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Milton's conception of liberty Tervo, Esther Frances 1943

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Le-MILTON'S CONCEPTION OF LIBERTY by Esther Frances Tervo A Thesis-Submitted i n P a r t i a l F u l f i l m e n t of The Requirements f o r the Degree of MASTER OF: ARTS , ' i n the- Department of ENGLISH LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE f The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia MAX, 1 9 4 3 MILTON'S CONCEPTION OF LIBERTY Part I . Aim of Essay Paiges 1 - 4 Part II» Factors that Determined Milton's Conception of L i b e r t y • *• Pages 5 - 2 0 Part I I I . Ideas of E c c l e s i a s t i c a l L i b e r t y Found i n Mil t o n ' s Works Pages 21 - 45 Part IV» Ideas of Domestic L i b e r t y Found i n Mil t o n ' s Works Pages 46 - 51 Part V. Ideas of C i v i l L i b e r t y Found i n Milt o n ' s Works ' Pages 5 2 - 6j> Bibliography Pages 64 - 69 MILTON'S CONCEPTION OF LIBERTY PART I AIM OF ESSAY By examination of M i l t o n 8 s l i f e , h i s prose works, and h i s poetry, the w r i t e r w i l l attempt to show that the conception of l i b e r t y which runs throughout t h i s great i d e a l i s t ' s l i f e and works i s a b e l i e f "that there are i n a l l three species of l i b e r t y without which i t i s s c a r c e l y p o s s i b l e to pass any l i f e without comfort, namely, e c c l e s i a s t i c a l , domestic or p r i v a t e , 1 and c i v i l . " Some of M i l t o n ' s opinions as w e l l as some of h i s actions may seem to i n d i c a t e a c o n t r a d i c t i o n of t h i s statement; . . 2 but from h i s f i r s t l e t t e r to Thomas Young i n 1 6 2 5 to h i s l a s t t r a c t "Of True R e l i g i o n , Heresie, Schism, T o l e r a t i o n and what 3 Best Means may be Us'd against the growth of Popery," published i n I 6 7 3 , and from h i s e a r l i e s t poem, "On the Death of a F a i r .• 4 • . 5 Infant" to h i s l a s t , "Samson Agonistes" there can be found statements which support t h i s conception of l i b e r t y . I m p l i c i t i n M i lton's t h r e e - f o l d c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of l i b e r t y i s h i s b e l i e f that human nature i s good and great, and i n essence, d i v i n e . Hence the n e c e s s i t y of l i b e r t y as the preliminary to a l l 6 development, both personal and n a t i o n a l . In M i l t o n 8 s c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of three kinds of l i b e r t y , he does not use the terms " e c c l e s i a s t i c a l " , "domestic or p r i v a t e " , ; .1 M i l t o n , "A Second Defence", Works, V I I I , p. 1 3 1 . 2 M i l t o n , Works. X I I , pp. 2 - 7 . 3 M i l t o n , Works, pp. /Uf-l8Q. 4 M i l t o n , Works, T'pp+l-5-1&.-:.Z. .-. 5 M i l t o n , Works, I, pp. 331-402. 6 D e S e l i n c o u r t , E n g l i s h Poets and the National I d e a l , p. 3 5 . and " c i v i l " i n the sense i n which we o r d i n a r i l y do. In h i s ea r l y pamphlets, the a n t i - e p i s c o p a l ones, e c c l e s i a s t i c a l l i b e r t y means freedom f o r the p a r i s h p r i e s t s and the congrega-t i o n from tyranny w i t h i n the church; i n h i s l a t e r e c c l e s i a s t i -cal, pamphlets he includes freedom of the church from state interference;'and f i n a l l y he no longer w r i t e s about e c c l e s i a s -t i c a l l i b e r t y , but about s p i r i t u a l l i b e r t y . In this l a s t stage he places emphasis on the n e e d o f s p i r i t u a l freedom f o r a l l those who wish to do God's w i l l . By domestic or p r i v a t e l i b e r t y M i l t o n means l i b e r t y f o r man i n h i s p r i v a t e capacity. The problems that he .discusses include not only divorce but also education and the freedom of speech and p u b l i c a t i o n . By c i v i l l i b e r t y M i l t o n means c h i e f l y p o l i t i c a l l i b e r t y . Most people today t h i n k of education and freedom of expressed thought as matters of c i v i l l i b e r t y , and many people include divorce as one of the c i v i l l i b e r t i e s . These three matters M i l t o n , too, f i n a l l y seemed to consider not problems of domestic or p r i v a t e l i b e r t y only, but problems that might be included i n h i s other two species. In 1660 he wrote, "the whole freedom of man c o n s i s t s e i t h e r i n s p i r i t u a l or c i v i l l 1 l i b e r t y . " There i s no evidence that he ever gave up h i s b e l i e f i n what he c a l l s domestic or p r i v a t e l i b e r t y . This two-fold c l a s s i f i c a t i o n I s , th e r e f o r e , not a c o n t r a d i c t i o n of the t h r e e - f o l d one, but a c l a s s i f i c a t i o n on broader terms, one i n which e c c l e s i a s t i c a l , domestic or p r i v a t e , and c i v i l l i b e r t i e s are included i n s p i r i t u a l and c i v i l l i b e r t i e s . In 1 M i l t o n , "Readie and Easie Way," Works, VI, p. 141. t h i s essay, the term " c i v i l l i b e r t y " w i l l be used i n the sense i n which M i l t o n used i t i n h i s e a r l i e r c l a s s i f i c a t i o n ; that i s , to s i g n i f y p o l i t i c a l freedom, or the r i g h t of a good man to be governed j u s t l y by the state and to share i n the . r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of government. G-iving unity, to M i l t o n ' s l i f e and works i s h i s f a i t h that from e n t i r e submission and obedience to God's w i l l comes freedom. In "A Second Defence" he c l e a r l y l i n k s man with God and t r u t h when he w r i t e s : "But God himself i s t r u t h ; and the more c l o s e l y anyone adheres to t r u t h , i n teaching i t to mankind, the more nearly 1 must he resemble God, the more acceptable must he be to him." I d e n t i f y i n g God and t r u t h , M i l t o n ^ a s s e r t s : "For the property of Truth i s , where she i s p u b l i c k l y taught, to. unyoke and set free, the .minds and s p i r i t s of a Nation f i r s t from the thraldom of s i n and s u p e r s t i t i o n , a f t e r which a l l honest and l e g a l freedom of c i v i l l i f e cannot be long absent." 2 Milton's fundamental view that man i s good and i n essence di v i n e seems to be contradicted by the phrase "the thraldom of s i n and s u p e r s t i t i o n . " I f man i s e s s e n t i a l l y good, why has he l o s t h i s freedom? Milton' S ; answer i s t h a t when man chose e v i l 3 ' he l o s t h i s freedom. This e v i l , M i l t o n b e l i e v e s , can enter the mind of God or man, but can do no harm unless i t be 4 . r. approved. When man approved e v i l , he l o s t h i s u n i t y w i t h God, and thereby h i s freedom. M i l t o n thinks that the reason f o r man's d i f f i c u l t y i n - r e g a i n i n g t h i s freedom l i e s i n h i s .1 M i l t o n , Works, V I I I , p. 65. 2 M i l t o n , "Reason of Church-government Urg'd against P r e l a t y , " Works. I l l , p. 272. 3 M i l t o n , "Paradise Lost," X, 14-16, Works, I I , Part I I . 4 M i l t o n , "Paradise Lost," V, 117-119, Works. I I , Part I . nature, i n which there i s always a c o n f l i c t , f o r God gave, man 1 free w i l l , reason, and passion. I f reason has mastery over passion, man i s doing God's w i l l and i s f r e e ; hut i f passion i s i n c o n t r o l , man i s i n slavery. In "Paradise Lost" the Angel's i n s t r u c t i o n s to Adam are: "take heed l e s t Passion sway Thy Judgement to do aught, which else f r e e W i l l Would not admit." M i l t o n i s c e r t a i n that to prevent supremacy of passion over reason, man must l e a r n to knowGod's w i l l and t r a i n himself to obedience to i t . He therefore sets himself the task of singing the ways of God and f u r t h e r i n g the spread of t r u t h i n order to help mankind regain i t s l i b e r t y . In t h i s essay emphasis w i l l be placed on the P u r i t a n and the Humanistic f a c t o r s that influenced M i l t o n " s conception of l i b e r t y and on those parts of h i s prose and h i s poetry which best serve the purpose of showing what M i l t o n understood by the three species of l i b e r t y , e c c l e s i a s t i c a l , ' d o m e s t i c or p r i v a t e , and c i v i l , which he considered necessary to man's happiness. 1 M i l t o n , "Paradise Lost," IX, 1 1 2 9 - 1 1 3 0 , and X I I , 8 6 - 9 0 , Works. I I , Part I I . 2 I b i d . V I I I , 6 3 5 - 6 3 7 . PART I I FACTORS THAT DETERMINED MILTON'S CONCEPTION OF LIBERTI In considering the f a c t o r s t h a t determined Milton's conception of l i b e r t y , the student must take into account two apparently opposed tendencies, Puritanism and Humanism. The two tendencies, which Matthew Arnold c a l l s Hebraism and Hellenism, have as t h e i r governing ideas s t r i c t n e s s of con-1 science and spontaneity of consciousness. This Hebraic 2 s t r i c t n e s s of conscience, which M i l t o n recognized i n himself, was the force that sustained him i n twenty years of pamphlet-eering. H e l l e n i s t i c spontaneity of consciousness, which i s the basis of Renaissance Humanism, was another .factor i n h i s 3 development. His reverence f o r the teachings of P l a t o , h i s expressed admiration f o r the best teaching of Athens, Rome, 4 and I t a l y , and h i s frequent reference to Greek i d e a l s seem s u f f i c i e n t evidence of H e l l e n i s t i c i n f l u e n c e . Both P u r i t a n and H e l l e n i s t i c f a c t o r s have been noted by a c r i t i c who r e c e n t l y wrote: "What one f i n d s i n M i l t o n i s an 'a l l i a n c e of Puritanism and Humanism at the several poin ts where a l l i a n c e i s p o s s i b l e . The i n d i v i d u a l i s m of the Reformation and that of the Renais-sance meet i n him to produce a potent, and perhaps extrava-gantly i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c , conception of l i b e r t y , but the ' a r i s t o c r a t i c ' p r i n c i p l e of Protestant C h r i s t i a n i t y meets the a r i s t o c r a t i c p r i n c i p l e i n C l a s s i c a l Humanism to prevent that a d d i t i o n of e q u a l i t y to l i b e r t y without which the road to democracy i s forever barred. " 5 1 Arnold, Culture and Anarchy, p. 9 2 2 M i l t o n , "Reason of Church-government," Works. I l l , pp.2 3 1 - 2 3 4 . 3 M i l t o n , "An Apology f o r Smectymnuus," Works, I I I , p.3 0 5 . 4 M i l t o n , "Reason of Church-government," Works. I l l , p.2 3 6 . 5 Woodhouse, "M i l t o n , Puritanism and L i b e r t y , " U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Quarterly. J u l y 1 9 3 5 , p.5 1 3 . Puritanism was the c h i e f f a c t o r i n the development of Milton's conception of l i b e r t y . Parentage, home, school and u n i v e r s i t y , study of the B i b l e , contacts with the En g l i s h Puritans during the years of h i s pamphleteering, and . a s s o c i a t i o n with the seventeenth century m o r t a l i s t s l e d by John L i l l i b u r n e and Robert Overton - a l l these helped to develop i n M i l t o n an a t t i t u d e which was predominantly e t h i c a l . This a t t i t u d e involved him i n a struggle f o r a correct state of mind and r e s u l t e d i n a P i e t i s t i c d e l i g h t i n 1 f u l f i l l i n g a l l d u t i e s . Milton's grandfather and fa t h e r were strongly r e l i g i o u s men. Of John M i l t o n , Senior, i t i s stated i n Aubrey's L i f e of M i l t o n that h i s f a t h e r , Richard M i l t o n , " d i s i n h e r i t e d him • • 2 because he kept not to the Catholique R e l i g i o n . " This s t r i c t n e s s of conscience manifested by Richard M i l t o n f o r Roman Catho l i c i s m was evidenced i n h i s son by as fervent a Protestantism. "A reverent seriousness, which had i n i t nothing of moroseness o r gloom, coloured the home-life of 3 Milton's childhood." Between M i l t o n .and h i s f a t h e r there must have been an extraordinary understanding and a f f e c t i o n , 4 In h i s L a t i n poem "Ad Patrem" M i l t o n w r i t e s that h i s f a t h e r i s "worthy of a l l reverence" and that f o r t h i s worthy fat h e r 5 h i s Muse i s t o i l i n g . In "The Reason of Church-government" .1 Knappen, Two Elizabethan P u r i t a n D i a r i e s , p. 16. 2 Darb i s h i r e , E a r l y L i v e s of M i l t o n , p. 1. 3 Masterman, The Age of M i l t o n , p. 2. 4 Mi l t o n , "Ad Patrem," Works. I , pp. 268-278. 5 I b i d . , p. 269. 1 he speaks of the ceaseless d i l i g e n c e of h i s father and states that h i s parents destined him, while a c h i l d , to the service 2 of the church. In a d d i t i o n to the influence of h i s parents, M i l t o n must have f e l t t hat of the m i n i s t e r of the p a r i s h church of A l l -hallows, Rev. Richard Stocke, a noted and zealous P u r i t a n 3 preacher. To these influences must be added that of h i s teacher, Thomas Young, who l a t e r took part i n the Smectymnuan controversy and acted as clergyman to the E n g l i s h congregation 4 at Hamburg, Milton's high regard f o r Young i s revealed i n a 5 6 l e t t e r of thanks f o r a Hebrew B i b l e and In the E l e g l a Quarta, w r i t t e n when M i l t o n was eighteen years o l d . Though Young's influence over M i l t o n as a c h i l d ended-when the poet was only 7 eleven, i t seems to have been far- r e a c h i n g . Arthur Barker w r i t e s : "Nevertheless, i t i s not too much to assume that i t was c h i e f l y to Young that M i l t o n owed h i s i n c l i n a t i o n towards Puritanism and h i s i n t r o d u c t i o n to p r i n c i p l e s from which he .8 was never to depart." This statement seems extravagant and i t s t r u t h questionable; but, when considered with reference to Milton's own t r i b u t e to Young, i t does serve to impress us with the l a s t i n g importance of e a r l y influences on a s e n s i t i v e mind. 1 M i l t o n , Works. I l l , p . 2 3 5 . 2 M i l t o n , Works. III., p. 242. 3 Masson, The L i f e of M i l t o n . I , p. 40. 4 I b i d . , p. 54. 5 M i l t o n , Works, X I I , pp. 5, 7. 6 M i l t o n , Works,.I, p. 184-195. 7 Parker, " M i l t o n and Thomas Young," Modern Language Notes, June 6, 1938, p. 406. 8 Barker, "Milton's Schoolmasters," Modern Language Review, October 1937, p. 518. At St. Paul's School and at Cambridge M i l t o n again came in t o contact with P u r i t a n teachings. Alexander G i l l , the headmaster of St. Paul's, " f u l l y maintained the ancient c r e d i t 1 of the school" as a t r a i n i n g place i n which P u r i t a n i d e a l s .were i n c u l c a t e d . G i l l ' s son, to whom M i l t o n wrote a f f e c t i o n -2 a t e l y from Cambridge, was another of Milton's P u r i t a n teachers. Although C h r i s t ' s College was not the stronghold of Puritanism 3 that Emmanuel College had become under Doctor John Preston and although the repression'of P u r i t a n preaching was s t e a d i l y 4 increasing at Cambridge, M i l t o n found at the u n i v e r s i t y some 5 of the e a r l i e r e v a n g e l i c a l enthusiasm. Joseph Meade, one of the important f e l l o w s of C h r i s t ' s College* was w e l l known f o r his Apocalyptic researches, h i s C h i l i a s t l c views, h i s advocacy of union among a l l Protestant churches, and h i s 6 enmity towards the Church of Rome. I t was at Cambridge, too, that M i l t o n formed, h i s greatest f r i e n d s h i p , that with Charles 7 Deodati. To the P u r i t a n influence of Charles he has t e s t i f i e d 8 9 1 0 i n L e t t e r s 6 and 7» E l e g i e s 1 and 6 , and Epltaphlum Damonis. In short, while at the U n i v e r s i t y , M i l t o n r e t a i n e d the Puritan s t r i c t n e s s of conscience which he beli e v e s to be of such importance. In the "Second Defence" he summarizes i n one sentence h i s own l i f e there, "Here I passed seven years 1 Masson, The L i f e of M i l t o n . I, pp. 6 0 - 6 1 . 2 M i l t o n , Works. X I I , pp.6-8; 8-12. 3 H a l l e r , The Rise of Puritanism, p. 302. 4 I b i d . , p. 2 9 4 . 5 I b i d . , pp. 7 7 - 7 9 . 6 Masson, The L i f e of M i l t o n . I, p. 1 0 3 . 7 I b i d . , p. 7 9 . 8 M i l t o n , Works. X I I , pn. 18 - 2 2 ; 2 2 - 2 9 . 9 M i l t o n , Works. I , pp. 168 - 1 7 5 ; 206-214. 10 I b i d . , pp. 2 9 4 - 3 1 7 . i n the usual course of i n s t r u c t i o n and. study, with the appro-bation of the good, and without any s t a i n upon my character, 1* t i l l I took the degree of Master of A r t s . " Elsewhere he f i n d s f a u l t with the i n s t r u c t i o n at the U n i v e r s i t i e s where many of the gentry were "unfortunately fed w i t h nothing else, but the scragged and thorny l e c t u r e s of monkish and miserable 2 sophistry." A powerful P u r i t a n influence on M i l t o n was h i s study of the B i b l e . "England," says the h i s t o r i a n Green, "became the • 3 people of a book and that book was the: B i b l e . I f t h i s statement i s true of. a people i t i s true also that M i l t o n became the man of a book and t h a t book the B i b l e . He speaks of "the p u r i t y of S c r i p t u r e which i s the only r u l e of 4 reformation." In the same pamphlet he w r i t e s , " I r e s o l v ' d ... to stand on that side where I saw both the p l a i n a u t h o r i t y of S c r i p t u r e leading, and the reason of j u s t i c e and equity 5 • perswading." In "De Doctrina C h r i s t i a n a " he •claims', "For my own p a r t , I adhere to the Holy S c r i p t u r e s alone; I f o l l o w no 6 other heresy or sect," and again, "The r u l e and canon of 7 f a i t h , t h erefore, i s S c r i p t u r e alone." Though he often quotes the Fathers, he does not b l i n d l y accept t h e i r teachings. In the " F i r s t Defence" he w r i t e s , "For i f they assert anything which has not been allowed by S c r i p t u r e , we r i g h t l y r e j e c t 8 t h e i r a u t h o r i t y , great though i t be." To M i l t o n t h i s 1 M i l t o n , Works. V I I I , p. 1 2 1 . 2 M i l t o n , ""Reason of Church-government," Works. I l l , p. 2 7 3 . 3 Green, A Short H i s t o r y of the E n g l i s h People. I I , p, 1 . 4 M i l t o n , "An Apology f o r Smectymnuus," Works? I l l , p. 3 2 5 . 5 I b i d . , p. 2 8 1 . 6 M i l t o n , Works. XIV, p. 1 5 . 7 M i l t o n , Works. XVI, p. 2 6 7 . 8 M i l t o n , Works. V I I , p. 1 9 1 . e x a l t a t i o n of S c r i p t u r e meant the e x a l t a t i o n of i n d i v i d u a l reason and p r i v a t e judgment. He states that God "has chosen that man should always use h i s own w i l l w i t h a regard t o the love and worship of the Deity, and consequently w i t h a 1 .regard to. h i s own s a l v a t i o n . " The t r u s t i n p r i v a t e judgment i s also c l e a r l y stated: "Every b e l i e v e r has a r i g h t to i n t e r -pret the S c r i p t u r e s f o r himself, inasmuch as he has the S p i r i t f o r h i s guide,, and the mind of C h r i s t i s i n him; nay, the expositions of the p u b l i c i n t e r p r e t e r can be of no use to him, 2 except so f a r as they are confirmed by h i s own conscience." M i l t o n , more or l e s s I d e n t i f y i n g himself with the prophets and the evangelists and having great f a i t h i n h i s mission of r e v e a l i n g God's w i l l , f e l t assured that God had spoken to him as he had to Moses and the other holy men of o l d . Milton's a s s o c i a t i o n with the P u r i t a n leaders of r e l i g i o n and of government was a f a c t o r i n developing h i s Puritanism. When yet a l l i e d with the Presbyterians, he was, through Thomas Young, i n contact with the men of the Smectymnuus pamphlet, f o r about twenty pages of which he contributed rough notes or 4 ' m a t e r i a l . Though l a t e r b i t t e r l y opposed to the Presbyterians, he seems to have remained a C a l v i n i s t f o r some time. His w r i t i n g s during the p e r i o d from h i s r e t u r n to England u n t i l 5 1644 were s t r i c t l y P r e s b y t e r i a n i n s p i r i t ; and though he f i n a l l y became an Arminian, he was Arminian i n theory, 1 M i l t o n , Works. XIV, p. 1 3 9 . 2 M i l t o n , "De Doctrina C h r i s t i a n a , " Works. XVI, p. 2 6 5 . 3 Hanford, "That Shepherd who f i r s t taught the chosen seed; a note on M i l t o n ' s Mosaic I n s p i r a t i o n , " U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Quarterly. J u l y 1939, p. 4 1 7 . 4 Masson, The L i f e of M i l t o n . I I , p. 2 3 8 . 5 B a i l e y , M i l t o n and Jakob Boehme, p. 1 1 8 . 1 1 C a l v i n i s t i n temper.- Even as l a t e as 1 6 7 3 , M i l t o n admits that the doctrine of pr e d e s t i n a t i o n i s "not without plea of 2 s c r i p t u r e . " In 1 6 4 4 h i s t o l e r a t i o n of opinion was f a r from 3 complete. By 1 6 4 9 , however, M i l t o n was demanding " e n t i r e 4 freedom as opposed to the h a l f freedom of the Presbyterians," 5 and i n 1659 he was demanding congregational church autonomy 6 and r e l i g i o u s freedom f o r a l l ...Christian sects except C a t h o l i c s . In the "Second Defence" M i l t o n eulogizes some of the Independent heroes: Fleetwood^ Lambert, Desborow, Walley, Lawrence, and Cromwell, f o r t h e i r steadfastness i n f u r t h e r i n g 7 the cause of l i b e r t y . To Cromwell, M i l t o n gives p r a i s e f o r being "a s o l d i e r d i s c i p l i n e d t o p e r f e c t i o n i n knowledge of 8 himself" and f o r having "acquired the government of himself." 9 F a i r f a x he also p r a i s e s f o r having trampled over ambition. In the sonnets i n honour of F a i r f a x , Cromwell, Vane, and 10 Lawrence, M i l t o n shows h i s agreement with the i d e a l s of these Puritans whom he so much respected. A l l the Puritans were un i t e d by s i m i l a r i t y of motive. In M i l t o n , Roger Williams, Henry Vane, even Cromwell himself, zeal f o r r e l i g i o u s freedom was the motive which set.them on 1 Woodhouse, " M i l t o n , Puritanism, and L i b e r t y , " U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Quarterly. J u l y 1 9 3 5 , p. 4 9 9 . 2 M i l t o n , "Of True R e l i g i o n , Heresie,Schism, T o l e r a t i o n , " Works. VI, p. 1 6 9 . 3 P a t t i s o n , M i l t o n , p. . 8 3 . 4 B a i l e y , M i l t o n and Jakob Bbehme. p. 125. 5 M i l t o n , " L i k e l i e s t Way to Remove H i r e l i n g s out of the Church," Works, VI, p. 64. 6 M i l t o n , "Treatise of C i v i l Power i n E c c l e s i a s t i c a l Causes," Works. VI, p. 1 9 . 7 M i l t o n , "Second Defence," Works, V I I I , pp. 2 3 3 and 2 3 5 . 8 I b i d . , p. 2 1 5 . 9 I b i d . , p. 2 1 7 - 2 1 9 . 10 M i l t o n , Works. I , pp. 6 5 , 6 6 . t h e i r journey of p o l i t i c a l thought or a c t i o n . The Puritans never ceased to regard freedom of conscience as one of the 1 most important of n a t u r a l r i g h t s . They d i d not, however, believe that t h i s freedom of conscience could be e a s i l y had. They knew that when they had r e l i e v e d the En g l i s h people from the tyranny of Church and State, they had removed only the external r e s t r i c t i o n s to freedom of conscience. To have r e l i g i o u s freedom, the people had to have d i s c i p l i n e . M i l t o n frequently uses the word " d i s c i p l i n e " to mean " l e a r n i n g " or " t r a i n i n g . " This meaning we must keep i n mind, i f we are to understand the P u r i t a n view of l i b e r t y . M i l t o n and h i s f e l l o w Puritans b e l i e v e d that the only f r e e men were those who had learned to know God's w i l l and had t r a i n e d themselves to obey God w i l l i n g l y and e x p l i c i t l y . I t i s l i k e l y that M i l t o n was influenced by the Ideas of the mystics and m o r t a l i s t s that were current i n England. Hart-l i e b ' s correspondence with Joseph Meade of Cambridge contained 2 references to B i b l i c a l prophecy f u l f i l l e d and to be f u l f i l l e d ; Cromwell's Ironsides b e l i e v e d that they were ushering i n a 3 .• . , . , r ... milennium; E n g l i s h Independency reached i n Quakerism the 4 highest point i n i t s development; Jakob Boehme added valuable Ideas to "the abounding stream of neoplatonic mysticism i n 5 England"; and S i r Henry Vane, to whom M i l t o n was w i l l i n g to 1 Woodhouse, "Puritanism and L i b e r t y * " U n i v e r s i t y o f Toronto Quarterly. A p r i l 1935, p. 3 9 8 . 2 B a i l e y , M i l t o n and Jakob Boehme. p. 8 3 . 3 I b i d . , p. 8 3 . 4 I b i d . , p. 1 0 3 . 5 I b i d . , p. 114. leave the conduct of "Both s p l r l t u a l l powre & c i v i l l , " was 2 f i l l e d w i t h hope that a happy era had dawned f o r England. Miss Nicholson states that the Cambridge P l a t o n i s t s were admittedly c a b b a l i s t s and that Boyle and Newton held t h i s 3 .doctrine i n profoundest resp.ect. She f i n d s many s i m i l a r i t i e s 4 i n the thought of Henry More and M i l t o n , and points out that M i l t o n held " f o r some years the theory of the M o r t a l i s t s : i f soul and body are one, the S O M I must i n e v i t a b l y die w i t h the 5 body." Sampson f e e l s that M i l t o n shared Fox 1s b e l i e f i n "man's 6 power to a t t a i n moral p e r f e c t i o n as a son of G-od" and a l s o that there i s i n M i l t o n a note of pantheism s i m i l a r to that of 7 Fox and the e a r l y Friends. In h i s study, M i l t o n et l e Material!sme Chretien en Anp;leterre. Denis Saurat shows the s i m i l a r i t y between Robert 8 Fludd's ideas of materialism and those of M i l t o n and also the close connection that M i l t o n had w i t h the group of m o r t a l i s t s l e d by John L i l l i b u r n e and Robert Overton. Of Milton's a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h Overton, there i s , i n the "Second Defence," a reference: "you, Overton, who have been connected with me these many years i n a more than b r o t h e r l y union, by s i m i l i t u d e 9 of studies, and by the sweetness of your manners." In the 1 M i l t o n , Works. I, p. 6 5 . 2 B a i l e y , M i l t o n and Jakob Boehme. p. 1 2 6 . 3 Nicholson, " M i l t o n and the Conjecture C a b b a l i s t i c a , " P h i l o l o g i c a l Quarterly. January 1 9 2 7 , p. 2 . 4 I b i d . , pp. 1 3 - 1 6 . 5 I b i d . , p. 14. 6 Sampson, Studies i n M i l t o n , p. 2 3 5 . 7 I b i d . , p. 1 8 7 . . 8 Saurat, M i l t o n et l e Materlalisme Chretien en Angleterre, PP. 33-43; pp. 6 8 - 7 8 . .9 M i l t o n , "Second Defence", Works, V I I I , p. 2 3 3 . 14 1655 second e d i t i o n of Overton's pamphlet Man's M o r t a l i t y Saurat f i n d s ideas quite e v i d e n t l y resembling those found i n 1 '-De Doctrina C h r i s t i a n a . Comparing the t h e o r i e s of Fludd and Mi l t o n , Saurat w r i t e s , "Un grand nombre des idees q u ' i l s ont .en commun, l e u r v i e n t du fonds commun de l a Cabale et du neo-platonlsme de l a Renaissancej mais dans l e u r s conceptions 2 cosmologiques l i s sont plus pres 1'un de 1'autre."Continuing h i s comparison of M i l t o n and the Cabal, Saurat f i n d s i n the Cabal a l l Milton's general ideas w i t h one exception. He admits, "Sans doute, un grand nombre de: ses idees generales appartiennent, en commun au platonlsme, au c h r i s t i a n i s m e , et a l a t r a d i t i o n j u i v e , talmudique ou c a b a l i s t i q u e . M i l t o n e t a l t c a l v i n i s t e vers 1640; autant qu'on puisse f i x e r une date, vers 1655 11 e t a l t completement l i b e r e de tout systeme z 3 e t a b l l et s-',eta i t forme une phllosophie p a r t i c u l i e r e . " In short, Puritanism, which the w r i t e r has shown i n f l u -encing M i l t o n i n h i s home, at school, and u n i v e r s i t y , i n h i s study of the B i b l e , i n h i s contacts w i t h the Presbyterians and Independents, and i n h i s i n t e r e s t /In mysticism and mortal-Ism, was one of the c h i e f f a c t o r s i n the development of Milton's conception of l i b e r t y . The second f a c t o r i n M i l t o n ' s development was the influence of Humanism i n h i s home environment, i n h i s v i s i t to the Continent, i n - h i s reading of I t a l i a n and E n g l i s h Renaissance poetry, and i n h i s study of G-reek philosophy. 1 M i l t o n , "Second Defence", Works, V I I I , p. 47T67. 2 I b i d . , p. 77 3 Saurat, M i l t o n et l e Materialisme Chretien en Angleterre,p.79. In hie f a t h e r ' s home M i l t o n came into contact with the best Renaissance i d e a l s of l i v i n g . Like that humanistic 1 P u r i t a n , Colonel Hutchinson, "who pleased himself w i t h music," Milton's father enjoyed music. Masson t e l l s us that Milton's f a t h e r had a re p u t a t i o n i n music "above an ordinary amateur," was a c o n t r i b u t o r to a celebrated c o l l e c t i o n of madrigals, played the organ and other instruments, and taught h i s son 2 music and made him an accomplished organist. Again, l i k e Colonel Hutchinson, of whom his widow wrote, "The only r e c r e a t i o n he had during h i s residence i n Ipndon was i n seeking out a l l the rare a r t i s t s he could hear of, and i n considering t h e i r works i n pa i n t i n g s , sculptures, gravings, 3 and a l l other such c u r i o s i t i e s , " Milton's f a t h e r was Interested i n p a i n t i n g . He commissioned Cornelius Jansen to paint a p o r t r a i t of the young boy at the age of ten. An examination of the reproduction of t h i s p o r t r a i t , the f r o n t i s p i e c e of Volume I Part I of the Columbia U n i v e r s i t y Works of John M i l t o n makes one r e a l i z e something of the reason f o r the pride which h i s parents had i n t h e i r son. In a l e t t e r to Charles Deodati, M i l t o n reveals h i s own love of the b e a u t i f u l , h i s c o n v i c t i o n that beauty i s embodied i n 5 " many forms and that i t i s h i s duty to seek i t . This a t t i t u d e , that of the Renaissance, might w e l l have been i n s t i l l e d into M i l t o n while he was yet at home. 1 Hutchinson, Memoirs of he L i f e of Col. Hutchinson, p. 3 6 8 . 2 Masson, L i f e of M i l t o n . I, pp. 37-40. 3 Hutchinson, Memoirs of the L i f e of Col. Hutchinson, p. 3 6 7 . 4 Masson, L i f e of M i l t o n , I , p. 50. 5 M i l t o n , Works, X I I , p. 2 7 . M i l t o n r e a l i z e d that he had great a b i l i t y , that whatever he was assigned to write by h i s teachers of himself undertook i n E n glish or other languages, "prosing or versing,, but c h i e f l y t h i s l a t t e r , the s t i l e by c e r t a i n signes i t had, was 1 l i k e l y to l i v e . " He took "labour and i n t e n t study" to be h i s 2 p o r t i o n i n l i f e , and hoped that "what the choicest w i t s of Athens, Rome, and modern I t a l y , and those Hebrews of o l d did 3 f o r t h e i r country" he might do f o r h i s . He earnestly believed i n the Renaissance doct r i n e that a country which 4 produced great poetry was l i k e l y to produce v i r t u o u s c i t i z e n s . Since he b e l i e v e d that virtuous c i t i z e n s were the only free 5 men, h i s acceptance of t h i s d o c t r i n e meant a b e l i e f that the poet's l o t was to advance the cause of l i b e r t y . The a b i l i t y to w r i t e poetry he c a l l s "the i n s p i r e d g u i f t of God, r a r e l y bestow'd" and "of power, beside the o f f i c e of a p u l p i t to lnbreed and cherish i n a great people the seeds of vertue and 6 p u b l i c k c i v i l i t y . " A f t e r l e a v i n g Cambridge, M i l t o n l i v e d • • 7 : f o r f i v e years at h i s f a t h e r ' s house at Horton i n " i n d u s t r i o u s and s e l e c t reading, steddy observation, i n s i g h t i n t o a l l ' 8 seemly and generous a r t s and a f f a i r e s . " He speaks of "wearisome labours and studious watchings wherein I have 9 spent and t i r ' d out almost a whole youth." 1 M i l t o n , "Reason of Church-government," Works, I I I , p. 2 3 5 . 2 I b i d , , p. 2 3 6 . 3 I b i d . , p. 2 3 6 . 4 I b i d . , p. 2 3 8 . 5 M i l t o n , "Second Defence," Works, V I I I , pp. 249 and 2 5 1 . 6 M i l t o n , "Reason of Church-government," Works, I I I , p. 2 3 8 . 7 M i l t o n , 8 M i l t o n , 9 M i l t o n , "Second Defence," Works, V I I I , p. 121. "Reason of Churcii-government," Works, I I I , p. 241. "An Apology f o r Smectymnuus," Works, I I I , p. 281. - M i l t o n ' s v i s i t to the Continent brought him in t o d i r e c t contact w i t h the Renaissance. In P a r i s he met Hugo Grotius, an e x i l e from Holland, where he had supported Arminianism; and i n Florence he was welcomed at the Academies, where he met Gaddi, Carolo D a t i , Freseobaldi; C o l t e l l i n o , Bonmatthei, and Francini*. In Rome he was aided i n his. researches by Lucas Holstenius of the Vatican L i b r a r y and i n Naples he was 1 ' befriended by Manso, the patron of Tasso. While i n I t a l y , M i l t o n v i s i t e d the famous G a l i l e o "grown o l d , a p r i s n e r to the I n q u i s i t i o n f o r t h i n k i n g i n Astronomy otherwise than the 2 Franciscan and Dominican l i e e n e e r s thought." Of the influence of M i l t o n ' s month i n Venice, Fink w r i t e s , " I t may be f a i r l y claimed t h a t the p o s s i b i l i t y of Venice's having been a c o n t r i b u t i n g influence i n determining the a c t u a l structure and form of Milton's f r e e commonwealth cannot be e n t i r e l y • 3 '• r u l e d but." M i l t o n found great joy i n reading I t a l i a n and E n g l i s h Renaissance poetry. He t e l l s us tha t he pre f e r r e d "the two famous renowners of Be a t r i c e and Laura, who never write but honour of them to whom they devote t h e i r verse, d i s p l a y i n g 4 sublime and pure thoughts, without transgression." Spenser M i l t o n c a l l s "our sage and serious Poet Spencer, whom I dare be known to thi n k a b e t t e r teacher than Scotus or Aquinas, 5 d e s c r i b i n g true temperance."; M i l t o n ' s reading i s summarized 1 M i l t o n , "Second Defence," Works. V I I I , p. 1 2 3 . 2 M i l t o n , "Areopagltica," Works. IV, p . 3 3 0 . 3 Fink, "Venice and E n g l i s h P o l i t i c a l Thought i n the Seven-teenth Century." Modern P h i l o l o g y . November I f 4 0 , p. . 1 7 1 . 4 M i l t o n , "An Apology f o r Smectymnuus," Works. I l l , p. 3 0 3 . 5 M i l t o n , " A r e o p a g l t i c a , " Works. IV, p. 3 1 1 . by Professor H a l l e r i n the f o l l o w i n g sentence: "He went from Ovid to Petr a r c h and Dante, to c h i v a l r i c romance, to A r i o s t o , Montemayor, Sidney, above a l l to Spenser, and f i n a l l y to 1 Plat o himself." As S i r Herbert Grierson says, " M i l t o n had tasted the sweets of the Renaissance poetry of I t a l y and of England, and he accepted and r e t a i n e d the Renaissance i d e a l of complete development of human p e r s o n a l i t y as the end of 2 education and l i f e . " The humanistic influence of Milton's study of Greek philosophy, i s found throughout h i s w r i t i n g s . His admiration f o r the Greeks i s expressed i n a l e t t e r to Leonard P h i l a r e s i n which he wr i t e s of h i s intimacy with the Athenian w r i t i n g s 3 from h i s youth upwards. In ana l y s i n g the thought of the Prolusions, T i l l y a r d f i n d s conclusive proof of Milton's early 4 and deep devotion to P l a t o . This devotion M i l t o n himself 5 acknowledges when he speaks of the " d i v i n e volumes of P l a t o . " A student need only glance at the references i n the Index of the Columbia U n i v e r s i t y Works of John M i l t o n under the heading Plato to r e a l i z e the scores of d i r e c t a l l u s i o n s to P l a t o ' s teachings. To A r i s t o t l e , whom he c a l l s "a most exact w r i t e r 6 on p o l i t i c s , " M i l t o n also makes frequent reference. He c a l l s A r i s t o t l e and Cicero "both as trustworthy a u t h o r i t i e s as any 7 we have," and wr i t e s of A r i s t o t l e as one "whom we commonly 1 H a l l e r , The Rise of Puritanism, p. 3 0 7 . .2 Grierson, Cross Currents i n E n g l i s h L i t e r a t u r e of the Seventeenth Century, p. 2 7 8 . 3 M i l t o n , Works. X I I , p. 5 7 . 4 T i l l y a r d . M i l t o n , p. 5 3 . 5 M i l t o n , "An Apology f o r Smectymnuus," Works, I I I , p. 3 0 5 . 6 M i l t o n , " F i r s t Defence," Works, V I I , p. 8 7 . 7 I b i d . , p. 7 5 . . 1 allow f o r one of the best i n t e r p r e t e r s of nature and morality." In h i s t r a c t a t e "Of Education" M i l t o n pays high t r i b u t e to the Greeks: "The course of Study h i t h e r t o b r i e f l y describ'd, i s , what I can guess by reading, l i k e s t to those ancient and famous schools of Pythagoras, P l a t o , Isocrates, A r i s t o t l e and such others, out of which were bred up such a number of renowned Philosophers,-Orators, H i s t o r i a n s , Poets and Princes a l l over Greece, I t a l y , and A s i a , besides the f l o u r i s h i n g Studies of Cyrene and Alexandria."2 For M i l t o n , permeated with Renaissance Platonism and B i b l i c a l i n s p i r a t i o n , i t was pos s i b l e to f i n d the teachings of P l a t o and those of Moses both r e v e l a t i o n s of God's w i l l . I t i s not s u r p r i s i n g ; that he equates Hebrew and H e l l e n i c ideas and associates h i s f a v o u r i t e Greek philosopher with 3 Moses. In "Paradise Regained" M i l t o n equips Moses with Ideas derived from the Republic and the Symposium. The key to Milton's I n t e l l e c t u a l l i f e l i e s i n h i s 5-Renaissance t r a i n i n g . Such a nature as M i l t o n 1 s , haughty, s e l f - c e n t r e d , and self-esteeming, found i n the idea l i s m of P l a t o , of Dante, Petrarch, Tasso, and Spenser a f i n a l and 6, e f f e c t i v e appeal. His Renaissance t r a i n i n g enabled him to accept and make use of the best i n Greek philosophy and i n Roman p o l i t i c a l thought. M i l t o n i s the great f i g u r e I n whom the moral forces of the Reformation and the i n t e l l e c t u a l and ae s t h e t i c strength 1 M i l t o n , "Tenure of Kings and Magistrates," Works. V, p. 12. 2 M i l t o n , "Of Education", Works. IV, p. 287. 3 Hanford, "That Shepherd who f i r s t taught the Chosen seed; a note on Milt o n ' s Mosaic I n s p i r a t i o n , " U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Quarterly. J u l y 1939, p. 411. 4 I b i d . , p. 412. 5 Woodberry, Great W r i t e r s , p. 90. 6 H a l l e r , The Rise of Puritanism, p. 308. 20 1 of the Renaissance met i n harmony, and produced a p a t r i o t i c love of freedom that i s so outstanding a q u a l i t y of a l l h i s thought and a c t i o n . A study of Milton's works w i l l show that h i s conception of l i b e r t y , e c c l e s i a s t i c a l , domestic, and c i v i l , i s that of the P u r i t a n humanist. 1 Hanford, A M i l t o n Handbook, pp. 3 4 - 3 5 . 21 PART I I I IDEAS OF .ECCLESIASTICAL LIBERTY FOUND IN MILTON'S WORKS Having discussed the f a c t o r s that influenced Milton's conception of l i b e r t y , the w r i t e r w i l l now proceed to summarize the ideas of e c c l e s i a s t i c a l l i b e r t y found i n Milton's works. An examination of the p r i n c i p a l arguments found i n Milton's t r e a t i s e s , pamphlets, and poems w i l l show that h i s ideas of e c c l e s i a s t i c a l l i b e r t y developed and widened from the time of h i s struggle to f r e e the Church of England from episcopal tyranny to the time when he demanded freedom f o r a l l Protestants to worship as t h e i r consciences d i r e c t e d . A l l of M i l t o n ' s c o n t r o v e r s i a l pamphlets on e c c l e s i a s t i c a l l i b e r t y are concerned c h i e f l y w i t h church government. In De Doctrlna C h r i s t i a n a and i n h i s chie f poems he i s n a t u r a l l y l e s s argumentative, f o r i n them he i s no longer f i g h t i n g the b a t t l e s of E n g l i s h e c c l e s i a s t i c a l l i b e r t y but i s concerned with the duty of showing men how they can best a t t a i n s p i r i t u a l freedom through obedience to God. There are, however, even i n h i s most c o n t r o v e r s i a l works, statements that show that underlying h i s attacks on e c c l e s i a s t i c a l tyranny i s the r e a l i z a t i o n of the f i n a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the i n d i v i d u a l to regain h i s s p i r i t u a l freedom. In Milton's plan f o r freedom, outward l i b e r t y i s necessary but c e r t a i n l y not s u f f i c i e n t . M i l t o n ' s r e f u s a l to enter the m i n i s t r y of the Church of England, to which h i s parents had destined him and f o r which 22 h i s studies had prepared him, was caused by the tyranny that Laud and the bishops were e x e r c i s i n g i n the Church. M i l t o n , p e r c e i v i n g "that he who would take Orders must subscribe slave and take an oath w l t h a l l , which unlesse he took with a conscience that would r e t c h , he must e i t h e r s t r a i t perjure or 1 s p l i t h i s f a i t h , " thought I t "better to pref e r r e a blamelesse s i l e n c e before the sacred o f f i c e o f speaking bought and begun 2 with servitude and forswearing." His abandonment of h i s f i r s t i n t e n t i o n s d i d not mean that he was f o r s a k i n g the cause of r e l i g i o n , f o r he b e l i e v e d that there was no employment more honourable or more worthy than to be a messenger of t r u t h 3 -from G-od to man. A f t e r being, as he b i t t e r l y w r i t e s , "Church-4 outed by the P r e l a t s , " he began pamphleteering against Episcopacy. When he entered the controversy i n 1641, he was 5 f u l l of hope f o r the reformation of church d i s c i p l i n e . As a member of the Church of England, he considered himself bound 6 by conscience to f i g h t f o r the honest l i b e r t y of free speech. His actions i n the controversy not only procured him peace of conscience but a l s o gave him exercise i n that freedom of 7 d i s c u s s i o n which he loved. His opp o s i t i o n to Episcopacy was but the f i r s t step i n h i s p u r s u i t of high r e l i g i o u s i d e a l s . He went from Episcopacy to Presbytery, from Presbytery to Independency, from Independency to something l i k e Quakerism, 1 M i l t o n , "Reason of Church-government," Works, I I I , p. 242. 2 I b i d . , p. 242. 3 M i l t o n , "Animadversions." Works. I l l , p. 1 6 4 . 4 M i l t o n , "Reason of Church-government," Works, I I I , p. 242. 5 M i l t o n , "Of Reformation." Works. I l l , p. 1. 6 M i l t o n , "Reason of Church-government," Works, I I I , pp.2 3 2 - 2 3 4 . 7 M i l t o n , "Second Defence," Works, V I I I , p. 1 3 7 . 2 3 and f i n a l l y ceased to value r e l i g i o u s organizations and a 1 regular m i n i s t r y . When M i l t o n , t r a v e l l i n g on the Continent, heard that c i v i l war had broken out i n England, he thought i t base to be t r a v e l l i n g there at h i s ease, even f o r the improvement of h i s mind, w h i l e ' h i s countrymen were f i g h t i n g f o r t h e i r l i b e r t y at 2 home. A f t e r h i s r e t u r n , w r i t i n g to Carolo Dati from London, he asks, "What safe retirement f o r l i t e r a r y l e i s u r e could you suppose given one among so many b a t t l e s of a c i v i l war, 3 slaughters, f l i g h t s , seizures of goods?" I t may seem strange that M i l t o n did not take part i n the f i g h t i n g . He explains that since he had from h i s youth.been devoted to study and had always been stronger i n mind than i n body, he d i d not seek s e r v i c e i n camp where any ordinary man of more robust frame might have been more u s e f u l , but betook himself to those occupations where h i s s e r v i c e s could be of • 4 more value to h i s country and the cause of l i b e r t y . For twenty years M i l t o n worked as a pamphleteer. During t h i s period he composed twenty-one t r e a t i s e s i n E n g l i s h and four i n L a t i n . Nine of these works concerned e c c l e s i a s t i c a l a f f a i r s , eight dealt with c i v i l matters, four vsrere about divorce, two were personal v i n d i c a t i o n s , one o u t l i n e d h i s views on education, and one discussed the freedom of the press. Though he r e a l i z e d that pamphleteering would gain him no p r a i s e and that i n t h i s manner of w r i t i n g he was i n f e r i o r 1 Morlson, M i l t o n and L i b e r t y , p. 5 5 . 2 M i l t o n , "Second Defence," Works, V I I I , p. 1 2 5 . 3 M i l t o n , Works, X I I , p. 5 1 . 4 M i l t o n , "Second Defence," Works, V I I I , pp. 9 and 1 1 . 24 to himself, he f e l t t h a t God had selected him f o r t h i s task. He w r i t e s , "But when God- commands t o take the trumpet and blow a dolorous or a j a r r i n g b l a s t , i t l i e s not i n man's w i l l what 2 he s h a l l say, or what conceal," and "neither envy nor g a l l hath enter'd me upon t h i s controversy, but the enforcement of 3 conscience 'only." The f i r s t f i v e pamphlets, those w r i t t e n i n 1641 and 1642, are a n t i - e p i s c o p a l t r a c t s . In a l l of them M i l t o n demands a change i n the form o f church government. He says that he composed them t o free men from the yoke of slavery and super-s i t t i o n , f o r since he had from h i s youth studied the d i s -t i n c t i o n between r e l i g i o u s and c i v i l r i g h t s , he f e l t that he ought not to be wanting to h i s country, to the church, and to many of h i s f e l l o w - C h r i s t i a n s i n the struggle f o r the 4 establishment of l i b e r t y . He f u r t h e r says that he wrote s o l e l y f o r the love of t r u t h and from a regard to C h r i s t i a n "5 duty. 6 In "Of Reformation i n England" M i l t o n attacks episcopacy upon h i s t o r i c a l grounds. R e a l i z i n g that the Reformation begun i n England i n Henry V I I I ' a time was not completed, he c a l l s upon Englishmen iof h i s own time to reform church 7 d i s c i p l i n e . He r e j o i c e s i n "the b r i g h t and b l i s s f u l Reforma-t i o n " w ith i t s sacred B i b l e brought out of dusty corners, and 1 M i l t o n , "Reason of Church-government," Works, I I I , p. 2 3 5 . 2 I b i d . , p. 2 3 1 . 3 I b i d . , p. 2 3 4 . 4 M i l t o n , "Second Defence," Works, V I I I , p. 1 2 9 . 5 I b i d . , p. 1 3 1 . 6 M i l t o n , Works. I l l , pp. 1 - 7 9 . 7 I b i d . , p.4 . 25 i t s schools f o r d i v i n e and human l e a r n i n g . He i s c e r t a i n that i n the S c r i p t u r e s i n c l e a r and simple language man can f i n d 2 a l l that he needs to know of God's commands. M i l t o n attacks episcopacy because the Church of England had f a i l e d to give people knowledge of God's commands and had even i n t e r f e r e d with l i b e r t y of conscience. His attack on episcopacy seems imperative to him because the bishops had been t y r a n n i c a l and had not done t h e i r duty to the nation and to the k i n g . By appeal to the king- and parliament M i l t o n hoped to secure improvement i n church government and thereby some measure of e c c l e s i a s t i c a l l i b e r t y . The t r a i n i n g of a nation i n l i k e n e s s to God and i n the happiness that proceeds from such l i k e n e s s he b e l i e v e s to be the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of king and parliament as w e l l as of the church. For the a r t of government M i l t o n has high p r a i s e . To govern w e l l , he says, i s to t r a i n up a nation i n wisdom, 3 v i r t u e , magnanimity, and l i k e n e s s to God. S t a t i n g t h a t he has the a u t h o r i t y of A r i s t o t l e , P l a t o , and the B i b l e f o r h i s conception of happiness, he claims that a commonwealth ought to be but as one huge C h r i s t i a n personage, f o r what makes one man happy makes a nation happy; and consequently, what i s good and agreeable to monarchy Is good and agreeable to every C h r i s t i a n , and what i s h u r t f u l and offensive to every true 4 C h r i s t i a n i s a l i k e harmful to monarchy. 1 M i l t o n , Works, I I I , p. 5 . 2 I b i d . , pp. 3 2 - 3 3 . 3 I b i d . , p. 3 7 . 4 I b i d . , pp. 3 8 - 3 9 . 26 In confuting the p o l i t i c i a n ' s arguments that church government must be conformable to the c i v i l p o l i t y and that no form of church government i s agreeable to monarchy but that of bishops, M i l t o n r e f e r s to both Old and New Testaments to 2 demolish the f i r s t argument, and to both Testaments and to 3 A r i s t o t l e to ref u t e the second. He considers that the j u s t i c e of which King Solomon speaks when that r u l e r states that the throne of a k i n g i s e s t a b l i s h e d i n j u s t i c e i s "the u n i v e r s a l l j u s t i c e that A r i s t o t l e so much p r a i s e s , containing 4 i n i t a l l other vertues." M i l t o n blames the bishops f o r the emigration t o America of so many f a i t h f u l and freeborn men, who l e f t England because t h e i r conscience would not permit them to do the things which the bishops had commanded. 6 In s p i t e of the misrule of the p r e l a t e s , M i l t o n does not despair, f o r he has great f a i t h i n the E n g l i s h system of government, which, he says, under a monarch gives the f i n a l determination of highest a f f a i r s to the noblest, worthiest, and most prudent men w i t h f u l l approbation and suffrage of 7 the people. M i l t o n ' s acceptance of a monarch!al form of government, he also a f f i r m s when he wr i t e s , "We know that Monarchy i s made up of two par t s , L i b e r t y of the subject and 8 the supremacie of the King." I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note here 1 M i l t o n , Works. I l l , pp. 39-41. 2 I b i d . , pp. 39-40. 3 I b i d . , pp. 41 and 4 9 . 4 I b i d . , p. 4 9 5 I b i d . , p. 5 0 . 6 I b i d . , pp. 5 0 - 5 2 . 7 I b i d . , p. 6 3 . 8 I b i d . , o. 5 6 . 27 that i n 1 6 4 1 M i l t o n r e a l i z e d that good monarch!al government i s p o s s i b l e . L a t e r , when Charles proved to be a tyrant, M i l t o n could no longer accept r o y a l supremacy and had then to put a l l h i s hope f o r s t a b i l i t y of freedom i n the character of the people. Throughout the f i r s t pamphlet M i l t o n advocates a r e t u r n to the- s i m p l i c i t y of evangelic C h r i s t i a n i t y ; and places great emphasis upon the d i g n i t y and importance of the i n d i v i d u a l . This emphasis i s an outcome of Milton's b e l i e f that man i s i n essence d i v i n e and that only by h i s own v i r t u e can man a t t a i n s p i r i t u a l freedom. M i l t o n knows that changing the form of worship may a i d but does not guarantee r e l i g i o u s freedom. In the sonnet that ends w i t h "New Presbyter i s but Old P r i e s t 1 w r i t Large" we f i n d him denouncing the Presbyterian clergymen who under the Long Parliament t r i e d to force conscience by c i v i l power. 2 In h i s second pamphlet, "Of P r e l a t i c a l Episcopacy," i n which he r e f u t e s the arguments of Bishop Usher's t r e a t i s e "The A p o s t o l i c a l I n s t i t u t i o n s of Episcopacy," M i l t o n writes that he b e l i e v e s episcopacy to be of human i n s t i t u t i o n and 3 therefore to be r e t a i n e d or removed at the w i l l of the people. He shows no b l i n d devotion to the Fathers but makes the Gospel 4 h i s r u l e and o r a c l e . The ideas expressed i n the t h i r d pamphlet, "Animadversions 5 upon the Remonstrants Defence of Smectymnuus" f i n d expression 1 M i l t o n , Works. I, Part I, p. 7 1 . 2 M i l t o n , Works. I l l , pp. 81-104. 3 I b i d . , p. 8 1 . 4 I b i d . , p. 1 0 3 . 5 I b i d . , pp. 1 0 5 - 1 7 9 . In Milton's other prose works. One passage which shows that already he had pondered the ideas he was to expand i n "Areopa-g l t i c a , " h i s speech f o r freedom of p u b l i c a t i o n , i s of p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t : " S i r Francis Bacon i n one of h i s discourses complaines of the Bishops uneven hand over these Pamflets, c o n f i n i n g those against Bishops to darknesse, but L i c e n c i n g those against Puritans to be u t t e r ' d openly, though wi t h the greater mischeafe of l e a d i n g i n t o contempt the exercise of R e l i g i o n i n the persons of sundry Preachers, and d i s g r a c i n g the higher matter the meaner person."! In another passage M i l t o n shows his scorn of the narrow-souled, i l l i t e r a t e chaplain whose Imprimatur must be obtained before 2 a man may p u b l i s h a book. In "The Reason of Church-government Urg'd against ,5 P r e l a t y , the most p h i l o s o p h i c a l of the f i v e a n t i - e p i s c o p a l pamphlets, M i l t o n attempts to prove that church government 4 can be no other than that of presbyters and deacons. He a s s e r t s that church government i s prescribed i n the Gospel, •5 not l e f t to the d i s c r e t i o n of men. M i l t o n ' s notion of l i b e r t y always contains the idea of rigorous d i s c i p l i n e . This conception of d i s c i p l i n e involves the idea of l e a r n i n g or t r a i n i n g , which enables man to obey God. In t h i s pamphlet M i l t o n puts great emphasis on the 6 importance of d i s c i p l i n e . The very l o f t y conception that M i l t o n had of d i s c i p l i n e i s i n d i c a t e d i n h i s d e f i n i t i o n of i t : "not only the removail of disorder; but i f any v i s i b l e shape can be given t o d i v i n e things, the very v i s i b l e shape 1 M i l t o n , Works. I l l , pp. 111-112. 2 I b i d . , p. 112. 3 I b i d . , pp. 181 - 2 7 9 . 4 I b i d . , p. 183. 5 I b i d . , p. 184. 6 I b i d . , p. 184. and image of vertue, whereby she i s not only seene i n the regular gestures and motions of her heavenly paces as she walkes, but also makes the harmony of her voice audible to m o r t a l l eares." 1 Milton's notion of d i s c i p l i n e i s , therefore, not so much that of mere external c o n t r o l as that of manifestation of v i r t u e , the outward s i g n of man's ki n s h i p w i t h God, or the supremacy of reason over passion. Fearing that the s e l f - i n t e r e s t of the prelates would hinder the Protestant Reformation and bring themselves and 2 t h e i r countrymen back to the pope's supremacy, M i l t o n denounces these p r e l a t e s as "the greatest underminers and , 3 4 betrayers of the Monarch and d i v i d e r s of Parliament. The v i o l e n c e of Milton's antagonism to prelacy seems s u r p r i s i n g . To understand t h i s f e e l i n g we must r e c a l l that i n the seventeenth century E n g l i s h Protestants had a t e r r o r of any a c t i o n that might r e t u r n England to the 1 c o n t r o l of the Pope. With t h i s f e a r i n mind, M i l t o n c a l l s upon the Lords to pass 5 speedy sentence against the great malefactor, p r e l a t y , and 6 destroy i t s oppressive government. Milton's animosity toward the p r e l a t e s was one. of l o n g standing". I t was they who had "church-outed" him and persecuted so many of the Puritans. In "The Reason of Church-government" more f u l l y than i n "Of Reformation i n England," M i l t o n stresses the worth of the i n d i v i d u a l , and r e i t e r a t e s h i s b e l i e f i n self-reverence. The 1 M i l t o n , Works, I I I , p. 1 8 5 . 2 I b i d . , p. 2 7 2 . 3 I b i d . , p. 2 7 6 . 4 I b i d . , p. 2 7 8 . 5 I b i d . , p. 2 7 8 . 6 I b i d . , p. 2 7 6 . f o l l o w i n g sentence i s an e x c e l l e n t example of h i s expression of t h i s b e l i e f : "But he that holds himself i n reverence and due esteem, both f o r the d i g n i t y of God's image upon him, and f o r the pri c e of h i s redemption, which he thinks, i s v i s i b l y markt upon h i s forehead, accounts himselfe both a f i t person to do the noblest and g o d l i e s t deeds, and much b e t t e r worth then to deject and d e f i l e , w i t h such a debasement, and such p o l l u t i o n as s i n i s , himselfe so highly ransom'd and enobl'd to a hew f r i e n d s h i p and f i l i a l l r e l a t i o n w i t h God."l In "An Apology Against a Pamphlet C a l l ' d a Modest Confutation of the Animadversions upon the Remonstrant against 2 Smectymnuus" we have an e x c e l l e n t r e v e l a t i o n of Milton's character. Though he r e a l i z e d that s i l e n c e i s the best apology against fals^e accusers, he f e l t obliged, as a fo l l o w e r and supporter of evangelic doctrine, to enter the 3 controversy. For the defenders of church government he has no mercy. He accuses them of having changed "the f a t h e r l y and ever-teaching d i s c i p l i n e of C h r i s t into a l o r d l y and 4 u n i n s t r u c t i n g j u r i s d i c t i o n . " Again he declares h i s f a i t h i n s c r i p t u r a l teaching: "The testimony of what we believe i n r e l i g i o n must be such as the conscience may r e s t on t o be 5 I n f a l l i b l e and i n c o r r u p t i b l e , which i s only the word of God." M i l t o n c r i t i c i z e s the p r e l a t e s f o r t h e i r suppression of P u r i t a n preaching and f o r t h e i r i n terference i n the p u b l i -c a t i o n of sermons and of explanations of the English B i b l e . He bel i e v e s that i f the p r e l a t e s had taught as C h r i s t wished, the people would have been able to d i s c e r n between f a i t h f u l 1 M i l t o n , Works. I l l , p. 2 6 0 - 2 6 1 . 2 I b i d . , p. 281 - 3 6 6 . 3 I b i d . , p. 2 8 4 . 4 I b i d . , p. 3 2 4 . 5 I b i d . , p. 3 2 6 . 31 teachers and f a l s e . In 1642 M i l t o n i s using the same argu-ments f o r freedom i n the choice of form of worship that he was to use i n 1665 when he began compiling h i s De Doctrina C h r i s t i a n a . He b e l i e v e s that C h r i s t i a n m i n i s t e r s guided by 2 the Gospel should not be compelled t o use any set form of worship. He Is of the opinion that "obedience to the S p i r i t of God, rather than to the f a i r e seeming pretences of man, i s 3 the best and most d u t i f u l l order that a C h r i s t i a n can observe" A f t e r w r i t i n g the a n t i - e p i s c o p a l t r a c t s , M i l t o n turned his a t t e n t i o n to other matters. Seventeen years l a t e r he returned to the d i s c u s s i o n of Church a f f a i r s i n "A Treatise 4 of C i v i l Power i n E c c l e s i a s t i c a l Causes" and i n "Considerations Touching the L i k e l i e s t Means t o Remove H i r e l i n g s Out of the 5 Church." He addressed both t r e a t i s e s t o the Parliament of the Commonwealth of England. His purpose i n the f i r s t i s to show "that i t i s not l a w f u l f o r any power on earth t o compel i n matters of r e l i g i o n . " ^ M i l t o n addresses the members of Parliament because by t h e i r l a t e acts they have "professed to 7 assert only the true protestant C h r i s t i a n r e l i g i o n , " and because, having power only f o r a time, they should regard other men's consciences as they would t h e i r own should be 8 regarded when they were out of power. Having w r i t t e n of c i v i l l i b e r t y by appointment, M i l t o n i s i n 1659 w r i t i n g of 1 M i l t o n , Works. I l l , , p. 345. 2 M i l t o n , Works, XVI, p. 55. 3 M i l t o n , Works. I l l , p. 350. 4 M i l t o n , Works, VI, pp. 1-41. 5 I b i d . , pp. 43-100. 6 I b i d . , p. 1. 7 I b i d . , p. 1. 8 I b i d . , p. 1. 32 C h r i s t i a n l i b e r t y by an inward persuasion of C h r i s t i a n duty, i n order to confirm the governors of the Commonwealth to defend and to enlarge C h r i s t i a n l i b e r t y . M i l t o n b e l i e v e s that "neither t r a d i t i o n , councels, nor canons of any v i s i b l e church, much l e s s e d i c t s of any magis-t r a t e or c i v i l session, but the s c r i p t u r e only, can be the f i n a l judge or r u l e i n matters of r e l i g i o n , and that only i n 2 the conscience of every C h r i s t i a n to himself." He i n s i s t s 3 that since " C h r i s t i s the only lawgiver of h i s church" neither church governors nor c i v i l magistrates should use force i n r e l i g i o n because they are not able to determine or 4 ' judge conscience. To M i l t o n the man who holds opinions i n r e l i g i o n against the S c r i p t u r e i s the only h e r e t i c , "and yet though such, not ^ alwaies punishable by the magistrate, unless he do e v i l 5 against a C i v i l law." From t h i s statement i t would appear that M i l t o n i s i n favour of complete r e l i g i o u s freedom. Such i s not the f a c t , f o r he w i l l not t o l e r a t e popery, which he refuses to acknowledge a r e l i g i o n , claiming i t to be a Roman p r i n c i p a l i t y and " j u s t l y therefore to be suspected, not 6 t o l e r a t e d by the magistrate of another country." M i l t o n maintains that i n a d d i t i o n to being unable, a c i v i l magistrate has no r i g h t to judge i n matters of r e l i g i o n , f o r C h r i s t does not govern by outward force, because he deals 1 M i l t o n , Works. VI, p. 2 . 2 I b i d . , p. 7 . 3 I b i d . , p. 8. 4 I b i d . , p. 9. 5 I b i d . , p, 1 6 . 6 I b i d . , p. 1 9 . 33 w i t h the Inward man who . i s not l i a b l e to outward force and because he wishes to show us the divine excellence of h i s s p i r i t u a l kingdom, which i s able without worldly force to subdue a l l worldly kingdoms which are upheld by outward force 1 only. C h r i s t i a n l i b e r t y , M i l t o n declares, sets us free not only from the bondage of the o l d lav/, but also from the f o r c i b l e imposition of circumstances, place, and time i n the worship of 2 God. M i l t o n concludes that force does not i n s t r u c t i n 3 r e l i g i o n but increases s i n , and that there i s no place f o r the 4 magistrate o r ' h i s force i n the settlement of r e l i g i o n . In h i s t r e a t i s e , "Considerations Touching the L i k e l i e s t 5 Means to Remove H i r e l i n g s Out of the Church," M i l t o n f i r s t thanks Parliament f o r i t s p r o t e c t i o n and f o r that l i b e r t y of w r i t i n g which f o r eighteen years he had used "on a l l occasions. to assert the .lust r i g h t s and freedoms both of church and • 6 s t a t e . " To the c o u n c i l he c r e d i t s the release of England 7 from a double bondage under p r e l a t i c a l and r e g a l tyranny; and then, b e l i e v i n g that, u n t i l r e l i g i o n i s freed from the monopoly of those men who are i n the service of the church f o r f i n a n c i a l gain, the commonwealth w i l l be unsuccessful, he implores the members to d e l i v e r the people from the oppressions 8 of the c l e r g y . 1.Milton, Works, VI, p. 20. 2 I b i d . , pp. 28-29. 3 I b i d , , pp. 37-38. 4 I b i d . , p. 40. •5 I b i d . , pp. 43-100. 6 I b i d . , p. 43. 7 I b i d . , pp. 44-45. 8 I b i d . , p. 45. The maintenance of church m i n i s t e r s "being under public debate, M i l t o n thinks i t opportune to speak of the corrupting e f f e c t of high s a l a r i e s . . He considers that the payment of s a l a r i e s to the cl e r g y , though of i t s e l f not unlawful, i s dangerous i n the church, through excess, or through the undue 2 manner of giv i n g and t a k i n g i t . Since a l l payment f o r service i n the church cannot j u s t l y be removed, i t i s necessary to decide by whom and i n what manner.the mi n i s t e r s are t o be recompensed. For t h i s information, M i l t o n goes to the Sc r i p t u r e s , and there f i n d s that under the law God gave the min i s t e r s t i t h e s ; but under the gospel a l l things were l e f t t o 4 c h a r i t y and C h r i s t i a n freedom. Since the C h r i s t i a n church c o n s i s t s of many p a r t i c u l a r churches complete i n themselves, gathered together of free consent, and choosing t h e i r own phurch o f f i c e r s , the s e t t i n g up of t i t h e s now would cause the l o s s of C h r i s t i a n p r i v i l e g e s 5 and l i b e r t y . In the early church, i n d i v i d u a l and congre-g a t i o n a l o f f e r i n g s were d i s t r i b u t e d to the m i n i s t e r s according to t h e i r labours, by e i t h e r one o r more o f f i c e r s to whom the church deputed that care. M i l t o n advocates a return to that system. The j u s t and l a w f u l revenues of each church, he thi n k s , should be under i t s c o n t r o l . This power gives d i g n i t y to the congregation and prevents dissension between church 6 and magistrate and between one church and another. 1 M i l t o n , Works. VI, p. 46. 2 I b i d , , p. 48. 3 I b i d . , p. 5 0 . 4 I b i d . , pp. 5 0 - 5 1 . 5 I b i d . , p. 64. 6 I b i d . , p. 8 3 . 3 5 M i l t o n contrasts the m i n i s t e r s of the f i r s t evangelic times with those then l i v i n g i n England. The former were di s t i n g u i s h e d by t h e i r s p i r i t u a l knowledge and s a n c t i t y of l i f e , e l e c t e d by the church to be her teachers and overseers, and supported by t h e i r own e f f o r t s ; the h i r e l i n g s are "bred up f o r d i v i n e s i n b a b l i n g schools, and fed at the pu b l i c k 1 cost, good f o r nothing else, but what was good f o r nothing." To these h i r e l i n g s M i l t o n a t t r i b u t e s the troubles i n Christen-dom. He begs C h r i s t i a n s to know t h e i r own l i b e r t y and to r i d 2 themselves of the h i r e l i n g crew. Throughout the t r e a t i s e M i l t o n shows h i s fearlessness i n a t t a c k i n g a long- e s t a b l i s h e d custom, h i s dependence on S c r i p t u r a l a u t h o r i t y , and h i s desire to f a c i l i t a t e church reform by f r e e i n g the church from state c o n t r o l . "Of True R e l i g i o n , Heresie, Schism, T o l e r a t i o n and what best means may be Us'd against the growth of Popery," a short t r a c t f i r s t published i n 1673, shows M i l t o n u n w i l l i n g to allow a l l men complete r e l i g i o u s freedom. Using as a t e s t the d e f i n i t i o n , "True R e l i g i o n i s the true Worship and Service of 4 God, l e a r n t and believed from the Yford of God only," M i l t o n examines the doctrines of the C h r i s t i a n churches i n Europe, • - - 5 and as a r e s u l t f i n d s that the pap i s t s are the only h e r e t i c s . The Lutherans, C a l v i n i s t s , Anabaptists, Arians, Socinians, and Arminians, he maintains, though a l l may have some e r r o r s , are not h e r e t i c s , since heresy i s i n the w i l l and choice 1 M i l t o n , Works. VI, p. 98. 2 I b i d . , p. 99. 3 I b i d . , pp. 164-180. 4 I b i d . , p. 165. 5 I b i d . , p. 167. professedly against s c r i p t u r e . x M i l t o n i s c e r t a i n that the long and hot contest, as t o whether Protestants ought to t o l e r a t e one another, might be ended i f men would be r a t i o n a l • 2 and not p a r t i a l . Popery, he declares, cannot be t o l e r a b l e , because i t claims a two'-fold power, e c c l e s i a s t i c a l and p o l i t i c a l , both 3 usurped, the one supporting the other. The p o l i t i c a l pretensions, he fe a r s , may cause trouble f o r the state : and the r e l i g i o u s exercises, he i s convinced, are i d o l a t r o u s , and therefore not to be permitted e i t h e r i n pub l i c or i n 4 p r i v a t e . Though Mil t o n ' s t o l e r a t i o n i s not p e r f e c t , he has no wish to be too harsh. He seeks to hinder the growth of popery among the nat i v e s of England, but would not i n t e r f e r e with f o r e i g n e r s , p r i v i l e g e d by the law of nations. He be l i e v e s that the state should not i n f l i c t corporal punish--• 5 ment on these f o r e i g n e r s , o r levy f i n e s on t h e i r estates, 6 but should remove the images. The three means by which he would hinder the growth of . / Popery are d i l i g e n t study of the S c r i p t u r e s , forbearance and 7 c h a r i t y , and abandonment of e v i l ways. Throughout h i s eight E n g l i s h c o n t r o v e r s i a l e c c l e s i a s t i c a l works, M i l t o n attacks the abuses i n existence at the time when he was w r i t i n g . I f these pamphlets d i d no more than 1 M i l t o n , Works. V i , pp. 1 6 8 - 1 6 9 . 2 I b i d . , p. 1 7 1 . 3 I b i d . , pp. 1 7 1 - 1 7 2 . 4 I b i d . , pp. 1 7 2 - 1 7 3 . •5 I b i d . , p. 1 7 3 . 6 I b i d . , p. 1 7 3 . 7 I b i d . , pp. 1 7 5 - 1 7 8 . attack the e v i l s of Laudian tyranny, Presbyterian interference i n form of worship, and the p o l i t i c a l pretensions of the Roman Gatholics, they would be of l i t t l e value. I t i s because of the conception of r e l i g i o u s l i b e r t y underlying them that they are important. This conception i s more sys t e m a t i c a l l y revealed i n Milton's posthumously published L a t i n book on C h r i s t i a n d o c t r i n e . 1 De Doctrlna- C h r i s t i a n a i s Milton's c l e a r e s t statement of h i s r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f . As Professor Sewell says, " I t contains the f r u i t of Milton's i n t e l l e c t u a l search f o r a way 2 of r e c o n c i l i a t i o n between God and man." In i t M i l t o n says that i t i s ever h i s object to show "of how much consequence to the C h r i s t i a n r e l i g i o n i s the l i b e r t y not only of winnowing and s i f t i n g every doctrine, but a l s o of t h i n k i n g and even w r i t i n g about i t , according t o our i n d i v i d u a l f a i t h 3 and persuasion." / Of man's l i k e n e s s to God, M i l t o n w r i t e s , "Man being formed a f t e r the image of God, i t followed as a necessary consequence that he should be endued with n a t u r a l wisdom,. hol i n e s s and righteousness." Moreover, God implanted i n a l l men the g i f t of r i g h t reason, or conscience, by which they 5 might r e s i s t bad d e s i r e s ; and by a s s i g n i n g the g i f t of free w i l l , God suffered both men and angels to stand or f a l l at 6 t h e i r own u n c o n t r o l l e d choice. M i l t o n believes that man was 1 M i l t o n , Works. XIV, XV, XVI, and XVII. 2 Sewell, A Study In Milton's C h r i s t i a n Doctrine, p. 84. 3 M i l t o n , Works. XIV, pp. 1 1 and 1 3 . 4 M i l t o n , Works. XV, p, 5 3 . 5 M i l t o n , Works. XIV, p. 1 3 1 . 6 I b i d . , p. 8 1 . f r e e u n t i l Adam sinned by casting o f f h i s obedience to God, by 1 " a l l o w i n g passion to c o n t r o l reason. Man 1s r e s t o r a t i o n M i l t o n explains as a change operated, by the w i l l and the s p i r i t whereby the inward man i s regenerated by God a f t e r h i s own image, and becomes s a n c t i f i e d both i n body and i n soul f o r 2 the service"of God and the performance of good works. Such a 3 man, p u r i f i e d by f a i t h , i s now a free man. The freedom of the 4 regenerated man, C h r i s t i a n l i b e r t y , i s unfolded by the Gospel, 5 the new dispensation of grace. C h r i s t i a n l i b e r t y i s , then, the l o o s i n g of men, through C h r i s t , from the bondage of s i n , and consequently from the r u l e of law and of man, so that such men may serve God In love through the guidance of the s p i r i t . 6 of l o v e . R e i t e r a t i n g h i s b e l i e f that none but good men love l i b e r t y , M i l t o n points out that wisdom makes us earnestly 7 seek the w i l l of God, l e a r n i t , and govern our actions by i t . The treasures of t h i s wisdom he would not l a v i s h on such as • . 8 are incapable of a p p r e c i a t i n g i t . To encourage r e l i g i o n and the s e r v i c e of God and to reverence the Church i s , he believes, the duty of the magistrates; to force r e l i g i o n upon the 9 people, beyond t h e i r r i g h t . The ideas of s p i r i t u a l freedom found i n the prose works that have been examined are also found i n Milton's poems, but, 1 M i l t o n , Works, XV, p. 1 8 1 . 2 I b i d . , p. 3 6 7 . 3 M i l t o n , Works. XVI, p. 5 1 . 4 I b i d . , p. 5 5 . 5 I b i d . , p. 1 1 3 . 6 I b i d . , p. 1 5 3 . 7 M i l t o n , Works, XVII, p. 2 7 . 8 I b i d . , p. 3 1 . 9 I b i d . , p. 3 9 3 . of course, i n l e s s argumentative form. In them, M i l t o n deals c h i e f l y w i t h h i s b e l i e f that no harm can come to the t r u l y good person, that man i s f r e e t o choose between good and e v i l , that God's ways are j u s t , and that obedience to the law of God i s p o s s i b l e because God reveals himself to man. 1 In "Comus," which Saurat c a l l s "un long panegyrique de 2 l a temperance, de l a ma^trise de s o i , de l a chastete'," M i l t o n hymns the power of c h a s t i t y . Of that goodness which i s true l i b e r t y he w r i t e s : "The vertuous mind, that ever walks attended By a strong s i d i n g champion Conscience."5 To M i l t o n v i r t u e i s so powerful that i t needs no other l i g h t . His own words best express t h i s b e l i e f i n goodness: "Vertue could see to do what vertue would By her own radiant l i g h t He that hath l i g h t w i t h i n h i s own c l e a r brest May s i t i ' the center, and enjoy b r i g h t day But he that hides a'dark soul, and f o u l thoughts Benighted walks under the mi<|-day Sun; Himself i s h i s own dungeon." The t r i b u t e to the power of v i r t u e i s as much P l a t o n i c as 5 C h r i s t i a n . M i l t o n c a l l s the c h a s t i t y of the Lady: "a hidden strength Which i f Heav'n gave i t , may be term'd her own."0 The Lady's b o l d challenge to Comus summarizes Milton's b e l i e f i n the supremacy of soul over body: "Thou canst not touch the freedom of my minde With a l l thy charms, although t h i s corporal rinde Thou hast immacl'd, while Heav'n sees good."7 1 M i l t o n , Works, I, Part I, pp. 85 - 1 2 3 . 2 Saurat, La Pensee de M i l t o n , p. 2 3 . 3 M i l t o n , Works, I, Part I, p. 93; l i n e s 210-211. 4 I b i d . , p. 99; l i n e s 372-384. 5 Thompson, Essays on M i l t o n , p. 146. 6 Milton,'Works, I, Part I, p. 100; l i n e s 418-419. 7 I b i d . , p„ 110; l i n e s 662-664. 40 His advice to those who desire freedom i s to love virtue,which 1 alone i s f r e e and can teach the way to Heaven. The strength and "beauty of goodness, so much stressed i n "Comus" i s also mentioned i n "Paradise Lost", where M i l t o n t e l l s us that the D e v i l stood abashed i n the presence of goodness and pined h i s 2 l o s s . ' 3 "Paradise Lost," w r i t t e n to " j u s t i f y the ways of God to 4 man," contains the essence of Milton's conception of l i b e r t y . The n e c e s s i t y f o r s p i r i t u a l freedom and the part a l l o t t e d to reason are emphasized throughout the poem. When Satan says: t- "to be weak i s miserable Doing or s u f f e r i n g , " he i s expressing Milton's own b e l i e f , and when the Arch-fiend ex p l a i n s : "The mind i s i t s own.place, and i n i t s e l f g Can make a Heav'n of H e l l , a H e l l of Heav'n," he i s g i v i n g expression t o a.part of Milton's conception of l i b e r t y . Satan p r e f e r s , as does Samson i n a l a t e r work, "Hard l i b e r t y before the easie yoke Of s e r v i l e pomp."7 / B e l i e f i n the r i g h t of a l l created things to choose between good and e v i l , t h a t b e l i e f i n free w i l l which forms an important part of M i l t o n ' s t h i n k i n g a f t e r he had ceased to believe i n p r e d e s t i n a t i o n , i s w e l l revealed i n God's 1 M i l t o n , Works. I, Part I, p. 1 2 1 . 2 M i l t o n , Works. I I , Part I; "Paradise Lost," IV, 1.846-848. 3 M i l t o n , Works. I I , P a r t I; Part I I , pp. 1-401. 4 I b i d . , "Paradise Lost," I, 2 2 . 5 I b i d . , "Paradise Lost," I, 1 5 7 - 1 5 8 . 6 I b i d . , "Paradise Lost," I, 2 5 4 - 2 5 5 . 7 I b i d . , "Paradise Lost," I I , 2 5 6 - 2 5 7 . 41 explanation of the f a l l of man: "Whose f a u l t ? Whose but h i s own? Ingrate, he had of mee A l l he could have; I made him ju s t and r i g h t , S u f f i c i e n t to have stood, though free to f a l l . Such I created a l l t h 1 E t h e r e a l Powers And S p i r i t s , both them who stood and them who f a i l e d ; F r e e l y they stood who stood, and f e l l who f e l l . " 1 When man chose e v i l , he put himself Into the power of e v i l . God, however, w i l l not force h i s created beings t o remain i n that s t a t e . He promises that man s h a l l not be e n t i r e l y l o s t 2 but saved through grace. In Book V there Is another expression of Milton's b e l i e f i n f r e e w i l l . God sends Raphael t o advise Adam of Satan's p l o t s and t o inform Adam that man i s free to choose a happy stat e -"Happiness i n h i s pow'r l e f t f r e e to w i l l , L e f t to h i s own f r e e W i l l , h i s W i l l though fr e e , Yet mutable."3 Of God's c r e a t i o n of man to govern the world and worship the Deity M i l t o n says: "There wanted yet the Master work, the end Of a l l yet don; a Creature who not prone And Brute as other creatures, but endu'd With S a n c t i t i e of Reason, might erect His stature, and upright w i t h Front serene Govern the r e s t , self-knowing, and from thence Magnanimous to correspond with Heav'n, But g r a t e f u l to acknowledge whence h i s good Descends, t h i t h e r w i t h heart and voice and eyes Directed i n Devotion to adore And worship God supream, who made him ch i e f Of a l l h i s works."4 The high value which i n a l l h i s w r i t i n g s M i l t o n places on man i s the r e s u l t of h i s -belief that man i s created i n God's image. In "Paradise Lost" t h i s b e l i e f i n man's k i n s h i p with God is 1 M i l t o n , Works, I I , Part I, "Paradise Lost," I I I , 9 6 - 1 0 2 . 2 I b i d . , "Paradise Lost," I I I , 1 7 3 - 1 7 5 . 3 I b i d . , "Paradise Lost," V, 2 3 5 - 2 3 7 . 4 I b i d . , "Paradise Lost," V I I , 50 5 - 5 1 6 . 42 often repeated. Man i s reminded of the fre e s p i r i t w i t h i n 1 2 him, i s admonished to remember to esteem himself, and to take 3 heed l e s t passion sway h i s judgment. Against h i s own w i l l man 4 can receive no harm. Because man had freedom of w i l l , God did not hinder Satan 1s temptation of "the minde Of Man, w i t h strength e n t i r e , and f r e e - w i l l arm'd Complete to have discover'd and rep u l s t Whatever w i l e s of Foe or seeming Friend."- 3 Adam r e a l i z e s that the ounishment f o r h i s transgression i s death. He mourns that a l l of him s h a l l die. Here M i l t o n seems to have accepted the th e o r i e s of the m o r t a l i s t s . He does, however, beli e v e that i n the end the good w i l l be rewarded and 7 the r e s t t e r r i b l y punished. In "Paradise Lost" M i l t o n , p u t t i n g h i s t r u s t i n God's r u l e over man, and b e l i e v i n g a l l laws to be not of man's but of God's ordaining, acknowledges no human being a master,for: .. • "Man over man He made not Lord; such t i t l e to himself. Reserving, human l e f t from human f r e e . " 0 M i l t o n dates man's l o s s of true l i b e r t y from the trans-gression of Adam, f o r when man disobeyed r i g h t reason, h i s passions took the government from reason and reduced him to 9 servitude. To reg a i n h i s l i b e r t y , man had to be regenerated. 1 M i l t o n , Works, I I , Part I, "Paradise Lost," V I I I , 440. 2 I b i d . , "Paradise Lost," V I I I , 5 7 1 - 5 7 5 . 3 I b i d . , "Paradise Lost," V I I I , 6 3 5 - 6 3 6 . 4 M i l t o n , Works. I I , Part I I , "Paradise Lost," IX, 3 5 0 . 5 I b i d . , "Paradise Lost," X, 8 - 1 1 . 6 I b i d . , "Paradise Lost," X, 7 9 2 . 7 I b i d . , "Paradise Lost," XI, 7 0 9 - 7 1 0 . 8 I b i d . , "Paradise Lost," X I I , 6 9 - 7 1 . 9 I b i d . , "Paradise Lost," X I I , 8 3 - 9 1 . In "Paradise Regained" M i l t o n shows how Paradise was recovered f o r mankind by one man's obedience to the law of 2 God. Man could then l i v e i n harmony with God and become 3 t r u l y f r e e i n a f a i r e r Paradise. Again M i l t o n stresses the importance of s e l f - c o n t r o l , which makes a man more than a 4 king, and which can be at t a i n e d by every wise and v i r t u o u s 5 man. Scorning the populace, M i l t o n c a l l s i t "a herd confus'd, 6 a miscellaneous rabble" who b l i n d l y f o l l o w a leader without knowing or c a r i n g what they do. 7 "Samson Agonistes" contains Milton's f i n a l expression of h i s ideas about l i b e r t y . I t i s tempting t o compare h i s l a s t days w i t h those of h i s hero and to accept Samson's : 8 opinions as h i s * Samson puts no blame on any but himself. He deplores the d e t e r i o r a t i o n and servitude, of nations which 9 love bondage w i t h ease more than strenuous l i b e r t y . The 10 Chorus declares God's ways just and j u s t i f i a b l e to man; Samson, too, f i n d s God Just and does not despair of f i n a l 1 1 pardon. M i l t o n ' s acceptance of God's r u l e and h i s b e l i e f that God reveals hims'~elf t o h i s people are summarized i n the f i n a l words of the Chorus: 1 M i l t o n , Works, I I , Part I I , pp. 4 0 3 - 4 8 2 . 2 I b i d . , "Paradise Regained," I, 2 - 4 . 3 I b i d . , "Paradise Regained," IV, 6 1 3 . 4 I b i d . , "Paradise Regained," I I , 464. 5 I b i d . , "Paradise Regained," I I , 468. 6 I b i d . , "Paradise Regained," I I I , 4 9 - 5 0 . 7 M i l t o n , Works, I, Part I I , pp. 3 3 7 - 3 9 9 . 8 I b i d . , pp. 3 3 8 * 3 4 5 , 350; l i n e s 46, 2 3 3 - 2 3 4 , 3 7 3 - 3 7 6 . 9 I b i d . , p. 346; l i n e s 2 6 8 - 2 7 1 . 10 I b i d . , p. 346; l i n e s 2 9 3 - 2 9 4 . 11 I b i d . , p. 3 7 8 ; l i n e s 1168-1172. " A l l Is best, thoughwe o f t doubt -What th'unsearchable dispose Of highest wisdom brings about, And ever best found i n the close. Oft he seems to hide h i s face-But unexpectedly returns And to h i s f a i t h f u l Champion hath i n place Bore witness g l o r i o u s l y . " 1 As ,do the other poems, "Samson Agonistes" shows that M i l t o n b e l i e v e s that from obedience to God comes freedom. Turning now t o summarize the p r i n c i p a l ideas i n Milton's nine prose works on e c c l e s i a s t i c a l l i b e r t y and i n h i s chi e f poems, we f i n d that to him e c c l e s i a s t i c a l l i b e r t y comprised three freedoms: the church's freedom from tyranny of bishops or presbyters, i t s freedom from interference by the state, and f i n a l l y the freedom of a C h r i s t i a n to worship as h i s con-science d i c t a t e s , w i t h i n or without a church organization. This last-mentioned freedom,, r e l i g i o u s l i b e r t y i n the widest sense i n which M i l t o n thinks of i t , i s , i n part, an outcome of the f i r s t two. M i l t o n was, i n s p i t e :of h i s changes i n denominational a l l e g i a n c e , c o n s i stent i n h i s conception of l i b e r t y , a Protestant conception based, on P u r i t a i l and Renaissance teaching. Throughout h i s l i f e he b e l i e v e d that a l l law Is 2 . . of God's ordaining and.that a l l r e v e l a t i o n , of God's w i l l i s 3 4-contained i n the S c r i p t u r e s and i n r i g h t reason. When he speaks of r e l i g i o u s l i b e r t y , he means l i b e r t y f o r a l l 5 C h r i s t i a n s except Roman C a t h o l i c s , whom he considers 1 M i l t o n , Works. I. Part I I , p. 3 9 9 ; l i n e s 1 7 4 5 - 1 7 5 2 . 2 Manuscript, pp. 3 2 , 42. 3 I b i d . , pp. 2 5 , 3 2 , 3 5 , 3 8 . 4 I b i d . , pp. 3 2 , 3 7 . 5 I b i d . , pp. 3 2 , 3 5 . dangerous because they h o l d opinions contrary to Scripture 2 and claim p o l i t i c a l power. M i l t o n , moreover, believes that God, i n c r e a t i n g man i n -3 4 h i s own image, endowed him with goodness, w i t h free w i l l , 5 and w i t h conscience,or r i g h t reason,to understand God's w i l l and t o obey i t . He frequently reminds us of the importance 6 of the r o l e of conscience. When conscience,or r i g h t reason, has the mastery over passion, the supremacy of soul over 7 body that man then has keeps him safe from a l l harm. Linked w i t h t h i s idea of supremacy of s o u l over body i s Milton's - 8. n o t i o n of d i s c i p l i n e , and associated w i t h t h i s d i s c i p l i n e i s 9 l e a r n i n g or t r a i n i n g . .1 Manuscript, p. 3 6 . 2 I b i d . , p. 3 6 . 3 I b i d . , p. 37. 4 I b i d . , pp. 37/ 40, 41. 5 I b i d . , pp. 3 7 , 38, 40. 6 I b i d . , pp. 22, 3 2 , 38, 40. 7 I b i d . , pp. 39, 42. 8 I b i d . , pp. 28, 29. 9 I b i d . , pp. 28, 29. 46 PART IV IDEAS OF DOMESTIC LIBERTY/ FOUND -IN MILTON'S WORKS To M i l t o n the domestic., species of l i b e r t y seemed to involve three material: questions: "whether the a f f a i r of "marriage was r i g h t l y managed; whether the education of c h i l d r e n was properly conducted; whether l a s t l y , we were allowed freedom of opinion." . In a reference to h i s book on divorce, M i l t o n declares that he wrote nothing more than what Bueer, Erasmus, and many, other very celebrated men had- written, f o r the good of 2 mankind. He regr e t s that he published t h i s work i n E n g l i s h f o r i t i s usual f o r vernacular readers to be unconscious of t h e i r own good fortune and to r i d i c u l e the misfortune of 3 others. In Sonnet X I I , which he wrote on the d e t r a c t i o n which followed the p u b l i c a t i o n of h i s divorce t r e a t i s e s , he explains that he t r i e d to free h i s f e l l o w - c i t i z e n s by the ancient laws of l i b e r t y . He r e a l i z e s h i s lack of success i n appealing to men "That bawl f o r freedom i n t h e i r ^senseless mood, And s t i l l r e v o l t when Truth would set them f r e e . Licence they mean when they cry L i b e r t y ; , For who loves that must f i r s t be wise and good. 1 , 4 • • 5 • . "The Doctrine and D i s c i p l i n e of Divorce" was supplemented by three other t r e a t i s e s , "The Judgment of Martin Bucer con-6 7 8 cerning Divorce," "Tetrachordon," and "C o l a s t e r i o n , " and then, 1 M i l t o n , Works. V I I I , p. 1 3 1 . 2 I b i d . , p. 1 1 5 . 3 I b i d . , p. 1 1 5 . 4 M i l t o n , Works. I , Part I, p. 3 7 . 5 M i l t o n . Works. I l l , pp. 3 6 7 - 5 1 1 . 6 M i l t o n . Works. IV, pp. 1 - 6 1 . 7 I b i d . , pp. 6 2 - 2 3 2 . 8 I b i d . , pp. 2 3 3 - 2 7 3 . r e v i s e d and augmented, given the f u l l t i t l e of "The Doctrine and D i s c i p l i n e of Divorce r e s t o r ' d to the Good of Both Sexes From the bondage of Canon Law,and other mistakes, t o the true meaning of S c r i p t u r e i n the Lav/ and the Gospel compar'd wherein also are set down the bad consequences of a b o l i s h i n g or condemning of Si n , that which the Law of God allowes, and 1 C h r i s t a b o l i s h t not." This long . t i t l e i n d i c a t e s M i l t o n 8 s f i n a l p o s i t i o n I n the. matter of divorce. He examines the Sc r i p t u r e s , contrasts the-Law and the Gospel, and ends wi t h - 2 an appeal t o reason. From the words, " I t i s not good that man should l i v e alone; I w i l l make a help meet f o r him," M i l t o n concludes that God intended that a meet and happy conversation should be the c h i e f e s t and noblest end of 3 marriage. To him i t seems l o g i c a l t o terminate a marriage that f a i l s to give happiness. His argument i s that love i n marriage cannot s u b s i s t unless i t be mutual; and where love cannot be, there can be l e f t of wedlock nothing but the empty husk of an outside matrimony which i s as unpleasing to God .4 as any other k i n d of hypocrisy. M i l t o n b e l i e v e s t h a t the law cannot r a t i o n a l l y f o r b i d 5 divorce. Of the economic aspects he says nothing except that 6 the law must take care that the conditions be not i n j u r i o u s . He f i n d s f a u l t w i t h the Canon Doctors f o r supposing marriage 1 M i l t o n . Works. I l l , p. 5 1 2 . 2 I b i d . , pp. 387-425. 3 I b i d . , p. 391. 4 I b i d . , p. 402. 5 I b i d . , p. 504. 6 I b i d . , p. 504. 45 to be a sacrament. The same view Is found i n De Doctrina C h r i s t i a n a where he w r i t e s that marriage i s not even a r e l i g i o u s ceremony, s t i l l l e s s a sacrament, but a compact purely c i v i l ; nor does i t s c e l e b r a t i o n belong to the 2 m i n i s t e r s of the church. Although M i l t o n w r i t e s of divorce restored t o the good 3 of both sexes, he does not consider woman's r i g h t to divorce equal to man's. The i n e q u a l i t y of man and woman, mentioned i n the divorce t r a c t s , i s a l s o found spoken of i n "Paradise Lost" i n the f o l l o w i n g l i n e s : "Not equal, as t h i r sex not equal seemd; -For contemplation hee and valour formd, For softness shee and sweet a t t r a c t i v e Grace, -Hee f o r God only, shee f o r God i n him." This i n e q u a l i t y i s again recognized i n Eve's promise to Adam: "What thou b i d s t , Unargu'd I obey; so God ordains; God' Is.thy law, thou mine: to know no more Is womans happiest knowledge and her praise."- ) I i i "Samson Agonistes" M i l t o n speaks of God's u n i v e r s a l law .which gave man despotic power over woman. The second problem that M i l t o n included under h i s heading i .". • * 7 of domestic or p r i v a t e l i b e r t y i s that of education. Though he c l a s s i f i e s education a matter of domestic or p r i v a t e 8 l i b e r t y and though he wrote h i s t r a c t a t e "Of Education" to Samuel HarffciAeb as a p r i v a t e l e t t e r concerning, a course of 1 M i l t o n . Works. I l l , p. 4 9 5 . 2 M i l t o n , Works, XVI, 2 1 7 . 3 M i l t o n , Works, I I I , p. 5 1 2 . 4 M i l t o n , Works, I I , Part I, "Paradise Lost," IV, 2 9 6 - 2 9 9 . 5 I b i d . , 6 3 5 - 6 3 8 . 6 M i l t o n , Works. I, Pa_rt I I , "Samson Agonistes,"p.3 7 4 ; 1 0 5 3 - 5 7 . 7 M i l t o n , Works, V I I I , p. 1 5 1 . . 8 M i l t o n , Works. IV, pp. 2 7 5 - 2 9 1 . 49 study, M i l t o n knows that some of the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r educating the people belongs to the state; and i n t h i s t r a c t a t e he does not t h i n k of education altogether as a p r i v a t e matter. Like the Greeks, who believed that s o c i e t y can be r i g h t l y b u i l t up on none other than a s p i r i t u a l 1 foundation,' M i l t o n plans t o t r a i n worthy c i t i z e n s . He r e a l i z e s t h a t the course of study that he describes i s "not 2 a Bow f o r every man to shoot i n , " yet he i s persuaded that i t can be s u c c e s s f u l l y c a r r i e d out. Education, he says e l s e -where, can imbue the minds of men with v i r t u e , can give wise a d m i n i s t r a t i o n to a commonwealth, and can ensure i t i t s 3 utmost p o s s i b l e duration. Two quotations from the t r e a t i s e summarize Milton's ideas of the purpose of education: "The end then of Learning i s to r e p a i r the ruines of our f i r s t . Parents by regaining t o know God a r i g h t , and out of that knowledge to love him, t o i m i t a t e him, to be l i k e him, as we may the neerest by possessing our souls of true vertue, which being u n i t e d to the heavenly grace of f a i t h makes up the highest p e r f e c t i o n . " : " I c a l l therefore a compleat and generous Education that w h i c h . f i t s a man to perform j u s t l y , s k i l f u l l y , and magnani-mously a l l the o f f i c e s both p r i v a t e and p u b l i c k o f Peace and War."5 Education, under Mil t o n ' s system, would be both academic and p r a c t i c a l ; i t would, undoubtedly, t r a i n p u p i l s to be 6 steadfast p i l l a r s of the commonwealth. 1 Taylor, Greek Philosophy, p. 109. 2 M i l t o n , Works, IV, p. 2 9 1 . 3 M i l t o n , Works. V I I I , p. 1 3 3 -4 I b i d . , p. 277. 5 I b i d . , p. 2 8 0 . 6 M i l t o n , Works. IV, p. 2 8 5 . 5 0 Milton's t h i r d matter of domestic l i b e r t y i s freedom of opinion. Though he includes i t as a question of domestic l i b e r t y , he i s aware, as he was i n discussing education, that since what b e n e f i t s the i n d i v i d u a l b e n e f i t s the state, l i b e r t y of unlicensed p r i n t i n g i s a problem of both i n d i v i d u a l and s t a t e . The Church, too, can b e n e f i t from freedom of 1 p u b l i c a t i o n . M i l t o n addresses h i s "Areopagitica" to the Lords and Commons of England f o r i t i s they who can grant h i s demand f o r a f r e e press. He w r i t e s that when complaints are f r e e l y heard, deeply considered, and q u i c k l y reformed, the 2 c i v i l l i b e r t y that wise men look f o r i s attained. He begs 3 Parliament to reconsider i t s l i c e n s i n g order because of. the f u t i l i t y of the order i n suppressing scandalous, s e d i t i o u s , and l i b e l l o u s books and because of the harm that i t w i l l do 4 to the encouragement of learning.and the spread of t r u t h . As t h i s spreading of t r u t h requires knowledge of t r u t h and permission to spread i t s the state must allow both l e a r n i n g and teaching of t r u t h . Otherwise, the country w i l l be under 5 a tyranny. M i l t o n condemns anyone who w i l l not think f o r himself, f o r i f a man b e l i e v e t h i n g s only because h i s pastor says so or the assembly so determines, the very t r u t h he holds 6 becomes h i s heresy. Only when the search f o r t r u t h i s zealously undertaken and men forego the custom of "crowding 1 M i l t o n , Works. IV, pp. 2 9 3 - 3 5 4 . 2 I b i d . , p. 2 9 3 . 3 I b i d . , p. 2 9 7 . 4 I b i d . , pp. 3 1 5 - 3 5 4 . 5 I b i d . , p. 3 3 1 . 6 I b i d . , p. 3 3 3 . f r e e consciences and C h r i s t i a n l i b e r t i e s i n t o canons and precepts of men," w i l l there be harmony i n the church, 1 Had we but c h a r i t y and stopped: judging one another, many things 2 might be t o l e r a t e d and l e f t to conscience. M i l t o n does not pra i s e c l o i s t e r e d v i r t u e , f o r man must choose between good 3 and, e v i l , which grow up i n the world together. When God 4 -gave man reason, he gave him freedom to choose. Milton's f i n a l p lea i s f o r " l i b e r t y t o know, to u t t e r , and to argue 5 f r e e l y according to conscience," M i l t o n ' s grouping of divorce, education, and freedom of p u b l i c a t i o n as questions of domestic l i b e r t y seems, at f i r s t s i g h t , a very a r b i t r a r y c l a s s i f i c a t i o n . He himself acknow-ledges the b e n e f i t s of any of the species of l i b e r t y , domestic, e c c l e s i a s t i c a l , or c i v i l , to the state; but i n w r i t i n g h i s t r e a t i s e s and t r a c t a t e s on domestic l i b e r t y he has i n mind c h i e f l y the necessity of l i b e r t y f o r the develop-ment and happiness of man i n h i s p r i v a t e capacity, as an i n d i v i d u a l considered f o r the time being apart from h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i n the s t a t e . To enjoy t h i s p r i v a t e l i b e r t y man must be free from a l l worldly r e s t r i c t i o n s . M i l t o n , i n short, considers domestic or p r i v a t e l i b e r t y not only as freedom from external r e s t r i c t i o n s but also as d i s c i p l i n e , or l e a r n i n g to do what i s good. 1 M i l t o n , Works, IV,.. pp. 339-341. 2 I b i d . , p. 348. 3 I b i d . , pp. 3 1 0 - 3 1 1 . 4 I b i d . , p. 3 1 9 . 5 I b i d . , p. 346. 52 PART V ' IDEAS OF,CIVIL LIBERTY FOUND IN MILTON'S WORKS Today when we th i n k of c i v i l l i b e r t y , we include education and the freedom of the press among p o l i t i c a l r i g h t s . M i l t o n c l a s s i f i e s them as domestic or p r i v a t e l i b e r t i e s . An examination of what M i l t o n means by c i v i l l i b e r t y w i l l , there-f o r e , not include the problems of education and freedom of p u b l i c a t i o n . M i l t o n ' s appointment i n March 1 6 4 9 as Secretary of Foreign Tongues to the Council- of State marked the beginning of h i s work f o r p o l i t i c a l l i b e r t y . For eleven years, besides w r i t i n g and t r a n s l a t i n g l e t t e r s f o r the Council, he continued to pamphleteer f o r l i b e r t y , although he r e a l i z e d that few 1 men were e i t h e r desirous of l i b e r t y or capable of using i t . Assuming, as do Plato and A r i s t o t l e , that the q u a l i t y of ac t i n g r i g h t l y i n the State i s the same as the q u a l i t y of 2 r i g h t a c t i o n i n general, M i l t o n c a l l s upon the people of England to secure l i b e r t y , peace, and empire, not by depend-ence on a despotic king, but by t h e i r own v i r t u e , industry, and valour. I f they cannot get a l l these things except under a k i n g , they confess themselves weak, wanting i n . i n t e l l i g e n c e , 3 and born to be slaves. 4 "The Tenure of Kings and Magistrates," Milton's f i r s t pamphlet devoted t b . c i v i l l i b e r t y , was w r i t t e n p r i m a r i l y to prove the lawfulness of the execution of Charles I . He f i r s t 1 M i l t o n , Works. V I I , " F i r s t Defence," p. 7 5 . 2 Barker, The P o l i t i c a l Thought of Pl a t o and A r i s t o t l e , p. 7 2 . 3 M i l t o n , Works, V I I , " F i r s t Defence," p. 5 4 3 . 4 M i l t o n , Works. V,\pp.l^ 5 9 . 5 3 declares that "none can love freedom h e a r t i l i e "but good men; the r e s t love not freedom hut l i c e n c e ; which never hath more 1 scope or more indulgence then under Tyrants." He asserts that a l l men n a t u r a l l y were born f r e e , the image and resemblance of God himself, and were born to command, not to obey. A f t e r Adam's transgression, to prevent s e l f - d e s t r u c t i o n , they agreed to d e s i s t from mutual i n j u r y and t o war against any that t r i e d to d i s t u r b t h e i r agreement. Hence came c i t i e s , towns, and 2 commonwealths. M i l t o n maintains that the power of kings and magistrates i s " d e r i v a t i v e , t r a n s f e r r ' d , and committed to them i n t r u s t 3 * from the People," and denies that people are created f o r the 4 king, and that kings are accountable to none but God. He agrees with A r i s t o t l e , who wrote that monarchy unaccountable i s the worst s o r t o f tyranny and l e a s t of a l l to be endured by - '• .5 " freeborn men. By p l a i n reason and by Scripture M i l t o n decides that since the k i n g or magistrate holds h i s authority of the people f o r t h e i r good and not h i s own, they may, i f they judge i t best, e i t h e r choose him or r e j e c t him, r e t a i n him or depose him, though no t y r a n t , merely by the l i b e r t y and r i g h t of 6 freeborn men to be r u l e d as seems to them best. But M i l t o n does not advocate lawlessness on the part of the people. He w r i t e s that as long as a man intends to remain a subject he must do what the k i n g commands, i f what the king 1 M i l t o n , Works. V, p. 1, 2 I b i d . , p. 8. 3 I b i d . 4 I b i d . 5 I b i d . 6 I b i d . p. 10. p. 11. p. 12. p. 14. 54 commands i s l a w f u l , or else submit to the penalty which the law imposes. 2 In "Eikonoklastes, "• an answer to "Elkon B a s i l i k e , "which he t e l l s us he was ordered to make by the Council of State. soon a f t e r h i s appointment to the department of f o r e i g n 3 a f f a i r s , M i l t o n claims that Charles had many times acknowledged to have no r i g h t over the people but by law and by that law to govern. He then argues that since law i n a free nation has always been p u b l i c reason, when the king denies to enact the reason of parliament, he denies to govern by what ought to be 4 law. M i l t o n has no doubt that parliament must be supreme. He says that i t would be f o l l y for. the E n g l i s h to count themselves 5 a f r e e nation i f the k i n g had absolute power. M i l t o n attacks Charles's precept concerning English c i v i l l i b e r t i e s which the l a t t e r had circumscribed and not permitted 6 to extend beyond the laws already s e t t l e d , and maintains that the c o n s t i t u t i o n or repeal of c i v i l laws l i e s only i n the Parliament and that i t would become a r i d i c u l o u s and contempt-i b l e t h i n g i f i t had to dispute the laws piecemeal with the 7 k i n g . M i l t o n ' s appeal to J u s t i c e i s concluded by the f o l l o w i n g statement regarding laws: "Next i n order of time to the Laws of Moses, are those of C h r i s t , who declares professedly h i s judicature to be s p i r i t u a l , abstract from C i v i l managements, and therefore leaves a l l g Nations to t h e i r own p a r t i c u l a r Lawes, and way of Government." 1 M i l t o n , Works. V, pp. 3 1 - 3 2 . 2 I b i d . , pp. 6 3 - 3 0 9 . 3 M i l t o n , Works. V I I I , pp. 1 3 7 and 1 3 9 . 4 M i l t o n , Works. V, p. 8 3 . 5 I b i d . , p. 1 6 8 . 6 I b i d . , p. 2 8 1 . 7 I b i d . , p. 2 8 4 . 8 I b i d . , p. 2 9 5 . There Is In "Eikonoklastes" a statement of the "belief which M i l t o n was to emphasize more as he grew older: "The happiness of a Nation consis t s i n true R e l i g i o n , P i e t y , . J u s t i c e , Prudence, Temperance, F o r t i t u d e , and the contempt of Avarice and Ambition. They i n whomsoever these vertues dwell eminently, need not Kings t o make them happy, but are the a r c h i t e c t s of t h e i r own happiness. n l In "A Defence of the People of England i n Answer to 2 Salmasius's Defence of the King" M i l t o n d i s t i n g u i s h e s between the j u r i s d i c t i o n of the state and that of the church. Men, he explains,, united into c i v i l s o c i e t i e s that they might have safety and l i b e r t y , and into churches that they might l i v e r e l i g i o u s l y . C i v i l s o c i e t i e s have laws, and churches have a d i s c i p l i n e , p e c u l i a r to themselves and d i f f e r i n g from each 3 other. Having found no authority to say that kings'may do what they l i k e with impunity or that God has exempted them from a l l human j u r i s d i c t i o n , M i l t o n considers whether the gospel enjoins obedience which the law d i d not and whether the gospel reduces us to a c o n d i t i o n of slavery to kings and 4 ' ' . , t y r a n t s . He decides that since we were made i n the image of f God, "we cannot without s i n and s a c r i l e g e d e l i v e r ourselves over i n slavery to Caesar, to a man, that i s , and, what i s 5 more, to an unjust man, a wicked man, a t y r a n t . " A f t e r examining the w r i t i n g s of Moses, P l a t o , A r i s t o t l e , Cicero, and the Apostles, M i l t o n concludes that 1 M i l t o n , Works, V, p. 2 5 4 . 2 M i l t o n , Works. V I I , pp. 1 - 5 5 9 . 3 I b i d . , p. 3 5 . 4 I b i d . , p. 145. 5 I b i d . , pp. 1 5 1 and 1 5 3 . 56 "Therefore, since by the judgment of the wisest men and by the c o n s t i t u t i o n s of the best-ordered states the law has always been accounted the highest power on earth, and since the teachings of the gospel c l a s h not with reason or w i t h the law of nations, then c e r t a i n l y that man i s most t r u l y subject to the higher powers, who h e a r t i l y obeys the law, and the magis-t r a t e s so f a r as they govern according to the law." 1 M i l t o n i s c e r t a i n that the form of government must not be r i g i d l y f i x e d and that the people must have the l i b e r t y of s e t t i n g up what government they l i k e best, f o r i n t h i s p r i v i -2 lege r e s t s the l i f e of a l l c i v i l l i b e r t y . He asserts t h a t when a l a w f u l prince becomes a tyra n t , the law of j u s t i c e , the 3 very r u l e of nature, frees the people from t h e i r a l l e g i a n c e , since "unto the wisest man nature gives command over men le s s wise, not unto a wicked man over good men, a f o o l over wise men." I n d i f f e r e n t to p o l i t i c a l l i b e r t y except f o r the vi r t u o u s man, M i l t o n does not h e s i t a t e to set up the power of the minority over that of the majority. He asks, "What i f the majority of the l e g i s l a t u r e should choose to be slaves, or to set the government to sal e , - ought not the mi n o r i t y to 5 prevent t h i s , and keep t h e i r l i b e r t y , i f i t be i n t h e i r power?" M i l t o n agrees with A r i s t o t l e in.condemning absolute v • 6 monarchy "as ne i t h e r p r o f i t a b l e nor ju s t nor n a t u r a l . " He poi n t s out that when the kin g summons a parliament, he does i t by v i r t u e of h i s o f f i c e , which he has received from the people. Moreover, "a king of England can o f himself make no law; f o r he was appointed not to make laws, but to keep the 1 M i l t o n , Works, V I I , p. 169. 2 I b i d . , pp. 191 and 193. 3 I b i d . , p. 2 6 7 . 4 I b i d . , p. 2 7 3 . 5 I b i d . , p. 357. 6 I b i d . , p. 405. 57 laws which the people have made." M i l t o n concludes "A Defence of the People of England" by c a l l i n g upon the nation, which has been d e l i v e r e d from tyranny and s u p e r s t i t i o n "to do nothing that i s mean and petty, nothing but what i s great and 2 sublime." 3 "The Second Defence of the People of England" i s of great importance since i t reveals the motives of Milton's conduct. He asks, "And who i s there who considers not the honourable achievements of h i s country as h i s own? And what can be more f o r the honour and g l o r y of any country, than l i b e r t y , 4 r e s t ored a l i k e to c i v i l l i f e , and to d i v i n e worship?" M i l t o n knows that though he d i d not p a r t i c i p a t e i n the "fo i l s of the b a t t l e f i e l d , yet, i n defending t r u t h by reason, he did a work as hazardous to himself and more b e n e f i c i a l to 5 h i s countrymen. Of h i s pamphleteering he writes, " I have done t h i s , w i t h a view not only to the deliverance of the 6 commonwealth, but l i k e w i s e of the church," He places high value on s o l d i e r s , who are, i n h i s opinion, the support of p o l i t i c a l and r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s , and whose proper destiny 7 ' i s to procure peace and s e c u r i t y f o r the human race. 8 In 1 6 5 1 M i l t o n , then a foe of absolute monarchy, wrote "Our laws have made our Parliament equal, nay superior, to 9 our kings." Three years l a t e r when he accepts Cromwell as 1 M i l t o n , Works, V I I , p. 4 1 7 . 2 I b i d . , P. 5 5 3 . 3 M i l t o n , Works, V I I I , pp. 1 - 2 5 5 . 4 I b i d . , p. 7 . 5 I b i d . , p. 9 . 6 I b i d . , p. 6 7 . 7 I b i d . , P. 1 7 9 . 8 M i l t o n , Works, v i i , P. 3 0 5 . 9 I b i d . , P. 2 5 3 . 58 d i c t a t o r , he be l i e v e s that "there i s nothing i n human society more p l e a s i n g to God, or more agreeable to reason; that there i s nothing more j u s t i n a state, nothing more u s e f u l , than 1 that the most worthy should possess the sovereign power," But M i l t o n does not h e s i t a t e to admonish Cromwell: "Indeed, without our' freedom, you yo u r s e l f cannot be f r e e ; f o r such i s the order of nature, that he who f o r c i b l y seizes upon the l i b e r t y of others, i s the f i r s t to lose h i s own, i s the f i r s t 2 to become a slave: and nothing can be more just than t h i s . " He suggests to Cromwell the re a d i e s t means by which the d i c t a t o r may render E n g l i s h l i b e r t y more ample and more secure: a s s o c i a t i n g i n h i s c o u n c i l s modest, upright, courageous men, i n s p i r e d with the love of j u s t i c e and with a respect f o r 3 r e l i g i o n , and i n t e r e s t e d i n the preservation of l i b e r t y , M i l t o n advises Cromwell to leave the church to i t s own 4 government, and to reduce the number of laws, r e t a i n i n g only those that are necessary, " f o r laws have been provided only to r e s t r a i n m a l i g n i t y ; to form and increase v i r t u e , the most 5 e x c e l l e n t t h i n g i s l i b e r t y . " He also advocates b e t t e r pro-v i s i o n f o r education at the p u b l i c cost, f r e e d i s c u s s i o n of t r u t h without any hazard to the i n d i v i d u a l , and, f o r a l l 6 c i t i z e n s , the enjoyment of equal r i g h t s and equal laws. Any man who does not think t h i s l i b e r t y enough M i l t o n considers to be more concerned about ambition than about 1 M i l t o n , Works. V I I I , p. 2 3 3 -2 I b i d . , p. 2 2 7 . 3 I b i d . , pp. 2 2 9 - 2 3 1 . 4 I b i d . , p. 2 3 5 . 5 I b i d . , p. 2 3 7 . 6 I b i d . , pp. 2 3 7 and 2 3 9 . 59 generous* liberty.- 1- He beli e v e s that unless the l i b e r t y that man acquires i s such that i t cannot be taken away.by force, i t w i l l soon be l o s t , and that to r e t a i n i t s l i b e r t y , the mind 2 must be fre e of s u p e r s t i t i o n , avarice, ambition, and s e n s u a l i t y . He i s convinced that only those who know what Is r i g h t and 3 -wrong are f i t l e g i s l a t o r s . M i l t o n scorns those who are u n w i l l i n g to f i g h t f o r l i b e r t y , considering them, i n sp i t e of t h e i r brawling about l i b e r t y , to be Slaves. He thi n k s t h a t only a good man loves and knows how to obtain l i b e r t y , since "to be "free i s pre-c i s e l y the same t h i n g as to be pious, wise, j u s t and temperate, c a r e f u l of one's own, abstinent from what i s ' ' . - . • 4 • another's, and thence, i n f i n e , magnanimous and brave." People who cannot govern themselves should be made to submit 5 to an Involuntary servitude, and imbeciles and those deranged i n i n t e l l e c t should be committed to the government of another. M i l t o n concludes the "Second Defence" by admonishing the people of England who wish to remain f r e e , to l e a r n obedience 6 to reason and government of themselves. . f - '.' • In "The Readie and Easie Way to E s t a b l i s h a Free Common-. 7 wealth", the l a s t of Milt o n * s prose works on c i v i l l i b e r t y , he advises h i s eountryment not to readmit kingship and thus deprive themselves of free government that they had so dearly 1 M i l t o n , Works. V I I I , p. 2 3 9 . 2 I b i d . , p. 241. 3 I b i d . , p. 247. 4 I b i d . , pp. 249-251. 5 I b i d . , p. 251. 6 I b i d . , p. 251. 7 M i l t o n , Works. VI, pp. 111-149. 6 0 purchased.-1- He p i c t u r e s a f r e e commonwealth "wherln they who are the greatest, are perpetual servants and drudges to the p u b l i c at t h i r own cost and charges, neglect t h i r own a f f a i r s ; yet are not elevated above t h i r brethren; l i v e soberly i n t h i r f a m i l i e s , walk the s t r e e t s as other men, may be spoken to f r e e l y , f a m i l i a r l y , f r i e n d l y , without adoration."^ He thinks that people must needs be mad to b u i l d the chief 3 hope of t h e i r common happiness or safety on a single person. When he considers how the n a t i o n fought to win i t s l i b e r t y on the f i e l d , he wonders that any people, s t y l i n g themselves free, 4 . can allow any man to pretend h e r e d i t a r y r i g h t over them. He hopes, however, that part of the nation w i l l not submit to h e r e d i t a r y r u l e . "I"doubt not," he w r i t e s , "but a l l ingenious and knowing men w i l l e a s i l y agree with me, that a free Common-wealth without s i n g l e person or house of l o r d s i s by f a r the 5. best government, i f i t can be had." M i l t o n begs the people to l a y the foundations of a f r e e commonwealth with a general c o u n c i l of the ablest men, chosen by the people to consult about p u b l i c a f f a i r s from time to 6 time f o r the common good. R e a l i z i n g that h i s proposed c o u n c i l l o r s and those who choose them must be educated, he w r i t e s , "To make the people f i t t e s t to chuse, and the chosen f i t t e s t to govern, w i l l be to mend our corrupt and f a u l t y education, to teach the people f a i t h , not without vertue, temperance, modestie, s o b r i e t i e , parsimonie, j u s t i c e ; not to admire wealth or honour; to hate turbulence and ambition; to place every one hi s p r i v a t welfare and happiness i n the public peace, l i b e r t i e , and s a f e t i e . " ( 1 M i l t o n . Works. VI, pp. 1 1 8 - 1 1 9 . • " 2 I b i d . , p. 1 2 0 . 3 I b i d . , pp. 1 2 1 - 1 2 2 . 4 I b i d . , pp. 1 2 2 - 1 2 3 . 5 I b i d . , p. 124. 6 I b i d . , pp. 1 2 5 - 1 2 6 . 7 I b i d . , pp. 1 3 1 - 1 3 2 . 61 Milton then considers the p o s s i b i l i t y of the refusal of the majority to accept his commonwealth form of government, and decides that i t ,lf come to force, i t i s more just that a less number compel a greater to retain t h e i r l i b e r t y than that the 1 greater compel the less to be the i r fellow-slaves. In "The Readie and Easie Way" Milton repeats the idea that no man can be at rest who has not the l i b e r t y to serve 2 God according to the best l i g h t that God has given him, and since t h i s l i g h t i s revealed i n the Scriptures, and each man must interpret the Scriptures, he must have l i b e r t y of con-3 science. Both l i b e r t y of conscience and c i v i l rights, Milton maintains, are more favoured and protected by a free co:mmon-wealth than under a kinghsip. Milton thinks that c i v i l l i b e r t y w i l l be best obtained i f every county be made a subordinate commonwealth wherein the n o b i l i t y and chief gentry may bear th e i r part i n govern-ment and have none but themselves to blame If i t be not well administered. The practice they can get i n county government 5 w i l l f i t them f o r national government. To ensjure good rule, the n o b i l i t y and gentry should have schools of the i r own choice, where t h e i r children may be educated, "not i n grammar 6 only., but i n a l l l i b e r a l arts and exercises." Milton hopes that t h i s l a s t treatise w i l l persuade sensible men to revive the l i b e r t y that the people of England seemed, i n 1660, to be allowing to s l i p away from them. 1 Milton, Works. VI, pp. 140-141. 2 Ibid., p. 141. 3 Ibid., pp. 141-142. 4 Ibid., pp. 142-144. 5 Ibid., pp, 144-145. 6 Ibid., p. 145. 7 Ibid., pp. 148-149. 62 In M i l ton's poetry there are many passages which show how interwoven i n t o h i s t h i n k i n g are the ideas of p o l i t i c a l l i b e r t y already discussed. A quotation from "Paradise Lost" shows how these ideas form a n a t u r a l part of the poetry. I n the passage A b d i e l i s s.axrmfcj to .Sat a m • "Unjustly thou deprav'st i t with the name .Of Servitude to serve whom God ordains, Or Nature; God and Nature b i d the same, When he who r u l e s i s worthiest, and excel!s Them whom he governs. This i s servitude To serve th'unwise, o r him who hath r e b e l l d Against h i s - worthier, as thi n e now . serve thee, Thy s e l f not f r e e , but to thy s e l f e n t h r a l l ' d . " In a l l of h i s eight prose works w r i t t e n about c i v i l l i b e r t y and i n those" parts of h i s poems where he b r i e f l y mentions c i v i l l i b e r t y , M i l t o n expresses c e r t a i n ideas which are fundamental i n h i s t h i n k i n g . He places emphasis, as he di d i n d i s c u s s i n g e c c l e s i a s t i c a l and domestic l i b e r t y , upon the r i g h t of the i n d i v i d u a l to be happy. This happiness, he be l i e v e s , man can a t t a i n only i n a country where there i s no tyranny. To be happy, however, man must be good; that i s , he must know God's w i l l and c h e e r f u l l y obey Him. 3, B e l i e v i n g that only the v i r t u o u s know how to r u l e , M i l t o n does not h e s i t a t e to entrust to these good and wise, ' 4 •  however few they be i n number, the r u l i n g of the.country. . 5 6 The r u l e r may be a good king and parliament, a commonwealth, 7 8 a d i c t a t o r , or an a r i s t o c r a t i c c o u n c i l e l e c t e d by the people. 1 M i l t o n , "Paradise Lost," VI, 174-181; Works, I I , Part I . 2 Manuscript, p. 5 9 . 5. I b i d . , p. 5 9 . 4 I b i d . , p. 5 6 . 5 I b i d . , p. 5 6 . 6 I b i d . , p. 60. 7 I b i d . , pp. 5 7 , 5 8 . 8 I b i d . , p. 6 0 . 6 3 j As one who f o r a score of years was associated with the Commonwealth and Protectorates, M i l t o n n a t u r a l l y favours a 1 commonwealth form of government. Absolute monarchy, of course, 2 he w i l l not t o l e r a t e . In h i s p o l i t i c a l works M i l t o n c l e a r l y states that the f u n c t i o n of those who govern and those who are governed i s to 3 increase freedom. The r u l e r s must protect r e l i g i o n but keep i t 3 5 free from state c o n t r o l , they must give good administration, 6 and they must provide f o r the education of people. The c i t i z e n s , too, must be able to do t h e i r share i n f u r t h e r i n g the spread of l i b e r t y . They must d i s t i n g u i s h between l i b e r t y 7 ' 8 and l i c e n c e , they must f i g h t against tyranny, they must be 9 obedient to c i v i l r u l e , and I f they cannot govern themselves, 10 they must submit to the r u l e of others. To M i l t o n , c i v i l l i b e r t y I s , i n short, freedom from tyranny by the st a t e , the p r i v i l e g e of t a k i n g part i n the government of the country, and the r i g h t of the c i t i z e n s to be happyo The basis of t h i s c i v i l l i b e r t y l i e s , as does that of e c c l e s i a s t i c a l and domestic l i b e r t y , i n man's obedience to God« 1 Manuscript, pp. 6 0 , 61. 2 I b i d . , pp. 5 3 , 5 4 , 5 6 , 5 7 , 6 0 . 3 I b i d . , p. 5 8 . 4 I b i d . , pp. 5 4 , 5 8 , 61. 5 I b i d . , pp. 5 8 , 61. 6 I b i d . , pp. 5 8 , 60, 61. 7 I b i d . , p. 5 3 . 8 I b i d . , pp. 5 5 , 5 7 . 9 I b i d . , pp. 5 3 , 5 6 . 10 I b i d . , pp. 5 9 , 62. 64 BIBLIOGRAPHY I. B i b l i o g r a p h i c a l Note. The Works of John M i l t o n . New York, Columbia U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1 9 3 1 - 1 9 3 8 , prepared by an e d i t o r i a l board under the chairmanship of Frank A l l e n Patterson, i n eighteen volumes and two index volumes, i s the most up-to-date, a u t h o r i t a t i v e , and usable t e x t . However, the Bonn E d i t i o n of The Prose Works of John M i l t o n . London, George B e l l and Sons, I 8 8 I - I 8 8 3 , i n f i v e volumes, the e d i t i o n to which most of the c r i t i c s r e f e r , i s indispensable. David Masson's The L i f e of John M i l t o n narrated i n connexion with the P o l i t i c a l . E c c l e s i a s t i c a l , and L i t e r a r y H i s t o r y of His Time. Cambridge, Macmillan and Company, 1 8 5 9 - 1 8 9 4 , i n s i x volumes and index, i s the biog-raphy which the w r i t e r most often consults. Helen Darbishlre's The E a r l y L i v e s of M i l t o n . London, Constable and Company, 1 9 3 2 , with i t s sixty-one pages of i n t r o d u c t i o n and 3 5 3 pages of t e x t furnishes s i x of the e a r l y biographies. A very i n t e r e s t i n g and l o g i c a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of Milton's thought i s found i n La Pens^e de M i l t o n . P a r i s , L i b r a i r e Alcan, 1 9 2 0 , and i n M i l t o n et l e Materialisme Chretien en Angleterre, P a r i s , Les E d i t i o n Rieder, 1 9 2 8 , by M. Denis Saurat, "the most eminent • 1 of French M i l t o n l s t s " , W i l l i a m H a l l e r ' s The Rise of P u r i t a n -Ism, New York, Columbia U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1 9 3 8 , Is an e x c e l l e n t account'of Puritanism based d i r e c t l y upon the w r i t i n g s of the Puritans themselves. 1 Smith, L.P., M i l t o n and His Modern C r i t i c s , p. 7. 65 I I . Works of M i l t o n . Bonn, Henry G.; St. John, J.A., ed. The Prose Works of John M i l t o n . London: Geo. 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