UBC Theses and Dissertations

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UBC Theses and Dissertations

A history of Tristan scholarship Picozzi , Rosemary 1969

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A H I S T O R Y OF T R I S T A N S C H O L A R S H I P by ROSEMARY PICOZZI B.A., U n i v e r s i t y of Reading, 1^6k A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY i n the Department of German We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA A p r i l , I 9 6 9 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f t h e r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r an a d v a n c e d d e g r e e a t t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , I a g r e e t h a t t h e L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e a n d S t u d y . I f u r t h e r a g r e e t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y p u r p o s e s may be g r a n t e d b y t h e Head o f my D e p a r t m e n t o r b y h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l n o t b e a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . D e p a r t m e n t o f German The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a V a n c o u v e r 8, C a n a d a Date 28th A p r i l 1?6° AB S T R A C T Although a few summaries of the r e s u l t s gained i n c e r t a i n l i m i t e d areas of T r i s t a n scholarship have appeared, a comprehensive h i s t o r i c a l study of i t s development has not yet been made. In t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n the ideas and achievements of successive generations of c r i t i c s are presented and conclusions drawn as to the trends i n i n t e l l e c t u a l h i s t o r y which account for the d i s t i n c t changes i n methods, attitudes and i n t e r e s t s . The opening chapter discusses the theories on the o r i g i n s of the medieval Tristran romances i n o r a l and l i t e r a r y t r a d i t i o n . A f t e r examining the e a r l i e s t speculations about the geographical b i r t h p l a c e of romance i t then presents the views of the Romantics concerning the h i s t o r i c a l and mythological sources of the legend and the language of the f i r s t T r i s t a n poem. As shown i n the review of subsequent o r i g i n research, opinions about the o r a l d i f f u s i o n became sharply divided; when t h i s , the "insular-con-t i n e n t a l debate," subsided, scholars turned t h e i r a t t e n t i o n f i r s t to recon-s t r u c t i n g the archetypal poem and l a t e r to i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the extant m a t e r i a l . The f i r s t of three chapters dealing with Gottfried's T r i s t a n describes the recovery of manuscripts, studies of the transmission, and preparation of e d i t i o n s . The second surveys the changing patterns i n G o t t f r i e d c r i t i c i s m up to the beginning of the twentieth century: a f t e r an enthusiastic reception among the e a r l y Romantics G o t t f r i e d ' s poem, though s t i l l admired by the minority which posited mythological o r i g i n s , was condemned by most l i t e r a r y h i s t o r i a n s on grounds of immorality and blasphemy. Later c r i t i c s were pre-occupied with e l i c i t i n g the poet's biography from h i s work and assessing the extent of h i s dependence on Thomas of B r i t t a n y . The question of G o t t f r i e d ' s i i o r i g i n a l i t y maintained i t s prominent p o s i t i o n i n twentieth-century i n t e r -pretations, examined i n the next chapter. To most c r i t i c s the novelty i n hi s treatment l a y i n the as s o c i a t i o n of Tri s t a n - l o v e with r e l i g i o n , and the problems a r i s i n g from t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p were frequently discussed i n terms of the medieval " Z e i t g e i s t . " I m p l i c i t throughout t h i s study and elaborated i n the conclusion are the l i n k s between T r i s t a n scholarship and i n t e l l e c t u a l h i s t o r y . For example, the eighteenth-century idea of human nature influenced the e a r l y theories of o r i g i n s ; when the Enlightenment aversion to the medieval period had been overcome, the new i n t e r e s t i n h i s t o r y , mythology and the age of c h i v a l r y among the Romantics accounted f o r some approaches to the material, but other attitudes (e.g., denigrations of Gottfried's poem and the lack of i n t e r e s t i n producing a r e l i a b l e edition) r e f l e c t e d current n a t i o n a l i s t i c tendencies and h o s t i l i t y towards the French—from whom G o t t f r i e d borrowed the theme. Later developments (source studies, genealogical research i n t o manuscripts and extant versions, quasi-mechanical reconstructions, biographies) t y p i f i e d the s c i e n t i f i c outlook of p o s i t i v i s m . Gottfried's independence of Thomas, at f i r s t underplayed f o r p o l i t i c a l reasons, f i n a l l y a t t r a c t e d a t t e n t i o n i n the twentieth century when i n t e r p r e t a t i o n became the primary concern among scholars. Both the general i n t e r e s t i n f i n d i n g an adequate d e f i n i t i o n of Trista n - l o v e and the methods adopted i n in t e r p r e t a t i o n s of Gottfried's amatory doctrine showed the marked impact exerted by "Geistesgeschichte" on l i t e r a r y c r i t i c i s m . Depth psychology and modern p o l i t i c a l ideologies (National Socialism and Marxism) have also determined the approach taken by some scholars. I t appears that T r i s t a n scholarship i s now moving i n new d i r e c t i o n s , f o r i n recent research into the structure and symbolism of Gottfried's poem hypotheses about the metaphysical background have been displaced by i n t r i n s i c study of the work i t s e l f . C O N T E N T S CHAPTER PAGE One THE STUDY OF ORIGINS 1 I : The E a r l y Theories on the O r i g i n of Medieval Romance I I : The Studies during the Ea r l y Nineteenth Century 10 A. H i s t o r i c a l and Mythological Origins of the Legend ( i ) H i s t o r i c a l Origins ( i i ) Mythological Origins 15 B. Language of the F i r s t Romance 19 I I I : The Influence of P o s i t i v i s m on Or i g i n Research 23 A. The Insular-Continental Debate B. The Archetypal T r i s t a n Romance 43 IV: The Influence of Geistesgeschichte on O r i g i n Research ... .58 V: Conclusion 63 Two EDITIONS AND MANUSCRIPT CRITICISM OF THE TRISTAN ROMANCE BY GOTTFRIED VON STRASSBURG 66 I : 1777 - 1850 I I : 1850 to the Present 73 I I I : Conclusion 86 Three GOTTFRIED CRITICISM IN THE NINETEENTH AND EARLY TWENTIETH CENTURIES 87 I : Admiration and Denigration A. E a r l y Romantics B. "Lachmann School" 90 C. Mythological School 98 I I : P o s i t i v i s t i c Methods 10k A. Biographical Studies B. Source Studies :The Gottfried-Thomas Relationship. . 1 1 1 I I I : Conclusion 123 Four TWENTIETH-CENTURY INTERPRETATIONS OF GOTTFRIED'S TRISTAN 126 I : Survey of Interpretations I I : Conclusion 179 Five CONCLUSION I 8 3 NOTES 202 BIBLIOGRAPHY 235 APPENDICES A. Location of Complete Manuscripts of Gottfr i e d ' s T r i s t a n 2^k B. Comparison of the Editions of Gottfried's T r i s t a n 255 CHAPTER ONE T H E S T U D Y OF O R I G I N S I The E a r l y Theories on the O r i g i n of Medieval Romance P r i o r to the appearance i n I 7 8 5 of the f i r s t e d i t i o n of the T r i s t a n poem by G o t t f r i e d von Strassburg''' f a m i l i a r i t y with the story of T r i s t a n and Isolde was g a i n e d — d i r e c t l y or i n d i r e c t l y — f r o m German and French prose romances, for the MSS of the medieval me t r i c a l romances on the theme had 2 long since f a l l e n into o b l i v i o n . The fifteenth-century German Prosaroman, 3 which was based on the T r i s t r a n t of E i l h a r t von Oberge, was f i r s t printed i n lkQk i n Augsburgj i t continued to be printed i n t o the seventeenth cen-tury, the l a s t known e d i t i o n appearing i n Nuremberg i n l66k. In 1 5 7 8 the k romance was included i n the Buch der Liebe, but t h i s c o l l e c t i o n of prose romances had become so rare by the end of the eighteenth century that, when a new e d i t i o n of the anthology was being prepared i n 1 8 0 9 , only f i v e copies were known to e x i s t . The French roman en prose, a vast work composed ca. 1 2 1 5 - 3 5 5 proved to be much more i n f l u e n t i a l i n spreading and perpetuating the story. I t became so popular that numerous hand-written and printed reproductions were made into the sixteenth century. In 1*4-79 S i r Thomas Malory drew on and greatly reduced t h i s version of the story for part of his Morte d'Arthur, which was f i r s t printed by William Caxton i n Westminster i n 1*4-85, and l a t e r became one of the main sources f o r English scholars and poets who took an i n t e r e s t i n romance and c h i v a l r y . In addition, an abridged form of a sixteenth-century reworking of the roman  en prose was given i n I 7 7 6 by the Comte de Tressan i n the Bibliotheque 2 g U n i v e r s e l l e des Romans, and again i n the f i r s t volume of h i s Corps  d'Extraits de Romans de Chevalerie, published i n Paris i n I782. When academic i n t e r e s t i n the o r i g i n s of romantic f i c t i o n f i r s t arose i n the l a t e seventeenth century, i t was held that a l l romance originated i n the same geographical area. The problem lay i n deciding upon the correct l o c a t i o n . The b e l i e f i n a si n g l e point of r a d i a t i o n , which corresponded to the common assumption that climate influenced s o c i e t y and thus also the type of l i t e r a t u r e produced by that society, s t e a d i l y gained strength during the eighteenth century. The ideas expressed by the pioneers i n this area of research were u s u a l l y included i n discussions on the r i s e and customs of c h i v a l r y , because romance was considered to be the c h i l d of c h i v a l r y and also because the phenomenon of c h i v a l r y as a s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n aroused more i n t e r e s t than did the l i t e r a r y merits of the i n d i v i d u a l romances . Con-sequently, among the e a r l i e s t scholars to f o s t e r the antiquarian spirit--men l i k e Thomas Warton i n England and La Curne de Sainte-Palaye i n F r a n c e -romances were regarded l a r g e l y as s o c i a l documents and pictures of manners. Moreover, by s t r e s s i n g the h i s t o r i c o - s o c i a l values of c h i v a l r i c romances, such scholars could excuse t h e i r preoccupation with the medieval period. In the Age of Reason, the Middle Ages were commonly held i n contempt as barbarous and p r i m i t i v e ; as to medieval l i t e r a t u r e , "men of cold Fancies, and Philosophical D i s p o s i t i o n s , object to t h i s kind of Poetry, that i t has not P r o b a b i l i t y enough to a f f e c t the Imagination."^ In Germany disdain for things medieval lasted u n t i l the l a t e eighteenth century; indeed, since the Age of Humanism the term M i t t e l a l t e r had implied "das, was zwischen der bewunderten Antike und der selbstgewissen Gegenwart als eine 'dunkle,' *barbarische,' 'gotische' Zwischenzeit Ubrig blieb."'''^ I t i s therefore 3 necessary to turn to England and France i n order to discover e a r l y academic discussion of medieval l i t e r a t u r e and to f i n d the f i r s t theories on the o r i g i n s of romance. Three d i f f e r e n t theories on the geographical o r i g i n s of romantic f i c t i o n became popular during t h i s p e riod: the Northern, the Eastern (or Arabian), and the C e l t i c . An e a r l y promoter of the Northern theory was William Temple, who was i n t e r e s t e d i n medieval romance as a phenomenon deriving from the Gothic temperament. In his two essays "Of heroic v i r t u e " and "Of poetry" (1690) he traced the s p i r i t of c h i v a l r y and romantic honour, as w e l l as the enchantments and the supernatural i n medieval romance, to Gothic manners. ^  In the French scholar La Curne de Sainte-Palaye we f i n d another sponsor of t h i s theory. His Memoires sur l'ancienne chevalerie, consideree comme un etablissement p o l i t i q u e et m i l i t a i r e , which he began to write i n 17^6, include the following statement: Je n'ai point parle j u s q u ' i c i des Chevaliers errans, t e l s que ceux de l a Table Ronde & autres, que les f i c t i o n s romanesques ont rendu s i fameux. Les r e c i t s que nous l i s o n s de leurs aventures merveilleuses, sont vraisemblablement fondes sur de v i e i l l e s t r a d i t i o n s , qui etoient elles-memes empruntees des origines encore plus fabuleuses des peuples venus du Nord.^2 Meanwhile the Eastern theory had been proposed by William Warburton, who i n 17^2 stated that the o r i g i n of romance l a y i n the Orient. In h i s view, crusaders, pilgrims and the Moorish invaders of Spain had brought Eastern tales from Arabia to the West, where Turpin and Geoffrey of Mon-mouth then became the fountainheads of romance i n Europe. Both the Nor-thern and the Eastern theories were then presented by Thomas Warton i n his Observations on the " F a i r y Queen" of Spenser (175*0 ^ I n t f t i s study Warton did not i n d i c a t e which of the two theories he favoured, and con-centrated instead on h i s defence of Spenser, c h i v a l r y , and e s p e c i a l l y medieval romances, "for however monstrous and unnatural these compositions may appear to t h i s age of reason and refinement, they merit more attention than the world i s w i l l i n g to bestow" ( I I , 322-23) • Inspired by Warton's Observations and also by the antiquarian i n t e r e s t of the poet Thomas Gray (who had recovered a large number of Middle English poems), Richard Hurd composed i n I 7 6 2 h i s Letters on C h i v a l r y and Romance. Hurd, who held that "the ages, we c a l l barbarous, present us with many a subject of curious speculation," had no f i r s t - h a n d knowledge of the romances and therefore r e l i e d h e a v i l y on the work of La Curne de Sainte-Palaye. However, he did not share the l a t t e r ' s views on the o r i g i n s , subscribing instead to the Eastern theory as outlined by Warburton and Warton. Unlike Hurd, Bishop Thomas Percy voiced strong objections to Warburton's ideas, and favoured instead the Northern theory. Percy was the f i r s t E n g l i s h c r i t i c a c t u a l l y to inspect medieval romances, which at t r a c t e d h i s attention because they represented to him one example of p r i m i t i v e p o e t r y ; ^ although he planned t h e i r p u b l i c a t i o n he f a i l e d to accomplish t h i s p r o j e c t . In the "Essay on the Ancient M e t r i c a l Romances" published i n h i s Reliques of Ancient English Poetry ( I 7 6 5 ) n e wrote: The opinion . . . seems very untenable, which some learned and ingenious men have entertained, that the turn f o r Chivalry, and the taste f o r that species of romantic f i c t i o n were caught by the Spaniards from the Arabians . . . and from the Spaniards transmitted to the bards of Armorica, and thus d i f f u s e d through B r i t a i n , France, I t a l y , Germany and the North. For i t seems u t t e r l y i n c r e d i b l e , that one rude people should adopt a p e c u l i a r taste and manner of w r i t i n g or thinking from another, without borrowing at the same time any of t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r s t o r i e s or fables, without appearing to know anything of t h e i r heroes, h i s t o r y , laws and r e l i g i o n . . . . A l l the old writers of c h i v a l r y . . . appear u t t e r l y unacquainted with whatever r e l a t e s to the Mahometan nations . 5 Percy pointed out that others who had w r i t t e n on the o r i g i n s of the "Romances of C h i v a l r y " were seemingly unaware that the f i r s t compositions of t his kind were i n verse, and u s u a l l y sung to the harp. In h i s view the romances were l i n e a l l y descended from the ancient h i s t o r i c a l songs of the Gothic bards and scalds, and the Normans brought the romances from the North to France. Most of the E n g l i s h m e t r i c a l romances were tr a n s l a t i o n s from the French, but the English did have some o r i g i n a l romances of t h e i r own. When discussing the sources of the Arthuriad he wrote: "The s t o r i e s of King Arthur and h i s Round Table, may be reasonably supposed of the growth of t h i s i s l a n d ; both the French and the Armoricans probably had them from B r i t a i n " (p. x v i i i ) . The Welsh antiquarian Evan Evans, one of the leaders of the C e l t i c 18 Revival which took place during the l a t t e r h a l f of the eighteenth century, suggested during h i s long correspondence with Percy that the Arthurian 19 romances ori g i n a t e d s p e c i f i c a l l y i n Wales. This, the C e l t i c theory, was rejected outright by Thomas Warton when he readdressed himself to the question of o r i g i n s . Taking up c e r t a i n ideas already expressed i n h i s study of Spenser he now attempted i n h i s History of English Poetry (1774-81) to r e c o n c i l e the Eastern theory with the Northern. In t h i s l i t e r a r y h i s t o r y — a work of vast e r u d i t i o n , and the f r u i t of much patient research among o l d MSS ( i n c l u d i n g those i n Paris of the roman en p r o s e ) — h e main-tained that Western romance originated as Eastern fable, f o r the scalds o r i g i n a l l y obtained t h e i r material from the Arabians. Concordant with these views was h i s statement that Geoffrey of Monmouth's chronicle (the H i s t o r i a Regum Britanniae, composed ca. II3O-36), "supposed to con-t a i n the ideas of the Welsh bards, e n t i r e l y consists of Arabian inventions" ( 1 , 1 0 2 ) . The climate theory influenced Warton when he formed these ideas: 6 he claimed that the f e r t i l i t y of f i c t i o n and the exotic imagery i n romances could not have ori g i n a t e d i n the cold and barren conceptions of a Western climate. Warton's theories were vehemently repudiated by Joseph Ritson, who strongly favoured the C e l t i c theory as proposed by Evans. Included i n 21 h i s i n i t i a l c r i t i q u e of Warton (I782) was the b r i e f comment that the o r i g i n of romantic f i c t i o n was e n t i r e l y due to the C e l t i c nations, which "had doubtless * a very s u f f i c i e n t stock of l i e s of t h e i r own growth,* without being beholden to A s i a t i c adventurers" (p. k). Ritson's Disser-22 t a t i o n on Romance and M i n s t r e l s y (1802) contained both another out-spoken c r i t i c i s m of Warton and also further discussion of the C e l t i c o r i g i n s , and on t h i s l a t t e r topic he now wrote: "There i s no vestige or shadow of any ancient authority that t h i s p i t i f u l nation lArmorica], a small colony from South Wales, or Cornwall i n B r i t a i n , , had any other f i c t i o n than such as they had c a r r i e d over with them" (p. 15) • The growth of the antiquarian s p i r i t and the awakening of i n t e r e s t i n the medieval period and i t s l i t e r a t u r e took place l a t e r i n Germany than i n B r i t a i n or France; Germany was slower i n developing the h i s t o r i c a l sense, i n which i t was recognized that e a r l i e r l i t e r a t u r e s should be judged from the h i s t o r i c a l point of view, and with r e l a t i v e standards constantly borne i n mind. One of the f i r s t i n Germany to d i s p l a y t h i s h i s t o r i c a l sense was Johann G o t t f r i e d Herder, and the Romantic movement then brought about a deepening of t h i s sense, and thus also the develop-ment of s c i e n t i f i c h i s t o r y . Herder f e l t , for example, that l i t e r a r y h i s t o r y should trace the o r i g i n s , growth, flowering and decay of l i t e r a t u r e 7 according to the d i f f e r e n t s t y l e s of regions, times and poets. From Herder's pen came therefore the f i r s t s i g n i f i c a n t German contribution to the study of o r i g i n s of romance, namely i n the fourth part of h i s Ideen zur Philosophie  der Geschichte der Menschheit ( 1 7 9 1 ) - ^ In t h i s work he discussed the o r i g i n s and di f f u s i o n of the o r a l Arthurian legends, and also the l i t e r a r y o r i g i n s of Arthurian romance. He traced the o r a l t r a d i t i o n s to t h e i r b i r t h i n Wales and Cornwall, and showed how they were further developed i n Armorica, whence they then spread over the whole of Europe. The l i t e r a r y o r i g i n s of the Arthuriad, on the other hand, were French. Combining features of the Northern and the Eastern theories Herder claimed that when the French c u l t i v a t e d the a r t of romantic f i c t i o n they were fed by the twin impulses of the Northern love of adventure and deference f o r women, and the Eastern i n t e r e s t i n c h i v a l r y and love. The poets drew on three sources f o r t h e i r l i t e r a r y products: heroic tales of Charlemagne, s t o r i e s from c l a s s i c a l a n t i q u i t y , and legends of the Round Table, and these l a s t were made a v a i l a b l e to the poets by the o r a l legends being c i r c u l a t e d i n Armorica. In short, Herder discussed three main t o p i c s : the f i r s t l o c a t i o n of the o r a l legends, t h e i r d i f f u s i o n i n o r a l t r a d i t i o n , and the n a t i o n a l i t y of the poets i n whose hands the legends f i n a l l y c r y s t a l l i z e d i n t o w ritten romances. As T r i s t a n scholarship developed, these topics became the key issues i n the discussion of o r i g i n s . The term " o r i g i n research" comprehends a l l the attempts to elucidate the preliminary forms and development of the legend of T r i s t a n and Isolde i n o r a l t r a d i t i o n , up to i t s f i r s t appearance as a medieval l i t e r a r y romance. There were b a s i c a l l y two reasons why t h i s area of research could p o t e n t i a l l y give r i s e to a considerable divergence of opinion. On the 8 one hand the o r a l t r a d i t i o n s were of a f l u i d and l a r g e l y indeterminable nature, unsupported as they were by any d i r e c t documentary evidence. On the other hand the o r i g i n a l T r i s t a n romance was not extant. C r i t i c s therefore had to deduce the o r i g i n s from secondary or d e r i v a t i v e material such as Welsh t r i a d s , troubadour l y r i c s , l a i s , and extant romances. Herder was f a m i l i a r with the work of scholars such as Warton, La Curne de Sainte-Palaye, and Percy, and l i k e these precursors i n England and France he now introduced into Germany an imaginative i n t e r e s t i n the r i c h c u l t u r a l heritage of the Middle Ages. P r i o r to t h i s time the r e s u l t s of the medieval studies of i s o l a t e d pioneers such as Bodmer, B r e i t i n g e r and Christoph Heinrich Myller had met with a poor reception, as exemplified by the well-known reaction of Frederick the Great to the f i r s t volume of Myller's Samlung 2k deutscher Gedichte aus dem XII. XIII. und XIV. Iahrhundert — a c o l l e c t i o n which i n i t s second volume contained the f i r s t e d i t i o n of G o t t f r i e d ' s T r i s t a n . At the turn of the century, however, medievalism became the current coin among the German Romantics. Of the rapid transformation i n the German at t i t u d e Ludwig Tieck gave an eloquent and apt d e s c r i p t i o n i n the introduction to h i s Minnelieder aus dem schwabischen Z e i t a l t e r (I803) '• Sehn wir auf eine unlangst verflossene Z e i t zurlick, die s i c h durch G l e i c h g t l l t i g k e i t , Missverstandnisse oder das Nichtbeachten der Werke der schbnen Klinste auszeichnet, so mtissen wir liber die schnelle Wandlung erstaunen, die i n einem so kurzen Zeitraum bewirkt hat, dass man s i c h n i c h t nur fUr die DenkmSler verflossener Z e i t a l t e r i n t e r e s s i e r t , sondern s i e wlirdigt, und n i c h t nur mit einseitigem verbildenden E i f e r bewundert, sondern durch ein hbheres Streben s i c h bemliht, jeden Geist auf seine eigene Art zu verstehen und zu fassen. . . So wie j e t z t wurden die Alten noch nie gelesen und Ubersetzt. . . . Man i s t i n Grundsatzen e i n i g , die man noch vor wenigen Jahren Torheit gescholten hatte, und dabei sind die F o r t s c h r i t t e der Erkenntnis  n i c h t von mehr WidersprUchen und Verwirrungen b e g l e i t e t und gestOrt, a l s jede grosse menschliche Bestrebung notwendig immer herbeiziehen wird ' 9 The awakening of i n t e r e s t i n the Middle Ages found expression not only i n poetry but also i n p h i l o l o g y . The recovery of MSS, the preparation of editions, discussions of sources and evaluations of l i t e r a r y products of the past r a p i d l y gained prominence, and these p h i l o l o g i c a l pursuits were popular i n England, France and Germany concurrently. As a r e s u l t , t h i s period witnessed the emergence of T r i s t a n scholarship proper. Whether the advances i n knowledge were indeed to be accompanied and disturbed by the "contradictions" and "confusions" r e f e r r e d to by Tieck w i l l become clear i n the following survey. 10 II The Studies during the Ea r l y Nineteenth Century t: A. H i s t o r i c a l and Mythological Origins of the Legend (i) H i s t o r i c a l Origins That T r i s t a n was a figure drawn from ancient B r i t i s h h i s t o r y was accepted as dogma by the early scholars. The idea was f i r s t put forward i n works com-p i l e d during the C e l t i c Revival, such as the Musical and Po e t i c a l Relicks of the Welsh Bards (1784), the Myvyrian Archaiology ( l 8 0 l ) , and the Cambrian 26 ' Biography (1803), which l i s t e d a l l the known appearances of T r i s t a n ( s p e l t Trystan or Drystan) i n extant Welsh medieval MSS. These books were edited by Welsh antiquarians who f i r m l y believed i n the high a n t i q u i t y of the trad-i t i o n s i n the Welsh remnants—despite the fact that the MSS did not themselves antedate the thirteenth century. The editors drew a verbal p i c t u r e of T r i s t a n i n whom they found a sixth-century B r i t i s h c h i e f t a i n and contemporary of King Arthur. Of the many epithets applied to him i n these texts, one described him as the mighty swineherd, another named him the lover of Isolde, while Isolde was described as one of the three unchaste women. The t r i a d of the t r i gwrdveichyat (the three mighty swineherds) i n the MS. Peniarth l 6 gave evidence of a trian g u l a r r e l a t i o n s h i p between Drystan, h i s uncle March and the l a t t e r ' s wife E s s y l l t , and as a r e s u l t the notion held sway for some time that the enti r e story of the love between T r i s t a n and Isolde as rela t e d i n the extant romances—in which the most s i g n i f i c a n t features were the love-drink and the tra g i c c o n f l i c t with the law—was, l i k e the hero, of i n s u l a r C e l t i c o r i g i n . S i r Walter Scott, one of the eminent founders of T r i s t a n scholarship, gave voice i n 1804 to his conviction that the legend was based on B r i t i s h h i s t o r y when discussing the origins i n the preface to h i s e d i t i o n of the 11 English medieval romance S i r Tristrem. The sources of that version or the legend had already been discussed by John Pinkerton, who i n his "Essay on 28 the o r i g i n of Scotish Poetry" (I786) had w r i t t e n : "The very f i r s t important piece of Scotish poetry we hear of, namely, the Romance of S i r Tristram by the celebrated Thomas Lermont the rimer of E r c i l d o n , was founded on B r i t i s h poetry; Tristram being one of Arthur's knights. This poem, so highly celebrated at the time, was written about 1270, but seems now to be 29 unfortunately l o s t " ( p . l i x ) . The idea that T r i s t a n was indeed one of Arthur's knights was not accepted without demur by Scott. He believed T r i s t a n to be an h i s t o r i c a l f i g u r e , "a celebrated c h i e f t a i n , who f l o u r i s h e d i n the s i x t h century" (p.xxvi) but "whether he r e a l l y was a contemporary of Arthur, or whether that honour was ascribed to him on account of h i s high renown and i n t e r e s t i n g adventures, i t i s now d i f f i c u l t to determine. . . . That Tristrem a c t u a l l y f l o u r i s h e d during the stormy independence of Cornwall . . . may, I think, be admitted, without i n c u r r i n g the charge of c r e d u l i t y " (pp.xxix-xxx). According to Scott, the legend of T r i s t a n and Isolde, " i f we may t r u s t the Welch [ s i c ] a u t h o r i t i e s , i s founded upon authentic h i s t o r y " (p.xxvi), and the high a n t i q u i t y claimed for the Welsh triads was probably j u s t i f i e d . Scott knew that other poems on the T r i s t a n theme had existed i n France well before the composition of S i r Tristrem, but he asserted that the story as t o l d i n any of these e a r l i e r French versions would have been a l t e r e d and perverted by the diseurs of Normandy. We can understand why Scott then drew a f a l s e conclusion concerning the r e l a t i o n s h i p of S i r Tristrem to the con-t i n e n t a l romances. He erroneously suggested that the author of S i r Tristrem, having d i r e c t access to the insular C e l t i c t r a d i t i o n s , brought back to i t s o r i g i n a l s i m p l i c i t y the story which had undergone such a r a d i c a l a l t e r a t i o n 12 on the continent. As yet i t was not known to T r i s t a n scholars that the English romance, l i k e Gottfried's, was based on the work of Thomas of Brittany, and therefore not taken d i r e c t l y from C e l t i c t r a d i t i o n . Like many l a t e r scholars, he considered the p o s s i b i l i t y that the great French poet, Chretien de Troyes, wrote a T r i s t a n romance, and referred to an 3 0 a l l u s i o n i n Chretien's work to the love-potion. Scott was uncertain as to whether Chretien a c t u a l l y wrote a romance on this theme, but concluded that, had he done so, " i t c e r t a i n l y was i n verse, l i k e a l l his other com-po s i t i o n s " (p.xxvi). Scott anticipated the d i f f i c u l t i e s that scholars would l a t e r face i n t h e i r attempts to discover the ways i n which the T r i s t a n material had been d i f f u s e d . Indicating that there were two possible routes by which the Arthurian legends might have reached the French poets, he posited the Armori-cans and also the Anglo-Normans as the intermediaries: " i t i s d i f f i c u l t to ascertain whence Chrestien de Troyes procured hi s subjects. The tales may have passed to him from Armorica: but, as the union between B r i t a i n and Normandy was, i n h i s days, most intimate, i t seems f u l l y as probable that he himself c o l l e c t e d i n England, or from English authority, the ancient B r i t i s h t r a d i t i o n s which he framed into Romances" (pp.xxxv-xxxvi). Like Scott, August Wilhelm Schlegel—who i n the f i r s t years of the nineteenth century succeeded i n i n t e r e s t i n g many of the Romantic poets i n Middle High German l i t e r a t u r e — a l s o held the view that the roots of the legend lay i n B r i t i s h h i s t o r y , a conclusion a r r i v e d at a f t e r he had compared the story with actual h i s t o r i c a l events. Schlegel's absorbing i n t e r e s t i n medieval l i t e r a t u r e animated the lectures he delivered i n B e r l i n from I803 to lQOk on the h i s t o r y of Romantic l i t e r a t u r e , and i t was here that he discussed T r i s t a n i n the context of the "Brittanische und Nordfranzb'sische 13 Rittermythologie." In his view, Arthurian romances originated i n the B r i t i s h I s l e s , and the admixture of i n s u l a r and continental elements i n the Arthuriad was r e a d i l y explicable i f the romances were seen i n the l i g h t of B r i t i s h h i s t o r y : . . . die Geschichte von Artus [ i s t ] eine W a l l i s i s c h e oder A l t b r i t i s c h e nationale Erinnerung aus der Z e i t , wo dieses Volk von den Sachsen i n seine jetzigen Sitze verdrangt worden, wie sich denn unterdrUckte VSlker gern mit TrSumen ehemaliger H e r r l i c h k e i t n'a"hren. Nachher [ i s t ] durch den v i e l f a l t i g e n Verkehr mit dem Franz ' 6sischen Bretagne, die Geschichte nach Frankreich hiniibergebracht, und dort hauptsSchlich ausgebildet worden. Hiemit stimmt das sehr gut Uberein, dass die Haupt-.-szene, der Hof des Artus s e l b s t , i n Britannien b e f i n d l i c h , die vornehmsten R i t t e r aber, ein Lanzelot, P a r c i v a l , T r i s t a n u. s. w. aus Frankreich gebUrtig sind. (p. I 3 8 ) In h i s l a t e r essays "Observations sur l a langue et l a l i t t e r a t u r e provencale" ( l 8 l 8 ) and "De l ' o r i g i n e des romans de chevalerie" (1833-34) Schlegel established a more precise h i s t o r i c a l basis for the T r i s t a n legend. He wrote : Un t r a i t du roman s'accorde avec des p r o b a b i l i t e s historiques : T r i s t a n d e l i v r e l a Cornouaille d'un t r i b u t qu'elle e t a i t forcee de payer au r o i d'Irlande. Les Danois e t a b l i s sur l a cote o r i e n t a l e de cette f i e y formerent un royaume assez puissant pour i n f e s t e r l a Grande-Bretagne par leurs expeditions maritimes . Dans le roman, l e r o i d'Irlande Gormon (Gorm) porte un nom vraiment scandinave. La trop seduisante Yseult, quoique nee en Irlande, au r a i t done ete une princesse danoise. Aussi f u t - e l l e surnommee l a blonde. ("De l ' o r i g i n e , " pp. 294^95). He d i f f e r e d from Scott i n that he denounced the Welsh texts as being, h i s t o r i c a l l y speaking, f o r g e r i e s : i n h i s opinion the triads had no con-nection whatsoever with sixth-century B r i t i s h h i s t o r y , nor had t h e i r authors been true bards . Rather, the triads were the work of p a t r i o t i c Welshmen w r i t i n g i n the fourteenth century, "antiquaires passionnes et ignorants; e'etaient e n f i n Aes celtomanes, dont les prejuges avaient etrangement offusque les facultes i n t e l l e c t u e l l e s " ("De l ' o r i g i n e , " p . 2 8 4 ) . Ik Indeed, Schlegel's determined scepticism was akin to that of David W. Nash, whose book on T a l i e s i n brought Matthew Arnold, the apologist of Welsh l i t -erature and the C e l t i c heritage, to the defence of the ancient t r a d i t i o n s 3 3 which he believed to be preserved i n the Welsh texts . Schlegel wrote i n these l a t e r essays that the Anglo-Normans were the main channel of transmission through which the i n s u l a r legends had passed to France, where the f i r s t T r i s t a n romance had then been composed by a North French poet who, as c e r t a i n geographical features i n the extant romances made cl e a r , was well acquainted with the B r i t i s h scene. He held that this romance had at an e a r l y date been translated into Provencal, f o r such a t r a n s l a t i o n would account for the many references to the T r i s t a n theme i n troubadour poetry. But that a Provencal romance might have antedated the French T r i s t a n , as had been suggested by c e r t a i n French scholars (see below, p. 20) was i n h i s opinion neither probable nor p o s s i b l e . In 1809 the friends and collaborators Johann Gustav BUsching and F r i e d r i c h Heinrich von der Hagen together edited a re-issue of the anthology e n t i t l e d the Buch der Liebe which, as was mentioned e a r l i e r , included the 3 4 Prosaroman of T r i s t a n . In the e d i t o r i a l preface the sources were not discussed; nor did Schlegel's review i n 1810 deal with the question of 3 5 o r i g i n s , beyond a f l e e t i n g reference to the extreme age of the legend. However, when Jacob Grimm reviewed the book i n 1812 t h i s topic came to the 3 6 very forefront of discussion. Grimm, who regarded the e a r l i e s t stages i n a legend's development as Naturpoesie, the embodiment of an innocence which was l a t e r l o s t i n the Kunstpoesie (such as c o u r t l y romance), dwelt i n p a r t i -cular on the or i g i n s of the T r i s t a n legend. He also discussed the r e l a t i o n -ships between the extant romances, giving far more accurate information on 15 the textual r e l a t i o n s h i p s than Walter Scott had done eight years previously. He severely c r i t i c i z e d BUsching and von der Hagen for having omitted a l l mention of the appearances of T r i s t a n and Isolde i n the ancient Welsh texts for he, l i k e Scott, evidently believed i n the a u t h e n t i c i t y of the Welsh t r a d i t i o n . For Grimm, the geographical l o c a t i o n of the episodes i n the story furnished a d d i t i o n a l proof that i t originated i n the B r i t i s h I s l e s : "Nur i n dem boden des lebens sel b s t kann die bald i n s o v i e l Sste ausgehende sage gekeimt haben, und musz mit der geschichte des landes, wo sie s p i e l t , jedesmal zusammenh'dngen, i n England, I r l a n d und Wales haben wir auch die wiege der unsrigen aufzusuchen" (p. 8 8 ) . Commenting on the importance of C e l t i c t r a d i t i o n f o r the modern student of Arthurian romance he wrote: "Insgemein s o l l t e n c e l t i s c h e sprache und t r a d i t i o n . . . bei den romanen von der t . r . [Tafelrunde] nicht vernachlassigt werden" (p. 8 8 ) . Although he indicated that the legend had spread to the r e s t of Europe at a very e a r l y date, he did not specify the means by which the material was trans-mitted, nor whether i t was i n o r a l or written form, but simply wrote: "Die Normanner scheinen dabei zugetragen zu haben" (p. 8 8 ) . ( i i ) Mythological Origins While the theory that the T r i s t a n legend derived from B r i t i s h h i s t o r y was s t e a d i l y gaining ground, other c r i t i c s were beginning to s t r i k e out i n new di r e c t i o n s i n the study of o r i g i n s . Jacob Bryant's book on the a r k i t e 37 i d o l a t r y i n Greek mythology was much i n vogue at the beginning of the nineteenth century, and the influence exerted on T r i s t a n scholarship by t h i s work f i r s t became evident i n 1809, when Edward Davies, the rector of Bishopston 16 (Glamorgan), claimed that the legend derived from ancient r e l i g i o n s . His book The Mythology and Rites of the B r i t i s h Druids—another product of the C e l t i c Revival—marked the beginning of the mythological i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the sources of the T r i s t a n story. However strong or weak, d i r e c t or i n d i r e c t the l i n k between the C e l t i c peoples and the fable was generally considered to be, the connection was indisputable. The Mythological School, as we may c a l l t h i s group of scholars, strained this f a c t to support several l i t e r a l l y far-fetched hypotheses concerning extremely remote o r i g i n s of the legend, and the reasons for i t s subsequent appearance among the Celts i n Europe. In the Welsh texts T r i s t a n appeared as the t h i r d swineherd, and th i s led Davies to conclude that the legend a l l e g o r i z e d that period i n B r i t i s h h i s t o r y when the Phoenician r i t e s of the sow were introduced into Cornish r e l i g i o n s . These foreign mysteries were regarded as being unlawful and depraved; s i m i l a r l y , "the intercourse of Trystan with h i s mistress E s s y l l t , was both adulterous and incestuous" (p. kkO). The blonde-haired E s s y l l t , wife of March, represented the white-maned mare, while March's name derived from the word for h o r s e — t h e animal symbolizing the sacred ship or ark. Trystan moreover was the son of Tallwch, the deluge, and therefore "a l e g i -timate son of the Ar k i t e r e l i g i o n " (p. kk&) . Davies concluded that "the notices which the triads have preserved, upon the subject of the celebrated Trystan, are undoubtedly, abstracts of some old mystical t a l e s , which were current among the ea r l y B r i t ons. And although the tales . . . have d i s -appeared i n the Welsh language, i t i s evident that they must have existed, and that they formed the basis of c e r t a i n romantic h i s t o r i e s , of the famous knight, S i r Tristram, which are s t i l l extant i n French and E n g l i s h " (p. kk-6) . 1 7 Robert Southey, one of the f i r s t to c r i t i c i z e and mock t h i s method of int e r p r e t i n g the or i g i n s of the legend, wrote of Davies' study i n 1 8 1 7 : , 39 "But t h i s i s the utmost wildness of hypothesis." Nevertheless, a number of other c r i t i c s adopted a viewpoint s i m i l a r to that of Davies. The second contribution to the Mythological School was the essay "Uber die Bedeutung der Sage vom T r i s t a n " by Franz J . Mone, which appeared i n 1 8 2 1 i n the preface to the second e d i t i o n to be made of Gottfried's romance.^' Unlike Scott and Schlegel, who maintained that the legend rested upon a fir m h i s t o r i c a l basis, Mone wrote that T r i s t a n was "kein ge s c h i c h t l i c h e r Mensch, sondern ein verkbrperter Gedanken" (p.XXIl), and as such embodied a d u a l i s t i c p r i n c i p l e . T r i s t a n manifested h i s being i n a multitude of d i f f e r e n t forms, but h i s one constant a t t r i b u t e was the exposure to a l i f e of s u f f e r i n g . Mone interpreted the fable as having originated as a solar myth, and T r i s t a n , accordingly, was the "Sonnenheld" (p. XXXII). The next scholar to discuss the legend i n terms of mythology was von kl der Hagen, who i n his Minnesinger made ample compensation f o r h i s e a r l i e r disregard of the sources i n his and BUsching's e d i t i o n of the Buch der Liebe by compiling an extensive l i s t of the basic elements of the legend as they occurred i n ancient l i t e r a t u r e s and mythologies--which he termed "urver-wandte ahnliche Sagen" (p. 5 ^ 3 )—and by noting i n p a r t i c u l a r the s i g n i f i c a n c e of the Welsh t r a d i t i o n s : "Uberhaupt steht nun i n der Walisischen Sage a l l e s - ganz mythisch da; und so getrlibt und gedrlickt auch ihre Uberlief erungen erscheinen, so muss man ihnen doch ein hb'heres A l t e r , a l s den Ubrigen e i n -r'dumen" (p. 5 6 6 ) . He c i t e d a l l the appearances of Tristan's name i n the Welsh texts, and was of the opinion that these texts were independent of l a t e r l i t e r a r y t r a d i t i o n s : "So sieht es doch nicht aus wie ein Nachhall 1 8 der sp'dteren Englischen und Franzbsischen Dichtung" (p. 5 6 7 ) • To Davies' mythological i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the legend, which he summarized, von der Hagen was apparently sympathetic: So unsicher solche Deutungen sind, besonders wegen i h r e r spaten Urkunden, und so mancherlei h i e r w i l l k l l r l i c h und spielend, ohne solche A b s i c h t l i c h k e i t , s i c h entwickelt, auswachst und ansetzt: so kann man s i e doch nicht ganzlich ablaugnen. Und zumal zeigt s i c h i n diesen auffallenden, unpoetischen Darstellungen und AusdrUcken Zusammenstimmung mit der a l t e n Priestersymbolik des Morgenlandes, auf welches diese Keltischen Uberbleibsel einer frliheren BevBlkerung Europa's auch bekanntlich i n der Sprache so manche nahere Beziehung bewahren. (p. 5 6 7 ) Remote mythological or i g i n s of the T r i s t a n theme were posited also by Hermann Kurtz i n 1 8 ^ 7 « Following von der Hagen and Wilhelm MUller (whose Versuch einer mythologischen Erklarung der Nibelungensage had appeared i n B e r l i n i n 1 8 ^ 1 ) he drew a p a r a l l e l between T r i s t a n and S i e g f r i e d , and de-rived both legendary heroes from the O s i r i s myth. He held the view that the Phoenicians brought about the spread of t h i s myth: when they l e f t Egypt to s e t t l e i n areas known to have been inhabited by the C e l t s , they brought with them t h e i r tales of gods and heroes. He refrained from specu-l a t i o n upon the problem of determining the p a r t i c u l a r branch of Celts which f i r s t developed the T r i s t a n legend i n o r a l t r a d i t i o n . F i n a l l y , Edward T y r e l l L e i t h , s i m i l a r l y acquainted with the ideas of the previous mythologists, addressed the Bombay Branch of the Royal A s i a t i c Society i n 1 8 6 8 on t h i s subject. L e i t h traced the legend to an ancient d e i f i c a t i o n of the powers of nature; i t was, he thought, an ancient Aryan myth. His i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the fable can serve as an i l l u s t r a t i o n of the extremes to which the Mythological School went i n i t s equations of the story of T r i s t a n and Isolde with primeval mythology. He wrote: 1 9 The antagonism between the aged monarch and h i s youthful h e i r would be that between the stormy Winter and the golden Spring-tide. Isolde, r e t a i n i n g the character of Earth-goddess . . . gives h e r s e l f up joyously to the embraces of the youthful Sun-god who woos her. The Magic Draught, brought down by the mythic cloud-bird [Brangaene], becomes the welcome vernal shower, through whose l i f e - g i v i n g i n -fluence the Earth i s rendered f r u i t f u l . At length bleak Winter returns, and, l i k e Mark, re-asserts h i s power over the hapless Queen; while the s t r i c k e n Sun-god dies, or wanders to other lands and seeks another b r i d e . (p. 1 3 2 ) L e i t h concluded that the legend had been received more recently from the Cel t s , and he supplied the missing l i n k s between the myth of the ancient world and i t s " f i r s t undeniable traces . . . i n ancient B r i t i s h l o r e " (p. 1 1 8 ) by suggesting that the myth "was c a r r i e d westwards into B r i t a i n with the wave of C e l t i c migration; that i t passed at a very e a r l y period from thence into Brittany; and that i t owed i t s preservation there mainly to the f a c t of that province being the l a s t resting-place of the C e l t i c language i n France" (p. 1 3 3 ) -B. Language of the F i r s t Romance Thus f a r i n the nineteenth century the f i r s t appearance of a T r i s t a n romance had not given r i s e to as much speculation as had the genesis of the legend. That the o r i g i n a l romance was written i n French most scholars accepted without demur. Schlegel, who recognized and condemned this un-c r i t i c a l a t t i t u d e , gave an explanation for the prevalence of the French theory: "Cette opinion, en e f f e t , avait ete adoptee sans un examen approfondi e l l e e t a i t fondee sur une circonstance a c c i d e n t e l l e . II existe un nombre prodigieux de romans de chevalerie en vieux f r a n c a i s , en p a r t i e dans des manuscrits d'une date assez ancienne" ("De l ' o r i g i n e , " p. 2 5 7 ) • A new development came about when c e r t a i n French scholars put forward fresh ideas 20 which ran counter to the current opinion. In 1824 La Poix de Fr e m i n v i l l e wrote that the Arthurian romances a l l had a basis i n the h i s t o r y of Armorica; the f i r s t T r i s t a n romance was composed i n "bas-breton" and a l l the characters i n the T r i s t a n story were not invented by a poetic imagination, but drawn from national h i s t o r y by the Armorican C e l t s : "On ne peut douter que les personnages qui figurent dans ces chroniques, t e l s que l e r o i Marc . . . T r i s t a n . . . l a b e l l e Yseult . . . n'aient aussi veritablement existe, puisque ces personnages celebres par les anciens bardes du pays, se trouvent aussi c i t e s dans les t i t r e s authentiques, et dans les anciennes legendes 4 4 des saints de l a Bretagne." The ideas put forward by t h i s c r i t i c were not taken up by any other scholars . At this time two other French c r i t i c s were f o s t e r i n g the notion that an early T r i s t a n romance had been composed i n the Provencal language, basing this theory on the a l l u s i o n s to c e r t a i n parts of the story i n troubadour 4 5 poetry of the twelfth century. Francois Juste-Marie Raynouard did not claim that the l o s t Provencal romance was the o r i g i n a l T r i s t a n , but Claude-Charles F a u r i e l , on the other hand, did propose that the very f i r s t T r i s t a n romance had been composed i n the Provencal tongue and that the French versions were translations of t h i s o r i g i n a l . He l i s t e d the two prose and f i v e m e t r i c a l versions of T r i s t a n known to him, and suggested that a l l seven were based on one p r i m i t i v e source. In h i s search for " l e texte p r i m i t i f " ( i i , 426) he turned to Provencal l i t e r a t u r e , "une l i t t e r a t u r e dans laq u e l l e personne n'a eu l'idee de chercher l ' o r i g i n e , l a redaction premiere de l a fable dont i l s'agit, l i t t e r a t u r e dans la q u e l l e pourtant i l est c e r t a i n que cette meme fable f i t plus de b r u i t et plus tot que dans aucune autre" ( i l , 432) where the a l l u s i o n s by twenty-five troubadours t e s t i f i e d to the fame of the romance 21 which, he claimed, had been composed i n the langue d'oc by 1150. Accord-ingly, any of the extant versions were translations or imitations of the lo s t o r i g i n a l . This b e l i e f i n a common source very much anticipated l a t e r developments i n T r i s t a n scholarship, but at this time passed unnoticed. F a u r i e l again foreshadowed l a t e r developments by minimizing the s i g n i f i c a n c e of C e l t i c o r a l t r a d i t i o n s f o r the subsequent l i t e r a r y appearance of the Tr i s t a n s t o r y : l i k e several of h i s successors, he paid homage to the c r e a t i v i t y and o r i g i n a l i t y of the continental poets : . . . cette connaissance des t r a d i t i o n s bretonnes se r e d u i s a i t , pour les romanciers provencaux, a c e l l e de quelques noms propres, depouilles de toute v i e , de toute r e a l i t e h i s t o r i q u e . Les idees, les sentiments, les actes q u ' i l s ont pretes aux personnages designes par ces noms, tout ce q u ' i l y a de c a r a c t e r i s t i q u e dans les compositions romanesques ou i l s ont mis ces personnages en action . . . est meridional et provencal. ( l l 5 kh-7-k8) The ideas of Raynouard and Scott influenced David Irving, who wrote about the T r i s t a n romances i n 1 8 2 9 - ^ Like Scott he r e l i e d on the "authority of the Welsh annals" (p. I56) as an i n d i c a t i o n of the extreme age of the fable, and believed that T r i s t a n belonged to "authentic h i s t o r y " (p. I 5 6 ) . Well aware of the d i f f i c u l t i e s to be encountered when seeking to e s t a b l i s h the exact o r i g i n s of the romance, Ir v i n g showed some support of the Pro-vencal theory, w r i t i n g : "In what language the story was f i r s t exhibited, i t i s not so easy to ascertain; but we learn from competent authority [Raynouard] that a romance of Tristram and Yseult must once have existed i n the language of the troubadours" (p.. 15*0 . I r v i n g claimed that he had made extensive studies of the rel a t i o n s h i p s between the various T r i s t a n romances, but hesitated to supply h i s readers with the f u l l f r u i t s of h i s knowledge, for he despaired of fi n d i n g "any very considerable number of readers of a taste s u f f i c i e n t l y antiquarian" (p. 159)-22 Fortunately Irving's fears were not shared by h i s contemporaries. Francisque Michel, for instance, i n the introduction to h i s T r i s t a n , r e c u e i l de ce qui reste des poemes ( 1 8 3 5 - 3 9 ) — a n important addition to the material now being p r i n t e d — l i s t e d a large number of a l l u s i o n s to the theme i n extant l i t e r a t u r e , discussed the extant romances at some length, and traced c e r t a i n developments i n T r i s t a n scholarship ( i n p a r t i c u l a r the varied receptions and corrections of Scott's t h e o r i e s ) . However, Michel-made only scant reference to the o r i g i n s of the story at the base of t h i s extensive t r a d i t i o n ; i n h i s opinion, the Tristan-Isolde legend formed the subject of songs i n Wales and Cornwall: "En Grande-Bretagne, les aventures de T r i s t a n furent d'abord chantees en g a l l o i s dans les pays de Cornouailles et de Galles des les temps les plus recules; mail i l ne paroft point qu'elles aient jamais ete e c r i t e s en cette langue" ( i , xx). When discussing the language of the f i r s t romance he ( l i k e Irving) followed Raynouard: although an early romance had existed i n Provencal one could not ascertain whether or not this was the o r i g i n a l T r i s t a n . 23 III The Influence of P o s i t i v i s m on Origin Research (A) The Insular-Continental Debate The theories concerning the i n s u l a r C e l t i c genesis of the p r e - l i t e r a r y legend (the " f i r s t i n s u l a r theory") and the composition i n France of the f i r s t romance (the " f i r s t continental theory") were of more l a s t i n g i n t e r e s t in l a t e r T r i s t a n scholarship than was the mythological theory which, despite i t s great popularity i n the e a r l y nineteenth century, soon became outmoded. Because the two " f i r s t theories" each dealt with a d i f f e r e n t type of o r i g i n ( o r a l and l i t e r a r y ) they could be harmoniously reconciled, and the e a r l y T r i s t a n scholars were therefore able to subscribe to both i n s u l a r and con-t i n e n t a l ideas . In short, i t was widely believed that an o r i g i n a l l y i n s u l a r C e l t i c legend of the love-story of T r i s t a n and Isolde had f i r s t been trans-formed into a l i t e r a r y romance i n France. But i t cannot be said that genuine harmony reigned among the e a r l y scholars i n v e s t i g a t i n g the o r i g i n s of the T r i s t a n m a t e r i a l . Marked differences of opinion had been voiced among those i n q u i r i n g into the genesis of romance i n general, and of the T r i s t a n romances i n p a r t i c u l a r . The disagreements which bore most s i g n i f i c a n c e for future developments involved varying views on the v a l i d i t y of the Welsh t r a d i t i o n s i n the t r i a d s , the occasional questioning of the generally accepted theory of French l i t e r a r y o r i g i n s , and the d i s s i m i l a r i t y of the paths traced for the d i f f u s i o n of the f a b l e . This l a s t topic, although i t f a i l e d to arouse much i n t e r e s t during the e a r l y period, grew before long into one of the major problems confronting the students of o r i g i n s . In the l a t t e r part of the nineteenth century p o s i t i v i s m dominated i n t e l -l e c t u a l l i f e and thus also medieval scholarship. The combined influences 2k of nineteenth-century science, the evolutionary theories of Darwin, and the r e a l i s t i c p o l i t i c s of the Bismarckian Empire served to encourage more p r a c t i c a l and m a t e r i a l i s t i c trends i n a r t , l i t e r a t u r e , education, scholar-ship. Moreover, the idea of development, continuing on from the t r a d i t i o n s of Herder and Hegel, converted many domains of thought and research into a study of the h i s t o r y or h i s t o r i c a l evolution of the p a r t i c u l a r area of i n t e r e s t . The epoch was oversaturated with h i s t o r y , and source studies ranked high on the academic agenda. I t i s not s u r p r i s i n g that the desire of the p o s i t i v i s t i c o r i g i n researchers was to c a l c u l a t e every s i n g l e stage i n the early h i s t o r y of the T r i s t a n legend. An increasing number of c r i t i c s commenced work on the o r i g i n s and were aided i n t h e i r work by the p h i l o l o g i c a l endeavours of t h e i r colleagues who were now eagerly e d i t i n g the extant romances (see below, p. 46) . With so much attention riveted on t h i s branch of research, i t was i n -e v i t a b l e that new problems would present themselves. At the same time, c e r t a i n issues unresolved by e a r l i e r scholars continued as matters for debate. I t was soon r e a l i z e d that no conclusive evidence as to the b i r t h -place of the legend of tragic love could be drawn from Welsh l i t e r a t u r e . The a n t i q u i t y of the Welsh t r a d i t i o n was not v e r i f i e d by the l i t e r a r y remains, because these texts might e a s i l y have absorbed non-Welsh o r a l and written t r a d i t i o n s . The Welsh t r a d i t i o n was not n e c e s s a r i l y older than the texts, Trystan the lover of E s s y l l t not n e c e s s a r i l y a native of Wales. Moreover, even i f he were a f i g u r e i n ancient B r i t i s h h i s t o r y , there was apparently no way of disproving that the few references to h i s love for E s s y l l t might derive from foreign sources. Any scholar who s t i l l i n s i s t e d on the authority of the Welsh texts soon faced a further d i f f i c u l t y : the 25 MSS not only lacked any references to a t r a g i c outcome to the a f f a i r , they did not even include the c e n t r a l motif i n the romances, namely the love-potion, and thus the story i n i t s primary i n s u l a r form might po s s i b l y have had a plot d i f f e r i n g i n many ess e n t i a l s from that u s u a l l y associated with the Tristan-Isolde theme. T r i s t a n scholarship therefore underwent a new development, f o r the majority of c r i t i c s , although s t i l l considering T r i s t a n to be a native of B r i t a i n , now began to seek clues as to the place and period i n which the love-theme had been attached to t h i s personage. They attempted also to i d e n t i f y those responsible for the incorporation, and i n so doing to discover the true creators of the love-legend. The l o c a l e of the story was found to be no more r e l i a b l e a prop to support the theory of i n s u l a r o r i g i n s than were the t r i a d s , as the back-ground was by no means confined to i n s u l a r C e l t i c t e r r a i n — C o r n w a l l , Ireland and Wales—but included also B r i t t a n y or Armorica, the region i n -habited by the continental or Armorican C e l t s . The question now arose as to the respective roles played by the i n s u l a r Celts and the Armoricans during the legend's e a r l y formation. Paramount importance was ascribed by scholars henceforth to the transmission and d i f f u s i o n of the legend. The transmission involved a number of debatable issues. Previously i t had been assumed that the matiere de Bretagne (comprising Arthurian romance, T r i s t a n , and l a i s ) had been transmitted from i t s b i r t h p l a c e i n Wales to the French poets c h i e f l y by the Anglo-Normans or the Welsh. However, i t now appeared to some c r i t i c s that the Armoricans formed the most important l i n k i n the chain between legend and romance. The Armoricans who accom-panied the Normans to England i n 1066 could, i t was suggested, have there acted as an intermediary between the Welsh and the Anglo-Normans before 26 l a t e r d i f f u s i n g the legend i n France. But when the i t i n e r a n t Armorican jongleurs spread the legend i n England and France, did they r e l y e n t i r e l y on t h e i r own r e c o l l e c t i o n of ancient native Welsh t r a d i t i o n s , which had perhaps been refreshed more recently by renewed contact with t h e i r i n s u l a r confreres? I f this were the case, then the legend was s t i l l e s s e n t i a l l y i n s u l a r . But, on the other hand, could i t not also be assumed that the jongleurs made substantial additions, and drew on continental f o l k l o r e to embellish the tale? In addition, i f the Armoricans were much influenced by t h e i r audience—composed of French and Anglo-Normans — t h e y perhaps introduced the love-theme into a rudimentary t a l e of a Welsh swineherd, knowing that i n t h i s way they would better please t h e i r audience. I t was of course also possible that the French poets themselves introduced the love-theme into the older legend. However, i f the Armoricans were indeed the strongest of the missing l i n k s between o r a l t r a d i t i o n and l i t e r a r y ro-mance, the o r i g i n a l material might have undergone considerable development during i t s o r a l dissemination. Thus T r i s t a n — a n d the whole matiere de  Bretagne—was p o t e n t i a l l y not the Matter of B r i t a i n , but the Matter of  B r i t t a n y . Towards the end of the nineteenth century the e a r l y development of the matiere de Bretagne was one of the most controversial topics under d i s -cussion by Romanists and Germanists a l i k e . Two schools of thought emerged, each entertaining r a d i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t ideas: one supported the theory of i n s u l a r o r i g i n s , the other that of continental (Armorican and hQ French) o r i g i n s . The proponents of the c o n f l i c t i n g theories r a l l i e d behind two leaders, and the controversy soon took on the appearance of a personal feud. P i t t e d against each other were the French scholar Gaston 2 7 Paris ( i n s u l a r School) and the German Wendelin Foerster (Continental School) . The former, who at times combined poetic f e e l i n g and imagination with p h i l -ology, was on the whole less of a p o s i t i v i s t than Foerster. The l a t t e r f e l t Insecure when not tr e a t i n g concrete facts . As he himself commented on the difference i n t h e i r attitudes : Der ganze Gegensatz zwischen uns beiden e r k l i i r t s i c h aus unsrer Eigennatur. G. Paris ziehen die dunkeln Periode mit wenig oder keinem Ma t e r i a l an und er l i e b t es, den verschiedenen Mb'glichkeiten l i e b e v o l l nachzugehen und sich auf die unscheinbarsten Dinge stUtzend Wege zu ersinnen, die i n jenes Dunkel L i c h t bringen s o l l e n ; er kann nicht anders, als jeder Schwierigkeit sofort mit einer geistreichen Hypothese zu begegnen und sein Stolz i s t es, a l l dies zu vereinigen zu einem stolzen hoch i n die LUfte ragenden Gebaude, ohne RUcksicht auf die Fundamente und das Material der Bausteine. FUr mich i s t ein derartiges Arbeitsgebiet ein Greuel, i c h verlange festen Boden und stehe jeder Hypothese, mag sie noch so glSnzend sein, skeptisch gegenUber--so lange etwas nicht bewiesen i s t , muss i c h ( i c h kann nicht anders) es zurlickweisen . ^9 The paper war between Paris and Foerster took place during the l a s t two decades of the nineteenth century, although the general inter-school argument continued into the twentieth. The opposing theories, when reduced to t h e i r simplest terms, were as follows. The C e l t o p h i l e P a r i s , equating Bretagne with B r i t a i n , maintained that the matiere de Bretagne had originated among the i n s u l a r C e l t s . While allowing that some of the material might possibly have reached the French poets by way of Welsh minstrels and Anglo-Saxon conteurs, Paris asserted nonetheless that the romances had been com-posed i n accordance with the Liedertheorie "^ by the Anglo-Normans i n England before any were written i n France. To P a r i s , the l i t e r a r y form given to the material by the Anglo-Normans provided the chief means by which i t had reached the continent, and French poets such as Chretien de Troyes were merely translators of the i n s u l a r romances. Foerster, on the other hand, considered the matiere de Bretagne to be of continental o r i g i n ; by Bretagne 2 8 he understood B r i t t a n y . He regarded the i n s u l a r C e l t i c contribution to medieval romance as minimal; he decried the Liedertheorie and also the theory concerning the p r i o r i t y of Anglo-Norman over French l i t e r a t u r e , became convinced of the creative and transmissive function of the Armoricans, and above a l l championed the cause of the o r i g i n a l i t y and independence of Chretien de Troyes. I t i s of i n t e r e s t to note the p o s i t i o n occupied by T r i s t a n material i n t h i s , an argument which a c t u a l l y embraced the whole of the Arthurian material. Paris set up most of h i s hypotheses on the matiere de Bretagne by r e f e r r i n g to the o r a l and l i t e r a r y development of the T r i s t a n story. Foerster, on the contrary, d e l i b e r a t e l y excluded T r i s t a n f rom the main body of h i s argument, and not infrequently h i s comments were relegated to the footnotes i n the introductions to the works of Chretien, which he was i n the process of e d i t i n g . The reasons for the d i f f e r e n t emphasis a l l o t e d to T r i s t a n by the two c r i t i c s l a y i n the f i r s t place i n Foerster's s t r i c t adherence to his dictum of discussing only extant l i t e r a t u r e ("festen Boden") . To discuss the p r e - l i t e r a r y formation and Chretien's l o s t romance would mean going against h i s academic p r i n c i p l e s . In the second place Foerster's main concern was with the Arthurian romances proper, while Paris bore a wider i n t e r e s t i n the entire matiere de Bretagne. Paris' views on the o r i g i n s of T r i s t a n appeared i n a number of a r t i c l e s i n French l i t e r a r y journals from 1 8 7 9 onwards, and were given also i n V o l . 3 0 of the H i s t o i r e L i t t e r a i r e de l a F r a n c e . ^ For the sake of c l a r i t y we have grouped his arguments under f i v e main headings: (l) Insular o r i g i n s of the legend; ( 2 ) Oral d i f f u s i o n by Welsh and Anglo-Saxons; ( 3 ) Liedertheorie; (k) Anglo-Norman romance; ( 5 ) French romance. 2 9 (1) I t would be unreasonable to doubt the i n s u l a r C e l t i c o r i g i n s of the story, since i t contained numerous elements t e s t i f y i n g to i t s b i r t h -place. Among those e a s i l y singled out were the C e l t i c l o c a l e and the names of Morolt and Marke: Morolt was o r i g i n a l l y a marine monster, and his present name retained the C e l t i c word f or sea, mor, while " l e r o i Marc, avec ses o r e i l l e s de cheval, s u f f i r a i t par son nom a l ' a t t e s t e r (marc en celti q u e r 5 2 s i g n i f i e 'cheval')." Such onomastic evidence helped to prove that the singular story of love was created s o l e l y by the C e l t i c imagination: "II faut done l a i s s e r aux Celtes l a g l o i r e d'avoir cree . . . 1 'incomparable 5 3 epopee de 1'amour." Furthermore, the source used by Thomas of B r i t t a n y was Welsh, not Armorican, because the B r e r i whom he invoked i n h i s romance 5 4 was c l e a r l y the Welsh bard Bledhericus. ( 2 ) The o r a l d i f f u s i o n was accomplished not only by the Welsh but also by the Anglo-Saxons, both of whom spread the legend i n l a i s and contes among the Anglo-Normans and also on the continent. Two facts gleaned from extant T r i s t a n material served to show that the Anglo-Saxon hypothesis was c o r r e c t : the co-existence of the English word gotelef with i t s French t r a n s l a t i o n c h i e v r e f o i l i n the one l a i by Marie de France which was an episode from the Welsh T r i s t a n cycle, and also the use by the T r i s t a n poet Beroul of English words f or the love-potion, namely lovendrins and l o v e n d r a n t T h i s notion of an English intermediary was further bolstered by the research undertaken by two other I n s u l a r i s t s , Leopold Sudre and Werner So'derhjelm.^ L i t t l e reference to the legend remained i n Welsh l i t e r a t u r e , because the fable had c i r c u l a t e d among the Anglo-Saxons at a very e a r l y date, and a f t e r 1066 among the Anglo-Normans, was then almost forgotten i n i t s native Wales, and might have perished without the Norman 30 invasion of England. (3) Paris applied the Liedertheorie to T r i s t a n i n l 8 8 l , and remained 57 convinced of i t s v a l i d i t y for over twenty years. The jongleurs c i r c u l a t e d the matiere de Bretagne i n t h e i r l a i s , and "plusieurs de ces l a i s , rapportes au meme personnage, f i n i s s e n t par l u i f a i r e une sorte de biographie poetique: t e l l e paraft etre l ' o r i g i n e des romans consacres a T r i s t r a n . " We assume that P a r i s ' fervent C e l t o p h i l i a was l a r g e l y responsible f o r h i s thinking of the o r i g i n a l romance i n terms of the Liedertheorie, since he set a f a r higher value upon the C e l t i c o r a l t r a d i t i o n s stemming from Wales than upon the romances, and the theory that the f i r s t T r i s t a n was simply an aggregate of songs c l e a r l y implied that the C e l t i c imagination was supremely creative and o r i g i n a l , and that from i t alone sprang the love-story l a t e r pieced together by the poets . (k) A unique l i t e r a r y value was attached to the fragments of the T r i s t a n redactions by Beroul and Thomas, because these were extant MSS of Anglo-Norman romances composed i n England. Both poets were w r i t i n g there during the twelfth century, Beroul ca. 1150, Thomas ca. 1170. Apart from these MSS, Paris had no other evidence to support his Anglo-Norman hypothesis. (5) A l l the other Anglo-Norman romances had disappeared without trace, and had been replaced by French translations such as those made by Chretien. However, i n the case of T r i s t a n , the reverse process had occurred: "Chretien avait compose -un poeme sur T r i s t a n qui est completement perdu, tandis que c e l u i de Beroul, qui l u i avait peut-etre s e r v i de source, nous est a r r i v e au moins en p a r t i e . . . . C'est encore un f a i t assez rare dans l ' h i s t o i r e de l a l i t t e r a t u r e anglo-normande. II faut a t t r i b u e r cette exception a l a beaute et a 1'incomparable a t t r a i t des r e c i t s qui en forment l e s u j e t . " ^ 31 It was d i f f i c u l t to determine from the third-hand redactions (for example, Chretien's works) just what belonged to the o r i g i n a l C e l t i c t r a d i t i o n s and what had been added i n the Anglo-Norman compilations and i n the French t r a n s l a t i o n s . As we now turn our attention to Foerster's arguments i t i s evident that already i n lQ&k, i n h i s introduction to Chretien's C l i g e s , the German scholar was displaying the a t t i t u d e which coloured h i s whole view of the or i g i n s of T r i s t a n H e there repeatedly emphasized the o r i g i n a l i t y of Chretien, and lamented the loss of the l a t t e r ' s romance on the T r i s t a n theme "nicht der Fabel wegen. . . . . A l l e i n man kann dem Verfasser des Cliges und des L'dwenritters es zutrauen, dass er den Stoff ebenso o r i g i n e l l m o d i f i c i r t und v e r t i e f t haben mag" (pp . x v i i i - x i x ) . Then i n the Lbwenritter introduction (which was written i n I887 immediately following the appearance of P a r i s ' contribution to the H i s t o i r e L i t t e r a i r e de l a France) he began his counter-attack on the main hypotheses put-forward by the French scholar, 61 and continued i t i n h i s prefaces to other works by Chretien. The f i v e points of Paris were refuted as follows : (l ) In h i s discussion of the assumed C e l t i c o r i g i n s of the legend Foerster stressed the basic difference between the episodes and features i n the extant romances on the one hand and the Welsh Trystan t r a d i t i o n on the other. His aim was to demonstrate how f a r removed from the p r i m i t i v e legend were the French renderings, which were "hundert Himmel weit entfernt . . . von dem k e l t i s c h e n S t i e r und seinen Kalbinen" (Erec, p. xxiv,n.*). The e s s e n t i a l theme—namely the love between hero and heroine—was not C e l t i c : "Es kann nichts franzb'sischeres geben als die Tristan-Ysoltsche Minne" (Erec, p. x x i v ) . 32 (2) He refuted the Anglo-Norman hypothesis, but admitted that he understood the need which had driven h i s adversary to seek some form of intermediary between C e l t i c t r a d i t i o n s and French romance. Neither c r i t i c believed "dass die Franzosen die Artusromanen mit Haut und Haaren von den Kelten Ubernommen haben" (Lb'wenritter, p. x x i x ) . At f i r s t Foerster stressed the role of Geoffrey of Monmouth as the main channel through which the matiere de Bretagne had become known to the French poets; however, because Geoffrey's chronicle did not contain any mention of T r i s t a n , i t was of no value i n supporting h i s theory of continental origins of the love-theme. Following the p u b l i c a t i o n of the onomastic researches by Heinrich Zimmer (whose work we s h a l l consider below) Foerster changed his mind on t h i s point and found also a solution to the T r i s t a n problem, for Zimmer (also a Con-• " • 62 t i n e n t a l i s t ) l a i d p a r t i c u l a r weight on the r o l e played by the Armoricans. By analogy with the provenance of the s t r i c t l y Arthurian material, Foerster now concluded that the C e l t i c t r a d i t i o n s i n Armorica had provided one of the chief sources for the T r i s t a n romance. (3) P a r i s ' notion concerning the formation of romances according to the Liedertheorie came under heavy f i r e . Why Foerster could not tolerate this idea i s c l e a r : he always stressed the genius of the i n d i v i d u a l poet i n the act of l i t e r a r y creation; the Liedertheorie, however, could not be recon-c i l e d with i n d i v i d u a l genius. Foerster therefore wrote s c o r n f u l l y : "Man sieht h i e r n i c h t ohne Verwunderung die filr das Volksepos g l t l c k l i c h abgethane Theorie Gautiers von dem Aneinanderreihen der cantilenes wie bei einem Rosenkranz wieder auf leben" (Lb'wenritter, p. xxix) (k & 5) Foerster could not second Paris' proposal that the Anglo-Normans composed romances during the twelfth century, a f t e r which they were trans-5 5 lated by Chretien and other French poets, for i t threatened to minimize Chretien's poetic o r i g i n a l i t y : "Christian's ThStigkeit [wird] vfcSllig herabgesetzt, und er zu einem nur i n K l e i n i g k e i t e n ausschmUckenden und vb'llig beziehungslose Episoden einschiebenden Ubersetzer gestempelt" (Lbwenritter, p. x x i v ) . However, although f i r m l y convinced that the Arthurian romances proper had not been given any l i t e r a r y form by the Anglo-Normans, Foerster did point out that due to i t s exceptional nature the T r i s t a n fable might possibly have formed the subject of an Anglo-Norman romance. He based t h i s idea on the s i t u a t i o n i n England following the Norman conquest: "Denn der T r i s t a n i s t ein den EnglSndern p o l i t i s c h und national i n d i f f e r e n t e r Stoff, der sie also durch seinen Gehalt f e s s e l n konnte, ohne s i e , wie der schattenhafte, stets siegende Kbnig [Artus] der stets geschlagenen und geknechteten Kelten, abzustossen" (Erec, p. x x i v ) . Reversing the theories of the French scholar he stated that Chretien wrote his T r i s t a n romance before either Beroul or Thomas of B r i t t a n y had treated the subject, and he added that Thomas was an Armorican, who perhaps wrote i n England, while Beroul was a French Norman. Foerster therefore concluded: "Also sicher i s t nur, dass K r i s t i a n s T r i s t a n der a l t e s t e von a l i e n i s t " (Erec, p. x x i v ) . We mentioned above that the work of Heinrich Zimmer exerted a strong influence on Foerster. In h i s onomastic study of the T r i s t a n story pub-6k l i s h e d i n I89I Zimmer traced the hero's name to a P i c t i s h source. In the annals recording the P i c t i s h kings he had discovered the name Drest,  f i l i u s Talorgan which was undeniably related to the Trystan (Drystan) mab  Tallwch of the Welsh t r i a d s ; this etymology, together with the i n s u l a r C e l t i c names present i n the fable, served as proof of the genesis and e a r l y development of the legend among those Celts who were l i v i n g on the S c o t t i s h 34 border and l a t e r i n Cornwall. Of the other names i n the story he wrote that, while Isolde's name was of Germanic o r i g i n (French Iseut <Anglo-Saxon Ethylda, pronounced by the Welsh as E s s y l l t ) , Marke and R i v a l i n were both C e l t i c names. F i n a l l y , by combining onomatechny, h i s t o r y and imagination, he reconstructed what he assumed to be the o r i g i n a l North B r i t i s h version of the T r i s t a n f a b l e . The Armorican Celts occupied a place of ce n t r a l importance i n Zimmer's t o t a l scheme, both for t h e i r share i n developing the legend from i t s rudimentary i n s u l a r form and also f or t h e i r having spread i t among the French poets. The b i l i n g u a l Armoricans (or Bretons) who arr i v e d i n England i n 1066 became f a m i l i a r with the North B r i t i s h fable; as they spread i t further a f i e l d , they added t h e i r own embellishments to su i t t h e i r French audience. No d i f f u s i v e function was ascribed by Zimmer to the Anglo-Normans or the Anglo-Saxons, and i n t h i s , of course, he contra-dicted Gaston P a r i s . In conclusion, Zimmer wrote: "Die franzSjsische Form der Tristan-Sage i s t also von Bretonen geschaffen" (p. 83)-ideas i n 1894 i n h i s a r t i c l e " T r i s t a n thesis concerning the possible North B r i t i s h legend, as he f e l t that the P i c t i s h name alone did not provide a s u f f i c i e n t l y strong premise for that argument: Quant au berceau p a r t i c u l i e r de notre epopee, i l est d i f f i c i l e a determiner. Le nom de T r i s t a n paraft etre p i c t e d'origine. II y aurait quelque chose de seduisant et presque de touchant a c r o i r e que l'ame de ce peuple disparu . . . s u r v i v r a i t jusque dans notre ame, grace a une des plus b e l l e s creations poetiques de l'humanite. Mais l a base de l'hypothese est trop peu s o l i d e : peut-etre p i c t e d'origine, l e nom de T r i s t a n e t a i t u s i t e au moins des l e X I e s i e c l e chez les Kymri, et r i e n ne nous empeche de c r o i r e q u ' i l 1 ' e t a i t deja quarid on l e donna au heros de notre legende. (p. 155) P a r i s , who dealt with Zimmer's et I s e u t , d i d not agree with the 35 This a r t i c l e was Par i s ' most eloquent contribution to the whole debate, for i n presenting h i s fundamental b e l i e f i n the C e l t i c o r i g i n s of the legend he waxed poetic i n his eulogy of these inventors of the love-story: " C e s t a l a race celtique que revient l'honneur de l ' a v o i r creee. Dans le concert a m i l l e voix de l a poesie des races humaines, c'est l a harpe bretonne qui donne l a note passionnee de l'amour i l l e g i t i m e et f a t a l , et cette note se propage de s i e c l e en s i e c l e , enchantant et troublant les coeurs des hommes de sa v i b r a t i o n profonde et melancolique" ( p . - l U l ) . Apart from mentioning externals such as the C e l t i c l o c a l e and names, he treated also the legend's "strange b a r b a r i t y " which was far removed from the C h r i s t i a n , courtly, twelfth-century c i v i l i s a t i o n as depicted i n the French romances : Les hommes qui ont concu cette etonnante h i s t o i r e d'amour menaient une v i e presque sauvage. . . . Les moeurs des personnages sont encore plus i n c u l t e s que leur facon de v i v r e ; leurs ames, tout impulsives, passent d'un exces a 1 'autre avec l a soudainete des barbares. . . . II n'y a pas dans ces ames violentes l a moindre penetration de l a morale chretienne (sauf dans des episodes visiblement p o s t i ches). (pp.-Ik5-k8) • The veneer of a l t e r a t i o n s , additions and refinements i n the French versions could therefore be stripped off to reveal the C e l t i c savagery and also the pr e - C e l t i c substrata i n the story, namely the realm of myth--a t i t l e under which Paris bracketed many features i n the fable, for instance the solar hero, the Theseus p a r a l l e l , magic and marvels, though he dismissed as f a l s e the theory of e a r l i e r mythologists that the legend could be derived from an Indo-European myth anterior to the r a c i a l separation of the Greeks and Celt s , and wrote that "aujourd'hui on n'oserait emettre une t e l l e hypothese" (p. 153) . The Celts integrated c e r t a i n o r i e n t a l and c l a s s i c a l motifs into the legend, but i t s e s s e n t i a l theme, namely the story of love and death, was the more recent creation of the C e l t i c soul and formed "une des gl o i r e s de leur race" (p. 15*0 • 36 This a r t i c l e by Paris met with a h o s t i l e reception i n the opposite camp; i n the year that i t appeared ( l89*0 i t was strongly c r i t i c i z e d by d'Arbois de J u b a i n v i l l e , whose comments, together with P a r i s ' reaction to them, w i l l serve to exemplify further the inter-school argument.^ He refused to accept one sing l e word of Par i s ' claim that the love of T r i s t a n and Isolde was C e l t i c , maintaining that "le type de l'amour i l l e g i t i m e , tout-puissant . . . est une creation francaise du X I l e s i e c l e " (p. U07), and that the s o c i a l s i t u a t i o n i n twelfth-century France e a s i l y explained the nature of the T r i s t a n story, for at that time women acceeded to f i e f s and therefore had the means to reward imaginative poets who attuned t h e i r tales to t h e i r tender t a s t e : "On p a r l a i t d'amour a l a femme, a l a riche h e r i t i e r e , et on l u i f a i s a i t c r o i r e qu'on eprouvait ce sentiment d'une facon i r r e s i s t i b l e . Si e l l e doutait, on l u i f a i s a i t l i r e T r i s t a n et Iseut" (p. ^-08). Refusing to be dissuaded by such arguments Paris countered i n 1895-Le r o l e des femmes, comme pro t e c t r i c e s des poetes . . . est incon-testable; mais l e desir de leur p l a i r e a u r a i t - i l s u f f i a f a i r e inventer l a merveilleuse h i s t o i r e dont 11 s'agit . . . a des gens chez lesquels on constate une s t e r i l i t e d'invention (sauf dans l e det a i l ) aussi complete que chez les contemporains de Wace et de Chretien de Troies? S i l'amour de T r i s t a n et d'Iseut n'est pas cel t i q u e , - - e t je cr o i s qu'on peut soutenir q u ' i l l ' e s t avec une grande v r a i s e m b l a n c e , — i l faut q u ' i l s o i t germanique, car i l n'est certainement pas f r a n c a i s . 7 The argument with Zimmer which i n i t i a t e d these polemics between Paris and d'Arbois de J u b a i n v i l l e was continued s h o r t l y afterwards by Ferdinand Lot, who had espoused P a r i s ' cause. Writing i n I896 Lot rejected Zimmer's theory that the Armoricans were c h i e f l y responsible f o r the formation and dissemination of the matiere de Bretagne, for " 1 ' i n f l u e n c e des Celtes i n s u l a i r e s a ete beaucoup plus considerable, et meme vraiment preponderante, dans l a transmission des elements du cycle a r t h u r i e n . " ^ "L'Armorique . . . est 37 l o i n d"avoir l a part preponderante que l u i accorde M. Zimmer. . . . Ce n'est pas sur le continent, c'est dans l ' f l e q u ' i l faut cherche.rles t r a i t s essentiels et p r i m i t i f s " (p. 2 8 ) . In contrast to Zimmer he rendered probable the i n s u l a r C e l t i c o r i g i n of names and saga-material contained i n the matiere de Bretagne, and replaced the d e r i v a t i o n of the heroine's anme from Anglo-Saxon Ethylda by a Welsh etymology proposed by Joseph Loth, also a member of the Insular School, namely Isolde < Welsh E s s y l l t . The legend t r u l y originated only with the introduction of the Cornish king, Marke (who already was a legendary figure) into the P i c t i s h story of T r i s t a n and Isolde^ and the Welsh were responsible for the welding together of P i c t i s h and Cornish legends. He dismissed the p o s s i b i l i t y that the amal-gamation had taken place already among the Scots (they were too distant) or the Cornish (Marke, the Cornish king, played f a r too odious a role i n the s t o r y ) , and concluded: " C'est done a [les G a l l o i s ] , jusqu'a preuve du contraire, que nous persisterons a a t t r i b u e r l a creation de l a grande epopee d'amour du moyen age" (p. 2 8 ) . However, because Lot did not ex-clude e n t i r e l y the integration of Armorican elements, he opened a way for agreement between the two schools of thought. For example, he wrote that Thomas of B r i t t a n y u t i l i z e d both Welsh and Armorican sources; the name R i v a l i n i n h i s version offered evidence of the Armorican influence. In discussing the d i f f u s i o n Lot attempted to reconcile P a r i s ' Anglo-Norman romances with Foerster's Armorican jongleurs and French p o e t s — a n attempt 69 which was immediately denounced by Foerster. Lot's basic ideas were adopted by Eduard Wechssler, but he went so f a r as to p o s i t the former existence of a series of Arthurian romances written i n Welsh—an idea which, according to Foerster, was i n s t i g a t e d by Joseph Loth.7 ° As proof of the i n s u l a r l i t e r a r y sources Loth had singled 38 out the use by Chretien and other poets of c e r t a i n geographical and personal names which betrayed that influence. He c i t e d , f o r instance, the occurrence i n French of the name Iseut aux blanches mains, and explained that t h i s was a f a u l t y t r a n s l a t i o n by the French poet of the Welsh name Es s e l t minwen, meaning the white-lipped. Although i n his view the in s u l a r t r a d i t i o n s provided the main sources for the poets, Loth did not exclude the possible influence of Armorican t r a d i t i o n s on the development of the material. But, l i k e Ferdinand Lot, he ascribed f ar less importance to the Armorican contribution than did Zimmer. Thus, despite the uncontested existence of Armorican saga-elements i n the story, he endeavoured above a l l to show the s i g n i f i c a n c e of the i n s u l a r C e l t i c elements f o r e s t a b l i s h i n g the o r i g i n s of the T r i s t a n legend. Another scholar making frequent contributions to the study of o r i g i n s at t h i s time was Wolfgang Golther, who at f i r s t seemed to be a staunch a l l y 71 of Foerster and the Cont i n e n t a l i s t s . When evaluating the C e l t i c element i n h i s e a r l i e s t studies of the legend he completely rejected a l l p o s s i b i l i t i e s of a primary i n s u l a r C e l t i c form, because i n his view names and s e m i - h i s t o r i c a l references gave inadequate and unconvincing testimony to Welsh o r i g i n s , and he therefore concluded: "Die Tristansage [ i s t ] a l s eine franzb'sische Sch'd — 72 pfung aufzufasseni" He held that the story derived from widely divergent o r a l t r a d i t i o n s and l i t e r a t u r e s , but f e l t that access to many of these would not have been av a i l a b l e to the Celts; the French, however, were far more advanced i n i n t e l l e c t u a l and l i t e r a r y concerns, and thus more receptive to these foreign t r a d i t i o n s . They alone possessed the a b i l i t y to j o i n and weld together the many disparate elements of i n t e r n a t i o n a l f o l k l o r i c t r a d i t i o n s : "Germanen, Nordleute und Angelsachsen und Kelten haben S i t t e n und Sagen hergegeben, aber der Schbpfer und Dichter b l e i b t der franzb'sische Normanne" (p. 3 5 0 ) . 39 Golther's negative evaluation of the C e l t i c element n a t u r a l l y caused other scholars to rush to the defence of the i n s u l a r T r i s t a n t r a d i t i o n ; the comments of Ernest Muret, K a r l Bartsch, Gaston Paris and Wilhelm Rbttiger t y p i f y this reaction. Muret, though he shared Golther's views on other topics r e l a t i n g to T r i s t a n - - f o r example, both held that E i l h a r t did not translate Beroul—avowed that "en depit de l ' h a b i l e argumentation de M. Golther, je demeure persuade que l e fond p r i n c i p a l en est emprunte a une leg-73 ende bretonne^" Bartsch wrote: "Und da; w i l l es mir scheinen, a l s wenn der Verf. dem ursprllnglichen k e l t i s c h e n Elemente zu wenig Spielraum e i n -gerHumt hatte. Denn so v i e l auch das 12. Jahrh. von franzSsischer An-schauung i n die Sage hineingetragen hat, so b l e i b t das doch nur ein Susserer 7^ F i r n i s s , der liber den alten Stoff von ganz anderem Charakter gezogen i s t . " Paris stated: "II [Golther] p e r s i s t e a restreindre autant que possible l a part de 1 'element celtique dans l a legende de T r i s t a n , et je p e r s i s t e . . . 75 a trouver q u ' i l l a r e s t r e i n t trop." Rbttiger raised objections to the generalizations and contradictions which resulted from Golther's prejudiced attit u d e , and from his insistence on apportioning at a l l costs the l i o n ' s share to the F r e n c h . ^ That his argument concerning the o r i g i n s had not been expressed with s u f f i c i e n t c l a r i t y and persuasive power i n the e a r l y discussions was a f a c t which Golther was swift to recognize, and from now on he constructed h i s arguments more methodically. In I 8 9 O , i n the a r t i c l e "Zur Frage nach der 77 Entstehung der bretonischen oder Artus-Epen," he distinguished between three d i f f e r e n t stages i n the h i s t o r i c a l development of the m a t e r i a l : "1 . Die Sagenbestandteile, 2 . die Sagendichtung, 3- die vorhandenen a l t -franzOsischen Epen a l l e r A r t " (p. 2 1 2 ) . The i n s u l a r Celts now had a c e r t a i n l i m i t e d value within h i s scheme: "Die Kelten-Briten kommen nur fUr Punkt 1 ko i n Betracht, insofern s i e sehr v i e l E i n z e l s t o f f , aber durchaus nicht a l i e n von i h r e r Seite aus beitrugen. An eine zusammenfassende Bearbeitung haben sie nie gedacht, das b l e i b den franztisischen Dichtern des 12. Jahrhunderts vorbehalten" (p. 213)- The disparate elements of the f i r s t stage were woven together to form stage two (Sagendichtung) at the moment when they were seen i n the l i g h t of a single u n i f y i n g theme, such as the biography of a ce n t r a l character l i k e T r i s t a n . Golther believed the producers of this second stage to be the true creators of romance: these were the Armorican jongleurs • Both the in s u l a r Celts and the French were responsible for c o l l e c t i n g and transmitting the various elements of the primary stages to these anonymous, b i l i n g u a l , eminently creative continental jongleurs i n England, who then informed them with the uni f y i n g idea. The versions produced i n stage two were soon afterwards adopted and adapted by the French court poets: "Die g e r e i f t e Frucht i h r e r Bemlihungen erntete der r i t t e r l i c h e Kunstdichter" (p. 2 l 6 ) . Golther's theories can be reduced to the following schema: STAGE RACE LOCALITY ACCOMPLISHMENT 1 Sagenbestandteile Celts & French England & France A c q u i s i t i o n & Transmission 2 Sagendichtung Armoricans England U n i f i c a t i o n 3 Epen French France Romances for Courtly Audience kl Golther, when considering the formation of T r i s t a n i n the framework of this t r i p a r t i t e system, now no longer apportioned the l i o n ' s share to the continental Armoricans and the French; rather, as he wrote i n 1900, "insbesondere die kymrischen Zeugnisse und a l l e Grilnde, die fl l r Wales sprechen, s o l l e n nicht mehr Ubersehen bleiben." This more tolerant out-look can be a t t r i b u t e d to the re s u l t s gathered i n the interim by other researchers such as Rb'ttiger, Pa r i s , Zimmer and Lot. His argument now rested on the novel theory that the T r i s t a n legend was e s s e n t i a l l y double-textured: i t was a compound of two o r i g i n a l l y d i s t i n c t s t o r i e s , an h i s t o r i -cal tale ( i n which the main event was Tristan's "Holmgang mit Morolt" [p. 12] i n the S c i l l y Isles) and a f a i r y - t a l e love-story. I f the f i r s t component, h i s t o r y , were considered separately from the second component, romance, then on the one hand the C e l t i c o r i g i n s and on the other the French additions would become c l e a r l y v i s i b l e : "Im ersten T e i l e finden wir k e l t i s c h e Namen und O r t l i c h k e i t , woraus eine gewisse z e i t l i c h e Begrenzung fllr die Entstehung sich ergiebt, im zweiten T e i l t r i t t uns die aus einem M'drchen entwickelte Liebessage mit dem Minnetrank entgegen" (p. 2 ) . An h i s t o r i c a l l y attested P i c t i s h prince had been assimilated into Cornish h i s t o r y and legend; the i n s u l a r C e l t i c story, i n which the love-theme played no part, existed i n Wales already i n the ninth century. The fusion of the love-story with that h i s t o r i c a l tale was accomplished by the Armori-cans, who learned of the story of T r i s t a n , Marke and Morolt from t h e i r i n s u l a r confreres, translated i t into French, and supplemented i t with the love-story with t h e i r French audience i n mind. They also introduced B r i t t a n y as the background to ce r t a i n events, and this move caused the geo-graphy of the legend to become extremely confused. Both versions, the Welsh k2 and the Armorican, were known to French writers such as Marie de France, Beroul and Thomas• According to this theory the Armorican jongleurs were more than mere o r a l d i f f u s o r s of a legend to which they made l i t t l e i n the way of o r i g i n a l contribution, for the part they played was e s s e n t i a l l y creative and of paramount importance for the development of the m a t e r i a l : "Im gegeben F a l l e diirfte die Liebessage i h r Beitrag sein, den s i e mit dem r e i n walschen T r i s t a n s t o f f verschmolzen" (p. 6 ) . As becomes clear i n a review of Golther's research into the o r i g i n s , he was very f l e x i b l e i n h i s opinions, being e a s i l y influenced by the con-clusions reached at that time by other scholars. His views on the i d e n t i t y of the f i r s t T r i s t a n poet also underwent considerable modification. ,'• O r i -g i n a l l y he accorded the l a u r e l s to Chretien de Troyes: "Die Vermutung Foersters . . . Chrestiens T r i s t a n s e i der a l t e s t e von a l i e n und er habe den Sagenstoff aus der Bretagne erhalten, gewinnt hohe Wahrscheinlichkeit" ("Bemerkungen," p. 7 ) - However, he l a t e r found that t h i s had been an over-hasty decision on h i s part, and i n 1907 admitted: "Der Name des T r i s t a n -79 dichters wird wohl immer im Dunkel bleiben." By the end of the nineteenth century the Insular-Continental argument was threatening to stagnate. Its prejudiced p r a c t i t i o n e r s were engrossed i n an i n t e l l e c t u a l war-game, for which both sides employed s i m i l a r t a c t i c s , and constantly obtained widely d i f f e r i n g r e s u l t s — r e s u l t s determined of course by the a f f i l i a t i o n s of the i n d i v i d u a l scholar. We need only r e c a l l i n this context the onomastic studies which had been pursued ad i n f i n i t u m . Elaborately constructed hypotheses tottered upon the slimmest of evidence, and neither v i c t o r y nor truce seemed forthcoming. Students of o r i g i n s had arrived at an impasse. C l e a r l y , i f scholarship were to progress, there was k3 a pressing need for a fresh, more productive and uniform method of studying the e a r l y h i s t o r y of the m a t e r i a l . But this new approach could be inaugurated only i f .some form of s o l i d structure were introduced, upon which future research could then r e s t . A solution was found when, i n the opening years of the twentieth century, there emerged the p r a c t i c e of c o n s t r u c t i v e — o r rather r e c o n s t r u c t i v e — r e s e a r c h into the o r i g i n s of T r i s t a n . One f i n a l word must be said before turning to t h i s new development. The actual results gathered from the vast amount of research made during the inter-school argument, though c o n f l i c t i n g i n many p a r t i c u l a r s , had nevertheless made a p o s i t i v e contribution to T r i s t a n scholarship. Advances had been made i n the f i e l d s of onomastic and toponymic research, and l i g h t had been shed on the numerous possible sources for the features and episodes i n the f a b l e . The words of Foerster therefore form a f i t t i n g conclusion to this resume of h i s feud with Paris : . . . verdankt man nicht gerade diesem Widerstreit die meisten Entdeckungen? Man vergleiche dasjenige, was man vor meinen anfanglichen Negazionen (Cliges 1884) Uber die A r t u s l i t t e r a t u r wusste, mit demjenigen, was j e t z t , durch meine GegengrUnde veranlasst, von so v i e l e n Seiten (auch i c h glaube pro v i r i l e  parte beigesteuert zu haben) schon an Sicherem beigebracht worden i s t . ( K a r r e n r i t t e r , p. XC) (B) The Archetypal T r i s t a n Romance By the turn of the century the idea had begun to win the favour of several scholars that, as had been suggested at various times previously, and as textual comparisons of the extant romances seemed to show, an "archetypal" T r i s t a n had been the common l i t e r a r y source for most, i f not a l l , of the extant versions. Scholars now employed i n philology a method t y p i c a l of this s c i e n t i f i c , p o s i t i v i s t i c epoch and attempted to deduce the contents of the o r i g i n a l T r i s t a n (which was v a r i o u s l y c a l l e d the archetype, poeme p r i m i t i f , Ur-Tristan, and e s t o i r e , and to which we s h a l l r e fer as the archetype) by a n a l y t i c a l work upon the extant versions. Golther indicated how great was the importance attached to such work when he wrote i n 1907! "Das nSchste Z i e l a l l e r Tristanforschung muss also jenes verlorene Urgedicht sein, weil nur dadurch die Frage nach dem Ursprung der Sage und nach ih r e r l i t e r a r i s c h e n Entwicklung entschieden werden kann" (pp. 3 8 - 9 ) ' This development i n scholarship brought about a p a r t i a l im-provement i n the s i t u a t i o n about which George Saintsbury had made a j u s t i -f i a b l e and timely complaint i n 1897 when he wrote the follo w i n g : But of the o r i g i n a l s , and of the legend as a whole, the knowledge i s too much l i m i t e d to those who see i n that legend only an opportunity f o r discussing texts and dates, o r i g i n s and national claims. Its extraordinary beauty, and the genius which at some time or other, i n one br a i n or i n many, developed i t from the extremely meagre materials which are a l l that can be c e r t a i n l y traced, too often escape attention altogether, and have hardly, I think, i n a single instance obtained f u l l recognition . 8 0 Although a f f i l i a t i o n s to the Insular or Continental School were s t i l l r e f l e c t e d i n T r i s t a n scholarship, "national claims" now began to be tem-pered with a f e e l i n g of respect f o r the poet of the archetype, regardless of h i s i d e n t i t y , who had created t h i s romance i n a conscious, a r t i s t i c act. This f e e l i n g was i n t e n s i f i e d ardbecame more widespread due to the fac t that c r i t i c s i n t h i s , as i n other f i e l d s of medieval study, were abandoning the Liedertheorie. Of the chief f a i l i n g s i n this kind of research one lay i n the blinkered approach to the extant romances (or the " o r i g i n a l s " to which Saintsbury r e f e r r e d ) . Because attention was concentrated upon the conjectural arche-type, these o r i g i n a l s claimed attention not on account of t h e i r l i t e r a r y 45 merits but instead as instruments useful for ascertaining the contents of the f i r s t romance. Furthermore, the basic assumption that the contents of the archetype could be deduced by means of textual comparisons of the works assumed to have derived from i t was h i g h l y questionable. Even Golther, who i n 1907 gave a p l o t summary of the Ur-Tristan, recognized that such an undertaking was not without i t s f a u l t s and therefore wrote: "Da keine einzige ungetrttbte und unmittelbare Quelle v o r l i e g t , gelingt der Versuch n a t t i r l i c h nur im allgemeinen und i s t fttr E i n z e l h e i t e n bei weitem nicht so z u v e r l a s s i g , wie die Wiederherstellung des Thomasgedichtes aus der deutschen, englischen und norwegischen Bearbeitung" (p. 39)-Beginning with Joseph Bedier the discussion of "texts and dates, o r i g i n s and national claims" was combined with a p o s i t i v e appreciation of the fable's beauty and the recognition of the accomplishment of the f i r s t poet who transformed the legend of o r a l t r a d i t i o n into a l i t e r a r y romance. The Q-i Qp attempts of Bedier (1905) and Golther (1904, published I907) to repro-duce the story as i t might have appeared i n the common source were the f i r s t s i g n i f i c a n t products of the new approach to the question of o r i g i n s . The work of Bedier t y p i f i e s the period of t r a n s i t i o n at the beginning of the century: he p r o f i t e d from the recent developments i n re l a t e d areas of T r i s t a n scholarship and made a notable contribution to i t s future. He showed a great i n t e r e s t i n r e s t o r i n g the medieval versions of the legend. In 1900 there appeared h i s version of the T r i s t a n story i n modern French 83 prose based on the version by Beroul. The point of departure for h i s second undertaking was provided by the theory proposed i n I878 by Eugen 84 KBlbing that Gottfried's poem, the English S i r Tristrem and the Norwegian Tristramssaga were based on the work of Thomas of B r i t t a n y : i n 1902 he 46 reconstructed i n modern prose the missing parts of the romance by Thomas of B r i t t a n y and combined this reconstruction with an e d i t i o n of the 85 extant fragments of Thomas' version. F i n a l l y he. determined the p l o t of each episode i n the archetypal romance or poeme p r i m i t i f (1905), and i t i s this l a s t accomplishment which deserves most consideration i n this context. Textual comparisons formed an e s s e n t i a l part of the preliminary research f o r these reconstructions, and Bedier was therefore much indebted to the recent editors of T r i s t a n m a t e r i a l . In 1877 Franz L i c h t e n s t e i n edited E i l h a r t ' s T r i s t r a n t ; ^ the following year there appeared Kb'lbing's e d i t i o n of Tristrams Saga ok Isondar, and the same scholar's e d i t i o n of S i r Tristrem was published i n 1882. In 1886 Henri Morf's e d i t i o n of 88 the Berne F o l i e T r i s t a n was printed, and Muret's e d i t i o n of Beroul's QQ work appeared i n 1903. E i l e r t Lb'seth wrote i n I89O a c r i t i c a l summary of the contents of the vast roman en prose, based on h i s research into the 90 numerous MSS and printed versions. No c r i t i c a l e d i t i o n of the e n t i r e French prose romance was a v a i l a b l e , nor has any yet been made. Bedier, however, published "Les parties anciennes du roman en prose fr a n c a i s e " i n the second volume to h i s Thomas e d i t i o n (1905)• The e d i t i o n of the remnants of Thomas' romance i n Francisque Michel's c o l l e c t i o n ( l 835-39)^ was superseded by Bedier's own work of 1^02. Only as these editions of the primary versions became a v a i l a b l e could a serious study be made of the relationships between the various redactions. For example, owing to the lack of a r e l i a b l e e d i t i o n of the roman en prose, the importance of that romance for a study of the o r i g i n s had long been overlooked; one of the few who recognized the value of that version for a c l a r i f i c a t i o n of the e a r l y h i s t o r y of the material was Wilhelm Rb'ttiger, who compared i t i n 92 I 8 9 7 with the poems of E i l h a r t and Thomas. hi As early as 1886 Bedier had stated that a single l i t e r a r y source was used by the French writers of T r i s t a n romances, and had suggested also that one could reconstruct that common source by comparing the versions of Beroul, E i l h a r t , Thomas and the roman en prose (as preserved i n MS. 103) He drew up a simple chart showing the relationships between these versions: 93 common source Beroul Thomas E i l h a r t Roman en prose (MS. 103) This genealogical table was reproduced i n a somewhat modified form i n 1905 (p. 192) to serve as an i l l u s t r a t i o n of h i s theory that the f i v e primary versions p r o c e e d e d — d i r e c t l y or i n d i r e c t l y , but independently of each other-from the l o s t archetypal romance, x. F o l i e T r i s t a n Thomas Roman en prose Beroul E i l h a r t He also supplied a genealogical table i n th i s volume to i l l u s t r a t e a more complex set of rel a t i o n s h i p s which existed between the common source, the primary versions, and subsequent redactions (p. 309)-48 His theory that the French p o e t i c a l t r a d i t i o n was founded not upon a com-p i l a t i o n of loos e l y related l a i s or contes but upon one regular poem resulted from his comparison of the f i v e primary versions: he had selected those features which, as determined by reasons of taste, f e e l i n g and l o g i c , appeared to be p r i m i t i v e , and had made the following discovery: . . . toutes les f o i s que l a comparaison pouvait porter sur t r o i s textes au moins, les t r a i t s que, pour motifs de gout, de sentiment, de logique, nous estimions p r i m i t i f s , . e t a i e n t des t r a i t s attestes par les t r o i s versions ou par deux au moins d'entre e l l e s . Inversement, les t r a i t s que, pour des motifs de gout, de sentiment, de logique, nous estimions remanies et recents, apparaissaient i s o l e s dans une seule des versions comparees. (p. 192) He then determined the contents of each episode i n the common source i n a mechanical reconstruction "ou jamais n ' i n t e r v i e n t notre choix" (p. 193) : Par s u i t e , notre entreprise changeait de face. II ne s ' a g i s s a i t plus, pour des raisons logiques ou des impressions de gout, toujours suspectes, de c h o i s i r entre les diverses versions de chaque episode les t r a i t s qui nous semblaient p r i m i t i f s . II s u f f i s a i t de dresser, mecaniquement, une Table des concordances et une Table des  variantes. A l a table des concordances, nous mettons tout ce qui est donne par deux versions au moins. A l a table des variantes, nous releguons tout ce qui est i s o l e dans une seule version, (p. 193) Although Bedier was the f i r s t to make such a reconstruction the idea of a l o s t , archetypal T r i s t a n romance was no innovation. His immediate precursors i n this l i n e of research, Muret and Golther, had i n I898 and 1900 r e s p e c t i v e l y set down t h e i r ideas on the common source both v e r b a l l y and g r a p h i c a l l y . Bedier, unlike these two scholars, d e l i b e r a t e l y excluded the hypothetical versions of Chretien and Robert (Le Chevre) from his scheme. "Ces deux romans . . . sont perdus: qu'y pouvons-nous?" (p. 3^8, n. 2 ) . He accorded to these two l o s t romances only the same value as the x and y i n his table. He rejected also Muret's thesis that Chretien's T r i s t a n was the model for E i l h a r t and the roman en prose, arguing instead that the i n t r i n s i c c o u r t l y manner of s t y l e 4 9 and conduct i n the extant works of Chretien would b e l i e h i s ever having written i n the necess a r i l y crude and p r i m i t i v e fashion of the f i r s t romance. Bedier claimed that the archetype was composed p r i o r to 1154, by which date the troubadours were well acquainted with the story, and he suggested moreover that a much e a r l i e r date of composition was p o s s i b l e . "Les t r a i t s archaiques et cette rudesse des moeurs s i souvent remarquee dans les aven-tures centrales de l a legende permettent de l e f a i r e remonter plus haut, et jusqu'aux premiers temps de l a conquete de l'Angleterre par les Normands" (p. 314). He did not f e e l that the language of the f i r s t romance could be ascertained, and wrote: "Que le poeme p r i m i t i f a i t ete anglais, anglo-normand, ou f r a n c a i s , i l nous s u f f i t d'avoir e t a b l i q u ' i l a reellement existe et d'en avoir a peu pres retrouve l e canevas" (p. 317)- In this way he s h i f t e d the emphasis from the national claims, and put more weight on the actual existence, no matter i n what language, of the archetypal romance. By producing h i s "canevas" or outline-sketch of the l o s t work Bedier hoped to restore the legend i n i t s o r i g i n a l beauty, i n i t s "archaic grace, 95 more b e a u t i f u l than a l l the romances derived from i t , ' and thereby to demonstrate the genius of i t s creator, whose work surpassed undeniably that of a l l the l a t e r redactors. "The p r i m i t i v e poet alone was the sovereign poet" (p. 127)' Bedier 5s sympathetic approach to the archetype, his appre-c i a t i o n of i t s ancient grace, was representative of h i s whole at t i t u d e to the development of the Arthurian romances. In I 8 9 I he had voiced a s i m i l a r opinion when he wrote: "Les romans de l a Table-Ronde sont aux l a i s p r i m i t i f s et aux anciens poemes sur T r i s t a n ce que le s t y l e flamboyant est au gothique pur: l a substance manque."^^ To Bedier there could ensue a f t e r the creation of the f i r s t romance only a p i t i f u l deformation; l a t e r poets t r i e d without 50 success to preserve parts of the p r i m i t i v e story (such as the betrayal by the dwarf and the l i f e i n the forest) and t h e i r f a i l u r e was both "lamentable and r i d i c u l o u s " (p. 126). He did recognize a c e r t a i n beauty i n the versions by Thomas and G o t t f r i e d , but these l a s t were even so essen-t i a l l y remouldings, "the reduction to the tone of court poetry, the trans-p o s i t i o n into the 'precieux' [ s i c ] manner, of a poem o r i g i n a l l y foreign to the 'precieux' and c o u r t l y mind. Charming and exquisite as they are when they embellish and soften the inventions of the p r i m i t i v e poet, these remoulders are great only when they preserve [these inventions] without daring to touch them" (p. 127)- This attit u d e marks Bedier as a neo-Romantic; indeed, a d i r e c t l i n e can be traced from Jacob Grimm's comments of 1812 (above, p. Ik and below, p. 90) to those of Bedier nearly one century l a t e r : both discovered more genuine poetry (Naturpoesie) i n the e a r l i e r form of the fable than i n the Kunstpoesie with i t s polished, c o u r t l y e l e -gance . Beside working on the archetype Bedier did study the p r e - l i t e r a r y h i s t o r y of the m a t e r i a l . He r e i t e r a t e d the thesis that the f i r s t stage was P i c t i s h and the second Welsh, and rejected the idea that the story was a s u r v i v a l of ancient myths. Of the l a t e r h i s t o r y he admitted h i s un-certainty, but following previous scholars he postulated a transmission during which " l a legende a passe directement . . . a ces jongleurs armori^ cains qui chantaient et contaient dans les chateaux normands d'Angleterre" (p. 129). Bedier also repeated the well-worn theory that the Norman con-quest was d i r e c t l y responsible for bringing the Armorican jongleurs into contact with the Welsh, thereby bringing about the further spread of the legend. One of the most demanding tasks facing Bedier was the attempt to determine the actual content of the Welsh legend before and during the 51 period of transmission to the French, for upon this depended his thesis that the fable i n the archetype and l a t e r redactions was i n essence a non-Celtic c r e a t i o n . I t was i n the discussion of t h i s topic that Bedier displayed most c l e a r l y h i s strong continental leanings. Subjecting to a c a r e f u l scrutiny a l l those elements which Gaston Paris had singled out as being a u t h e n t i c a l l y C e l t i c ( i n h i s " T r i s t a n et Iseut" of 189*0 he concluded that any elements which withstood hi s scrutiny were indisputably C e l t i c , but nonetheless free from a l l traces of the c e n t r a l theme of the story now associated with the names T r i s t a n and Isolde, namely the c o n f l i c t of love and law. The p r i m i t i v e C e l t i c legend could have t o l d only of a "dissem-b l i n g woman and her lover, famous f o r h i s mastery i n a l l the p r i m i t i v e a r t s , duping a jealous and powerful husband" (p. 110), a theme t y p i c a l of the C e l t s ' "brutal, h a l f barbaric s t o r i e s " and of t h e i r " v iolent tales stained with blood," a story i n which T r i s t a n appeared " l i k e the hero of a sort of barbaric 'Decameron'" (p. 110). He proposed that the Celts could not have invented the c e n t r a l theme— the permanent and f a t a l c o n f l i c t of love and l a w — f o r i t r e l i e d upon the existence of a s o c i a l law, a moral code foreign to the C e l t s , namely the i n d i s s o l u b i l i t y of the marriage bond. The story could not have been con-ceived by a people who, as documentary evidence (e.g. Howel the Good's Laws and I n s t i t u t i o n s of Wales) proved, looked upon marriage as the most e a s i l y broken of t i e s . Because the c e n t r a l characters could not have thought or f e l t as t h e i r congeners had never thought or f e l t , neither the i n s u l a r nor the Armorican Celts had ever possessed a great romance of love about T r i s t a n and Isolde. The Welsh and the I r i s h transmitted l a i s con-cerning T r i s t a n , but these were, he presumed, simple s t o r i e s of adultery. 52 Only when the story of t h e i r love and i t s c o n f l i c t with the law was given form i n a biographical romance was the r e a l T r i s t a n legend c a l l e d into l i f e - - a n d this was the achievement of the poet who composed the archetype. Wolfgang Golther prepared his reconstruction of the story t o l d i n the archetypal romance (which he named the Ur-Tristan) i n l^Ok, one year before Bedier's was published; however, Golther's work was printed only i n 1907, i n h i s book T r i s t a n und Isolde i n den Dichtungen des M i t t e l a l t e r s  und der neuen Z e i t . Golther's aim, as the t i t l e suggested, was to f u r n i s h "eine Betrachtung sMmtlicher mir bekannten und erreichbaren Tristandichtungen bis auf die Gegenwart herunter. . . . Es s o l l t e gezeigt werden, was unter den Handen guter und schlechter Dichter jeweils aus dem Stoffe ward" (pp. 11-12). This marked a new departure i n T r i s t a n scholarship, and involved considerable research into the h i s t o r y of the material i n medi-eval and modern times. I t was at the same time an endeavour t y p i c a l of 97 the " p o s i t i v i s t i s c h e Sammelwut which Golther displayed again i n h i s 98 contribution, i n 1929, to the S t o f f - und Motivgeschichte. Because Bedier and Golther had been working independently on i d e n t i c a l projects, the l a t t e r f e l t that the o v e r a l l s i m i l a r i t i e s between t h e i r results vouched for the correctness of t h e i r basic assumptions and recon-s t r u c t i v e methods. In c e r t a i n respects h i s o u t l i n e of the p l o t d i f f e r e d from that given by Bedier, and while i n some cases Golther amended his work i n order to t a l l y with Bedier's archetype, on other points he pre-ferred to d i f f e r . There i s , however, one s t r i k i n g difference between t h e i r works. Bedier named f i v e primary versions upon which he drew for the contents of the l o s t romance, namely Beroul, E i l h a r t , Thomas, roman en prose, and the F o l i e • T r i s t a n . Golther used only the f i r s t four of these; he wrote: 53 "Die erhaltenen Tristangedichte setzen ein Urgedicht voraus, dessen Inhalt durch Vergleichung von v i e r untereinander unabhangigen Zeugen--E i l h a r t , Berol, Thomas, Prosaroman—gewonnen werden kann, das aufgeschrie-ben wurde und i n Bearbeitungen h a n d s c h r i f t l i c h s i c h f o r t p f l a n z t e , das also ein l i t e r a r i s c h e s Denkmal war" (p. 67)• He omitted the F o l i e T r i s t a n , and gave the following reason f o r this d e c i s i o n : "Da. Thomas von Tristans Narrheit nichts weiss, i s t zu vermuten, dass s i e i n seiner Vorlage, dem Urgedicht gar nicht vorkam. Mi thin halte i c h Tristans Narrheit nicht fUr einen Bestandteil des ursprllnglichen Tristanromans . Bediers AusfUhrungei ( I I , 287ff •) haben mich nicht Uberzeugt. Ich glaube, wir mlissen die F o l i e ausschalten, um den ursprllnglichen Schluss wiederzugewinnen, der v i e l klirzer war, als Bedier annimmt" (p. 66). I t i s not necessary to discuss here the views expressed i n this book concerning the p r e - l i t e r a r y formation of the legend, as they were i n essence a r e p e t i t i o n of those outlined above (p. hi)• At this point i t must be stressed only that Golther believed i n the continental o r i g i n s of the love-theme, for within the next s i x years of T r i s t a n scholarship two c r i t i c s i n the Insular School were to further t h e i r claim to the o r i g i n s . These two scholars were Joseph Loth and Gertrude Schoepperle. As became clear i n the discussion of the studies of Loth (p. 37) h i s allegiance lay with Gaston Paris and the Insular School. Now, a f t e r applyin himself to a further study of the medieval romances, he published h i s results i n a series of a r t i c l e s i n the Revue Celtique from 1909 t o 1912, 99 ii which were then c o l l e c t e d and reprinted. In the chapter e n t i t l e d Le drame moral de T r i s t a n et d'Iseut e s t - i l d'origine c e l t i q u e ? " he opposed Bedier's theory that the moral c o n f l i c t was a French innovation, supporting 54 his arguments by r e f e r r i n g to C e l t i c (Welsh) l e g a l and l i t e r a r y documents. Loth had also made fresh discoveries concerning the s i g n i f i c a n c e of the Cornish elements i n the fable, and these discoveries shed l i g h t on the origins of the legend and of the romance. P r i o r to this time the possib-i l i t y that the legend might have originated among the Celts l i v i n g i n Cornwall had escaped the attention of scholars; the P i c t i s h name of the hero had led to the assumption that the fable, of North B r i t i s h o r i g i n , had only at a l a t e r date become l o c a l i z e d i n the more southern areas of the B r i t i s h I s l e s . Loth now wrote that the fable was indeed known to a l l the ins u l a r C e l t s , but that the p a r t i c u l a r version propagated i n Cornwall some time before the Norman conquest was the o r i g i n a l legend at the base of the l i t e r a r y t r a d i t i o n . He arrived at t h i s conclusion a f t e r i d e n t i f y i n g proper names ( e s p e c i a l l y place names) i n the redactions by Beroul and Thomas with Cornish names and l o c a l i t i e s , and also by pointing out that the unique t r i -lingualism i n Cornwall—French, Cornish ( C e l t i c ) and English were a l l three spoken there—made of that l o c a l i t y the i d e a l cradle f o r the f o s t e r i n g of the f a b l e . To Loth, the Cornish theory established beyond doubt that Gaston Paris had not been mistaken when, i n 1902, he had proposed that the f i r s t romance had been written i n E n g l i s h . * " ^ Even Bedier had not excluded this p o s s i b i l i t y , but of the three who suggested i t - - P a r i s , Bedier and L o t h — o n l y the l a t t e r further elaborated upon the idea. He concluded: "II est impos-s i b l e de chercher au roman de T r i s t a n une autre p a t r i e que 1' Angleterre . u ~^®^ ~ Loth believed that the i n s u l a r o r i g i n s had now been established once and for a l l : 55 II faut renoncer a T r i s t a n P i c t e , a Iseut, f i l l e de Viking e t c . Pour l a premiere f o i s l e l i e u d'origine d'un roman de l a Table Ronde et du plus important de tous, est f i x e avec p r e c i s i o n . C'estla ruine de l a theorie non-celtique, je serais presque tente de dir e a n t i - c e l t i q u e , de l ' o r i g i n e de l a matiere de Bretagne. (p. 309) Meanwhile the idea of a common l i t e r a r y source had undergone a new development i n the hands of Rudolf Zenker. Already i n 1872 Hermann Ethe had c a l l e d attention to a p a r a l l e l between the eleventh-century Persian ^ ^ ^ 102 epic Wis and Ramin and the T r i s t a n legend. More c r i t i c s had discussed the s i m i l a r i t y , and i n the year 1911 Zenker, acknowledging with Bedier the necessity of postulating some kind of archetype, asserted that e i t h e r t h i s source could be i d e n t i f i e d as the Persian romance, or a l t e r n a t i v e l y , that the archetypal T r i s t a n romance and Wis and Ramin both derived from an 103 e a r l i e r common source. Zenker's theories have recently been revived by 1 Oil-Franz R. Schrb'der. When f i r s t expounded, however, they met with some severe c r i t i c i s m , p a r t i c u l a r l y from Gertrude Schoepperle, who s h o r t l y 105 a f t e r put forward a quite d i f f e r e n t theory of her own. Schoepperle, who traced the fable's development up to i t s f i r s t l i t e r a r y appearance, fostered the notion that a C e l t i c aithed or elope-ment-story, s i m i l a r to that of the I r i s h t a l e of Diarmaid and G r a i n n e — a saga mentioned as e a r l y as the tenth century—formed the nucleus of the legend. She furnished proof for her well-documented argument by c u l l i n g an array of analogues from I r i s h l i t e r a t u r e , and l a i d s p e c i a l emphasis on I r i s h motifs i n T r i s t a n such as the imram or voyage. In her view "the story of T r i s t a n as i t was f i r s t conceived, and conceived i n no less of t r a g i c beauty than i n the forms i n which we now have i t , was C e l t i c " (p. 469)-Carrying further the ideas already propounded by other c r i t i c s about the common source she wrote that a l o s t French poem (which she named the estoire) 56 was the source of some, but not a l l , of the romances. She claimed that Beroul, E i l h a r t , Thomas and the author of the Berne F o l i e T r i s t a n depended on the e s t o i r e . Her thoughts on the subject contrasted with those of Bedier and Golther, for, unlike the other two, she did not f e e l that the roman en prose and the continuation of Beroul derived d i r e c t l y or e x c l u s i v e l y from this common source, because, i n her estimation, parts of these seemed to preserve traces of a version anterior to the e s t o i r e . Schoepperle's most r a d i c a l departure from Bedier and Golther came when she stated that she did not consider i t possible to make an adequate or accurate reconstruction of a common l i t e r a r y source from i t s extant deriva-t i v e s . Furthermore, she c r i t i c i z e d the method employed by Bedier, who frequently included d e t a i l s from E i l h a r t " i n v i o l a t i o n of the conditions of the method which he had set f o r himself. . . . At other times he had disregarded both his method and the more p r i m i t i v e character of the E i l h a r t version to include an e s p e c i a l l y charming t r a i t from Thomas. M. Bedier's reconstruction i s not based e n t i r e l y , as i t purports to be, upon a mechanical comparison of the t r a i t s of the d i f f e r e n t versions and a preference for those which are supported by two or more redactions. I t i s constructed i n accord-ance with the considerations of taste, sentiment, and l o g i c which appear i n his discussions" (pp. 7 - 8 ) . She f e l t moreover that the l o s t poem had not been as a r t i s t i c a l l y perfect as Bedier supposed. In her view E i l h a r t ' s version, along with the fragments of Beroul, best represented the l o s t source. (Bedier interposed a redaction y_ between the archetype X and the B e r o u l - E i l -hart t r a d i t i o n ; see above, p. k"j\ Schoepperle therefore r e t o l d E i l h a r t ' s version, using simple English prose. She excluded from her study any d i s -cussion of the transmission of the material from the Celts to the French: 57 "On the question of the channel of transmission . . . i t seems to us premature, i n our present knowledge of the h i s t o r y and l i t e r a t u r e of the C e l t i c countries i n the Middle Ages, to pronounce" (p. V75)• Nor did she t r y to determine the additions made by the poet of the e s t o i r e when he appropriated the C e l t i c m a t e r i a l . Jacob Kelemina, another staunch member of the Insular School, published the re s u l t s of h i s investigations i n h i s Geschichte der Tristansage nach den  Dichtungen des M i t t e l a l t e r s (Vienna, 1923), a review of the material's h i s t o r y which resembled that given by Golther i n 1907, but which did not contain the post-medieval versions of the legend. To Kelemina, the I r i s h sagas to which Schoepperle drew attention furnished the most r e l i a b l e e v i -dence for the C e l t i c genesis of the legend, because these antedated both the Welsh triads and the Persian epic. He openly defended also Gaston Paris by w r i t i n g : "Auf den k e l t i s c h e n Ursprung des Liebesromans hat z. B. G. Paris . . . hingewiesen; die spatere Forschung hatte diesen r i c h t i g e n gewiesenen Weg nicht mehr verlassen s o l l e n " (p. 199)- Thus, while the bias of Golther's c o l l e c t i v e summary was continental, that of Kelemina's work was decidedly i n s u l a r . Kelemina thought that i t was evident that an arche-typal romance had a c t u a l l y existed, but h e — l i k e Schoepperle—doubted whether a res t o r a t i o n was possible or even advisable as a s c h o l a r l y undertaking (p. 220). However, i f any such reconstructive attempts were to be made in the future more attention should be paid to the roman en prose, which i n h i s opinion preservednuch of the o r i g i n a l romance. 58 IV The Influence of Geistesgeschichte on Origin Research In F r i e d r i c h Ranke, one of the eminent T r i s t a n scholars of this century, Schoepperle found a sympathetic d i s c i p l e who openly acknowledged hi s 106 indebtedness to her C e l t i c researches. Ranke 5s aim i n his T r i s t a n und Isold (1925) was to r e t e l l the story as i t appeared at every period i n i t s development from the o r a l through the l i t e r a r y t r a d i t i o n of the Middle Ages, and he based the f i r s t three chapters of h i s book on Schoep-p e r l e 5 s comparisons of the extant material with I r i s h l i t e r a t u r e . Schoep-perle had furnished the C e l t i c motifs without forming them into a coherent legend, and Ranke now linked a l l these motifs together i n an attempt to reconstruct the o r a l t r a d i t i o n . The great weakness of such an undertaking, as Ranke himself admitted, lay i n the assumption that "Motiwergleichung" (p. l ) could restore a f l u i d o r a l legend. But, undaunted, he challenged other scholars to produce a more adequate rendering of the o r i g i n a l f a b l e . His markedly in s u l a r a f f i n i t i e s led him to' claim that the t r i a n g u l a r r e l a t i o n s h i p (Tristan-Isolde-Marke) existed already " i n der Dammerung a l t e r k e l t i s c h e r Sage und Dichtung" (p. 3)- Describing the fable's e a r l y develop-ment among the Celts he showed by what means the imram and aithed had been joined together. The imram ( T r i s t a n 5 s voyage to an i s l a n d where his wound, y recently i n f l i c t e d by Morolt, i s healed by the l a t t e r s s i s t e r , who then f a l l s i n love with him, and T r i s t a n 5 s s o l i t a r y return to Cornwall) and the aithed (the f l i g h t of T r i s t a n and his uncle 5s wife to the forest a f t e r the enamoured Queen Isolde has cast a s p e l l on the warrior T r i s t a n ; t h e i r Waldleben, and t h e i r death, when the dying hero k i l l s Isolde and thus avenges the loss of h i s honour) at one time formed two separate and d i s t i n c t 59 s t o r i e s , t h e i r only connection being that T r i s t a n appeared i n each. How-ever, when an unknown poet who probably was l i v i n g i n Cornwall introduced i n the f i r s t h a l f of the twelfth century the motif of the love-potion into the legend of T r i s t a n and Isolde, these two disparate episodes were a r t i s t i -c a l l y blended to form a t i g h t l y - k n i t whole, and the re l a t i o n s h i p between hero and heroine was set on an e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t basis : "Der Sinn der neuen Erfundung i s t k l a r : durch den unwissend getrunkenen Liebestrank i s t beiden Liebenden i n gleicher Weise jede s i t t l i c h e Verantwortung fll r i h r Handeln abgenommen; schuldlos werden s i e durch den Zaubertrank immer t i e f e r i n Schuld v e r s t r i c k t " (p. 15) j " j e t z t erst konnten die ursprlinglich ohne innere Verbindung einander folgenden beiden Handlungen, die Fahrt zur heilenden Fee und der Fluchtroman, zur geschlossenen E i n h e i t , konnte die heilende Jungfrau, die Todfeindin des Morholdtbters, zur Heldin des Liebes-romans werden" (p. l 6 ). The name and n a t i o n a l i t y of the creator of t h i s , "das a l t e s t e Tristan-Epos" (p. 8 ) , would remain a r i d d l e : War der Dichter Franzose. . . . Oder war es ein k e l t i s c h e r ErzShler, dem durch die Berilhrung mit der romanischen Welt der Sinn fUr die strengere Form und die klareren L i n i e n geweckt war, und wurde sein k e l t i s c h e r Prosaroman erst spater i n franzb-sische Verse umgegossen?—Doch wie es sich damit auch verhalten mag: fragen wir nach dem eigentlichen Schbpfer des m i t t e l a l t e r -l i c h e n Tristanromans, so kann ftir diesen E h r e n t i t e l e r n s t l i c h nur der Dichter i n Betracht kommen, der den Liebestrank erfand und die getrennten Motive der Sites ten k e l t i s c h e n Dichtung durch die kunstvolle Szenenbrlicke des Mittelstiicks zur grossartigen epischen E i n h e i t zusammenschloss. (p. 21) There i s one outstanding and highly s i g n i f i c a n t difference between Ranke's work and that of Golther and Kelemina, a l l three of whom traced the inner development of the legend through i t s numerous hypothetical and known versions. Ranke was the f i r s t to advance the thesis that the h i s t o r y of the 6o material c l e a r l y r e f l e c t e d the changing s p i r i t u a l climate ("Geistes- und Kunstentwicklung," p. 2) of Western Europe: Der Tristanroman b e g l e i t e t die Entwicklung des Liebesproblems im Abendlande von den naiveren Verhaltnissen der Frtthzeit zu der tiefgehenden E r o t i s i e r u n g der r i t t e r l i c h e n Gesellschaft urn die Wende des zwalften zum dreizehnten Jahrhundert, und weiter zum Durchbruch der blirgerlichen Gesittung, die fl l r die gefUhlvollen Ubertreibungen der hbfischen Z e i t kein VerstSndnis mehr hatte. (p. l ) The attitude displayed;b,y Ranke must be seen i n the framework of the develop-ments i n i n t e l l e c t u a l thought i n Germany at this time. S c i e n t i f i c p o s i t i v i s m had now begun to be replaced by Geistesgeschichte, which sought to explain l i t e r a t u r e i n terms of a Z e i t g e i s t . This Z e i t g e i s t was a q u i n t e s s e n t i a l s p i r i t of the time, an i n t e l l e c t u a l atmosphere or climate of opinion, a unitary force abstracted l a r g e l y from the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of a l l c u l t u r a l 107 and other a c t i v i t i e s of man. The gradual turning away from p o s i t i v i s m and the adoption of the geistesgeschichtliche Methode (the philosophy of Geistesgeschichte as a basis for l i t e r a r y c r i t i c i s m ) exerted a strong influence i n a l l branches of T r i s t a n scholarship. The i n t e r e s t i n o r i g i n s diminished r a p i d l y i n the twentieth century, while investigations into the s p i r i t of the times as revealed i n extant l i t e r a t u r e became i n c r e a s i n g l y . - 1 0 8 important. The f i n a l contribution to o r i g i n research to be considered i n t h i s chapter, namely the work by Bodo Mergell e n t i t l e d T r i s t a n und Isolde.  Ursprung und Entwicklung der Tristansage des M i t t e l a l t e r s (Mainz, 19*1-9), well exemplifies the a p p l i c a t i o n of the geistesgeschichtliche Methode to T r i s t a n c r i t i c i s m , and demonstrates also the change of d i r e c t i o n i n scholar-ship. For Mergell, the legend's hypothetical o r i g i n ("Ursprung") was less important than i t s l a t e r known development ("Entwicklung"). His p r i n c i p a l 61 aim was to gain "einen Uberblick liber den Weg, den, ge i s t e s g e s c h i c h t l i c h gesehen, die i n diesen Dichtungen sich manifestierende Tristansage von ihren Anfangen b i s zum Hochmittelalter a l s ein Stllck abendlandischer, von franzSsischem und deutschem Geist getragener Bildungs- und Ideengeschichte genommen hat" (p. 9)• As he traced the fable's h i s t o r y he drew structure-charts of the conjectural and extant versions, and i n so doing he extended the preliminary s t r u c t u r a l analyses made i n 1933 by Arthur Witte ("Der Aufbau der altesten Tristandichtungen") witte, taking Ranke's book as his basis, had shown that a c e r t a i n s t r u c t u r a l development accounted f o r the expansion of the content of the story, and had maintained also that t h i s s t r u c t u r a l theory would vouch f o r the correctness of Ranke's recon-structions . Witte based a l l h i s theories on the "Wille zur Doppelung" (p. I65) or dupl i c a t i o n of motifs found throughout the m a t e r i a l . Where, for instance, Ranke viewed the imram and the aithed as being o r i g i n a l l y separate and d i s t i n c t , Witte wrote: "Hier haben wir es vielmehr mit einem e i n h e i t -l i c h aufgebauten, wohl ausgewogenen kleinen Kunstwerk zu tun. Die innere Verbundenheit der beiden T e i l e l i e g t . . . vor allem i n dem S t i l w i l l e n zur steigernden und abwandelnden Doppelung" (pp. 166-67) • Mergell now wrote concerning Witte's research: "Dieser von Witte gewiesene Weg s t i l -k r i t i s c h e r Betrachtung l a s s t s i c h . . . noch weiter verfolgen" (p. 13)* Mergell i l l u s t r a t e d both v e r b a l l y and v i s u a l l y his own thesis concerning the symmetrical, a r c h i t e c t u r a l composition of the fable as i t expanded from Ur-Tristan to the extant romances. In addition,.because he believed that Chretien composed the f i r s t romance, he included structure-charts of the extant works by that poet. According to Mergell the "alteste Tristandichtung" consisted (as Witte suggested) of imram and aithed a r t i s t i c a l l y joined together, and the 62 Z e i t g e i s t inhe rent i n that f i r s t stage of the legend's development was that of the "Epoche der Romanik" (p. 200). There was evidence not only of d u p l i -cation of motifs and C e l t i c elements, but also of s p e c i f i c a l l y French formal p r i n c i p l e s as shown i n the central composition: "[Es] bedurfte, damit diese k e l t i s c h e n Gestalten l i t e r a r g e s c h i c h t l i c h wirksam wurden, i h r e r Gestaltung und Erhbhung durch romanische Formkunst . . . die s i c h schon i n der F'Ugung der altesten Dichtung kundgibt" (p. 18). The f i r s t romance, on the other hand, was situated "zwischen Hochromanik und Frtlhgotik" (p. 200) . A f t e r making s i m i l a r equations between the p a r t i c u l a r Z e i t g e i s t and the extant versions he concluded: "Tristansage wie Tristandichtung sind, nach Gehalt und Form, Ausdruck der namlichen geschichtlichen Wandlungen m i t t e l a l t e r l i c h e n Geistes" (p . 203) . Since Mergell's work appeared i n 19^9 no s i g n i f i c a n t study of the genesis and early development of the T r i s t a n fable has been made. In 1951 Bruno Panvini, who sought to resuscitate the Liedertheorie, suggested that the legend f i r s t spread abroad i n l a i s and L a t i n chronicles ("delle n a r r a z i o n i prosastiche, c r o n i s t i c h e , c e l t i c h e , s c r i t t e i n l a t i n o , quelle che prima da sole e poi insieme con i l a i s hanno tramandato e d i f f u s o l a l.eggenda d i Tristano"''"^^)—but this suggestion was immediately quashed by a fellow I t a l i a n , Camillo C r o c e t t i . I t remains to be seen whether or not Schrbder's recent Persian hypothesis—which can be viewed as an extension of the e a r l y eighteenth-century Eastern t h e o r y — w i l l r a d i c a l l y a l t e r or i n any way a f f e c t the current theory that the o r a l legend, of i n s u l a r C e l t i c o r i g i n , was transformed i n the hands of an unknown poet whose l i t e r a r y creation became the basis for most of the subsequent medieval redactions of 112 the story of T r i s t a n and Isolde. 63 V Conclusion The foregoing survey of theories on the o r i g i n s of T r i s t a n y i e l d s i n the f i r s t place the c e r t a i n knowledge that those o r i g i n s r e s i s t d e f i n i t i o n . In the se cond place i t demonstrates that the h i s t o r y of s c h o l a r l y i n q u i r y into the ea r l y development of the T r i s t a n story f a l l s into four well-defined periods and that the character of each has been determined l a r g e l y by the contemporary state of i n t e l l e c t u a l thought. During the f i r s t period, i n the l a t e seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the medieval T r i s t a n romances were known for the most part only i n d i r e c t l y , and the story of T r i s t a n and Isolde was c l a s s i f i e d as forming part of the Arthuriad. The primary aim at th i s time was to i d e n t i f y the geographical source from which romances of c h i v a l r y ( i n c l u d i n g the Arthuriad) f i r s t sprang. The three main theories propounded by the ea r l y scholars, namely the Northern, the Eastern and the C e l t i c , r e f l e c t e d i n t h e i r very d i v e r s i t y the great uncertainty of the pioneers working i n th i s branch of scholarship. During t h i s , the pre-Romantic era, scholars with antiquarian i n t e r e s t s constituted a d i s t i n c t minority. With the emergence of Romanticism however a s i g n i f i c a n t change i n scholarship was e f f e c t e d : f i r s t - h a n d knowledge of the romances was encouraged by Romantic medievalism, and when T r i s t a n c r i t i c i s m proper began several d i s t i n c t trends soon appeared i n the study of sources. Of those discussing the o r a l t r a d i t i o n , some sought a basis f o r the legend i n actual h i s t o r i c a l events, while others explained the genesis by drawing p a r a l l e l s to ancient mythologies, the l a t t e r i n t e r e s t gaining dominance i n the f i r s t h a l f of the nineteenth century. Although various l i n k s between o r a l legend and l i t e r a r y romance were suggested, the transmission did not give r i s e to any argument 6k at t h i s time. Furthermore, the general view that the f i r s t T r i s t a n romance was written i n French went l a r g e l y unchallenged, and any minor differences of opinion did not occasion heated controversy. The i n t e r e s t of the Romantics lay i n the poetic and p h i l o l o g i c a l renewal of medieval l i t e r a t u r e rather than i n a discussion of i t s prehistory. The t h i r d period, extending from the lat e nineteenth century into the ear l y twentieth, assigned overweening importance to the h i s t o r i c a l develop-ment of the T r i s t a n m a t e r i a l . This s h i f t of emphasis was due to the marked impact exerted on scholarship by p o s i t i v i s m . At this time, T r i s t a n scholar-ship consisted l a r g e l y of painstaking p h i l o l o g i c a l enterprises and searching source studies. During the course of the inter-school debate, when the Insular School and the Continental School championed t h e i r respective theories concerning the matiere de Bretagne, the primary aim of T r i s t a n scholars was to discover the i d e n t i t y of the person or persons who f i r s t introduced into the rudimentary legend the love-theme as we now know i t . Although i n t e r -pretations of extant T r i s t a n material were n e c e s s a r i l y hampered by the one-sided nature of the p o s i t i v i s t i c endeavours, the great advances made i n the study of o r i g i n s were b e n e f i c i a l to T r i s t a n scholarship. The spate of T r i s t a n editions occasioned by the contemporary p h i l o l o g i c a l pursuits greatly aided c r i t i c s i n the early twentieth century when they began t h e i r quasi-mechanical reconstructions of the story as i t might have been t o l d i n the o r a l legend and i n the f i r s t romance. I t was now held that the o r i g i n a l romance or archetype was^not formed i n accordance with the L i e d e r t h e o r i e — as had been proposed by c e r t a i n e a r l i e r s c h o l a r s — b u t that t h i s was the l i t e r a r y creation of a single poet, and furthermore that the archetypal romance provided the common source f o r most, i f not a l l , of the extant medieval versions of the fabl e . 65 The heyday of o r i g i n research was reached by those scholars who were influenced by the p o s i t i v i s t i c approach to l i t e r a t u r e , and i n t e r e s t i n t h i s branch of scholarship soon faded with the encroachment of the geiste s -geschichtliche Methode. In t h i s , the fourth period, h i s t o r i e s of the material concentrated c h i e f l y on the known development, i . e . , on the extant romances. This h i s t o r y was traced not only thematically and s t r u c t u r a l l y , but also s p i r i t u a l l y , f o r each stage i n the development of the T r i s t a n fable was interpreted as being symptomatic of the Z e i t g e i s t . The removal of emphasis from the study of or i g i n s had a p o s i t i v e e f f e c t , i n that i t allowed i n t e r -pretation to come to the fore i n T r i s t a n scholarship. 66 CHAPTER TWO E D I T I O N S AND M A N U S C R I P T C R I T I C I S M OF T H E T R I S T A N ROMANCE BY G O T T F R I E D VON S T R A S S B U R G I 1777 - 1850 When the recovery of the MSS of Gottfried's T r i s t a n began i n the la t e eighteenth century, the f i r s t MS to become widely known was that i n Florence (F ) • In 1777 Bodmer's p u p i l , Leonhard Meister, wrote: "In der magliabecchischen Bibliothek i n Florenz liegen unter anderm die Codices von den zwey Gedichten Twein und Laudine, und T r i s t r a n von  Brytannie . . . das l e t z t e r e hat zween Thei l e und zween Verfasser. Den ersten T h e i l v e r f e r t i g t e G o t t f r i e d von Strassburg, den andern Heinrich von Vriberc,"''" and Bodmer also drew attention to this MS i n h i s L i t t e r 2 rarische Denkmale von verschiedenen Verfassern. Bodmer knew i n addition that another MS of the romance was to be found i n Strassburg, and wrote i n I78O: "Von G o e t f r i t von Strassburg i s t e i n sch'dner Nachlass i n der Johanniterbibliothek zu Strassburg aufbehalten." The e a r l i e s t public mention of the Munich MS. (M) was made i n I782 by Johann Christoph k Adelung i n the Magazin fttr die deutsche Sprache. When the f i r s t e d i t i o n of Gottfried's T r i s t a n appeared i t was based ( i n d i r e c t l y ) on the Florence MS. The editor, Christoph Heinrich Myller, was a younger f r i e n d of Bodmer, and he had offered to continue the publ i c a t i o n of Middle High German l i t -erature begun by the Swiss scholars Bodmer and B r e i t i n g e r ; he had presented his plan to the public i n I78O i n the November issue of the Deutsches Museum.^ Despite the prevalent lack of i n t e r e s t i n the l i t e r a t u r e of the 67 medieval period enough subscribers had been found to cover the cost of p r i n t i n g , and the f i r s t volume of h i s Samlung deutscher Gedichte aus  dem XII. XIII. und XIV. Iahrhundert appeared i n B e r l i n i n 1784. Undis-mayed by the ungracious response of Frederick the Great, Myller proceeded with his preparations f o r the second volume. Published i n I785, t h i s contained among other works both Gottfried's T r i s t a n and Heinrich von Freiberg's continuation of that romance.^ There were several defects i n t h i s e d i t i o n . As Myller himself admitted, he did not use MS. F but instead the "Abschrift, welche der lb'bliche Canton ZUrich hat nehmen lassen " (p. 141) . The f i r s t 102 1 ines of the romance were lacking i n F and thus also i n this copy which had been deposited i n the ZUricher Staatsarchiv. Furthermore, not only was the copy i t s e l f h i g h l y inaccurate, but also the e d i t i o n contained numerous p r i n t i n g e r r o r s . Bernhard Joseph Docen, one of the e a r l i e s t adulators of Gott-f r i e d ' s T r i s t a n (see below, p. 88), was well aware of the d e f i c i e n c i e s i n the work, and planned to r e c t i f y the s i t u a t i o n . In 1807 he wrote accordingly: "Diesem Ubel aber hoffe i c h i n kurzer F r i s t abzuhelfen, da ti7 i c h eine neue Ausgabe dieses unvergleichlichen Gedichtes Ubernommen habe." However, Docen was but the f i r s t of several scholars who expressed such an i n t e n t i o n but f a i l e d to carry i t out. By the time Eberhard von Groote published a new T r i s t a n e d i t i o n 8 ( l82l ) several more MSS had been brought to l i g h t . H (Heidelberg) was taken to the Vatican from Heidelberg by the French at the beginning of the seventeenth century, and was f i r s t mentioned i n 1796 by F r i e d r i c h Adelung.^ In l 8 l 6 , however, this MS was returned to the U n i v e r s i t y L i b r a r y i n Heidelberg.''' 0 In 1815 von Groote recovered B (Cologne), which 68 o r i g i n a l l y belonged to "den Schatzen des Schlosses Blankenheim i n der E i f e l , die i n den StUrmen der franzb'sischen Revolution zerstreut und ver-schleppt wurden," and a f t e r his death the MS was taken into the Kb'lner Stadtbibliothek, "und von da i n das H i s t . Archiv der Stadt K b l n . V o n Groote bought 0 (Cologne) from Oberlin i n 1815 i n Paris, and this MS also was eventually placed i n the Cologne archives. N (Berlin) was found by Jacob Grimm i n Paris i n 1815 a f t e r i t too had been removed from the Blankenheim c o l l e c t i o n during the French Revolution (which von Groote termed the "Invasion der franzbsis . Barbaren," p. LXX). This MS was subsequently placed i n the Royal L i b r a r y of B e r l i n . Leo von Seckendorff learnt of R (Brussels) and wrote i n l 8 l 0 : "Noch eine Hs. des T r i s t a n , auf Pap. i n F o l . mit Bildern, befindet s i c h , nach E. Brentano's mlindlicher 12 Anzeige, i n der G r a f 1. Birresheimischen B i b l . zu Koblenz." As von Groote then recorded i n 1821: "Sie wurde mir durch die GUte ihres jetzigen Besitzers, des als Kenner und EigenthUmer vorzliglicher Sammlungen von Kunstwerken und Altenthllmern [ s i c ] a l l e r Art rUhmlichst bekannten Grafen von Rennes, auf lange Z e i t geliehen, und so war ich im Stande das Facsimile sowohl der S c h r i f t , a l s auch des als T i t e l v i g n e t t e darin vorkommenden Blatt e s , welches T r i s t a n i n v o l l e r RUstung zu Pferde d a r s t e l l t , zu l i e f e r n " (pp. LXXI-LXXIl). Of the Vienna MS. (w) a de s c r i p t i o n of such d e t a i l s as i t s s c r i p t , abbreviations, c a p i t a l s , l i n e s per page and punctuation were supplied i n 1810 by Seckendorff (pp. 631-32), and he gave the f i r s t 102 l i n e s of the romance from W because (as previously mentioned) t h i s section was lacking i n F and thus i n Myller's e d i t i o n a l s o . He l i s t e d the variants between W and F as f a r as 1. 899> D U t the planned completion of t h i s l i s t was cut short by h i s death. Recognizing the p o t e n t i a l value of W for a 6 9 new e d i t i o n of Gottfried's work, Seckendorff wrote: "Da diese Handschrift den MUllerschen Abdruck nicht bloss i n Sprache und Orthographie, sondern auch im Sinn h'dufig b e r i c h t i g t , so verdient s i e bei einem kllnftigen neuen Abdruck durchaus verglichen zu werden" (p. 632). Thus f a r we have mentioned only the complete MSS of Gottfried's T r i s t a n which became av a i l a b l e to the e a r l y scholars. Whereas the complete MSS u s u a l l y formed part of private c o l l e c t i o n s before they were f i n a l l y acquired by c i v i c or u n i v e r s i t y l i b r a r i e s , the fragments on the other hand were more t r u l y discovered, usually, i n book-bindings, as "die traurigen Reste ehemaliger, durch die unbarmherzige Hand des Buchbinders zerstb'rter Handschriften, deren man zum Einbinden anderer . . . Werke s i c h bedient 13 hatte." The f i r s t such fragment to become known was m, i d e n t i f i e d by Docen i n 1807- This i s sometimes referred to as fragment D. He described Ik the fragment i n some d e t a i l , and also gave i t s variants from F. Another fragment found at an e a r l y date was w, which Seckendorff published i n 1810.''"^ Shortly a f t e r von Groote had edited the romance a t h i r d fragment was discovered: this (l) was published by Johann Gustav BUsching i n 1826.^ The second T r i s t a n e d i t i o n ( l82l ) marked a considerable advance on the f i r s t . Von Groote examined several MSS during h i s preliminary study: "Mir fllhrten gUnstige Z u f a l l e , deren [der Handschrif ten] mehr zu, als bisher bekannt waren, und v i e l l e i c h t je wieder an einem Orte zusammen-gebracht werden" (p. LXXI I l ) . Those to which he had d i r e c t access were the f ollowing: H (Heidelberg), B (Cologne), N ( B e r l i n ) , 0 (Cologne) and R (Brussels). He knew F only from Myller's e d i t i o n , and though he had heard of M (Munich) and W (Vienna) he could not use these for h i s work. Had circumstances permitted, the editor would w i l l i n g l y have followed up Seckendorff's suggestion that W should be u t i l i z e d for a new e d i t i o n of 70 the romance: "ich muss daher um so mehr beklagen a l l e r naheren Verbindung mit Wiener Gelehrten bey dieser Bearbeitung ganzlich entbehrt zu haben, als es nicht unwahrscheinlich i s t , dass jene Handschrift wohl verdient hatte vor a l i e n andern der Ausgabe des Gedichtes zum Grunde gelegt zu werden. Es hatte dazu aber entweder des Codex selbst, oder einer guten Abschr i f t desselben bedurft, zu deren Beschaffung zunachst keine Aussicht erbffnet war" (p. L X I I l ) . Von Groote r e l i e d most h e a v i l y on H, and j u s t i -f i e d his choice as follows: Da i c h es inzwischen fll r sehr wesentlich halte, einen guten Text nach einer bewahrten Handschrift mit mbglichst enger Abanderung zum Grunde zu legen, mir jedoch zur Erlangung des F l o r e n t i n e r Codex, oder einer guten A b s c h r i f t desselben eben so wenig als bey dem Wiener ein M i t t e l zu Gebot stand, dafUr aber der Senat der Heidelberger U n i v e r s i t a t mit zuvorkommender B e r e i t w i l l i g k e i t mir den Gebrauch jener, unter Nro. 3^0 • • • Handschrift gestattete, so glaubte i c h unbedenklich vor allem dem Texte der l e t z t e r n bey meiner Ausgabe folgen zu mUssen. (p. LXIV) L i s t e d i n this e d i t i o n were the variant readings from FBNOHR, and a few from W made av a i l a b l e to the editor by Jacob Grimm. Von Groote displayed an unscholarly a t t i t u d e i n using M y l l e r 5 s e d i t i o n as his source of the variants i n F, for that he was well aware of the corrupt nature of the text i n that e a r l i e r e d i t i o n was shown i n the following remarks : "Manche Weglassungen und S c h r i f t f e h l e r mbgen wohl dem Schreiber des Codex zu Last f a l l e n ; die v i e l e n grbsseren und kleineren Unrichtigkeiten aber, welche den Abdruck bei Myller nicht nur e n t s t e l l e n , sondern f a s t unbrauch-bar machen, dUrften wohl der Unkenntnis des ZUrcher Abschreibers und des Correktors des Druckes Schuld zu geben seyn" (p. LXVl). The fragments were neither u t i l i z e d nor even mentioned by von Groote, but the t h i r d e d itor of Gottfried's T r i s t a n , von der Hagen, made f u l l use of them. He published much of the T r i s t a n material i n 1823, and advanced 71 beyond the work of previous editors by studying the complete MSS. MWF at 17 f i r s t hand. Von der Hagen was aided i n h i s preliminary work by Scherer's copy of M, Schottky's research on W, Wackernagel's study of 0, and h i s 18 own c o l l a t i o n of F against Myller's e d i t i o n . However, because von der Hagen's e d i t i o n lacks the c r i t i c a l apparatus i t i s of l i t t l e or no value from the point of view of textual c r i t i c i s m ; i t o f f e r s only the text of the poem since the supplement of variants which he had already prepared for p u b l i c a t i o n were a c c i d e n t a l l y destroyed: Bei meiner Ausgabe von Gottfrieds Werken . . . habe i c h a l l e mir bis dahin zuganglichen Hdss. unmittelbar verglichen. . . . Eine Lesartensammlung s o l l t e den Beschluss machen. . . . Von dieser Ausgabe war schon 1822 Gottfrieds T r i s t a n mit beiden Forts . gedruckt, a l s mit der Druckerei i n Oels die ganze Auflage i n Flammen aufging, so dass i c h nur das einzige Exemplar i n den Aushangebogen davon behielt . 1 9 The fourth editor was Hans Ferdinand Massmann, who used a t o t a l of eight complete MSS and the fragment D; he studied i n p a r t i c u l a r the three MSS. MHW, and for the e d i t i o n which was printed i n 18^3 r e l i e d for the 20 most part on H. "Von diesen Handschriften sind MHW aufs Neue s o r g f a l t i g verglichen worden. M i s t offenbar die a l t e s t e . . . Uber ihren innern Werth hingegen l a s s t s i c h wenig glinstiges sagen. . . . Diese Handschrift war daher nur behutsam zu gebrauchen. . . . In nahem, doch nicht erstem, Verwandschaftsgrade zu M steht H, i s t aber weit besser und s o r g f a l t i g e r , und verdient Uberhaupt unter a l i e n Handschriften den ersten P l a t z " (p. 591)-This e d i t i o n of the romance was at best s e m i - c r i t i c a l , because Massmann supplied i n the Lesarten only the variants i n MHWF; he gave as h i s reason the f a c t that von Groote (who also based his e d i t i o n on H) had already given the variants from the other MSS. And, despite the f a c t that the variants which Massmann chose to l i s t were f a r fewer i n number than would have been the case had he furnished a complete Variantenapparat, he f a i l e d 72 to present even these variants from MHWF i n a s c h o l a r l y manner. The method which he adopted was described by the ed i t o r as follows: "Wir sind darin anfangs ausfUhrlicher gewesen, um dem prlifenden und sprach-forschenden Leser die Schreibweise der Handschriften anschaulich zu machen. Sp'dter h i n e i n genligen mehr die wesentlichen Textabweichungen" (p. 592). 73 II I 8 5 O to the Present When faced with a choice among MSS the e a r l y editors of Gottfried's T r i s t a n , since they had no clear idea of the "Uberlieferung" or trans-mission, tended to single out one MS for t h e i r text as being most repre-sentative of the o r i g i n a l . The transmission as such went l a r g e l y ignored until the heyday of p o s i t i v i s m i n T r i s t a n scholarship. In the l a t t e r part of the nineteenth century painstaking systematic research became the order of the day, and from now on the transmission was subjected to c a r e f u l a n a l y s i s . The f i r s t attempts to c l a s s i f y the MSS were made when c r i t i c s sought to correct the variants given by editors such as von Groote, and the e a r l i e s t such examination of Gottfried's romance was the d i s s e r t a t i o n 21 by Theodor von Hagen (l868) . The c r i t e r i a upon which he (and each of the subsequent textual c r i t i c s ) based h i s theories were the errors and lacunae which he found to be common to the various MSS. From the r e s u l t s gained from textual comparisons he drew the conclusion that the MSS could be divided into two main groups, which he termed X and Y, and he submitted the following table (p. 30 ) : (G) (X) (Y) (x) M H W w F N D S (B ) 0 L ( B ) 74 Concerning the X group he stated "dass M und H nahe verwandte Glieder einer, s'ammtlichen tibrigen Handschrif ten fremdartig gegenliber stehenden -X-Gruppe sind" (p. 30). Thus, while MH derived from X, a l l the other MSS (FNWOSwlD) descended from Y, a MS which von Hagen described as follows: So v i e l s i c h aus dem a l i e n Gliedern dieser Klasse Gemeinsamen schliessen l'dsst, muss der im Vorstehenden mit Y bezeichnete Archetypus eine vorzllgliche, von LUcken f r e i e Handschrift gewesen sein, aus der die meisten Codices des T r i s t a n hervorgiengen, welche so gewissermassen die Vulgata desselben b i l d e n . Bestimmtere RUckschlUsse Uber seine Beschaffenheit sind nicht mbglich, da keine direkte A b s c h r i f t aus ihm erhalten i s t . (p. 17) MS. B belonged to neither group exc l u s i v e l y , f o r the f i r s t h a l f had been copied from MS . N, but for the second h a l f of the romance the scribe had drawn also on MS. F. Belie v i n g that the two "archetypal" MSS. XY had been very s i m i l a r von Hagen now defined a new task for T r i s t a n scholars : "An V o l l s t a n d i g k e i t wie an GUte stand i h r [X] . . . der Archetypus der andern verbreiteten Recension [Y] v o l l s t a n d i g g l e i c h : .Ihre s i c h erganzenden Lesarten, und damit die Dichtung r e i n und schb'n wiederherzustellen i s t Aufgabe der K r i t i k " (p. 31). The claim that a l o s t common source could be deduced by a n a l y t i c a l work on extant material c l o s e l y p a r a l l e l e d the theories which Joseph Bedier and Wolfgang Golther put into p r a c t i c e i n t h e i r restorations of the T r i s t a n archetype (above, p. 43) , and was a trend t y p i c a l of the s c i e n t i f i c methods advocated by the p o s i t i v i s t i c approach to l i t e r a t u r e . This theory was noticeable also i n the work of Hermann Paul, whose study of the transmission (published i n 1872) contained a r e f u t a t i o n of a number of von Hagen's other 22 ideas and i n p a r t i c u l a r those concerning group Y. Paul agreed that FN had a common source, and that B was a mixture of FM, but held that von Hagen's proposal that a l l the MSS except MH(B) belonged to one group (Y) was incor-r e c t : "Er [von Hagen] sucht diesz zu erweisen aus gemeinsamen Fehlern von 75 WOFN(DG), denen gegenUber MH das r i c h t i g e haben s o l l e n . Aber an a l i e n von ihm . . . angeftihrten S t e l l e n sind entweder die Lesarten beider von ihm angenommenen Gruppen g l e i c h berechtigt, oder noch b'fter die von WOFN entschieden vorzuziehen" (p. •386). W was not c l o s e l y r e l a t e d to FN, and therefore one could p o s i t not two, but three independent transmissions, MH, FN, and W. In accordance with this new theory Paul then described a method by which the o r i g i n a l text might be recovered: Wir haben wenigstens d r e i von einander unabhangige Uberlieferungen FN, MH, W. Dieser Satz gibt eine entscheidende Norm fii r die T e x t k r l t i k . . . . Demnach i s t die Ubereinstimmung zweier von dieser Gruppen ein hinreichender Beweis fUr die Ursprlinglichkeit einer Lesart, wahrend jede e i n s e i t i g e Bevorzugung einer Classe unter a l i e n Umstanden zu verwerfen i s t , insbesondere nicht die A u t o r i t a t von MH, wie v. Hagen w i l l und die Herausgeber gethan haben, der a l l e r Ubrigen Handschriften g l e i c h gesetzt werden kann. Die DurchfUhrung dieses Grundsatzes wird den Text noch an manchen S t e l l e n anders gestalten. (p. 389) He then proceeded to note many instances where the text would indeed be changed i f this p r i n c i p l e were put into e f f e c t . The next scholar to discuss the transmission was Johannes Kottenkamp 23 (I879) . While agreeing with von Hagen and Paul that H belonged to a t r a d i t i o n independent of the Y group, he doubted whether the same could be said of M, for this l a s t had so many errors i n common with MSS i n group Y (FWN) that i t was evidently related to the Y branch: Da nun ei n e r s e i t s die Verwandtschaft von H und M durch v. Hagen unwiderleglich nachgewiesen i s t , . andrerseits aber eine Anzahl gemein-samer Fehler von M und Gliedern von Y eine Verwandtschaft von M auch mit Y wahrscheinlich macht, so drangt sich die Frage auf: S o l l t e nicht der Schreiber von M nach zwei Vorlagen gearbeitet haben, und zwar so, dass er die Quelle von H (X) zu Grunde legte und daneben den Archetypus von WFNO (Y) benutzte? (p.. 6,n-3) Von Hagen's placement of M had been c r i t i c i z e d i n I87O by Oskar Janicke, who had suggested that the r e l a t i o n s h i p of M to X might be less d i r e c t than 76 von Hagen had t h o u g h t , and c o n c l u d e d : "Man w i r d zusehen mtissen, ob M s i c h n i c h t g e r a d e z u a l s w i l l k U r l i c h Sndernde und ab k l l r z e n d e A b s c h r i f t von H 2k h e r a u s s t e l l t . " The f o l l o w i n g t a b l e s show the t h e o r i e s o f t h e s e t h r e e c r i t i c s c o n c e r n i n g the r e l a t i o n s h i p o f M t o X: von Hagen J'dnicke Kottenkamp X X X Y / \ I K / M H H H M M Kottenkamp seconded von Hagen's views on t h e r e c o n s t r u c t i v e methods t o be employed i n r e c o v e r i n g t he o r i g i n a l t e x t o f t h e romance, and q u o t i n g von Hagen w r o t e t h a t " s t e t s d e r j e n i g e n F a m i l i e d e r V o r z u g z u e r t h e i l e n s e i , d e r e n L e s a r t d u r c h e i n G l i e d d e r andern u n t e r s t l l t z t w i r d , f a l l s n i c h t S i n n , S p r a c h -gebrauch oder M e t r i k gegen d i e aufzunehmende L e s a r t s p r e c h e n " ( p . 7) • F o l l o w i n g t h i s p r i n c i p l e he t h e n l i s t e d a l t e r n a t i v e r e a d i n g s s e l e c t e d f r o m the v a r i a n t s r e j e c t e d by e d i t o r s . F i n d i n g t h a t h i s r u l e c o u l d n o t be a p p l i e d i n c e r t a i n c a s e s , however, he t h e n s e l e c t e d o t h e r means o f c o r r e c t i n g t h e s e e d i t i o n s ( p p . 11 f f ) • I t was l a r g e l y because t h e s c h o l a r s c o n d u c t i n g r e s e a r c h i n t o t h e t r a n s -m i s s i o n f a i l e d t o r e a c h agreement on t h e f i n e r problems r a i s e d by the m a t e r i a l under d i s c u s s i o n t h a t t h e i r work d i d n o t e x e r t any g r e a t i n f l u e n c e on R e i n h o l d B e c h s t e i n , t h e f i f t h e d i t o r o f G o t t f r i e d ' s poem. F o r t h e e d i t i o n p u b l i s h e d i n I869 he chose MH as the n e a r e s t r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s o f t h e o r i g i n a l t e x t , and even though he l a t e r c o m p l e t e l y reworked the t e x t ( 3 r d ed., I89O-9I) he d i d n o t m o d i f y h i s v i e w s on the r e l i a b i l i t y o f MH: 77 Die dankenswerthen Bemtihungen Theodor's von Hagen (l868) und Hermann Paul's (1872) urn die K l a s s i f i c a t i o n der Handschriften und urn die k r i t i s c h e Herstellung einzelner S t e l l e n haben mich nicht i n meinem Grundsatz, die a l t e s t e MUnchener Handschrift (M) und die verhaltnissm'dssig beste Heidelberger (H) Z U Grunde zu -legen, zumal s i e einer und derselben Klasse angehbren, wankend gemacht. Einmal stimmen beide K r i t i k e r p r i n c i p i e l l und i n Einzelheiten n i c h t zusammen, sodann geben s i e o f t gerade jUngeren und abgeblassten Lesarten den Vorzug. (p. XLVIl) This T r i s t a n e d i t i o n appeared i n the series edited by Franz P f e i f f e r e n t i t l e d the Deutsche K l a s s i k e r des M i t t e l a l t e r s , and l i k e the next e d i t i o n of Gottfried's work (that made by Wolfgang Golther and published i n 1888 i n 26 Joseph KUrschner's Deutsche N a t i o n a l - L i t t e r a t u r ) was intended for the 27 educated reading p u b l i c , not for scholars. Neither of these two editors studies the MSS at f i r s t hand; instead, they r e l i e d on the texts and variants as given by e a r l i e r editors and the descriptions of the newly-found fragments and of the two complete MSS (E: Modena, and P: Berlin) which had recently 28 been brought to l i g h t . For the t h i r d , undeniably more s c h o l a r l y e d i t i o n of Bechstein's work, use had also been made of P f e i f f e r ' s c o l l a t i o n s of MHW and that of F by von der Hagen. In some of hi s numerous explanatory footnotes to the t h i r d e d i t i o n Bechstein did now enter into a discussion of textual matters, s t a t i n g that "wenn auch nach der Anlage dieser Ausgaben k r i t i s c h e Fragen unberllcksichtigt bleiben mllssen, so boten sich doch b i s -weilen F a l l e dar, wo auch h i e r zu Gunsten der Erklarung die h a n d s c h r i f t l i c h e n Uberlieferungen heranzuziehen waren" (p. XLVIl). However, the r e s u l t of this refashioning of h i s e d i t i o n was such that "die Ausgabe dadurch wieder ein zwitterhaftes Aussehen erhalt und dem gebildeten Publikum zu v i e l i i29 b i e t e t , den Fachgenossen aber zu wenig." Golther was more r e a d i l y influenced by the researches c a r r i e d out by von Hagen, Paul, and Kottenkamp, and put into p r a c t i c e t h e i r theories con-cerning the f e a s i b i l i t y of reconstructing the o r i g i n a l text i n a mechanical 78 process of elimination. Thus, while Bechstein f e l t that the most r e l i a b l e version of the poem could be obtained i f one drew c h i e f l y on MH, Golther on the other hand contended that the o r i g i n a l was best represented not by one or two of the extant MSS but rather by a s e l e c t i o n from a l l the MSS which, as scholars had recently shown, formed d i s t i n c t groups : Man kann zwei Gruppen unterscheiden, HM e i n e r s e i t s , die Ubrigen andererseits. Eine besondere Stellung v i e l l e i c h t a l s d r i t t e ' . Kategorie nimmt W e i n . Die samtlichen Lesarten, welche s i c h i n W und den andern Handschrif ten ausser HM finden und die man frliher von zu einseitigem Standpunkte ausgehend einfach a l s Fehler bezeichnete, sind n i c h t nur mit dem i n HM Stehenden gleichberechtigt, sondern sehr haufig ihm vorzuziehen. . . . Keine der uns erhaltenen Hand-s c h r i f t e n geht unmittelbar auf das O r i g i n a l zurtick und kbnnte deshalb eine besondere A u t o r i t a t beanspruchen. Es wird s i c h demnach die Wahl einer betreffenden Lesart vor allem nach dem handschrift-l i c h e n Gesamtbefunde zu r i c h t e n haben: eine Lesart zweier Gruppen gegen eine, also HMW bder FNOW gegen FNO resp . HM verdient meistens den Vorzug. Der vorliegende Text wurde unter Berlicksichtigung der h i e r kurz angedeuteten P r i n z i p i e n k o n s t i t u i e r t und weicht darum mehrfach von Bechstein ab. (p. XIX) This e c l e c t i c method of s e l e c t i n g the text of Gottfried's T r i s t a n was based on e s s e n t i a l l y the same p r i n c i p l e s as those followed twenty years l a t e r by Golther i n h i s reconstruction of the Ur-Tristan (above, p. 52 ) . As was noted above, Golther intended-'this as a popular rather than a c r i t i c a l e d i t i o n of the romance, and as such i t ( l i k e Bechstein's) neither required nor supplied a Variantenapparat. The numerous footnotes provided l i t t l e more than explanations and modern translations of the more obscure vocabulary and terminology i n the Middle High German text. The next editon to appear (1906) stood i n marked contrast to the l a t e nineteenth-century popular editions for i t was preceded by extensive and 30 penetrating studies of the MSS conducted by i t s editor, K a r l Marold. He was not only the f i r s t among those i n v e s t i g a t i n g the transmission to base his c l a s s i f i c a t i o n on a f i r s t - h a n d study of the MSS rather than on 79 the variants given by other scholars, but was also the f i r s t such c r i t i c to prepare a T r i s t a n e d i t i o n . In the a r t i c l e "Zur h a n d s c h r i f t l i c h e n •51 Uberlieferung des T r i s t a n Gottfrieds von Strassburg" (I896) he wrote that he had discovered common errors i n HF, HW and FW, and he also supple-mented those i n MF and MW to which Kottenkamp had drawn atten t i o n . Marold then concluded: "Die angefUhrten B e i s p i e l e sind wohl geeignet, gegen die bisherige K l a s s i f i k a t i o n der Tristanhandschriften bedenklich zu machen und die Notwendigkeit einer erneuten grllndlichen Behandlung der Handschriften-verhaltnisse nahe zu legen" (p. 186). In the introduction to h i s e d i t i o n of the romance he again discussed the i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s between the MSS. He commenced with a de s c r i p t i o n of the common omissions, but the only conclusion drawn from this i n v e s t i g a t i o n was that M, because of i t s incom-plete nature and thetype of episodes omitted, represented the " f i r s t redaction" of Gottfried's poem, "deren erweiterte Gestalt i n die anderen Texte Ubergegangen i s t " (p. L V l ) . A f t e r h i s study of the lacunae he then turned to the "innere Textgestalt." He opposed the notion favoured by von Hagen, Paul and Kottenkamp that B (the mixture of MF) had no value f o r textual c r i t i c i s m ; he showed that B was c l o s e l y r e l a t e d to FHW, and used this as evidence to support h i s main thesis, namely that "FHW eine kompakte Einheit b i l d e n und auf einen Archetypus zurlickgehen, dem die Vorlage von M gegenlibersteht" (p. LX) . Among the other proofs to support t h i s theory one was furnished by the recently discovered ZUrich fragments ( z ) : "Sie [z] s t e l l e n s i c h zu (M)HFW S O , dass s i e eine ganze Anzahl eigener Lesarten aufweisen . . . im Ubrigen aber vorzugsweise s i c h F, demnSchst H und an wenigen S t e l l e n W anschliessen; die Vorlage neigte sich also schon nach F zu, stand aber auch den anderen Texten noch nahe" (p. L X I l ) . According 8o to Marold the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s by von Hagen (group X and group Y) and Paul (groups FN, MH and W) were inaccurate because the transmission had been far more u n i f i e d than proposed by these two scholars. He did however concede that "bis zu einem gewissen Grade sowohl v. Hagen, als auch H. Paul das Richtige gesehen hat: F und W haben tatsHchlich eine etwas engere Verwandtschaft unter einander als jede von beiden Hs. mit H, aber s i e gehen auch wieder jede ihre eigenen Wege" (p. LXV). Of Marold's proposed three-volume e d i t i o n of the poem ( i : Text; I I : Sachliche und k r i t i s c h e ErlSuterungen; I I I : Glossar) only the f i r s t appeared. Fortunately, however, this was not a torso s i m i l a r to that published by von der Hagen, for i t did contain the "sehr r e i c h h a l t i g e n 32 Variantenapparat," as Carl von Kraus wrote i n 1909 • The manner i n which the editor selected the text from the various MSS was determined by h i s theory that FHW best represented the archetypal MS. He wrote: Am besten beglaubigt sind also a l l e Lesarten, die HFW gemeinsam Uberliefern, wenngleich, wie sich gezeigt hat, einiges Richtige i n M hinlibergerettet i s t . Ebenso r i c h t i g sind noch die Lesarten, die H (M) mit einer der beiden andern Hss. gemein hat; aber bei der geschlossenen Uberlieferung werden auch FW gegenUber H das Richtige haben aufbewahren kbnnen; nur mllssen h i e r innere .Grlinde massgebend fllr die Wahl der Lesarten sein, und ebenso, wenn F oder W a l l e i n gegenUber den beiden anderen Hss.stehen. (p. LXV) Although Marold's was undoubtedly the most s c h o l a r l y of a l l the editions which had thus f a r appeared, i t was s t i l l inadequate: "Im Ubrigen aber muss als das U r t e i l der Autoritaten auch h i e r wiederholt werden, dass die Ausgabe Marolds den Anforderungen, die wir heute an eine k r i t i s c h e Ausgabe 33 zu s t e l l e n gewohnt sind, v i e l f a c h nicht entspricht." Kurt Herold, i n Der MUnchener T r i s t a n . Ein Beitrag zur Uberlieferungs-3^ geschichte und K r i t i k des T r i s t a n Gottfrieds von Strassburg (1911), con-fined h i s study of the transmission to an i n v e s t i g a t i o n and c o l l a t i o n of 81 MS.M, "der a l t e s t e n und z u g l e i c h e i g e n a r t i g s t e n T e x t U b e r l i e f e r u n g " ( p . 2 ) , and m a i n t a i n e d t h a t the s i n g u l a r n a t u r e of t h e MS c o u l d be e x p l a i n e d i n one way: "Das G o t t f r i e d s c h e G e d i c h t h a t i n M e i n e d u r c h g r e i f e n d e U m a r b e i t u n g nach dem M u s t e r Hartmanns, s p e z i e l l nach s e i n e r v o l l e n d e t e n E p i k , w i e s i e der I w e i n z e i g t , durchgemacht" ( p . 3 ) - An a p t assessment of H e r o l d ' s c o n -t r i b u t i o n t o T r i s t a n s c h o l a r s h i p was made by F r i e d r i c h Ranke when he w r o t e : "Die A r b e i t von H e r o l d Uber d i e MUnchner T r i s t a n h s . e n d l i c h b e t r a c h t e t d i e s e Hs . l o s g e l b ' s t von der U b r i g e n T e x t U b e r l i e f e r u n g , was i h r schbnes R e s u l t a t zwar n i c h t w e s e n t l i c h b e e i n t r a c h t i g t , doch h a t s i e d i e E r k e n n t n i s 35 der H a n d s c h r i f t e n v e r h a l t n i s s e d e s h a l b nur i n d i r e k t f'drdern kbnnen." I n 1917 t h e r e s u l t s of Ranke's own r e s e a r c h i n t h i s area.were p u b l i s h e d 36' under the t i t l e "Die U b e r l i e f e r u n g von G o t t f r i e d s T r i s t a n , " an u n d e r t a k i n g prompted by Ranke's d i s c o v e r y o f t h e d e f e c t s i n M a r o l d ' s L e s a r t e n a p p a r a t , w h i c h l a c k e d numerous v a r i a n t s and l i s t e d many o t h e r s i n a c c u r a t e l y . When d i s c u s s i n g the s i g n i f i c a n c e o f Ranke's c o n t r i b u t i o n G o t t f r i e d Weber w r o t e i n I 9 6 5 : "Die g r u n d l e g e n d e A r b e i t Uber d i e H a n d s c h r i f t e n v e r h a l t n i s s e des T r i s t a n v e r d a n k e n w i r F r i e d r i c h Ranke und dessen s c h a r f s i n n i g e r und im 37 ganzen weder U b e r h o l t e r noch U b e r h o l b a r e r U n t e r s u c h u n g , " and a l t h o u g h he gave a d e t a i l e d summary o f Ranke's t h e o r i e s (pp. 11-14) he d i d n o t i n d i c a t e t h e manner i n w h i c h the l a t t e r ' s work d i f f e r e d f r o m t h a t of h i s p r e c u r s o r s i n t h i s a r e a of r e s e a r c h . We s h a l l t h e r e f o r e c e n t r e our d i s -c u s s i o n on t h i s second p o i n t , and show what Ranke r e j e c t e d i n the work o f f o r m e r c r i t i c s and a l s o the new arguments w h i c h he put f o r w a r d t o r e p l a c e t h e i r outworn i d e a s . T h e " f i r s t t a s k he f a c e d was t h e c o r r e c t i o n of t h e d i s t o r t e d l i s t o f v a r i a n t s i n M a r o l d ' s e d i t i o n . Ranke was a b l e t o work w i t h most o f t h e 82 complete and f r a g m e n t a r y MSS h i m s e l f , and was a i d e d a l s o by the c o l l a t i o n s o f M made by K u r t H e r o l d and t h o s e of FH by. Hermann P a u l . The emendations occupy a l a r g e p a r t of t h i s s t u d y (pp. 158-204) and were drawn on by Ranke t o s u b s t a n t i a t e h i s arguments c o n c e r n i n g the r e l a t i o n s h i p s between th e MSS. The b a s i c d i f f e r e n c e between h i s r e s u l t s and t h o s e o f e a r l i e r s c h o l a r s r e s t e d on h i s o p i n i o n t h a t t h e t r a n s m i s s i o n was f a r more i n t r i c a t e t h a n had p r e v i o u s l y been s u g g e s t e d : n o t o n l y were t h e two main groups (X and Y) i n t e r r e l a t e d , b u t a l s o w i t h i n each group many c r o s s - c o n n e c t i o n s e x i s t e d of w h i c h e a r l i e r c r i t i c s had been unaware. Even the g e n e a l o g i c a l t a b l e drawn up by Ranke ( p . kOk) c o u l d , as he h i m s e l f a d m i t t e d , o n l y a p p r o x i -mate t o the c o m p l i c a t e d r e l a t i o n s h i p s . As Weber commented, however, "was e i n s o l c h e s Stemma l e i s t e t und was s e i n e A u f s t e l l u n g r e c h t f e r t i g t , i s t d i e r a s c h e und l i b e r s i c h t l i c h e O r i e n t i e r u n g " ( p . 12) , and he t h e r e f o r e r e p r o d u c e d Ranke's c h a r t ( o m i t t i n g the f r a g m e n t s ) on p. 12 of h i s s t u d y of G o t t f r i e d . From h i s i n i t i a l c o m p a r i s o n o f the t h e common l a c u n a e i n the c o m p l e t e MSS Ranke f i r s t o f a l l d e f i n e d t h r e e groups, X ^ a n d 13. U n l i k e J a n i c k e , he t h ought t h a t M and H went back i n d e p e n d e n t l y t o t h e same s o u r c e : X R P ( p . 209) 83 The way i n which the MSS were grouped i n this table bore some resemblance to Paul's theory of the t r i p l e grouping, namely MH, FN and W. However, that <* + R = Y was then demonstrated by Ranke i n h i s further study of the variants and thus von Hagen's i n i t i a l c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of group Y was shown be more accurate than the a l t e r n a t i v e as put forward by Paul. But, as Ranke's small chart well exemplified, von Hagen had no conception of the i n t r i c a t e pattern of the relationships between the various MSS: von Hagen (p. 17) (Y) (x) W w I I 0 L r ~ r ~ i — i D F N S Ranke (p.-262) W N o -p R S 84 Further c r i t i c i s m of Marold and correction of his f a u l t y arguments followed i n l a t e r parts of Ranke's work. Marold's main tenet (the unity of FHW) was rejected o u t r i g h t : "Und auch die 're s u l t a t e ' aus diesen fltichtigen zusammenstellungen erscheinen i n sehr wenig g l i l c k l i c h e r formulier-rung; denn dass HFW eine compacte einhe i t M gegenliber d a r s t e l l e n , i s t f a l s c h , und die vorstellung von einer handschrift, i n der 'die texte von HFW sich noch nicht i n ih r e jetzigen v e r t r e t e r gespalten hatten,' aus der sich der schreiber von M fe h l e r aus jeder dieser 3 hss. habe abschreiben k'dnnen, i s t zum mindesten unklar" ( p . 2 0 6 ) . Ranke's research into the fragments, including 38 the newly discovered fragment t, not only confirmed the re s u l t s gathered from the c a r e f u l scrutiny to which he had submitted the complete MSS but also showed further l i n k s which rendered the whole textual t r a d i t i o n even more complicated (p. 403) • He put forward another new theory based on his close study of the e a r l i e s t T r i s t a n MSS. Their unity of orthography and language showed that they were a l l written i n one lo c a t i o n i n Alsace during the thir t e e n t h century. D i a l e c t p e c u l i a r i t i e s as well as h i s t o r i c a l and c u l t u r a l reasons enabled him to single out Strassburg as the most l i k e l y place f o r th i s medieval Schreib-39 stube. ^ Ranke was the second scholar to investigate the transmission p r i o r to ed i t i n g Gottfried's romance; h i s e d i t i o n appeared i n 1930 > but as had been 40 the case with Marold, only the f i r s t volume ever appeared i n p r i n t . Ranke's e d i t i o n did not contain any c r i t i c a l apparatus, and thus when Behaghel reviewed the work i n 1932 he wrote: "Von diesem Buch i s t zunSchst e i g e n t l i c h nichts zu sagen, a l s dass es da i s t . Denn es b i e t e t t a t s S c h l i c h nur den nackten Text und ein Nachwort von sechs Z e i l e n . Den ausfUhrlichen Rechenschaftsbericht wird ein zweiter Band bringen, der i n diesem Jahre 85 erscheinen s o l i . " Ranke proposed to complete and publish the second volume when an emeritus professor, but by the year of h i s death (1950) i t had s t i l l not appeared, nor have h i s preparatory notes been published posthumously. However, i n 1946 an "Auswahl" of Gottfried's poem, edited 42 by Ranke, was printed i n the Altdeutsche Ubungstexte ; i n h i s b r i e f prefatory remarks Ranke l i s t e d the complete MSS i n order of preference (HMFWEOPRS), noting also that fragment a was "als bester Vertreter der Gruppe X von besonders hohem Wert fUr die T e x t k r i t i k " (p. 3) • For three sections i n this "Auswahl" ( l l . 1-244, 4555-5068, and 10803-12568) he furnished a Variantenapparat but due to lack of space i t was incomplete: "Er enthalt a l l e fUr die Textherstellung i n Betracht kommenden Lesarten der Haupthandschriften HMFW, nicht dagegen ihre o f f e n s i c h t l i c h e n Schreib-feh l e r und die Abweichungen, die s i c h aus durchgehenden Schreibgewohnheiten erklaren; Lesarten der jUngeren Handschriften und Fragmente sind im allgemeinen nur dort angegeben, wo sie s i c h einer der v i e r Haupthandschriften anschliessen; gelegentlich dienen die Angaben auch Beobachtungen von Wortverlust und Wortersatz" (p. 4) ; the remaining episodes have but a sparse supply of variants " i n den wenigen F a l l e n . . . i n denen mir die Textherstellung zweifelhaft erscheint" (p. 4 ) . 86 I I I Conclusion "Gewiss von A l l e n , welche den T r i s t a n Gottfrieds von Strassburg zum Gegen-stand eines eingehenderen Studiums gemacht haben, i s t der Mangel einer guten 4 3 k r i t i s c h e n Ausgabe . . . schwer empfunden worden." Although this statement was made by Kottenkamp i n 1879 i t i s s t i l l v a l i d today. Poor scholarship has been one of the major causes of this s i t u a t i o n , for most editions of Gottfried's T r i s t a n have been based on inadequate c r i t i c a l foundations. Furthermore, the r e s u l t s of the research conducted by those editors who did make more thorough preparations have either not been published (von der Hagen, Ranke) or, i f printed, have proved to be h i g h l y inaccurate (Massmann, Marold) . With the encroachment of p o s i t i v i s m on T r i s t a n scholarship the r e l a t i o n -ships between the MSS attracted the attention of a few c r i t i c s , but during the past f i f t y years no further studies of the transmission have appeared. The contemporary lack of i n t e r e s t i n this l i n e of research can be put down to two causes. In the f i r s t place the v a l i d i t y of Ranke's theories (1917) has not been questioned, and his work i s therefore assumed to be the d e f i n i t i v e statement on the transmission. In the second place, G o t t f r i e d c r i t i c i s m during the twentieth century has been devoted l a r g e l y to the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of his romance, and as a r e s u l t other research a c t i v i t i e s - - s u c h as the study of the origins of the legend, c r i t i c i s m of MSS and preparation of e d i t i o n s — have receded into the background of T r i s t a n scholarship. 87 CHAPTER THREE G O T T F R I E D C R I T I C I S M I N T H E N I N E T E E N T H AND E A R L Y T W E N T I E T H C E N T U R I E S I Admiration and Denigration Tiur unde wert i s t mir der man, der guot und Ubel betrahten kan, der mich und iegelichen man nach sinem werde erkennen kan. (Tr i s t a n , 11. 17-20) A. E a r l y Romantics The T r i s t a n e d i t i o n by C. H. Myller ( I 7 8 5 ) f i r s t brought Gottfried's romance to the attention of the reading public, and when i n t e r e s t i n medi-eval l i t e r a t u r e burgeoned among the early.Romantics i t was not long before the f i r s t c r i t i c a l commentary on the work appeared. In the opening issue of the Museum fUr altdeutsche L i t t e r a t u r und Kunst (1809), a p e r i o d i c a l founded by Docen, BUsching and von der Hagen for the popularization and p u b l i c a t i o n of medieval poetry, was published the e a r l i e s t s i g n i f i c a n t appraisal of Gottfried's T r i s t a n ?~ Bernhard Joseph Docen discussed the poet and his work at some length, and i n h i s assessment d e l i b e r a t e l y refrained from the use of standards such as were popular i n the current study of the Nibelungen-2 l i e d , which was compared from the f i r s t with Homer's epics. He maintained that the l i t e r a t u r e of Greek and Roman a n t i q u i t y (which u n t i l r e c e n t l y had been the sole rule by which l i t e r a r y merit was measured) should not serve as a c r i t e r i o n i n value-judgments of t h i s medieval romance: Es i s t unlSugbar ein grosser Unverstand, die Gattungen der verschiedenen Z e i t a l t e r zu vermischen, und zu p a r a l l e l i s i r e n , wenn man fUr die eine Z e i t schon Uberwiegend eingenommen i s t . Ein Roman, wie der T r i s t a n , im Karakter der I l i a s d a r g e s t e l l t , mlisste a l s ein Unding erscheinen; daraus aber l'dsst s i c h noch 88 nicht flir den hbheren Werth des einen oder des andern folge r n . . . . Was O r t l i c h k e i t und Zeitumstande auf ein Gedicht wirken, bestimmt seine I n d i v i d u a l i t a t , sein besonderes S^in. . . . Jeder, der die Poesie als etwas Ganzes aufzufassen im Stande i s t , wird sich l e i c h t Uberzeugen, dass s i e i n ihrem Umkreise unmb'glich stets dieselben Geschlechter und S i t t e n a n t r i f f t . (pp- 60-1) According to Docen, T r i s t a n epitomized the s p i r i t of medieval c h i v a l r y , and the poet's intention, which amply manifested i t s e l f throughout the work, was to compose a romance e s p e c i a l l y for anyone i n love. That the r e l a t i o n s h i p between T r i s t a n and Isolde (his uncle Marke's wife) was free from blame was 3 proven above a l l by the Judgment of God: Nur durch diese versb'hnende Vermittelung konnte das Ganze an eine hbhere, l e t z t e Instanz gebunden werden, ohne welche der Schein n i c h t zu vermeiden gewesen ware, dass die Aventtlre durch b l o s s e — m i t Brangane's Zaubertrank l e i c h t entschuldigte--Liebesgelust nur dem irdischen P r i n z i p e i n z i g zu huldigen, die Absicht habe. So etwas aber ware dem kindlich-frommen Sinn jener Zeiten ganz entgegen gewesen. (pp- 56-7) A l l through the narrative G o t t f r i e d knew how to r e t a i n a "noble s i m p l i c i t y , " which strongly contrasted with the "wildness" i n Wolfram's P a r z i v a l , and t h i s T r i s t a n romance constituted "das Schbnste . . . was i n jenen Zeiten der Deutsche Kunstsinn hervorgebracht hat" (p. 58). Gottfried's source had not yet been recovered, but l i k e other German medieval poets who based t h e i r works on foreign models G o t t f r i e d was f a r from being a mere t r a n s l a t o r ; rather, he must surely have worked "mit jenem lebendigen GefUhl eigenes Bildens, ohne welches die Poesie nur ein mllhsames Nachzeichnen, keine neue Belebung des gegebenen Stoffes gewesen ware" (p. 5*0 • Employing the evocative vocabulary of nineteenth-century Romanticism Docen concluded: "Mit Liebe versinkt er [Gottfried] i n das GefUhl seines Daseins, der Seele des A l l s und der Natur urn ihn her. . . . Wir besitzen--um mein U r t h e i l i n den kUrzesten Worten zu sagen—wenige Gedichte, die im Geiste die Ahnung des ursprUng-lic h e n , g a t t l i c h e n Schbnen i n dem Grade anregen, wie dieses unvergleiche [ s i c ] Werk" (p. 59)• 89 Several topics present i n Docen's T r i s t a n evaluation recurred i n subsequent c r i t i c i s m of the romance. These were the question of g u i l t i n the lovers'-relationship, the meaning of the episode of the Judgment, of God, the comparison with Wolfram's P a r z i v a l , the recognition of the supreme a r t i s t r y i n Gottfried's work, and f i n a l l y the problem of the poet's o r i g i n a l i t y and dependence on h i s source. August Wilhelm Schlegel had already made an a l l u s i o n to the innocence 1). of Tristan-love i n h i s B e r l i n lectures of 1803-1804 when he mentioned the "llisternen verbotnen und doch gewissermassen so unschuldigen Liebeshandeln des Lanzelot und T r i s t a n " (p. 46) . On that occasion he had also pointed out that such fables were not indigenous, and then added i n true e a r l y Romantic v e i n : " F r e y l i c h war, bey dem damaligen E i n h e i t Europa's, Geschmack und Sinnesart Uberall sehr verwandt, und diese Verdeutschungen beweisen wenigstens, dass dergleichen Geschichten i n Deutschland mit demselben Interesse gelesen wurden" (p. 47)- In l 8 l 0 Schlegel discussed G o t t f r i e d i n more d e t a i l when reviewing the Buch der Liebe.^ He preferred Gottfried's version to the Prosaroman published i n that anthology, describing the former as "zarter, inniger, wunder- und geheimnisvoller . . . ein unnachahmlich seelenvolles und b i s i n die k l e i n s t e n Theile h i n e i n nach Einem grossen Gedanken ktins t l e r i s c h ausgebildetes Werk" (p. 233). Following Docen, he f e l t that T r i s t a n — d e s p i t e h i s d i s l o y a l t y to the king—was free from g u i l t : "Ein Verhangniss entschuldigt seinen F e h l t r i t t , sein Ungllick und Tod blisst ihn ab, und die zartesten und edelsten r i t t e r l i c h e n Tugenden, deren Spiegel er i s t , sind F U r b i t t e r gegen jedes strenge Gericht" (p. 235)- Almost f o r t y years l a t e r Schlegel repeated his praise of the T r i s t a n romance, " l e chef d'oeuvre des romans d ' a m o u r , m a i n t a i n i n g that "de toutes les redactions de T r i s t a n a. moi connues, c e l l e de Godefroy de Strasbourg est incomparablement l a plus belle" (p. 295) • 90 When Jacob Grimm reviewed the Buch der Liebe i n 1812 he also contrasted Gottfried's work with the Prosaroman (which was based on E i l h a r t ) . Schlegel had accorded most la u r e l s to G o t t f r i e d , but Grimm reserved most of h i s praise for the older rendering of the fable, i n which he found the noble s i m p l i c i t y which Docen had e a r l i e r ascribed to G o t t f r i e d : . . . so zeigt s i c h i n dem E i l h a r t i s c h e n die sage doch u n s t r e i t i g a l t e r , einfacher und poetischer. . . . Was uns selbst nach allem diesen noch weit Uber die anderen beweise geht, und das v o r a l t e r der i n diesem gedicht wie i n der prosa treu behaltenen fabel unzwei-f e l h a f t macht, das i s t die innere geschlossenheit, rUndung und e i n -fachheit derselben, wie s i e h i e r erscheint, im gegensatz zu Gottfrieds gedicht, das wir i n so fern auch unter die prosa setzen mUssen. (pp. 89-95) For Grimm the e a r l i e r stages i n any legend's development were more natural and more poetic, and as such were preferable to the l a t e r treatment i n the hands of c o u r t l y poets. He admitted nonetheless that G o t t f r i e d could not be held responsible for the "kUnstliche zusammenhangslosigkeit" (p. 95) because the fable had doubtless already been deformed by Thomas, h i s French source. Furthermore, G o t t f r i e d should be recognized as a master of s t y l e : "Von der poesie selbst i s t h i e r gar keine rede, diese i s t i n dem Deutschen so k b s t l i c h , dasz s i e ni c h t Ubersetzt sein kann, und ware i h r das o r i g i n a l darin gleich, dieses nicht Ubersetzt hatte werden kbnnen" (p. 90). B. "Lachmann School" In 1820 Karl Lachmann, who i s now remembered as "one of Germany's greatest medieval and c l a s s i c a l scholars, as a p h i l o l o g i s t of the f i r s t ''8 order, and, l a s t l y , as the most indefatigable and patient of teachers," condemned the T r i s t a n romance as being blasphemous and immoral. In h i s b r i e f notice on the work, which accompanied an excerpt from the poem i n his Auswahl aus den hochdeutschen Dichtern des dreizehnten Jahrhunderts 91 ( B e r l i n , l820)--an anthology of Middle High German poetry prepared f o r his students--Lachmann praised the aesthetics and denounced the ethics i n Gottfried's poem: "Seine [Gottfrieds] gehaltene, verstSndig geschmlickte Darstellungsweise e r h e l l e t wohl aus dem gew'dhlten Abschnitt; anderes, a l s Uppigkeit oder Gottesl'dsterung, boten die Haupttheile seiner weichlichen, Q u n s i t t l i c h e n ErzMhlung nicht dar. In the nineteenth century the majority of c r i t i c s and l i t e r a r y h i s t o r i a n s echoed this evaluation of Gottfried's work; such scholars, to whom we s h a l l r efer as the Lachmann School, expressed "einerseits die HochschStzung und das Lob von Gottfrieds Kunst, der Ssthetischen Seite seines Werkes, andererseits die Abwertung im Gehaltlichen auf Grund der vermeintlichen U n s i t t l i c h k e i t , die Verwerfung der ethischen S e i t e . When the h i s t o r i a n Georg G o t t f r i e d Gervinus,. "der wissenschaftliche Begrlinder der Literaturgeschichtsschreibung," for whom "nationale und ethische Forderungen setzen s i c h an die S t e l l e der asthetischen Wertung,•"'^ commented on G o t t f r i e d i n h i s Geschichte der deutschen Dichtung (1835-42) he echoed Lachmann i n st a t i n g "man muss verdammen, aber bewundern und 12 bedauern" (p. 423). The Tristan-Isolde story exemplified the motto "Jugend hat nicht Tugend," while i t s theme was the destructive e f f e c t of Tristan-love on character. The poet showed how such passion destroys "den reinsten Charakter . . . den thatenlustigen T r i s t a n , den Retter seines Oheimes, den Eroberer seines eigenen Landes . . . wie nun a l l e Thaten aufhbren, a l l e Handlungen s t i l l e stehen, nur die kleinen Entwlirfe n i c h t , die ihm sein neues BUndniss mit Is o l d e i n g i b t " (p. 417)• The hero, depicted i n the throes of h i s f i r s t l o v e - a f f a i r , was degraded by these emotions. They dishonoured him because he surrendered to them e n t i r e l y , and remained f o r g e t f u l of his k n i g h t l y duties and reputation. Isolde's character was 92 s i m i l a r l y d e f i l e d by love: "Was von nun an f o l g t , i s t nicht geeignet, etwas anderes als unseren Abscheu zu wecken. . . .So i s t die reine l i e b e gute k i n d l i c h e Isold denn g l e i c h , nachdem s i e den Trank der Schuld gekostet, dazu g e r e i f t , dem neuen Eheherrn zum trauten Empfang den schmahlichsten Betrug zu bereiten. . . . Sie fangt nun an, i n den KUnsten der Schlangenlist und des Betrugs die raschesten F o r t s c h r i t t e zu machen" (p. k-20) . On the other hand Gervinus did express some admiration for Gottfried's a r t i s t r y , h i s "charming form," which so contrasted with the "coarseness" i n P a r z i v a l . Following h i s maxim of s e l e c t i n g that element i n medieval l i t e r a t u r e "was s i c h aus dem Ganzen der Nationalgeschichte erlautern und h e r l e i t e n l a s s t " (p. kl6), he refrained from giving a complete h i s t o r y of the T r i s t a n material but singled out instead the difference between Gottfried's s t y l i s t i c enhancement and E i l h a r t ' s cruder version of the t r a d i t i o n a l story: Wir begnligen uns mit der Bemerkung, dass der Dichter die htichste Bewunderung verdient, wenn man s i e h t , welch ein bedeutungsvolles Gedicht er aus einem Stoffe b e r e i t e t e , der noch i n dem T r i s t a n des E i l h a r t von Oberg so wllst und ekel d a l i e g t und i n s i c h von a l l e r Grbsse und WUrde vollkommen entblbsst i s t . Es i s t der Stoff einer blossen Novelle. . . . Aus einer so niederen Sphare, i n der die Fabel des T r i s t a n zu einem unterhaltenden l e i c h t s i n n i g e n Geschichtchen gemacht i s t , rlickte s i e G o t t f r i e d i n eine wunderbare Hb'he, mit. einer wahrhaft genialen Kunst. (p. kl6) On the whole, however, any approval of the romance was more than outbalanced by condemnation. Deaf to Docen's warning that the a p p l i c a t i o n of c l a s s i c a l standards to medieval l i t e r a t u r e led to f a l s e judgments, Gervinus constructed p a r a l l e l s between the German medieval poets and Aeschylos, Sophocles and 13 Euripides. He equated Gottfried's h i g h l y a r t i s t i c formal treatment of an ignoble theme with Euripides' a r t i s t i c method, but then showed that a profound moral content—the f o r t e of Aeschylos and Wolfram von Eschenbach— was u l t i m a t e l y of greater worth: 93 Wollen wir ein Werk von seiner dichterischen Seite beurtheilen, so sehen wir von seiner mystischen und religi'bsen, . s i t t l i c h e n oder wissenschaftlichen Weisheit und Werth ab und halten uns an Darstellung und Form. . . . Suchen wir aber im Dichter den ganzen Menschen, im Gedichte die ganze Bedeutung des Lebens, dann schlagen wir uns entschieden auf die Seite der erstern, und verfechten mit Aeschylos, dass der Dichter, der Lehrer der Erwachsenen, das Gute nur lehren und das Unedle verbergen, dass er nur wUrdigen und grossen Stoff behandeln s o l l e . (p. 415) In 1839 Heinrich Laube said of Gottfried's work: "Wenn der sogenannte 14 moralische Maasstab angelegt wird, so i s t T r i s t a n und Isolde ein Grauel." His i n t e r p r e t a t i o n was based on the thesis that the l i c e n t i o u s , immoral, f r i v o l o u s nature of the romance recorded a turn i n the path of medieval h i s t o r y . G o t t f r i e d marked the end of the "romantic" Middle Ages, he preferred sensuality to s p i r i t u a l i t y , the external to the inward and romantic: "Just an dieser S t e l l e , wo das M i t t e l a l t e r seine theoretische Vergeistigung auf die Spitze getrieben, t r i t t i n G o t t f r i e d . . . eine so glanzende Mahnung ein, dass der Mensch auch noch etwas ganz Anderes s e i " (p. 113). Laube f e l t duly di s t r e s s e d that G o t t f r i e d , a former monk ( l ) , advocated Tristan-love and was moreover apparently a man of some experience in amatory a f f a i r s . The poet was an adept master of form who s k i l f u l l y registered h i s opposition to contemporary moeurs,• and i t was no mean task for a c r i t i c to pin him down for lic e n t i o u s n e s s . As a r e s u l t , no-one had recognized i n G o t t f r i e d the greatest betrayer of the Middle Ages, a d r o i t l y heaping r i d i c u l e on h i s contemporaries and t h e i r customs: "Er [hb'hnt] die r i t t e r l i c h e und k i r c h l i c h e Konvenienz der Liebe, und i s t doch nirgends zu fassen. . . . Kurz, wir haben i n diesem Gottfried'schen Werk einen Durchbruch der glUhendsten ursprlinglichsten S i n n l i c h k e i t , der a l l e Kon-venienz der Z e i t mit FUssen t r i t t , und s i c h auf Kosten der ganzen damaligen Existenz geltend macht" (pp. 112^13) • 94 Similar views on the h i s t o r i c a l background to the superabundant sensuality i n the T r i s t a n poem were expressed by August Vilmar when 15 l e c t u r i n g i n Marburg from 1843 to 1844. G o t t f r i e d was a forerunner of the "immer mehr dem bloss weltlichen Streben, dem physischen Wolsein, dem materiellen Gewinn und Besitz zugeneigten, z u l e t z t i n t i e f e Roheit und fast thierischen Genuss versinkende, aus Mundbekennern und Thatleugnern der c h r i s t l i c h e n Wahrheit bestehenden europSischen Menschheit des 14. und 15- Jahrhunderts" (p. 182). V i l m a r — a Protestant theologian—denounced the T r i s t a n theme as the most despicable mockery of marital f i d e l i t y . In h i s condemnation of the l o v e - a f f a i r he omitted a l l reference to the love-potion and instead arraigned Isolde for having lured T r i s t a n into the love-trap. However, he imputed the shamelessness of the a n t i - C h r i s t i a n theme not to G o t t f r i e d but to the p r o f l i g a t e Celts among whom the story o r i g i n a t e d : " L e i c h t f e r t i g k e i t , F r i v o l i t a t und LUsternheit . . . die Grundzllge dieser schamlosen U n s i t t l i c h k e i t l i e g e n b e r e i t s i n den b r i t i s c h e n Erzahlungen se l b s t " ; "Gb'ttliche und menschliche Gesetze, g'dttliche und menschliche Rechte werden mit FUssen getreten, als mllsse das so sein, und o f t mit einer . . . h a r t s t i r n i g e n Frechheit und einer nackten Schamlosig-k e i t , welche o f t i n Erstaunen setzt, a f t e r mit Widerwillen, ja mit Ekel e r f U l l t " (p. 177). The French redactors also deserved blame f o r reproducing the story just as they found i t . The German poet, G o t t f r i e d , a l t e r e d the t r a d i t i o n by imbuing i t with a s p i r i t "welchen das dumpfe b r i t i s c h e Ingenium nicht oder nicht mehr zu erzeugen vermochte" (p. I78), but Vilmar viewed with much disfavour the s p i r i t which G o t t f r i e d i n s p i r e d i n t o the m a t e r i a l : the new psychological depth i n his treatment of the story had the sole e f f e c t of i n t e n s i f y i n g the portrayal of an immoral earthly passion. "Er 95 [Gottfried] schwimmt i n vollem Zuge mit der Welt, j a der Welt voraus, a l s ih r Fiihrer zu GelUst und Genuss" (p. l 8 l ) . Unlike most of the denigrators Wilhelm Wackernagel found f a u l t not only with the moral content but also with the\poetic form i n Gottfried's work, and therefore his h i s t o r y of l i t e r a t u r e published i n 1851 noted that the poet's dazzling s t y l e , f a r from being genuine a r t i s t i c b r i l l i a n c e , was simply a gaudy display amounting to l i t t l e more than French mannerisms and s t y l i s t i c t r i c k s . ^ Beside such f a u l t s there was "ein Widerwille gegen a l i e n Ernst der Gesinnung, ein L e i c h t s i n n . . . der das Unrecht beschbnigt und zu solcher Beschb'nigung sogar den Frev e l am H e i l i g s t e n n i c h t scheut" (p. 200). G o t t f r i e d had the g i f t of lending to morally suspect parts of the story a c e r t a i n external charm, and here used the g l i t t e r i n g a r t of cour t l y poetry which l e f t E i l h a r t ' s simpler redaction i n the shade. However, the c r i t i c did f i n d one good q u a l i t y i n G o t t f r i e d . He wrote that, just as i n more recent times Wieland's reaction to Klopstock had b e n e f i c i a l r e s u l t s , 17 so too did the response of G o t t f r i e d to Wolfram have a p o s i t i v e outcome: Und doch i s t diese Art ein V o r t h e i l fUr die L i t t e r a t u r gewesen: dem ahnlich, wie i n spaterer Z e i t Wieland sich zu Klopstock v e r h i e l t , g l i c h G o t t f r i e d die-Mangel Wolframs vergUtend aus und rett e t e , vereint mit Hartmann, die Anmuth, die K l a r h e i t , die L e i c h t i g k e i t ; Rudolf von Ems hat seinen g e f a l l i g e n Satzbau, es haben Konrad Fleck und Konrad von WUrzburg ihren bequemen Redefluss von G o t t f r i e d gelernt, und mancher untergeordnete Dichter Gedanken und Worte ebenso gern von ihm als von Hartmann genommen. (p. 200) Go t t f r i e d was roundly condemned by Eichendorff i n h i s Geschichte 18 der poetischen L i t e r a t u r Deutschlands of 1857, since the romance was to be censured for destroying morals, r e l i g i o n , v i r t u e , h o n e s t y — i n short, everything which made l i f e noble and great (p. 76). The language i n which Eichendorff phrased h i s plot-summary underscored his disgust: 96 Der Stoff des Gedichtes i s t durchaus gemein: die VerfUhrungsgeschichte einer verheirateten Frau, die gern Lob und Ehre und Seele i h r e r ehebrecherischen Liebesbrunst opfert; e in a r t i g e r , s i c h vor den Damen n i e d l i c h machender Fant . . . der sich i n seiner liebenswllrdigen F l a t t e r h a f t i g k e i t z u l e t z t noch gar in eine zweite Isolde v e r l i e b t ; und endlich ein schwacher Ehemann, der nicht bloss gefoppt, sondern auf das schSndlichste verraten und betrogen wird und welcher am Ende noch a l l e Schuld a l l e i n tragen s o l i , weil er s i c h unterstanden hat, sein t o l l e s Weib zu hliten und i n ihren sauberen KunststUcken zu stbren. (p. 76) He reprimanded G o t t f r i e d f or having introduced into German l i t e r a t u r e the "dogma of unrestrained sexual love" (p. 76) and for having completely reversed a l l moral values by founding a new system i n which deception became a cardinal v i r t u e , constancy i n s i n was named f i d e l i t y , w h i l s t the l o y a l t y of the courtiers to Marke was counted as a crime. The poet did not shirk from blasphemous mockery: "Der f r e i g e i s t e r i s c h e Dichter scheut sich nicht, mit der H e i l i g k e i t des Eides und des Gebetes frevelhaften Spott zu trei b e n " (pp. 76-7)- When measured by Wolfram, G o t t f r i e d was found wanting: the C h r i s t i a n view of l i f e which was symbolized by P a r z i v a l was t o t a l l y negated i n T r i s t a n , and G o t t f r i e d was the leader and master of a n t i - C h r i s t i a n a r t . When Wackernagel drew the p a r a l l e l "Gottfried:Wolfram--Wieland :Klopstock" (above, p.95 ) he ar r i v e d at p o s i t i v e r e s u l t s , but now Eichendorff drew the same p a r a l l e l i n a way that did l i t t l e to enhance Gottfried's reputation: Das Verh'dltnis beider war ungefahr ebenso, wie i n neuerer Z e i t zwischen Klopstock und Wieland. . . . [Gottfrieds] Geist verbreitete s i c h wie ein heimlich zehrendes Fieber i n den verschieden-sten Krankheitssymptomen Uber mehrere Dichtergenerationen, aus denen Rudolf von Ems und Konrad von WUrzburg als die bedeutendsten hervorragen. Das Charakteristische der Gottfriedschen Schule aber i s t eben die laxe weltmSnnische Lebensansicht des Meisters, die mit Sage und Heldentum nichts mehr anzufangen weiss, daher am li e b s t e n nach gewbhnlichen, j a gemeinen Stoffen g r e i f t und, um das Kleine gross zu machen, a l i e n Nachdruck fast a u s s c h l i e s s l i c h auf eine geleckte Form der Darstellung l e g t . (p. 78) 97 In short, Eichendorff's outlook on the T r i s t a n romance strongly resembled that of Lachmann: "Wie schade um so v i e l SchSnheit, die h i e r an das absolut Hassliche verschwendet i s t " (p. 77)-Despite the favourable l i g h t which Heinrich K u r z ^ and Octave 20 d ' A s s a i l l y cast on the romance i n 1853 and 1859 r e s p e c t i v e l y , they f a i l e d to influence public opinion, and i n I865 Gottfried's cause met with one of i t s most serious setbacks. In that year G. Haebler, i n w r i t i n g about T r i s t a n , dipped his pen into a well of undiluted venom ("Uber Wolfram 21 von Eschenbach und G o t t f r i e d von Strassburg") . Other denigrators had u s u a l l y found at least one p o s i t i v e feature i n G o t t f r i e d or h i s work—even Eichendorff could not deny that i n T r i s t a n there was "so v i e l Schbnheit"—but Haebler now asserted: "Neben einem Inhalt, dem a l l e s i t t l i c h e Wlirde f e h l t , eine Form zu dulden, i n der klimmerliche Kilnste s i c h auf das anmasslichste b r e i t machen, das sind wir n i c h t gesonnen, solange wir noch Zunge oder Feder zum Proteste rlihren kb*nnen" (p. 503) • He took exception not only to the romance but also to the over-lenient a t t i t u d e toward the romance adopted by a fellow damnator, Gervinus, who had spiced reproof with p r a i s e . Because the l a t t e r had f a i l e d to take the contrast between Wolfram and G o t t f r i e d f a r enough, Haebler now set out to extend Gervinus' preliminary study: "Es s o i l . . . . das Lob Wolfram's erwiesen und gesteigert, das rllhmende U r t h e i l , welches man G o t t f r i e d z u t h e i l werden la.sst, auf ein Husserst geringes Mass herabgesetzt werden" (p. 459) . Such high moral p r i n c i p l e s were evident i n the work of Gottfried's contemporaries that the romance could not be excused as a sign of the times nor was i t an o f f s p r i n g t y p i c a l of Germany. Rather, "es i s t eine walisische Schandgeschichte . . . mit a l l ihrem Schmuze reproducirt" (p. 514), a foreign import adopted part and parcel by G o t t f r i e d , who was s i n g u l a r l y lacking i n poetic invention, and 98 who adhered more r i g i d l y to every l e t t e r of h i s "Welsh" o r i g i n a l than to any l e t t e r of the law. Throughout h i s b i t t e r l y i r o n i c a l plot-summary Haebler stressed time and again Gottfried's shortcomings as a poet, and above a l l "die ekelerregenden Eindrtlcke der furchtbaren U n s i t t l i c h k e i t " (p. 510). Two of the most important episodes, namely the drinking of the love-potion and the cave of lovers, were both dismissed summarily by t h i s c r i t i c . He wrote: "Da verschlucken die beiden UnglUcklichen einen Liebestrank, der fi i r Kb'nig Marke bestimmt war, und nun i s t das UnglUck f e r t i g " (p. 508), and then "[Marke] schickt beide miteinander i n die Waldung, holt si c h aber die schbne Frau bald wieder" (p. 5 H ) • S p e c i f i c reference to the Minnegrotte was made only when the c r i t i c ' s scathing finger pointed to the deplorable s t y l e of the romance. Haebler f e l t strongly that anyone who praised t h i s episode should be punished for h i s s i n s : he should.learn by heart a l l 250 l i n e s of the allegory, and then to complete h i s penance r e c i t e the passage t h r i c e d a i l y , either u n t i l he was converted or u n t i l he could no longer bear to hear the "Jammer" (p. 512). C. Mythological School A few prominent T r i s t a n scholars begged to d i f f e r from the detractors i n t h e i r assessments of Gottfried's work, and i t was no coincidence that this minority belonged to or was sympathetic towards the Mythological School (discussed above, p. 15)• In seeking the o r i g i n s of the story i n remote mythologies, and i n regarding the Tristan-Isolde legend as one manifestation of a universal theme, such c r i t i c s f e l t that they had attained to a far deeper understanding of Gottfried's romance than could be acquired by those denigrators whose knowledge of the fable was s u p e r f i c i a l because acquired only from the medieval versions. 99 Franz J . Mone, the f i r s t to defend G o t t f r i e d from the charges l e v e l l e d against him by his damnators, i n 1821 stressed the kinship of the T r i s t a n story with Germanic legends and suggested also where t h e i r common source 22 might l i e . He maintained that Gottfried's romance was free from a l l traces of immorality: " G o t f r i t i s t durchaus ein zllchtiger Dichter, er unterscheidet recht wol Lust von Liebe. . . . T r i s t a n und I s a l t sind daher eine heimliche Ehe, kein Ehebruch, und Marke steht e i g e n t l i c h nur als der f e i n d l i c h e HUter des Weibes da, als der Drache, der sie heiraten w i l l , aber doch keine Gewalt Uber sie bekommt" (p. XVI). G o t t f r i e d was semi-aware of the recondite meaning i n the o l d fable, namely how the pure soul (goodness) i s contaminated by matter ( e v i l ) , and how the soul i s f i n a l l y released from the f l e s h and dualism thus overcome. The s u f f e r i n g involved i n Tristan-love resulted from this contamination, f o r , as Mone wrote, . . . derjenige Ausfluss des gb'ttlichen Geistes, der s i c h der Materie zuwendet, [wird] i n eine bestSndige Verwirrung verwickelt, die beinah seinen Ursprung verdunkelt; was i n der Seelenlehre h e i s s t , der A b f a l l der Seele von Gott i s t der Anfang der l e i d v o l l e n PrUfung und je weiter s i e s i c h vom gb'ttlichen Geist entfernt, desto schw3cher wird der Zusammenhang mit ihm, des to grb'sser das Ubergewicht der Materie. (p. XXXVI) T r i s t a n resembled other legendary heroes and p a r t i c u l a r l y those of Germanic f o l k l o r e ; the s t r i k i n g s i m i l a r i t y between t h e i r adventures showed that a l l such legends shared a common o r i g i n i n "Seelenlehre." The love-potion i n the T r i s t a n story was the drink of o b l i v i o n , a feature current i n many of these legends: "Durch diese Verzauberung werden die Helden zu Doppelwesen, deren Natur bald k'ampfend bald leidend, gut und bo's, g l U c k l i c h und unglUcklich erscheint" ( p . X I X ) . Gottfried's chief purpose was to enhance the Germanic ideals of heroism and l o y a l t y unto death i n his "Heldenlied" of T r i s t a n and 23 Isolde, i n which T r i s t a n exemplified the brave and steadfast hero. Thus 100 the story t o l d by G o t t f r i e d was not aimed at s a t i s f a c t i o n of sensual c u r i -o s i t y , as was the case with the French redactors: Noch umfassender und t i e f e r e r g r i f f e n die teutschen Dichter die Sage, nicht nur, dass s i e die grosse Heldenkraft T r i s t a n s nicht im weichmtithigen Leide, wie die Franzosen, verschmelzen l i e s s e n , sondern ihn den grb'ssesten Helden teutscher Sage, Dieterichen und Hiltebranden vorzogen, sondern auch, dass s i e ihm und den Sagen Uberhaupt eine grossartige Deutung zugestanden, wie man s i e bei den Franzosen nicht f i n d e t . (p. IX) K a r l Simrock's i n t e r p r e t a t i o n resembled that given by Mone i n that he stressed the Germanic element and, although a p u p i l of Lachmann, defended G o t t f r i e d against the accusations which that c r i t i c had brought against him. His T r i s t a n studies appeared f i r s t i n Die Quellen des Shakespeare i n Novellen, MSrchen und Sagen (Bonn, I83I) and l a t e r i n the preface to h i s 2h t r a n s l a t i o n of the romance (1855, extended i n 1875)• In a f ew b r i e f notes on the origins he stated that the fable was "uraltes deutsches Eigentum" (p. XII), a moral "Liebessage" c l o s e l y r e l a t e d to the Germanic "Freundschaftssage." The story of S i e g f r i e d shared c e r t a i n features with T r i s t a n : "Liebestrank, den Drachenkampf und die Schwertlegung. . . . So betrachtet erscheint die Tristansage als die nSchste Verwandte der Sieg-friedssage" (p. X I I ) . His main thesis concerning the r e l a t i o n s h i p of t h i s to other legends however was that the s t o r i e s of T r i s t a n and Isolde, Romeo and J u l i e t , Pyramus and Thisbe, and Hero and Leander shared a single theme, and represented "eine u r a l t e Liebessage, die i n v i e l e n Gestalten umgeht und s i c h immer wieder von Neuem zu erzeugen scheint" . • (Quellen, p. lkk) : i n a l l these s t o r i e s love knows no bounds, and i n each case a chance e v e n t — a mistaken notion about one's partner—has t r a g i c r e s u l t s . The lovers pass away from earthly existence, to which they are no longer attached i n any way, and enter into a higher sphere of l i f e , "wo s i c h ihnen das ganz e r f l i l l e n wird, was s i e h i e r vergebens zu verwirklichen strebten" (p. 397)-101 Gottfried's greatest achievement was h i s o r i g i n a l i t y , h i s a b i l i t y to take this well-known German legend and handle the theme i n a way no other poet could: "Gott f r i e d hat zuerst von der Minne mit jener Inbrunst des seelenvollsten GefUhls und i n der naivsten Sprache auch mit dem hohen Schwunge gesprochen, welche des Tiefsinns der Liebessage wUrdig sind" (p. k-02) . The moral content of h i s redaction could be t r u l y assessed only i f the concluding episodes (not present i n Gottfried's unfinished romance) were taken into account. . . . das unvollendete Werk muss manchen Vorwurf hinnehmen, der das vollendete v i e l l e i c h t nicht mit solcher Harte getroffen hatte. Der schwerste f r e i l i c h , als ob der Gegenstand dieses Gedichts schmahliche VerhBhnung der Gattentreue ware, l a s s t s i c h schon damit abweisen, dass zwischen Marke und Iso l d so wenig al s zwischen T r i s t a n und der andern, weisshandigen Isold je ein eheliches Verhaltniss zu Stande kommt, wenn s i e g l e i c h vor der Welt Gatten scheinen. ( p. 395) The lovers were innocent, and t h e i r death should re c o n c i l e them with every reader of the poem. Simrock further vindicated G o t t f r i e d by pointing out that French sources were responsible for the immoral turn which the story took i n the continuations of Gottfried's romance by U l r i c h von TUrheim and Heinrich von Fr e i b e r g : "Nach i h r e r Auffassung des Gedichts als Verhb'hnung der Gattentreue, hatten die Franzosen noch eine Reihe l i s t i g ersonnener ehebrecherischer Anschlage hinzugefUgt, von welchen der l e t z t e , b e i dem T r i s t a n f a l l t , ganz unzweideutig und keiner Art von Beschbnigung fahig i s t " (p. XI) . The enthusiastic and appreciative evaluation of T r i s t a n made i n I 8 3 8 by von der Hagen included s i m i l a r remarks on the German poet, the S i e g f r i e d 25 p a r a l l e l and the mythological sources. Comparisons with French versions could be only to Gottfried's advantage, because the fable had been greatly enhanced through i t s reincarnation i n h i s hands. The i n f e r i o r French 102 renderings "[gefalien] s i c h i n harten, ja rohen und nackten Ausdrticken und eben nicht zlichtigen Ausmalungen" (p. 6l0); moreover, Gottfried's romance — "der echte Kodex der Minne, das e i g e n t l i c h e Buch der Liebe" (p. 562)--far outranked a l l medieval French works whatever t h e i r subject-matter: "Im allem was auch ic h seitdem von Altfranzbsischen Gedichten gesehen und gehbrt habe, i s t keine Spur und Ahnung von dieser Zartheit und Bildung, Seele und Sprache" (p. 609). Gottfried's representation of the exemplary lovers was free from any t a i n t of g u i l t or shamelessness: "Dabei s t r a h l t die Darstellung i n hoher Unschuld und Reinigkeit; so wie i n der Dichtung selbst das sonst s t r a f l i c h e und u n l e i d l i c h e Liebesverhaltnis durch den verhangnisvollen Zaubertrank entschuldigt wird" (p. 609)• Blessed by a divine i n s p i r a t i o n , G o t t f r i e d expressed i n T r i s t a n a mystical yearning which far surpassed anything of that nature i n P a r z i v a l : . . . das ganze Gedicht s p i e g e l t die k l a r e und unergrUndliche T i e f e eines l i e b e v o l l e n und sehnsllchtigen gbttlichen Gemllthes. Und obwohl Got t f r i e d auch, im Geiste seiner Z e i t , dem Religib's-Mystischen zugeneigt i s t , so erscheint Wolfram doch hart und strenge neben ihm, fast wie das A l t e r neben der Jugend. Gottfrieds Schilderung von dem seligen Leben der Gelieben [ s i c ] i n der zugleich ganz allegorischen Minnehbhle im Walde gehbrt zu dem Schbnsten, was je gedichtet worden, und i s t i n der k r y s t a l h e l l e n Darstellung. . . . zugleich lebendigdichte Gestalt und vom t i e f s t e n mystischen Geiste durchdrungen. (p. 610) Furthermore, because G o t t f r i e d was f u l l y , aware of a universal meaning i n the legend, i n one episode the poet d e l i b e r a t e l y presented Isolde as an Eve-figure. Tristan's fate, according to von der Hagen, was that of a l l mankind, "die Urgeschichte und das allgemeine Geschick des Menschen" (p. 5^2). The l a s t of the mythologists to be considered i n t h i s context was Hermann Kurtz, who i n the lengthy introduction written for the second e d i t i o n of h i s T r i s t a n t r a n s l a t i o n (lSkj) discussed the o r i g i n s , the S i e g f r i e d 26 p a r a l l e l , and Gottfried's treatment of the myth. Following Mone he pointed 103 out that the true meaning of the o r i g i n a l cosmic myth had been forgotten by the time that medieval poets produced t h e i r corrupted versions of the theme. He cleared G o t t f r i e d of any charges of immorality, f o r the Tristan-Isolde relationship was not of his own inventing: "Er [Gottfried] i s t somit nur fUr seine Form, seine Theilnahme, fUr B i l l i g u n g und Tadel, aber nicht fl i r die Mare selbst verantwortlich" (p. LXXXVl); "Theilen wir also gerecht was des Stoffes und was des Dichters i s t : die Schuld und der unvermeidliche Trug . . . gehb'rt der Mare an; die Liebe, die Treue, das Fromme und H e i l i g e i s t des Dichters Eigenthum" (p. LXXXVIIl) . Besides p r a i s i n g G o t t f r i e d f o r having enhanced and p u r i f i e d the French version of the old myth, Kurtz then described this r e f i n i n g process as a moral action on Gottfried's p a r t : L i e g t nun nicht genug s i t t l i c h dichterisches Verdienst darin wenn Go t t f r i e d , an seine Uberlieferung gebunden, eine novellenhaft heruntergekommene Tragbdie i n den Kreis des re i n Menschliehen, i n die Sprache echter Minne zurlick Ubertrug, i n jene ewig leuchtenden Farben von Lieb und Leid wovon die welschen Vorbilder keine Ahnung haben k l e i d e t e , und der nur a l l z u gefUgen Weise seiner Z e i t eine s i t t l i c h e r e Grundlage, eine innigere Beseelung gab? (p. LXXXVIIl) When considering the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the lovers he wrote that Isolde belonged to T r i s t a n through natural law. This was shown above a l l by Tristan's k i l l i n g of the dragon, an event which, according to Kurtz, r e f l e c t e d the basic myth: "Der i h r [der Tristansage] zu Grunde liegende vergessene Mythus erzahlt von einer Jungfrau die i n der Gewalt eines Drachen i s t " (p. L X V I I l ) . These "natural partners" were i n love before they imbibed the magic potion, and thus "man sieht wohl, und G o t t f r i e d weiss es mit glanzender Kunst anschaulich zu machen, dass die Vereinigung der Liebenden auch ohne Hexerei zu Stande gekommen ware" (p. L X V I I l ) . 104 II P o s i t i v i s t i c Methods The influence of p o s i t i v i s m was as d i s c e r n i b l e i n G o t t f r i e d c r i t i c i s m towards the end of the century as i t was i n o r i g i n research and studies of the manuscripts, and concentrated i n two s p e c i f i c areas. These were f i r s t , G ottfried's biography, and secondly, the poet's dependence on h i s source. A. Biographical Studies Johann Matthias Watterich wrote about Gottfried's l i f e i n his study e n t i t l e d G o t t f r i e d von Strassburg, ein Sanger der Gottesminne ( L e i p z i g , I 8 5 8 ) . As was p a r t i a l l y indicated by t h i s t i t l e , Watterich's main aim was to f urnish an explanation for the d i s p a r i t y between the form of Minne i n the T r i s t a n romance and that described i n c e r t a i n other works a t t r i b u t e d to G o t t f r i e d ("Das Lie d von der Gottesminne" and "Das Lied von der w i l l i g l i c h e n Armuth"), that i s , between the secular Frauenminne "die den Adel des Weibes nicht kennt noch achtet, die, der verklarenden Macht des Christenthums abgewandt, auch des schbnen Namens nicht werth war" (pp. 4 - 5 ) , the immorality and i r r e l i g i o s i t y i n T r i s t a n , and the fervent Gottesminne and p i e t y i n the hymns. He suggested that, before completing the romance, G o t t f r i e d went on a crusade to gain the favour of h i s own "Isolde"; however, before returning home he underwent a r a d i c a l change i n moral outlook for he met St- Francis of A s s i s i and became a Franciscan. Thus the T r i s t a n poem had been l e f t unfinished not because the poet had died (as was generally assumed) but because "von irdischen, weltlichen WUnschen e r f l l l l t , hatte G o t t f r i e d den Kreuzzug angetreten, als ein v S l l i g Anderer, a l s Gottesminnesanger sah 27 er die Heimath wieder" (p. 33)- The romance r e f l e c t e d Gottfried's outlook on l i f e during h i s "immoral" period p r i o r to conversion, and was i n many respects autobiographical. For example, "die ganze S t e l l e , i n welcher 105 G o t t f r i e d das Leben Tristans bei der weisshSndigen Isolde s c h i l d e r t ( l9171ff-)j verrath s i c h als eine Selbstschilderung des Dichters" (p. 139» n -9)- Watterich evidently presumed that h i s readers would know the story of T r i s t a n and Isolde, for he did not give a plot-summary, but merely referred to some i s o l a t e d parts of the romance i n order to e l i c i t biographical and autobiographical information. An e s s e n t i a l feature i n the biographical sketch was Gottfried's v i s i t to Paris i n order to study at the u n i v e r s i t y — "0 P a r i s , du Netz der Laster, du P f e i l der Hb'lle, wie durchbohrst du das Herz der Unbesonnenen!" (p. 139 5n .8) . I t was i n France, not Germany, that Go t t f r i e d f i r s t became acquainted with the sources upon which he l a t e r based his romance. By pointing out t h i s single fact Watterich i m p l i c i t l y saved the "Ehre unserer Poesie im dreizehnten Jahrhundert" (p. 5)• This c r i t i c , well acquainted with the views expressed by other c r i t i c s who frowned upon the romance, for example Gervinus, Vilmar and Eichendorff, r e i t e r a t e d the main points of t h e i r T r i s t a n evaluation and l i k e them deplored the fact that such a base story should have been graced by Gottfried's indisputable a r t i s t i c g i f t s : Ein" Dichter vor a l i e n war es, der der Minne diese Schmach angethan, der mit einer a l l e Ubertreffenden Meisterschaft die Sprache des deutschen Herzens, den Liebesschmuck unseres ersten Di c h t e r f r l l h l i n g s zur Verherrlichung zucht- und s i t t e n l o s e r Leidenschaft missbraucht, und die deutsche Dichtung auf Jahrhunderte h i n i n falsche Bahnen fo r t g e r i s s e n hat. (p. 5) Ten years a f t e r the appearance of Watterich's study a second biography 28 was published, namely Richard Heinzel's "Uber G o t t f r i e d von Strassburg." 29 Heinzel, who has been named the "Typus des P o s i t i v i s t e n , " believed that biographies of medieval poets were e s s e n t i a l source-material for "eine Geschichte der moralischen Empfindungen und Gesetze im deutschen M i t t e l a l t e r " (p- 533)J and that compensation for the lack of contemporary biographies was 106 provided by the works themselves: "Uber v i e l e s von diesen Dingen kb'nnen die Werke der Dichter Aufschltisse geben, j a , wenn sie etwas ausgedehnt sind, mtissen s i e es" (p. 533)* He therefore conducted a prolonged d i s s e c t i o n of the romance i n order to e s t a b l i s h the precise psychological, environmental and h i s t o r i c a l motives which underlay Gottfried's treatment of the m a t e r i a l . Much of h i s character-study rested on the assumption that G o t t f r i e d came of a bourgeois family and was employed i n Strassburg as a rodelarius or Stadtschreiber--a p o s i t i o n i n which p o l i t i c s played a greater part than 30 the politenesses of c h i v a l r y . Indeed, Gottfried's a t t i t u d e toward the n o b i l i t y was not always one of admiration: "Er mag als BUrgerlicher oder i n seiner amtlichen Stellung Gelegenheit gehabt haben, die Schadlichkeit einfach r i t t e r l i c h e r Auffassung s o c i a l e r und p o l i t i s c h e r Verhaltnisse zu erproben. NatUrlich konnte ein BUrger und Beamter das eher als wieder ein R i t t e r . Denn er zeigt i n der That Spuren der F e i n d s e l i g k e i t gegen die I n s t i t u t i o n des Adels" (p. 535); " T r i s t a n . . . wollte der Dichter nicht nach gewbhnlicher Rittermoral handeln lassen" (p. 537)- T y p i c a l of Heinzel's method of e l i c i t i n g c h a r a c t e r - t r a i t s from the romance was the manner i n which he obtained "proof" of Gottfried's p a t r i o t i s m : "Dass er [Gottfried] von einem Mann ganze Theilnahme fll r das Wohl des Vaterlandes fordere, sieht man d e u t l i c h aus seinem Gedicht. Tristans feurige Vaterlandsliebe wird o f t betont" (p. 534). Of Gottfried's two main c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s the f i r s t , "seine b i i r g e r l i c h gelehrte Richtung" (p. 550), was on occasion detrimental to the poem, as for.example when he paraded h i s learning and poetic talents i n the a l l e g o r y of the Minnegrotte: "Dann die A l l e g o r i e , von der G o t t f r i e d wahrhaft Misbrauch [ s i c ] macht. Und je treffender s i e i s t , desto f r o s t i g e r wirkt s i e . Das Waldleben wird geradezu verdorben durch die a l l e g o r i s c h e Minnen-grotte" (p. 5*4-1) . 107 The second major c h a r a c t e r i s t i c was the poet's acute and s e n s i t i v e appreciation of beauty and love. Decency, and decorum—lacking i n French l i t e r a t u r e — c h a r a c t e r i z e d Gottfried's presentation of the story, while the delicacy and tact displayed by G o t t f r i e d were absent from Wolfram's work (p. 5^9)• His views on love had been sublimated by h i s passion for a woman of noble standing i n a rare l i n k forged between the two s o c i a l c l a s s e s : "Das SingulSre seiner Lage musste die Empfindungen und Fahigkeiten Gottfrieds steigern" (p. 5kh). Moreover, h i s amatory doctrine bore l i t t l e resemblance to the customary Minnesangermoral: Liebe i s t nur mb'glich bei ursprUnglicher u n w i l l k l l r l i c h e r Empfindung. Wo aber G o t t f r i e d i n der Meinung seiner Zeitgenossen oder der l i t e r a r i s c h e n Ubung der Dichter eine gleichmassig immer wiederkehrende Form des Empfindens vorfindet, da scheint er an der Echtheit desselben zu zweifeln und l a s s t die Personen seiner Dichtung nicht nur sic h anders benehmen, sondern e r k l a r t auch ausdrucklich, dass s i e sic h von der Regel entfernten. (p. 550) The poet should not a t t r a c t censure on the charge of immorality since love constituted for him the highest value i n human l i f e ; the love of T r i s t a n and Isolde was j u s t i f i e d , whereas Marke on the other hand was the g u i l t y party,/, b l i n d l y deceiving himself i n order not to see where h i s wife's af f e c t i o n s l a y . In Tristan-love the demands of sele and sinne were reco n c i l e d : "Sie lb'st die Gegensatze zwischen Geist und S i n n l i c h k e i t im Menschen a u f , — e r nennt es ere und l i p . . . . Jede E i n s e i t i g k e i t h i e b e i ware tadelnswerth" (p. 552). Only from love such as that experienced by T r i s t a n and Isolde could one obtain ere (reputation) and v i r t u e . In h i s prologue G o t t f r i e d described two worlds, i r a l l e r werlde (which could not tolerate unhappiness) and ein ander werlt ( i n which joy and sorrow both played a part) . T r i s t a n and Isolde belonged to this l a t t e r society, and t h e i r conduct, however immoral or i l l i c i t i n the eyes of i r a l l e r werlde 108 (the normal, non-Gottfriedian—and nineteenth-century—world) was approved by the c i t i z e n s of that other s e l e c t , i d e a l community: Seine Welt, auf deren U r t h e i l er so hohen Werth le g t , i s t i n der That nicht die gewb'hnliche, i s t nicht die grosse Masse; vielmehr eine Auswahl von beschr'ctnkter Zahl. . . . Mit dieser Welt i s t G o t t f r i e d hbchlichst zufrieden, i h r B e i f a l l ihm ein sehr wlinschenswerthes Gut. Ihr gehbrt er an und widmet i h r seinen Dienst und sein Gedicht. (pp« 552-53) Gottfried's approbation of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between hero and heroine was p a r t i a l l y due to his environment: i n 1212 eighty h e r e t i c s belonging to a sect which preached a doctrine of complete sexual licence were put to death i n Strassburg following an ordeal by f i r e ("Feuerprobe"), and, as Heinzel concluded, "Es ware nicht unmbglich, dass diese Anschauungen, welche von so v i e l e n Zeitgenossen und Mitblirgern Gottfrieds g e t h e i l t wurden, zu der RUcksichtslosigkeit beigetragen haben, mit welcher er fi i r die Liebe unter a l i e n Umstanden auch i h r sinnliches Recht f o r d e r t " (p. 556). The next scholar to discuss Gottfried's biography dwelt at great length on the s i g n i f i c a n c e of the "Feuerprobe." In his "Zum Leben Gottfrieds 31 von Strassburg" Hermann Kurz stressed that, although the lovers appeared to leave the i d e a l heights during the Judgment of God episode, the action "muss mit dem Masse seiner [Gottfrieds] Z e i t gemessen werden" (p. 336) and i n order to view i t i n that way the l o c a l , h i s t o r i c a l background should be taken into account. The "Pfaffenfeind" G o t t f r i e d , although himself un-sympathetic to the h e r e t i c a l doctrines (p. 338), wanted to hold up to r i d i c u l e the corrupt Church pra c t i c e of "Feuerproben"; i n short, G o t t f r i e d was attacking "die G e i s t l i c h k e i t , die . . . das Gottesurtheil hegt und p f l e g t , das Werkzeug des schandlichsten Betruges (p. 335)- Furthermore, as i t was beyond doubt that h i s own r e l a t i v e s had helped condemn he r e t i c s during the "Strassburger Feuerprobe" of 1212 the Judgment of God episode i n 109 T r i s t a n was c l e a r l y the d i r e c t r e s u l t of his d i s t r e s s at the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of h i s family i n this shameful event—and was, moreover, a most f i t t i n g way i n which further to exonerate the lovers who were undeniably g u i l t y before God and man: Die Sage, die er [Gottfried] si c h erkoren, handelt von einem Liebespaare, das gb'ttlichen und menschlichen Satzungen entgegen-t r i t t . Diese Schuld zu t i l g e n oder doch zu Uberschleiern, g r i f f die Sage nach dem Minnetrank, und s i e hat ihren Zweck so gut e r r e i c h t , dass die beiden Liebenden unantastbare Ideale des M i t t e l a l t e r s wurden. Gleichwohl b l e i b t zwischen der Dichtung und. der Satzung ein Widerspruch bestehen. . . . Seine Liebenden, schuldig wie sie vor dem Gesetze sind, f l i h l t er auch durch die l i e b e v o l l s t e Theilnahme, die er ihnen widmet, nicht durchgreifend freigesprochen: s i e bedllrfen noch einer weiteren Absolution. . . . Er wendet sich also zu der einzigen Behbrde, die h i e r auszuhelfen geeignet i s t , die nicht bloss die Macht hat, sondern auch die Mitschuld. Welche Behbrde konnte G o t t f r i e d auch fUr seine slindigen L i e b l i n g e besser i n Anspruch nehmen, als eben jene, die ganz die gleichen, ja noch weit andere SUnder ( f a l l s s i e nur keine Ketzer waren) fre i s p r a c h , s i e , die im Verzeihen o f t f a s t noch starker a l s im Nichtverzeihen war? (pp. 329-30) Although much of the general biographical data i n Kurz' study was the same as that supplied by Heinzel, i t frequently underwent a d i f f e r e n t i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i n his hands. A further example of the reassessment of given facts i s found i n the explanation of Gottfried's antagonism towards the n o b i l i t y . According to Kurz t h i s t r a i t was due to the poet's family back-ground rather than h i s occupation: G o t t f r i e d "[zahlte] zu den herrschenden Familien. . . . Jener stadtische Adel war dem Landadel ebenbUrtig und fUhlte s i c h bald wegen seines Reichthums hoch Uber ihm" (p. 2l6) . The predominance of p o s i t i v i s t i c methods i n German l i t e r a r y research was due l a r g e l y to Wilhelm Scherer, and i t i s therefore hardly s u r p r i s i n g that one of the main features i n his T r i s t a n i n t e r p r e t a t i o n was the causal r e l a t i o n s h i p between biography and romance. In h i s Geschichte der deutschen  L i t t e r a t u r ( B e r l i n , I883) he wrote that G o t t f r i e d selected the T r i s t a n 110 theme for epic treatment with a d i s t i n c t purpose i n mind: i n a l l p r o b a b i l i t y not a nobleman by b i r t h , he wished to make himself as a r i s t o -c r a t i c as possible and had therefore adopted as gospel the easy-going, tolerant, morally lax view of l i f e held by the n o b i l i t y and defended i t i n h i s romance with the inexorable l o g i c of a f a n a t i c a l apostle. While the o r i g i n a l theme of the legend showed how noble knighthood was ruined by passion, G o t t f r i e d treated the fable i n such a way as to defend the chivalrous philosophy of l i f e even i n i t s utmost extremes. Scherer main-tained, however, that such a view of l i f e was not indigenous, for the French c h i v a l r i c moeurs and the French outlook on l i f e had asserted them-selves on the neighbouring Germans, and German c h i v a l r y then developed i t s e l f i n a l l aspects a f t e r the French model. Thus, as Scherer had claimed i n h i s contribution to the Geschichte des Elsasses : In gewissem Sinne i s t Gottfrieds T r i s t a n der franzbsischste Roman des deutschen M i t t e l a l t e r s . . . wenn wir unter dem Franzbsischen die vollendete 'dussere Durchbildung, die untadelige Feinheit der geselligen Form, die l i b e r a l e Lebensanschauung, die l a s s i g e Beurtheilung s i t t l i c h e r Dinge . . . verstehen: so i s t der T r i s t a n das franzbsischste Buch der alteren deutschen L i t t e r a t u r . The importance attached to the French character of the romance must be seen also i n the context of Scherer's theory of the three c l a s s i c a l periods i n German l i t e r a t u r e (ca. 600, 1200 and 1800). As was made evident during the second and t h i r d of these l i t e r a r y peaks, the aesthetic sense of the Germans was at those times shaped by the Romance nations: "Und so kommt uns der ausgebildetere romanische Formkunst zu H i l f e , l a u t e r t unsern Geschmack, verlockt uns zur Nachahmung, und, indem er uns zu unterwerfen 33 schien, hat er uns selbstandig gemacht." Due to this influence the second and t h i r d c l a s s i c a l periods were marked by an abandonment of r i g i d I l l c o nventionalities i n l i f e and l i t e r a t u r e , and moral judgments became more l i b e r a l : "Mit der Toleranz der Nationalitaten geht die Toleranz der Religionen und die Lb'sung von starren Lebensgesetzen Hand i n Hand. Und werden wir duldsamer im s i t t l i c h e n U r t e i l , so herrscht daflir ein feineres GefUhl von Ehre und l e i t e t zu edler Menschlichkeit" (p.-21). B. Source Studies: The Gottfried-Thomas Relationship Quellenforschungen sind j e t z t an der Tagesordnung. Aus ihnen wird spater auch die asthetische Beurtheilung Gewinn Ziehen. Es wird sich immer mehr herausstellen, wie unsere a l t e n Dichter gearbeitet haben, i n wie weit sie der Quelle unterthan • und i n wie weit s i e i n der Benutzung des Stoffes selbststandig sind. In the survey of theories on the or i g i n s we noted that one of the basic reasons for the wide d i v e r s i t y of opinion among scholars lay i n the indeter-minate nature of o r a l t r a d i t i o n and also i n the lack of the f i r s t romance. Scholars attempting to assess the extent of Gottfried's dependence on h i s source (Thomas of Brittany) found themselves i n a s i m i l a r s i t u a t i o n , for much of the e a r l y part of this French work had been l o s t and the fragmentary remains began at almost the very point where Gottfried's own incomplete romance broke o f f . Close study of the Gottfried-Thomas r e l a t i o n s h i p commenced i n I865, when the fragments of a T r i s t a n by a c e r t a i n "Thomas" printed t h i r t y years 35 previously by Francisque Michel were i d e n t i f i e d by Adolphe Bossert as the work of Thomas of B r i t t a n y i n the study e n t i t l e d T r i s t a n et I s e u l t : Poeme  de G o t f r i t de Strasbourg, compare a d'autres poemes sur le meme sujet (Paris, I865) . Bossert analyzed that portion i n the Thomas fragments which over-lapped with the German poem, and proved conclusively that G o t t f r i e d u t i l i z e d Thomas f o r the corresponding section i n h i s own romance: 112 E s t - i l besoin d ' i n s i s t e r sur l a parente de ces deux textes? II semblerait meme, s ' i l e t a i t permis de porter un jugement sur une page i s o l e e , que les emprunts de G o t f r i t ont ete plus considerables qu'on ne l e suppose d'ordinaire. II transforme son modele, mais i l en p r o f i t e largement. . • . Enfin, i l est permis de c r o i r e que l e poete allemand a trouve dans Thomas plus qu'une r e l a t i o n exacte des aventures de T r i s t a n , et q u ' i l s'est i n s p i r e souvent de l a poesie du l i v r e q u ' i l avait devant l u i . G o t f r i t , bien q u l l ne s o i t pas tout a f a i t exempt des defauts de ses contemporains, e t a i t un homme de gout et d'un tact d e l i c a t , et nous pensons que l a valeur l i t t e r a i r e l ' a decide, autant que toute autre consideration, a prendre Thomas de Bretagne pour modele, en rejetant des t r a d i t i o n s plus generalement accreditees. (pp. 112-13) The next scholar to attempt a c l a r i f i c a t i o n of th i s r e l a t i o n s h i p was Richard Heinzel, who i n I869 followed up his biographical study of G o t t f r i e d by an a r t i c l e on the source ("Gottfrieds von Strassburg T r i s t a n und seine Quelle") wherein he propounded a misguided hypothesis based on an analysis of several medieval versions, namely Beroul, E i l h a r t , Thomas, S i r Tristrem 36 and G o t t f r i e d . He held that G o t t f r i e d drew on two sources: an h i s t o r i c a l chronicle written by Thomas, (who also wrote part of a T r i s t a n romance commencing with the hero's a r r i v a l i n Brittany) and a l o s t French T r i s t a n romance which, having been formed i n accordance with the Liedertheorie, was a compilation of o r i g i n a l l y separate poems (see the e a r l i e r discussion of t h i s subject, p • 27 ) • Heinzel concluded: "Thomas von Britannien [war] nicht Gottfrieds unmittelbare q u e l l e . . . . G o t t f r i e d selbst [hat] i n einem geschriebenen buche eine darstellung von T r i s t a n und Isolden gefunden, die i n den hi s t o r i s c h e n thatsachen mit den angaben der v i t a T r i s t a n i b ei Thomas zusammentraf" (p.-274). However, as Otto Behaghel pointed out i n I 8 7 8 , "Heinzel hat etwas wichtiges Ubersehen, indem ihm die nordischen Fassungen der Sage unbekannt 37 geblieben sind." Behaghel compared the thirteenth-century Norwegian version of the theme (Tristramssaga) with Gottfried's redaction, and con-113 eluded that both derived from the same French o r i g i n a l . The scholar G i s l i Brynjiilfsson, who i n 1851 had edited part of the Saga, had noted that t h i s rendering corresponded so c l o s e l y to the Thomas fragments i n Michel's e d i t i o n 38 that the Norwegian redactor had v i r t u a l l y translated Thomas' work. Behaghel now suggested that one could deduce from these undeniable textual r e l a t i o n -ships t h a t — c o n t r a r y to Heinzel's s u p p o s i t i o n — a T r i s t a n romance by Thomas may indeed have been Gottfried's d i r e c t source: Wir haben somit i n der Saga ein ziemlich sicheres M i t t e l , das Verhaltniss Gottfrieds zu seiner Quelle zu beurtheilen. Welches i s t aber nun jenes gemeinsame Ori g i n a l ? . . . G o t t f r i e d und Saga haben im Wesentlichen ein und dieselbe Quelle : G o t t f r i e d und Saga stimmen i n den vergleichbaren Theilen zu Thomas : i s t also doch Thomas die Quelle fUr Gottfrieds Tristan? (p. 228) That same year Emil Lobedanz approached the Gottfried-Thomas problem from another angle i n h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n Das franzbsische Element i n Gottfrieds von Strassburg T r i s t a n (published i n Schwerin, I878) . To e s t a b l i s h whether the Thomas to whom G o t t f r i e d referred wrote i n French or i n L a t i n (a p o s s i b i l i t y which had not yet been excluded) he conducted an analysis of the extent to which G o t t f r i e d drew on French l i t e r a t u r e . From t h i s , an undertaking t y p i c a l of the "Parallelenjagd" and "pedantische K l e i n l i c h k e i t s k r a m e r e i " of p o s i -39 tivism, he determined that s u f f i c i e n t evidence had been accumulated to prove that G o t t f r i e d not only u t i l i z e d a French T r i s t a n romance as h i s source, but that i n a l l h i s a c t i v i t i e s as a poet G o t t f r i e d was t o t a l l y dependent upon French l i t e r a t u r e : Unser Dichter s c h i l d e r t das Leben der R i t t e r wie ein Chrestien, er befolgt das hb'fische Ceremoniell bis auf die eigenthllmlichsten Vorschriften der Etiquette so genau wie die Franzosen. . . . Mochte das franzbsische Ritterwesen sic h auch zum grossen Theile auch unter dem deutschen Adel eingebllrgert haben, immerhin b l e i b t es a u f f a l l e n d , dass G o t t f r i e d dasselbe b i s auf a l l e E i n z e l h e i t e n . . . den Trouveres nachzeichnet. . . . G o t t f r i e d entnahm dem Franzbsischen eine Reihe von Wbrtern und Redensarten. . . . Er f o l g t darin der Mode, aber er z e i g t diesen Geschmack starker ausgepragt als andere mittelhochdeutsche Dichter. . . . Er malt S i t t e n und Gebrauche mit ihrem P i n s e l . (p. k-k) 114 Lobedanz maintained also that the correspondence between Gottfried's poem and the fragments printed by Michel indicated e i t h e r that G o t t f r i e d used Thomas as h i s source, or that both these poets r e l i e d on another work. In either case the German poet depended upon a French T r i s t a n which he followed almost s l a v i s h l y — a n d so keen was Lobedanz to make this l a s t point c l e a r that he had few scruples about basing t h i s prejudiced hypothesis upon the slimmest of f a c t u a l evidence, as can be seen i n h i s comments on the Minnegrotte and i t s accompanying a l l e g o r y i n Gottfried's v e r s i o n : "Da G o t t f r i e d die Minnengrotte selbst ( l a fossiure a l a gent amant) und ihre Umgebung (funtanje und planje) wb'rtlich aus dem O r i g i n a l entlehnte, so l i e g t die Vermuthung nahe, dass auch die weitere s i n n b i l d l i c h e Darstellung nicht sein Eigenthum i s t " (p. 32); the cave scene was lacking i n the extant Thomas fragments, and t h i s attack on Gottfried's o r i g i n a l i t y was therefore based on the occurrence of a"few French words i n Gottfried's depiction of the scene! The t h i r d i n v e s t i g a t i o n of the Gottfried-Thomas r e l a t i o n s h i p produced i n I 8 7 8 , and the one which drew from Weber the acclaim: "Das Jahr I 8 7 8 i s t ohne Zweifel eines der entscheidenden Jahre i n der Tristanforschung (und auch i n der Gottfriedforschung im engeren S i n n e ) , w a s that conducted 41 by Eugen KfcSlbing. B r i e f mention of h i s contribution to T r i s t a n scholar-ship was made i n the discussion of Bedier's reconstruction of Thomas' work (p. 45) and we then referred to h i s thesis that Gottfried's T r i s t a n , the Saga and S i r Tristrem a l l derived from Thomas of Brittany's version of the f a b l e . This conclusion was reached by K'dlbing while he was i n the process of e d i t i n g the Norwegian and the English redactions. He had made an intensive study of the English work when c o l l a t i n g the Auchinleck MS. i n preparation 115 for a new e d i t i o n of S i r Tristrem to replace that made by Walter Scott, and since the as yet unedited Saga f a c i l i t a t e d an understanding of the c l o s e l y related S i r Tristrem, he had decided to publish also the Norwegian version. Both the Saga and the extant Thomas fragments presented c e r t a i n episodes i n the same sequence, and the Norwegian redactor (Brother Robert) abbreviated and translated Thomas' work. The Saga could therefore be regarded as a f a i r l y r e l i a b l e guide to the missing parts of the French source, and according to K'o'lbing the l o g i c a l conclusion to be drawn from these premises was that a comparison of Gottfried's T r i s t a n with the Saga would give an i n d i c a t i o n of the magnitude of Gottfried's r e l i a n c e on Thomas. Afte r studying these relationships at some depth he then brought i n the following v e r d i c t on Gottfried's o r i g i n a l i t y : Wir ktinnen dasselbe dahin zusammenfassen, dass G o t t f r i e d s i c h i n allem, was den sachlichen i n h a l t seiner vorlage angeht, p e i n l i c h genau an dieselbe gehalten, ja lange s t e l l e n fast wort fUr wort Ubertragen hat. . . . G o t t f r i e d i s t , eben so wie Hartmann, ein f e i n s i n n i g e r Ubersetzer . . . als einen dichter, welcher i n selbstSndiger gestaltungskraft Uber seinem s t o f f e steht, der unebenheiten des o r i g i n a l e s bessert oder ausgleicht, die darstellung modernen verhaltnissen naher bringt, s i c h volksthUmlicher zeigt, aus bewusster welt- und menschenkenntniss andert, charaktere veredelt im v e r h a l t n i s s zu seiner quelle, mit einem worte, als einen so idealen und grossen g e i s t , als welchen ihn Heinzel h i n s t e l l e n mSchte, werden wir ihn von j e t z t ab nicht mehr zu betrachten haben. . . . Gerade h i e r i s t eine pessimistische anschauungsweise nur a l l z u g e r e c h t f e r t i g t . (p. CXLVIIl) The obvious flaw i n Kb'lbing's argument strongly resembles that present i n the hypotheses of c e r t a i n o r i g i n researchers. I t i s no more possible to deduce from other redactions the precise contents of Thomas' version than i t i s to reconstruct the p l o t of the archetypal T r i s t a n from a comparison of the extant primary versions. To brand G o t t f r i e d as an accurate t r a n s l a t o r of h i s French source on premises such as those set up by Kblbing cannot be regarded as a l o g i c a l procedure. 116 Kb'lbing by no means excluded the p o s s i b i l i t y that s t y l i s t i c studies (which, l i k e the question of the poem's, morality, he did not pursue) might lead to d i f f e r e n t r e s u l t s about the o r i g i n a l i t y of German poets . "Es wird sich vielmehr i n zukunft das augenmerk i n wesentlich h'dherem grade, als dies bisher geschehen, auf die s t i l i s t i s c h e n unterschiede zwischen den a l t f r . quellen und ihren mhd. Ubertragungen ri c h t e n mtissen, und dabei werden die vorzlige wie die schwSchen der l e t z t e r e n i n ein neues und h e l l e r e s l i c h t t reten" (p. CXLVIIl). Even though G o t t f r i e d displayed no powers of narrative invention i n h i s work, comparative s t y l i s t i c studies might there-fore indicate that he had some praiseworthy and unique t a l e n t s . Lobedanz had emphatically denied this p o s s i b i l i t y (above, p. 113) 5 f ° r i n h i s opinion the poet lacked a l l poetic i n d i v i d u a l i t y . In l 8 8 l however C a r l LUth gave a b r i e f account of Gottfried's s t y l e ("Der Ausdruck der dichterischen I n d i v i d u a l i t a t i n Gottfried's Tristan") i n which he refuted openly Lobedanz' arguments and l i s t e d many features i n the romance that t e s t i f i e d to the 43 o r i g i n a l i t y of the German poet. LUth devoted h i s extensive preliminary remarks to an explanation of the pra c t i c e of source-usage i n c o u r t l y romance, as he wished to make cl e a r that G o t t f r i e d should not be c r i t i c i z e d f o r having followed the French version c l o s e l y , as such borrowings were the common practi c e at that time and were regarded as praiseworthy, not blameworthy. Through h i s a r t i s t i c form and s k i l f u l presentation G o t t f r i e d raised the t r a d i t i o n a l material "zu der h e r r l i c h s t e n a l l e r m i t t e l a l t e r l i c h e n Kunst-schbpfungen" (p. 9 ) - LUth d e l i b e r a t e l y refrained from passing judgment on Gottfried's moral outlook, and wrote: "Darum nun, dass er Uberhaupt diesen Stoff wahlte, mbgen wir ihn tadeln oder loben; wir kbnnen auch SchlUsse daraus Ziehen auf seine ganze I n d i v i d u a l i t a t , seine Lebensanschauung und 117 Lebensauffassung; aber seine dichterische I n d i v i d u a l i t a t erkennen wir nicht daraus" (p. 9)• The year 1885 saw the p u b l i c a t i o n of the Tristan-Studien by F r i e d r i c h Bahnsch, who maintained that any inventive powers G o t t f r i e d may have possessed remained latent because of h i s adherence to Thomas, "die sklavische kk AbhSngigkeit von der Vorlage." This c r i t i c , however, made known his feelings about the German poet not i n order to detract from the l a t t e r ' s fame but, on the contrary, to enhance h i s reputation. Si n g l i n g out the many "flaws" i n the romance, such as unclear descriptions, contradictions, and the "blasphemous" episode of the Judgment of God, Bahnsch emphasized that G o t t f r i e d found these i n h i s source, and therefore had to r e t a i n them i n h i s own rendering of the f a b l e . In short, "die naive Glaubigkeit, die Go t t f r i e d Uberall seiner Quelle entgegenbringt, zwingt ihm mitunter, selbst Dinge zu erzahlen, mit denen er sich i n n e r l i c h nicht einverstanden erklaren kann" (p. 11). Whether a modern scholar could indeed detect any of the additions and amendments made by G o t t f r i e d when w r i t i n g h i s T r i s t a n was c a l l e d i n doubt by H. Roetteken, whose a r t i c l e "Das innere Leben bei G o t t f r i e d von Strassburg" appeared i n I89O. Recognizing the weakness of Kblbing's tenet, he asserted that from a comparision of T r i s t a n with the Saga one achieved no clear-cut results about the German poet's o r i g i n a l i t y , and a c a r e f u l analysis of the romance would therefore be a more p r o f i t a b l e and revealing study for the T r i s t a n scholar. His survey of the "innere Leben" was l i t t l e more than a c o l l e c t i o n of facts c u l l e d during a close and thorough examination of the text, and as such well demonstrated the m a t e r i a l i s t i c preoccupations then current i n l i t e r a r y scholarship. He agreed with Bahnsch that Gottfried's dependence on h i s source accounted for the undeniable flaws i n the work, and, 118 far from b e l i t t l i n g G o t t f r i e d f o r this r e l i a n c e on Thomas, maintained that the German poet possessed great and unique g i f t s : "Uberhaupt muss, trotz allem . . . Gottfrieds grosses talent i n unangefochtener anerkennung bleiben" (p. 83)- In the concluding remarks to t h i s study Roetteken gave voice to the frequently expressed two-sided evaluation of the romance: "Tristan i s t auf a l l e f a l l e flir uns ein unsympathischer held. Urn so grbsser muss aber unsere bewunderung fUr die kunst des dichters sein, die uns trotzdem f e s s e l t " (p. 114). The c r i t i c i s m of G o t t f r i e d by the French scholar Joseph Firmery i n 1901 ("Notes c r i t i q u e s sur quelques traductions allemandes de poemes francais au moyen age") contained a number of arguments about Gottfried's lack of o r i g i n a l i t y which had hitherto escaped a t t e n t i o n — f o r example, hi s 46 i m i t a t i o n of many French poets and i n p a r t i c u l a r of Chretien de Troyes. So c l o s e l y did he model himself on French l i t e r a t u r e that "quant on sort par exemple de l a lecture du Cliges de Chretien, pour passer au T r i s t a n , on a l a sensation qu'on n'a pas change d'art, a peine de pays. C'est l a meme facon de concevoir l'amour et d'en p a r l e r " (p. 116) . Gottfried's i m i t a t i o n of Chretien compensated i n some measure for the loss of the l a t t e r ' s T r i s t a n romance, for the st y l e and manner of Chretien so impregnated Gottfried's work that "on c r o i r a i t souvent entendre le maftre lui-meme" (p. 128). However, G o t t f r i e d d i f f e r e d from the French poets upon whom he schooled himself i n that he greatly exaggerated the s t y l i s t i c devices which he had borrowed, and i n t h i s way art degenerated into a r t i f i c i a l i t y . Firmery openly c r i t i c i z e d German scholars such as Massmann who u n j u s t l y imputed indecency to the French medieval poets; elegance matched decency i n the writings of Hartmann von Aue and G o t t f r i e d von Strassburg, and both these 119 features were the marks of the French c o u r t o i s l e with which these two refined German poets were imbued. In summing up h i s views on G o t t f r i e d , Firmery wrote: "Le traducteur du T r i s t a n s'est montre un a r t i s t e h a b i l e et elegant, mais i l est . . . l'eleve de l a poesie f r a n c a i s e " (p. 1^5) • Joseph Bedier proved to be f a r less prejudiced and ch a u v i n i s t i c than his compatriot Firmery: he recognized and acclaimed G o t t f r i e d ' s o r i g i n a l i t y , ' despite the fact that the extent to which G o t t f r i e d r e l i e d on Thomas was of more consequence f or Bedier's present task (the reconstruction of the missing parts of the French version) than were Gottfried's deviations from the source: Nous n'avons pas a degager ce que G o t t f r i e d a pu ajouter a l'oeuvre de son devancier; c'est aux c r i t i q u e s de G o t t f r i e d de l e tenter, s i notre reconstruction du T r i s t a n de Thomas leur o f f r e pour l a premiere f o i s , comme nous l'esperons, une base s o l i d e . Notre tache est precisement inverse: et c'est d'extraire du G o t t f r i e d l a plus grande somme possible des elements par l u i empruntes a Thomas. 47 Speaking b r i e f l y , of the difference between the two poets he mentioned that Thomas' robust, elaborate, trouvere s t y l e was replaced by Gottfried's gentler, more graceful and more musical treatment, and that "ce n'est plus cette gravite, t r i s t e souvent, du poete anglo-normand, mais l a gafte, l a lumiere, cette sorte d'exaltation sentimentale et d'ivresse legere que les poetes courtois, donnant au mot un sens esoterique, appelaient l a j o i e " (p. 80) . He h a i l e d G o t t f r i e d as a k i n d r e d - s p i r i t to Thomas, related by nature and s e n s i b i l i t y , yet as one who possessed and exercised independent powers of poetic invention. While accepting, following and wishing to reproduce the "plan" and the "law" of Thomas, G o t t f r i e d transformed—perhaps unknowingly and probably i n v o l u n t a r i l y — h i s model. In short, G o t t f r i e d created h i s own T r i s t a n . Summing up the impressions which he had gained of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the two poets, Bedier wrote: " L ' h i s t o i r e des 120 l e t t r e s o f f r e - t - e l l e un second exemple d'une t e l l e soumission et d'une t e l l e independance? Pendant vingt m i l l e vers, G o t t f r i e d a transpose son modele: n u l l e trace de parasitisme pourtant; i l s'est insinue a l a place de Thomas, i l s'est vraiment substitue a l u i " (p. 79). The f i r s t f r u i t s of Bedier's reconstruction appeared.almost immediately i n the research into L ' o r i g i n a l i t e de G o t t f r i e d de Strasbourg conducted by HQ F e l i x Piquet (1905) • Piquet undertook this project f or two reasons: f i r s t , to defend Gottfried, from those c r i t i c s who mistakenly regarded him as a mere copyist, lacking i n a l l i n i t i a t i v e , and secondly, i n order to show how erroneous were c e r t a i n c r i t i c s who a t t r i b u t e d to G o t t f r i e d the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for good and bad features i n the work. For these Thomas should more r i g h t l y be honoured or blamed. The extensive comparative examination conducted by Piquet between T r i s t a n , Saga, S i r Tristrem and Thomas (fragments and Bedier's reconstruction) embraced f a r more than the few l i n g u i s t i c and s t y l i s t i c differences already indicated by Bedier. Piquet found signs of Gottfried's o r i g i n a l i t y throughout T r i s t a n ; the poet's a t t i t u d e toward h i s source was not that of a passive r e c i p i e n t but rather that of a c r i t i c a l observer, who succeeded i n giving a greater p l a u s i b i l i t y to the action of the story: "II a domine son r e c i t et s'est applique . . . a e v i t e r les dissonances q u ' i l trouvait dans son modele. . . . II a attenue les invraisemblances de son o r i g i n a l . . . . II a ajoute au r e c i t quantite d'explications nouvelles" (pp. 373-7*+). Furthermore, G o t t f r i e d not only proved to be the greater psychologist of the two, but he also possessed a s e n s i t i v i t y , a n o b i l i t y of f e e l i n g , a c r i t i c a l awareness, and a keen sense of humour not evident i n his predecessor. These g i f t s , combined with h i s imaginative and l o g i c a l g i f t s of narration, marked him as an o r i g i n a l poet, and to c a l l him a I 121 t r a n s l a t o r would be to do him a great i n j u s t i c e . However splendid these unique g i f t s of the German poet, Piquet considered that the most i l l u s t r i o u s q u a l i t y was h i s s t y l e : the sheer art of poetry far outranked a l l h i s other talents and was such as to set him above his great contemporaries : "Le s t y l e de G o t t f r i e d a ses defauts, mais ses beautes elevent l'auteur du T r i s t a n allemand bien au-dessus de ses contemporains, q u ' i l s s'appellent Hartmann d'Aue, Wolfram d'Eschenbach ou Walther de l a Vogelweide" (p. 374). From our e a r l i e r discussion of the contributions made by Wolfgang Golther to the study of o r i g i n s we r e c a l l that t h i s c r i t i c had a propensity to change r a d i c a l l y h i s opinions on c e r t a i n matters (see p. 42) and h i s writings on the Gottfried-Thomas r e l a t i o n s h i p d i s p l a y the same tendency. Contained i n h i s b r i e f a r t i c l e "Zur Tristansage" ( l 8 8 8 ) ^ was the statement: "Des Thomas Gedicht i s t aber, wie wir es langst durch die meisterhafte mhd. Ubertragung hindurch ahnen, die Krone und der Schlusstein der Tristandichtung" (pp. 363 -64). Lest t h i s praise of Thomas should detract too much from Gottfried's fame, he added a footnote explaining h i s assessment. Thomas' achievement f a r excelled that of G o t t f r i e d , for although the p r i z e for aesthetics went to G o t t f r i e d , Thomas' accomplishment was that of the creative poet: "Die Gerechtigkeit verlangt ein weit mehr zu betonendes Hervorheben des Thomas, und eine Beschrankung der Vorzlige Gottfrieds auf das ihnen zukommende Gebiet. . . . Vom geschichtlichen Standpunkte aus war die That von Thomas eine gr'dssere, da i h r die vollkommene schijpferische Selbstandigkeit zukommt" (pp. 363-64, n . 3 ) -However, when discussing t h i s same r e l a t i o n s h i p i n his T r i s t a n und  Isolde i n den Dichtungen des M i t t e l a l t e r s und der neuen Z e i t ( L e i p z i g , I907), these views were much modified, and both Thomas and G o t t f r i e d were credited 122 with having demonstrated t h e i r o r i g i n a l i t y i n reworking l i t e r a r y sources i n i n d i v i d u a l ways. Thomas al t e r e d the U r t r i s t a n , thereby creating the f i r s t c o u r t l y T r i s t a n romance. G o t t f r i e d did not translate t h i s work, "er hat vielmehr das franzbsische Gedicht so verdeutscht, dass eine eigenartige und hochbedeutende Neudichtung daraus ward. G o t t f r i e d hat vollendet, was Thomas begann, die hbfische und zugleich klassische Form der Tristansage geschaffen" (pp. 170-71)- Golther now quoted extensively from the writings of Bedier and Piquet to i l l u s t r a t e h i s arguments, and moreover accorded the l a u r e l s to G o t t f r i e d rather than Thomas, thus reversing the judgment passed i n 1888: " G o t t f r i e d hat diese Schb'pfung ve r f e i n e r t , v e r t i e f t , i n Form und Darstellung vervollkommnet. Kb'nnten wir zwischen einem vollstandigen Text des Thomasgedichtes und dem vollendeten Gedichte Gottfrieds wahlen, so ware der Preis sicher dem deutschen Dichter zuzuerkennen, da h i e r das Gold doppelt gelautert i s t " (p . 1 7 9 ) -123 I I I Conclusion Certain d i s t i n c t trends are not-iceable i n the f i r s t century of G o t t f r i e d c r i t i c i s m . The i n i t i a l Romantic enthusiasm for the T r i s t a n romance, expressed most eloquently by Docen and A. W. Schlegel, soon yielded to the disapprobation voiced by Lachmann and echoed by successive generations of l i t e r a r y h i s t o r i a n s . A l l c r i t i c s , when discussing topics such as the triangular r e l a t i o n s h i p between the main characters ( T r i s t a n , Isolde and Marke), the g u i l t or innocence of the lovers, and Gottfried's amatory doctrine, were faced with the problem of the moral content of the poem. The Lachmann School, measuring the work by the standard of the t i g h t - l a c e d nineteenth-century moral code and contrasting the theme with that of Wolfram's P a r z i v a l , voiced strong objections to the romance which, i n t h e i r eyes, was nothing but a repugnant ta l e of adultery. The manner i n which these c r i t i c s summarized the p l o t c l e a r l y mirrored t h e i r a t t i t u d e . G o t t f r i e d was c l a s s i f i e d as a blasphemous a n t i - C h r i s t i a n , who i n h i s l i c e n t i o u s lack of s p i r i t u a l i t y anticipated the sensuality of the Renaissance. This evalua-t i o n was u s u a l l y coupled with ef f u s i v e praise of G o t t f r i e d ' s a r t i s t r y , by means of which he refined the material which he borrowed from the French for his own use. Thus i n the Lachmann School vehement denigrations were balanced by the equally strong assertions that the German poet enhanced the coarse, foreign, immoral story with his r e f i n e d and r e f i n i n g a r t i s t i c t a l e n t s , and i n so doing adorned with a shimmering external beauty a corroded, repulsive romance. The apologia . given by the Mythological School was founded on the claim that one could unearth a deeper meaning which lay at the root of the love-story. The medieval poets who reworked the fable were unaware of the 124 ancient myths, and t h e i r presentation of the story i n i t s corrupt, younger f o r m — i n which the myths such as the maiden's rescue from the dragon had been obscured or forgotten—accounted for the frequency with which a poem such as Gottfried's T r i s t a n was now attacked on moral grounds. It i s not without i n t e r e s t to note that those scholars who championed Gottfried's cause a l l delineated the common bond between the T r i s t a n and the S i e g f r i e d legends . The fable which, i n t h e i r view, did not merit the la b e l of immorality a f f i x e d to i t by the Lachmann School, was related to Germanic f o l k l o r e . Gottfried's detractors, on the other hand, did not f a i l to point out that the poet did not invent the story, but adopted i t from French (and u l t i m a t e l y C e l t i c ) sources, and t h i s of course implied that the immorality i n T r i s t a n should be imputed not to the Germans but to the French and Celts . G o t t f r i e d c r i t i c i s m i n the l a t t e r h a l f of the nineteenth century was potently influenced and shaped by positivism, and i n t e r e s t centred now on biographical and source studies. Gottfried's l i f e offered happy hunting-ground to the p o s i t i v i s t s , who constructed a number of hypotheses determined by three main f a c t o r s : t h e i r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the text, t h e i r views on the poet's bourgeois upbringing, and the environment i n Strassburg at the time of w r i t i n g T r i s t a n . The close i n v e s t i g a t i o n of the Gottfried-Thomas r e l a t i o n s h i p was synchronous with the Insular-Continental controversy and bore a marked a f f i n i t y to i t : just as the question of Chretien's o r i g i n a l i t y occasioned much dispute i n the inter-school controversy, so too were Gottfried's inventive powers at stake i n t h i s branch of scholarship. However, such scholarship, i n i t i a t e d by the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the extant fragments of the T r i s t a n by Thomas of Brittany, furthered by Kblbing's textual studies, and culminating i n Bedier's reconstruction of Thomas' work, could o f f e r no 125 f i n a l , d e f i n i t i v e statement on the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the two poets simply because so much of Thomas' o r i g i n a l version was l a c k i n g . Scholar-ship therefore had to remain for the most part i n the realm of hypothesis. The textual comparisons conducted at t h i s time yielded l i t t l e more than the c e r t a i n knowledge that, i n one small portion of his romance, G o t t f r i e d showed a depth of psychological i n s i g h t , a desire for p l a u s i b i l i t y , and a mastery of poetic s t y l e not present i n h i s source. On the whole, Thomas' accomplishment stood higher i n the opinion of the l a t e nineteenth-century scholars than did that of the " t r a n s l a t o r " G o t t f r i e d , and t h i s a t t i t u d e can be linked to the chauvinism which emerged in the evaluations of the morality i n the l a t t e r ' s T r i s t a n poem. To prove that G o t t f r i e d was s i n g u l a r l y lacking i n poetic invention and there-fore translated the adulterous story into German was not n e c e s s a r i l y a means of d i s c r e d i t i n g him, for i m p l i c i t i n such an accusation was a v i n -d i c a t i o n of Germany and German l i t e r a t u r e . Thus the discussion of the aesthetics i n T r i s t a n and of the Gottfried-Thomas r e l a t i o n s h i p afforded German c r i t i c s good opportunity to demonstrate the s u p e r i o r i t y of t h e i r culture over that of France--a sentiment of c u l t u r a l supremacy perhaps not evoked yet surely i n t e n s i f i e d by the contemporaneous p o l i t i c a l triumph. However, at the turn of the century the respect for Thomas' achievement i n creating the c o u r t l y T r i s t a n — a n d a l l that such respect implied—showed signs of diminishing. This reappraisal of Thomas was a development c l e a r l y occasioned by the importance now attached to "die erste Aufgabe der Tristanforschung" (Golther), namely the recovery of the archetypal romance, the primary source tapped by Thomas and the other e a r l y T r i s t a n poets . 126 CHAPTER FOUR T W E N T I E T H-C E N T U R Y I N T E R P R E T A T I O N S OF G O T T F R I E D ' S T R I S T A N I Survey of Interpretations "Sie [die Geistesgeschichte] hat gelehrt, dass die sogenannten 'philologischen' Prob1erne wie: Entstehungsgeschichte, Einfltisse, Quellen, T e x t k r i t i k , einen Wert nur haben als ma t e r i e l l e Vorbereitungen der eigentlichen Aufgabe, der Interpretation des Dichtwerks a l s eines s i n n l i c h - g e i s t i g e n Ganzen."''" In the course of the twentieth century a number of scholars have attempted to a r r i v e at an understanding of Gottfried's work, and t h e i r o r i g i n a l i n t e r -pretations stand i n marked contrast to the stock mythological and "Lachmannian" approaches popular i n the nineteenth century. Aware that resemblances i n story outline by no means prevent major differences i n intent, the recent interpreters of the T r i s t a n poem have aimed at discovering the meaning with which the medieval poet invested the i n h e r i t e d story and the psychological reasons which determined h i s p a r t i c u l a r treatment of the m a t e r i a l . The new approach was c l o s e l y bound up with the spread of Geistesgeschichte i n l i t e r a r y c r i t i c i s m , when the general trend of thought was abandoning s c i e n t i f i c p o s i t i -vism i n favour of metaphysical speculation. The theories of GeistesWissen-schaften, the genesis of which i s associated p a r t i c u l a r l y with Wilhelm Dilthey, constituted a r a d i c a l reaction to p o s i t i v i s m . Dilthey, who developed a new method of l i t e r a r y i n t e r p r e t a t i o n which emphasized understanding ("Verstehen"), f e l t that the s p i r i t u a l t r a d i t i o n s of the past should be r e l i v e d by anyone wishing to study i t , for only i n t h i s way would an h i s t o r i a n t r u l y understand or experience the Z e i t g e i s t of former eras and the creative 127 process and experience of e a r l i e r w r i t e r s . The b e l i e f held by members of the new school i n this Z e i t g e i s t or s p i r i t of the times led a number of them to 2 trace a p a r a l l e l i s m or "wechselseitige Erhellung" of a l l the a r t s . Thus, while the p o s i t i v i s t s were preoccupied with meticulous analysis, the new method was t h e o r e t i c a l l y one of analogy and synthesis i n that i t emphasized the likenesses between the productions of a p a r t i c u l a r period. Certain topics which, when treated by e a r l i e r scholars, were considered peripheral to or unproblematic for T r i s t a n i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , now developed into c e n t r a l issues. As F r i e d r i c h Ranke aptly commented on e a r l i e r a t t i t u d e s , "im allgemeinen war es ja f r e i l i c h urn die Jahrhundertwende noch kaum S i t t e , so i n die T i e f e , ins Weltanschauliche dringende, so unphilologische Fragen an das M i t t e l a l t e r zu r i c h t e n . " Prominent among the problems which engaged twentieth-century c r i t i c s was that of the medieval Gott-Welt dualism: the struggle for harmony between the eternal and the temporal, the supernatural and the natural, the divine and the human, true joys and vanity, soul ( s p i r i t u s ) and body (caro), s p i r i t u a l i t y and sensuality, agape and eros . Furthermore, the p o s s i b i l i t y that Gottfried's thought was shaped by medieval theology, mysticism and philosophy came to the fore i n T r i s t a n scholarship, and the complexion of source studies was transformed when scholars began to consult writers other than Thomas of B r i t t a n y i n t h e i r endeavours to k understand the romance. The Gottfried-Thomas r e l a t i o n s h i p continued to claim the attention of scholars, however, e s p e c i a l l y since the poet's deviations from the French source assumed a p o s i t i o n of c r u c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e for modern interpretations of the German romance. Indeed, i t is'^hardly an exaggeration to say that i n 1925 the course of the whole future development of T r i s t a n i n t e r p r e t a t i o n was set by Ranke's analysis of one section in the romance which originated indisputably with G o t t f r i e d , namely the a l l e g o r y 128 of the Minnegrotte (see p. I 3 6 ) . Some i n d i c a t i o n of the new range of i n t e r e s t s was given i n the work of those scholars w r i t i n g in the f i r s t quarter of the century who, l i k e Watterich and Heinzel some years e a r l i e r , showed a greater desire to solve the enigma of Gottfried's biography than to i n t e r p r e t h i s o r i g i n a l treatment of the love-theme. At the same time these biographical studies helped to eradicate the image of G o t t f r i e d as a carefree and i r r e l i g i o u s blasphemer which had been popularized by the Lachmann School. F e l i x Piquet and the Catholic theologian U l r i c h Stb'kle were the f i r s t to stress the poet's r e l i g i o s i t y , and the discussion of h i s l i f e and education was continued by Hermann Fischer and Matthias T h i e l , 0 . S. B. Piquet i n 1905 emphatically rejected the idea put forward by Hermann Kurz over t h i r t y years previously that G o t t f r i e d was none other than a "Pfaffenfeind," whose h o s t i l i t y to the clergy disclosed i t s e l f i n the episode of the Judgment of God (see p. 1 0 8 ) O f Gottfried's comments on the outcome of Isolde's t r i a l by ordeal Piquet now wrote: " G o t t f r i e d , en e f f e t , ne s'indigne n i contre les pretres, n i contre le Chr i s t . . . mais contre ceux qui le contraignent a cette v e r s a t i l i t y , contre les plaideurs madres . . . . [Ce n'est] n i un acte impie, n i une c r i t i q u e du clerge, mais l a manifestation indignee d'un honnete homme" (pp. 268-69). Piquet aimed throughout hi s study at d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g between G o t t f r i e d and Thomas, and phrased his conclusions on the German poet's pronounced p i e t y accordingly by maintaining that there existed "un sentiment r e l i g i e u x bien plus apparent dans l e poeme allemand que dans l e T r i s t a n f r a n c a i s " (p. 326). This new a t t i t u d e toward G o t t f r i e d reappeared i n Stb'kle's d i s s e r t a t i o n Die theologischen AusdrUcke und Wendungen im T r i s t a n Gottfrieds von  Strassburg (1915).^ He noted the extensive use of theological expressions 129 i n the romance and presented t h i s vast assemblage of phrases as sure proof of Gottfried's r e l i g i o s i t y . Stbkle concluded "dass G o t t f r i e d kein 'Blirgerlicher' gewesen, sondern den Kreisen der G e i s t l i c h k e i t sehr nahe gestanden i s t . V i e l l e i c h t hat er selbst zu i h r gezahlt; j e d e n f a l l s sprechen mehr Grlinde dafUr als dagegen" (p. 672); and that G o t t f r i e d probably was a magister secundus or clergyman teaching at the cathedral school i n Strassburg. Much greater value f o r future scholarship lay however i n Stbkle's demonstration that the poet possessed a far wider knowledge of th e o l o g i c a l - p h i l o s o p h i c a l l i t e r a t u r e than T r i s t a n scholars had h i t h e r t o r e a l i z e d : G o t t f r i e d drew on " K i r c h e n s c h r i f t s t e l l e r . . . wie Rupert von Deutz, Hohorius Augustodunensis, Alanus de i n s u l i s , Petrus Comestor, Hugo von St. V i k t o r " (p. 5 8 l ) . In I9I6 Stbkle's former teacher, Hermann Fischer, endorsing the argument concerning the r e l i g i o u s t r a i n i n g which the poet had undoubtedly received, at the same time anticipated a problem which provided 7 l a t e r c r i t i c s with much food for thought. He detected some discrepancy between, on the one hand, Gottfried's retention of the outward forms of r e l i g i o n i n h i s epic, and, on the other, the love-theme. This brought him to the conclusion that, though formally correct i n t h e o l o g i c a l matters, G o t t f r i e d could not be c a l l e d a t r u l y r e l i g i o u s man. Matthias T h i e l countered Stbkle i n 1921 i n the a r t i c l e "Hat Gottfried. Q von Strassburg dem Kreise der G e i s t l i c h k e i t angeh'drt?" He c a r e f u l l y s i f t e d Stbkle's arguments and was l e f t with no substantial proof that G o t t f r i e d belonged to r e l i g i o u s orders; on the contrary the t h e o l o g i c a l knowledge displayed by the poet was such as could be acquired by any educated member of the l a i t y . This f a c t , together with the poet's f a m i l i a r i t y with such matters as music and court etiquette, convinced T h i e l that G o t t f r i e d did not come from a bourgeois family, but rather belonged to the petty n o b i l i t y , 130 and that as a member of that class he attended, rather than taught at, the l o c a l monastery or cathedral school. In one of T h i e l ' s counter-arguments another sign of the growing i n t e r e s t i n Gottfried's t h e o l o g i c a l sources can be seen: Wenn man si c h die von G o t t f r i e d angewandten B i l d e r und Vergleiche im einzelnen n'dher ansieht, dann gewinnt man a l l e r d i n g s bei einigen den Eindruck, dass h i e r das blosse Lesen der B i b e l nicht h i n r e i c h t , um s i e befriedigend zu erkl&ren. So redet er v . 16504 vom Balsam der Minne. Dieses B i l d kann wohl an E c c l e s i a s t i c u s 24, 20: " s i c u t balsamum aromatizans, odorem dedi" erinnern, i s t aber nicht so ohne weiteres von dort hergenommen. W i l l man h i e r auf jeden F a l l eine Beeinflussung des Dichters durch die k i r c h l i c h e L i t e r a t u r annehmen, dann dUrfte wohl am nSchsten liegen, an die Mystik zu denken. Ob G o t t f r i e d aber diese Beeinflussung direkt durch eigenes Studium der mystischen Werke erfahren hat oder nur i n d i r e k t , l a s s t s i c h bei der geringen Zahl solcher B i l d e r nicht f e s t s t e l l e n . ( P P . 24-5) These biographical sketches drawn up i n the e a r l y twentieth century contributed as l i t t l e to a s a t i s f a c t o r y e l u c i d a t i o n of Gottfried's l i f e as had done the hypotheses propounded by e a r l i e r scholars, nor can i t be said that t h e i r authors attained to a deep understanding of the romance. Never-theless c e r t a i n trends i n t h i s , the biographical branch of scholarship, do merit attention for they appeared also i n the T r i s t a n interpretations which were being given at t h i s time. These trends were as follows: f i r s t , the general i n v e s t i g a t i o n of the t h e o l o g i c a l - p h i l o s o p h i c a l works which G o t t f r i e d might have known; secondly, the research into the influence of mysticism on the poet; and t h i r d l y , an i n t e n s i f i e d study of the a t t i t u d e which he displayed concerning the recognized outward forms of r e l i g i o n . Among the most notable contributions to T r i s t a n i n t e r p r e t a t i o n made during the f i r s t decade of the century and guided by these and s i m i l a r concerns were those of Wilhelm Dil t h e y . D i l t h e y played a conspicuous r o l e i n the whole development of l i t e r a r y c r i t i c i s m , and i t i s indeed fortunate for an o u t l i n e of T r i s t a n scholarship that he was f a m i l i a r with Gottfried's 131 work; twice he discussed the poem, and each of these commentaries mani-fested h i s new approach to l i t e r a t u r e . Because his method of l i t e r a r y i n t e r p r e t a t i o n emphasized "Verstehen" and " E r l e b n i s , " he attempted to gain insi g h t into Gottfried's process of l i t e r a r y creation by r e l a t i n g c e r t a i n features i n the romance to the s p i r i t of the times evident i n the theo-l o g i c a l , h i s t o r i c a l and p h i l o s o p h i c a l background against which the poet had written. Comparing Tristan-love with the experiences of the medieval mystics, for instance, he wrote: "Was die mystische R e l i g i o s i t a t des , M i t t e l a l t e r s i n dem Verkehr der glaubigen Seele mit Gott als h'dchstes Gut ver w i r k l i c h t fand, dies Wunder wird im Verhaltnis der Liebenden fllr ihren Dichter W i r k l i c h k e i t — g r e i f b a r e Erfahrung" (p. 139)- Writing on Gottfried's views on r e l i g i o n and on the question of the Gott-Welt dualism he stated that, because G o t t f r i e d experienced l i f e w ithin a secure, stable divine order, he could emancipate himself from the conventional r e l i g i o u s t r a d i t i o n s i n order to express h i s very joy i n l i f e and h i s "gospel" of love, beauty and secular pleasures (p. 135)- Furthermore, the Z e i t g e i s t — a s i l l u s t r a t e d by the flow of i n t e l l e c t u a l and p o l i t i c a l developments during Gottfried's l i f e - t i m e — w a s r e f l e c t e d i n the nature of this i n t e l l e c t u a l l y - r u l e d poet:''"0 In G o t t f r i e d r e g i e r t die Souveranitat des Geistes. In den Kampfen der Hohenstaufen mit dem Papsttum gelangte s i e zum Durchbruch; s i e hat dann i n der P o l i t i k F r i e d r i c h s I I . und seiner StaatsmSnner, i n dem, was Uber ihre Denkart s p S r l i c h uns erhalten i s t , ihren weltgeschichtlichen bedeutsamen Ausdruck gefunden, und darin i s t nun der T r i s t a n fUr das VerstSndnis der damaligen Kultur ein unsch'dtzbares Denkmal, dass diese h'dchste Stufe g e i s t i g e r Souveranitat, die das Z e i t a l t e r e r r e i c h t hat, h i e r i n einem poetischen Werke v o l l e n Ausdruck gefunden hat . . . i n dem v o l l e n Ausdruck des Erlebens, wie nur Dichtung ihn b i e t e t . Denn s i e a l l e i n schbpft aus den l e t z t e n Tiefen des Erlebnisses den Ausdruck fUr den ganzen Gehalt desselben.. (p. 132) 132 I n a s i m i l a r manner the c h a r a c t e r o f the h e r o m i r r o r e d c ontemporary p o l i t i c a l h i s t o r y : "Immer w i e d e r muss man b e i seinem H e l d e n , i n den e r a l l e s e i n e Seelenkunde zusammengenommen h a t , an d i e P e r s f c S n l i c h k e i t e n auf der g r o s s e n p o l i t i s c h e n BUhne s e i n e r Z e i t , v o r a l i e n D i n g e n an den g r o s s e n H o h e n s t a u f e n , d e n k e n — s o biegsam und f e i n und doch so s t H h l e r n und so s i c h e r verwundend, so unbezahmbar und h e r r i s c h im W i l l e n und doch so geheim i n dessen Wegen—von so ungebundener S k r u p e l l o s i g k e i t " ( p . 138). Moreover, as he n o t e d i n Das E r l e b n i s und d i e D i c h t u n g (1906), t h e whole romance was i m p r e g n a t e d w i t h G o t t f r i e d ' s " s u b j e c t i v i t y , " p e r s o n a l i t y and s e n t i m e n t : the p o e t had u n d o u b t e d l y e x p e r i e n c e d the " L u s t und L e i d der L i e b e " ( p . I 5 6 ) and had chosen t o t r e a t t h e T r i s t a n m a t e r i a l " w e i l e r das GefSss s e i n e s h e l l e n L e b e n s s i n n e s , v i e l l e i c h t s e l b s t p e r s b ' n l i c h e r ZustSnde und E r l e b n i s s e s e i n k o n n t e " ( p . 155) • F r i e d r i c h Vogt a l s o s t o o d on t h e t h r e s h o l d of t h e new e r a i n T r i s t a n c r i t i c i s m , and i n h i s work a r e found f u r t h e r i n d i c a t i o n s o f the awakening i n t e r e s t i n t h e p o e t ' s l i t e r a r y b a ckground and i n t h e i n f l u e n c e o f m y s t i c i s m on h i s t h o u g h t . Vogt c a s t f r e s h l i g h t upon t h e a e s t h e t i c s i n t h e e p i c , and i n so d o i n g i n t r o d u c e d a method o f i n t e r p r e t i n g G o t t f r i e d ' s a t t i t u d e w h i c h remained i n vogue f o r s e v e r a l y e a r s . But a t the same ti m e Vogt h a r b o u r e d the t r a d i t i o n a l m o r a l i z i n g v i e w s on t h e c o n t e n t o f T r i s t a n : he b r o u g h t i n a v e r d i c t o f i m m o r a l i t y on the love-theme, and thus i n P a u l ' s G r u n d r i s s o f 1901 r e f e r r e d t o "den v e r l e t z e n d e n S t o f f " and " d i e s i t t l i c h e S t u m p f h e i t . " Over twenty y e a r s l a t e r he was s t i l l r a i s i n g s i m i l a r o b j e c t i o n s t o t h e work, and i n 1922 showed t h a t h i s s y m p a t h i e s c l e a r l y l a y w i t h M a r k e — a b a s i c a l l y n o b l e and k i n d f i g u r e — a n d n o t w i t h the l o v e r s , whose b e h a v i o u r d e f i e d a l l m o r a l codes . 133 Of Vogt's two main contributions to modern scholarship the f i r s t was the lecture which he delivered i n I908 on the subject "Der Bedeutungswandel des Wortes edel," the second was h i s discussion of the Minnegrotte al l e g o r y i n the l i t e r a r y h i s t o r y . The former included a b r i e f commentary on the concept of the noble heart (daz edele herze) i n Gottfried's T r i s t a n , and according to Vogt's d e f i n i t i o n the concept of n o b i l i t y covered by that term was not that of hereditary n o b i l i t y . D i stinguishing between the noble hearts and the average members of the c o u r t l y world he asserted that the poet was w r i t i n g of and for an a r i s t o c r a c y composed of people of f i n e sentiment and acute appreciation of the a e s t h e t i c - - i n short, the noble hearts were those who displayed "[ein] verfeinertes asthetisches Empfinden"; "Das edle Herz nach Gottfrieds Sinn i s t offen fUr a l l e s Schb'ne der Welt, fllr Naturschbnheit und Frauenschbnheit, fUr Gesang und Dichtung; es i s t auch vor allem inniger Liebe f a h i g " (p. 11). In discussing the source from which G o t t f r i e d adopted this idea of the noble heart, Vogt drew an analogy between i t and the noble soul of medieval mysticism. However great was the d i s t i n c t i o n which could be drawn between the aims of the mystics and those of the "Weltkind" G o t t f r i e d , the close r e l a t i o n s h i p of these notions of s p i r i t u a l n o b i l i t y was undeniable: Dies ganze Sichinsichselbstversenken, dies Beobachten und Zergliedern der eigenen Empfindungen und dieser sentimentale Kultus der Minne i s t s c h l i e s s l i c h religib'sen Ursprungs : die Mystik hat der m i t t e l a l t e r l i c h e n S e n t i m e n t a l i t a t s l i t e r a t u r den Boden b e r e i t e t . . . . I n der mystischen Bibelexegese aber begegnet uns schon s e i t dem 11. Jahrh. der Ausdruck die edele  s e l e . (p. 12) Although Vogt incorporated these findings into his evaluation of the romance i n 1922, he now l a i d more emphasis on what he termed the " c u l t of the b e a u t i f u l " than on the mystical connotations, w r i t i n g : "Denn ein Kultus des Schbnen i s t auch sein inneres Leben. . . . Das s i n n l i c h und I3h s e e l i s c h schbne Empfinden umfasst fUr ihn die hb'chsten Lebenswerte" (p. 318). . Vogt's study of the noble heart i n T r i s t a n had a twofold influence on future research. F i r s t , scholars sought other possible derivations of the term, and i n t h e i r semantic research used medieval the o l o g i c a l and mystical Ik l i t e r a t u r e as a guide. The l i n k between the noble heart and r e l i g i o n , f i r s t forged by th i s c r i t i c , increased i n strength as a r e s u l t of these in v e s t i g a t i o n s . Secondly, the aesthetics i n T r i s t a n now underwent revaluation. Nineteenth-century c r i t i c s had v i r t u a l l y a l l agreed as to the beauty of description and the mastery of n i c e t i e s of s t y l e , rendering t h i s t r i b u t e of praise almost i n spite of themselves, f o r a l l this manifold beauty was i n t h e i r minds only the a t t r a c t i v e cloak for gross immorality. Now a new approach was adopted: the aesthetics, as seen by Vogt, were i n t e g r a l to the content of Gottfried's poem and not merely a formal decoration unrelated to the story. The second feature of Vogt's T r i s t a n research which merits s p e c i a l consideration l i e s i n his remarks on the al l e g o r y of the Minnegrotte. Already i n the l a t e nineteenth century Wilhelm Scherer had pointed to s i m i l a r i t i e s between t h i s a l l e g o r y and medieval inter p r e t a t i o n s of the Bible, and had remarked that G o t t f r i e d " f o l g t den g e i s t l i c h e n Dichtern des zwblften Jahrhunderts, welche etwa das Herz des Frommen als einen 15 Palast C h r i s t i schilderten, der aus lauter Tugenden erbaut i s t . " F r i e d r i c h Vogt now supplied more precise d e t a i l s of the type of theological l i t e r a t u r e a f t e r which the al l e g o r y might have been patterned, and wrote: G o t t f r i e d [hat] mit einer s i n n b i l d l i c h e n Auslegung der ganzen Einrichtung und Ausstattung der Minnegrotte schon ganz die Pfade eingeschlagen, welche die m i t t e l a l t e r l i c h e Bibelexegese mit i h r e r allegorischen Schriftdeutung wandelte. . . . Xhnlich etwa wie die 135 apokalyptische Himmelsburg nach i h r e r ganzen baulichen Einrichtung auf theologische Vorstellungen, so wird h i e r die Liebesgrotte auf B e g r i f f e einer weltlichen Minneethik gedeutet, und damit wird i n dieser Einlage Gottfrieds das erste B e i s p i e l einer Gattung w e l t l i c h e r Minneallegorie gegeben. . . . Diese verstandesm'dssig ergrlibelte Verkehrung des Sinnlichen ins Abstrakte durchbricht fremdartig und doch Gottfrieds Neigung zur A l l e g o r i e gemass die s i n n l i c h e F U l l e und Frische seiner Darstellung jenes paradiesischen Liebeslebens; aber s i e fllhrt uns auch i n Gottfrieds sinnig ernste Auffassung von der Minne edeler Herzen, ihrem Wesen und ihren P f l i c h t e n , h i n e i n . (p. 3*1-2) On the whole the a l l e g o r y of the Minnegrotte had not fared well i n the hands of early c r i t i c s , f o r although most expressed admiration for the general aesthetic merits of the romance, many took exception to t h i s p a r t i -cular episode, and as a r e s u l t this passage became a target for much h o s t i l e c r i t i c i s m . Haebler, f o r instance, described i t as a "Jammer" (see p. 98), to Heinzel the a l l e g o r y destroyed the lovers' Waldleben (see p. 106). Scherer wrote: "Die A b s i c h t l i c h k e i t des Erzahlers, seine Sucht, dem Leser etwas zu beweisen, tragt ein Element der Kalte i n den empfindungs-v o l l e n Stoff . Und auch die g e i s t i g e Richtung des hb'fischen Epos, die Neigung persbnliche Eigenschaften als selbstandige Personen zu denken, verflihrt ihn zu f r o s t i g e n E i n f a l i e n " (p. 169) . Although such deprecatory remarks r e f l e c t e d the general nineteenth-century aversion to medieval allegory, our own era has not been free from such a t t i t u d e s . Josef Janko, for example, stated i n I 9 0 6 : "Der moderne Geist g e f a l l t s i c h i n derart p r i m i t i v e r Symbolik mit n i c h t e n , a n d Hermann Schneider wrote as l a t e as I9I13: "Das Spiel wird lange f o r t g e t r i e b e n — f U r uns zu lange und b i s zur 17 S p i e l e r e i . " The a l l e g o r y was d i s l i k e d by such scholars f o r purely formal s t y l i s t i c reasons. U n t i l 1925 i t was u s u a l l y considered as an interlude without i n t r i n s i c aesthetic value and without any s i g n i f i c a n c e for or con-nection with the rest of the work. Apart from Janko's attempt to elucidate some d e t a i l s of Gottfried's biography from t h i s episode, and Piquet's short 136 note that the al l e g o r y was i n a l l l i k e l i h o o d invented by G o t t f r i e d , no other means of evaluation were c a l l e d into play. Thus the meaning and si g n i f i c a n c e which this passage has for the understanding of Gottfried's T r i s t a n remained undisclosed u n t i l F r i e d r i c h Ranke, i n 1925, extended and m u l t i p l i e d the p a r a l l e l s drawn by Vogt between the all e g o r y and the o l o g i c a l l i t e r a t u r e . "Mit Ranke beginnt ein neues K a p i t e l der Gottfriedforschung—und Uberhaupt erst i h r e n t s c h e i d e n d e s . T h e importance of Ranke's p u b l i c a t i o n 20 Die A l l e g o r i e der Minnegrotte i n Gottfrieds " T r i s t a n " (1925) can hardly be overestimated. This study provided the point of departure for future interpretations of the romance, and thus also f or assessments of the poet's o r i g i n a l treatment of the love-theme. E a r l i e r c r i t i c s judged the a l l e g o r y s o l e l y on i t s aesthetic m e r i t s — o r flaws. Ranke r e a l i z e d that a more com-prehensive approach was necessary: Wenn ein Dichter von so empfindlichem FormgefUhl und so bewussten kllnstlerischen Grunds'dtzen . . . auf einem GefUhlshbhepunkt seines Epos . . . seine ErzShlung durch einen Exkurs unterbricht, der i n mehr als 200 Versen die einzelnen T e i l e der Grotte a l l e g o r i s c h auf die Eigenschaften der vollkommenen Minne ausdeutet . . . mlissen [wir] versuchen, die Motive zu verstehen, die den Dichter zu seinem Exkurs getrieben haben: Wie kommt Go t t f r i e d zu der allegorischen Ausdeutung der Minnegrotte? Was w i l l er mit ih r ? Welche Bedeutung hat sie im Gesamtplan seines Werkes? (p. 21) His next step was to examine the " P a r a l l e l v o r s t e l l u n g e n " which the a l l e g o r y 21 would have evoked among the more educated of Gottfried's contemporaries. The p a r a l l e l s suggested by Vogt to the a l l e g o r i c a l and symbolical i n t e r -pretations of the Heavenly Jerusalem, although valuable within t h e i r l i m i t s , did not s a t i s f y Ranke on two counts . In the f i r s t place Vogt f a i l e d to i n -corporate these findings into an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the love-theme--in short, to draw the conclusions "die s i c h aus dieser von ihm angenommenen P a r a l l e l i -137 sierung der Minnegrotte mit dem j e n s e i t i g e n Hoffnungsziel des Frommen fUr Gottfrieds Liebesauffassimg ergeben wllrden" (p. 29)- In the second place Ranke had discovered a f a r more accurate and s i g n i f i c a n t p a r a l l e l -that between Gottfried's a l l e g o r y of the cave and t r a d i t i o n a l a l l e g o r i z a t i o n s of the medieval cathedral. His study of t h i s analogy revealed that the "Ehre" generally accorded to the cathedral of God was i n this case given 22 to the cave of love. By means of this a l l e g o r y the poet had associated  Tristan-love with r e l i g i o n : "Die Liebesgrotte dem Tempel Gottes g l e i c h -g e s t e l l t — m a n mag es eine Blasphemie nennen, j e d e n f a l l s war es k e i n ' f r o s t i g e r E i n f a l l , ' wie Heinzel und Scherer meinten, sondern ein StUck von allergr'o'sster Wichtigkeit fUr unsern Dichter wie fllr seine Zeitgenossen" (p. 32)- According to Ranke the d e i t y worshipped by the "transfigured" T r i s t a n and Isolde i n the grotto was the pagan goddess of love: " G o t t f r i e d [baut] sic h i n der allegorischen Ausdeutung der Minnegrotte aus dem d i e s s e i t i g e n , s i n n l i c h - i r d i s c h e n Stoff gewissermassen seine eigene s p i r i t u a l e Welt, die neue Seinspyramide, i n der nicht Gott, sondern die antike Venus, die Gb'ttin Minne als oberster Wert die Spitze b i l d e t " (p. 39) • Ranke's discussion of an excursus at an e a r l i e r point i n the epic (11. 12191 f f •) supplemented t h i s explanation of the " L i e b e s r e l i g i o n . " In t h i s , the kurze rede von edler Minne, G o t t f r i e d described h i s i d e a l of true love as "rlickhaltlose, i n standhafter Treue a l l e Schmerzen ertragende und a l l e Hindernisse Uberwindende, . . . durch v o i l e Hingabe beseligende Liebe" (p. 34), and the general tone of the rede was set by the poet's lament on the absence of such true love i n the present day and i n the contemporary convention of c o u r t l y love. The "zealous preacher of love," Ranke continued, was p a i n f u l l y and b i t t e r l y aware that love such as that between T r i s t a n and Isolde could e x i s t now only i n a r t , i n 138 aesthetics, i n a l l e g o r y — n o t i n r e a l i t y , and therefore invented the a l l e g o r i c a l temple i n which to house his i d e a l . "Er [erbaut] seinem I d e a l b i l d , seiner Gb'ttin Mihne, den Tempel, die e c c l e s i a amoris m a t e r i a l i t e r et s p i r i t u a l i t e r , und l a s s t seine Liebenden wie fromme Klausner im Dienste dieser Gattin unirdischer GlUckseligkeit t e i l h a f t i g werden" (p. jk)• A fundamental problem was raised by this T r i s t a n i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . Could worship of the pagan goddess of love co-exist with worship of the C h r i s t i a n God, or was the one n e c e s s a r i l y excluded by the other? Was G o t t f r i e d a f t e r a l l the "FUhrer und Meister der a n t i c h r i s t l i c h e n Kunst," as Eichendorff had claimed (p. 75)? Ranke was indeed aware of this problem, but chose not to include h i s s o l u t i o n to i t i n t h i s a r t i c l e : "Auf die vielbehandelte schwierige Frage nach Gottfrieds Verhaltnis zur c h r i s t l i c h e n R e l i g i o n gehe i c h h i e r nicht mehr e i n " (p. 39j 1 1 • 3) • 2^ However, i n the book published" that- same year ( T r i s t a n und I s o l d ), he indicated that G o t t f r i e d designed the new r e l i g i o n as a replacement for t r a d i t i o n a l C h r i s t i a n i t y : Es i s t , als habe dem Dichter . . . Bildung und Leben das c h r i s t l i c h e Glaubensziel ausgehbhlt, und als habe sich das Jenseitsverlangen des m i t t e l a l t e r l i c h e n Menschen i n ihm daflir im Reiche einer liber a l l e Erdenwirklichkeit hinauszielenden L i e b e s r e l i g i o n einen Ersatz zu schaffen gesucht, der es doch notwendigerweise nicht w i r k l i c h befriedigen konnte . (p. 210) G o t t f r i e d employed the external forms and formulae of the C h r i s t i a n r e l i g i o n i n order to f i l l them with his v i s i o n of i d e a l love. Although t h i s discovery was undoubtedly Ranke's most important con-t r i b u t i o n to T r i s t a n i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , we should note also h i s treatment of the "Kultus des Schbnen" to which Vogt drew at t e n t i o n . G o t t f r i e d , Ranke pointed out, was resigned to the fact that love such as that between T r i s t a n 139 and Isolde was r e a l i z a b l e only i n the realm of a r t . Yet the i n e v i t a b l e sadness r e s u l t i n g from t h i s knowledge was balanced by the pleasure which the poet gained through the quasi-ecstatic a e s t h e t i c experience, through the r e l i g i o u s r e a l i z a t i o n i n a r t of an otherwise unattainable i d e a l : Gottfrieds Gedicht durchzieht ein Ton schmerzlicher, milde gewordener Resignation. Sein Liebespreis nimmt die Formen religib'ser Ekstase an, die Liebe wird ihm, wahrend er dichtet, zum religib'sen E r l e b n i s ; aber i n a l l e r Ekstase b l e i b t er s i c h der Erdenferne seiner Gesichte b i t t e r bewusst. . . . Sehnsucht nach dem Unerreichlichen und unerfUlltes Suchen nach der Harmonie, das doch zugleich als Suchen Ssthetisch genossen wird, das i s t die seltsam gebrochene t i e f s t e Grundstimmung von Gottfrieds Dichten. ( T r i s t a n und I s o l d , pp. 209-10) Ranke's Minnegrotte study profoundly influenced developments i n T r i s t a n scholarship. I t promoted new ideas on the subject which had figured so prominently i n e a r l i e r c r i t i c i s m , namely the question of Gottfried's o r i g i n a l i t y . According to Ranke's i n t e r p r e t a t i o n the main ingredient i n the poet's o r i g i n a l i t y did not l i e i n q u a l i t i e s such as h i s aesthetic refinement of the fable, his p l a u s i b i l i t y , or h i s s k i l f u l psychological motivation of character, but rather i n the r e l i g i o u s treatment of T r i s t a n -love. From 1925 on, discussions of the poet's o r i g i n a l i t y were i n t r i n s i c a l l y bound up with inte r p r e t a t i o n s of the love-theme. Comparisons with Thomas were us u a l l y regarded as extraneous to t h i s purpose, f o r the f o c a l point of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n (the Minnegrotte allegory) was, as c r i t i c s agreed, i n t r o -duced into the t r a d i t i o n a l story only with G o t t f r i e d . Studies of the Gottfried-Thomas r e l a t i o n s h i p did continue, but were concentrated c h i e f l y on the formal d i s t i n c t i o n s between the work of the two poets. They d i f f e r e d from those conducted by e a r l i e r c r i t i c s i n that they showed the influence of Geistesgeschichte: rather than act as proof of the s u p e r i o r i t y of one poet (and nation) over the other, these studies served instead to demonstrate the changing Z e i t g e i s t • The p a r a l l e l i s m between the a r t s , as iko advocated by the new school of thought, acted now as a c r i t e r i o n i n com-parisons of Thomas with G o t t f r i e d . As a r e s u l t such equations were made 2k as Thomas=Romanesque—Gottfried=Gothic ( A a l t j e D i j k s t e r h u i s ) ; Thomas= (early) Gothic—Gottfried=High Gothic (Bodo Mergell) Furthermore, the "analogical" method used by Ranke soon gained a strong foothold i n T r i s t a n c r i t i c i s m , and r e f l e c t e d i n i t s very nature the general aims and habits of thought of Geistesgeschichte (see p. 127). I t became common pract i c e for scholars to refer to t h e o l o g i c a l , p h i l o s o p h i c a l and h i s t o r i c a l sources when drawing t h e i r analogies, and also when seeking to present G o t t f r i e d as an embodiment of the Z e i t g e i s t and of the i n t e l l e c t u a l — a n d , according to a few c r i t i c s , of the p o l i t i c a l — c l i m a t e which existed i n Europe around 1200. Moreover, Ranke's work prompted many scholars to explore other aspects of the Minnegrotte episode, such as i t s s t r u c t u r a l and geographical s e t t i n g . The l i t e r a r y sources of the allegory have also engaged a number of c r i t i c s , 26 and recently the a l l e g o r y has been seen even i n the l i g h t of alchemy. The impact of Ranke's thoughts about the a l l e g o r y was such that nearly a l l future c r i t i c s referred to them and took a stand on the c e n t r a l issues before o f f e r i n g t h e i r own interpretations of T r i s t a n - l o v e . As a r e s u l t , the years following Ranke's p u b l i c a t i o n were f i l l e d with controversy on the connection between love and r e l i g i o n i n the romance. C l e a r l y , the derogatory attitudes of those e a r l i e r c r i t i c s who described G o t t f r i e d as a t o t a l l y i r r e l i g i o u s poet now stood i n need of considerable modification and r e v i s i o n . By 19*4-3—when J u l i u s Schwietering made the second outstanding contribution to the understanding of Gottfried's r e l i g i o u s treatment of the love-theme (see p. 154 )—scholars had already made the preliminary explorations along a l l the avenues of approach to an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of Tristan-love character-i s t i c of twentieth-century i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . When reduced to t h e i r simplest 141 terms the recurrent modes of i n t e r p r e t i n g the love-theme were as follows. According to some, Minne i n the poem constituted a beneficent deity, which either replaced God as the new summum bonum, or existed i n harmony with God. To others, Minne, a supernatural force, was a summum malum or Damon. The r e l a t i o n s h i p between Trist a n - l o v e and mystical love also became a matter for s c h o l a r l y speculation. Some c r i t i c s suggested that G o t t f r i e d preached h e r e t i c a l doctrines i n T r i s t a n . Many disputed whether the demands of gotinne Minne c o n f l i c t e d with the precepts of co u r t l y society. A topic not infrequently included i n the r e l i g i o u s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s concerned Gottfried's indebtedness to the hohe Minne of Minnesang for h i s formulation of love. The r e l i g i o u s interpretations prompted by Ranke were held by some scholars to be b a s i c a l l y unsound and misleading, and a l t e r n a t i v e methods of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n — f o r example the re l a t i o n s h i p of Tristan-love to c l a s s i c a l a ntiquity—were advanced. However, the fact that such non-religious i n t e r -pretations have not found many sponsors r e f l e c t s the decisive and deter-27 minative r o l e of Ranke's work i n modern T r i s t a n scholarship. The year following the i n v e s t i g a t i o n of the allegory Hermann Schneider delivered a lecture on G o t t f r i e d and his T r i s t a n poem; he emphasized Gottfried's o r i g i n a l i t y , cleared the poet of the charges of immorality and blasphemy s t i l l being brought against him, and offered an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the nature of Tri s t a n - l o v e which, though owing much to Ranke's discovery of the analogy, presented nonetheless a t o t a l l y d i f f e r e n t view of the poet's 28 amatory doctrine. While Ranke believed that G o t t f r i e d was ins p i r e d by and revered the i d e a l love which he depicted as e x i s t i n g between T r i s t a n and Isolde, Schneider held that Tristan-love was not a divine i d e a l . Rather, i t was to Go t t f r i e d a t r a g i c , inexorable f a t e . Minne, the universal force, Ik2-"wird ihm zur hbchsten Gewalt uber die Menschheit" (p. 1*4-1); "Durch das Erlebnis der Minne i s t G o t t f r i d s [ s i c ] Weltbild ganz umgeformt worden" 29 (p. 1*4-2). Schneider emphasized t h i s point again when w r i t i n g on T r i s t a n i n his Heldendichtung, Geistlichendichtung, Ritterdichtung (19*1-3) : "Die Liebe i s t Himmel und Hb'lle. . . . G o t t f r i e d war es ernst mit seiner Weltmacht. Sie fordert unbedingte Hbrigkeit. Der Dichter versteht; dass er i n n e r l i c h b i l l i g t , z e i gt er nic h t , und am wenigsten, dass er an a l l dem 30 Geschehen Freude hat." As to the place of C h r i s t i a n i t y i n Gottfried's new world-view, i n I926 he suggested that the Gott-Welt dualism posed no problems f o r the poet, since he eliminated the supernatural and showed con-cern only for the sensual and secular: "Der grosse Zwiespalt jenes Jahrhunderts : Gottesminne gegen Weltminne, Diesseitsfreude gegen J e n s e i t s -sehnen, Sensualismus gegen Spiritualismus scheint fUr ihn seine Aktualit'dt verloren zu haben. Er versucht es mit keiner Synthese, sondern er schaltet den Supranaturalismus einfach aus. Die heisse Sorge um Gottes Huld e r f U l l t dieses Gemlit n i c h t " (p. 1*4-3) • Although i n 19*1-3 Schneider did amend th i s statement by placing the C h r i s t i a n God within Gottfried's scheme, he never-theless, stressed God's subordinance to Minne: "Die hohe Herrscherin, der sich G o t t f r i e d und seine Helden beugen, die Minne, wird von Gott selbst g e b i l l i g t und gefbrdert. Nur dass sie ni c h t mehr, wie bisher, a l s des Hbchsten Geschbpf erscheint; s i e i s t ihm Uber den Kopf gewachsen" (p. 3l6) • In h i s lecture Schneider took up an idea already expressed by D i l t h e y (see p. 131) when he traced the p a r a l l e l between the all-absorbing love of hero and heroine, and the unio mysticaX Die i r d i s c h e Minne, die i n dem geliebten Wesen das Ein und A l l e s sieht und sich ihm bi s zur Aufgabe des eigenen Selbst einschmiegt, war jener Generation erwachsen aus der himmlischen Minne, mit der die ekstasischen Mystiker Frankreichs die Gottheit umfangen und i n ih r aufgehen wollen. G o t t f r i d j l s t der einzige, der diese Analogie zu Ende gedacht oder vielmehr empfunden hat. (p. 1*4-2) 143 The next i n t e r p r e t a t i o n using Ranke's work as i t s basis was the d i s s e r t a t i o n by Emil Nickel (a p u p i l of Ranke) e n t i t l e d Studien zum •51 Liebesproblem b e i G o t t f r i e d von Strassburg (1927) • Nickel held that the reason f o r Gottfried's "Liebesproblem" lay i n the personal d i s s a t i s -f a c t i o n with the forms love had taken, both as the hollow c o u r t l y con-vention and as the purchaseable commodity. Gottfried's outlook on the c u l t of hohe Minne resembled that of the C h r i s t i a n on O r i g i n a l Sin; redemption from the s i n was to be found through the divine experience of T r i s t a n - l o v e . However—and t h i s constituted the second reason f o r h i s "Liebesproblem"—Gottfried knew that h i s personal i d e a l of love was not r e a l i z a b l e i n contemporary society. G o t t f r i e d therefore sought a s o l u t i o n , and found t h i s i n a "Flucht i n die L i t e r a t u r " (p. 80). In this way the poet underwent an e c s t a t i c experience. True love was r e a l i z e d a e s t h e t i c a l l y : Und so b l e i b t ihm denn, i n dieser Lage, nichts anderes mehr, als diesem Bewusstsein eigener Nichtswllrdigkeit, dieser Welt der Erbarmlichkeiten ganz und gar abzusterben, immer wieder von neuem si c h zu versenken i n die mystisch-Ubersinnliche Welt des Ideals, an diesem sich zu erbauen wie der C h r i s t am Sakrament, im Anschauen des Ideals seine KrSfte zu sammeln und zu starken zur erlb*senden, notwendigen Herzenslauterung, an ihm den befreienden Aufschwung zu nehmen zum Erhabensten und Hbchsten; so b l e i b t denn also an Lebenswertem e i n z i g noch die L i t e r a t u r ubrig, als die Welt des gestalteten Ideals, als die einzige, die l e t z t e Mb'glichkeit, s i c h ihm zu nahern. (p. 82) Nickel's t h e s i s , though e s s e n t i a l l y an expansion of Ranke's ideas, i n some instances marked a r a d i c a l departure from these--as for example when Nickel discussed the sacerdotal function performed by the poet. He held that, i n his p r i e s t l y r o l e , the poet administered the redemptive g i f t s of the immortal legend of sacred love to h i s s e l e c t congregation, and concluded: "Hbher als er hat s c h l i e s s l i c h i n seiner Z e i t doch keiner den Dichter zu erheben gewagt: b i s zum sakralen Typ eines Dichters, der a l s P r i e s t e r am A l t a r der Kunst das Brot des Lebens an die Gemeinde a l l e r edlen Herzen a u s t e i l t " (p. 84, n. 4 ) . Ihh The f o l l o w i n g y e a r two o f t h e main p o i n t s o f r e c e n t i n t e r p r e t a t i o n — the r e l i g i o u s a s p e c t o f T r i s t a n - l o v e and the c u l t of t h e a e s t h e t i c — h a d f r e s h l i g h t c a s t upon them by G o t t f r i e d Weber. H i s T r i s t a n i n t e r p r e t a t i o n was i n c l u d e d i n a s t u d y of Wolfram von Eschenbach (Wolfram von E s c h e n b a c h . "52 S e i n e d i c h t e r i s c h e und g e i s t e s g e s c h i c h t l i c h e Bedeutung, I928), where he d e v e l o p e d t h e r e s u l t s o f r e c e n t T r i s t a n r e s e a r c h i n t o an o r i g i n a l t h e s i s w h i c h he t h e n g r e a t l y expanded and r e f o r m u l a t e d i n 1953 (see p. 163) • F o l l o w i n g Ranke he d e s c r i b e d G o t t f r i e d i a n l o v e as an i r r e s i s t i b l e , s u p e r n a t u r a l f o r c e , b u t t h e n went on t o s t a t e t h a t the power e x e r t e d by g o t i n n e Minne was d a e m o n i c — a n d d e s t r u c t i v e . T h i s power b r o u g h t t h e l o v e r s f a c e t o f a c e w i t h an i n s o l u b l e dilemma: t h e y c o u l d f r e e t h e m s e l v e s n e i t h e r from t h e i r l o v e , n o r f r o m the s o c i a l o r d e r w i t h w h i c h t h a t l o v e c o n f l i c t e d . "Das P r o b l e m , w e l c h e s e r i n d e r W e l t s i e h t , i s t das des A u f e i n a n d e r p l a t z e n s w e s e n s v e r s c h i e d e n e r und daher e i n a n d e r f e i n d l i c h e r MHchte; es i s t der W i d e r s t r e i t z w i s c h e n den aus den liberkommenen Anschauungen erwachsenen P f l i c h t e n und d e r z u damonischem Zwang g e s t e i g e r t e n T r i e b n e i g u n g " ( p . 238). T r i s t a n and I s o l d e c o n s t a n t l y s t r o v e t o r e c o n c i l e t h e s e i r r e c o n c i l a b l e o p p o s i t e s , and, because t h e y d i d n o t know how t o c o n s t r u c t a new e t h i c w h i c h w o u l d be a t once i n d i v i d u a l and s o c i a l , t h e y were doomed t o t r a g e d y . T h i s t r a g e d y Weber i n t e r p r e t e d i n terms o f t h e Z e i t g e i s t : "Die H o c h g o t i k . . . i s t e n d g U l t i g g e s c h e i t e r t , z e r b r o c h e n , ohne dass d i e i n n e r e H a l t u n g der R e n a i s s a n c e e r r e i c h t i s t . W i l l e und . . . I n t e l l e k t s i n d f U r d i e s e G e s t a l t e n 33 e i n N i c h t s , E r l e b e n und E r l e i d e n a l l e s " ( p . 238). The seeds of d e s t r u c t i o n sown by t h i s l o v e - f o r c e f e l l n o t o n l y on h e r o and h e r o i n e . L i k e e a r l i e r s c h o l a r s , Weber r e f e r r e d t o t h e r u i n o f n o b l e c h a r a c t e r s by p a s s i o n , b u t u n l i k e h i s p r e d e c e s s o r s he e x t e n d e d t h i s n o t i o n t o i n c l u d e Marke and Brangaene (pp. 239-40). A l l t h e c e n t r a l c h a r a c t e r s came t o d i s r e g a r d 145 s p i r i t u a l and e t h i c a l values, and both the lovers and the king showed signs of mental collapse. "So h a t t e — d i e s s e i gegenUber der bisherigen Forschung stark hervorgehoben—das Ende der Tristandichtung kein anderes sein kb'nnen als die s i t t l i c h e , g e i s t i g e und darum s c h l i e s s l i c h auch physikalische Vernichtung a l l e r Helden. Wesenhaft sind Gottfrieds Menschen zum Untergang bestimmt" (p. 240) . Ranke had described G o t t f r i e d as "eine im l e t z t e n Grunde zerrissene, entwurzelte Natur," whose f l i g h t into the aesthetic enabled him to r e a l i z e his v i s i o n of love ( T r i s t a n und Isold, p. 210). Weber saw Gottfried's torn nature r e f l e c t e d throughout the poem: i n T r i s t a n and Isolde ("die weltanschauliche Zerrissenheit i s t der SchlUssel zu ihrem Verstandnis," p. 245), i n s t y l i s t i c elements ("und d e u t l i c h wird auch, vor allem i n dem beherrschendsten S t i l m i t t e l des T r i s t a n , der Antithese, was am starksten im hochgotischen Menschen nach Lbsung drangt: der weltanschauliche Dualismus," p. 247), and i n the mixture of C h r i s t i a n and non-Christian r e l i g i o u s elements ("so weist das Epos eine merkwUrdige weltanschauliche Doppelheit auf: Kon-vention und wirkliches Empfinden, Theorie und Praxis scheinen s i c h unklar aber schroff entgegenzustehen. Vielfachen Anzeichen unbedingter K i r c h l i c h k e i t sind AussprUche von f r i v o l e r Skepsis . . . gegenUberzuhalten. In diesem Nebeneinander von Rechtglaubigkeit und Emanzipation aber ruht das e i g e n t l i c h e weltanschauliche Problem der Dichtung," pp. 244-45)- In Weber's opinion such p o l a r i t i e s stemmed ul t i m a t e l y from the problem of Gott-Welt dualism. G o t t f r i e d von Strassburg, not f i n d i n g an ultimate s o l u t i o n or "Lbsung" to the problem, sought instead an escape route, an "Erlbsung." This "Erlbsung" was the f l i g h t into the a e s t h e t i c : ike Dem T r i s t a n d i c h t e r erbffnet sich als erstem seiner Z e i t i n v o l l g u l t i g e r Weise ein neuer Ausweg aus den als unentrinnbar empfundenen Wirrsalen der realen Welt; es gelang ihm, s i c h i n ein d r i t t e s Reich zu fltichten: i n das der schbnen Form, ins Reich der Kunst und der k l i n s t l e r i s c h gesehenen Lebenshaltung. . . . Es i s t der Zusammenbruch der r e l i g i b s - e t h i s c h e n Weltanschauung (im m i t t e l a l t e r l i c h e n Sinne), aus dem s i c h i n G o t t f r i e d der asthetische Mensch erhebt. (p. 2*4-5) In Weber's statement on the formal excellence and the c u l t of the b e a u t i f u l i n T r i s t a n there i s a d e f i n i t e change from attitudes prevalent i n the nineteenth century. E a r l y c r i t i c s commended the poet for having enhanced the coarse legend through his poetic g i f t s , but tempered t h e i r praise by the accusation that G o t t f r i e d t r i e d to dazzle h i s audience with aesthetic perfection i n order to b l i n d them to the e t h i c a l flaws. According to Weber, " i n der sanften und vollkommen gleichmassigen Bewegtheit der Form i s t die verzehrende Unruhe und Dynamik des Inhalts Uberwunden; i n der F r e i h e i t der Form, dem gelbsten S p i e l des Asthetischen, die U n f r e i h e i t , das q u a l v o l l Damonische des unauflbsbar-tragischen Gehalts" (p. 246). Furthermore, the poet used the very elements of the tragedy of h i s l o v e r s — such as the n e c e s s a r i l y constant co-existence of love and s u f f e r i n g — i n an aesthetic, formal game, where a n t i t h e s i s provided the favoured s t y l i s t i c device. In this way G o t t f r i e d evaded the problem posed by dualismi he converted that very problem into a game of aesthetics within the romance. I t i s of i n t e r e s t to note Weber's l a t e r reassessment of t h i s , h i s e a r l y evaluation of T r i s t a n . Writing i n 1953 he stated that, i n h i s former d i s -cussion, he had not yet avoided making a basic mistake perpetrated by previous scholars and i n p a r t i c u l a r by F r i e d r i c h Vogt: "Die asthetische Komponente des T r i s t a n erscheint noch Uberbetont." Although Georg Keferstein followed Weber's i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the love-theme as an exemplification of an e s s e n t i a l l y daemonic, i r r a t i o n a l power, the main tenet i n h i s study "Die Entwertung der hbfischen Gesellschaft im 147 T r i s t a n Gottfrieds von Strassburg" (1936) : > was that Gottfried's work represented a "disenchantment" or "depreciation" of the c o u r t l y world, and, as a c o r o l l a r y , that Tristan-love did not c o n f l i c t with c o u r t l y s o c i e t y . Whereas a scholar l i k e Gustav Ehrismann found i n the romance an a f f i r m a t i o n 36 and f a i t h f u l depiction of a " r i t t e r l i c h e s Tugendsystem, Ke f e r s t e i n demonstrated that the c o u r t l y world i n the T r i s t a n romance was a mere aesthetic facade, a hollow s h e l l , and i t s virtues a r t i f i c i a l . He r e l a t e d this thesis to Gottfried's s o c i a l status and also to medieval mysticism: Das Erlebnis der D e s i l l u s i o n der hbfischen Formenwelt wird noch besonders begUnstigt durch das dem neu aufkommenden bUrgerlichen Z e i t a l t e r innewohnende Streben, die ganze Welt von der I n n e r l i c h k e i t her zu deuten. In der Gestalt Gottfrieds pocht dieses blirgerliche Z e i t a l t e r an die Pforten der h b " f i s c h - r i t t e r l i c h e n K u l t u r . . . . BUrgerlicher Geist s t e i g t nicht gern i n die s u b s t a n t i e l l e n Tiefen der objektiven Welt hinein, sondern " e n t l a r v t " und d e s i l l u s i o n i e r t l i e b e r die objektive Welt i n i h r e r Hohlheit und Unwahrhaftigkeit gegenUber der a l l e i n geltenden subjektiven I n n e r l i c h k e i t . Dieser neue bUrgerliche Geist i s t mit der Mystik eng verbunden. . . . Hinter dem schbnen Schein steht keine tragende ethische Grundkraft, von der aus das Asthetische erst Sinn e r h a l t , sondern dahinter g r i n s t nur das Gesicht des Todes und der Verwesung. . . . Trotz a l i e n zaubervollen asthetischen Spieles i s t der T r i s t a n Gottfrieds eine Dichtung zum Tode! (pp. 426-27) The love between Isolde and T r i s t a n bore no r e l a t i o n s h i p whatsoever to the hohe Minne of court l y r i c and of the actual c o u r t l y world, for hohe Minne too was " d i s i l l u s i o n i z e d " by the poet. The lovers, themselves aware of the hollowness of c o u r t l y society and of the s u p e r f i c i a l i t y of the moral code of that society, did not experience a t r a g i c c o n f l i c t i n t r y i n g to maintain t h e i r love and t h e i r public reputation (ere) simultaneously, since this ere was i n any case a meaningless q u a l i t y . " G o t t f r i e d h a l t Gericht Uber die hb'fische Welt und ihre Moral, gerade indem er sie a u s s e r l i c h anerkennt" (p. 432). In the f i n a l section of h i s study. K e f e r s t e i n pondered whether G o t t f r i e d constructed a new morality to f i l l the void. The l o v e - a f f a i r did seem to 11+8 engender a new v i r t u e , the private, subjective triuwe to which a p o s i t i v e value was attached i n the poem. But, as he pointed out, the daemonic and i r r a t i o n a l power of t h e i r love, "die j e n s e i t s von Natur und S i t t l i c h k e i t steht, i s t nicht imstande, eine neue Ethik zu begrtlnden" (p. 1+39) > an<3 therefore Isolde attempted to have the l o y a l Brangaene murdered, and T r i s t a n was f i n a l l y u n f a i t h f u l to Isolde. "Selbst eine unmittelbar aus diesem Liebesphanomen sich entwickelnde Haltung wie die persb'nlichste, subjektivste triuwe wird durch dies selbe Liebesphanomen bedroht . . . weil h i e r der Mensch . . . i n seiner Hbrigkeit gegentiber einem damonisch-'gewissenlosen' Reich betroffen wird. Von dem Wissen um die R e a l i t a t dieses Reiches aus wird i n der Tristandichtung die hbfisch-moralische Welt d e s i l l u s i o n i e r t " (p. 1+1+0) . In common with Schneider, Nickel and Weber, Ke f e r s t e i n was influenced to some degree by Ranke's work of 1925, but i n retrospect i t i s very c l e a r that the f u l l range of implications inherent i n the l a t t e r ' s theory concerning the r e l i g i o u s nature of Tristan-love was yet to be d i s c l o s e d . Nor did this process commence u n t i l 19*+0, when Helmut de Boor, i n constructing a comprehensive i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the poem, incorporated h i s precursor's work as the touchstone of h i s thesis (see p. 152). Before opening the discussion of de Boor, however, some mention w i l l be made of two further explanations of the romance published i n 1938 and 1939 i - n neither of which the Minnegrotte study determined the approach adopted. Rather, the tone for the f i r s t of these (written by Hans Naumann) was set by the new mythology of National Socialism, while that f o r the second (by Denis de Rougemont) was provided by the c r i t i c ' s speculations on the myth of passionate love. 149 Hans Naumann, i n h i s Deutsche Kultur im Z e i t a l t e r des Rittertums of 37 1938j interpreted the love-theme as being heroic and thus t y p i c a l l y Germanic. He drew a p a r a l l e l between the heroism evident i n Gottfried's work and that i n the national epic, the Nibelungenlied, and wrote": Das Schicksal i s t aufgenommen i n den eigenen Willen wie der Tod im germanischen Heldenlied. Mit l e i s e r Anderung wSren die Verse [dem leben s i min leben ergeben / der werld w i l  ich gewerldet wesen / mit i r verderben oder genesen] den " Nibelungen i n den Mund zu legen, a l s s i e erfahren haben, dass es fUr sie keine Heimkehr g i b t . Man erschauert bei der Erkenntnis, wie nahe den sterbenden germanischen Nibelungen die kUhne Todesbejahung des zu heroischer Liebe entschlossenen staufischen T r i s t a n steht. (p. 200) Stressing the f a c t that the concept of c o u r t l y love, and what he termed i t s -"dual morality," was of foreign o r i g i n , Naumann stated that German poets of the medieval period formulated love i n terms more representative of the Germanic s p i r i t : "Es setzt G o t t f r i e d die heroische Liebe dafllr, Walther die Personliebe, Hartmann und Wolfram die Eheliebe" (p. 146). In T r i s t a n the heroic love was frequently given r e l i g i o u s status, but this l o v e - r e l i g i o n was unrelated to the C h r i s t i a n God and C h r i s t i a n ideas of salvation; rather, the poet described such love as an absolute, outside the sphere of C h r i s t i a n morality (p. 148) and i n this manner he revealed "die vom staufischen Z e i t g e i s t g l l i c k l i c h wiedererreichte Harmonie von Gott und Welt" (p. 93). This i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the love-theme, written i n 1938, should not be viewed i n i s o l a t i o n from the current p o l i t i c a l events i n Germany. The influence of the strongly n a t i o n a l i s t i c ideas propagated by National Socialism i s c l e a r l y demonstrated i n Naumann's concentration on the "Germanic" element i n Tristan-love; for exponents of the creed of r a c i a l s e l f - a d u l a t i o n "not the C h r i s t i a n virtues are the i d e a l , but what 38 they regard i n contrast as the heroic v i r t u e s . " An i n t e r e s t i n g p a r a l l e l 150 can be drawn between Naumann and the nineteenth-century Mythological School: both he and t h i s e a r l i e r group aimed at e l i c i t i n g the Germanic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s from the poem; both linked T r i s t a n with the Nibelungenlied; and, above a l l , both were motivated by patriotism. Between the Mythological School and Denis de Rougemont also there are c e r t a i n a f f i l i a t i o n s , f o r Tristan's 'dualism" and struggle to be released from t e r r e s t r i a l t i e s , as perceived by Franz Mone i n 1821 (see p. 9 9 ) , and also the theory of remote C e l t i c sources of the T r i s t a n myth were i n -corporated into t h i s more recent study, L'Amour et l'Occident (1939; , . 3 9 revised 195o) • But t h i s work, both i n method and i n scope, i s e s s e n t i a l l y a product of the twentieth century, for i n i t the influence of Freud (e.g., the concern with repressed desires) i s as d i s c e r n i b l e as i s that of Geistesgeschichte (e.g., the sweeping analogies). De Rougemont, whose central purpose was "to describe the inescapable c o n f l i c t i n the West between passion and marriage" (p. 8 ) , interpreted the medieval T r i s t a n poems as c o n s t i t u t i n g one set of examples among many drawn from the twelfth century which a l l "sprang up out of the communal s p i r i t of the time" (p. I l l ) and expressed i n various subtle forms the contemporary need f o r a myth which would embody a pagan desire, a dark passion which C h r i s t i a n doctrines had h i t h e r t o repressed. This desire was none other than a death-wish. That the yearning for death should be associated with passionate love (or Eros) and opposed to C h r i s t i a n Agape, with i t s love f o r one's neighbour i n the present l i f e , could be understood by an examination of i t s antecedents: i n Platonism (transmitted to the West by Plotinus) e r o t i c or Platonic love i s "the way that ascends by degrees of ecstasies to the one source of a l l that e x i s t s , remote from bodies and matter, remote from what divides and dist i n g u i s h e s " (p. 6 l ); i n Indo-European mythologies, with t h e i r fundamental 151 dualism (the struggle between gods of Day and Night, good and e v i l ) Woman i s a divine being symbolizing the other world, and as such mingles sexual a t t r a c t i o n with eternal desire; and f i n a l l y , i n the Manichaean d u a l i s t heresy which, i n the t h i r d century, syncretized a l l the myths of Night and Day, the divine soul i s imprisoned i n created form and there succumbs to carnal, e v i l laws while a l l the time struggling to a t t a i n to Day, l i g h t , "Eros, the object of our supreme Desire. . . . From the  standpoint of l i f e , i t i s this Love which i s the absolute woe" (p. 66) . In the twelfth century "love was encouraged as a passion worth c u l t i v a t i n g " (p. 75); the c u l t of Eros or passionate love took esoteric forms and flourished i n the guise of orthodoxy and heterodoxy a l i k e which drew "a ready response out of the depths of the s p i r i t of the age," for C h r i s t i a n marriage "imposed on the natural man a constancy which he found unbearable" (p- 73)- I n short, the myth of passionate love appeared i n Europe as a reaction to C h r i s t i a n i t y (and i n p a r t i c u l a r to i t s doctrine of marriage) by people whose s p i r i t was s t i l l pagan. Cortezia or c o u r t l y love, coming into existence at this period, during a complete revolution of the Western psyche, was congenitally connected with the Catharist d u a l i s t heresies (developed from Manichaeism) notably because both o v e r t l y opposed the C h r i s t i a n view of marriage. G o t t f r i e d von Strassburg, more conscious of the t h e o l o g i c a l implications of the myth of extra-marital passion and love-for-death than were e a r l i e r T r i s t a n poets, turned the fable into a Catharist legend. Whilst the souls of T r i s t a n and Isolde were incarcerated i n bodies i n the created world (which, being e v i l , was the D e v i l ' s ) , they f e l l v i c t i m to the power of e v i l — s y m b o l i z e d i n the l o v e - p h i l t r e and t h e i r subsequent carnal desires. In Gottfried's redaction there was no question of love 152 e x i s t i n g between them p r i o r to t h e i r drinking the potion; the drink was treated "as the seal of d e s t i n y — t h e sign of a b l i n d force external to the persons concerned, and as an expression, too, of the goddess Minne's w i l l " (p. 132). Correspondingly, Thomas had degraded the myth i n depicting t h e i r 1+0 love as e x i s t i n g independently of the potion. The lovers, however, welcomed t h e i r fate, for although passionate love eventually drew i t s victims to death that was t h e i r supreme desire. More i n love with love and death than with the partner, they repeatedly sought out the obstructions which would foster love u n t i l they reached the f i n a l obstacle, death, and entry into divine union where the sufferings endured when subjugated to the 1+1 e v i l p r i n c i p l e during the e x i l e on earth would be avenged. Diametri c a l l y opposed to t h i s d e f i n i t i o n of the romance as a h e r e t i c a l  Catharist legend was the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n given the following year by Helmut de Boor who, developing Ranke's study of the single Minnegrotte episode, now viewed the e n t i r e poem i n the l i g h t of the C h r i s t i a n r e l i g i o n : he argued that Tristan-love was c l e a r l y a r e l i g i o n , a f a c t evidenced by i t s analogical r e l a t i o n s h i p to t r a d i t i o n a l C h r i s t i a n legends of martyrs and k2 s a i n t s . The poem, i n short, was construed by G o t t f r i e d as a "Minnelegende" and i t s hero and heroine were saints of love, "Minneheilige." Among the arguments to support t h i s thesis the following comparisons are found: t'he C h r i s t i a n martyr underwent t r i a l s and t r i b u l a t i o n s due to h i s unwavering l o y a l t y to God—and s i m i l a r l y , the s u f f e r i n g and death of T r i s t a n and Isolde were determined by the transcendental power of Minne to which they submitted themselves. Marke's r o l e was that of the h o s t i l e heathen r u l e r i n the C h r i s t i a n legend. The p o s i t i o n customarily occupied by the C h r i s t i a n God was i n the romance assigned to Minne: "G o t t f r i e d e n t f a l t e t seine Minne-Transzendenz, s t e l l t bewusst den Daseinsgipfel 'Minne' auf die Hb'he des 153 a l t e n Daseinsgipfels *Gott.' Er verwendet auch als das gegebene li-:£: terarische V o r b i l d infolgedessen die Legende" (p. lV7) • The weak point of de Boor's analogy l i e s i n the contention that i n both the T r i s t a n romance and the C h r i s t i a n legend the action i s divided into two d i s t i n c t parts, with a "conversion" causing the d i v i s i o n . The two worlds i n Gottfried's prologue ( i r a l l e r werlt and the edelen herzen) are said to represent the two stages through which the lovers progressed. The love-potion brings about t h e i r conversion; they now enter a v i t a nuova i n the world of noble hearts, characterized by the joy and sorrow of love. De Boor admitted that the d i s t i n c t i o n between the old and new l i f e of T r i s t a n and Isolde was not as marked as that i n a C h r i s t i a n legend, f o r the system of values which obtained i n i r a l l e r werlt (which he interpreted as the co u r t l y world) continued to command t h e i r respect even when they were l i v i n g according to a new moral code. However, .de Boor interpreted this continued respect for the precepts of co u r t l y society as an i n a b i l i t y on Gottfried's part to outgrow the " s t a t i c " way of thought t y p i c a l of the period i n which he l i v e d : "Seiner grossen Idee einer Neudeutung der Welt aus der transzendent und gb'ttlich gefassten Minne als summum bonum entspricht n i c h t der Mut und die Sch'o'pferkraft zur Entfaltung eines neuen Menschentypus mit grundsatzlichen Wertmasstaben" (p. 168) and moreover i n this way defended G o t t f r i e d against any convictions of a n t i - C h r i s t i a n tendencies : God and the C h r i s t i a n church were not challenged i n the romance since both occupied a firm, t r a d i t i o n a l p o s i t i o n i n the c o u r t l y world which the lovers did not e n t i r e l y abjure even when "converted" into saints of love. De Boor asserted that for h i s formulation of Trist a n - l o v e G o t t f r i e d was much indebted to the doctrine of hohe Minne as found i n medieval love 154 l y r i c s and e s p e c i a l l y i n those composed by Reinmar, but he pointed out that there existed nonetheless one basic difference between the two, namely that G o t t f r i e d portrayed the sensual f u l f i l m e n t of love. Furthermore, G o t t f r i e d enhanced that sensual love by endowing i t with sacramental s i g n i f i c a n c e i n hi s love-legend, for i n an elaboration of Ranke's findings de Boor concluded that the Minnegrotte constituted the temple of love, and the c r y s t a l bed the a l t a r i n that temple. This contention, along with the legend analogy and the Minnesang p a r a l l e l , met with strong c r i t i c i s m i n 19*+3 from J u l i u s Schwietering who now offered a new i n t e r p r e t a t i o n which centred on. the l i n k s 43 between Tristan-love and C h r i s t i a n mysticism. Already i n 1936 Schwietering had drawn attention to Gottfried's frequent use of words and motifs from L a t i n r e l i g i o u s l i t e r a t u r e "vor allem s e i t 44 Bernhard von Clairvaux," and he wrote more e x p l i c i t l y i n 1943 that G o t t f r i e d , i n enhancing the love of his two main characters, appropriated to h i s task the language of the mystics and i n p a r t i c u l a r that used by St. Bernard i n h i s sermons on the Song of Songs. The r e l i g i o u s aura thus lent to the story was not deliberate blasphemy on the part of G o t t f r i e d ; on the contrary, the introduction of secular contrafactura into the forms of C h r i s t i a n mysticism was common practice among the poets of Gottfried's generation. In f a c t , G o t t f r i e d did not n e c e s s a r i l y use Bernard's sermons as d i r e c t source material, for h i s period was deeply impregnated with the concepts and f a m i l i a r with the vocabulary of Bernadine mysticism. To Schwietering, viewing medieval l i t e r a t u r e i n terms of a changing Z e i t g e i s t , the concurrence of c o u r t l y culture and mysticism i n the twelfth century represented the change from the Romanesque period to the Gothic, a change v i s i b l e i n a l l the a r t s . That G o t t f r i e d was more Gothic than contemporary 155 poets was shown not only by the extent to which he applied mystical thought i n h i s w r i t i n g , but also by the manner i n which he shaped his poem. In subordinating a l l the action to the c e n t r a l idea (the love of T r i s t a n and Isolde), he informed h i s poem with the "Gothic unity" unknown to poets l i k e Wolfram and Veldeke. Schwietering maintained i n contrast to de Boor that the love-theme bore no r e l a t i o n s h i p to hohe Minne: " T r i s t a n l i e b e i s t nur erfahrbar im Gegensatz zur Liebeslehre des zeitgen'dssischen Frauendienstes des Minnesangs" (p. 7 ) - G o t t f r i e d replaced the c o u r t l y pattern of service and reward (Dienst and Lohn) by a depiction of inter-personal love and of mystical union i n that love. The s u f f e r i n g i n this love (to de Boor a symbol of the lovers' martyrdom) had a p a r a l l e l i n the compassio of mysticism. The hero and heroine suffered with and for one another, they experienced "[ein] mystisches Versenken i n das Leiden des andern" (p.'lO); "Auch Mitleiden, compassio mit dem Mensch gewordenen, leidenden Gott kann unmittelbar zur mystischen Liebeseinung fUhren" (p. 1 2 ) . Furthermore, the whole scene of the grotto of love and i t s environs was analogous to C h r i s t i a n love-mysticism. The grotto (which de Boor conceived of as a temple) was patterned a f t e r the bedchamber (cubiculum) of Solomon; consequently the c r y s t a l l i n e bed found i t s counterpart not i n the a l t a r but i n the lectulus Salomonis i n i t s connection with the mystic love of C h r i s t and His church. That the lovers required no food during t h e i r sojourn i n the grotto was a d e t a i l introduced into the o r i g i n a l Waldleben episode by G o t t f r i e d , and could be related moreover to the "mystische Einswerdung gegenseitiger Speisung" (p. 15) as described i n Bernard's sermons. Although i n this i n t e r p r e t a t i o n T r i s t a n - l o v e was analogous to mystical love, the unio of T r i s t a n and Isolde i n t h i s l i f e was imperfect. Whilst 156 i n the grotto they regretted the loss of ere, and t h i s concern f o r t h e i r public reputation i n the outside world constituted a l i n k to that world, and hindered the attainment of perfect mystical union within the grotto: "Die Liebenden sind . . . n i c h t v b l l i g von der Welt gelbst, i h r nicht gSnzlich abgestorben. . . . Es haftet i h r [ i h r e r Liebe] die Unvollkommenheit a l l e s Irdischen an, darum kann der Zustand s e l i g e r Abgeschlossenheit nicht von Dauer s e i n " (p. Ik). Only a f t e r t h e i r physical death, when amor  ca r n a l i s would be replaced by amor s p i r i t u a l i s , could the lovers reach the ultimate, perfect mystical union. The discussion of Gottfried's usage of mystical imagery was continued i n 19*+7 by Hans-GUnther Nauen when he dealt with the question of the poet's r e l i g i o s i t y , examining f i r s t the t h e o l o g i c a l expressions i n the work and 1+5 secondly the r e l i g i o u s , mystical aura surrounding T r i s t a n - l o v e . U l r i c h Stbkle had drawn the conclusion that the large quantity of r e l i g i o u s terms t e s t i f i e d to Gottfried's p i e t y ( see p. 129), but Nauen, a f t e r studying t h e i r q u a l i t y , found on the contrary that the poet's C h r i s t i a n r e l i g i o s i t y was at best s u p e r f i c i a l : "Gottfried hat kein i n n e r l i c h e s Verhaltnis zur c h r i s t l i c h e n Religion gehabt. Das beweist die grosse Anzahl r e l i g i b s e r Wendungen, die . . . standig zu F r i v o l i t a t und L e i c h t f e r t i g k e i t neigen" (p. 27). Furthermore, the Gott-Welt dualism posed no s p e c i a l problems for the poet: he achieved a s u p e r f i c i a l i n t e g r a t i o n between the two spheres by the very introduction of these numerous theological expressions into h i s work—but, as Nauen added, "eine solche Haltung, die jeder grundsatzlichen Lbsung aus dem Wege geht, kbnnen wir nicht r e l i g i b s nennen" (p. 31) . However, the lack of sincere r e l i g i o u s sentiment evident on the " c o u r t l y " l e v e l of the story was more than compensated for by Gottfried's r e l i g i o u s 157 treatment of the love-theme. Nauen saw the love between T r i s t a n and Isolde not as a mere sensual passion, but rather as a divine, s p i r i t u a l , morally edifying power. The moral demands gotinne Minne made upon her " d i s c i p l e s " would lead them to salvation, and not (as Weber had suggested) to moral destruction. Because the law of love was supreme, no c o n f l i c t could a r i s e between i t s demands and those of c o u r t l y s o c i e t y : "Zwar haben beide Welten, die der hbfischen Bildung und die der Liebe, ihre eigene Berechtigung. Aber Uber allem steht die Welt und das Gesetz der Liebe, dem sich a l l e s zu beugen hat. Stets behalt s i e das Recht, auch gegenUber Rel i g i o n und S i t t l i c h k e i t . Aber von einem tragischen K o n f l i k t des Dichters zwischen beiden Welten, Uberhaupt von einem Zwiespalt i s t im T r i s t a n mit keinem Wort die Rede" (p. 107) !. While Nauen regarded G o t t f r i e d as being s u p e r f i c i a l and frivolous i n matters pertaining to the C h r i s t i a n r e l i g i o n , Bodo Mergell two years l a t e r advanced the opposite viewpoint and presented the romance as an embodiment of profound and sincere C h r i s t i a n thought. Indeed, Mergell's study of G o t t f r i e d has been c a l l e d the most extreme formulation of the many r e l i g i o u s i nterpretations i n s p i r e d by Ranke. In h i s o u t l i n e of the o r i g i n and development of the T r i s t a n legend, formulated i n 19*+9, Mergell described the love-experience as depicted by G o t t f r i e d as a prologue to mystical union with God, and thus Tristan-love u l t i m a t e l y brought the lovers to the C h r i s t i a n summum bonum. Another "extreme" thesis put forward i n this work was that T r i s t a n was a f i n i s h e d work, and much of the evidence to substantiate t h i s notion came from Mergell's comparison of l i t e r a t u r e with a r c h i t e c t u r e . Considering f i r s t the subject-matter without taking the form into account, he discovered that the love between T r i s t a n and Isolde, engendered even before the potion had'been drunk, underwent a maturing process . At 158 i t s climax at the "end" of the poem i t brought about harmony between the human and the d i v i n e : t h e i r passion, amor c a r n a l i s , becoming gradually less secular and egocentric, developed f i n a l l y into amor s p i r i t u a l i s . In the Minnegrotte they were depicted as progressing towards t h i s f i n a l , sacred, mystical state. Passio eventually became v i r t u s when Isolde, a f t e r her f i n a l meeting with T r i s t a n , swore l i f e l o n g f i d e l i t y to him as h i s vriundin i n a union which could be maintained henceforth during t h e i r physical separation. He, on the other hand, now lagged behind hi s former p u p i l ; the encounter with Isolde Whitehand had yet to take place. But then T r i s t a n would r e a l i z e the t r u l y s p i r i t u a l and sacred nature of h i s love for the f i r s t Isolde. The gradual s p i r i t u a l i z a t i o n of Tristan-love helped bring the lovers nearer to God, and G o t t f r i e d showed that, as i t progressed, " T r i s t a n l i e b e mehr und mehr Ubergang und Stufe auf dem Wege zu Gott wird, ja dass sie z u l e t z t ein Abbild himmlischer Minne widerspiegelt, im Irdischen nicht vollendet, sondern angestrebt i n Richtung auf h'dhere Wandlung" (pp. 176-77)'-The c r i t e r i o n of poetic form provided Mergell with support for this i n t e r p r e t a t i o n and also for h i s thesis that T r i s t a n was a completed work. He drew a structure-chart which made v i s i b l e the exact symmetrical propor-tions of the epic i n the form i n which we have i t today. This chart showed that the groundplan of a complete Gothic cathedral underlay the n a r r a t i v e . As the two branches of the transept, for instance, there were opposed to each other the f i r s t meeting of Tristan's parents at Marke's f e s t i v a l — w i t h the "ensuing pe r f e c t i o n of t h e i r love through death"—and the f i n a l meeting i n the orchard with the "subsequent pe r f e c t i o n of love i n l i f e . " The formal pattern of Gottfried's epic would therefore be unbalanced by any further n a r r a t i v e . 159 This argument i n favour of a completed poem was further bolstered by comparisons between the redactions by Thomas and G o t t f r i e d . The German poet, according to Mergell, drew repeatedly on the f i n a l parts of h i s French source: for example^ he used d e t a i l s from the death of Isolde i n Thomas' version for his own portrayal of the death of Blanscheflur. S i m i l a r l y , he took elements from Thomas' H a l l of Statues for h i s Minnegrotte. This fact precluded any i n t e n t i o n on Gottfried's part of using these passages l a t e r i n h i s work. Mergell's comparison of the French and German works made a fresh contribution to the study of Gottfried's o r i g i n a l i t y . The poet, by i n t r o -ducing C h r i s t i a n mystical thought into the t r a d i t i o n a l T r i s t a n material, had completely altered the "death" of T r i s t a n and Isolde. In Thomas (as i n e a r l i e r versions) the lovers' death was p h y s i c a l . G o t t f r i e d , on the contrary, envisaged the "death," to which.he so frequently.referred i n his epic, as a physical separation of the lovers during l i f e , and the subsequent perfection of t h e i r love i n a mystical, s p i r i t u a l , non-physical union. Mergell concluded: "Gottfrieds Einschmelzung des Hohen Liedes i n die epische T r a d i t i o n m i t t e l a l t e r l i c h e r Tristansage hat nicht nur Geist und Sprache, sondern auch Gehalt und Form der deutschen Tristandichtung bedeutsam ve randert" (p. 123) • In Mergell's T r i s t a n i n t e r p r e t a t i o n we again see how the work of J u l i u s Schwietering promoted new approaches i n G o t t f r i e d c r i t i c i s m . The mystical analogy i n the romance, f i r s t v e r i f i e d by Schwietering, encouraged fellow scholars to probe deeper into t h i s use of mystical terminology. Mergell, as has been shown, produced the revolutionary i n t e r p r e t a t i o n that not only the content but also the form had been r a d i c a l l y a l t e r e d by the mystical p a r a l l e l . G o t t f r i e d Weber, i n 1953, also based h i s novel i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i6o of Gottfried's epic on the work of Schwietering. However, before com-mencing the discussion of Weber's work, two other inte r p r e t a t i o n s should be taken into consideration. These were made by Maurer and Goerke—and o i n neither of these did C h r i s t i a n mysticism play any part at a l l . F r i e d r i c h Maurer, indeed, refuted any r e l i g i o u s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the romance, and that offered by de Boor was the main object of h i s c r i t i -48 cism. Maurer claimed i n h i s study of L e i d (1951) that the epic should not be understood solely, "von der Minne-Idee aus" (p. 206), as had been the pra c t i c e i n T r i s t a n c r i t i c i s m . Previous scholars had expressed d i f f e r e n t opinions on the comp a t i b i l i t y of T r i s t a n - l o v e with the demands of c o u r t l y society, and to Maurer the c o n f l i c t was indisputable and gave r i s e to the cen t r a l theme, the l e i t of T r i s t a n and Isolde. Thus an examination of the "Leid-Problem" (p. 205) would best uncover the meaning of the work. In his s t r u c t u r a l and semantic analysis of the romance he studied f i r s t the "Vierreime," then the small sections embraced by these, and f i n a l l y the sequence of events, i n order to show that the motif of l e i t and c e r t a i n elements connected with i t (such as riuwe, tot, minne and, ere) underlay the composition of the work. Turning then to the story i t s e l f he wrote: "Das t i e f s t e L e i d im T r i s t a n besteht darin, dass die Liebe von T r i s t a n und Isolde uneingeschrankt g i l t und bejaht wird; und dass ander-s e i t s auch die Werte des rehts und besonders der ere unbestritten ihre GUltigkeit behalten. Dieser K o n f l i k t muss zwangsl'dufig i n t i e f s t e s Leid, i n den Untergang flihren" (p. 236) . The i n e v i t a b i l i t y of Lei d i n human l i f e was not only recognized by the noble hearts but also consciously accepted by.them, e s p e c i a l l y i n i t s connection with love. The s u f f e r i n g of the lovers ensued undoubtedly from the c o n f l i c t of t h e i r emotions with the demands of a C h r i s t i a n , c o u r t l y society because G o t t f r i e d , far from 161 "depreciating" the precepts of that society (as K e f e r s t e i n had suggested, see p. IV 7) f u l l y affirmed them. "Gerade dies scheint mir Gottfrieds Erkenntnis, dass es eine Liebe gibt, die die Ordnungen Gottes i n der Welt erschUttern kann und e r s c h l i t t e r t . Dies i s t neu, steht im Gegensatz zu der idealen Auffassung von triuwe und staete, von reht und tugent. . . . G o t t f r i e d erkennt, wenn er mit realistischem B l i c k urn s i c h schaut, dass es eine Liebesmacht gibt, die trotz allem Widerstand auch den, der die ethischen Werte hochschatzt, . . . doch zwingt, s i e aufzugeben" (p. 251). Furthermore, ere commanded more respect from the lovers than did the higher c o u r t l y values of r e h t — a n d got (p. 253)- Viewing the s u f f e r i n g i n the l i g h t of medieval dualism, Maurer proposed that "die Spannung zwischen Welt und Gott verk'drpert s i c h i n jenem K o n f l i k t zwischen Minne und ere" (p. 209). G o t t f r i e d (unlike Wolfram) did not answer the question as to why God allowed so much s u f f e r i n g i n the world, but addressed himself instead to the problem wie man zer werlde solde leben. The poet c l e a r l y believed that one must accept one's fate despite the s u f f e r i n g i t would involve; "Er [Gottfried] sieht die Schicksale i n dieser Welt (hinter denen unbezweifelt Gottes Walten und Gnade stehen kann) . . . . Bejahung von Leid und Tod, Aufgehen im gemeinsamen Leid i n edler und vollkommener ErfUllung, das i s t Gottfrieds Antwort" ( p . 2 6 l ) . Not less s i g n i f i c a n t than his suggestion that the minne-ere c o n f l i c t contained the key to Gottfried's epic was Maurer's a t t i t u d e towards the r e l i g i o u s interpretations i n s p i r e d by Ranke. He maintained that, as h i s explanation of the T r i s t a n romance made clear , Tristan-love was f o r G o t t f r i e d neither a r e l i g i o n nor an absolute: 162 " R e l i g i b s " i s t diese Liebe insofern, als s i e ZUge trSgt, die den Bereichen des Gb'ttlichen entnommen sind, den Bereichen des mystischen Liebeserlebnisses und der liebenden Vereinigung der Seele mit Gott. Diese P a r a l l e l e n heben die T r i s t a n l i e b e auf eine besonders hohe Stufe; s i e lassen begreifen, wie es Uberhaupt mbglich wird, dass dieser Liebe eine solche Macht im Menschenleben und i n der Auseinandersetzung mit den hohen Werten des Lebens zukommen kann. Aber s i e machen diese Liebe nicht zum Gott und s i e erheben sie nicht zum summum bonum. ( P . 209)^9 Hans Goerke was the second scholar to examine the T r i s t a n romance in the l i g h t of h e r e t i c a l doctrines. While Denis de Rougemont connected the work with Catharism, Goerke on the other hand aimed to prove that G o t t f r i e d was propagating the h e r e t i c a l teachings of Amaury de Bene. In his d i s s e r t a t i o n "Die Minnesphare i n Gottfrieds T r i s t a n und die H'dresie des Amalrich von Bena" (Tubingen, 1952) he reaffirmed the views v a r i o u s l y ex-pressed by other c r i t i c s that God occupied a p o s i t i o n subordinate to that of the r e l i g i o u s l y conceived "Minnestranszendenz" (p. 76), and that a "depreciation" both of orthodox C h r i s t i a n ideals and of conventional s o c i a l norms took place i n the poem. The lovers' respect for ere was not genuine; the apparent v a l i d i t y of the 'ere concept for Isolde and T r i s t a n was merely a t a c t i c a l means employed by the poet for a s p e c i f i c purpose, namely the propagation of his "Minneideal" (p. 82) among the noble hearts, who were those members of Gottfried's audience who, having been i n i t i a t e d into Amalrician teachings, would appreciate and understand the c a r e f u l l y con-cealed h e r e t i c a l b e l i e f s i n h i s T r i s t a n romance. Among the arguments put forward i n support of this thesis was the r e f l e c t i o n i n the poem of the h e r e t i c a l b e l i e f i n the innocence of a l l lovers ("[dass] demjenigen, der i n der Liebe stehe, keine SUnde zugerechnet werde" p. 90) and also of t h e i r "BegrUndung einer neuen, die Sinnenseite v o l l bejahenden Geschlechtsmoral" (p. 91)- P a r t i c u l a r emphasis was given 163 by Goerke to the doctrine that s a l v a t i o n was attained already i n t h i s l i f e and not i n an a f t e r l i f e : the b e l i e f i n t h e i r own d i v i n i t y had led the pantheistic Amalricians to the conclusion that "bereits i n diesem Leben [ i s t ] die Auferstehung vollzogen" (p. 9*0, and this h e r e t i c a l b e l i e f formed the backbone of Gottfried's i d e a l of love. I t explained the meaning of the "new l i f e " which came to T r i s t a n and Isolde with t h e i r love. That the lovers attained this s a l v a t i o n and were thus "resurrected" to a new l i f e was brought about by the "Verlagerung des H e i l s z i e l s i n die D i e s s e i t i g k e i t eines transzendent Uberhb'hten Minneerlebens" (p. 98). Before opening our discussion of Weber's two-volume work Gottfrieds von Strassburg"Tristan" und die K r i s e des h o c h m i t t e l a l t e r l i c h e n Weltbildes 50 um 1200 (1953) we s h a l l recapitulate the s a l i e n t points of the T r i s t a n i n t e r p r e t a t i o n which he made i n 1928 (see p. Ihk) . He wrote then that Tristan-love was daemonic. I t brought i t s victims into an inescapable c o n f l i c t with the s o c i a l ethos, and f i n a l l y to destruction. On enlarging the angle of focus to include the Z e i t g e i s t of Gottfried's era, he then concluded that the tragedy of T r i s t a n and Isolde was that of the Hochgotik i t s e l f . Concerning Gottfried's views on the r e l i g i o u s and e t h i c a l problems raised by the Gott-Welt dualism, he stated that the poet, incapable of f i n d -ing any s a t i s f a c t o r y solution, resorted to a t h i r d s p h e r e — t h a t of aesthetics. Four key topics f i g u r i n g i n these e a r l y thoughts on the epic, namely daemonic love, the c o n f l i c t with society, dualism, and the Z e i t g e i s t of 1200, were treated i n depth by Weber i n h i s more recent study of T r i s t a n . For the reformulation of h i s ideas Weber was hea/ily indebted to J u l i u s Schwietering, whose studies had appeared i n the interim. I t i s indisputable that the r e l a t i o n s h i p between Tristan-love and C h r i s t i a n mysticism, brought 164 to the fore by Schwietering's work, played a most important r o l e i n shaping Weber's thought. As Weber himself wrote, " i n tiefgreifendem Masse weiss sich auch dieses Buch J u l i u s Schwietering v e r p f l i c h t e t , ohne dessen Arbeiten mein Plan schlechterdings nicht zu denken i s t " ( i , 6). Using h i s vast knowledge of the theological and p h i l o s o p h i c a l source material of the times as h i s starting-point, he traced back i n i t s numerous ramifications the l i k e structure and d i f f e r e n t content ( c a l l e d by him the analogia  a n t i t h e t i c a ) of the love phenomenon i n T r i s t a n and the mysticism of C h r i s t i a n love ideology. Weber's work constitutes the most extreme example of the "geistesgeschicht-l i c h e Methode" i n T r i s t a n c r i t i c i s m ; as indicated by i t s t i t l e , i t examined the romance i n the context of the contemporary c r i s i s , , " d a s Zentralproblem des Hochmittelalters, das Ringen um Harmonie oder Disharmonie von Natur und Ubernatur, Menschlichem und Gbttlichem, das h i e r — i n einer ganz bestimmten Konkretisierung, namlich im Liebesphanomen—aufleuchtet" (I, 39)• The crux of h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n lay i n the contention that Tristan-love was love of the sense (Sinnenliebe) and of the soul (Seelenliebe) at the same time. P r i o r to t h e i r drinking the love-potion,.there existed between T r i s t a n and Isolde a unique community of soul, "die s e e l i s c h - g e i s t i g e E i n h e i t der Liebenden" ( i , 53)• Their love then f e l l prey to the domination of the senses, and Seelenliebe became subordinate to Sinnenliebe. The separation of the lovers restored the primacy temporarily to s p i r i t u a l love, but only death would ensure that the tyranny of the f l e s h would be permanently overcome. Thus, for the most part, sensual love had the upper hand i n t h e i r l i v e s . The sensual passion to which they were subject was dictated by a supernatural, e s s e n t i a l l y daemonic power of e v i l , named by G o t t f r i e d gotinne Minne: 165 . . . eine a n t i g b t t l i c h e transzendente K r a f t [muss] i n dem Gottfriedischen Ideenbereich vorhanden sein, die die c h r i s t l i c h e Gottesvorstellung zu Uberlagern und zuzudecken vermocht hat und auf weite Strecken den c h r i s t l i c h e n Gott zur seelenlosen Formel erstarren l i e s s . Welche nun i s t diese Gegenkraft? Es i s t das Gottfriedische Erlebnis des Damonischen, d i c h t e r i s c h g e s t a l t e t zumal im Wesen und Funktion der gotinne Minne, allumfassend wirksam indes im gesamten Bereich der Mensch- und Weiterfahrung der Gottfriedischen Gestalten. ( i , 132) G o t t f r i e d evidently believed i n a power of e v i l i n the world equal to the power of God, and Weber therefore contended that the poet was strongly influenced by h e r e t i c a l d u a l i s t i c doctrines, and i n p a r t i c u l a r by the b e l i e f i n man's, i n e v i t a b l e exposure to the sins of concupiscence. "Das Sinnenhafte im Liebeswillen i s t als eine offenkundig d'amonische Macht selbst ein 'Gott,' i s t dem Gott des Glaubens an Starke g l e i c h , dem guten Gott der wahren, geistigen Liebe. nicht unter-, sondern nebengeordnet. Solche Ideologie aber i s t manichaismusnaher Dualismus!" ( i l , 186). Weber was thus the t h i r d T r i s t a n scholar to bring the charge of heresy against G o t t f r i e d von Strassburg. Throughout T r i s t a n he found confirmation of h i s thesis that the " a n t i t h e t i c a l analogy" was b a s i c a l l y a perversion or daemonization of C h r i s t i a n love-mysticism. Tristan-love i n both i t s forms was described i n the language of mysticism, but the love-union of T r i s t a n and Isolde was achieved independently of the C h r i s t i a n God. God appeared i n the work only as a t r a d i t i o n a l element of c o u r t l y culture, and G o t t f r i e d displayed a fundamentally s c e p t i c a l attitude towards church i n s t i t u t i o n s and the teachings of the C h r i s t i a n church. "Die Ideenstruktur des Dichters i s t ganz und gar c h r i s t l i c h ; s i e lebt aus dem C h r i s t l i c h e n . Der Ideeninhalt dagegen i s t ganzlich u n c h r i s t l i c h , weil verabsolutierte . . . Liebesmystik der Kirche" ( i , 127)• Thus to Weber, the Minnegrotte, far from being a hallowed sanctuary of divine love, was a "Damonendom" ( i , 168). 166 The contrast between Seelenliebe and Sinnenliebe was for Weber one manifestation i n the romance of the great e x i s t e n t i a l c r i s i s around 1200, namely the seemingly insoluble problem of harmonizing "Gott und Welt, Ubernatur und Natur, Seele und Leib, Agape und Eros" ( i , 2V7). This c r i s i s found expression also i n the c o n f l i c t between minne and ere i n T r i s t a n . Like Maurer, from whose premises he developed arguments to support hi s own t h e s i s , he maintained that the romance should not be viewed one-sidedly as a "Dichtung der Minne"; "die gesamte innere Tristanhandlung [wird] erst dadurch mb'glich, dass nicht ein, sondern zwei Strbme i n diesem Kunstwerk f l i e s s e n - - f r e i l i c h gegeneinander f l i e s s e n — , dass fUr diese Liebenden nicht eine Triebquelle e x i s t i e r t , sondern deren zwei, namlich Minne und Ehre" ( i , .205). By depicting h i s characters i n a c r i t i c a l s i t u a t i o n , where the demands of c o u r t l y society were opposed to those of love, G o t t f r i e d gave testimony to h i s b e l i e f "dass im Menschensein weder Harmonie noch Ordnung, sondern Zwiespalt, K o n f l i k t , Dilemma und Unordnung den bestimmenden Platz innehaben" ( i , 2lh). Thus the poet projected into the in h e r i t e d material his awareness [or, i n Dilthey's terminology, h i s "Erlebnis"] of the u n i v e r s a l i n o r d i n a t i o . Because Weber admittedly owed so much to the stimulating research conducted by Schwietering, i t i s appropriate that we conclude our discussion of the former's lengthy T r i s t a n study with some remarks passed by Schwietering the year following i t s p u b l i c a t i o n . He wrote: It has thus become possible for the f i r s t time to create a picture of G o t t f r i e d which springs from a consistent view of h i s environ-ment and which i s h i s t o r i c a l l y sound. . . . I t i s also p e r f e c t l y understandable ps y c h o l o g i c a l l y that Weber, f e e l i n g as he did that there had been u n t i l very recently no u n i f y i n g point of view, such as can be obtained only from the poem i t s e l f , was misled into repeating more often than was necessary formulations which came close to being catchwords . . . . The extensive digressions 167 of the second volume . . . may be credited with having given to the layman i n theology—and are not a l l Germanists t h a t ? — a f e e l i n g of h i s t o r i c a l c e r t a i n t y and the p o s s i b i l i t y of making his own c r i t i c a l evaluation by the use of the sources themselves. Weber's book i s not the f i n a l word on the subject. We stand at  a point of d i v i s i o n i n " T r i s t a n " research or rather at a new  beginning. This i s a d e f i n i t e and c l e a r l y defined phase of the study of the l i t e r a r y h i s t o r y of the Middle Ages and i n i t has arisen a u n i f i e d conception of G o t t f r i e d , which points to a new approach and which, by putting new l i f e into d e t a i l e d research, i n v i t e s further ana l y s i s . 5 1 The 'hew beginning" as heralded by Schwietering i n 1954 f a i l e d to m a t e r i a l i z e . Since that time i n t e r p r e t e r s of the romance, apparently unimpressed by the theories of the a n t i t h e t i c a l analogy, of Gottfried's reaction to the c r i t i c a l s i t u a t i o n i n which he and h i s contemporaries found themselves, and of h i s overt heresy, have worked independently of Weber eit h e r along those l i n e s of research which have long since proved popular (e.g., the sacred nature of T r i s t a n - l o v e , Gottfried's biography, the minne-ere question, and the etymology of the noble heart,) or have struck out i n new di r e c t i o n s quite unrelated to Weber's work (e.g., medieval and Marxist p o l i t i c s ) . Gerhard Meissburger, who contended that the T r i s t a n romance was impregnated with Augustinian thought, concluded "dass er [Gottfried] also kein Haeretiker i s t , sondern von der c h r i s t l i c h e n T r a d i t i o n ausgeht" i n 52 h i s study published i n 1954. In the f i r s t place Gottfried's r e l i g i o u s treatment of Tristan-love was a bold, but by no means blasphemous, s e c u l a r i -zation of Augustine's equation of God with love, "Deus charitas est" (p. 127). Secondly, the r e l a t i o n s h i p of T r i s t a n to the two women named Isolde represented man's choice between the c i v i t a s dei and the c i v i t a s terrena, the rule of God and that of the d e v i l , Jerusalem and Babylon, the narrow and the wide paths, l i f e and d e a t h — a l l the pairs of opposites found i n Augustine's w r i t i n g s : 168 Die Ansicht, der Mensch mllsse i n seinem Leben notwendigerweise zwischen zwei Sussersten Seinsmbglichkeiten wahlen und werde im Tod dann fUr seine Wahl belohnt oder b e s t r a f t , i s t der innerste Grund, oder anders: das Thema und der s i c h durch a l l e Wirrungen durchziehende Gedanke, den G o t t f r i e d vor Augen gehabt hat. Das bedeutet nichts Geringeres, a l s dass die Struktur des Tristanepos Gottfrieds l e t z t e n Endes auf Augustin zurUckgeht, also g e i s t l i c h i s t . (pp. 123-24) The German poet not only worked t h i s r e l i g i o u s idea into a b a s i c a l l y secular story with great success, but also introduced appropriate and more obvious r e l i g i o u s elements into the romance. These l a s t were the sacred language, the e u c h a r i s t i c connotations [deist a l l e r edelen herzen b r o t ] , s i m i l a r i t i e s to C h r i s t i a n legends, and the Minnegrotte episode, with i t s 53 " G l e i c h s t e l l u n g " of cave and cathedral. As became evident i n the discussion of Maurer, there was some question among T r i s t a n c r i t i c s as to whether or not the r e l i g i o u s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the love-theme was indeed v a l i d . Maria Bindschedler, who i n 1954 wrote "Der T r i s t a n Gottfrieds von Strassburg" and " G o t t f r i e d von Strassburg und • 54 die hbfische Ethik', " r e s i s t e d those views which stated that the romance should be seen i n the l i g h t of r e l i g i o n . Continuing Maurer's argument she maintained that Gottfried's o r i g i n a l i t y l a y i n h i s handling of the antimony between minne and ere. G o t t f r i e d , l i k e the hero and heroine, respected the concept of ere, and had he completed the work he would have effected a r e c o n c i l i a t i o n between the two c o n f l i c t i n g elements : Selbst wenn wir annahmen, dass auch G o t t f r i e d , der Fabel folgend, z u l e t z t mit dem Tod der Liebenden den endgUltigen Sieg der Minne wUrde d a r g e s t e l l t haben, so anderte dies nichts am Grundcharakter des Epos . Einmal musste j a , wenn das Werk abgeschlossen werden s o l l t e , das Geschehen ein Ende finden und damit auch die innere Spannung aufhbren Es besteht aber auch die Mbglichkeit, dass dann, z u l e t z t , die E l l i p s e zum Kreis geworden, ihre "Brennpunkte" zusammengefalien waren: dass G o t t f r i e d Minne und Ehre, etwa durch eine l e t z t e versbhnende Geste Markes den Toten gegenUber, die er e h r t — , zur Ubereinstimmung gebracht hatte. (p. 66) 169 Developing Maurer's observations on the l e i t i n Gottfried's poem she drew a p a r a l l e l between the l e i t of the noble hearts and the l o t of a Minnesinger, "wenn er t r o t z i g entschlossen i s t zu 'dienen,' auch wo ihm e i n bequemeres Leben verlockender erschiene" (p. 69) . While Maurer connected Gottfried's thought to Walther alone among the Minnesinger, Bindschedler ( l i k e de Boor) found s i m i l a r i t i e s between G o t t f r i e d on the one hand, and poets such as Heinrich von Morungen and Reinmar on the other. In 1956, however, the favoured r e l i g i o u s approach was again used i n T r i s t a n c r i t i c i s m when J u l i u s Richter bracketed the sacred aspect of the love-theme with Gottfried's own l o v e - l i f e ("Zur r i t t e r l i c h e n Frbmmigkeit 55 der Stauferzeit"). He based h i s understanding of the romance on the theory that a synthesis between Gott and Welt was not maintained throughout the work. A balance was struck i n the f i r s t part, but the prologue and the second part (that i s , the love-theme proper) stressed only the one side, the Welt. The realm of love as described by G o t t f r i e d allowed no room for the C h r i s t i a n God: "Darnach kann also von einem Gleichgewicht, einem Ausgleich zwischen Gott und Welt unmbglich gesprochen werden, vollends von einer c h r i s t l i c h e n Gottesauffassung kann h i e r nicht mehr die Rede sein" (p. k"j) . From these premises he then offered an explanation for the r e l i g i o u s and mystical treatment of Tristan-love, by r e l a t i n g to Gottfried's biography the abandonment of conventional C h r i s t i a n r e l i g i o u s attitudes i n favour of the r e l i g i o n of love. A sudden experience of passionate love worked such a r a d i c a l change i n the poet's l i f e that C h r i s t i a n teachings no longer held any meaning for him. Love i t s e l f became for G o t t f r i e d a new, more meaningful r e l i g i o n . "So wire dann seine Dichtung zum Denkmal einer wirklichen E r s a t z r e l i g i o n fUr die U b e r l i e f e r t e c h r i s t l i c h e R e l i g i o n geworden, wie s i c h kein anderes im deutschen M i t t e l a l t e r f i n d e t " (p. 52, our i t a l i c s ) . 170 The following year another r e l i g i o u s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n appeared, when H. B. Willson—opposing Weber—asserted that "there i s no fundamental in c o m p a t i b i l i t y between diu gotinne Minne and the God of Love; they are 56 completely harmonious." In his three papers published i n 1957, 1964 57 and I965 Willson investigated the "extreme importance" of r e l i g i o u s symbolism for determining and moulding the thought-processes of the T r i s t a n poet, i n the conviction that "the seeds sown by Schwietering and Ranke have yet to bear t h e i r r i p e s t f r u i t s " (1957, P- 208). He favoured Schwietering's theory that Bernadine mysticism played a s i g n i f i c a n t part i n the romance. The conception of love and that of God i n the poem were not at variance with C h r i s t i a n mysticism i n his view, and he therefore refuted the a n t i t h e t i c a l analogy of Weber. The sensual nature of T r i s t a n -love, which Weber regarded as a sign of i t s daemonic, non-mystical nature, presented no problems for this c r i t i c ; he pointed out that Weber had overlooked the fact that St. Bernard's whole e d i f i c e of c a r i t a s rested f i r m l y upon amor ca r n a l i s : "If the b a s i c a l l y sensual love of T r i s t a n and Isolde i s not deeply m y s t i c a l , i s the same to be said of the Song of Songs i t s e l f , a l legory though i t may be?" (1957, P- 212). Gotinne Minne, far from being daemonic, was sacramental: "She i s the p e r s o n i f i c a t i o n of Divine c a r i t a s " (1957, P- 212). G o t t f r i e d invested the whole t a l e of T r i s t a n and Isolde with sacra-mental s i g n i f i c a n c e . Because O r i g i n a l Sin prevented the attainment of perfect love i n t h i s world, t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p was at once carnal and divine, s i n f u l and virtuous. Yet, despite i t s necessary imperfection, t h e i r love p a r t i c i p a t e d i n the pe r f e c t i o n of divine c a r i t a s . In the pro-logue, which was sacramentally conceived, G o t t f r i e d offered the s u f f e r i n g of the two lovers as the p r i e s t offered that of C h r i s t i n the Eucharist. The imperfections and l i m i t a t i o n s of the world of s i n caused t h e i r s u f f e r i n g 171 and death "just as they caused the death of the Redeemer himself" (1964, p. 606). Carrying this argument to i t s l o g i c a l conclusion he maintained that T r i s t a n and Isolde suffered "a passio analogous to the o r i g i n a l Passio" (1964, p. 606). According to W. T. H. Jackson,.Gottfried was proclaiming a r e l i g i o n of love i n the poem, and i n describing the "unchristian mysticism" ( i n which union was achieved not with God but with the beloved) the poet used mystical terms i n order to depict what seemed to him the most exalted of 58 human experiences. In short, the love of T r i s t a n and Isolde was a "mystic love i n human terms" (p. 154). He followed Weber's i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i n that he f e l t that the demon of sensual passion ensnared the purer aspects of th e i r love: sensual love both symbolized and debased t h e i r union, and only by death could t h e i r love be freed from this snare. Thus "the 'love-death' means that the lovers can be reunited i n mystic love, freed from a l l grossness and carnal a t t r a c t i o n " (p. 154). True mystical union could not be achieved even i n the hallowed "shrine," the Minnegrotte, f o r the sensual was not yet completely overcome. Yet i n the Minnegrotte T r i s t a n reached his peak of development as an a r t i s t — n o t i n the ars amandi, but i n that of music. In the shrine of love T r i s t a n and Isolde achieved perfect harmony, as symbolized by Gottfried's use of musical imagery. There 59 they expressed through music t h e i r s p i r i t u a l consonantia. The "seeds sown by Schwietering and Ranke" were of course not the sole o r i g i n of the harvest of r e l i g i o u s interpretations i n twentieth-century T r i s t a n c r i t i c i s m . F r i e d r i c h Vogt's d e f i n i t i o n i n 1908 of the term edele  herzen also exerted a strong influence, and helped prepare the ground for the subsequent assessments of Trist a n - l o v e as being mystical and non-courtly. In 1959, however, Olive Sayce f i n a l l y challenged the v a l i d i t y of Vogt's 1 7 2 assumptions. According to Sayce, "die Herleitung von edelez herze aus der Mystik [ i s t ] v a l l i g v e r f e h l t . Vogts unglUcklicher E i n f a l l hat die spStere K r i t i k nur irr e g e f U h r t . . . . Man darf nicht vergessen, dass der Gedanke von dem gbttlic h e n Adel der Seele, obwohl i n der frlihen Mystik angebahnt, erst i n der spateren Mystik i n Deutschland g e l a u f i g wird (also lange nach G o t t f r i e d ) " (p. klO). She maintained that hereditary n o b i l i t y was an e s s e n t i a l p r e requisite f o r the noble hearts, and wrote therefore: "•edelez herze und edeler muot [sind] ganz von dem Geburtsadel abhSngig" (p. 403); she suggested moreover that the g e n t i l cuer of old French poetry came grammatically and semantically closer to Gottfried's term than did the e d e l i u sele of mysticism. Sayce was one of the few T r i s t a n c r i t i c s to support the views of Maria Bindschedler; she agreed that Tristan-love was neither mystical, nor opposed to the convention of cou r t l y love. Like Bindschedler she found a s i m i l a r i t y between the love of T r i s t a n and Isolde and that expressed by poets of the Minnesang. In i960 A. T. Hatto expressed his doubts about the v a l i d i t y of i n t e r -p reting Tristan-love as a new r e l i g i o n , but arrived at th i s conclusion by means other than those used by Bindschedler and S a y c e H e weighed up the "crassest a l t e r n a t i v e s " (whether G o t t f r i e d was merely u t i l i z i n g the ready-made language of the mystics i n order to say things about love that had never been said before, or whether he was preaching a r e l i g i o n of love while at the same time r e j e c t i n g C h r i s t i a n i t y , or at least C h r i s t i a n teaching on love), and decided that the poet was d e f i n i t e l y not preaching a new r e l i g i o n . This theory rested on the fac t that r e l i g i o u s pronounce-ments concerned communities, whereas Gottfried's concerned r e l a t i o n s between a minority of lo v e r s . The h o s t i l e environment was e s s e n t i a l f o r the minority i n whom G o t t f r i e d placed h i s hopes, f or " i n an i d e a l world free of mesalliance such as G o t t f r i e d implies but never describes, h i s 173 lovers would go to pieces f o r sheer lack of opposition: they are heroes 62 of the Resistance, of the underground army of love" (p. 18). Although Hatto did not accuse G o t t f r i e d of being a h e r e t i c , he f e l t nonetheless that the poet's outlook might well have gained i n freedom from the "mutual a t t r i t i o n of C h r i s t i a n i t y and Catharism i n h i s native Strassburg i n h i s own l i f e t i m e " (p. 18). Gottfried's attitude and language implied not a r e l i g i o n but rather a new " c u l t " of love. This accounted for the poet's appropriation of r e l i g i o u s and mystical language: "Such language was a h i g h l y developed veh i c l e of ecstasy, anything short of whose i n t e n s i t y c l e a r l y would not have suited G o t t f r i e d " (p. 17)-That the seeds sown by e a r l i e r scholars continue to bear f r u i t has been shown recently i n the T r i s t a n study by Petrus W. Tax (Wort, Sinnbild, Zahl im Tristanroman: Studien zum Denken und Werten Gottfrieds von  Strassburg, B e r l i n , I96I). In the conviction that Gottfried's deepest intentions had not yet been revealed, he examined the romance i n the l i g h t of the poet's "Ursprllnglichkeit und Andersartigkeit" (p. 19) v i s - a - v i s Thomas, and reached the conclusion that, i n Gottfried's hands, the material had been "f a s t neu g e s t a l t e t " (p. I98) c h i e f l y by means of extensive symbolism. In h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n Tax therefore studied the epic, the 63 a l l e g o r i c a l and symbolic planes within the romance. D i f f e r e n t i a t i n g between the secular and the divine aspects of T r i s t a n -love, he wrote that G o t t f r i e d strongly disapproved of the sensual element i n the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the lovers, and cloaked h i s disapprobation i n symbolic language. The e r o t i c Sinnenliebe was associated i n the romance with the secular, c o u r t l y world, and symbolically with darkness and the d e v i l . In i t s highest or s p i r i t u a l form, on the other hand, Tr i s t a n - l o v e was c l e a r l y pleasing to God—and thus also to G o t t f r i e d . This, a superior 174 agape-type of love, f o r which T r i s t a n and Isolde were predestined by God, was achieved i n a gradual process of p u r i f i c a t i o n and development. Af t e r death they would enter into the b l i s s and peace of the heavenly paradise (which found i t s earthly counterpart i n the M i n n e g r o t t e ) T h i s i n t e r -pretation of the love-theme was related by Tax to "die m i t t e l a l t e r l i c h e , biblisch-augustinische Grundposition G o t t f r i e d s " (p. I89) • The poet, l i k e Augustine, was convinced of the power held by the d e v i l on earth, "besonders i n der Liebe" (p. I87)• But, as shown i n the T r i s t a n poem, "die tatsSchliche Macht des Teufels i n der Welt wird somit durchaus nicht geleugnet, aber sie s o i l von innen und von der echten, spezifischen Tristan-Isolde-Liebe her zurllckgedrangt und s c h l i e s s l i c h Uberwunden werden" (p. 2 0 2 ) . In h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the romance Tax presented new and cogent arguments to demonstrate that the work accorded harmoniously with the tenets of C h r i s t i a n i t y , and that Tristan-love, far from c o n s t i t u t i n g a supernatural challenge to the C h r i s t i a n God, was on the contrary i t s e l f God-ordained. The poet neither preached h e r e t i c a l doctrines nor did he employ a n t i t h e t i c a l analogies i n h i s work, but invested the t r a d i t i o n a l material with a personal "Ideologie und Gedankenwelt" (p. I98), r e i n -forced by symbolic language, to t e s t i f y to his b e l i e f that T r i s t a n - l o v e was at once a mystery, a destiny and a grace. I f at t h i s point the twentieth-century i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s are reviewed i t becomes very apparent that, although the theories of Geistesgeschichte are based on a synthesis of a l l c u l t u r a l , p o l i t i c a l and h i s t o r i c a l events of a given period, when applied i n the p r a c t i c e of T r i s t a n scholarship the r e s u l t s have been extremely one-sided because u s u a l l y devoted to the analysis of one p a r t i c u l a r aspect of the Z e i t g e i s t . Determined by Ranke's findings, the aspect most frequently studied has been the r e l i g i o u s back-175 ground: the metaphysical problems which G o t t f r i e d may or may not have faced and the t h e o l o g i c a l and philosophical l i t e r a t u r e with which he may or may not have been f a m i l i a r . Equally l i m i t e d i n scope were the few attempts to i n t e r p r e t the love-theme i n the l i g h t of the c h i v a l r i c code, as were also the studies of the influence on G o t t f r i e d of c l a s s i c a l 65 a n t i q u i t y . Yet another facet of the medieval Z e i t g e i s t which, though touched upon i n the work of Dilthey, K e f e r s t e i n and Max Wehrli (see n. 67), was there not made the single basis upon which to rest an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the romance, i s the h i s t o r i c a l - p o l i t i c a l background. In recent years the T r i s t a n poem has twice been subjected to p o l i t i c a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . F r i e d r i c h Heer and Wolfgang Spiewok, each i n t h e i r own h i g h l y i n d i v i d u a l way, have both found i n Gottfried's epic a sharp c r i t i c i s m of the medieval p o l i t i c a l scene. Heer claimed i n 1952 that the T r i s t a n poet mounted a vehement attack on the p o l i t i c a l and e c c l e s i a s t i c a l order as embodied i n the Holy Roman Empire.^ Imperial propaganda had h a i l e d the "Sacrum Imperium" (p. 330) as the kingdom of s a l v a t i o n and righteousness, the t e r r e s t r i a l representation of the kingdom of God. That t h i s holy empire was a f i c t i o n soon became evident, and G o t t f r i e d , w r i t i n g at t h i s time, unveiled the c o u r t l y world as one of l i e s , delusion and f u t i l e self-deception. Marke, who was at f i r s t presented as the prototype of a l l holy, good and courteous kings—Charlemagne and Arthur i n one—soon became a crazed, t e a r f u l creature, helpless, hopeless, the disgrace of h i s court and a l l earthly r o y a l t y . In b r i e f , G o t t f r i e d exposed i n h o r r i f y i n g and meticulous d e t a i l the growing i n f i r m i t i e s of the sacrosant empire, while fashioning for himself a new kingdom--"das Reich der Minne"; "Die beiden Liebenden sind mit Minne gesalbt. Das Sakrament der Minnesalbung t r i t t an die S t e l l e der Kbnigs- und Bischofssalbung—der 176 Liebende i s t der neue christus, der neue rex unctus!" (p. 3*1-5) • The Minnegrotte was the church of this new realm, d i s p l a c i n g the t r a d i t i o n a l h i e r a r c h i c a l church and i t s God. Thus, "Wahrend der'fromme,' das h e i s s t sich streng an die Gesetze und Verpflichtungen des Sacrum Imperium haltende Kdnig nachts aufsteht, und zur Mette ins MUnster geht, springt der neben ihm schlafende T r i s t a n ins Bett Isoldens (15 1*4-3 f f - ) : der Gott des s a l t e n Reichs' i s t ohnm'dchtig gegenliber dem neuen Gott, dessen F e i e r T r i s t a n und Isolde s i c h selbst z e l e b r i e r e n " (p. 359) ^ While Heer saw i n Marke a symbol of the decadent and weak empire, Wolfgang Spiewok on the other hand viewed Marke as a symbol of the corrupt, yet powerful rule of the feudal hierarchy (Das Tristan-Epos Gottfrieds von  Strassburg und die Grundzlige der h o c h m i t t e l a l t e r l i c h e n deutschen Dichtung  zwischen 1150 und 1250, I 9 6 3 ) I t was generally assumed by T r i s t a n scholars that G o t t f r i e d came from a bourgeois family, and the idea had gained favour that h i s s o c i a l status accounted for his antipathy to the hereditary n o b i l i t y and his negative attitude toward jousts, i n v e s t i t u r e s and c o u r t l y love. The East German c r i t i c Spiewok was the f i r s t to carry this theory to an extreme by i n t e r p r e t i n g Gottfried's bourgeois status and the T r i s t a n poem i n the terms of the p o l i t i c a l ideology of Marxism and thus, l i k e Naumann i n 1938 (see p. 1*4-9), integrated personal p o l i t i c a l convictions into h i s study of the epic. In his d i s s e r t a t i o n he developed 69 the idea that G o t t f r i e d was opposed to the ideology of feudalism. In discussing the characters he wrote that T r i s t a n , although indeed a member of the feudal n o b i l i t y , was not presented as the t y p i c a l feudal hero. In the f i r s t place, he excelled i n i n t e l l e c t u a l achievements, while his m i l i t a r y a c t i v i t i e s (symbolic of the feudal l i f e ) were c l e a r l y b e l i t t l e d 177 by the poet. The inner worth of the characters held more value for G o t t f r i e d than did any outward display of m a t e r i a l i s t i c pomp, luxurious dress, and m a r t i a l prowess. In short, T r i s t a n was the "new hero" and as such the embodiment of the heroism of i n t e l l e c t and humanism. From this Spiewok concluded: "Die Charakterzllge, die G o t t f r i e d seinem Helden v e r l e i h t , deuten o f f e n s i c h t l i c h auf E i n f l l i s s e bllrgerlicher Ideologie" (p. 2 8 l ) . In the second place, because of the l o v e - a f f a i r with Isolde, T r i s t a n came into c o n f l i c t with the "Klassenmoral" (p. 279)' The demands of Isolde's arranged feudal marriage with Marke ran counter to "die f r e i e Entscheidung der i n d i v i d u e l l e n Liebesbindung" (p. 282). The discrepancy between minne and ere represented the breach between Gottfried's i d e a l of love and the " s o c i a l immorality" of feudalism. The Marxist c r i t i c con-cluded that G o t t f r i e d was pleading f o r the emancipation of women from t h e i r i n f e r i o r s o c i a l p o s i t i o n , and also c r i t i c i z i n g feudal marriage with i t s p o l i -t i c a l and economic basis . In Marke, the chief representative of the feudal n o b i l i t y , was c l e a r l y mirrored the corrupt mentality of that class : "Die herrschende Klasse der Feudalgesellschaft wird von ihm [Gottfried] b e r e i t s mit Wesensmerkmalen des V e r f a l l s gekennzeichnet" (p. 282). G o t t f r i e d incorporated i n h i s work propaganda for the equal rights of the bourgeois class to which he belonged and which, i n the Strassburg of that time, was gaining i n both economic and p o l i t i c a l strength. The poet envisioned the world of noble hearts as a world free from class differences; the inner q u a l i t i e s of men i n that world rendered them a l l equal. But, as Spiewok added, Gottfried's ideals could m a t e r i a l i z e neither i n r e a l i t y nor i n romance. The love-story was doomed to end i n tragedy, "da die g e s e l l s c h a f t l i c h e W i r k l i c h k e i t keine Basis fUr einen Ausweg bot" (p. 280). Because of the fundamental humanism contained i n the epic, 178 Spiewok numbered Gottfried's T r i s t a n among the most valuable l i t e r a r y documents of the medieval period, and i n lauding G o t t f r i e d he wrote : Man kb'rimte ihm als einem wertvollen Bestandteil des k u l t u r e l l e n Erbes unseres deutschen Volkes im M i t t e l a l t e r e i n Wiedererstehen i n unserer s o z i a l i s t i s c h e n Nationalkultur wllnschen, nachdem i n unserer Gesellschaftsordnung durch die revolutionSre Aktion des s o z i a l i s t i s c h e n Humanismus die Voraussetzungen zu einer a l l s e i t i g e n Entfaltung des Individuums i n der W i r k l i c h k e i t geschaffen wurden. Die LektUre von Gottfrieds Werk vermag uns den Wert dieses Besitzes--um den der Strassburger Meister vergeblich rang--ein-drucksvoll genug vor Augen zu fUhren. (p. 282)70 179 II Conclusion Modern scholars, unlike t h e i r predecessors, have shown both i n t e r e s t and i n i t i a t i v e i n u n r a v e l l i n g the meaning of Gottfried's T r i s t a n . Despite the necessity for empathy and h i s t o r i c a l r e l a t i v i s m i n dealing with the past and i t s l i t e r a t u r e (as recognized so c l e a r l y by Herder) the standard by which the nineteenth century measured the love-theme i n T r i s t a n was con-s i s t e n t l y that of the narrow-minded present, and G o t t f r i e d , thus gauged, was c o n t i n u a l l y found wanting. In the twentieth century such evaluations of the work have been displaced by a v a r i e t y of books, a r t i c l e s and di s s e r t a t i o n s i n which scholars have attempted to come to an understanding of what G o t t f r i e d thought and managed to convey to a contemporary audience by grounding t h e i r i nterpretations on a more or less thorough knowledge of the period to which the work b e l o n g s — i n short, to o f f e r an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n which they believe would be commensurate with the medieval outlook. This desire for h i s t o r i c a l r e l a t i v i s m and "Mittelaltergemassheit" was reawakened by the burgeoning Geistesgeschichte and the corresponding wish to synthesize a l l a s p e c t s — c u l t u r a l , h i s t o r i c a l , p o l i t i c a l — o f a given period i n an e f f o r t to understand the appropriate Z e i t g e i s t ; i n this way a modern scholar would himself experience the general i n t e l l e c t u a l climate of that given period and could form an opinion of the psyche of an i n d i v i d u a l l i v i n g at that time. In T r i s t a n i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , however, the topic of r e l i g i o n has attracted more attention from scholars than has any other aspect of the Z e i t g e i s t and as a r e s u l t the bulk of modern c r i t i c i s m has been one-sided rather than synthetic. Assessments of Gottfried's r e l i g i o s i t y are i n stark contrast to those made e a r l i e r , f o r they no longer hinge on the apparent blasphemy perpetrated during the Judgment of Go,d episode, but rather on the r e l i g i o u s and mystical connotations of the love between T r i s t a n and Isolde as revealed e s p e c i a l l y during the episode of Minnegrotte. F r i e d r i c h l8o Ranke, who f i r s t discovered the association between Trist a n - l o v e and r e l i g i o n , occupies a p o s i t i o n of c r u c i a l importance for t h i s development. Prior to the appearance of h i s work i n 1925 some i n d i c a t i o n had been given that scholarship was moving into c e r t a i n trends i n which medieval theology, philosophy and mysticism, and also Gottfried's retention of the externals of orthodox C h r i s t i a n i t y , claimed most at t e n t i o n . These trends became more pronounced i n the following years. Ranke's theory of the " L i e b e s r e l i g i o n , " based on the analogy between the allegory of the Minnegrotte and a l l e g o r i c a l descriptions of medieval cathedrals, raised a number of problems to which numerous c r i t i c s have sinced addressed themselves. Chief among them was that concerning the compatibility of the " L i e b e s r e l i g i o n " with the C h r i s t i a n r e l i g i o n . Ideas were sharply divided on this issue: representing one extreme were those who saw i n the experience of Tristan-love a pathway to Heaven, wh i l s t the opposite point of view was adopted by those who regarded such love as a destructive, daemonic force. Some scholars have charged G o t t f r i e d with heresy. That the poet intended the love-theme to be understood i n a t h e o l o g i c a l and metaphysical frame of reference was further demonstrated by J u l i u s Schwietering, who c l a r i f i e d the analogy to the unio mystica by drawing many p a r a l l e l s between the romance and St. Bernard's mystical writings; however, a l l who have discussed Gottfried's amatory doctrine i n such terms have been confronted by the problem that both s p i r i t u a l and sensual love play a role within the romance. Whereas the nineteenth-century detractors of G o t t f r i e d maintained that T r i s t a n was the work of an a r t i s t i c a l l y g i f t e d but l i c e n t i o u s and f r i v o l o u s poet who r e v e l l e d i n sensuality and s e c u l a r i t y and paid l i t t l e or no heed to s p i r i t u a l and divine matters, modern c r i t i c s have discovered 181 that the Gott-Welt d u a l i sm, c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the Gothic Z e i t g e i s t , concerned G o t t f r i e d just as i t did h i s contemporaries. Various theories have been advanced to show how the romance embodies his success or f a i l u r e i n h i s endeavours to f i n d a s o l u t i o n to the problem of dualism, e i t h e r by e f f e c t i n g a compromise between the divine and the secular, the s p i r i t u a l and the sensual, or by evading the issue altogether. Scholars who discussed Gottfried's "Kultus des SchtSnen" developed from t h e i r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the poem the idea that G o t t f r i e d r e a l i z e d i n f i c t i o n , art and a l l e g o r y an i d e a l of perfect love to which he could not a t t a i n i n r e a l i t y : seeing himself unable to come to terms with the eternal and the temporal, he resorted to a t h i r d sphere, that of aesthetics. However, t h i s "aesthetic" i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the poet's i n t e n t i o n enjoyed only a l i m i t e d popularity and soon became outmoded. Together with the d i f f i c u l t i e s involved i n defining the r e l a t i o n s h i p of Tristan-love to conventional r e l i g i o n and medieval mysticism are those a r i s i n g from the explanation of how that love measures up to the demands of medieval c o u r t l y society. Although some inte r p r e t e r s have put forward the theory that Tristan-love i s an absolute and that the poet openly c r i t i c i z e d c o u r t l y morality and depreciated the c h i v a l r i c code of honour, i t has also been suggested that such interpretations are f a l l a c i o u s , because G o t t f r i e d treated the material s o l e l y i n order to exemplify the t r a g i c c o n f l i c t between unlawful love and s o c i a l mores. The story i l l u s -trated the i n c o m p a t i b i l i t y of Tristan-love with c o u r t l y precepts, and t h i s c o n f l i c t expressed i t