of architects and to understand why 72 public low cost housing and resettlement schemes become slums. This programme, and the re s u l t i n g a c t i v i t i e s of the women, which included an exercise i n land i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and housing design, a people's census, a cr e d i t cooperative and a court case, represent the fourth and f i f t h stages i n Robert's CD process - learning and action. LAND IDENTIFICATION AND HOUSING DESIGN The t r a i n i n g programme was most successful, and the women implemented the s k i l l s they acquired to achieve more than anyone had anticipated. F i r s t the women organized a committee to i d e n t i f y and select an appropriate s i t e for relocation. This entailed v i s i t i n g other slums and resettlement areas, learning what was available to them from government, and learning to assess projects by r e l a t i n g them to t h e i r basic needs and resources. Based on these s i t e v i s i t s the women i d e n t i f i e d four pot e n t i a l areas for relocation based on proximity to employment and convenient r a i l l i n e s . In addition the women embarked upon a housing design process for a suitable and affordable home, working within the constraints of land and material costs. SPARC i n i t i a t e d t h i s process by f i r s t allowing the women to examine and cr i t i q u e past public housing designs. Having reached t h e i r own conclusions about the design attributes and fau l t s of previous public housing schemes the women began a process of designing t h e i r own housing. They needed to deal with design 73 questions such as: how much space did they need? how to use that space? how many t o i l e t s for so many people? etc.. SPARC helped to demystify the design process by r e l a t i n g units of measurement to the length of one s a r i . For example, i f the standard house size i s 10 feet by 15 feet, and an average f i v e yard s a r i i s 15 feet, then one s a r i length w i l l be the length of one house. The use of f a m i l i a r items to f u l f i l l unfamiliar tasks helped the women f e e l i n control of the s i t u a t i o n . This f e e l i n g of control encouraged the women to meet professional architects who contributed information and ideas to trigger the process of innovative design. This process culminated i n the design, construction and exhibition of four 10 feet by 15 feet prototype houses (see diagram 3). The house models were b u i l t out of a wooden frame and cloth and were taken to surrounding communities for t h e i r inspection. Government and non-government housing agencies were also i n v i t e d to the exhibition to inform these agencies of the women's accomplishments and the seriousness of t h e i r intent to b u i l d housing according to t h e i r own needs and on t h e i r own terms. The i n i t i a l reaction was d i s b e l i e f and amazement that these women could produce such a design. Slowly, however, people became interested and indeed supportive about such an idea. These prototypes were brought to the attention of the housing authorities, whose own low cost housing design was considerably more c o s t l y and less e f f i c i e n t than that of the women's. :DIAGRAM 3 : V AFPa.DIX-lV _ Details o f coa t and H o u s e - P o d e l s . ' ' ' '' J' ' , N A G P A I M TOTAL CGJT I.'s.1 7 . 5 U U / -Flooring : 480.00 Walls ' , 1 , 5 00.00 Foundation Stone 600*00 Roofing i Asbes— ' too and Iron Bars:U766*00 Cement : V 630.00 Lime 240.00 Sand 625.00 Door •' ' V' < 450.00 Window 150.00 -jhelf 80.00 flezonnine ' 1,200.00 S k i l l e d Labour 520.00 niscellanous ' 259.00 1 5 ' i 21 53 i - - - A I\ APNA JHOPAnPa TOTAL COiT i Rs. 8.250/-Flooring :50 slabs Roofing x stone raasonary, 7-8 12 bars, 75 slabs bags water proof cement, ordinary ... cement* sand. |: Walls-bricks ' ; ;•• Cement - 15 bags . > j Lime - 10 bag* -l-Send. . Door with, wooden . "' 'frame '• Window with frame Foundation stones S k i l l e d labour :*>'r' ' Discallanous I ••:^V480* 00.^(1 i-'i * . f ^ & i ^ : 3,500.00 ' n V V . ,1 ,000.00 i>4 h ;:-'V;;.-v525.00;c,^i;i £U^ ; 200.00 ..^ ,4525* 00 ^-S^^ ii ...I f 450,00-! -v.;)? >\ 150.00V , 6 0 0 . 0 0 ^ ' ^ ' 65P»00;;r: i !> .70,00^'i i-V!. ••I r A J — i i ; 1 ^480.00^4^$ Flooring" »50 slabs Roofing t'RCCJ .'. 4 rierannine 1. Walls-bricks 1 Cement- 18 bags Lime — 1 2 bags :Send - 4 bags , 1 Door — Wooden frame ' Foundation stone Window with frame s k i l l e d labour, 3 labourers, 5 days riiscellanous 480.00 ,500.00 ,600.00 ,600.00 630.00 240.00 ,000.00 450.00 600.00 150.00 975.00 775.00 3HANTIWAGAR TOTAL :C03T/- ;, ;: : '.-Flooring x 50 stone slabs Roofing..} Asbestos 4 '"•)}• Sheets, 520.00 V 2 cross bars 1j 1/2*xl5?,18Q.OO 1 bar 11* Walls t brick Cement : 15 bags Lime : 10 bags J <.( {200.00 Sand.! 2 1/2 bags 'M .,,,,^,625*00 Door-Wooden frame V ; 450,00 Uindow with frame 150.00 2 Wooden shelves L y 'V 200*00 Foundation atones- Hl-'iy 600*00 S k i l l e d Lebour , ; , 2 , i ; V n^- ; ' - ; '^ ' " masons t 3 days , .iH 390*00 riiscsllanous . :;i ; , 0 ? r , 500*00 i ;k,1i000*00 :*tZ!h 525*00 i U SOURCE : IN SIDE/OUTS IDE : APRIL-MAY 198.7 74 PEOPLE'S CENSUS Having i n i t i a t e d the process of land i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and housing design i n preparation for the resettlement negotiations, i t became evident to the women that i n order to discuss housing alternatives with the l o c a l government, they needed to know exactly how many people l i v e d i n the community and were i n need of alternative accomodation. Together with SPARC, the women of Mahila Milan embarked upon a systematic counting of the people and hutments in the pavement cl u s t e r - a people's census. The i n i t i a t i o n of t h i s census was an achievement of which SPARC i s p a r t i c u l a r l y proud and represents an important milestone i n SPARC'S overarching goal of par t i c i p a t o r y research. Indeed the data c o l l e c t i o n was completely c a r r i e d out by the women themselves. A group of women from Mahila Milan went from hutment to hutment counting, numbering and measuring each hutment. As most are i l l i t e r a t e , again the use of t h e i r s a r i , which i s one meter in width was used as t h e i r yard s t i c k for measurement purposes (see We The I n v i s i b l e : A Census of Pavement DwellersSPARC:1985). This a c t i v i t y increased the p r o f i l e of Mahila Milan i n the community, and earned the women a sense of respect. This census was more than a counting of people and hutments, i t b u i l t s o l i d a r i t y among the women, and by demystifying the process of census taking i t empowered the women by building t h e i r confidence and tooled them with accurate information to be used i n subsequent negotiations. 75 Moreover, t h i s census became the f i r s t census i n i t i a t e d by pavement dwellers to be formally accepted by the municipality. I t now provides an important source of information for p o l i c y formulation. CREDIT CO-OPERATIVE In order to deal with issues of creating and retaining jobs for the women, SPARC and Mahila Milan established a c r e d i t cooperative wherein each member of the cooperative contributed rupees 5 per month and SPARC would contribute the seed c a p i t a l of rupees 2000. This emergency/venture c a p i t a l fund i s completely controlled and administered by the women themselves. A system of coloured cards was developed to denote various amounts of currency to ensure that the accounting procedure remains accessible to the women. If a women puts 10 rupees into the general fund for example, she w i l l take out a certain coloured card which corresponds to the 10 rupees. She accumulates these cards and thereby keeps a record of her savings. In the case of a family emergency or the desire to set up a small business or cottage industry, the woman would approach the loans committee of Mahila Milan — an informal committee i n someone's home. Family emergencies can range from shelter re-establishment r e s u l t i n g from demolition, i l l n e s s i n the family or perhaps b a i l i n g one's husband out of j a i l . These loans are usually f r e e l y given as the women who make t h e i r homes on the street are very aware of t h e i r 76 neighbour's situations and can v e r i f y the authenticity and urgency of the request. For business or venture c a p i t a l loans the loans committee i s more cautious. As those women who approach the committee have l i m i t e d knowledge and experience of establishing a business, they are often quite unprepared. The loans committee, made up of these same pavement dwellers are cautious of dispensing funds so they p a t i e n t l y demand accountability of funds from the loan requester. In fact they ask for information not unlike a business statement. This forces the requester to do background research on t h e i r p o t e n t i a l business venture and also guards against people who come wanting free money. COURT CASE The s o l i d a r i t y and empowerment of the women of Mahila Milan was put to the test on November 3, 1988, when a mass demolition ordered by the Bombay Municipal Council took place i n E Ward. Forty huts were destroyed and the personal belongings of many of the pavement dwellers were confiscated. In response to t h i s i l l e g a l confiscation of goods, the women of Mahila Milan f i l e d a writ p e t i t i o n against the BMC for the return of t h e i r belongings (see appendix 6 for the Br i e f Note of the Court Judgment, May 5, 1989). This was a benchmark case for a number of reasons. F i r s t , i t was completely i n i t i a t e d and represented by the women themselves. Second, they were successful i n winning 77 rupees 10,000 from the BMC i n the way of compensation for t h e i r confiscated belongings, as well as an additional rupees 15,000 for injury and inconvenience. Indeed t h i s court case provided the women with a sense of power that was recognized and legitimated by the court. I t gave them s e l f confidence knowing t h e i r rights were f i n a l l y being recognized and that they had the power to f i g h t for the protection of those r i g h t s . ONGOING EVALUATION An ongoing evaluation process takes place between SPARC and Mahila Milan every Monday i n SPARC o f f i c e s . These meetings provide a forum for the women to not only give an update of t h e i r progress, but also to assess the extent to which they are achieving t h e i r objectives. Based on t h i s evaluation, new strategies are developed and work plans are formulated. This process i s c r u c i a l i n providing feedback and encouragement to the women regarding t h e i r work. Moreover i t represents the sixth stage i n Robert's CD process — evaluation. 4.7 OUTCOMES AND IMPLICATIONS Based upon the preceding overview of SPARC'S goals and strategies we can i d e n t i f y various outcomes, both latent and manifest which have resulted from SPARC'S use of a Community Development approach to empower women to demand the recognition and enforcement of t h e i r housing r i g h t s . The 78 outcomes are examined i n terms of the achievement of the objectives set out by SPARC and Mahila Milan. By examining the outcomes of SPARC'S work we can also analyse the implications of these outcomes i n regard to the usefulness of the CD approach i n f a c i l i t a t i n g the struggle of the women of Mahila Milan for t h e i r housing r i g h t s . 4.7.1 OUTCOMES MANIFEST OUTCOMES Challenging the BMC i n a court of law, b u i l d i n g prototype houses, establishing a cr e d i t co-operative and undertaking a people's census are a l l manifest outcomes of the objectives set out by SPARC and Mahila Milan. For the women Mahila Milan such outcomes provided marked achievements, giving them a sense of accomplishment, and the confidence to continue t h e i r struggle. More s p e c i f i c a l l y , the building of the prototype housing raised the p r o f i l e of the women i n the community, revealing to the housing authorities that t h e i r own low cost housing design was considerably more co s t l y and less e f f i c i e n t than that of the women's. Moreover, the women for the f i r s t time i n t h e i r l i v e s were able to proactively respond to t h e i r housing needs i n an informed and empowered way. The people's census was an important outcome of the objectives of SPARC and Mahila Milan because i t helped to consolidate the community of women by bui l d i n g t h e i r 79 confidence and too l i n g them with accurate information about t h e i r community with which they can a r t i c u l a t e t h e i r needs more c l e a r l y and convincingly to the authorities. In addition to providing a s i g n i f i c a n t base of information, the people's census has been accepted by the Bombay Municipal Council as an important resource for p o l i c y formulation. The c r e d i t co-op has provided a steady stream of seed c a p i t a l allowing women to st a r t t h e i r own business. Two examples of the types of business ventures the women of Mahila Milan have undertaken with the aid of the cre d i t co-op are: Papad making. Papads are a common Indian bread. The idea for a papad making business came from the women themselves. They purchased raw materials, mixed the dough and made papads. The intense competition was too much and t h e i r business f a i l e d . The exercise, however, was successful because the women learned valuable lessons i n setting up a business. These lessons are repeated to new associates and have become the basis for evaluating new work options (Annual Report:1987:90). Taka work. Taka i s a running s t i t c h generally used i n q u i l t making. It i s a t r a d i t i o n a l s k i l l and most women know i t . While the work la r g e l y depends on an external market and the women have no control and l i t t l e understanding of i t , the work i t s e l f enables the women the f l e x i b i l i t y to complete t h e i r domestic chores while earning a wage. Over time the women are gradually able to understand market demands, and have developed a s e n s i t i v i t y to q u a l i t y and time schedules (Annual Report:1987:10). The court case was an important outcome for a l l pavement dwellers as i t sent a message to the Bombay Municipal Council that the f a i r treatment and respect for personal belongings i s as important for pavement dwellers as i t i s for any other member of society. This was a 80 s i g n i f i c a n t precedent to set as pavement dwellers i n urban India face ongoing random and sometimes bruta l evictions. For SPARC organisers, one of the most rewarding and unplanned for outcomes of t h e i r work with the women of Mahila Milan was the women's intere s t and a c t i v i t y i n human settlement issues at the l o c a l , national and even international scale. Indeed, the women began to take an inter e s t i n others who shared s i m i l a r experiences. On an international scale the women came to learn about the p l i g h t of many South Korean's facing brutal evictions as a r e s u l t of the 1988 Olympics. Through SPARC'S involvement with the regional organisation of the Asian C o a l i t i o n of Housing Rights, the women of Mahila Milan attended a Conference i n Seoul and for the f i r s t time t r a v e l l e d out of t h e i r country. They learned of common situations and experiences as well as sharing strategies for change with other members of Asia's urban poor. They hosted a group of Asian women to meet i n Bombay to discuss the p a r t i c u l a r problems facing women and housing and to generally share ideas and experiences. They sought out new and innovative ways of meeting t h e i r employment objectives by v i s i t i n g the successful Grameen Bank Cooperative i n Dacca, Bangladesh. Mahila Milan, seeing support for the p l i g h t of others as an extension of t h e i r own struggle, as well as an opportunity to develop c o l l e c t i v e strength and empowerment, has provided support to the v i l l a g e s of Chitale, a d i s t r i c t i n Maharashtra, who face rapid land degradation and 81 environmental p o l l u t i o n from a l o c a l sugar factory, and to the urban poor of Seoul facing b r u t a l evictions p r i o r to the 1988 Seoul Olympics. Moreover the various phase of evictions and demolitions i n Bombay lead to the formation of two other people's organisation i n E Ward, which Mahila Milan was instrumental i n founding; the Women's Pavement Dwellers Association and the Pavement and Slum Dwellers Joint Action Committee. For SPARC, the manifest outcomes of t h e i r work to date relates d i r e c t l y to t h e i r three overarching objectives: c o l l e c t i v e action, p a r t i c i p a t o r y research and organisational work. Indeed a l l three objectives were achieved through the creation and evolution of Mahila Milan. The creation of Mahila Milan — a CBO — i s a testament to SPARC'S hard work i n i t i a t i n g a process of c o l l e c t i v e functioning and organisational work. The ongoing research done i n conjunction with Mahila Milan such as the people's census and housing design i s an important contribution to community development research. SPARC i s now slowly retreating from i t s role of educator and organiser to one of f a c i l i t a t o r and catalyst for change. This devolution i s a c r u c i a l step as i t recognizes that the indigenous NGO (SPARC) i s w i l l i n g to give up control and return i t to the people. Such action recognizes that the community can sustain i t s own development under i t s own leadership. Moreover t h i s devolution responds to concerns voiced by those i n the f i e l d 82 of NGO/CBO research and a c t i v i t y regarding the "colonisation" of CBO's by NGO's. LATENT OUTCOMES SPARC i s interested i n meeting the needs of the people through a process approach. In t h i s way they measure success more from the point that women are bui l d i n g self-confidence and s o l i d a r i t y among themselves rather that seeing a tangible task achievement as t h e i r goal. They focus on needs i d e n t i f i e d by the women, and solutions i n i t i a t e d by the women. SPARC works to include the women i n the change process, by demystifying the process and empowering the women to take actions and set goals that meet t h e i r needs and are appropriate to t h e i r s i t u a t i o n . As a r e s u l t , the latent outcomes of SPARC'S objectives include the bu i l d i n g of self-confidence, s e l f respect, community p o l i t i c i s a t i o n and cooperation among the women of Mahila Milan. Such achievements are d i f f i c u l t to measure, but perhaps more important, more l a s t i n g and more d i f f i c u l t to achieve than other, more concrete outcomes. Indeed for the women of Mahila Milan the process of organising has led to many personal growth experiences; women began seeking support from other women i n the community, they became more aware of t h e i r environment; many l e f t t h e i r c l u s t e r for the f i r s t time and took public transport; they spoke with a police o f f i c e r as empowered c i t i z e n s , rather than victims of po l i c e oppression. The 83 women began to speak up more at home and generally and become less deferent. The women started questioning the necessity of ex i s t i n g i n poverty, f e e l i n g less f a t a l i s t i c and demanding change. Indeed they f e l t they could make a change themselves. 4.7.2 IMPLICATIONS We can examine the implications of the outcomes of SPARC'S strategies for SPARC as an NGO and the women of Mahila Milan. For the women of Mahila Milan, the implications of such outcomes are revolutionary. The women are beginning to play a larger r o l e i n the process of influencing and shaping the shared values of society which ultimately define t h e i r rights and the rights of other. The success of Mahila Milan i n playing a larger role i n the shaping and influencing of shared values i s evidenced when they began to target t h e i r i n t e r n a l strength outside t h e i r own community and help others i n t h e i r struggle. This i s an important step i n the evolution of the CBO as i t i n f e r s that empowering people at a personal l e v e l w i l l have a r i p p l e e f f e c t , and supports the thesis that a bottom up approach w i l l eventually lead to development on a more macro l e v e l . Indeed, while the land for resettlement continues to be the v i t a l focus for t h e i r c o l l e c t i v e organisational a c t i v i t y , there i s a growing r e a l i s a t i o n among the women of 84 Mahila Milan that land and houses are merely A PART of the change which they aspire to create. As a r e s u l t , while pursuing secure housing and jobs, the women have expanded t h e i r energies to begin i d e n t i f y i n g , and working toward t h e i r v i s i o n of the good society. Faced with the growing independence of Mahila Milan, SPARC i s examining i t s devolving role as an NGO, looking for new areas to focus i t s energies. Since the inception of Mahila Milan and SPARC'S work i n E ward, SPARC has recently branched out into two other area resource centres: the Dindoshi Nagar Area Resource Centre, a community relocated by the BMC from various slums of E ward and o r i g i n a l l y part of the 1985 people's census. SPARC made the decision to follow those communities with whom they had l i n k s i n the event of further evictions. Moreover t h i s ongoing l i n k f a c i l i t a t e s the community development work that SPARC i s beginning with t h i s community. The other involvement that SPARC has entered into are what they c a l l extension Area Resource Centres. These extension ARCs are are l a r g e l y CBOs or NGOs working with the urban poor both inside and outside of Bombay. These groups are generally seeking research or t r a i n i n g assistance. SPARC'S decision to extend t h e i r work i n such an i n d i r e c t manner was i n i t i a l l y a point of discussion for SPARC organisers. Ideally, the impact and effectiveness of ARC'S l i e s i n t h e i r s p e c i f i c geographical location i n a community (SPARC Annual Report:1987:11). However, SPARC f e l t that 85 involvement with extension ARCS would not necessarily i n f e r the growth of t h e i r organisation, but rather es t a b l i s h l i n k s between various groups of urban poor and NGOs who are interested i n the issues of the urban poor. In t h i s way SPARC could become involved i n bui l d i n g up the c a p a b i l i t i e s of other groups instead of i t s own organisation and thereby maintaining a smaller more modest organisation avoiding the pote n t i a l for establishing vested interests or losing touch with the people they are working for. SPARC'S choice to involve i t s e l f with extension ARCs compliments i t s goal of devolving i t s role as an educator and organisor for change to one more of a research and documentation body. That i s , SPARC sees a more e f f e c t i v e role as a resource for people's organisations and i d e n t i f i e s three clear paths t h e i r research focus might take: more research i s needed i n the area of quantifying the problems of the poor and a data base must be created; there i s a need to evolve a methodology whereby people are active participants i n the process; d e t a i l e d s t a t i s t i c s about the aspirations of the urban poor need to be generated (SPARC Annual Report:1987:13). In t h i s way SPARC as an NGO can evolve as the people's needs evolve. Indeed the achievements of the women of Mahila Milan are an endorsement of the effectiveness of a CD approach. Such a strategy embraced by SPARC concludes that funding (which many NGO's deem of eminent importance) i s not the primary requirement for an NGO's success. Rather as SPARC 86 has proven i t i s commitment, the involvement and control of the people d i r e c t l y affected, the importance of an NGO having c u l t u r a l , geographical and/or socio-economical commonalty with constituents, and the eventual devolution of NGO power and influence to the CBO which lays the groundwork for success. Having examined the outcomes and implications of SPARC'S experiences with the women of Mahila Milan, we can now examine the implications for such an approach for the broader housing rig h t s struggle. 87 5.0 IMPLICATIONS FOR THE STRUGGLE FOR HOUSING RIGHTS This section examines the r e p l i c a b i l i t y and lessons of using a Community Development approach to achieve the recognition and enforcement of housing r i g h t s . I t also examines the factors which allowed and/or encumbered SPARC to implement t h i s CD process and the l i m i t a t i o n s of CD i n r e l a t i o n to the housing rights struggle. From the preceding discussion and examination of SPARC'S struggle for housing rights using a CD approach to change we can discern that SPARC has been successful i n meeting t h e i r objectives. I t i s important to ask, however, why SPARC has achieved such success, i s i t an i s o l a t e d incidence peculiar to the organisation, the circumstances or the women they worked with, or are t h e i r strategies r e p l i c a b l e to be used i n the broader struggle for housing rights? This study argues that there are lessons to be learned from SPARC'S experiences and strategies that are transferable to other situations where people are struggling for t h e i r housing r i g h t s . In fact t h i s study asserts that CD must be an int e g r a l player i n the struggle for housing rights and represents an important p i l l a r i n the o v e r a l l strategy of providing secure, accessible and affordable housing. In order to support t h i s assertion t h i s section examines two aspects of SPARC'S experience i n terms of t h e i r rel a t i o n s h i p with the broader housing rights struggle: f i r s t , r e p l i c a b l e strategies and li m i t a t i o n s of those 88 strategies are examined; and second the implications and importance of using CD for the housing rights struggle i s examined. REPLICABLE STRATEGIES Despite the s p e c i f i c constraints and opportunities which SPARC faces i n i t s attempts to f a c i l i t a t e a CD approach for the recognition of housing r i g h t s , there are strategies they use which are c l e a r l y r e p l i c a b l e to other situ a t i o n s . Such strategies include: - SPARC'S strategy of establishing the conditions for group formation, c o l l e c t i v e consciousness and a framework i n which the community can begin to i d e n t i f y t h e i r deeper concerns and aspirations; gaining the trust of the people and r a i s i n g t h e i r p r o f i l e as an organisation i n the community; - helping the community to i d e n t i f y t h e i r goals and objectives, and develop strategies with the community to achieve those goals. SPARC was p a r t i c u l a r l y successful i n developing appropriate strategies for the community to achieve i t s goals because they developed t r a i n i n g programmes based upon valuable information from people's own experiences and converted i t into knowledge; - analysing past attempts i n the community to change, why those attempts f a i l e d or succeeded and what lessons might be learned from those experiences, ( i . e . SPARC d i d t h i s i n regard to t h e i r analysis of past f a i l u r e s i n housing relocation and made sure that such mistakes were not repeated); and - SPARC i d e n t i f i e d the need for people's integral involvement i n a l l aspects of f a c i l i t a t i n g a process to struggle for housing r i g h t s . They discovered that people's commitment i s d i r e c t l y proportional to the amount of involvement and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y people take i n the process. This involvement was f a c i l i t a t e d by the dissemination of a l l information, the c u l t u r a l l y appropriate and sensitive means i n which information and s k i l l s were imparted, and the knowledge of the eventual devolvement of the NGO (SPARC) i n the process 89 and the need for the CBO (Mahila Milan) to gradually take over r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for change in the community. ADVANTAGES AND LIMITATIONS FACED BY SPARC SPARC'S success i s p a r t i a l l y dependent upon a number of factors unique to t h e i r s i t u a t i o n . Such factors include t h e i r s t a f f ' s commitment to and f a m i l i a r i t y with the community of E ward where the women of Mahila Milan reside. Moreover, SPARC works with a community whose existence may be termed as the poorest of the poor and which make t h e i r needs and common sufferings very i d e n t i f i a b l e . Indeed expectations on the part of the people for change i s r e l a t i v e l y low, thus making goal se t t i n g and goal achievement p o t e n t i a l l y easier. Given t h i s low state of expectations and r e l a t i v e l y homogeneous socio-economic background, community formation and i d e n t i f i c a t i o n may be more e a s i l y f a c i l i t a t e d . That i s , the community i s not imbued with middle class values such as privacy, i n d i v i d u a l i t y and material a c q u i s i t i o n which might i n h i b i t SPARC bui l d i n g a sense of community or c o l l e c t i v e functioning. In addition to aspects of the community which might expedite SPARC'S a b i l i t y to f a c i l i t a t e a CD approach to change, SPARC also faced b a r r i e r s to such organising. Such ba r r i e r s include the fact that the majority of t h e i r constituency i s i l l i t e r a t e and without any formal education, making t r a d i t i o n a l approaches to s k i l l t r a i n i n g more d i f f i c u l t . Moreover the community as a whole i s imbued with 90 a f a t a l i s t i c approach to t h e i r existence and f e e l l a r g e l y disempowered from the processes which a f f e c t t h e i r l i v e s . These feelings of disempowerment are coupled with the fact that developing community i n an urban environment, they are faced with large numbers of r u r a l migrants who may not share a common geographic, l i n g u i s t i c or r e l i g i o u s background. Such people are tr a n s i t o r y or victims of forced relocation and/or e v i c t i o n hence a stable base of support i s d i f f i c u l t to e s t a b l i s h . Because SPARC has chosen to work s p e c i f i c a l l y with women they are faced with special problems such as systemic sexual discrimination embedded within the culture and the p o l i t i c a l and economic systems of India, which can prevent women from p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n a c t i v i t i e s outside the home. This b a r r i e r may be more prevalent, however, i n middle class families as opposed to the pavement dwellers for whom i t i s necessary for every member of the family to seek a wage for the purposes of s u r v i v a l . LIMITATIONS FOR REPLICABILITY SPARC works within a p o l i t i c a l democracy where dissent i s tolerated and where democratic change can occur. This i s not to say that CD cannot work i n non-democratic environments, but the establishment of the process would be much more d i f f i c u l t and may very well be opposed (perhaps at the r i s k of physical violence) by the state or dominant powers. 91 The CD process promotes change i n a manner which i s gradual, l o c a l and, therefore, often more sustainable than other approaches. As a r e s u l t i t may not respond adequately to situations requiring immediate responses, but could instead be b u i l t into such quick responses as a long term goal. The sustainable and successful implementation of a CD approach to change i n a community requires the existence and commitment of a l o c a l indigenous organisation, change i s slow and requires a great deal of patience. Both the people and the organisation must be w i l l i n g to accept incremental change i f CD i s to work. 5.1 IMPLICATIONS/LESSONS FOR THE BROADER HOUSING RIGHTS STRUGGLE An examination of SPARC'S experience using a community development approach to f a c i l i t a t e the struggle for housing rights highlights c e r t a i n implications for the housing rights advocates s p e c i f i c a l l y and for NGO's generally. THE IMPORTANCE OF INDIGENOUS NGO'S Local indigenous non-governmental organisations can be i n t e g r a l players i n the housing rights struggle i f they apply some of the lessons demonstrated by SPARC. F i r s t and foremost such organisations must seek to devolve t h e i r r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s and have the people's organisations take more control. They must not colonise the 92 people's organisation i f f u l l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s to be achieved. In addition l o c a l NGO's must ensure that there i s extensive dissemination of information. People must have adequate information regarding the housing process and p o l i c i e s , the players and vested interests involved, i f they are to develop alternatives and c r i t i q u e e x i s t i n g options. This information must be transferred through methods which are accessible and meaningful to the people they are attempting to reach. SPARC'S use of s a r i as a measurement tool i s a good example of adopting appropriate and meaningful technology. A most i n t r i g u i n g lesson to be learned from SPARC'S experience i s that very l i t t l e money i s required to pursue change through a CD approach. SPARC believes that money from foreign funders or national governments w i l l act as a di s t r a c t i o n or compel NGO's to become r e l i a n t upon funding for i t s existence. Once reliance i s established, NGO's at best run the r i s k of having t h e i r mandate altered by funding requirements and at worst begin to use the people's organisation and indeed the people's impoverished existence as the basis for t h e i r funding and t h e i r vested int e r e s t s . UNIVERSAL MINIMUM Defining a global/universal minimum for housing norms and standards may be d i f f i c u l t and not applicable to a l o c a l s i t u a t i o n . As i s evidenced by SPARC'S experience, housing 93 rights and needs are dynamic and r e l a t i v e , and as people's perceptions of the good society change so w i l l the rights they demand. To define a universal minimum may be perceived as imposing c u l t u r a l norms or standards to housing needs. People can i d e n t i f y t h e i r own norms and standards by expressing t h e i r voice i n determining society values. THE IMPORTANCE OF THE COMMUNITY BASED SECTOR This study recognizes the importance of the community based sector and i t s role i n b u i l d i n g and defining housing and housing r i g h t s . This recognition not only expands the analysis of s o c i a l organisation to include the community based sector, but s h i f t s the focus of t r a d i t i o n a l housing rights discussion. Previously the bulk of housing rights l i t e r a t u r e has focused on l e g i s l a t i v e change and n e c e s s i c a r i l y l i m i t e d i t s discussion to the role and obligations of the state. In t h i s study i t has been asserted that for people to achieve t h e i r rights to housing there must be a combined e f f o r t on the part of the state, the market and the community based sector. If the state or the market are slow to recognize people's fundamental human rig h t to housing then support for t h i s right must be generated from the bottom up through the c o l l e c t i v e action of those excluded from enjoying such r i g h t s . The community based sector can lead the campaign for t h i s bottom up approach. 94 By accepting the notion of a three dimensional society we can argue that the primary organising body of communities for t h e i r housing rights are the l o c a l indigenous organisations whose practice i s informed by the theory of CD. We have noted that housing i s l o c a l l y dependent — a fundamental human a c t i v i t y , indeed housing i s a deeply c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t y dependent upon l o c a l values, norms and experience for i t s shape, size design and even existence. A right to housing w i l l mean d i f f e r e n t things based on di f f e r e n t values. For many communities, a right to housing many mean the a b i l i t y to stay, unmolested i n t h e i r squatter settlement. For others i t may mean access to certai n amenities which r e f l e c t the l i f e s t y l e of the society. For the women of Mahila Milan housing rights mean having control over t h e i r housing conditions i n terms of relocation as well as security of tenure both as pavement dwellers and eventually i n t h e i r relocated housing settlement. I t also means having adequate services such as water, sewerage, transportation, proximity to employment and education opportunities and a safe place for t h e i r children to play. Working within a framework of CD as outlined i n Robert's s i x points SPARC f a c i l i t a t e d a process to allow the women of Mahila Milan to define t h e i r housing r i g h t s . I t also gave them the tools to demand from the state the recognition and enforcement of those r i g h t s . The importance of a l o c a l indigenous community based organisation to f a c i l i t a t e the process of CD cannot be 95 underestimated. Communities are r i f e with l o c a l wisdom of what works and doesn't work i n t h e i r communities. They have certain values, customs, and common h i s t o r i e s . Even i n the c i t y where the vast majority of the urban poor of r u r a l migrants, there i s a cert a i n way of approaching change that only organisations with l o c a l experience w i l l understand. This understanding w i l l not only ensure that the housing rights process i s i n i t i a t e d i n a c u l t u r a l l y s e n s i t i v e way, but that the organisation w i l l be working with the necessary t r u s t earned by the community which w i l l only come through an understanding of r a c i a l , i n g u i s t i c , geographical and other commonalties. Moreover, change w i l l eventually have more meaning and be more q u a l i t a t i v e as the people themselves w i l l be more tr u s t i n g and p o t e n t i a l l y w i l l i n g to p a r t i c i p a t e i n the process of defining and demanding t h e i r r i g h t s . 5.2 ARE HOUSING RIGHTS DIFFERENT IN DEVELOPED AND DEVELOPING COUNTRIES? Arguably, housing condition are not as bad i n developed countries as i n developing countries, hence one might argue that people's r i g h t to housing i n the f i r s t world ex i s t s . Indeed, i n Canada everyone who can afford to buy i t , has the right to housing. Luckily i n Canada the vast majority can indeed afford to buy t h e i r right to housing and as a r e s u l t most Canadians are adequately housed. There remains, however, a growing minority of Canadians who are inadequately housed. These people predominantly f a l l into 96 the rental housing sector and many are facing r i s i n g rents, demolitions of e x i s t i n g low income rental stock and evictions due to new developments. For these people, t h e i r r i g h t to housing has been denied. Moreover, as we have noted, rights are r e l a t i v e , hence defining a r i g h t to housing i n the f i r s t world may be more d i f f i c u l t than i n the t h i r d world where there i s a prevalence of absolute homelessness. For example, do people require so many square feet of housing space? Are there ce r t a i n household amenities that every Canadian requires to f u l l y p a r t i c i p a t e i n Canadian society? The ultimate question i s at what standard of housing does a Canadian require to be an active p a r t i c i p a n t i n our society? These are not easy question and there are no easy answers. What i s important i s that the s i t u a t i o n and indeed the possible solutions need to be discussed. It i s only through informed discussions that housing and indeed housing rights can be put on the public agenda as a p r i o r i t y . A CD approach to s o c i a l change can f a c i l i t a t e such discussions. Every community must define what a r i g h t to housing means to them. They must establish standards, below which society would f i n d unacceptable that people l i v e . Setting such standards i s no simple task and must be an in c l u s i v e process of setting these standards. E s s e n t i a l l y the debate over the right to housing comes down to a set of e t h i c a l question of how we want to b u i l d the good society. There i s no s c i e n t i f i c way to arrive at an answer. Each and every one 97 of us must make up our minds about our v i s i o n of the good society. When tr y i n g to come to such conclusions David Hulchanski poses the following questions which may be he l p f u l : What does i t mean to lead a l i f e of dignity? What are the necessary material means required to lead a l i f e of dignity? How does society devise those i n s t i t u t i o n s which allow a l l people to l i v e with dignity? What role does housing qualit y , quantity, p r i c e and security play i n l i v i n g with dignity? (1988:10) The answer to these questions form the philosophical and moral framework for the p o l i c y decisions that face everyone. What we must ensure i s that a l l people have a voice i n answering these questions and influencing the decisions that a f f e c t t h e i r l i v e s , t h e i r housing and indeed t h e i r r i g h t s . This i n c l u s i v i t y can be ensured by using a CD approach and i n t h i s way l o c a l indigenous organisations are essen t i a l to the housing rights struggle. Only then can communities b u i l d up the necessary p o l i t i c a l pressures and only they can balance opposing int e r e s t s . As John Turner notes, such l o c a l organisations can a s s i s t i n two v i t a l ways: to help people to organise, to a r t i c u l a t e t h e i r demands, to assess t h e i r own resources, to plan and implement t h e i r own programmes and to manage t h e i r own homes and neighbourhoods and; 98 to act as mediators between people and t h e i r CBO's, i n t h e i r negotiations with commercial enterprises and governmental agencies (Turner:1988:16). SPARC was able to f u l f i l l both these needs i n a manner that l e f t the community f e e l i n g empowered with the knowledge and s k i l l s that they could demand from the state the recognition and enforcement of t h e i r housing rights on t h e i r own terms. 5.3 CONCLUSION A Community Development approach to change provides people with the tools to achieve and assert t h e i r r i g h t s . People are already engaged i n a struggle for housing — access to and control over the basic resources that are necessary to have a place to l i v e i n peace and dignity. A r i g h t i s a norm or standard determined by the shared values of a society. Choices regarding value judgments of how we ought to achieve the good society are guided by the dominant ideology. CD provides a practice to af f e c t the dominant ideology i n a democratic way. This approach i s c r u c i a l to the o v e r a l l housing struggle. I t w i l l augment the fi g h t for l e g i s l a t i v e change. SPARC i s one NGO which has successfully used the tenets of CD as outlined i n Robert's s i x point model. They have struggled and continue to struggle for the housing rights of a group of women pavement dwellers i n Bombay. SPARC has f a c i l i t a t e d a process wherein the women have begun to take control over the decisions which a f f e c t t h e i r l i v e s and 99 t h e i r housing. As a r e s u l t the women have begun to define what t h e i r housing rights look l i k e and est a b l i s h a strategy to achieve the recognition and enforcement of those r i g h t s . The CD approach to change as a tool to f i g h t for housing rights d i f f e r s markedly from other housing rights campaigns which focus on l e g i s l a t i v e change taking place i n India and throughout the world. SPARC'S accomplishments as well as the necessity to ensure that i t i s the people themselves who demand and define t h e i r rights compels the integration of a CD approach into the broader housing rights struggle. Such integration w i l l ensure the process of defining and demanding housing rights w i l l remain democratic, c u l t u r a l l y sensitive and therefore successful. Such a process i s best c a r r i e d out by a l o c a l indigenous organisation which can gain the t r u s t of the community and understand l o c a l customs, cultures, language and history. The process of change w i l l be slow but arguably more sustainable as i t w i l l t r u l y r e f l e c t the needs and w i l l of the people. Indeed through a CD approach, every community must define what a r i g h t to housing means to them. They must esta b l i s h standards below which society would f i n d i t unacceptable that people l i v e . Setting such standards i s no simple task, but CD o f f e r s a strategy to ensure the process remains i n c l u s i v e , democratic and sustainable. REFERENCES "A SPARC of Hope", Inside Outside, April/May 1987, pp.148-153. Anzorena, Jorge, 1987, "Training Programme by the Society for the Promotion of Area Resource Centres (SPARC) - Women Pavement Dwellers and Housing, SELAVIP News Letter, pp.1-7, March. Anzorena, Jorge, 1988, "SPARC - Society for the Promotion of Area Resource Centres", SELAVIP News Letter, pp.1-7, March. Anzorena, Jorge, 1989, SPARC, "National Slum Dwellers Federation and Mahila Milan i n 1988", SELAVIP News Letter, pp.1-8, March. Asian C o a l i t i o n for Housing Rights, 1989, A Place Live:  Asian People's Dialogue Conference Proceedings - The Fin a l  Statement, Habitat International C o a l i t i o n , Seoul South Korea, June 14-20. Bamberger, Michael, 1967, "A Defence of Urban Community Development", Community Development Journal, Vol.2, No.7, July. Barcham, Donald, W.P., 1965, Community Development: An  Integral Technique i n the Process of Community Planning, Unpublished Thesis i n the School of Community and Regional Planning, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver, B.C.. Biddle, W. and L. J. Biddle, 1965, The Community Development  Process: the rediscovery of l o c a l i n i t i a t i v e s , Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., New York. Biddle, William, 1966, "The "Fuzziness of the D e f i n i t i o n of Community Development", Community Development Journal, Vol.1, No.2, A p r i l . Block, Walter, 1981, "Housing i s NOT a Basic Human Right", Rent Control: Myths and R e a l i t i e s , ed. Walter Block and Edgar Olsen, The Fraser I n s t i t u t e , Vancouver, B.C. "BMC Accused of Untimely Razing", Times of India, 1988. pp.1, Bombay, India, November 7. Burgess, Rod, 1978, "Petty Commodity Housing or Dweller Control? A Critique of John Turner's Views on Housing Policy", World Development, 6(9/10): 1105-33. Cary, Lee, J. 1979, "The Present State of Community Development: Theory and Practice", i n Community Development:  Theory and Method of Planned Change, (ed.) Dan Chekki, Vikas Publishing House PVT Ltd., New Dehli., p.32-46 Carver, Humphrey, 1948, Houses for Canadian: A Study of  Housing Problems i n the Toronto Area, University of Toronto Press, Toronto. Chekki, Dan, A. (editor) 1979, Community Development: Theory  and Method of Planned Change, Vikas Publishing House PVT Ltd., New Dehli. Cohen, Jean L., 1982, Class and C i v i l Society: The Limits of  Marxian C r i t i c a l Theory, The University of Massachusets Press, Amherst. Douglass, Michael, 1984, Regional Integration of the  C a p i t a l i s t Periphery: The Central plains of Thailand, Hague: Iss. Du Sautoy, Peter, 1962, The Organisation of a Community  Development Programme, Oxford University Press, London. F e l i c e , B i l l , 1989, "Rights i n Theory and Practice: An H i s t o r i c a l Perspective", Social Justice, Vol.16, No.l, pp.34-56, Spring. Friedmann, John, 1979, The Good Society, The MIT Press, Cambridge Massachusetts. Friedmann, John, 1987, Planning i n the Public Domain: From  Knowledge to Action, Princeton University Press, New Jersey. Gandhi, Nandita and Nandita Shah, 1988, Opening Doors -Making Space for Women, Forum Against Oppression of Women, Bombay, India. G i l b e r t , Alan and Gugler, Josef, 1982, C i t i e s , Poverty and  Development, Oxford, London. G i l l i g a n , Carol, 1982, A Different Voice, University of Toronto, Toronto. Green, Jim, 1989 Canadian Housing, Vol.6, No.3, F a l l . Heilbronner, Robert, 1988, The Worldly Philosophers, Simon and Schuster, New York. Hulchanski, J.D., 1988, "Do A l l Canadians Have a Right to Housing?", UBC Planning Papers, DP#14, School of Community and Regional Planning, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver, B.C., June. Hulchanski, J.D. 1989, "Do A l l Canadians Have a Right to Housing?", Canadian Housing, Vol..6, No.3, F a l l . Interview, Celine D'Cruz, 1989, Society for the Promotion of Area Resource Centres, Bombay, India, July. Interview, A. Jockin, 1989, National Slum Dwellers Federation, Bombay, India, July. Interview, Rama Swami, 1989, UNNAYAN and National C o a l i t i o n for Housing Rights, Calcutta, India, July. Interview, Soomsook Boonyabancha, 1989, Secretariate, Asian C o a l i t i o n for Housing Rights, ESCAP, Bangkok, Thailand, August . Judge Krishna Iyer, 1987, "Shelter for the Humblest" Mainstream, pp.32-33, December 19. 1989, The Homeless The I l l u s t r a t e d Weekly of India, pp.10-19, July 2-8. Khan, Shahed Anwar, 1987 Housing for the Urban Poor i n Karachi, University of Hawaii, Master of Arts Thesis. Kortne, David, C , and Rudi Klauss, 1984, People Centred  Development: Contributions toward Theory and Planning Frameworks, Kumarian Press, Connecticut. Kotze, D.A., 1987, "Contradictions and Assumptions i n Community Development", Community Development Journal, Vol.22, No.l, January. Lang-Runtz, Heather, 1989, "Access to Housing: The Problem and the Challenge", Canadian Housing, Vol.6, No.3, Fall,pp. 16-19. Leckie, Scott, 1989, "Housing as a Human Right", Environment  and Urbanization, Vol.1, No.2, October, spp.89-107. Leckie, Scott, 1988, The u.N. Committee on Economic, Social  and Cultural Rights and the Right to Adequate Housing:  Towards an Appropriate Approach, The University of B r i t i s h Columbia, Centre for Human Settlement, Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia, November. MacDonald, M. 1949, "Natural Rights", i n Theories of Rights, (ed.) Jeremy Waldron, 1984, Oxford University Press, London, pp. 21-40. Macpherson, C.B., 1987, The Rise and F a l l of Economic  Justice, Oxford University Press, Toronto. National C o a l i t i o n for Housing Rights, 1988, Towards a  People's B i l l of Housing Rights: An Approach Paper-Draft 4, NCHR, Calcutta Neyere, J u l i u s , 1976-77, L i t e r a r y Discussion, v i i , Vol.4, Winter, pp. i x , i v . Oakley, Peter and David Marsden, 1984, Approaches to  Pa r t i c i p a t i o n i n Rural Development, International Labour O f f i c e , Geneva O r t i z , Enrique, 1989, Canadian Housing, Vol.6 No.3, F a l l . Roberts, Hayden, 1979, Community Development: Learning and  Action, University of Toronto Press, Toronto. Scruton, Roger, 1982, A Dictionary of P o l i t i c a l Thought, H i l l and Wang, New York. Sen, J a i , 1985, "What i s the Nature of the Housing Qeistion Today?" - II Lokayan B u l l e t i n , 3/4-5 July-September, pp.119-147. Sen, J a i , 1985, "On Survival: What i s the Nature of the Housing Question i n India Today?", Lokayan B u l l e t i n , 3/3 and 3/4-5, May, July - September, pp. 22-45, 119-147, 45-49. Society for the Promotion of Area Resource Centres, Annual  Report 1986, SPARC, Bombay, India. Society for the Promotion of Area Resource Centres, Annual  Report 1987, SPARC, Bombay, India. Society for the Promotion of Area Resource Centres, 1988, Beyond the Beaten Track: Resettlement I n i t i a t i v e s of People  who Live Along the Railway Tracks i n Bombay, Bombay India, May. Society for the Promotion of Area Resource Centres, 1989, Br i e f Note of the Court Judgement, SPARC, Bombay, India, May 5. Society for the Promotion of Area Resource Centres, 1985, We, the I n v i s i b l e : A Census of Pavement Dwellers, SPARC, Bombay India Society for the Promotion of Area Resource Centres, 1988, Women and Housing, SPARC, Bombay, India. Turner, John, F.C. 1988, Building Housing, London.. Turner, John, F.C, 1979, Housing: Its Part of Another Development", i n Housing Process and Physical Form, Proceedings from Seminar III i n the Series A r c h i t e c t u r a l Transformation i n the Islamic World held i n Jakarta March 26-29 1979, Aga Khan Award For Architecture. Turner, John, F.C,1978, "Housing i n Three Dimensions: Terms of Reference for the Housing Question Redefined", i n World  Development, Vol.6, No.9/10, pp.1135-1145, Pergamon Press, Great B r i t a i n . Turner, John, F.C 1976 Housing By the People, Turner, John, F.C, 1972, "Housing i s a Verb", Freedom to Build, ed. Turner and Fichter, 1972, PP. 148-75 Tyzia, Rosalee, Canadian Housing, Vol.6, No.3, F a l l . Waldron, Jeremy (ed.) 1984, Theories of Rights, Oxford University Press, London. Worsley, Peter, 1972, "Frantz Fanon and the "Lumpenproletariat 1", The S o c i a l i s t Register ed. Ralph Miliband and John Savile, London, Merlin pp.193-230. Yin, Robert, K. 1989, Case Study Research: Design and  Methods, Applied Social Research Methods Series, Volume 5, Sage Publications, New York. 106 APPENDIX 1 The Right To Housing In International Human Rights Declarations, Covenants and Conventions The United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 1948 The Universal Declaration of Human Rights was adopted and proclaimed by United Nations General Assembly (Resolution 217A (HO) on December 10. 1948 (UN Doc. A/810 (1948)). Article 25(1) states: Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of himself and his family, including food, clothing, housing and medical care and necessary social services, and the right to security in the event of unemployment, sickness, disability, widowhood, old age or other lack of livelihood in circumstances beyond his control. The U.N. International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, 1966 The International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights was adopted and opened for signature, ratification and accession by U.N. General Assembly Resolution 2200A (XXI) on December 16.1966 and entered into force on January 3, 1976 (21 U.N. GAOR, Supp. No. 16, p. 49). A total of 91 countries have ratified the Covenant. Article 11(1) states: • The States Parties to the present Covenant recognize the right of everyone to an adequate standard of living for himself and his family, including adequate food, clothing and housing and to the continuous improvement of living conditions. The States Parties will take appropriate steps to ensure the realization of this right, recognizing to this effect the essential importance of international co-operation based on free consent. The U.N. International Convention on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, 1965 The International Convention on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination was adopted and opened for signature and ratification by United Nations General Assembly Resolution 2106A(XX) on December 21, 1965 and entered into force on January 4.1969 (660 U.N.T.S.. p . 1950). A lolal of 124 countries have ratified the Convention. Article 5(e)(iii) states: In compliance with the fundamental obligations laid down in article 2 of this Convention, States Parties undertake to prohibit and eliminate racial discrimination in all of its forms and to guarantee the right to everyone, without distinction as to race, colour, or national or ethnic origin, to equality before the law, notably in the enjoyment of the following rights:...(e) Economic, Social and Cultural Rights in particular.,.(iii) the right to housing. The U.N. Declaration on Social Progress and Development, 1969 The U.N. Declaration on Social Progress and Development was proclaimed by the U.N. General Assembly on December 11,1969 (Resolution 2542(XX1 V). Part II states: Social progress and development shall aim at the continuous raising of the material and spiritual standards of living of all members of society, with respect for and in compliance with human rights and fundamental freedoms, through the attainment of the following main goals:... (f) The provision for all, particularly persons in low income groups and large families, of adequate housing and community services. The Right To Housing In International Human Rights Declarations, Covenants and Conventions page 2 The U.N. International Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women, 1979 The International Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women was adopted and opened for signature, ratification and accession by U.N. General Assembly Resolution 34/180 on December 18, 1979 and entered into force on September 3, 1981 (UN Doc. A/RES/34/180). A total of 94 countries have ratified the Convention. Article 14(2)(h) states: States Parties shall take all appropriate measures to eliminate discrimination against women in rural areas in order to ensure, on a basis of equality of men and women, that they participate in and benefit from rural development and, in particular, shall ensure to such women the right...(h) to enjoy adequate living conditions, particularly in relation to housing, sanitation, electricity and water supply, transport and communications. The Vancouver Declaration on Human Settlements, 1976 The Vancouver Declaration on Human Settlements was adopted by the United Nations Conference on Human Settlements in 1976. (UN Doc. A/CONF.70/15). Section IH(8) states: Adequate shelter and services are a basic human right which places an obligation on governments to ensure their attainment by all people, beginning with direct assistance to the least advantaged through guided programmes of self-help and community-action. Governments should endeavour to remove all impediments hindering attainment of these goals. Of special importance is the elimination of social and racial segregation, inter alia, through the creation of better balanced communities, which blend different social groups, occupations, housing and amenities. The U.N. Declaration on the Rights or the Child, 1959 The U.N. Declaration on the Rights of the Child was proclaimed by the U.N. General Assembly on November 20, 1959 (Resolution 1386(XIV)). Paragraph 4 states: The child shall enjoy the benefits of social security. He shall be entitled to grow and develop in health; to this end special care and protection shall be provided to him and his mother, including adequate pre-natal and post-natal care. The child shall have the right to adequate nutrition, housing, recreation and medical services. The U.N. Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees, 1951 The U.N. Convention relating to the Status of Refugees was adopted on July 28, 1951 by the U.N. Conference od Plenipotentiaries on the Status of Refugees and Stateless Persons, convened under U.N. General Assembly Revolution 429(V) of December 14,1950. The Convention entered into force on April 22, 1954. Article 21 states: As regards housing, the Contracting States, in so far as the matter is regulated by laws or regulations or is subject to the control of public authorities, shall accord to refugees lawfully staying in their territory treatment as favorable as possible and, in any event, not less favorable than that accorded to aliens generally in the same circumstances. SOURCE: WORKING FOR HOUSING RIGHTS CONFERENCE, OTTAWA, MAY 11-13/90 SHELTER FOR THE HOMELESS FOUNDATION, CANADA APPENDIX 2 • FINAL STATEMENT i . Urban poor people from nine Asian countries met here this past week to examine together what i t means to have a home and a community, that 1s, a place to live. We learned from each other how to continue the struggle and demand our basic right to a place to live. We learned that the housing situation of the urban poor 1s basically the same across the face of Asia. Rural people come to the cities by the millions because there is no future for them 1n the countryside. In the cities- they are forced to settle illegally on government or private land because they cannot afford to pay the rents charged in available legal housing or purchase a house and lot of their own. The migrants to the cities are poorly educated, unskilled, so the work they find pays very l i t t l e . They work hard, but they can barely feed and clothe their families and send their children to school. Over all their days hangs the threat they will be evicted from their homes when governments or private landowners care to develop the land. Often their evictions are very brutal. They destroy not only homes but damage people, especially the young, for l i fe. Government policies, laws and programs favor the rich. Many countries have no realistic housing programs for their poor citizens. Governments do not know how to tell the poor what plans there are, and more seriously, do not listen to the people when they draw up the plans. However, over time people have learned on their own how to solve their problems. The key to these solutions is forming strong community organizations that bring the people together and give them an effective voice on the issues that affect their lives. Governments must listen to the people. Permanent solutions to the housing problems of countries can only be had when poor people participate and initiate 1n the policy planning and implementation of projects. This requires governments be truly democratic, or the voices of the people can't be heard. We Tear the situation is growing worse in Asia. As land becomes scarcer and more expensive there may be too much housing for the rich and none for the poor. •', in II. • . . . i :, • We see housing as more than "four walls and a roof." It is protection from the sun and rain, but i t is more. A decent home and community, that 1s, a decent place to live, Is a basic human right. Without such a home there is neither security or safety. Without such homes we are less than human. Housing should be near people's work, allow them to send their children to school, and contribute to the health of the whole family- ; >; w - • The home is especially important to women and she will do most anything to protect i t . Women in different countries have shown tremendous strength In acquiring and protecting their home and should therefore be involved In al l matters relating to the home . and community. . '•.•'!• .-I'M :J \••>.• People from the different countries had varying Ideas of what good housing looks like, but they are one in stressing that such homes are absolutely essential to building good families. ;i ,i; , ->'••••• Because a home is so Important we oppose all Involuntary evictions* especially when the people are beaten and driven away like animals. "If land is needed for the genuine needs of the whole city, then the people must be given alternate housing and!time to prepare for the change. . • : = "** :..v! "'tmi 'iM^h4i>^:.v.v"' • Renters and sharers must be given the same rights,as homeowners when development plans are being made. i..yj::-i:?WAU}ii'-t\i:^:\<': Housing should be included in every country's constitution as a basic fundamental right for all women, men and children. The inclusion of this right in the constitution should;be augmented by adequate policies, legislation and programs. III. '•••;•...<•• ]<fi\\^'^^bf'if'r. We find the Korean people are beautiful, , We were impressed by their solidarity, hard work and courage. They live under very oppressive conditions. Yet they can sing, dance and laugh. They were wonderful to us and i t was largely because of them that we were able to communicate with one another though our languages and cultures are so different. They taught us that we are one people deep down. We all have the same feelings and feel the same pain. Communication is not difficult when we all have such feelings. We extend our support to the Korean people in their struggle for a better way of l i fe. Fight on for democracy and the peoplel (12 We must remember the poor are the majorities in our.countries. Governments must serve t h e i r needs f i r s t of a l l . We ask the Korean government, f o r example, to see how i t s Insistence on economic growth at a l l costs has hurt the people for whom a l l the country's wealth e x i s t s . We strongly urge that the Korean government stop a l l forced e v i c t i o n s and g,ve the vendors the freedom to make a decent l i v i n g . For the future we recommend that ACHR should strengthen s o l i d a r i t y among the urban poor of A s i a , that 1t have a newsletter and have further meetings such as the dialogue we have j u s t f i n i s h e d . Future action should also focus on education and lobbying of governments. • For ourselves, we pledge to work as hard as we can f o r better housing for a l l of Asia's people. We think the f i n a l report of t h i s meeting should be sent to a l l the governments of Asia and P a c i f i c region. Let us learn from one another1 • .<• Let us unite! Let us struggle to achieve decent housing for, a l l Asian people! SOURCE: REPORT ON THE MEETING, A PLACE TO L IVE: ASIAN PEOPLE'S DIALOGUE, SEOUL, KOREA, JUNE 14-20, 1989 ASIAN COALITION FOR HOUSING RIGHTS, HABITAT INTERNATIONAL COALITION, THE URBAN POOR FEDERATION OF KOREAj-S URBAN POOR. RESEARCH INSTITUTE' KOREA ' ,! 1 1 3 APPENDIX 3 I n terv iew with C e l i n e D 'Cruz, June 26, 1989 and J u l y 16,17, Bombay, I nd ia ( r e s p e c t i v e l y ) . community o r g a n i s e r wi th SPARC 18, 1989 Bangkok, T h a i l a n d and Q. What i s s p e c i a l or d i f f e r e n t about SPARC? A. We have no b l u e p r i n t . We l e t the women i d e n t i f y t h e i r needs, p l an t h e i r s t r a t e g i e s and he lp them t o a c t u a l i s e t h e i r g o a l s . We d o n ' t promise them a n y t h i n g . We t e l l them tha t i f they want t o make a change, they a re the ones who . w i l l have t o do i t . They p r e f e r i t t h i s way because then they d o n ' t f e e l that they a re t a k i n g handouts or tha t they a r e dependent on anyone. They a r e proud, capab le peop le who i f j u s t g i ven the o p p o r t u n i t y w i l l work hard t o improve the l i v e s of t h e i r f a m i l y . They ' ve been exc l uded , however, from a l a r g e l y m i d d l e - c l a s s system and d o n ' t have the s k i l l s t o o b t a i n t h e i r b a s i c r i g h t s . We at SPARC a r e working to demys t i f y the p roce s s and b u i l d these s k i l l s which w i l l i n c r e a s e community c o n t r o l over event s which a f f e c t t h e i r l i v e s - e s p e c i a l l y hous ing . SPARC i s a p e o p l e ' s o r g a n i s a t i o n . That i s , they g i v e i n f o r m a t i o n t o the peop le so i t i s not h e l d i n the hands of a few and used for t h e i r b e n e f i t or manipu lated for t h e i r ve s ted i n t e r e s t . For example i n 1987 SPARC undertook a census o f pavement d w e l l e r s i n B y c u l l a d i s t r i c t o f Bombay, which SPARC i n i t i a t e d , but the women of Mah i l a M i l an p h y s i c a l l y undertook. What happened was the women went from house to house p a i n t i n g numbers on p e o p l e ' s s h e l t e r s , coun t i ng houses and the number of peop le i n those houses. T h i s not on l y served the purpose of p r o v i d i n g an a c c u r a t e census , but i t b u i l t s o l i d a r i t y among the women and by d e m y s t i f y i n g the p roce s s o f census t a k i n g i t empowered the women and b u i l t t h e i r c o n f i d e n c e by arming themselves wi th a c c u r a t e i n f o r m a t i o n and knowing they c o u l d do i t . T h i s was the f i r s t census of pavement d w e l l e r s , by pavement d w e l l e r s tha t was accepted by the m u n i c i p a l i t y . It i s now an important source of i n f o r m a t i o n for p o l i c y f o r m u l a t i o n . Q. What o ther accompl ishments has SPARC ach ieved? A. In keeping with SPARC'S d e s i r e to demys t i f y the p r o c e s s which so o f t e n a l i e n a t e s and oppres ses m a r g i n a l i z e d groups such as pavement d w e l l e r s , SPARC has on s e v e r a l o c c a s i o n s i n v i t e d p r o f e s s i o n a l s and mun ic ipa l a u t h o r i t i e s t o t a l k wi th the women. For example, women who l i v e on the s t r e e t s o f t e n come i n con tac t ( u s u a l l y c o n f r o n t a t i o n ) wi th the p o l i c e as t h e i r e x i s t e n c e on the s t r e e t i s i l l e g a l , or some member o f t h e i r f a m i l y ge t s i n t r o u b l e wi th the law. By meeting with a p o l i c e o f f i c e r the women c o u l d t a l k wi th him on a more equal f o o t i n g so the next t ime they came i n t o con tac t wi th the p o l i c e they would not be so i n t i m i d a t e d . As we l l they would be more i n c l i n e d t o s tand up for t h e i r r i g h t s . SPARC has a l s o p rov i ded a p r o f e s s i o n a l a r c h i t e c t t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n t r a i n i n g s e s s i o n s that SPARC he ld for the women on d e v e l o p i n g t h e i r own hous ing . The p roces s that e n t a i l e d was for the women themselves t o des i gn and b u i l d t h e i r own hous ing . In o rder to do t h i s the women had t o i d e n t i f y and assemble a v a i l a b l e l a n d , deve lop a hous ing d e s i g n , i d e n t i f y m a t e r i a l s and c a l c u l a t e c o s t s . At f i r s t the p r o c e s s was slow as most of the women o f t e n fo l l owed the hous ing des i gn s o f the w e a l t h i e r homes i n which many o f them a r e employed as house c l e a n e r s . But a f t e r d i s c u s s i o n s w i th the a r c h i t e c t they r e a l i s e d that c o s t s and des i gn had t o be r a d i c a l l y reduced . T h i s u s e f u l e x e r c i s e cu lmina ted i n the women s e t t i n g up t h e i r des i gn of a p r o t o t y p e house out o f c l o t h for the community t o see. T h i s e x e r c i s e b u i l t up the c o n f i d e n c e of the women as we l l i n c i t i n g c u r i o s i t y and support for the p r o j e c t among the community. By i n v o l v i n g the a r c h i t e c t i n t h i s p roce s s i t not o n l y c h a l l e n g e d him t o b r i n g h i s t echno logy t o the peop le , but gave the women the . s k i l l s and the knowledge to take t h e i r p l ans t o the mun i c ipa l government where they a r e c u r r e n t l y i n the p roce s s o f n e g o t i a t i n g for hous ing and l a n d . In a d d i t i o n , SPARC has a l s o p r o v i d e d t h r e e y e a r s seed capital/matching funds for Mah i l a M i l an to set up an emergency/venture c a p i t a l fund. T h i s too was e s t a b l i s h e d by the women o f Mah i l a M i l an who for the most par t a re i l l i t e r a t e . A system of c o l o u r e d c h i t s was deve loped t o denote v a r i o u s amounts of c u r r e n c y and thereby make the account ing p rocedure a c c e s s i b l e t o the women. If a woman put s i n 10 rupees i n t o the genera l fund for example she w i l l t ake out a c e r t a i n c o l o u r e d c h i t which cor responds t o 10 rupees . She accumulates these c h i t s and thereby keeps a r e c o r d of her s a v i n g s . A r e c e i p t i s not p o s s i b l e because she cannot read i t or she may l o s e i t . Moreover, no one c o u l d s i g n the r e c e i p t or t a b u l a t e i t . If the s t a f f of SPARC were t o ma in ta in t r a d i t i o n a l forms of bookkeeping for t h i s fund, i t would a l i e n a t e the women from the p r o c e s s and take over the c o n t r o l (which the women c u r r e n t l y have) of t h e i r funds. Q. How i s t h i s fund admin i s te red? A. In the case of a f am i l y emergency or the d e s i r e to se t up a smal l b u s i n e s s or co t t a ge i n d u s t r y , the woman would approach the loans committee of Mah i l a M i l an an i n fo rma l committee i n someone's home. Fami ly emergencies can range from s h e l t e r r ee s t ab l i s hment r e s u l t i n g from e v i c t i o n , i l l n e s s i n the f a m i l y or perhaps b a i l i n g o n e ' s husband out o f j a i l . These l oans a re u s u a l l y f r e e l y g i ven as the women who make t h e i r homes on the s t r e e t a re very aware of t h e i r ne ighbours s i t u a t i o n s and can v e r i f y the a u t h e n t i c i t y and urgency of the r e q u e s t . For bu s i ne s s or ven ture c a p i t a l l oans the loans committee i s more c a u t i o u s . As those women who approach the l oans committee have l i m i t e d knowledge and e x p e r i e n c e of e s t a b l i s h i n g a bu s i ne s s they a re o f t e n q u i t e unprepared. The l oans committee, made up of these same pavement d w e l l e r s a r e c a u t i o u s o f d i s p e n s i n g funds so they p a t i e n t l y demand a c c o u n t a b i l i t y of funds from the l oan r e q u e s t e r . In f a c t they ask for i n f o r m a t i o n not u n l i k e a bu s i ne s s s ta tement . T h i s f o r c e s the reques te r t o do background r e s e a r c h on t h e i r p o t e n t i a l b u s i n e s s ven ture and a l s o guards aga in s t peop le who come wanting f r e e money. Q. How i s SPARC funded? A. SPARC i s funded mainly by the government. It r eques t s funds for p r o j e c t s the government i s not under tak ing and the reby demands a c c o u n t a b i l i t y from government. Q. What i s the p h i l o s o p h i c a l b a s i s of SPARC? A. SPARC i s i n t e r e s t e d i n meeting the needs of the peop le through a p r o c e s s / t a s k o r i e n t e d approach. We focus on needs i d e n t i f i e d by the women and s o l u t i o n s i n i t i a t e d by the women. We work to i n c l u d e them i n the p r o c e s s , t o demys t i f y the p roces s and empower them t o make changes that meets t h e i r needs and i s a p p r o p r i a t e to t h e i r s i t u a t i o n s . We do a l o t of group work thus making the p r o c e s s ve ry s low. We d o n ' t take an i n s t i t u t i o n a l or top down approach. We see the achievement of hous ing r i g h t s , ba s i c t o a l l human be ing s , as a p roce s s o f empowerment and d e m o c r a t i s a t i o n wherein peop le can understand and i d e n t i f y t h e i r r i g h t s and become equipped wi th the t o o l s to demand t h e i r r i g h t s . SPARC a l s o sees i t s r o l e l i m i t e d t o one of a f a c i l i t a t o r o f change and perhaps an educa to r . T h i s i s r e f l e c t e d i n our r e l a t i o n s h i p with the women's o r g a n i s a t i o n of Mah i l a M i l a n , which i s made up of and l ed s o l e l y by the women who l i v e on the s t r e e t s . SPARC'S r o l e i n the r e l a t i o n s h i p with Mah i l a M i l an i s t o act as a go between for them when they a re d e a l i n g wi th the mun ic ipa l government, or the banks or perhaps the p o l i c e . They g i v e us the o r d e r s and we t r y t o c a r r y them out . Once an a c t i v i t y has been i n i t i a t e d we p u l l out and l e t Mah i l a M i l an ma in ta in r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and c o n t r o l for i t s outcome. It i s easy for community groups l i k e SPARC t o act as a c o l o n i z e r of the poor by r e l y i n g for example on the p e o p l e ' s m a r g i n a l i z e d s t a t e as an o p p o r t u n i t y to a t t r a c t f o r e i g n or government funds and consequent l y the maintenance of s t a f f j o b s . SPARC does not want to be l i k e that and t h e r e f o r e t r i e s t o g i v e up c o n t r o l t o the women's group wherever p o s s i b l e . Q. Do you see the work that SPARC i s do ing be ing r e p l i c a t e d e l sewhere? A. SPARC, I d o n ' t t h i nk r e p r e s e n t s a model of any k ind and i t c e r t a i n l y does not have a b lue p r i n t to f o l l ow or for o t h e r s t o f o l l o w . We have, however, begun t o network wi th other groups and thereby exchange s t r a t e g i e s and s k i l l s , as we l l as g e n e r a l l y expanding our work i n t o other p a r t s o f the c i t y , the coun t ry and the r e g i o n . For i n s t a n c e SPARC has begun to work wi th Don Bosco, a c a t h o l i c o r g a n i s a t i o n working with s t r e e t boys. T h i s i s something new for SPARC and i t i s ve ry c h a l l e n g i n g work as these boys a re g e n e r a l l y ve ry d i f f i c u l t t o r e a c h . As i t s tands we are c u r r e n t l y h e l p i n g t o support a d r o p - i n c e n t r e for the boys where we p r o v i d e s h e l t e r , food and sometimes some v ideos for t h e i r en te r t a i nment . We a r e n ' t t r y i n g t o preach to the boys, but r a t h e r g i v e them a s a f e p l a c e t o come when they want t o . We a re a l s o working on t h e i r b e h a l f w i th the p o l i c e i n order t o t r y and g i v e them some l e g a l s t a t u s . C u r r e n t l y they a r e c o n s i d e r e d to be run aways, t h i e v e s , vagrant s and other u n d e s i r a b l e s and as a r e s u l t a re always be ing harassed by the p o l i c e . SPARC has a l s o been working q u i t e c l o s e l y wi th the N a t i o n a l Slum Dwe l l e r s F e d e r a t i o n i n order to undertake some of the work we have done here i n Bombay and d u p l i c a t e i t n a t i o n a l l y i n o ther Indian c i t i e s . So far we have been f a i r l y s u c c e s s f u l . I n t e r n a t i o n a l l y we have a l i g n e d o u r s e l v e s with the A s i an C o a l i t i o n for Housing R i gh t s which i s a c o a l i t i o n o f non-governmental o r g a n i s a t i o n s throughout A s i a . T h i s has been h e l p f u l i n b u i l d i n g s o l i d a r i t y among groups do ing s i m i l a r work as we l l as keeping us aware o f s i t u a t i o n s happening e l s e where. I n terv iew with Mr. A J o c k i n o f the Na t i ona l Slum Dwe l l e r s A s s o c i a t i o n J u l y 18, 1989, Bombay Ind ia . Q. J o c k i n , what i s NSDF's r e l a t i o n s h i p with SPARC? A. NSDF together with SPARC work to improve the q u a l i t y o f l i f e for m a r g i n a l i z e d groups i n I nd i a . We share a common p h i l o s o p h y and approach t o our work and as a r e s u l t we have accompl i shed a number o f t a s k s . For example the Ra i lway census r e p o r t and ongoing censu s ' i n o ther slum a r e a s . NSDF has focused on hous ing for a number of reasons , but g e n e r a l l y because i t r e p r e s e n t s a v e h i c l e that we and SPARC can use t o accompl i sh our goal of empowering the peop le . That i s hous ing , for example i s not an end i n i n i t s e l f , hous ing can be a means t o p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n the p roces s tha t d e p r i v e s peop le from hous ing i n the f i r s t p l a c e . Hence w h i l e hous ing i s a " r i g h t " i n many c o u n t r i e s , i t i s not d e l i v e r e d because, t o a ch ieve a r i g h t peop le must demand i t and t h e r e f o r e be s t r ong enough t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n the democrat ic p r o c e s s . Q. What other ways do the NSDF and SPARC t r y t o empower the peop le? A. B a s i c a l l y we t r y and r a i s e s e l f esteem and awareness o f o u t s i d e s i t u a t i o n s among the pavement d w e l l e r s . We do t h i s by u s i ng p r a c t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s which a f f e c t peop le s d a i l y l i v e s . For example when we go i n t o a neighbourhood one o f the f i r s t t a s k s we accompl i sh i s t o get everyone r a t i o n ca rd s who d o n ' t a l r e a d y have them. T h i s accompl i shes two important t a s k s : one i t proves to the' a u t h o r i t i e s that these peop le have a l e g a l s t a t u s i n the c i t y which can l a t e r be used i n the t h r e a t of e v i c t i o n ? and two i t h e l p s us t o b u i l d t r u s t with the peop le . More i m p o r t a n t l y , however, we v a l i d a t e p e o p l e ' s o p i n i o n s and g i v e them a v o i c e . Peop le come t o Bombay and other l a r g e urban c e n t r e s for a v a r i e t y o f reasons , some for food, some for more than one s a r i o t h e r s to be with r e l a t i v e s . We ask them t o r e f l e c t on t h e i r m i g r a t i on h i s t o r y . We ask them what they want and he lp them to d e f i n e t h e i r needs. We t r y t o f a c i l i t a t e a s e l f he lp approach. T h i s i s d i f f e r e n t from other o r g a n i s a t i o n s which i d e n t i f y the p e o p l e ' s needs for them and i n i t i a t e a p roces s to a ch ieve those needs without i n v o l v i n g the p e o p l e . How can they determine the needs of the peop le without a sk ing them? It i s these same groups that become c o l o n i s e r s of the peop le . Indeed they have become de luded wi th t h e i r r e a l or p e r c e i v e d power and as a r e s u l t they a re working to g i v e hous ing r i g h t s t o the NGO's l i k e themse lves , not t o the peop le . The s t r a t e g y of NSDF and SPARC i s to g i v e pavement and slum d w e l l e r s the f a c t s t o dea l wi th the o f f i c i a l s . As an o r g a n i s a t i o n we do not promise the peop le any th ing . Instead we work t o g i v e the peop le the t o o l s t o f i n d r e s o u r c e s among themse lves , t o manage those r e s o u r c e s , to demys t i f y the proce s s they must work w i t h i n and t o g i v e them knowledge of how t o be s u c c e s s f u l w i t h i n that p r o c e s s . We don ' t b u i l d houses for the peop le , but we have the peop le themselves go through the p roce s s o f deve lop ing hous ing by go ing out t o look fo r l a n d , de te rmin ing i t s s u i t a b i l i t y for the community, i d e n t i f y i n g i f the land i s a v a i l a b l e , i t s c o s t , l ayout p l a n s , bylaws and f a m i l y d e t a i l s e t c . There i s a b a s i c assumption among many v o l u n t a r y agenc ie s and government hous ing programmes that the poor need a subs idy and/or l e g i s l a t i v e change to have hous ing . We have proven them wrong. I f peop le c o u l d j u s t be l e f t a lone without any i n t e r f e r e n c e from the government they can b u i l d t h e r e own hous ing , they can save the r e q u i r e d funds for t h e i r modest homes. Government b u i l t low-income hous ing i s o f t e n b u i l t at a much h igher cos t than the poor themselves would have b u i l t i t for a v a r i e t y o f reasons i n c l u d i n g b u r e a u c r a t i c s low downs, b r i b e s e t c . It i s on l y when the government imposes unnecessary r e g u l a t i o n s or i n v o l v e s themselves i n the d i s t r i b u t i o n p roces s that the poor a re unab le to b u i l d t h e i r own hous ing . Peop le have the r e s o u r c e s they j u s t do not have the power. T h i s s i t u a t i o n wherein p a t e r n a l i s t i c v o l u n t a r y agenc ie s i g n o r e the v o i c e of the peop le i s a l l pa r t of s t r u c t u r e that NSDF and SPARC i s t r y i n g to d i s m a n t l e . That i s the myth tha t the pavement d w e l l e r s h e l p l e s s , i gnorant and g e n e r a l l y a burden on the system. We attempt to d i s p e l t h i s myth by educa t i ng the p u b l i c and f e l l o w v o l u n t a r y agenc ie s on the p r o d u c t i v e c a p a c i t y of pavement d w e l l e r s and slum d w e l l e r s a l i k e . For i n s t a n c e t h i s c i t y cou ld not f u n c t i o n without the r e c y c l i n g work of the c i t y ' s poor . These peop le a l s o make up a huge p r o p o r t i o n of workers i n the i n fo rma l s ec to r which i n t u r n p r o v i d e s neces sa ry s e r v i c e s , u n f o r t u n a t e l y at cheap l e v e l s which u s u a l l y b e n e f i t s the midd le c l a s s . The a c c u s a t i o n that pavement d w e l l e r s put p r e s s u r e s on the c i t y ' s s e r v i c e s i s another myth. These peop le a re without any s a n i t a r y f a c i l i t i e s i n c l u d i n g water and t o i l e t , hence they pay p r i v a t e owners for the use of t o i l e t f a c i l i t i e s , they o f t e n do not send t h e i r c h i l d r e n to s c h o o l , and they r a r e l y have acces s t o proper medical a t t e n t i o n ! We use the government and i n d i r e c t l y make them work for the peop le . We get funding from our government (as opposed to f o r e i g n funds) so that t h e r e i s d i r e c t a c c o u n t a b i l i t y from the government as we l l as enhancing our own l e g i t i m a c y . We d o n ' t f i g h t i n i s o l a t i o n . For example we brought the p l ann ing commissioner i n t o a community of p r o s t i t u t e s . He had never been i n that par t of the c i t y b e f o r e and i t was an e n l i g h t e n i n g e x p e r i e n c e for him to see i t at l e a s t . It made a whole community come a l i v e for him - a community which for him d i d not e x i s t b e f o r e . Q. Why d i d SPARC and the NSDF combine r e s o u r c e s ? A. SPARC j o i n e d f o r c e s wi th the NSDF to spread and r e p l i c a t e work i n other c i t i e s . NSDF now opera te s i n twelve Indian c i t i e s . We are now under tak ing enumerat ion i n 35,000-40,000 slums being done by the slum d w e l l e r s themse lves . These slum d w e l l e r s c o l l e c t t h i s i n f o r m a t i o n and understand what t h e i r slums needs I n terv iew with Parou, community o r gan i se r with SPARC, J u l y 20, 19S9 Bombay, I nd i a . Q. Why i s SPARC s u c c e s s f u l ? A. We have no set p roces s of o r g a n i s a t i o n , but a l l ow the p r o c e s s t o e s t a b l i s h i t s e l f a c co rd ing t o the needs of the p e o p l e . It i s e a s i e r I b e l i e v e t o o r gan i s e women pavement d w e l l e r s i n the case o f our work i n E ward with Mah i l a M i l an than i t might be with slum d w e l l e r s who have more s e c u r i t y o f t enu re . The reason be ing i s that slum d w e l l e r s a re o f t e n a l r e a d y imbued with semi -midd le c l a s s v a l u e s , they l i v e i n s epa ra te d w e l l i n g s which a re more p r i v a t e and consequent l y <unl ike pavement d w e l l e r s ) t h e i r domest ic problems a re not the communit ies problems i . e . the women and t h e i r husbands do not q u a r r e l open ly and women do not o f t e n d i s c u s s t h e i r domest ic problems with the r e s t of the community and t h e r e f o r e they a re o f t e n i s o l a t e d from community suppor t . As a r e s u l t t h e r e i s not the community or s o l i d a r i t y among slum d w e l l e r s l i k e t h e r e i s among pavement d w e l l e r s which I t h i n k can make i t i n some ways e a s i e r for o r g a n i s i n g . Q. Does SPARC have a f em in i s t p h i l o s o p h y ? A. Feminism i s d i f f e r e n t i n Ind ia due to c u l t u r a l l y based v a l u e s . Indian women tend not t o see t h e i r problems as women's or men's i s s ue s /p rob l ems , but r a the r as problems a f f e c t i n q the whole f am i l y , i . e . they see the problem of t h e i r husbands b e a t i n g them as a " f a m i l y " problem. Rama Swami r NCHR, UNNAYAN, J u l y 4, 1989, C a l c u t t a , I nd i a Q. What i s the r o l e of NCHR i s the s t r u g g l e for hous ing r i g h t s ? A. NCHR sees themselves as a n a t i o n a l broad based c o a l i t i o n seek ing the r i g h t t o hous ing for a l l c i t i z e n s through l e g i s l a t i v e change. NCHR was c r e a t e d as a response t o an impasse reached i n an advocacy p l ann ing approach. NCHR i s par t of the NGO c i r c u i t and i s made up of NGO a c t o r s . It i s not a community based o r i e n t e d o r g a n i s a t i o n , but r a t h e r looks at p o l i t i c a l change. I n d i v i d u a l involvement i n NCHR emanates from member NGO's such as t r a d e un ion s , mass o r g i n i s a t i o n s and p o l i t i c a l o rgan i s a t i ons. Somsook Boonyabancha, S e c r e t a r i a t ACHR, May 14, 1990, Bangkok, T h a i l a n d . Q. What i s the r o l e o f the ACHR i n the s t r u g g l e for hous ing r i g h t s ? A. It i s my hope that ACHR a c t s as a f a c i l i t a t o r and/or c o o r d i n a t o r of C B 0 f s and g r a s s r o o t s o r g a n i s a t i o n s . It formed out of a b e l i e f that o r g a n i s a t i o n s l i k e the UN are too top down, too out o f touch w i th the g ra s s r o o t s - the p e o p l e . ACHR f i g h t s for the p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f the peop le i n the s t r u g g l e for hous ing r i g h t s . Even some NGO's a re too l a r g e and " t e r r i t o r i a l " , which can cause problems i n h e l p i n g the peop le t o get what they need. The importance o f hous ing cannot be underes t imated , s h e l t e r , as they say i n Korea i s a p l a c e your ance s to r s have set down r o o t s - l i k e a t r e e - and the longer you l i v e somewhere, the deeper the r o o t s and the s t ronger the t r e e . When you e v i c t someone from t h e i r home, you a r e c u t t i n g t h e i r l i f e r o o t s away from t h e i r home. Somsook Boonyabancha, S e c r e t a r i a t ACHR f J u l y 26, 1990, Bangkok, T h a i l a n d . Q.How would you e v a l u a t e the r o l e of the NCHR i n the s t r u g g l e for hous ing r i g h t s ? A. NCHR p l a y s a very u s e f u l r o l e i n p u b l i s h i n g m a t e r i a l on hous ing i s s u e s and g e t t i n g peop le l i k e t r a d e un ions and academics i n v o l v e d i n hous ing r i g h t s i s s u e s . However, i n i t s f i g h t s t o change l e g i s l a t i o n the NCHR has l o s t touch wi th the g ra s s r o o t s . They a re too midd le c l a s s . Q. How would you e v a l u a t e the r o l e of SPARC i n the s t r u g g l e for hous ing r i g h t s . ? A. SPARC works with the g ra s s r o o t s t o ach ieve c o n c r e t e t h i n g s . They a re proud that they have no " b l u e p r i n t s " , i n s t e a d they respond to the needs and the d i r e c t i o n of the p e o p l e . They d o n ' t f e e l s o r r y for the p e o p l e . Nor do they see the peop le as weak and i n e f f e c t u a l . They see p e o p l e ' s s t r e n g t h s . SPARC d o e s n ' t r e q u i r e a l o t of money t o f a c i l i t a t e change i n i t i a t e d by the p e o p l e . They a re s u c c e s s f u l because as an o r g a n i s a t i o n they a r e s t rong i n t h r e e c r u c i a l a r e a s i 1) They can work e f f e c t i v e l y wi th government and a r t i c u l a t e the problems o f the urban poor i n a midd le c l a s s language? 2) They can o r g a n i s e the peop le and c r e a t e a movement. T h i s i s he lped by t h e i r broad based c o n n e c t i o n s with other l i k e mined groups w i t h i n Ind ia and abroad; and 3) They can act s e n s i t i v e l y t o the needs of the peop le and r e a l l y communicate with them. The e s s e n t i a l problem with most NGO's and one that SPARC manaaes to a v o i d , i s that most NGO's become c o l o n i s e r s of the peop le by s t i f l i n g the growth of CBO's. They do t h i s by w i t h h o l d i n g the t r a n s f e r of power, i n f o r m a t i o n , d e c i s i o n -making a u t h o r i t y and i n i t i a t i v e s for change. I n terv iew with Prema Gopalon, SPARC o r g a n i s e r , May 11, 1990, Ottawa, Canada, at the Working for Housing R i gh t s Con ference , Hab i t a t I n t e r n a t i o n a l C o a l i t i o n . Q. What i s the na tu re o f the hous ing c r i s i s i n I nd ia? A. In Ind ia today t h e r e a re 800 m i l l i o n peop le , 24 c i t i e s wi th over one m i l l i o n peop le , f i v e m e t r o p o l i s e s over f i v e m i l l i o n and two m e g a - c i t i e s (Bombay and C a l c u t t a ) wi th over 10 m i l l i o n p e o p l e . W i th in these c i t i e s t h e r e i s d e c r e a s i n g space for hous ing . Housing has turned i n t o an i n d u s t r y and i s not a r i g h t . Bas i c s e r v i c e s a re u n a f f o r d a b l e for the poor , p a r t i c u l a r l y pavement d w e l l e r s who do not have even b a s i c s e r v i c e s such as sewer and water. D i s c r i m i n a t i o n aga ins t these pavement d w e l l e r s i s rampant and many peop le , p r i m a r i l y those of the midd le c l a s s e s , b e l i e v e that pavement d w e l l e r s a re a burden on the s e r v i c e s of the c i t y because they do not pay t a x e s . The Bombay Mun i c i pa l Counc i l has responded to t h i s concern of the midd le c l a s s e s by demo l i sh ing many of the hutments of pavement d w e l l e r s and c o n f i s c a t i n g what l i t t l e of the per sona l be longs these peop le have. Q. What i s SPARC do ing t o address the se i s s u e s ? A. SPARC i s working d i r e c t l y wi th the pavement d w e l l e r s o f Bombay. SPARC'S o b j e c t i v e s a re c o l l e c t i v e a c t i o n , p a r t i c i p a t o r y r e s e a r c h and o r g a n i s a t i o n a l work. It i s SPARC'S b e l i e f that s h e l t e r i s a r i g h t and not a p roduc t . There i s the p o t e n t i a l t o work toward hous ing as a r i g h t i f peop le can c r e a t e t h e i r own p r o c e s s . SPARC'S want t o f a c i l i t a t e the c r e a t i o n of t h i s peop le l ed p roces s through the f o l l o w i n g a c t i v i t i e s ! 1) SPARC r e c o g n i z e d the need to deve lop a c o l l e c t i v e consensus among s p e c i f i c groups (women) p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the dec i s i on -mak ing p r o c e s s ; 2) SPARC works t o i n i t i a t e the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of women i n communit ies as an a l t e r n a t i v e form of l e a d e r s h i p for change; 3) SPARC works t o i n c r e a s e the v i s i b i l i t y of the urban poor. I n v i s i b i l i t y e x i s t s at the l e v e l of s t a t i s t i c s . When peop le do not e x i s t i n s t a t i s t i c s i n I nd ia they a re o f t e n , d e p r i v e d of many important s e r v i c e s such as i d e n t i t y and r a t i o n c a r d s . Through the " p e o p l e ' s census " SPARC and Mah i l a M i l an demanded the government to r e c o g n i z e pavement d w e l l e r s i n E ward as l e g i t i m a t e c i t i z e n s of the c i t y of Bombay. 4) SPARC b e l i e v e s pover ty has robbed the r i g h t of peop le t o p l an t h e i r f u t u r e and as a response SPARC together with M a h i l a M i l an have c r e a t e d a c r e d i t c o - o p e r a t i v e . 5) SPARC together wi th Mah i l a M i l an i s working t o c o n s o l i d a t e hous ing o p t i o n s . We d e v i s e short term s t r a t e g i e s t o save homes such as oppos ing d e m o l i t i o n s through l e g a l means i . e . our cour t ca se . We a l s o work together t o determine long term o p t i o n s , for example the women o f Mah i l a M i l an a r e c u r r e n t l y n e g o t i a t i n g with the government for o b t a i n i n g l and for r e l o c a t i o n . 6) Through e x t e n s i o n ARC 's , SPARC i s l i n k i n g with o ther groups working with the urban poor w i t h i n Ind ia and throughout A s i a . 7) We a re c r e a t i n g a l a r g e r space for p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the urban p l ann ing and d e c i s i o n making p roces s through demonst ra t ion p r o j e c t s such as our e x h i b i t i o n of l i f e s i z e hous ing models. 8) SPARC a c t s as a p r e s s u r e group by b r i n g i n g p o l i t i c a l i s s u e s t o p u b l i c a t t e n t i o n . T h i s i s done through the c r e a t i o n of forums (both l o c a l , n a t i o n a l and i n t e r n a t i o n a l ) a l l o w i n g peop le to a r t i c u l a t e t h e i r a s p i r a t i o n s . In t h i s way peop le can i d e n t i f y common i s s u e s that c r o s s g e o g r a p h i c a l , r a c i a l and p o l i t i c a l boundar ie s I 27-Appendix 4 UNITED NATIONS The term 'community development ' has come i n t o i n t e r n a t i o n a l usage to connote the processes by uhich the efforts of the people themselves are united Hith those of governmental authorities to improve the economic and social and cultural conditions of communities, t o i n t e g r a t e these communit ies i n t o the l i f e of the n a t i o n , and to enab le them to contribute fully to national progress. T h i s complex o f p roces se s i s then made up o f two e s s e n t i a l e lements : the participation of the people themselves i n e f f o r t s t o improve t h e i r l e v e l of l i v i n g with as much reliance as p o s s i b l e on t h e i r own initiative, and the p r o v i s i o n of t e c h n i c a l and other s e r v i c e s i n ways which encourage i n i t i a t i v e , self-help, and mutual he lp and make them more e f f e c t i v e . It i s expressed i n programmes des igned t o a ch ieve a wide v a r i e t y of s p e c i f i c improvements, (see De Sautoy :1964:121, in Robert s :1979:177-78) ) BRITAIN (a) Community development i s a movement des igned t o promote better living for the whole community with the a c t i v e participation and, i f p o s s i b l e on the i n i t i a t i v e of the community, but i f t h i s i n i t i a t i v e i s not forthcoming spontaneous ly , by the use of t echn iques for a rous ing and s t i m u l a t i n g i t i n order to secure the a c t i v e and e n t h u s i a s t i c response of movement, (see HMSO 1954, in Roberts :1979:177-78) (b) Community development i s on l y a par t of the o v e r -a l l p roces s o f the development of communit ies. It i s the par t of the p roces s which can be d i s t i n g u i s h e d by the f o l l o w i n g i n g r e d i e n t s : ( i ) self-help; ( i i ) a t t e n t i o n pa i d t o the p e o p l e ' s 'felt needs'; ( i i i ) a t t e n t i o n pa i d t o the s o c i a l , t r a d i t i o n a l , and other a spec t s of the community as a whole. It u s u a l l y ope ra te s i n four main f i e l d s : (1) adu l t l i t e r a c y and ba s i c social education; (2) s p e c i a l i z e d work among women and youth ; (3) s e l f - h e l p c o n s t r u c t i o n p r o j e c t s : (4) ex tens i on educa t i on i n v a r i o u s ' n a t i o n b u i l d i n g ' f i e l d s . It may a l s o concern i t s e l f wi th c o - o p e r a t i v e s and the s t i m u l a t i o n of c o t t a q e i n d u s t r y , (see Du Sautoy:1964:125-6, i n Roberts :1979:177-78) UNITED STATES (a) Community development i s a con t inuous , or i n t e r m i t t e n t , p roces s of social action by which the peop le of a community o r g a n i z e themselves i n f o r m a l l y or f o r m a l l y for democratic planning and action; d e f i n e t h e i r common and group ' f e l t needs ' and problems; make group and i n d i v i d u a l p l an s to meet t h e i r f e l t needs and s o l v e t h e i r problems; execute these p l an s with a maximum of r e l i a n c e upon r e s o u r c e s found w i t h i n the s e r v i c e s and the m a t e r i a l a s s i s t a n c e from governmental or p r i v a t e agenc ie s o u t s i d e the community, (see Green:1963, i n Roberts :1979:177-78) U9 (b) ( i ) A s o c i a l p roces s by which human be ings can become more competent t o l i v e with and gain some control over local aspects of a f r u s t r a t i n g and changing wor ld . ( i i ) A p r o g r e s s i o n of events that i s p lanned by the p a r t i c i p a n t s t o s e r ve goa l s they p r o g r e s s i v e l y chose. The events po in t t o changes i n a group and i n i n d i v i d u a l s that can be termed growth i n s o c i a l s e n s i t i v i t y and competence. ( B i d d l e and B idd le :1965 :78 -9 ) (c) Organ ized e f f o r t s of peop le to improve the condition of community l i f e and the capacity of the people for participation, s e l f - d i r e c t i o n and i n t e g r a t e d e f f o r t i n community a f f a i r s . (Dunham:1970:140, i n Roberts :1979:177-78) (d) The key word i s process...a change in an attitude of mind, whether personal or collective, that r e s u l t s i n a change of behav ior and the p u r s u i t of a cour se of a c t i o n h i t h e r t o r e j e c t e d or not unders tood. We avo id a s s o c i a t i n g community development with any p a r t i c u l a r programme, be the s e t t i n q r u r a l or urban. (Brokensha and Hodqe:1969:47, i n Roberts :1979:177-78) (e) A p roces s t o make people aware of their rights and to o r g a n i z e them i n such a way that they can both enjoy these r i g h t s and at the same t ime have the t r a i n i n g and the sense of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y so they can f u l f i l l t h e i r o b l i g a t i o n s as c i t i z e n s (by demanding t h e i r r i g h t s ) . (Bramberger:1967:14) C A N A D A (a) Community development i s an educational-motivation process des i gned to c r e a t e c o n d i t i o n s f a v o r a b l e to economic and s o c i a l change, i f p o s s i b l e on the i n i t i a t i v e of the community, but i f t h i s i n i t i a t i v e i s not forthcoming spontaneous ly , then techn iques for a rous ing and s t i m u l a t i n g i t i n order to secure the f u l l e s t p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the community must be u t i l i z e d . ( Spec i a l P l ann ing S e c r e t a r i a t : 1 9 6 5 : 2 , i n Roberts :1979:177-78) (b) The p roce s s of f a c i l i t a t i o n i n s o l v i n g problems as i d e n t i f i e d by the community i t s e l f . ( S t in son and Draper: 1971:262, i n Roberts :1979:177-78) (c) Community development i n Canada has s t i l l to d e f i n e i t s a rea for a c t i o n , as wel l as the i s s u e s i t shou ld t a c k l e . It can not s imp ly be concerned with d e v e l o p m e n t - a s - i n c r e a s e i n r e s o u r c e s or p r o d u c t i v i t y (as i t p r i m a r i l y i s i n emerging c o u n t r i e s ) but a l s o and foremost with two c l o s e l y l i n k e d problem a rea s : the a l l o c a t i o n of a s s e t s w i t h i n our s o c i e t y and the allocation of poner. ( F . J . Breghya i n Draper :1971:73 -5 , i n Roberts :1979:177-78) (d) Community development may be viewed as a process. I m p l i c i t l y emphasized here i s a n o t i o n of change proceed ing i n a s e r i e s of s tages p r i m a r i l y aimed at community self-determination, so that members a l l y themselves and d e f i n e t h e i r common needs, e l u c i d a t e a p lan or p l ans which would guarantee s a t i s f a c t i o n of those needs, and competent ly I admin i s te r the a p p l i c a t i o n of those p l a n s . ( S a n d e r s i n Chekk i :1973:13) (e) Community development i s f i r s t and foremost an "education-for—action process" whereby members a re a b l e t o a t t a i n the s k i l l s neces sa ry for such local autonomy. (Ramsey and Verner i n Chekk i :1979:13) (d) Community development i s the p roces s i n v o l v e d i n educa t ing community members t o take d e l i b e r a t e a c t i o n to a ch ieve community change. The concept of CD embodies t h r e e c o n s i d e r a t i o n s i n community change. (1) CD p r o v i d e s an approach to the s o l u t i o n of some s p e c i f i c problem which can be r e s o l v e d at the community l e v e l . (2) The means employed i s more important than the s o l u t i o n i t s e l f , as the p r i n c i p a l o b j e c t i v e of the community development programme i s that of h e l p i n g the l o c a l peop le t o l e a r n how to s o l v e t h e i r common problems. The concern i s w i th the education o f the c i t i z e n s , r a t h e r than the f a c t o r of change i t s e l f . (3) Community development i s concerned with the p r o c e s s through which a c t i o n i s a c h i e v e d . (Barcham:1965:17) INDIA (a) A method and an ideology for promoting the development or r u r a l a reas of the coun t ry on democrat ic l i n e s and with the a c t i v e p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the peop le . (Muker j i :1967:26 , i n Roberts :1979:177-78) (b) A methodology by which a l l the t e c h n i c a l s e r v i c e s o f government can be channeled down t o meet and a s s i s t the g i g a n t i c deve lop ing p o t e n t i a l power of hundred and thousands of e f f e c t i v e l y o r gan i zed v i l l a g e groups. (Muker j i , quoted i n Tay l o r 1956, i n Roberts :1979:177-78) RHODESIA (ZIMBABWE) Community development may be summed up, i n s o f a r as the c e n t r a l government ' s r o l e i s concerned, as an a c t i v e , p lanned, and o r gan i zed e f f o r t t o p l a c e responsibility for dec is ion-mak ing in local affairs on the f r e e l y chosen r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of r e s p o n s i b l e peop le at the community and l o c a l government l e v e l s , and to a s s i s t peop le to a c q u i r e the a t t i t u d e s , knowledge, s k i l l s and r e s o u r c e s r e q u i r e d to s o l v e , through communal self-help and o r g a n i z a t i o n , as wide a range of l o c a l problems as p o s s i b l e i n t h e i r own order of p r i o r i t y . (Government of Rhodes ia:1965, in Robert s :1979: 177-78) APPENDIX 5 A r i t i c l e s of the Indian c o n s t i t u t i o n which hous ing r i g h t s groups such as the NCHR are us ing to ensure t h e " l e g a l p r o t e c t i o n of the r i g h t t o hous ing . A r t i c l e 21 - guarantees the r i g h t t o l i f e as a fundamental r i g h t and under Part IV has d i r e c t e d the s t a t e to min imize i n e q u a l i t i e s [ i n c l u d i n g accomodation i n e q u a l i t i e s ! . A r t i c l e 22 - i n s i s t s on the p r o t e c t i o n by the s t a t e of economic, s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l r i g h t s which a re i n d i s p e n s a b l e for a p e r s o n ' s d i g n i t y and the f ree development of h i s / h e r p e r s o n a l i t y . A r t i c l e 39 and 41 - t h e r e i s repeated emphasis i n the preamble of a r t i c l e 39 to the va lue of the d i g n i t y of the i n d i v i d u a l . The r i g h t t o p u b l i c a s s i s t a n c e i n cases o f unemployment, o l d age, s i c k n e s s , d i s a b i l i t y and other cases of undeserved want i s par t of the package of A r t i c l e 41. From Judge K r i s h n a Iyer : S h e l t e r for the Humblest, Mainstream, December 19, 1987, pp.32-33 132 APPENDIX 6 MAJtllLA MIL. A IN WOMEN PAVEMENT AND SLUM DWELLERS ASSOCIATION 1 3 3 SPARC SOCIETY FOR PROMOTION OF AREA RESOURCE CENTRES Ref. No. C/o. Municipal Dispensary, Mcghraj Sethi Marg, ByculU, Bombay 400 008. D a l e - 5 £ h _ M ay- 889 BRIEF NOTE OF THE COURT JUDGEMENT S u j a t h a Manohar has h e l d the Bombay M u n i c i p a l c o r p o r a t i o n and i t s . o f f i c e r s g u i l t y o f Contempt o f C o u r t . I n p r o c e e d i n g t a k e n out by two women '; pavement d w e l l e r s on t h e i r own b e h a l f and on b e h a l f o f n i n e t e e n o t h e r pavement- d w e l l e r s r e s i d i n g on S o p h i a Z u b a i r Road , ' Jus t i c e S u j a t h a Manohar, w h i l s t p a s s i n g s t r i c t u r e s " a g a i n s t the Bombay M u n i c i p a l C o r p o r a t i o n has o r d e r e d the C o r p o r a t i o n to pay to the pavement d w e l l e r s R s . 1 0 , 0 9 0 i n f u l l recompense o f the b e l o n g i n g s • u n l a w f u l l y s e i z e d d u r i n g the c o u r s e o f a d e m o l i -t i o n . " . : , I The f a c t s l e a d i n g to t h i s h i s t o r i c judgement go back to -3rd November, 1988, when a mass d e m o l i t i o n took p l a c e a t the S o p h i a Z u b a i r Road , i n wh ich no l e s s than 40 hu ts were d e m o l i s h e d . T h i s d e m o l i t i o n under the d i r e c t s u p e r v i -s i o n and c o n t r o l o f the E Ward O f f i c e r M r . C . K . G h o n e y , i n v o l v ved ove r a 100 p e r s o n s , i n c l u d i n g p e r s o n n e l from the E Ward, Encroachment ; a n d Removal Department and l a r g e c o n t i n g e n t o f p o l i c e , from Nagpada P o l i c e S t a t i o n . In the c o u r s e o f t h i s d e m o l i t i o n , the p e r s o n a l " b e l o n g i n g s o f the pavement d w e l l e r s were d e l i b e r a t e l y and unwantonly t a k e n ' away. xhe p l e a s . o f the pavement d w e l l e r s to spare these meagre b e l o n g i n g s were brushed a s i d e . F o r t u n a t e l y \ the women had f o r e s i g h t to have photographs t aken o f ^the b e l o n g i n g s b e i n g . m i s a p p r o p r i a t e d . These photos were to l a t e r p l a y an i m p o r t a n t par t" i n the contempt p r o c e e d i n g s . The pavement d w e l l e r s , on 4 t h November 1988 , . u r g e n t l y f i l e d a w r i t p e t i t i o n a g a i n s t the BMC and Ghoney, p r a y i n g f o r :the r e t u r n o f - t h e i r p e r s o n a l b e l o n g i n g s . The m a t t e r was moved i n the v a c a t i o n and ' came f o r h e a r i n g on 7 t h November 1988 b e f o r e J u s t i c e A . C . A g a r w a l , who a f t e r h e a r i n g the p a r t i e s , passed the f o l l o w i n g o p e r a t i v e o r d e r : "Whatever a r t i c l e s b e l o n g i n g to the p e t i t i o n e r s , wh ich a r e i n the p o s s e s s i o n o f the M u n i c i p a l O f f i c e r s s h a l l be r e t u r n e d t o the p e t i t i o n e r s f o r t h w i t h . " 2/-When t h i s order was sought to be served on Mr.C.K.Ghoney, on 7th November i t s e l f , the' pavement dwellers were informed that the belongings could only be returned on 12th November a f t e r the D i w a l i h o l i d a y s . Not being s a t i s f i e d with t h i s and past experiences having shown that delay f a c i l i -t a t e d the m i s a p p r o p r i a t i o n of personal belongings s e i z e d i n such d e m o l i t i o n s by the 'BMC, the. pavement dwellers moved J u s t i c e Agarwal on the very next day. The advocate f o r the BMC, however, requested the Court to grant time u n t i l 12th November f o r r e t u r n i n g the belongings. Accor-d i n g l y on 8th November 1988, J u s t i c e Agarwal d i r e c t e d that h i s order of 7th November 1988 s h a l l be complied with by the BMC by noon of 12th November 1988. S t r a n g e l y , when t h i s second order came to be served on the Ward O f f i c e r , on the 12th November, f o r the very f i r s t time an attempt was made to f l a t l y deny that any personal belongings had been taken away i n the course of the d e m o l i t i o n on 3rd November 1988. On November 15th, 1988 contempt proceedings were i n i t i a t e d a g a i n s t the ' BMC and i t s o f f i c e r s f o r having disobeyed the court orders of 7th and 8th November. the matter came up before J u s t i c e Sujatha Manohar, who not being s a t i s f i e d with a f f i d a v i t evidence d i r e c t e d the p a r t i e s to l ead o r a l evidence. For the next 2\ months, the Bombay High Court witnessed the unique and unprecedented scene of i l l i t e r a t e women pavement dwellers g i v i n g o r a l evidence of what t r a n s p i r e d on 3rd November 1988, and denouncing the o f f i c i a l s of the BMC f o r t h e i r deception and c r u e l t y . Amongst the Witnesses were members of Mahila Milan, an o r g a n i z a t i o n of Wbft1§ii pavement d w e l l e r s , and members of the S o c i e t y f o r P'r'om'otion of Area Resource Centres (SPARC),, a v o l u n t a r y o r g a n i s a t i o n , who as noted i n the ^Judgement by J u s t i c e Manohar has been working with these pavement d w e l l e r s . Mahila Milan and SPARC have been n e g o t i a t i n g f o r a l t e r n a t i v e accomodation f o r these pavement dwe l l e r s with the BMC add the otate Government of Maharash-t r a . On b e h a l f of : the BMC 9 witnesses, i n c l u d i n g the Ward O f f i c e r , Mr.Ghoney and Sub-Engineer, Mr.Dande were examined. - -In her Judgementj the Honourable Judge has p r a i s e d the ''simple, s t r a i g h t forward manner" i n which the hutment d w e l l e r s have given evidence. The Judgement notes that t h e i r evidence i n s p i r e s confidence, and the learned Judge has f u r t h e r held "Testimony of none of these hutment dwellers has been shaken i n cross examination. I have no reason to doubt the genuineness of the statements which they have mede on oath*" ; On the other hand the learned Judge has been scathing on the evidence given on behalf of the BMC by i t s senior and r e s p o n s i b l e o f f i c e r s . Amongst the s e v e r a l d i s a p p r o v i n g comments made by the learned Judge are the f o l l o w i n g : "The evidence given by them " i s f a r from s a t i s f a c t o r y . They have p r e v a r i c a t e d on "important d e t a i l s . Sometimes they were unable to answer even simple questions. They a l s t r i e d not to produce a l l the r e l e v a n t documents. An attempt was made a l s o to b r i n g incomplete f i l e s . " L a t e r on, w h i l s t f u r t h e r a n a l y z i n g the evidence i t i s ;noted that the evidence of the BMC o f f i c e r s l e f t much to be d e s i r e d , and that t h e i r evidence d i d not i n s p i r e c onfidence. when having to chose between the c o n f l i c t i n g evidence of the o f f i c e r i n charge of the d e m o l i t i o n , Dande and' that of the pavement d w e l l e r s , -. regarding both the removal of goods by BMC workers and the amount of time a l l e g e d l y given to the pavement dwellers to remove t h e i r own belongings - J u s t i c e Manohar i n her judgement makes the f o l l o w i n g o b s e r v a t i o n "But t h i s evidence of Dande i s c l e a r l y i n c o n f l i c t .with what the hutment dwellers and SPARC workers have deposed to. The evidence of the l a t t e r has a r i n g of t r u t h . I am i n c l i n e d to p r e f e r t h e i r evidence." In the course of her Judgement the Judge has a l s o deprecated the t o t a l l a c k of procedure to safeguard property, and the t o t a l l y c a l l o u s and inhuman manner i n which the demoli-t i o n took p l a c e . . There i s a f i n d i n g a gainst the BMC and i t s o f f i c e r s to the e f f e c t that they d e l i b e r a t e l y misled the hutment dwellers and l u l l e d them i n t o a sense of s e c u r i t y by a s s u r i n g them repeatedly that t h e i r huts were not going to be demolished and that the belongings would not be touched. T h i s lends some support to the c o n t e n t i o n of the p e t i t i o n e r s that the o f f i c e r s , and employees of the respondents d e l i b e r a t e l y d i d not permit the p e t i t i o n e r s to take away a l l t h e i r belongings so tnat these belongings can be taken away by the Municipal workers and o f f i c e r s and misappropriated. In any case dhis • i s a matter f o r the M u n i c i p a l C o r p o r a t i o n to i n v e s t i -gate. . ... Whilst h o l d i n g that the pavement dwellers had c o n c l u s i v e l y e s t a b l i s h e d that t h e i r belongings had been taken away, and that consequently the BMC was g u i l t y of contempt of c o u r t , the Judge has ordered and d i r e c t e d to f u l l y compensate the pavement dwellers by paying them rs.10,090 f o r the l o s s of belongings, and f u r t h e r awarding costs of Rs.15,000 by the 12th of June 1989. Both the proceedings and Judgement are noteworthy i n that i t i s based on o r a l evidence, and f u r t h e r , that the Judge i n no u n c e r t a i n terms has sent out a message to the BMC that i t s highhanded and lawless conduct does not always pay. END 

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