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Political geographic implications of transnational resource management Wilson, Gordon 1973

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POLITICAL GEOGRAPHIC IMPLICATIONS OF TRANSNATIONAL RESOURCE MANAGEMENT  BY  GORDON FREDERICK DAVID WILSON B.Sc.  State University New York, New Paltz, N.Y. 1971  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS  in the Department of Geography  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA April, 1973  In p r e s e n t i n g  t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements f o r  an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree the  L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e  and  that  study.  I f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e copying o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s .  be  granted by  permission.  Department The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Vancouver 8, Canada  Department or  I t i s understood t h a t copying or p u b l i c a t i o n  of t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n written  the Head of my  Columbia  s h a l l not be  allowed without  my  ABSTRACT  There i s a growing concern among both scholars and laymen for the diminishing resources of the world.  This thesis examines the  p o l i t i c a l geographic implications of transnational resource management.  The hypothesis i s a dual one: f i r s t l y , that man's past and  present uses of transnational resources have led, i n some cases, to the necessity for international p o l i t i c a l control, and secondly, that problems related to transnational resource management.have been, for the most part, ignored by p o l i t i c a l geographers, but should be the subject of future research. The use of three transnational resources i s reviewed: the blue whale, the North Pacific salmon, and the polar bear.  Through an  examination of the past uses of the blue whale, and the International Whaling Commission's lack of legislative powers, a case i s built supporting the hypothesis.  This case i s further supported by the  past uses of the North Pacific salmon, and the on-going dispute between the American and Japanese governments.  Lastly, the Federal  Provincial authority established to regulate the hunting of polar bear adds further support to the hypothesis. A brief look back into the discipline establishes this thesis as part of the environmental concerns within geography, and the material presented in the text clearly shows the p o l i t i c a l  geographic implications of the problems of transnational resource management.  The results of the inquiry would suggest that there  is a need for further p o l i t i c a l geographic research on similar topics, and that man's past and present uses of transnational resources have, in fact, led to the necessity for international p o l i t i c a l control for these resources at least.  There i s , how-  ever, no claim made to the feasibility of such an international authority.  The urgency for enforceable legislation i s , neverthe-  less, clearly evident.  -iv-  AC KNOWLEDGEMENTS  The writer wishes to acknowledge those Commissioners who took time to respond to the questionnaire.  Particularly helpful  were Dr. Ian Sterling and Dr. Andrew MacPherson of the Canadian Wildlife Service.  Also, the writer wishes to thank Mr. Robert  Payne for his helpful suggestions in the early stages of the thesis.  Special thanks go to Dr. J.V. Minghi, my advisor, and to Dr. J.L. Robinson, for their advice and constant encouragement throughout the preparation of this thesis.  The writer also wishes to acknowledge with thanks the assistance given by Jane Bradley, who spent many hours of her free time typing the text of this thesis.  -v-  TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE INTRODUCTION CHAPTER 1  CHAPTER 11  ....  v. v i i  ENVIRONMENTAL CONCERNS WITHIN GEOGRAPHY  1  The Political Geographers' Current Concern for Environmental Themes  7  The Aim of the Thesis ....  11  THE BLUE WHALE AND PACIFIC SALMON  19  The Blue Whale  19  The International Whaling Commission ..............  28  The North Pacific Salmon  32  •  .........  CHAPTER 111 THE POLAR BEAR:- THE INTERNATIONAL CASE  44  The Political Geography of the Arctic and Its  CHAPTER IV  Effect on the Management of the Polar Bear ........  45  The International Management of the Polar Bear ....  50  The I.U.C.N. - Its Role i n Polar Bear Management ..  60  THE POMR BEAR:- THE CANADIAN CASE  68  •. .  The Eskimo and Polar Bear  72  The Federal-Provincial Authority  77  CHAPTER V  COMMISSIONERS' RESPONSE TO THE QUESTIONNAIRE  CHAPTER VI  CONCLUSION BIBLIOGRAPHY  ..  83 88  .  APPENDICES: 1. International Whaling Agreement For The Regulation of Whaling - 1937 ...  94 98  2. Covering Letter and Questionnaire .. 106  -viLIST OF TABLES TABLE NO. 2-1  PAGE Comparison of Norwegian and Japanese Blue Whale Catch for Selected Years  24  I  Polar Bear Harvest Figures for Alaska  56  II  Norwegian Polar Bear Harvests 1960 - 1969  57  III  Canadian Polar Bear Harvest 1960 - 1968  58  IV  Polar Bear Harvest Statistics in Greenland .......  59  V  Summary of Regulations Covering Polar Bear Management in Canada As Of 31 December 1971  64  LIST OF MAPS MAP. NO.  PAGE  2-1  Antarctic Whaling Regions  2-2  American and Japanese Zones  2-3  Eastern and Western Distributions of Alaskan and Kamchatkan Red Salmon • •. • •  2-4 2- 5  ........  20 34  General Distribution of Eastern and Western Pink Salmon  37 38  General Distribution of Eastern and Western Chum Salmon  ...........................  39  3- 1  Political Sectors in the Arctic  46  3-2  Pedersen's Polar Bear Migration Routes  52  3- 3  Polar Ice Movement  4- 1  Canadian Administrative Zones Based on Polar Bear Sub-Populations ...............  •  ...  53 69  -viiINTRODUCTION  Concern for any species that i s subjected to mass slaughter, and therefore virtual extinction, should be inherent i n a l l people, academicians and laymen alike.  It is becoming increasingly apparent,  however, that the final decisions which will decide the fate of the world's living resources l i e solely i n the hands of politicians.  As  recently as February 1973, Canada's Federal Minister of the Environment, in his opening remarks to a technical conference on fisheries sponsored by the Food and Agriculture Organization of the U.N., repeatedly mentioned the responsibilities of the governments of the world in maintaining realistic harvest quotas for transnational marine resources. The term 'transnational resource' implies mobility of a resource across p o l i t i c a l l y defined space.  Problems related to the regulation  of such resources are well suited to the political geographer, as they involve boundary effects, migration over jurisdictional zones, and competing international economic concerns on policy making, a l l of which are themes common to the p o l i t i c a l geographer.  There i s , how-  ever, one inherent danger in such research, resulting from the biological component involved. When discussing regulation of any living resources, there results by necessity the inclusion of a biological component such as population dynamics, migration patterns, and other facts relating to the general species ecosystem.  The question which arises, then, is  how far should one pursue that avenue of inquiry in order to satisfy the need for such data.  There i s no one answer to such a question,  -viiiand as a result some debate could arise regarding the extent of 'geography' involved in the work.  For that reason, i t i s , perhaps, valuable to  briefly examine some past environmental concerns within the discipline, concerns of which this thesis is a product. The i n i t i a l chapter of this thesis deals largely with a brief review of some of the environmental themes which have evolved through the discipline, and in that way will stress this thesis as a worthwhile geographic study. geography.  A study such as this is relatively new to political  Julian Minghi's work on the North Pacific Salmon was clearly  the f i r s t work in p o l i t i c a l geography to explore the effects of resource mobility on the establishment of jurisdictional zones and national policy making, the same theme that is central to this thesis. The international nature of the problems faced in this work suggests that field research is impractical, i f not impossible, particularly in the constraints of a Master's thesis.  For this reason, the most  practical method of gathering the required data i s through extensive library research.  The International Commissions established to regu-  late the three transnational resources concerned in this thesis,  the  Blue Whale, the North Pacific Salmon, and the Polar Bear, have kept upto-date and exhaustive records of the actions of their respective commissions.  They do not, however, give any insight into the procedures  involved in the establishment of legislation, nor do they give such information on the individual representatives to the commissions. respect, library research leaves many unanswered questions.  In this  In order  to obtain answers to these questions, a survey of thirty-two commissioners from the respective commissions was conducted.  The results are contained  in Chapter Five, preceding a conclusion to the thesis.  -1-  CHAPTER 1  ENVIRONMENTAL CONCERNS WITHIN GEOGRAPHY There already exists a large literature on the geographers' concern with the environment, and a great deal of the literature lies well beyond the scope of this thesis.  The main.purpose of the follow-  ing discussion of the environmental theme i s , as mentioned in the Introduction, f i r s t l y to link this thesis with some of the themes that are discussed in the more prominent works on environmental questions, and secondly to shed some light on an area of research that deserves future consideration by political geographers. Environmental concerns within geography were present within the discipline well before the turn of this century.  Alexander von  Humboldt, who Richard Hartshore, among many others, considered to be one of the founders of modern geography, came from a geological training, and perhaps for this reason his early works were on essentially physical topics.  It was in his later work that the ideas which  Darwin later postulated on the origin of species are foreshadowed.* There is some concern shown in the Cosmos^ for the evolution of species, and a suggestion that there might be truth to the idea of 'survival of the f i t t e s t ' , which was later to become widespread. Although some of von Humboldt's work was centred around particular regions, such as Central Asia, most of his endeavours were conducted at the global scale.  Because of this scale, the types of questions  that von Humboldt postulated - such as those of man as one closely related race, and the global classifications of plant distributions were of enormous breadth and many s t i l l remain the subject of  -2-  biological, ecological, and geographic enquiry.  Although geographers  treat many of the questions von Humboldt raised, few contemporary works are conducted at his global scale.  The larger scale regional or  local studies have become more the norm for geographic research.  This  may prove to be an unfortunate development as geographers, particularly p o l i t i c a l geographers, are beginning to deal with problems of international conflict, once more turning towards a global scale. It is difficult to comprehend research of international resource management, such as this thesis deals with, being conducted on anything but a global scale.  Treatment of such problems through a holistic  approach at a global scale, albeit from a slightly different viewpoint than von Humboldt, may prove in future research of this kind to be the best method of enquiry. The environmental thread in the geographic weave was carried on into the writings of Carl Ritter and Friedrich Ratzel.  Carl Ritter,  who was writing in geography at the same time as von Humboldt, i s commonly thought to have been influenced by von Humboldt, although Ritter's work shows greater concern for man than does von Humboldt's. Carl Ritter's research covered a wide field.  There was a concern for  natural science, and this was reflected in his systematic studies, wherein Ritter showed the importance of the earth's conditions to man. Much like Carl Ritter, Friedrich Ratzel was also a student who was i n i t i a l l y in natural science and found that, as a geographer, he could study the connection of man and physical environment.  In his f i r s t  conception of Anthropogeographie, Ratzel attempted to demonstrate human culture in terms of the natural conditions on the earth.  Later,  Ratzel reversed this original position, placing greater emphasis on the natural conditions in terms of human culture. Ratzel, however, maintained his original view.  Many who followed The result of this was  an environmental theme that dominated, particularly when carried into American geography, for some time. Ellen C. Semple, who had worked with Friedrich Ratzel, had a great impact on American geographical thinking.  Having studied with Ratzel  in Leipzig, Ellen Semple had become exposed to ideas presented in his Anthropogeographie, published in 1891.  Ellen C. Semple's study of  Influences of Geographic Environment came as a result of this exposure, and placed a great emphasis on a deterministic view of the environment' effects on man.3  It was Semple's view that the environment had acted  upon man, and determined his activities and subsequently his behaviour. It was largely that belief that led to the environmental determinist view, which gained a strong foothold over geographical thinking, and research, particularly in America. Ellsworth Huntington wrote of man and the environment, and in doin so gave evidence that human geography should be the study of the effects of man's interactions with his environment and subsequent behaviour on the earth.  Ellsworth Huntington stressed the climatic  factors and their effects on people,4 and later went on to suggest that those environmental factors were the major concern within human geography.5  Huntington suggested that the various characteristics of  man, the nature of his distributions over the earth, and the extent and variety of his activities, should be the subject for geographic enquiry.  He contended that because a l l man's activities occur i n a  _4-  definite place with distinct surroundings i t naturally followed that the conditions of habitat or environment were v i t a l , i f not fundamental, to the explanation of the distributions, activities and  accomplishments  of man or society.6 Man's activities, and his very evolution, were at the time suggested to have been determined by the environment.  In 1931, in an address  to the British Association of Geographers, Halford Mackinder stipulated that the hydrological cycle was a major factor in man's development and activities on earth..  To Mackinder, the very essence of l i f e had  been molded by the pressures of the changing environment, and of those environmental factors, the variation, amount and modes of water supply were fundamental.7 Hartshorne did not accept the environmental argument for geography because he felt that i t did not clearly indicate a basis for the discipline, and he felt that the environmental argument was not a satisfactory basis for the future development of the discipline.  To  Hartshorne, geography, as.anthropogeography,was merely a collection of relationships which could be classified into individual categories according to the natural factors.  Hartshorne believed that there was  no basis for a unified organization of many important relationships, and consequently the collections had no unity.8 Hartshorne concludes that even where organized unity was demonstrated in the works of such people as Ellen Semple, organization may be seen more clearly in the light of other disciplines.  To  Hartshorne, the environmental arguments lay largely on the transitional zones between disciplines, rather than directly within geography.  In  -5his view, the geography of the classical German geographers, such as Alexander von Humboldt and Carl Ritter, was not so deterministic and dealt more clearly with the character of place.  This, in Hartshorne's  view, provided a more viable foundation for geography.^  The result  of Hartshorne's attack on the environmentalists was a definite change in the focus of geographical writing in American geography.  Hence-  forth, the concepts of spatial variation and areal differentiation became a central theme.  It also was at this time, largely due to  the writing of Carl 0. Sauer, that the term "culture" seemed to take a stronger hold on the thinking of many geographers.  Carl Sauer re-  jected the idea that environmental response was dependent upon physical stimuli, but was instead based on acquired habit, which he called the culture of the group.  The environmental response, then,  according to Sauer, is a specific cultural option with regard to the particular habitat at any given time.10 This view of man's actions on the natural landscape was not entirely the work of Carl Sauer.  Harlan H. Barrows, in his  Presidential Address to the Association of American Geographers in 1922, had argued that geography should, be viewed in terms of man's actions on his environment rather than the reverse, and by doing so geography would have more unity.H  To Barrows, geography was "Human  Ecology". The environmental themes as stated by Sauer and others may  be  seen restated in much of the literature that is being written in geography today.  Despite the great number of geographers that have  moved to quantitative methods of geographical enquiry, which often  -6-  abstract space to the degree that there is no concern with any 'real' environment, there i s a good deal of recent geographical work with a strong environmental flavour. The environmental theme in geography today may be seen in a variety of approaches.  In the introduction of S.R. Eyre and G.R. Jones  to their book,-^ the two authors argue the case of the environmental theme in geography, stating that a total concern with spatial distributions and areal differentiation is to place blinkers on geography. They argue that i t is concern for the interactions between the environment and the human activities that leads to challenging geographic pursuits. 13  In Eyre's work on the vegetation of the South Pennine region, he deals with the distributions of different varieties of plants. Midway through the study, Eyre introduces what he terms the human factors, which trace the human activities that have occurred within his region.  While this study may be seen to be on the verge of  ecology, the work is distinctly geographical, in that Eyre has dealt with the character of the Pennine region, and is working at a larger scale that would not be suitable to the ecologist.  Similarly, the  comparatively small amount of work done by animal geographers has for the most part dealt with problems of animal distribution on a global or almost global scale. As geography develops and becomes more and more subdivided into specialized sub-disciplines, the environmental concerns within the discipline appear independently within these sub-disciplines, each with a unique focus.  The volume edited by Ian Burton and Robert  -7Kates  14  within the realm of resource geography, contains a great deal  of research that clearly reveals environmental concerns.  Similarly,  the work of Kenneth Watt*"' has had an impact on geographers working within the scope of biogeography and resource management.  Still  another example of recent environmental concerns in geography lies in the perception and behavioural interests of David Lowerithal"''^ and 17 Yi-Fu Tuan.  In their work l i e questions relating to man's  perception of the nature of his environment, and his attitudes and behaviour toward that environment, and subsequently his action within it. Through a brief summary of environmental themes within past geography, i t is clearly evident that environmental problems have had an important role in the development of the discipline.  It should  not appear unusual, then, that current research in geography, particularly with the importance given to environmental problems today, should become more closely related to urgent environmental questions. In presenting this thesis, which has by the nature of the problem a large biological component, i t is worth reflecting on past geographic research in order to place this research in the overall development of the discipline.  For the same reason, i t is worth reviewing some  current concerns within political geography. THE POLITICAL GEOGRAPHERS' CURRENT CONCERN FOR ENVIRONMENTAL THEMES One of the most recent significant statements regarding the environmental theme in political geography is Part Five of 18 The Structure of Political Geography.  In the introduction to the  papers which form that section of the volume, Kasperson and Minghi  -8-  trace the environmental thread more closely through political geography. The challenging theories of Arnold Toynbee and Karl Wittfogel,are the two most influential to the political geographer.  Toynbee's  "Challenge-Response" thesis deals primarily with civilization's response to environmental stress, concluding that the more d i f f i c u l t environments 19  allow for the growth of civilization.  Wittfogel broke from the  psychological approach that formed Toynbee's method of enquiry and pursued an "economic-political" mode of enquiry in his theory in "hydraulic civilization".  In Oriental Despotism, p o l i t i c a l institutions  played an important role in the functioning of the society, and bringmg  of social change. Despite the lengthy debate in political geography which followed  both Toynbee's and Wittfogel's work, there remained confusion regarding the clarification and conceptualization of environment and i t s impression upon politics.  The typology that was set down by Harold and  Margaret Sprout in Environmental Factors in the Study of International Politics went only part of the way to removing the confusion that surrounded the conceptualization of environment.  The Sprouts' typology  was comprised of environmental determinism, free will environmentalism, possibilism, cognitive behaviouralism and environmental probabilism, 21  which was to be used as a stencil for a l l man-milieu relationships. In their more recent work, the Sprouts have dealt specifically with the environmental theme, as i t affects international politics and foreign policy.  In The Ecological Perspective, the Sprouts trace the  environmental determinist theme through time, and bring to light many aspects of what might be termed modern day environmental/political  -9determinists.  22  Toward a Politics of the Planet Earth goes even  further, as the book is essentially devoted to the presentation of concepts and postulates that taken together provide a mode and style of thought about foreign policies toward the maintenance of the environ23 ment, both social and physical. The work which Derwent Whittlesey put forward as early as 1935 has shown to be closer to the general trend that most p o l i t i c a l geographers have taken regarding problems that relate to an political theme.  environmental-  Whittlesey maintained in "The Impress of Effective  Central Authority upon the Landscape" that p o l i t i c a l activities in 24 fact had a significant impress on the landscape.  The landscape is  altered, according to Whittlesey, by actions taken by central authority to maintain security, administrate i t s territory, and govern economic flow.  Whittlesey gives examples of the motives that drive  the central authority to alter landscape.  It is interesting to note  that a l l the examples of alterations to the landscape in Whittlesey's work may be clearly seen as result of political action.  It should be  noted, nevertheless, far greater ramifications to the landscape may exist that are, in fact, not so clearly tied to political action, and yet are undoubtedly a direct result of government policy. This could lead into the debate that ensued after the publication of The Nature of Geography over the use of the term "landscape".  The  political geographer has, for the most part, not become part of that debate.  The p o l i t i c a l geographer's reluctance to engage in that de-  bate may well be the reason for the political geographer's lack of concern beyond the permanent themes within his sub-discipline.  There  -10-  lies a vast area within the realm of environmental management that deals with such problems as conflict over jurisdictional zones and t e r r i t o r i a l management to which political geographers are well suited, but to which they have not, in the past, given attention. Roger Kasperson and Julian Minghi point out in the introduction to Part Five of The Structure of Political Geography that despite the work of people such as Harlan Barrows, Charles Colby, and Gilbert F. White, who have had great impact upon the formation of governmental policy, this realm of research seems to have been overlooked by most political geographers. "Curiously enough, however, political geographers have demonstrated very l i t t l e interest in an area for which they are academically well-equipped and in which geography boasts a distinguished heritage. Despite recognition ... as one of the major problem areas in Geography ... environmental management seldom receives the attention i t merits. While geography has certainly contributed extensively to policy and political issues surrounding natural resource use, the contributions have come from a group of geographers - such as White, Burton, Kates, Lucas and Sewell - who have had an unusually strong policy orientation. By comparison, research by scholars who consider themselves political geographers has been scanty at best. Young geographers might do well to explore the political dimensions of resource management."25 While i t is important that the place which this thesis has in the field of geography be demonstrated, i t is not sufficient to assume that research toward themes, such as the theme which shall be developed in this work, should proceed purely for the sake of broadening the horizons of the p o l i t i c a l geographer.  It i s , rather, in the applica-  tion of the results from academic enquiry toward the solution of real world problems that the greatest value of p o l i t i c a l geographymay be  -11-  found.  Through impartial academic work, the problems of conflicting  values at the international level may be seen more clearly, and exposition of these conflicting values may lead to greater understanding and p o l i t i c a l co-operation. THE AIM OF THE THESIS In "The Conflict of Salmon Fishing in the North Pacific", Julian Minghi clearly demonstrates the conflicting values held by the 26  countries concerned regarding their rights to Pacific salmon. Through the development of the article, Minghi shows the political complications which can arise from biased and inaccurate resource information and nationalistic management proposals.  Minghi has shown  the value of research by political geographers on the question of man's use of his environment generally, and,more specifically, the value of research on man's use of transnational resources. Governments have proven ability to develop the land within their own jurisdiction, but what of control over transnational resources, resources over which they do not have sole jurisdiction?  What nation  has the right to develop these resources, and by what methods?  In an  attempt to answer these and other questions, and to propose some form of regulation, joint commissions have been established to act on behalf of their governments.  Among the results of these commissions have  been recommendations' to the individual governments regarding resource management.  In most cases, some form of multilateral agreement i s  adopted and this leads to political action taken by a l l sides.  The  failure of the system lies with the commissions' lack of p o l i t i c a l authority.  That is to say, the commissions may not enforce legislation  -12-  which is binding to a l l parties concerned.  The political authority  comes from the independent governments of the concerned countries in the issue.  This thesis directs i t s e l f to the problem of the  commissions' lack of political authority to regulate the taking of mobile resources that move across p o l i t i c a l l y defined space, or areas of implied p o l i t i c a l jurisdiction. In order to prove the hypothesis that man's past and present uses of resources have led, in some cases, to the urgent need for international political regulation, i t will be necessary to review how commissions have attempted to resolve problems of transnational resource management in the past, to determine what changes they are making at present, and to analyse their intentions for future development.  If  the hypothesis is correct, i t should be supported by such an examination, as difficulties encountered by the commissions should be made evident and a case for the hypothesis as a solution to those difficulties be , put forward.  As this work deals with a number of unknown factors,  such as government acceptance of the commissions' recommendations, that may be affected by any number of political forces at work within a country, i t is not advantageous to attempt to present the thesis in a quantitative manner.  Conclusions from such a method would require  a rigid approach to a problem that demands a holistic approach, and will inevitably result in conclusions which may appear probabilistic in nature.  Through a sound examination of the performance of past  and present commissions, exposition of the value of this thesis to political geography, and as a solution to the problems of international transnational resource management,may be achieved.  Through such  -13enquiry at a global scale, allowance may be made for many of the variables that affect international co-operation i n the f i e l d of transnational resource management.  While this may lead to the inclusion  of some generalities and probabilistic statements, i t should in no way detract from the value of the thesis. Hence, as mentioned i n the introduction, three transnational resources, and their respective international organizations, will be examined; the whaling industry, the Pacific salmon, and the polar bear. The f i r s t chapter will deal i n i t i a l l y with an examination of the whaling industry and the effects of the International Whaling Commission on the general harvest of whales since i t s establishment in 1946.  The  major concentration will be on Antarctic whaling, the blue whale in particular, although i t will be necessary to examine some of the statistics of past whaling activities i n the North Atlantic and the North Pacific oceans.  The necessity for review of the latter two areas  of whaling lies i n the fact that they were areas of active whaling prior to the Antarctic whaling industry, and both foreshadowed the pending doom of a once-plentiful Antarctic resource.  Despite the knowledge of  the severe depletion of whale stocks, and consequently the establishment of an International Whaling Commission, the Commission could not stop the continued exploitation of Antarctic whales which has resulted in the virtual extinction of many species.  The reason for the  International Whaling Commission's failure to manage successfully the whaling industry will be one of the central themes of the thesis. The second part of the following chapter will deal with conflict over the Pacific salmon, a long standing conflict resulting from  -14international economic competition for a transnational resource within an area of undefined p o l i t i c a l jurisdiction.  The problem of national  rights to salmon fishing is made complex by the l i f e cycle of the salmon. Salmon spawn in fresh water before moving out to the open sea.  This  has allowed countries to stake claim to the salmon which spawned within their territorial bounds, but soon move out of their area of jurisdiction.  On the high seas, the difficulty arises in determining which  salmon are American spawned and which are Asian spawned, despite evidence of biological differences. What is important to this thesis is the fact that the International North Pacific Fisheries Commission (I.N.P.F.C.) has been powerless to legislate a just settlement to the dispute.  The regulatory terms of  the I.N.P.F.C. have been inflexible, with the result that regulations governing international salmon fishing rights remain disputed and consequently not conducive to permanent international agreement. The third chapter will deal with the movement of polar bear over international and national boundaries, and the resulting problems of international and national management.  Until quite recently there has  been very l i t t l e research on the polar bear.  Perhaps as a consequence  of this lack of research there has been l i t t l e awareness, until 27  recently, of the number of polar bears.  The f i r s t international  concern was demonstrated by the meeting of polar bear specialists at Fairbanks, Alaska, in 1965.  The resulting report recognized problems  which faced those who were trying to establish policy for the manage28  ment of the species.  The polar bears' wandering habits made i t  d i f f i c u l t for single nations to institute legislation actively which  -15-  would protect the polar bears as they cross political boundaries. The very nature of the environment makes any form of enforcement exceptionally d i f f i c u l t , and added to that problem is the constitutional right of the natives who have had a 'traditional' right to hunt the polar bear, because polar bears are thought to be part of their natural heritage.  Many Eskimo, who may not have had the need to hunt polar  bears, may be induced to do so by the financial returns that the pelts bring. Polar bears are a transnational resource, whose future i s in doubt. Increasing extraction of northern natural resources i n Canada, and Alaska, undoubtedly will have a great effect on the northern environment. This development, coupled with the recognized problems of the necessity for polar bear management, as set down by polar bear specialists in Fairbanks and later i n the meeting of the International Union for Conservation  of Nature and Natural Resources (I.U.C.N.), in Morges, 29  Switzerland,  has brought about far-reaching national legislative  controls for polar bear management.  Based on material to be presented  in the following chapters, the thesis will attempt to illustrate the necessity for international political control. This thesis should serve a dual function, f i r s t l y to prove the hypothesis that man's past and present uses of transnational resources have led, in some cases, to the urgent need for international political regulation, and secondly to effectively introduce the problems of transnational resource management as an important part of p o l i t i c a l geography.  The fulfilment of that function will be brought about by  an examination of what has occurred with the whale, what i s occurring  -16-  with the Pacific salmon, and an examination of current reports from the members of the I.U.C.N, who are making recommendations  to concerned  governments on methods of polar bear management. The preceding would afford a close look at three marine based resources, a l l with a high degree of mobility across p o l i t i c a l boundari or jurisdictional zones.  Essentially, the problem is one of a man-  environment theme, and involves the complex issues of competing international economic concerns on national policy making.  These  problems are compounded by the mobility of such resources, thus requiring international co-operation in order to effectively regulate transnational resources.  -17CHAPTER 1 FOOTNOTES: 1.  T. W. Freeman, A Hundred Years of Geography, (Chicago: Aldine Publishing Co., 1961, P. 34.  2.  Alexander von Humboldt, Cosmos, Trans. E.G. Otte, Vol.1, (London: 1849).  3.  Ellen Churchill Semple, Influences of Geographic Environment, (New York: 1911).  4.  Ellsworth Huntington, "Climatic Variations and Economic Cycles", Geographic Review, Vol. 1, (1916).  5.  Ellsworth Hungtington, Principles of Human Geography, (New York: J. Wiley § Sons, 1920).  6.  Ellsworth Huntington and Fred Carlson, Environmental Basis of Social Geography, (New York: Prentice-Hall Inc., 1930), pp. 7-8.  7.  Halford J. Mackinder, "The Human Habitat", The Scottish Geographical Magazine, Vol. XLVII, No. 6, (1931), p. 321.  8.  Richard Hartshorne, "The Nature of Geography", A.A.A.G., Vol. XXIX, Nos. 3 and 4, (1939), p. 124.  9.  Ibid., p. 125.  10.  Carl 0. Sauer, "Forward to Historical Geography", A.A.A.G., Vol. XXXI, No. 1, Reprinted Land and Life, A Selection from the Writings of Carl Ortwin Sauer, Ed. J. Leighly, (Berkley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, (1965), p. 359.  11.  Harlan H. Barrows, "Geography as Human Ecology", A.A.A.G., Vol. XIII, (1923), p. 7.  12.  S.R. Eyre and G.R. Jones, Geography as Human Ecology: Methodology by Example, (New York, 1966).  13.  Ibid., P. 145.  14.  Ian Burton and Robert Kates, Readings in Resource Management and Conservation, (University of Chicago, 1965).  15.  Kenneth Watt, Ecology and Resource Management, (McGraw H i l l , 1968).  -1816.  David Lowenthal, Environmental Perception and Behaviour, (Dept. of Geography, University of Chicago, 1968).  17.  Yi-FuTuan, "Attitudes Toward Environment: Themes and Approaches", Environmental Perception and Behaviour, Ed. David Lowenthal, (Dept. of Geography, University of Chicago, 1968).  18.  Roger E. Kasperson and Julian V. Minghi, The Structure of Political Geography, (Chicago: Aldine Publishing Co., 1969), pp. 423-96.  19.  Arnold J. Toynbee, A Study of History, New York: Oxford University Press, 1951).  20.  Karl Whittfogel, Oriental Despotism: Comparative Study of Total Power, (New Haven: Yale University Press).  21.  Harold and Margaret Sprout, "Environmental Factors in the Study of International Politics", Journal of Conflict Resolution, 1, No. 4, (1957), pp. 309-28.  22.  Ibid., The Ecological Perspective, (Princeton University Press, 1965) .  23.  Ibid., Towards a Politics of the Planet Earth, (Van Nostrand Reinhold Co., 1971).  24.  Derwent Whittlesey, "The Impress of Effective Central Authority upon the Landscape", A.A.A.G., Vol. XXV, No. 1, (March 1935), pp. 85-97.  25.  Roger E. Kasperson and Julian V. Minghi, The Structure of Political Geography, (Chicago: Aldine Publishing Company, 1969, p. 432 [emphasis added])  26.  Julian V. Minghi, "The Conflict of Salmon Fishing Policies i n the North Pacific", Pacific Viewpoint, Vol. II, (1961), pp. 59-84.  27.  Vagn Flyger, "The Polar Bear - a Matter for International Concern", Arctic, Vol. 20, No. 3, (Sept. 1967), p. 147.  28.  First International Scientific Meeting of the Polar Bear, (Dept. of the Interior and University of Alaska, U.S.A., September 1965).  29.  International Union for Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources, The 2nd Working Meeting of Polar Bear Specialists, Morges, Switzerland, (February, 1970).  -19CHAPTER II THE BLUE WHALE AND PACIFIC SALMON This chapter will examine the effects of two International Commissions on the regulation of two transnational marine resources. A discussion on the International Whaling Commission's (I.W.C.) actions in the past forty years regarding the blue whale will be presented f i r s t , in an attempt to examine the political geographic ramifications of the species' movement throughout the Antarctic.  Following this is a dis-  cussion on the conflict over the use of the North Pacific salmon, and the International North Pacific Fishing Commission's (I.N.P.F.C.) role in trying to settle that dispute. The Blue Whale The blue whale's''' annual migration from the northern latitudes to the Antarctic occurs because of a dramatic increase in the amount of 2 Krill  (Euphasia Superba, a large planktonic animal) during the summer  months of December, January and February.  K r i l l is the exclusive food  for the blue whale, and responds to the increased light hours and the 3 heat during the southern summer.  It is commonly believed that the  blue whale leaves the Antarctic during the southern winter months in order to protect the young.  Blue whales travel within family groups,  and therefore will move together, and, as the young lack large amounts of blubber, they do not possess the same tolerance for cold as the adults of the species.  (See map 2-1 for Antarctic palagic areas.)  The consequence of this migration has been the increase in a l l areas around continental Antarctic in the number of blue whales, and baleen  -20-  ANTARCTICA MAP 2-1  A N T A R C T I C WHALING REGIONS Source:  George L. Small, The Blue Whale, (Columbia University Press, 1971.  -21-  whales generally, during the southern winter months. The Antarctic is a truly international area.  Although the contin-  ent of Antarctica is divided into sectors, (see map 2-1), these are not areas of defined political jurisdiction, but rather areas designated in 4  order to facilitate orderly scientific research.  The areas as they  appear on the map are:(1) (2) (3) (4) (5)  Falkland Islands Dependencies (British) Queen Maud Land (Norwegian) WiIkies Land (Australian) Adelie Land (French) Ross Dependency (No single national interest)  (6)  J.W.  Ellsworth Land (No single national interest)  The p o l i t i c a l geographer's concern with the migratory pattern and consequent harvest of blue whales lies in the national policy that is established to govern whaling activities over a defined area.  The  action of whalers, or salmon fishermen, or in fact polar bear hunters within a defined area, can be controlled only to the extent to which their individual governments choose.  For this reason i t is perhaps  valuable to examine the national policies of the whaling countries and their effect on the harvest of the blue whale. To examine the national policies of a l l the whaling nations would be a worthwhile but very extensive and d i f f i c u l t task, as i t would require the gathering of certain confidential national documents, requiring extensive travel and search through the national archives of the states in question.  Because this is not possible for the author, this  thesis will examine the national whaling policies of only two of the nations involved in the k i l l i n g of whales; Japan and Norway.  A  tremendous amount of research has been carried out on these two nations by George Small,^ and therefore the task of compiling the basic inform-  -22ation required for a political geographic analysis of the management of the blue whales,is greatly simplified. Two National Whaling Policies The f i r s t concern for the world's whale stocks was not so much a result of the diminishing stocks of whales, but rather because of the economic uncertainty of some countries brought about by the increasing sophistication of whaling techniques.  It should not be implied, how-  ever, that there had been no examples of diminished numbers of whales, for indeed there had.  By the early Eighteenth Century, the Right  whale, hunted in the North Atlantic by the British, was commercially extinct as a result of over-hunting.  Similarly, the California Grey  whale, a very slow-swimming whale that migrates from the Arctic waters south tbethe warmer waters of Southern California for mating, was subjected to massive slaughter, and was twice thought to be extinct until a federal law was passed in the U.S. in 1936 forbidding the k i l l i n g of grey whales.'  7  The invention of the harpoon gun, and the stern slipway for factory ships, made whaling a far easier profession for those who had use of the gun, and undoubtedly had a great effect on the numbers of whales taken each year.  The f i r s t call for international whaling  controls came from the League of Nations in 1927.  While international  controls did not result from these meetings, they prompted independent government action in the area of whaling control.  In 1929, the  Norwegian parliament passed an act regulating the k i l l i n g of baleen whales.  The act gave the national government complete power to govern  the activities of their whalers on the high seas.  This b i l l is of  major significance i f we analyse the catches of blue whales by both the Norwegians and Japanese.  (See Table No.2-1.)  After two years,  when f u l l enforcement took effect, there was a dramatic decrease in the. harvest of whales by the Norwegians, particularly in terms of their blue whale catch.  The Japanese, who did not enforce any  restrictions, increased both their overall total and blue whale'catch, although at this time the Japanese catch was not of major significance. The 1929 Act had, however, even more far reaching implications than might f i r s t be realized.  For example, the Act required government  inspectors to be present on board Norwegian factory ships to prevent infractions of the new law, and catch journals were to be kept.  Perhaps  the most important accomplishment, however, is the fact that the Act established the Hvalrad, or whaling, Council to act as an advisor to the Norwegian government in a l l matters pertaining to whale and whaling control, both on a national and international level.  In a fashion some-  what similar to the I.N.P.F.C. and the I.U.C.N., to be discussed later, the Hvalrad started as a group of biologists concerned for the proper regulation of the whaling industry and also for the exchange of scientific data.  It was some time later than the governments of  whaling nations, and finally business interests, entered the organization. In 1934, there was an amendment to the Act that prevented the k i l l i n g of blue whales with a body length less than sixty-five feet. This was an increase of five feet over the previous legislation.of 1929, 8  that allowed any whale sixty feet or more to be taken.  jn 1935,  DIAGRAM 2 - 1  - COMPARISON OF NORWEGIAN AND JAPANESE BLUE WHALE CATCH FOR SELECTED YEARS  Year  Blue  Total World % Blue  Total World % Whale Catch  Blue  74.5 9.1 47.7 33.3 21.8 43.2 25.5 34.7 6.9  3 6 ..4 4 . ..7 2 0 . .4 1 0 .,8 4 . ,7 5 .,6 2..4 1..4 .2  16 17 147 2,397 3,280 318 652 656 1,217  -  8,700  1928-29 1931-32 1934-35 1937-38 1940-41 1950-51 1952-53 1957-58 1960-61  10,181 61 8,039 4,985 4,096 3,145 119076 587 138  Totals for Recorded years  29,308  Source:-  International Whaling S t a t i s t i c s ,  .  -  Total World Blue  Total World % Whale Catch  1.1 2.5 8.7 16.0 65.2 4.3 15.4 38.8 61.2  .5 1.3 .3 5.2 14.1 .5 1.4 1.6 1.8  -  JAPAN  NORWAY  JAPAN  NORWAY  .  Annual Reports f o r  -  World Total Taken  Total Whales Killed  14,996 797 16,939 14,960 4,362 18,024 11,620 13,289 12,829  53.7 62.2 43.1 32.4 18.8 32.3 26.6 33.7 19.4  98,816  1929 t h r o u g h  -  1966.  .  Total Whales Killed  1,463 1,036 2,000 5,582 12,920 5,043 5,397 11,763 19,891  85,185  World Total % Taken  5.1 4.0 5.1 12.1 55.7 9.0 12.3 29.8 30.2  -25further revision to the 1929 b i l l was passed, whereby Norwegian nationals were no longer permitted to work on board any vessel of another country's registry i f that country did not have similar whaling restrictions to Norway.  By the same token, the exporting of whaling equipment  9  was controlled. As in a l l cases where there is a need for international management of a resource, there i s the need for enforcement of the established laws. Such enforcement i s often costly to the government, and this case was no exception.  In order to meet the costs of enforcement and also to sub-  sidize the Hvalrad, a tax was levied against barrels of whale o i l . tax varied, but was enforced in some form until 1952.  This  It may well have  been the beginning of the demise of the great Norwegian whaling fleets of the early Twentieth Century.  It is estimated that by 1952, Norwegian  whaling companies had a total loss in potential earnings of 244,000,000, N. Kroner, ($34,366,000).^  Once again, the significance of that state-  ment lies in the fact that the Japanese had no restrictions of this kind to hinder their whaling activities. International agreement came in 1935, in the form of the Convention for the Regulation of Whaling, which was broadened in 1937 to include specific agreements.  (See Appendix I.)  This will be dis-  cussed under the heading International Whaling Commission.  It is use-  ful to note here, however, that Germany and Japan were not part of the 1935 Agreement, but by 1937 Germany had bowed to the pressure of contiguous European states and consented to join.  Nazi Germany was at  that time building a very powerful whaling fleet, and that increase in size affected Norwegian national policy as they were determined not to  -26allow dominance by the Nazi and also the Japanese whaling fleets that were emerging at that time. Concern over the rapid increase of the German and Japanese whaling efforts prompted the Norwegian government in 1939 to ban the sale of whaling vessels abroad.  As may be seen from the tables 2-1 on page 23,  Japan's increased catch of blue whales in the 1937-38 season jumped from 147 to 2,397, and their total intake of a l l whales had more than doubled.  This trend continued in 1940-41, and the total Japanese  whale catch rose to 12,920 whales, approximately three times the Norwegian total.*''" In 1955, Norway argued for the protection of blue whales, as there was increasing evidence that the number of blue whales was diminishing. The sub-group that was particularly in question was the blue whales that migrated north-south from the Northern Atlantic.  A l l countries  within the Commission agreed to the protection, with the exception of Denmark and Iceland who refused to be bound by the Agreement.  By 1959,  the Norwegian government had agreed to abide by quotas of whales 12 established through negotiations within the I.W.C. In comparison to the Norwegian whaling fleets of the early Twentieth Century, the Japanese fleets did not appear prominently. Expansion of the Japanese whaling fleets began in the early 1930's, when the Japanese government boosted their industry with the construction of six floating factory ships.  These ships were put into service  from 1935-1939, and their effect on the Japanese catch is reflected in the steady increase in the figures shown in Table 2-1. In terms of a national policy against whaling, the Japanese have  -27been very slow in accepting or even considering international margins for whale intake.  There is l i t t l e doubt that the Japanese national  policy at the time of the formation of the I.W.C. was toward military expansion and the acquisition of territory throughout their sphere of influence.  This, in part, may well have added to the intensive whaling  that was carried on just prior to the Second World War, because much of the  input into the whaling industry came from the Manchurian Heavy  Industry Corporation, a military organization that required both 13 foreign income and food. The Japanese government had, however, instituted a licensing policy in 1933.  This required a l l whalers to be licensed by the  national government.  In 1936, the law was revised, and only those  whalers operating away.from the Japanese islands were required to apply for a license.  There appeared, however, l i t t l e discretion shown for  whale numbers as far.ias the allocating of licenses was concerned. During the 1940-41 season, the last prewar season, the Japanese and the  German fleets had maintained tremendously high catch levels of  blue whales, and despite international warning, did nothing to stop the  granting of licenses. The Japanese continued virtually unrestricted whaling until 1965,  when the size of the fleets began to decrease proportionately with the decrease of blue and other whales.  In June 1967, the Japanese  realized the c r i t i c a l shortage of blue whales, and finally the national government agreed to prohibit its whalers from k i l l i n g the blue whale. In October and November of the same year, however, the Japanese national government granted licenses to take whales off the coast of Chile, with  -28-  no restrictions on the k i l l i n g of blue whales whatsoever.  14  At the present time, very few blue whales are being taken, simply because very few remain.  The aspect of these facts that is of interest  to the political geographer, and consequently to this thesis, is the i n ability of the I.W.G. to enforce any legislation that would supercede that of the national governments concerned.  Quite clearly, the mobil-  ity of the resource, and i t s transnational nature, had made an extraterritorial government a necessity.  By the same token, however, i t  had created areas where whaling was done annually that had become, in effect, jurisdictional zones that national governments felt were within their legislative realm.  The I.W.C.'s lack of international political  control led to continued Japanese whaling, despite c r i t i c a l l y low harvest figures.  In order to see this more clearly, i t is necessary  to examine the International Whaling Commission and i t s role in the control of the blue whale. The International Whaling Commission The Convention for the Regulation of Whaling was ratified in 1935. It showed early signs of failure, as neither Germany nor Japan would joint the Commission, and indeed Britain and Norway were the only two countries that did adhere to the regulations that were set down. Even in 1937, when the governments of South Africa, United States of America, Argentina, Australia, Germany, Great Britain and Northern Ireland, the Republic of Ireland, New Zealand and Norway (note the exclusion of Japan), sat down to work out an agreement that would effectively limit the number of whales taken, these governments could not agree on the quotas that should be taken.  The problem seemed to stem  -29from the national governments' lack of political jurisdiction over the action of their whalers, a problem that has plagued the International Commission in almost every form of resource management."''^  (See  Appendix I) The f i r s t meeting of the International Whaling Commission in 1949 was largely devoted to the formulation of rules and regulations and to establish the financial contributions of the countries concerned.  The  1953 meeting, however; was one where the f i r s t large opposition to the committee's recommendations took place.  A proposal was put forward to  the commission to prevent the hunting of blue whales for one season in Area II.  (See map 2-1) . Area II was thought to be an area of extreme  harvests, and therefore the need to prevent further k i l l i n g there was greater than elsewhere. Netherlands.  A l l whaling nations agreed, except the  Acting on advice from their scientific advisors, the  Dutch delegation refused to accept the recommendation, and threatened to boycott or, worse w i l l , to veto the recommendation.  The Dutch  delegation presented information that they claimed proved that the estimates of blue whale stocks were erroneous.^  The threat of a veto  brought other nations, who had previously realized the necessity to protect the blue whale in Area II, to agree for five years to the prevention of whaling in that area.  The only limitation on whaling 17  that occurred, however, was a delay of the season for two weeks. By the early 1950's, the Japanese were members of the I.W.C., and, in fact, the commission's annual meeting in 1953 was in Tokyo.  Much  of the scientific writing about the blue whale at that time called for protection of the species as they maintained that the blue whale stocks  -30were drastically decreasing.  The Dutch, however, continued to insist  that the number of blue whales was far more than estimated, and hunting continued. The debate over the number of blue whales existing i n the Antarctic waters continued for five more consecutive meetings before the commission finally made realistic proposals for the protection of the species.  In  1958, there was a suggestion that each nation should be allotted a portion of the Antarctic quota that would be valid for seven years.  It was  open to each nationa to decide their national quota among their whaling companies. At this point i t is usefullto examine in p o l i t i c a l geographic terms what, in fact, had been proposed.  The I.W.C., an international organiz-  ation devoid of any p o l i t i c a l authority, had made recommendations for independent sovereign states to govern the operating of their, factory ships, and, in effect, their territory, in an area of undefined sovereignty, but implied zones of jurisdiction,namely the whaling areas on the high seas.  The whaling companies, particularly the Dutch  companies, refused to co-operate, and therefore for purely economic and domestic, political reasons, the Dutch refused to support the I.W.C. In effect, the national policy within the Netherlands and their eventual 18 withdrawal from the commission in 1959, destroyed any chance of the I.W.C. working effectively, as i t allowed for free economic interests in an otherwise controlled situation.  The Dutch national policy, then,  had a clear and marked influence on the regulation of the blue whale, and ultimately on the policy of other interested states. . In 1960, the I.W.C. decided that they should establish the 'Committee  -31of Three', which was to be agroup of three pelagic scientists from non-whaling countries, to assess the population of blue whales.  While  their study was being conducted, the whaling fleets continued their decimation because of the added excuse that the committee findings had not been released and therefore there was doubt that the blue whale stocks were really as low as they were estimated to be. Japan became the chief antagonist in the early 1960's, for Japanese fleets were becoming better equipped than in previous years. 19 Despite the quotas finally established by the I.W.C. in 1962  , the  Japanese national government was reluctant to control i t s whalers and therefore, in 1963, when the I.W.C. finally received the findings of the Committee of Three, the Japanese insisted that the quota of 5,000 blue whale units suggested by the committee be increased to 10,000 units, and threatened to veto i f they were not increased. the commission backed down.  Once again  Furthermore, the Japanese made a case for  the existence of a sub-species of blue whale that they called the pigmy blue whale, and asserted that they should be permitted to k i l l these, as their scientists had predicted an annual intake of 400 whales without threat to the species' survival.  Despite serious  scientific doubts about the existence of such a sub-species as the 20 pigmy blue whale,  the I.W.C. incredibly gave way to Japanese demands.  By 1965, fifteen floating factory expeditions, with 172 catcher boats, killed twenty blue whales. economically or biologically alive.  The blue whale was no longer The I.W.C. had failed, and failed  because of national political interests.  With the continued hunting  within the pigmy blue whale area,(See map 2-1), the blue whale may well  -32be extinct.  George Small states:-  "In my opinion the pigmy whale was a fraud used as an excuse to continue k i l l i n g blue whales in a portion of the Antarctic where a few could s t i l l be found. The 1963 meeting of the Whaling Commission was asmuch a failure as i t s predecessors despite the apparent progress in granting the blue whale protection throughout much of the Antarctic. The architect of that failure was the Japanese whaling industry".21 While the Japanese might well be seen as the nation that dealt the final death blow to the blue whale, i t cannot be allowed to hold a l l the responsibility for the I.W.C.'s lack of management.  The  machinery was available within the I.W.C. with one significant exception, i t had no power of enforcement.  Ultimately the decision to  accept or reject i t s decision lay in the hands of the national politicians, who, after a l l , were primarily concerned for their national economic interests. had p o l i t i c a l authority?  What may have happened i f the I.W.C.  This and other questions will be discussed  in the s'rxith'h and concluding chapter after an examination of the similarities reflected in the International North Pacific Fisheries Commission's handling of the dispute over the North Pacific salmon, and the International Union for Conservation of Nature's plan for the management of the polar bear has been discussed. The Nbrth Pacific Salmon The Pacific salmon provides an interesting transition between the discussion on the blue whale and the discussion on the polar bear to follow.  The blue whale is a completely transnational marine resource,  while the polar bear is a transnational resource that is for the most 22 part 'land' based.  The Pacific salmon i s , on the other hand, found  -33within one particular p o l i t i c a l region during part of i t s l i f e cycle, and therefore some national claim, as with the polar bear, may be laid to salmon spawned in national streams.  Salmon become truly inter-  national when on the high seas, in a similar manner to the blue whale. There are four countries actively concerned in the management of the North Pacific salmon. and the U.S.S.R.  Those countries are Japan, U.S.A., Canada  The actual conflict over the use of the Pacific  salmon occurs primarily between Japan and the U.S.A., and therefore thse two countries will provide the prime focus for the following discussion on the nature of the dispute, and the I.N.P.F.C.'s abilities to handle the situation.  (Map2-2)  As mentioned, the salmon spawn and hatch in fresh water streams that are completely under the jurisdiction of the coastal state.  As  they mature, the salmon return to the high seas where they spend the middle cycle before returning to the streams from which they hatched, thus ending the l i f e cycle.  The problem that results is in the  claims made by coastal states to their rights to take salmon that were spawned in their jurisdictional zone.  Traditionally, salmon on the  high seas have been free for any individual torcat'ch.to cHdwe'v-er, they are becoming an increasingly valuable resource, despite, and perhaps as a result of, their diminishing numbers. At approximately the same time that the Japanese were beginning to expand their whaling industries, so too were they becoming involved in salmon fishing in the North Pacific on a large scale.  The f i r s t  sign of the salmon fishing dispute occurred in the mid 1930's when Japanese research vessels entered Bristol Bay in order to prepare for  MAP 2-2 AMERICAN AND JAPANESE ZONES  -35future fishing in the area.  After U.S. protests, the Japanese agreed 23  not to fish the area, and curtailed further research. The end of the Second World War brought about the Treaty of Peace committing Japan to enter into international negotiations and therefore 24 in 1953, Japan became a party to the I.N.P.F.C.  Through international  negotiations, a l l parties agreed to a 'temporary' line located along the meridian 175 degrees West longitude, that would serve as a "line of 25 abstention".  Hence the term the 'abstention principle' was coined.  Under the 'abstention principle', nations agreed to abstain from fishing for stocks of certain species in particular areas, other than those spawned in their sphere of influence.  This measure was negotiated  as a measure of conservation as much as i t was to protect the native stocks of salmon. It was based on three major provisions:"1. Scientific evidence indicates that the stock is fished so heavily that more fishing would not provide substantial additional catch which could be sustained year after year. 2. The stock is based on conservation records ebasedeiiponL-; scientific research for the purpose of maintaining or i n creasing i t s maximum sustained productivity, and 3. The stock is subject to an extensive research programme to discover whether i t is being fully utilized, and.to find how i t s productivity may be maintained as a maximum."  ^  The Japanese, however, asserted that the abstention policy was more of an economic or political act rather than one of a conservationist's view.  Furthermore, the Japanese repeatedly asserted that the coastal  state should not have any unilateral authority over the control of the fish within i t s adjacent waters simply because of i t s geographical 26 location. The most c r i t i c a l problem, however, may be most simply stated.  -36Th e Americans have in the recent past found that they have had diminished stocks of salmon in the Bristol Bay area.  It was asserted that  the reason for this decline was due to overfishing of the salmon stocks 27 by the Japanese.  The I.N.P.F.C. thus became involved in a dispute  that i t has not to this time resolved.  Much like the I.W.C, the  concerned parties, particularly the Japanese, threatened to withdraw 28 from the commission should the commission rule against them. As a result of this dispute, and in the interest of conservation, a great amount of research has been carried out on fish migration. The result of these studies may be used by both governments as a basis for re-negotiating the 175 degree West line.  The Americans claim that  American-spawned tagged red salmon have been found as far as 175 degrees East, and use the fact to argue for a re-negotiation of the line. 29 Similar facts may be presented for chum salmon and pink salmon.  (See  maps 2-3, 2-4, 2-5) The Japanese have also engaged in f a i r l y extensive research on the topic of fish migration, and as a consequence have data arguing for 30 a change of the line to 160 degrees West.  It appears obvious from  maps 2-3, 2-4 and 2-5 that there is a large 'mixing' zone, and one that will need careful international management.  Management, however,  means enforcement of regulations and that appears to be beyond the scope of the I.N.P.F.C. Having reviewed the asserted efforts of the I.W.C. and examined the problem of the salmon conflict, the two cases appear remarkably similar.  In the I.W.C, the national economic interests proved dominant  over the views of scientists and conservationists.  As the resource  MAP 2-3 EASTERN A N D WESTERN DISTRIBUTIONS O F A L A S K A N AND K A M C H A T K A N RED SALMON Source for. this and following two maps: Allan C. Hartt, "Migrations of Salmon in the North Pacific Ocean and Bearing Seas As Determined by Seining and Tagging" I.N.P.F.C. Bulletin No. 19, 1966, p. 81-82.  MAP  2-4  GENERAL  DISTRIBUTION  OF EASTERN  AND WESTERN  PINK  SALMON  MAP  2-5  GENERAL  DISTRIBUTION  OF EASTERN  AND WESTERN  CHUM  SALMON  -40-  becarae less, the struggle to maintain national quotas became greater, and there resulted the presence of strong national interests in areas of no political authority.  This created a superficial zone, where  nations would annually partake in the k i l l i n g of whales without regard for any form of overall areal management attempted by the I.W.C. The fishing dispute over the North Pacific salmon and the negotiations to restrict fishing beyond the 175 degree West line have, in effect, created jurisdictional zones that are considered to be unjust by the parties concerned.  The problem of how to resolve the  situation has existed for over a decade, and s t i l l the I.N.P.F.C. is powerless.  As one leading Canadian o f f i c i a l remarked, the Japanese  need the fish, and therefore i f they cannot get the fish through 31 negotiations they will get them without.  Enforcement, short of  naval policing, is impractical, i f not impossible.  Where, then, do  the answers l i e , and in what ways may future research by political geographers help to solve problems of this.nature? Before entering into a discussion on either of the above questions, one further example of transnational resource management should be discussed.  Through a discussion of the polar bear, a species that has  just recently become a case for international management, further evidence in support of the hypothesis that man's past and present uses of transnational resources have, in some cases, led to the need for international political control, may be put forward.  In addition, the  political geographic concerns for such research may be made clearer.  -41-  CHAPTER II FOOTNOTES: 1.  The blue whale belongs to the order Cetacea, and is of the suborder Mystacoceti, which differs distinctly from the suborder Odontoceti which includes the porpoise, dolphin, k i l l e r whale, and sperm whales, among others. A l l of the Cetaceans that belong to the suborder Odontoceti have teeth, which is the principal distinguishing characteristic between the two suborders. In place of teeth, a l l whales belonging to the suborder Mystacoceti have a baleen which hangs down from the upper jaw bone, and acts as a sieve. The.whale allows the inflow of water through the hairy fringe of the baleen that traps the zooplankton. As the whale closes its jaws, i t raises its tongue to force out the sea water, and thus swallows the food. Because the baleen is common to a l l whales belonging to the suborder Mystacoceti, they are frequently referred to as baleen whales. The blue whale belongs to a family class which, is the Balaenopteridae, more commonly associated with the term rorqual. Hence from this point on, the blue whale will be referred to as a baleen whale of the rorqual family.  2.  For more complete biological information on K r i l l , see: J.W.S. Marr, "The Natural History and Geography of the Antarctic K r i l l " , Discovery Reports, XXXII (1962) pp.32 - 464.  3.  George L. Small, The Blue Whale, (Columbia University Press, 1971) p. 47. This book i s the printed version of Small's doctoral thesis entitled The Virtual Extinction of an Extraterritorial Palagic Resource, The Blue Whale, (Columbia University, New York 1968) and contains much of the same information. The thesis was conducted in the Department of Political Science, although tribute is paid to Dr. William A. Hance, Chairman of the Department of Geography, Columbia University. As the information in the book is so similar to that of his thesis, the thesis will only be cited where i t contains information in more detail or not included in the book.  4.  T.O. Jones, "The Antarctic Treaty", Research in the Antarctic, American Association for the Advancement of Science, Washington, D.C. Pub. No. 93, 1971, pp. 57 - 65.  5.  There has been a great deal of scientific debate over the actual existence of such a species as the pigmy blue whale. The Japanese had claimed that there did exist a smaller version of the blue whale with some biological differences. This was argued successfully at the I.W.C, and was the basis for extending the season beyond the c r i t i c a l period referred to later in the text. For a details discussion on the pigmy blue whale see: V.A. Z.emsky  -42and V.A. Boronin, "On the Question of the Pigmy Blue Whale Taxonomic Position", Norsk Ilvalfangst Tideride,(Norwegian Whaling Gazette) November 1964, pp. 306-311. 6.  Small, The Blue Whale, 1971.  7.  Ibid. p. 7 See also, L. Adams "Census of the Grey Whale", Norsk Hvalfangst Tidende (March/April, 1968) p. 42.  8.  This may seem like a t r i v i a l amount, but at the time i t must be seen as progressive legislation, as there was no need to k i l l whales that small, therefore they were regarded simply as added revenue.  9.  G. L. Small, "The Virtual Extinction.of an Extraterritorial Palagic Resource - The Blue Whale" (Unpublished Ph.D dissertation, Columbia University, 1968) p. 245.  10.  Ibid, p. 254  11.  International Whaling Statistics, Det Norske Hvalrads Statistiske Publikasjoner, Oslo XVI (1942) p. 60.  12.  G. L. Small, "The Virtual Extinction of an Extraterritorial Palagic Resource," p.257.  13.  For further discussion on Japanese military involvement, see: C.D. Corus and C L . McNichols, Japan: Its Resources and Industries, (Harper and Bros. Co., 1944) pp. 68 - 70.  14.  Small, The Blue Whale, 1971, p. 268.  15.  A very similar situation may be found in the negotiations over the national quotas of tuna that may be taken. The International Tuna Commission is faced with the developing countries' lack of ability, and perhaps willingness, to comply with the international quotas suggested.  16.  A noted biologist had estimated that the whale stocks were far larger than they were thought to be because of the large numbers of young whales that were being killed. His suggestion was that i f there were large numbers of young, then there must be greater adult stock than generally agreed. It appears that there was no. consideration given to the fact that blue whales only have onecalf, and there is usually a three or four year period between calves.  17.  Small, The Blue Whale, 1971, p. 188.  18.  For further discussion, Ibid, pp. 190 - 203.  19.  The quotas were established to be: Japan 33%, Netherlands 6%, Norway 32%, U.K. 9%, and U.S.S.R. 32%, Ibid, p. 197.  -43-  20.  See s u p r a ,  21.  S m a l l , The B l u e W h a l e ,  22.  W h i l e t h e p o l a r b e a r may b e r e g a r d e d as a l a n d - b a s e d a n i m a l , g e n e r a l l i f e c y c l e r e v o l v e s around the a r c t i c w a t e r s .  its  23.  J . V . M i n g h i , "The C o n f l i c t o f Salmon F i s h i n g P o l i c i e s i n t h e P a c i f i c " , P a c i f i c Viewpoint, V o l . 2, (1961).  North  24.  Ibid,  25.  " I n t e r n a t i o n a l C o m m i s s i o n s " , I . N . P . F . C . Canada D e p t . o f Annual R e p o r t , Queen's P r i n t e r , 1963, p. 86-90.  26.  "Report Report,  on t h e M e e t i n g s 1963.  27.  Minghi,  P a c i f i c Viewpoint,  28.  Personal i n t e r v i e w w i t h former Canadian r e p r e s e n t a t i v e to I . N . P . F . C , p r e s e n t l y commissioner t o the I n t e r n a t i o n a l Tuna Commission.  29.  A l l a n C. H a r t t , " M i g r a t i o n s o f Salmon i n t h e N o r t h P a c i f i c Ocean a n d B e r i n g S e a s A s D e t e r m i n e d b y S e i n i n g and T a g g i n g , 1951 - 6 0 " , I . N . P . F . C . B u l l e t i n N o . 1 9 , V a n c o u v e r , B . C . 1 9 6 6 , p p . 80 - 8 5 .  30.  H e i h a c h i Kendo e t a l , " O f f s h o r e D i s t r i b u t i o n a n d M i g r a t i o n o f P a c i f i c S a l m o n " , I . N . P . F . C . B u l l e t i n No. 17, Vancouver, B . C . 1963.  31.  R. P a y n e , C a n a d i a n C o m m i s s i o n e r t o t h e I n t e r n a t i o n a l C o m m i s s i o n a n d . f o r m e r member o f I . N . P . F . C , p e r s o n a l  pp.  footnote  60 -  6. 1971, p.  202.  62  of  the  p.  I . N . P . F . C " , I.N.P.F.C.  Fisheries  Annual  73.  Halibut interview.  -44CHAPTER III  THE POLAR BEAR:- THE INTERNATIONAL CASE INTRODUCTION The polar bear, l i k e the blue whale, and the North P a c i f i c salmon, i s a highly mobile resource and moves across j u r i s d i c t i o n a l zones.  As  a r e s u l t of t h i s mobility, management of polar bear hunting becomes more d i f f i c u l t , as there exists the need f o r international in order f o r any regulations to be e f f e c t i v e l y enforced.  co-operation It i s this  reason that r e f l e c t s the s i m i l a r i t y of the polar bear to the resources examined i n the preceding chapter. An examination of the d i f f i c u l t i e s of regulating the k i l l i n g of polar bears may be viewed at two scales: international scale.  the national scale and  Both scales w i l l be viewed here: f i r s t l y , the  International scale, with an examination of the International Union f o r Conservation of Nature and.Natural Resources' (I.U.C.N.) attempts at suggesting l e g i s l a t i o n to the national governments concerned, and secondly with the Canadian scene, and the effects of the Federal p r o v i n c i a l authority on p o l i c y made by the i n d i v i d u a l provinces. Before entering into a discussion on the international e f f o r t s at polar bear management, i t may, perhaps, be helpful to very b r i e f l y r e view the p o l i t i c a l geography of the A r c t i c .  The national claims i n the  A r c t i c are, undoubtedly, well known, f o r there are many sources that may readily be found t o discuss t h e i r o r i g i n and implications on national interests.  However, the national boundaries within the A r c t i c are of  major importance to this work, and therefore bear repeating.  For the  -45-  purpose o f t h i s work, P a t r i c k  B a i r d ' s b o o k , The  a very concise d e s c r i p t i o n of the p o l i t i c a l and  therefore w i l l provide the source  C e r t a i n l y t h e r e i s no p r e t e n c e by  this  Polar World,  geography o f the  f o r the  following  at the f o l l o w i n g  provides Arctic,  summary.  as i n d i v i d u a l  research  writer. THE  P O L I T I C A L GEOGRAPHY OF THE A R C T I C AND ITS ON THE MANAGEMENT OF THE POLAR BEAR  There e x i s t s  a vast l i t e r a t u r e  ance o f t h e A r c t i c . important  aspect  on p o l i t i c a l  In terms o f t h i s  strategic  import-  t h e s i s , however, t h e most  o f the complex p o l i t i c a l  the c o n t r o l o f t e r r i t o r y by  and  EFFECT  geography o f the A r c t i c i s  a s o v e r e i g n power f o r i t s economic  r a t h e r than  for i t s strategic value  there exist  f i v e s o v e r e i g n s t a t e s , each e x e r t i n g a u t h o r i t y over a s e c t o r  of the A r c t i c seas.  (See map  N o r w a y , U.S.S.R. and  t h e U.S.A.  THE The  3-1)  Arctic,  T h e s e c o u n t r i e s a r e Canada, Denmark,  C a n a d i a n A r c t i c t e r r i t o r i e s were l a r g e l y a r e s u l t o f t h e i n -  discoveries  the e a r l y stages  territorial  Company's R u p e r t s l a n d , and  i n the a r e a o f t h e North-West Passage by  n o t make s p e c i f i c  of a r c t i c  c l a i m on t h e s e a s p a c e ,  claims to the  islands  but  t h e B r i t i s h Navy.'''  extending  rather defined i t s  north of the Canadian p o r t i o n  These c l a i m s were not  s h o u l d be m e n t i o n e d t h a t , a c c o r d i n g t o P a t r i c k  disputed,  B a i r d , " I n 1930,  Canadian government p a i d over a hundred thousand d o l l a r s of Otto Sverdrupts'  from  e x p l o r a t i o n , the Canadian government d i d  o f t h e N o r t h A m e r i c a n l a n d mass. it  In the  CANADIAN A R C T I C  h e r i t a n c e f r o m t h e H u d s o n ' s Bay  In  i n terms o f defence.  potential  to the  but the  heirs  estate i n r e c o g n i t i t i o n of h i s d i s c o v e r i e s " . "  As  MAP 3-1  POLITICAL SECTORS IN THE ARCTIC.  -47-  th e United  S t a t e s government had f a i l e d t o make any o f f i c i a l  the i s l a n d s now c o n s i d e r e d  claim to  p a r t o f Canadian t e r r i t o r y , t h e Canadian  government a s s e r t e d t h e i r j u r i s d i c t i o n over them as p a r t o f the  2 Northwest  Territories.  Despite  some e a r l y Canadian maps showing t h e Canadian s e c t o r up  t o and i n c l u d i n g the P o l e , i t was n o t u n t i l a f t e r t h e Second World War t h a t Canada made any a s s e r t e d  attempt t o c l a i m s e a space, or had  thoughts toward t h e a c q u i s i t i o n o f t h e c o n t i n e n t a l s h e l f .  There a l s o  e x i s t e d t h e problem o f a i r space, submarine space, and f l o a t i n g i c e which c o u l d support  ice stations.  Canada's a t t i t u d e towards h e r  A r c t i c t e r r i t o r i e s has n o t been one o f o v e r t concern f o r r e s t r i c t i v e national control. and  Many s c i e n t i f i c teams have e n t e r e d  conducted t h e i r r e s e a r c h ,  Line provides North.  Canada's North  and t h e D i s t a n t E a r l y Warning  a c l e a r example o f i n t e r n a t i o n a l c o - o p e r a t i o n  (D.E.W.) i n the  In k e e p i n g w i t h t h i s a t t i t u d e , t h e Canadian government has  encouraged i n t e r n a t i o n a l r e s e a r c h w i t h i n h e r t e r r i t o r y w i t h r e g a r d t o the p o l a r bear  population.  In r e c e n t y e a r s , t h e Canadian government has expressed f o r t h e maintenance o f t h e f r a g i l e  e c o l o g i c a l balance that e x i s t s i n  the A r c t i c i n l i g h t o f i n c r e a s e d s t r i p p i n g and n o r t h e r n ation.  concern  mineral  explor-  Dr. J.K. S t a g e r comments:-  "The b e s t t h a t can be s a i d f o r Canadian a t t i t u d e t o t h e e f f e c t o f new t r a n s p o r t a t i o n and m i l i t a r y t e c h n o l o g y i s t h a t i t i s one o f v i g i l a n c e . The law r e l a t e d t o p o l l u t i o n o f A r c t i c waters and beaches passed by t h e Canadian P a r l i a m e n t i n 1970 d e f i n e s standards and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s f o r f o r e i g n v e s s e l s o p e r a t i n g w i t h i n 100 m i l e s o f t h e A r c t i c s h o r e l i n e . Moreover, Canada does not r e g a r d i t s l e g i s l a t i o n open t o d i s p u t e and i n t e r n a t i o n a l a r b i t r a t i o n . In o t h e r m a t t e r s , Canada makes every e f f o r t t o a s s e r t t h e r i g h t o f c o n s u l t a t i o n and  -48-  approval f o r A r c t i c adventures t e r r i t o r i a l realm."3 GREENLAND - ( D a n i s h A r c t i c North conflict  Sovereignty)  Western Greenland  i s one o f t h e m a j o r a r e a s  i n t e r m s o f p o l a r b e a r management  Greenland Initial  coming w i t h i n h e r l e g i t i m a t e  has been i n t e r n a t i o n a l l y  ( s e e map  recognized  international  3-2).  S i n c e 1921,  as D a n i s h  r e c o g n i t i o n , h o w e v e r , was a c o m p l e x a f f a i r ,  t h e r e were c l a i m s t o t h e east  of  largely  c o a s t f i s h i n g and h u n t i n g  Norway, and a l s o c l a i m s by t h e U n i t e d  territory. because  rights  by  S t a t e s t o much o f n o r t h e r n  Greenland. The U n i t e d  States' c l a i m r e s u l t e d from t h e f a c t  e a r l y e x p l o r a t i o n o f northern Greenland of American n a t i o n a l i t y . and  hunting  rights  t h a t much o f t h e  had been conducted by e x p l o r e r s  Both t h e Norwegian c l a i m s t o t h e f i s h i n g  and t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s c l a i m s were s e t t l e d  by  4 international SVALBARD  agreement.  4. ( N o r w e g i a n A r c t i c  S v a l b a r d i s an i s l a n d  Sovereignty)  o f Norwegian s o v e r e i g n t y  t e r m s o f p o l a r b e a r management, i t r e m a i n s e x t r e m e l y  ( s e e map  3-1).  important  In  because  there i s a large p o l a r bear population i n the area, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the Spitzbergen in  region.*'  T h e N o r w e g i a n c l a i m was d i s p u t e d  earlier  t h i s c e n t u r y , b u t r e c o g n i t i o n o f t h e N o r w e g i a n c l a i m was a w a r d e d i n  1920  b y t h e League o f N a t i o n s .  Since  that time,  t h e r e has been a  c h a n g e o f n a t i o n a l s o v e r e i g n t y due t o t h e German c o n q u e s t s d u r i n g t h e S e c o n d W o r l d War, b u t N o r w a y h a s c o m p l e t e s o v e r e i g n t y a t t h i s THE SOVIET  time.^  UNION  The m o s t p r o n o u n c e d c l a i m t o t h e i r  adjacent  Arctic  a r e a made b y  -49-  t h e S o v i e t Union came s h o r t l y a f t e r the Canadian c l a i m t o t h e i r adjacent  sector.  The  S o v i e t c l a i m , e s t a b l i s h e d i n 1926,  t e r r i t o r y as extending n o r t h between 32°E l o n g i t u d e 169°W l o n g i t u d e . Within  (See map  and  regarded i t s approximately  3-1)  t h a t r e g i o n the.most important area i n terms o f  the  ensuing d i s c u s s i o n on p o l a r bear management i s Wrangel I s l a n d , the  contiguous sea space.  never r e a l l y claimed  by  own  and  While j u r i s d i c t i o n on Wrangel I s l a n d  e i t h e r the U.S.  or Canada, both had  i n the e a r l y 1900's f o r the a c q u i s i t i o n o f the t e r r i t o r y . however, the S o v i e t s made a formal  c l a i m t h a t has  was  desires In  1925,  remained u n c h a l l e n g e d .  UNITE D STATE S SOVE REIGNTY A l a s k a was the U n i t e d  f o r m e r l y p a r t o f R u s s i a n t e r r i t o r y , and  States  i n 1867  f o r $7,200,000.  was  Within Alaska  been widespread concern f o r the p o l a r bear p o p u l a t i o n . region  of regulatory c o n f l i c t  the U.S. States  (See map  3-2)  There has  been no  shelf off  The  formal  major  c l a i m by the  a u t h o r i t y over t h a t  Truman d i d d e c l a r e the U.S.  and  United  c l a i m to the  region. continental  Alaska.^  A review o f s o v e r e i g n t y d e f i n i t e n a t i o n a l northern Arctic s t i l l  i n s e p a r a t e A r c t i c s e c t o r s shows  interests.  The  h o l d s great prominance i n the f o r m u l a t i o n  a f f e c t i n g northern  development, and  the  s t r a t e g i c importance o f  the  of n a t i o n a l  p o l i c y , r e f l e c t i n g a need f o r i n t e r n a t i o n a l c o - o p e r a t i o n  ment.  has  of i t s t e r r i t o r y , although i t i s  i n t e r n a t i o n a l l y a c c e p t e d t h a t they exert President  there  i s t h a t j o i n t l y shared by both Canada  f o r the s e c t o r e x t e n d i n g n o r t h  In 1945,  sold to  i n any  venture  p a r t i c u l a r l y i n p o l a r b e a r manage-  -50-  INTERNATIONAL MANAGEMENT OF THE  The  POLAR BEAR  f i r s t I n t e r n a t i o n a l S c i e n t i f i c M e e t i n g on the p o l a r b e a r  took p l a c e at F a i r b a n k s , A l a s k a , i n September o f 1965, together delegates  and  brought  from the U n i t e d S t a t e s , Canada, Denmark, Norway,  and R u s s i a , f o r the purpose o f exchanging i n f o r m a t i o n on the p o l a r bear.  The  helped  Statement o f A c c o r d t h a t r e s u l t e d from those meetings  t o d e v e l o p an awareness o f t h e need f o r  programmes.  conservation  There were s i x b a s i c p o i n t s i n t h a t Statement:-  1.  That t h e p o l a r b e a r s h o u l d be c o n s i d e r e d n a t i o n a l circumpolar resource.  2.  That each n a t i o n s h o u l d t a k e s t e p s t o a d e q u a t e l y conserve t h e p o l a r b e a r .  3.  That cubs and females accompanied by cubs r e q u i r e year-round p r o t e c t i o n .  4.  That each n a t i o n s h o u l d c o n d u c t , as i t sees f i t , a r e s e a r c h programme t o p r o v i d e a b a s i s f o r e f f e c t i v e management.  5.  That a l l n a t i o n s f r e e l y exchange i n f o r m a t i o n . It was suggested t h a t t h e I n t e r n a t i o n a l Union f o r C o n s e r v a t i o n o f N a t u r e be t h e c o - o r d i n a t i n g agency or c l e a r i n g house f o r such i n f o r m a t i o n .  6.  That f u t u r e meetings devoted t o t h e s t u d y o f p o l a r b e a r s be h e l d . 7  The  an  inter-  a s p e c t of most s i g n i f i c a n c e f o r the p o l i t i c a l geographer i s  the f i r s t statement r e g a r d i n g t h e p o l a r b e a r as an i n t e r n a t i o n a l  o resource, zones.  w i t h no t e r r i t o r i a l a f f i n i t y w i t h n a t i o n a l j u r i s d i c t i o n a l The  m o b i l i t y o f t h e p o l a r b e a r was  recognized  t o be  a  c r i t i c a l f a c t o r i n i t s management because i t r e s u l t e d i n the need f o r national co-operation  among t h o s e c o u n t r i e s who  share t h e  resource.  -51-  The p o l a r b e a r as an economic r e s o u r c e does n o t have t h e d o l l a r v a l u e o f t h e salmon o r t h e whale.  I t i s , however, an important  r e s o u r c e t o some o f the Eskimo people who draw revenue from t h e hunti n g o f t h e bear t o supplement t h e i r hunters  coming n o r t h t o shoot  annual income.  Non-Eskimo  t h e b e a r b r i n g i n money t h a t adds t o  9 the g e n e r a l wealth  o f t h e community as a whole.  p o l a r bear i s d e f i n i t e l y an important the people  In t h a t sense t h e  economic r e s o u r c e t o some o f  i n the n o r t h , not t o mention i t s v a l u e i n e c o l o g i c a l  as a symbol o f the n o r t h and,  terms,  i n f a c t , t h e emblem o f t h e Northwest  Territories. In 1968,  the f i r s t  working meeting o f p o l a r bear  specialists,  o r g a n i z e d by t h e I.U.C.N., took p l a c e i n Morges, S w i t z e r l a n d . meeting p r o v i d e d  This  an o p p o r t u n i t y f o r a f u r t h e r exchange o f i n f o r m a t i o n  f o r r e s e a r c h a n a l y s i s by members o f t h e Commission, and f o r  develop-  ment o f a c o - o r d i n a t e d e f f o r t i n A r c t i c - w i d e r e s e a r c h . * * In a s i m i l a r manner t o t h e I.W.C. and I.N.P.F.C, most o f t h e p r e l i m i n a r y m a t e r i a l t h a t was b e i n g exchanged.by t h e members was biological.  T h i s i s understandable  i f we r e a l i z e  t h a t t h e r e had  been very l i t t l e s c i e n t i f i c i n f o r m a t i o n a v a i l a b l e on t h e p o l a r bearp r i o r t o those meetings. the i n i t i a l  Nevertheless,  i t i s important  t o recognize  exchange o f i n f o r m a t i o n and c o - o p e r a t i o n between  independent s o v e r e i g n s t a t e s t h a t r e s u l t e d . I t was e a r l i e r b e l i e v e d t h a t t h e p o l a r bear's jacent the Pole  range was circum-  (see map 33d2- 3-%p.s t'fetsytH§ory«wasOpiit" forward by  Pedersen, who supported  s  i t w i t h an examination  o f t h e i c e f l o e move-  ment around t h e P o l e ; Pedersen a s s e r t e d t h a t t h e p o l a r b e a r f o l l o w e d  MAP  3-2  PEDERSEN'S  POLAR  BEAR  MIGRATION  ROUTES  MAP 3-3 POLAR ICE MOVEMENT  -54the ice floes.  While this theory has never been completely dis-  proven, there is mounting evidence that there are, in fact, a number of individual polar bear populations that migrate throughout a defined but smaller territory, and therefore do not travel the distances 12 suggested by Pedersen.  Partial acceptance of this theory in 1965  might, perhaps, have been one of the reasons for the urgent call for a l l countries which bordered the polar bear range to meet and exchange scientific  information on such things as numbers of polar bears  harvested, methods of tagging, and denning areas. There was also an extreme fear felt by conservationists for the maintenance of polar bear populations, as there were indications that the numbers of polar bears were decreasing due to excessive harvest by hunters.  The two main areas where these harvests were taking place  were, as mentioned earlier, Alaska and Svalbard.  The conservationists  formed a strong lobby group, as they maintained that not only were polar bear harvests excessive but the manner i n which they were taken was "unsportsmanlike". "In Alaska, hunters f l y out with a guide in small ski-equipped aircraft from several points and search for polar bear tracks. Upon finding tracks, one plane flies on ahead and the hunter and his guide land, get out of the plane, and hide behind a pressure ridge. The other plane drives the bear towards the men waiting on the ice, and when the bear comes within close range i t is killed with a high powered r i f l e In Norway, hunters depart from Tromso in sealing vessels. There vessels work through the loose packed ice around Svalbard, and when polar bears are sighted, the ships approach as close as the hunters wish. A l l the hunter has to do is pick up a r i f l e and shoot the bear while i t is swimming ". 13 There exists a problem concerning polar bear harvests that is far more complex than the instances that are recounted above by Dr. Vagn  -55Flyger. high seas.  The problem is the control of polar bear harvests on the The possibility exists that far more polar bears are  killed on the high seas than are reported.  It i s thought that the  severe reduction of polar bears off the coast of Newfoundland may be a result of k i l l i n g on the high seas, and i t was freely admitted by those specialists attending the I.U.G.N, meetings that this problem i J 14 remains unresolved.  The question of hunting rights on the high seas and the enforcement of the regulations set down to control these rights i s more complex i n terms of the polar bear than in the case of either the salmon or the blue whale.  In many respects, however, i t should  prove a more interesting problem to the p o l i t i c a l geographer because of the nature of the jurisdiction over the area involved, and the complex international legislation required to govern such areas. As shown earlier, the sectors in the Arctic reflect sovereign areas and therefore i t may be assumed that the national legislation does prevent such hunting, and the enforcement of that legislation i s the responsibility of the nation concerned.  But the Arctic i s a  frontier region without major enforcement agencies, and clearly there is very l i t t l e possibility of sufficient enforcement with the area. The revenue from polar bear hunting benefits the native peoples, particularly in Canada and the United States, as shall be more clearly illustrated in the section dealing with the Canadian case. That factor, coupled with the very strong and influential gun clubs and sportsman organizations that maintain a strong lobby group in  -56-  Canada, and p a r t i c u l a r l y any r e a l r e s t r i c t i o n  the United S t a t e s , e f f e c t i v e l y  on p o l a r b e a r h a r v e s t s concern.  in  the  despite  international  ( S e e T a b l e s I,  II,  TABLE I  - POLAR BEAR HARVEST FIGURES FOR ALASKA  prevented  mid-sixties III,  A l l Sport Hunters  Resident Native  All Hunters  No.  % Male  No.  % Male  No.  % Male  1961  129  77  23  52  152  73  1962  181  70  16  50  201  69  1963  163  81  22  68  189  79  1964  228  78  23  69  253  77  1965  275 •  79  21  50  296  76  1966  347  79  52  46  399  74  1967  166  90  25  50  191  80  1968  240  80  111  61  351  74  1969  290  69  27  56  298  72  Year  SOURCE:  IV.)  F o r t h i s and f o l l o w i n g t h r e e t a b l e s , D e l e g a t e s P r e s e n t a t i o n to I . U . C . N , m e e t i n g s , M o r g e s , S w i t z e r l a n d , 1970.  TABLE I I  - NORWEGIAN POLAR BEAR HARVESTS 1960 -  Year  Sealers All Areas  Weather Station Crew  Trappers, Svalbard  1969  Tourist hunters  Other Residents § Expeditions  Total Harvest  1960 1961 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969  11 42 42 127 147 9 3 9 3 8  57 9 11 62 152 273 23 102 120 123  70 52 85 86 79 120 96 86 68 133  24 23 39 32 56 28 45 38 38 33  23 11 19 7 3 5 18 28 38 49  185 137 196 314 437 435 185 263 267 346  TOTALS  401  932  875  356  201  2,765  1960-1964  1965-1969  5 year t o t a l  1,269  1,496  Average per year  253.8  299.0  -58-  TABLE I I I  -  CANADIAN  Year  POLAR BEAR HARVEST 1960  Bears Killed  -  1968  Total Captured and K i l l e d  1 9 6 0 - 61  236  241  1 9 6 1 - 62  330  330  1 9 6 2 - 63  444  444  1 9 6 3 - 64  558  558  1 9 6 4 - 65  565  566  1 9 6 5 - 66  603  604  1 9 6 6 - 67  710  710  1 9 6 7 - 68  454  456  -59-  TABLE I V - POLAR BEAR HARVEST S T A T I S T I C S  Year  N.W. GreenLand  S.W. Greenland  Angmagssalik  Scoresbysund  IN GREENLAND  E. Greenland weather § police stations  Thule  Total for Greenland  *)  1955  6  2  31  21  (20)  1956  2  1  26  54  1957  4  1  42  1958  12  1  1959  5  1960  25  105  (20)  25  128  28  (20)  15  110  29  61  (20)  25  148  17  86  18  (20)  25  171  7  8  28  23  (20)  35  121  1961  9  4  25  19  (20)  35  112  1962  14  0  8  15  (20)  30  87  1963  8  2  21  15  (20)  40  106  1964  2  4  27  15  (20)  40  108  1965  4  8  55  35  (20)  60  182  1966  6  2  45  25  (20)  18  116  1967  1  5  70  31  (20)  23  150  1968  2  2  52  62  (20)  15  153  *)  Estimated  average  !  -60-  It is interesting to note that an examination of the previous four tables reveals that, with the exception of Canada, the number of polar bears killed dropped substantially i n 1966, the year after the f i r s t meeting of polar bear specialists in Alaska.  While i t  should not be concluded that the sole reason for declining numbers of polar bears killed was the international accord drawn up at that meeting (specifically item number 2 listed on page 44), the figures do indicate that an unusually small number of polar bears were taken in the following year.  Certainly anyone.armed with those figures  in 1966 could have concluded that the f i r s t international discussions were effective in bringing about legislative controls for polar bear hunting over independent national areas. THE I.U.C.N. - ITS ROLE IN POLAR BEAR MANAGEMENT The f i f t h item of the Accord drawn up at the meeting of polar bear specialists in Alaska in 1965 (page 44) suggested that the International Union for Conservation of Nature act as a co-ordinating agency to handle the meetings of such specialists.  In January of  1968 that organization sponsored the second meeting of polar bear specialists.  This meeting w i l l , from this point, be referred to  as the First International Working Meeting of the Polar Bear Group of the I.U.C.N. The major function of this meeting wasaanjexchan^ecof^primarily biological information and early recommendations for management that had for the most part been gathered since 1965.  The biological  -61-  emphasis may be seen by the following examples of co-operation that were, agreed,.to:-1.  Procedures for marking bears were standardized and a block of ear tag and tattoo numbers assigned each nation to avoid duplication of marks. Each country agreed to publicize tagging programmes, pay for tag returns of other nations, and return tags to countries of origin. Data on recovery of marked animals would be freely exchanged.  2.  Canadian and Russian scientists would continue taxonomic work based on skull morphology, and a l l countries would collect skulls where possible for their examination.  3.  All; nations would collect blood samples and provide them to Norway for analysis of serum protein differences that might indicate racial distinctions.  4.  Known age tooth material, regardless of origin, would be forwarded to Alaska for sectioning and examination to further develop a technique for age determination.  5.  The U.S. Federal Government in Alaska would include an attempt to develop a censusing technique which could then be used by a l l countries.  6.  Raw data relating to sex and age composition, denning areas, food habits, and diseases and parasites, would be made available to a l l co-operating scientists for interpreting the results of studies in which each i s engaged.15  The biological research by the members of the I.U.C.N, has been of major importance to the legislation by concerned governments.  As  shown in the preceding chapter, a lack of knowledge of the numbers of the resource, their breeding patterns, and general physical structure, and their mobility or migratory pattern, may have been the cause of errors made in terms of international regulations. this respect, perhaps, a valuable lesson has been learned from the errors of past commissions.  In  -62-  There s t i l l exists, however, some controversy regarding the actual size of the world's polar bear populations, their regional distribution, and the dynamics of polar bear reproduction.  Prior  to the meetings of polar bear specialists in Fairbanks in 1965, there existed considerable debate.over the actual status of the species.  This led to international, controversy over some  national policies set down to regulate the hunting of polar bear. It has been, in large measure, the I.U.C.N, that has resolved this controversy by establishing the polar bear as an international Arctic resource. In February, 1970, the second working meeting of polar bear specialists met at Morges, Switzerland.  It was as a result of  that meeting that the major contributions of the many scientists who had been working on biological investigations began to effect legislation on polar bear management. At those meetings, i t was revealed that there was to be enforcement of legislation in a l l areas concerned with the harvesting of polar bears.  In Alaska, for example, agents from the state-  operated Department of Fish and Game, are stationed in villages from which the majority of hunting occurs.  Seal tags were issued  andesfells and 'hidesdntalsvtlb'e •i<n&pefet<'ed' '.up'oii 'entryspected 1  into the state.  It was revealed that the high numbers of polar  bears killed in 1968, indicated in Table  I , were the result of  an increased native k i l l , * ^ a point that will be discussed in more detail later.  -63-  Recommendations that were presented to the Alaska Board of Fish and Game were discussed at the international meetings.  The  proposals were for a reduced number of permits to be given to nonresident hunters.  Residents, however, were allowed to shoot bears,  with females accompanied by cubs excepted, at any time and without 17 limit for "food", as long as aircraft were not used. At the same conference, changes in polar bear management in Canada were disclosed by Dr. Andrew Macpherson and Dr. Charles 18 Jonkel.  While the text of that material was considered prelimin-  ary, i t clearly outlined the steps that the provincial governments within the Canadian federal network planned to take.  The details  of those policies are outlined in the section dealing with international policies that follows. In the most recent of the meetings of the I.U.C.N., which took place in February, 1972, further international co-operation has been witnessed.  At the time of writing, the f u l l contents of  those meetings were not known.  The Canadian position with regard  to the management of the bear, however, has been received by the author in unpublished manuscript, and i s therefore-discussed in the following pages.  TABLE V - SUMMARY OF REGULATIONS COVERING POLAR BEAR MANAGEMENT IN CANADA AS OF 31 DECEMBER 1971  CATEGORY  JURISDICTION MANITOBA  NFLD./LAB.  N.W.T.  ONTARIO  QUEBEC  YUKON  Hunting Season  Closed  Closed  1 October to 31 May  None  None  1 October to 31 May  Who can Hunt  Protection only-  Protection only  Native Eskimos § Nonresidents with special license  Killing legal for protection only  Eskimos only  Yukon resident Eskimo families or those with a tradition of hunting on the Yukon coast  Quota by settlement  "Permissable k i l l "  2 bears/family  1972 limit equals 422  No quota  No total quota set  Quota  Nil  Nil  i  o\ i  Females and cubs protected  Yes  Yes  Yes  Yes  No  Yes  Bears in dens protected  Yes  Yes  Yes  Yes  No  No  Cont'd  TABLE V Cont'd JURISDICTION  CATEGORY  Proof of origin of untanned bear  MANITOBA  NFLD./LAB.  N.W.T. .  Uncertain  Verbal Proof  Seal on hide or export permit from area of . . origm  Seal on hide j. Proof of . . origin re. , quired on imported hides  Seal on hide  Seal on hide  Required  Required  None  None  Required  No cost  $1.00 •  Discretion of Minister  At discretion of Supt. of Game  Discretion of Minister  None  Must be sealed by Dept.staff  r  &  Export Permit required § Cost  Not applicable  Scientific Licenses  Discretion of Minister.  Selling of hide by hunter  Cannot be sold  Source:  r r  ONTARIO  QUEBEC  YUKON  £  &  $5.00  Discretion of Minister  Sale at North Bay Fur Sales rec.  Canadian Wildlife Service, Dept. of Environment, Edmonton, Alberta.  At discretion of Commissioner Permit required from Director of Game  -66-  CHAPTER III FOOTNOTES:  1.  P.D. Baird, The Polar World (Loftlmaiis,I*lMS6i 1 lUun'ivgrsity Press, 1963).  2.  Ibid, p. 171  3.  J.K. Stager, "Politics of Canada's North" The North, Studies In Canadian Geography (University of Toronto Press, 1972) p. 126  4.  Baird, The Polar World, 1963, p. 126  5.  For detailed discussions on the consequences of conflicting jurisdiction on the polar bears, see: T. Larsen, "Ecological Investigations on the Polar Bear in Svalbard", Norsk Polarinstitutt (Arbok 1965) pp. 92 - 98.  6.  Baird, The Polar World, 1963, p. 174.  7.  J. W. Lentfer and J.W. Brooks, "Polar Bear Research in Alaska", Second Working Meeting of Polar Bear Specialists, Paper No. 15 (Morges, Switzerland, 1968).  8.  It i s easy to become involved in an argument over the value of the term resource as i t applies to wildlife, particularly today when there i s active concern on the topic of wildlife management. Economic in this instance implies dollar value from the sale of pelts, whereas the ecological term as used here refers simply to the animal being part of the northern ecosystem.  9.  Delegation of Canada, "Canadian Wildlife Service Brief" provided by the Canadian Wildlife Service, (Unpublished).  10.  It i s interesting to note in this regard that the polar bear silhouette is used for the shape of the 1973 license plates. Also, the polar bear is most commonly shown in commercial advertising of commodities associated with ice or snow, i.e. Polar grip snow tires, ice cream, etc.  11.  "Polar Bears", Proceedings of the 2nd working Meetings of Polar Bear Specialists organized by I.U.C.N, at Morges, Switzerland, 2 - 4 February, 1970, I.U.C.N., Morges, Switzerland.  12.  Alwin Pedersen, Polar Animals (George Harrap and Co. Ltd., 1962) p. 93.  -67-  13.  Vagn Flyger, "The Polar Bear; A Matter for International Concern", Arctic, Vol. 20, No. 3 (September 1971), p. 149.  14.  I. Sterling and A. Macpherson, "Polar Bear Management Changes in Canada", report for the 3rd International Working Meetings of the Polar Bear Group, I.U.C.N., Morges, Switzerland, February 1972 (unpublished).  15.  Lentfer and Brooks, "Second Working Meeting of Polar Bear Specialists, Morges, 1968".  16.  J. W. Lentfer, "Polar Bear Research and Conservation in Alaska, 1968 - 1969", Proceedings from 2nd Working Meeting I.U.C.N., Morges, Switzerland, 1970, p. 65.  17.  Ibid., p. 65.  18.  A. Macpherson and C. Jonkel, "Polar Bear Management Changes in Canada", Proceedings from 2nd Working Meeting I.U.C.N., Morges, Switzerland, 1970, p. 12.  -68-  CHAPTER IV  THE POLAR BEAR: THE CANADIAN CASE  As mentioned i n Chapter I to this thesis, the intranational authorities established to manage the polar bear provide a good example of a political situation discussed in the hypothesis that . man's past and present uses of transnational resources has led, i n some cases, to the urgent necessity for international political control.  Map No. 4-1 shows the polar bears' range in Northern Canada.  It may be seen from that map that Manitoba, Ontario, Quebec and Newfoundland, plus the Yukon and the Northwest Territories, form part of the polar bears' range, and consequently both the provincial and t e r r i t o r i a l governments have some jurisdiction over the hunting and the movement of the bears. A  i i i  These zones appear as A (A^, A^,  ) , B, C, and E on Map No; 4-i. While these areas are, in some instances, p o l i t i c a l l y autonomous  in terms of provincial and territorial legislation, there i s an overriding interest in polar bear management shown by the Federal Department of the Environment.  While responsibility for regulation  regarding polar bear hunting does largely depend on the provincial government concerned, the federal government has a very strong influence over the regulations and the extent to which the regulations are implemented.  The basis for this statement, and i t s consequences,  will be discussed later in this chapter. The hunting of polar bears i n Canada is a long established practice.  Hunting took place by the non-native peoples, both for  -69-  MAP 4-1 Source:  C A N A D I A N ADMINISTRATIVE ZONES BASED ON POLAR BEAR SUB-POPULATIONS Canadian Wildlife Service  -70-  profit from the sale of pelts and also for sport.  Recently, the  actions of the involved provincial governments and the federal government have shown the concern for what appears to be a general decline in polar bear population throughout the North.  The realization of  the declining numbers of polar bears was very clearly brought out, as has been shown, at the f i r s t meeting of the International Meeting of polar bear specialists in 1965.  In the seven years that have  elapsed since that f i r s t meeting, the individual provinces have, for the most part, taken,-- action to prohibit excessive hunting of polar bears.  This action has been taken with co-ordination from the  Canadian Wildlife Service, an agency within the Department of the Environment, and is largely the result of strong federal action on an international level.  Table V summarizes the regulations that were  in effect in a l l areas of jurisdiction up to December 31, 1971.  (See  Table No. V) In late 1970, the government of Newfoundland banned a l l hunting of polar bears within i t s area of p o l i t i c a l jurisdiction.  The  problem of the polar bear overkill in this area did not result from over-hunting by the local population, but rather from excessive k i l l s by crews on sealing vessels and by freighters passing through the area.'''  The question of resource management on the high seas remains  a c r i t i c a l problem involving both political and legal aspects.  To  discuss the problem of international resource management on the high seas would go well beyond the scope of this thesis, but such problems concern themes common to the political geographer, and consequently offer avenues for future research in p o l i t i c a l geography.  2  -71-  Realization of the need to establish some uniform regulations for the management of the polar bear brought about an organization with provincial and federal officials meeting for discussion within, the body that is known as the Federal-Provincial Administrative Committee.  The committee has to this time met twice.  This group  may, perhaps, be seen as a similar type of body that is discussed in the hypothesis regarding international political control mentioned earlier.  The structure of this federal-provincial body  exists as a single p o l i t i c a l body that does not have binding political authority, but certainly does have tremendous influence over.the final resolutions that may result from the meetings of the conferences, or from the Technical Committee that makes recommendations to the meetings. The regulations that are shown in Table V are, for the most part, largely the result of recommendations from the meetings of the federal-provincial  authority.  The table shows that in the three  areas where the polar bear concentrations are the highest the right to shoot bears has been retained by the Eskimo.  The laws of the  Northwest Territories, Quebec and the Yukon are very similar to the laws that prevail in Alaska and Greenland.  In light of the declining  numbers of polar bears in those areas, and the legislation permitting the Eskimos to k i l l bears, i t might be worth examining the 3 •traditional'  use the Eskimo has had for the polar bear, not only  in Canada, but also in Alaska and Greenland.  Such an examination  might well shed light on the actual 'dependency' of the Eskimos on  -72-  the bear, and therefore their need for continued hunting rights. The results of such a discussion should not be regarded as criteria for extending or preventing the Eskimo's right to k i l l the bear, but should illustrate one important factor to be considered i n the national management of this transnational resource. . If there was no dependency on polar bear in certain areas, a strong case could be made for having regional legislation permijitingtonliy thoseEskimo who had a clear need for the bear in the past, and continued to in the present, the right to continued hunting.  With this i n  mind, i t is worth examining the 'traditional' use some Eskimo have had for the bear. THE ESKIMO AND POLAR BEAR Descriptive accounts of traditional Eskimo l i f e style may be found in much of the writings of early explorers, such as C F . Hall (1865), E. De-Long (1883), E. Belcher (1885), F.. Nansen (1890), R.E. Peary (1898), 0. Sverd'rup't(l'904'):) ,VV.S€&fe&Es®6f» (1913), P. HaigThomas (1939), and others.  These early accounts of traditional  Eskimo l i f e style show evidence of many similarities and yet also some significant differences among the Eskimo peoples.  The Eskimo  language is f a i r l y uniform, with very:little geographical variation. Similarly, many of their social customs are quite similar.  This is  understandable i f one accepts the belief that the Eskimo migrated across Bering Strait and divided into two groups; one known as the Aleuts, who reside along the Aleutians, and the other, the Eskimo of Northern Alaska, Canada and Greenland.  There i s l i t t l e doubt that  -73-  the polar bear has played, and may continue to play, an important . part in the lives of many of the Eskimo people.  It is equally  apparent, however, that the extent to which the Eskimo has utilized the polar bear depends on the geographical location of the particular group, as will be explained in the following pages. There is some evidence suggesting that only those Eskimos who reside in the Arctic islands or northern Greenland have had to depend upon the seal as their major source of food, and would consequently have had frequent contact with the bears.  Other Eskimos,  residing further south, have had muskoxen, caribou, arctic fox and other animals that have supplemented their diet, provided clothing, and implements which would be fashioned from bone.  Reports from  the Mackenzie region of northern Canada show the Eskimos have used reindeer hide.and bird feathers to clothe themselves, and have also 4 used seal skin to make kamiks.  There is l i t t l e evidence to support  the ideas that mainland Eskimos hunt polar bears in any great number as a source of food or clothing.  This is noted by Balikci of the  Netsilik Eskimo of northern Canada. "Despite the wide distribution of the polar bear in the eastern regions of the Netsilik country, there is no evidence of any extensive bear hunts being conducted in traditional times by the Pelly Bay Eskimos. Rasmussen attributed this to the small number of dogs owned by these Eskimos, a fact which limited the territory covered during hunting expeditions Further, Rasmussen mentions dangerous bear pursuits by single individuals armed with the sealing harpoon only presumably in spring, when polar bears leave their hibernating dens. Information collected in 1960 from elderly Pelly Bay Eskimos indicates that usually i t was i n spring that a  -74-  polar bear was chased, and then by several hunters together. Kept at bay by the dogs, the large bear was surrounded by the hunters who watched for the opportune moment to strike, usually from the side .... The sealing harpoon, armed with a special barbless point, was generally used, together with the short bear spear of antler horn with a sharp bear-bone point. The long and much heavier bear spear (iputuru) was used during the special winter hunts to drive the hibernating bears out of their dens into the snow."5  Similarly, in the Alaska region, with the possible exception of some northern coast peoples, the walrus, seal and whale play a major part in the Eskimo society, but l i t t l e use is made of the polar bear.  Indeed there are very few polar bears that move into  the south-western regions in which many Eskimos dwell.  On  St. Lawrence Island there i s mention by Hughes of polar bears among the Eskimos in the mid-fifties.^  Hughes contends, however, that  polar bear meat does not play an important part in the Eskimo diet. Contrasting the Eskimos of Thule, in Northern Greenland, with those from the Alaska region that Hughes discusses, i t can be clearly seen that those from the northwestern regions of Greenland have traditionally been far more dependent on the polar bear than the Alaskan Eskimo ever was.  While the Alaskan Eskimo used caribou  and seal skins for their clothing, the Thule Eskimo used polar bear for pants, sleeping mats, and the hide for sledge runners. Similarly, their diets differed, the Thule.Eskimo using polar bear for meat and the Alaskan Eskimo predominantly using seal and walrus.^  -75-  There are few, i f any, superstitions or special glories awarded the hunter of the bear among the Arctic Island Eskimos, although there are many tales of the bear.  This does not  appear to be the case among the Eskimos of the Alaska region. M. Hughes recalls a hunt, and the subsequent honour awarded the hunter, in her work among the Eskimos on St. Lawrence Island, suggesting that the k i l l i n g of a polar bear was not a common g affair. Similarly, the ceremonial bear cult described of the Nunivak Eskimo by M. Lantis indicates that the Eskimos i n that region held the bear in a position of honour.  9  It is generally agreed that the introduction of the r i f l e has resulted in a marked increase in the number of Arctic animals killed, as i s evidenced by the comments of F.G. Vallee:"The sharp demand for caribou meat from the whalers and traders before and around the turn of the century led the Eskimos to slaughter a much greater number of animals than they were wont to do i n earlier times, and is one of the historical causes for the spectacular depletion i n caribou which later decades of this century has witnessed. It is unlikely that the Eskimos could have made such huge k i l l s without the r i f l e and other apparatus, such as telescopes and binoculars, introduced by the Kabloona." 10 It i s perhaps unlikely that the Arctic Island Eskimos have develoj a dependency on the gun for the f u l f i l l i n g of their 'traditional' habits with respect to.the polar bear.  The reason for this  contention lies i n the fact that the number of polar bears killed support an Eskimo family with fur and meat i s a constant amount.  -76-  polar bear killed in excess of that amount would likely be sold or traded for goods or money.  Contact by traders with the Arctic  Island Eskimos was not as great as the contact with the Eskimos to the south, and, therefore, i t is unlikely that as great a trade developed.  Once the trade practice begins, there no longer remains  the same 'traditional' need for the bear.  The polar bear becomes  a commodity that is valuable to improve the Eskimos' standard of living, which in effect is changing his traditional l i f e style. How the Eskimo's l i f e style has changed, i f indeed i t has, is an academic argument beyond the scope of this thesis.  Polar bears are  being killed, however, in higher numbers with the aid of the r i f l e , and most recently by using the skidoo which has become commonplace in certain Eskimo centres.  This fact has been acknowledged several  times in the reports of members t-o the I.U.C.N. Conferences. The right of the Eskimo and Indian to hunt freely i s guarded by treaty in Canada, and is therefore very carefully watched by the Department of Indian Affairs in Ottawa..  As has been mentioned, fur  hunting also provides the Eskimo with an important source of income, and as the Eskimo is increasingly becoming dependent on the Canadian economic system their right to hunt polar bears as an added source of income is given priority by government o f f i c i a l s .  In order to  protect this right, and also the polar bear, the Canadian Wildlife Service has been in communication with the provinces and has attempted to co-ordinate, and thereby encourage, the use of a tag system using a metal seal to mark a l l bear hides.  -77-  The Northwest Territories Council was the f i r s t to provide a system of marking polar bear hides.  The system consisted of a  metal seal that was attached to the bear hide for later identification.  This system was used later by the Yukon Territory and the  Province of Ontario.  The pelts i n Ontario are marked for the Indian 11  by the Ontario government, and sold at the North Bay Fur Auction. Greater restrictions have been placed on the hunting of polar bears by non-residents in the Northwest Territories, which has deliberately ensured Eskimo participation by insisting that an Eskimo guide be present and a dog team be used.  A l l motorized  vehicles, such as the skidoo, fixed wing aircraft and helicopters, are prohibited.  This policy also ensures that the Eskimo guide re-  ceives approximately five hundred dollars for his services; the number of bears killed is deducted from the quota set for the settlement as a whole.^^ The Yukon, on the other hand, allows Eskimos 'with a tradition' of hunting the bear the right to two bears annually,' although there are indications that this legislation may be changed in the very near future.  In light of the Eskimos' use of the bear, further inquiries  might be made, and perhaps should be made, i n future research, into the validity of the term 'traditional' where i t refers to Eskimos' use of the polar bear, and whether or not there had been, and continues to be, a 'dependency' on the polar bear.  13  FEDERAL-PROVINCIAL AUTHORITY Perhaps the most relevant development in terms of this thesis i s  -78the formation of the Federal-Provincial Administrative Committee that has met twice, largely as a result of the second working meeting of the I.U.C.N, at Morges.  The structure of this committee, while not  exactly the type of body mentioned in the hypothesis calling for international p o l i t i c a l control over transnational resources, is certainly close to the same structure, only on a national rather than an international scalee  By the same token, i t is a very clear  example of a 'transregional governing body influencing the decisions 1  of individual p o l i t i c a l regions. The Federal-Provincial Committee on polar bears has at the larger meetings of the Federal-Provincial Wildlife Conference discussed many facets of federal-provincial co-operation in the management of the species.  Particularly encouraging is the recommendation '  by the Administrative Committee for co-ordinated management of polar bears by the provinces thathhaveoliooKediw'itfiafavouiprjon aiplan for a 14  zoning pattern which cuts across jurisdictional boundaries.  Should  this recommendation be adopted, there would result regional management of sub-populations  of polar bears.  In that respect, there were .  differences in legislation between zones, even i f the zones would be within the conventional provincial boundaries; i.e. zones C, E, D on Map 4-1. This suggestion has not yet been put into f u l l practice.  However,  the successful management of interjurisdictional zones in Canada by the provincial governments and co-ordinated by the federal government may well prove to be a blue print for a similar governing body implemented at the international level.  If that were the case, then the  -79-  interjurisdictional management problems that are evident at the international level, and the problem of management of the polar bears on the high seas,may well be near a solution. This chapter has reviewed the Canadian problems of polar bear management and, by doing so, has shed light on three specific factors that have required the attention of those involved. mobility of the polar bear has  Firstly, the  resulted, in some cases, in polar  bears crossing provincial boundaries.  The consequence has been the  need for interprovincial co-operation in establishing regulations for polar bear hunting.  Secondly, there is the so-called traditional  rights of Eskimo to hunt bears.  With the declining numbers of polar  bears, and some evidence that only certain Eskimo groups have, in fact, ever had a 'traditional' dependency on the bear, there surely is a case for regional variation of regulations on native hunting of bears.  Lastly, there is the proposal for jurisdictional zones  established on the basis of the geographical locations of sub-populations of polar bear.  Regulations, of such jurisdictional zones would permit  regional variations in legislation enacted to regulate native hunting, and would, through the Federal-Provincial Committee, remove many of the inherent problems of inter-provincial transnational resource management . The same political geographic themes are evident in a l l three cases presented.  In a l l three cases, political conflict over policy  making result from the mobility of a resource across politically defined space.  While the facts of the three cases presented may be different,  -80-  th e similarities show through, and therefore i t should appear reasonable to assume that a particular system that i s functional/in one case, may, with some variation, be functional i n the others. In conducting this research, many questions regarding the actual decision making process of the involved governments could not be answered through archival or library research.  For this reason, a  questionnaire was sent to thirty members of the three commissions studied in order to obtain answers to questions such as, the form of presenting commission's proposals to the individual governments, i n i t i a l government response, and also which methods of suggested transnational resource management the Commissioners themselves felt were most appropriate for the successful regulation and management of transnational resource management. will comprise the following chapter.  The results of that questionnaire  CHAPTER IV FOOTNOTES:  1.  Sterling and Macpherson, "Polar Bear Management Changes in Canada", (unpublished).  2.  As has already been shown in the case of the I.W.C. and the I.N.P.F.C, the aspect of resource management on the high seas is a highly complex legal and p o l i t i c a l problem. Political geographers would be well advised to enter into a "political marine geography", an avenue that might, perhaps, have great potential.  3.  The term 'traditional' is used by many authors. Far too frequently i t is used in an ambiguous manner because traditional is relative to a time scale. The term in this paper refers to the social customs of Eskimo people at the time of the f i r s t recorded encounters between Eskimo and Europeans..  4.  C. F. Hall, Life with the Eskimeaux (Sempler, Low and Marsten, London, 1865).  5.  A. Balikci, "Development of Basic Socio Economic Units in Two Eskimo Communities", National Museum of Canada (Bulletin No. 202, Anthro Science Series No. 69, 1964), p. 24.  6.  M. Hughes, An Eskimo Village in the Modern World (Cornell University Press, Ithica N.Y. 1960), p. 123.  7.  Ibid, p. 169.  8.  Ibid, p. 172.  9.  M. Lantis, Alaskan Eskimo Ceremonialism (New York, J.J. Augustin 1947), p.46.  10.  F. G. Vallee, "The Eskimo and Kabloona" The. Canadian Research Centre for Anthropology, Ottawa, 1967, p. 35.  11.  Sterling and Macpherson, "Polar Bear Management Changes in Canada", (unpublished).'  12.  Ibid.  13.  This thesis does not intend to prove Eskimo polar bear. Further research in political examine the national policies regarding the hunt the polar bear, in light of their more locations.  dependency on the geography might Eskimo's right to recent geographic  -82-  14.  Sterling and Macpherson, "Polar Bear Management Changes in Canada" (unpublished).  -83-  CHAPTER V  COMMISSIONERS' RESPONSE TO THE QUESTIONNAIRE  The questionnaire, presented as Appendix II, was sent to thirty individuals who had been their country's most recent representative to the International Whaling Commission, the International North Pacific Fisheries Commission, or the International Union for Conservation of Nature's meeting of polar bear specialists.  The  questions were designed to derive answers to two basic aspects of transnational resource management that had not been evident from extensive library research.  Firstly.was the aspect of the  Commissioner's role within his respective Commission, and secondly, his attitudes regarding the Commission's effectiveness in managing their respective resource and the Commissioner's personal view as to the most appropriate method of resource management. A covering letter accompanied the questionnaire (see Appendix II), which was personally addressed to each member and the appropriate Commission entered into the blank space provided.  It was hoped that  the personal nature of such a letter would help achieve a high number of returns.  Of the thirty questionnaires sent, twenty were returned.  It was disappointing to note that a proportionately low number of returns came from the Russian and Japanese delegates surveyed.  How-  ever, that fact.should not detract from the usefulness of the results that did come from the other Commissioners involved.  -84-  Finally, by way of introduction to this chapter, a comment on the method of tabulating the results is required.  Because of  the relatively small sample, i t was not felt necessary to tabulate the results in percentages.  Therefore, the numbers discussed will  be over a sample total of twenty.. In light of the obvious political nature of the Commissions, and the apparent lack of successful political management of the resource resulting from proposals and recommendations of the Commissions concerned, i t became necessary, i f some conclusions were to be made, to understand the structure of the Commissions, and the authority commanded by those attending. Responses to questions one, two and three, revealed most of the Commissioners as either federal or provincial government appointments.  Only one respondent represented a non-political international  organization.  In terms of their actual capacity within the  Commissions, however, ten of the respondents indicated they were other than an o f f i c i a l government spokesman, four being organizational respresentatives, three consultant experts, and three biological experts.  Thirteen respondents were directly involved in the pre-  planning and administration of the Commission. surface, may not appear particularly useful.  These results, on the However, of the ten  respondents who were o f f i c i a l government spokesmen, two were members to the I.N.P.F.C, and one a member to the I.U.C.N.  The remaining  seven were a l l members to the I.W.C, and comprised the total I.W.C.  -85-  sample.  This, perhaps, gives some insight into the formation of  the Commissions: the f i r s t established Commission, the I.W.C, being the most positively represented by national governments; the most recently established, the I.U.C.N, polar bear group, having the least formal government input. Questions four, five, six and seven were essentially aimed at attaining the Commissioners' reactions to their government's response to proposals or recommendations presented to i t .  With-  out exception, the response was positive to question four, asking whether or not specific proposals had been presented to their government, and the recommendations that were presented to the governments were, in a l l cases, acted on favourably, resulting in positively agreed action.  These results must be viewed with some  caution, as the specific proposals were not made clear, and consequently i t would be wrong to assume that these proposals that were reportedly acted on referred to the particular problems discussed in this thesis.  In this respect, the questionnaire could  have been re-worded, affording a more specific response. Question eight i s , perhaps, the most important in terms of the hypothesis regarding the necessity for international political management of transnational resources.  In this question, the  Commissioners were asked to l i s t in rank order of importance the method of regulation most likely to improve future management of transnational resources.  (See questionnaire, Appendix II)  The  -86-  majority of the responses, eight of the twenty, indicated that their f i r s t choice was to maintain the system that is presently used, i.e. continual negotiations on a regular basis.  Five  suggested international research, conservation and cropping, as their f i r s t choice, four indicated international legislative controls and agreements, the closest to the hypothesis of international control, and three agreed to established international quotas, policed by member states.  Noticeably there were no  respondents advocating the control of marketing, consumption and distribution of the resource.  It i s also worth noting that of  the eight members.who showed preference for continual negotiations on a regular basis, five were members of the I.W.C.  As i t has  already been shown, that Commission had been totally ineffective in negotiating regulations protecting the blue whale. The overall results of this small survey show clearly that the Commissioners themselves are not prepared to enter into new methods of resource management. to question eight.  This may be seen by the responses  In that respect, i t is fair to assume that  the individuals involved i n the management of the blue whale, North Pacific salmon and polar bear would not react favourably to the implementation of international political control called for in the hypothesis, even though in principle i t might appear to be an effective means of resource management.  In order to discuss  that point further, and to draw conclusions from this study as  -87-  part of p o l i t i c a l geography, i t is necessary to briefly review the material that has been presented in the last five chapters. This review will form the last and concluding chapter to follow.  -88-  CHAPTER VI  CONCLUSION  This thesis has attempted essentially to prove two hypothesis: f i r s t l y that man's past and present uses of transnational.resources have, in some cases, led to the necessity for international political control, and secondly, that research oii the effects of resource mobility on national and international government policy is a realm of study that could, and should, play an important part i n political geographic inquiry. Comparing the results found i n the data in Chapters Two, Three and Four, similar themes may be observed.  A l l three cases involved  transnational marine resources that were under some form of international regulations.  In the case of the blue whale, i t i s  evident that the international Whaling Commission was powerless as far as enforcement of whaling restrictions was concerned.  The  right of the individual members to veto the I.W.C.'s recommendations made any form of enforcement of international regulation totally reliant upon national co-operation.  The results of this lack of  international enforcement brought about the drastic decline of the blue whale to the point of economic extinction, and almost to the point of biological extinction.  -89-  To simply state that an international, p o l i t i c a l body would have resolved the problem^ of enforcement., would, be., based..largely on speculation.  It is worth noting, however, that the International  North Pacific Fisheries Commission.'s_ attempts, to resolve the dispute between the Japanese and .Americans .over the validity of the 175° W. line of longitude, as: a line of abstention showed a similar lack.of ability to enforce regulations.  It i s , then,  justifiable to assert that some form of international enforcement is essential in some cases to bring about meaningful regulations for transnational resource management. The data presented on the regulation of the polar bear further supports this conclusion..  This may be seen through, the formation  of the Federal-Provincial Committee.  In this instance, there  essentially exists a group of semi-independent provincial regions that are co-ordinating regulations by means of a super provincial authority, i.e. the Federal Government.  This federal-provincial  alliance has brought about a set.of jurisdictional zones within a single political region. sub-populations  These jurisdictional zones, based on  of polar bear, affords the possibility of  regionally based legislation., where the geographical variations of the resource in terms of i t s mobility, population,size? and degree of exploitation, may be more.effectively observed and therefore more appropriate regional legislation enacted.  -90To establish; jurisdictional or administrative zones on the high seas would undoubtedly, be.a far: more d i f f i c u l t task than establishing, such zones over an already defined..political .region, such as the Northwest Territories; however, the problems of effective international regulation of transnational resources would, undoubtedly, be made simpler, just as polar bear management may more effectively be controlled i n Canada.  In this light, then,  the facts brought out in this thesis support the hypothesis that man's past and present uses of transnational resources have led, in some cases, to the need for international p o l i t i c a l control. It should be made clear that this thesis makes no claim to having established the feasibility of such a suggestion i n terms of national government approval of such a political authority.  A  study to examine the feasibility of an international political body to regulate transnational resource use would be immensely d i f f i c u l t , because of i t s hypothetical nature.  The results .of such a study  may, nevertheless, be a valuable contribution to the literature dealing with transnational resource management. There may be many criticisms of research, such.as this thesis, when considered part of the geographic discipline.  The nature of  research such as this required the inclusion of a'fairly, high degree of biological information..  The work i s , however, clearly  geographical, and may be seen as. a product of the long-standing concerns that geographers have had for environmental themes, -  -91-  as was evidenced by the material presented.in Chapter One of the thesis. It is certainly true that many aspects of. research such as this may be studied by researchers in other disciplines.  The  distinguishing factor, is the scale at which geographers work compared to the ecologist or biologist.... It is extremely doubtful that ecologists or biologists, would hold any concern for the political ramifications.of the movement - of the species across political boundaries and, indeed,, i f the biologist, or ecologist <  was studying the migration.of the animal, i t is doubtful i f that study would be conducted on anything' other than a very large scale where only a very small .portion of the total species' range would be examined.  This statement is certainly supported by the  majority of biological work conducted on the.blue whale, the North Pacific salmon and the polar bear. There are several themes present in work, such as this that are common to the political geographer. . Themes such as regulation of jurisdictional zones, cross-boundary movement and.policy making are a l l established themes in p o l i t i c a l geography.  The value.of  this research as part of political geography goes further than simply the re-statement of central..themes.  The real value of  research such as this thesis within the sub-discipline is the fact that i t is highly problem oriented in terms of 'realistic' or 'applied' research.  -92-  Political. geographers are fortunate that the themes central to the sub-discipline such as those listed, above have: great value in applied geographic research.  With the mounting problems involved  in international co-operation toward the use of decreasing world resources, an increasing number of problems such as those involved in this work are surely to arise.  For this reason, p o l i t i c a l  geographers should, perhaps, piace a greater emphasis on problems -  of international political co-operation.  By so doing, they may  add a valuable contribution, not only to the sub-discipline i n which they are writing, but also to the society in which they are working. There are many problems inherent in heavy reliance on library material when conducting research such as this.  Some of these  problems are found i n the lack of current material, the possibility of conflicting sources, and the'possibility of a lack of the specifi information required, a l l of which may deter from a well-researched . piece of work.  In that respect, library research should, where  practical, accompany as great an extent of field research as possibl In problems such as those central to this thesis, most beneficial field work would obviously be spent in the headquarters of the involved Commissions, in the appropriate government archives, and actually among those involved in the harvest.of the resource i t s e l f . Field work as just mentioned i s , perhaps, not what many may consider traditional 'in the f i e l d ' research, and, because of the  -93-  international nature, involves large sums of money not easily obtainable at the Masters level. In conclusion, an examination of the work included i n this thesis does, indeed, show a need for international p o l i t i c a l regulation of transnational resources.  Furthermore, problems such as  those included deserve greater attention by p o l i t i c a l geographers, not only in terms of the development of the sub-discipline, but also because political geographers are well suited to contribute to the solution of problems inherent in transnational resource management - management which i s , in some cases, urgently needed to prevent extinction.  Extinction, after a l l , i s i n a l l cases final.  -94-  BIBLIOGRAPHY  Adams, L. "Census of the Grey Whale", Norsk Hvalfangst Tidende (March/April, 1968) Baird, P.D. 1963) Barrows, H.H. (1923)  The Polar World  (Longmans, McGi11 University Press,  "Geography as Human Ecology", A.A.A.G., Vol XIII,  Bruemmer, F. "The Polar Bear", Canadian Geographical Journal, Vol. 78, No. 3,.(March 1969) pp. 98-105. Burton, I. and Kates, K. Readings in Resource Management and Conservation, (University of Chicago, 1965). Canadian Wildlife Service, "Denning Habits of the Polar Bear,. (Ursus Maritimus Phipps)", Report Series No. 5 (1968). Eyre, S.R. and Jones, G.R., Geography as Human Ecology: Methodology by Example, (New York, 1966). First International Scientific Meeting of the Polar Bear, (Dept. of the Interior and University of Alaska, U.S.A., September 1965). Flyger, V. "The Polar Bear - a Matter for International Concern", Arctic, Vol. 20, No. 3, (September 1967) , p. 147. Freeman, T.W. A Hundred Years of Geography, (Chicago: Aldine Publishing Co., 1961) p.34. Hall, C.F. Life with the Eskimeaux, (Sempler, Low and Marsten, London, 1865). Hartshorne, R. "The Nature of Geography", A.A.A.G., Vol. XXIX, Nos. 3 and 4, (1939), p. 124. Hartt, A.C. "Migrations of Salmon in the North Pacific Ocean and Bering Seas As Determined by Seining and Tagging, 1951 - 60", I.N.P.F.C. Bulletin No. J9, Vancouver, B.C. 1966, pp. 80-85. Hughes, M. An Eskimo Village in the Modern World, (Cornell University Press, Ithica N.Y. 1960), p. 123. Humboldt, A. von, Cosmos, Trans. E.C. Otte, Vol. 1, (London, 1849).  -95-  Huntington, E. and Carlson, F. Environmental Basis of Social Geography, (New York: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1930), pp. 7-8. Huntington, E. "Climatic Variations and Economic Cycles", Geographic Review, Vol. 1, (1916). Huntington, E. Principles of Human Geography, (New York: J. Wiley § Sons, 1920). "International Commissions", I.N.P.F.C. Canada Dept. of Fisheries Annual Report, Queen's Printer, 1963, pp. 86-90. International Union for Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources, The 2nd Working Meeting of Polar Bear Specialists, Morges, Switzerland, (February, 1970). International Whaling Statistics, Det Norske Hvalrads Statistiske Publikasjoner, Oslo XVI (1942), p. 60. Jones, T.O. "The Antarctic Treaty", Research in the Antarctic, American Association for the Advancement of Science, Washington, D.C. Pub. No. 93, 1971, pp. 57-65. Kasperson, R.E. and Minghi, J.V. The Structure of Political Geography, (Chicago: Aldine Publishing Company, 1969) p. 432 (emphasis added). Kendo, H. et al, "Offshore Distribution and Migration of Pacific Salmon", IaN.P.F.C. Bulletin No. 17, Vancouver, B.C. 1963. Lantis, M. Alaskan Eskimo Ceremonialism 1947), p.46.  (New York, J.J. Augustin  Larsen, T. "Ecological Investigations on the Polar Bear in Svalbard", Norsk Polarinstitutt (Arbok 1965) pp. 92-98. Lentfer, J.W. and Brooks, J.W. "Polar Bear Research in Alaska", Second Working Meeting of Polar Bear Specialists, Page No. 15, (Morges, Switzerland, 1968). Lentfer, J.W. "Polar Bear Research and Conservation in Alaska, 1968 1969", Proceedings from 2nd Working Meeting I.U.C.N., Morges, Switzerland, 1970, p. 65. Lowenthal, D. Environmental Perception and Behaviour, (Dept. of Geography, University of Chicago, 1968). Mackinder, H.J. "The Human Habitat", The Scottish Geographical Magazine, Vol. XLVII, No. 6, (1931), p. 321.  -96-  Macpherson, A. and Jonkel, C. "Polar Bear Management Changes i n Canada", Proceedings from 2nd Working Meeting I.U.C.N., Morges, Switzerland, 1970, p. 12. Marr, J.W.S. "The Natural History and Geography of the Antarctic K r i l l " , Discovery Reports, XXXII (1962) pp. 32-464. Minghi, J.V. "The Conflict of Salmon Fishing Policies in the North Pacific", Pacific Viewpoint, Vol. II, (1961), pp. 59-84. Pedersen, A. Polar Animals (George Harrap § Co. Ltd., 1962), p. 93. Perry, R. The World of the Polar Bear, (University of Wisconsin Press, 1966). "Polar Bears", Proceedings of the 2nd Working Meetings of Polar Bear Specialists Organized by I.U.C.N, at Morges, Switzerland, 2 - 4 February, 1970, I.U.C.N., Morges, Switzerland. "Report on the Meetings of the I.N.P.F.C", I.N.P.F.C. Annual Report, 1963. Ross, W.M. "The Management of International Common Property Resources", The Geographical Review, Vol. LXI - No. 3 (July 1971). Sauer, CO. "Forward to Historical Geography", A.A.A.G., Vol. XXXI, No. 1, Reprinted Land and Life, A Selection from the Writings of Carl Ortwin Sauer, Ed. J. Leighly, (Berkley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, (1965), p. 359. Semple, E.C  Influences of Geographic Environment, (New York, 1911).  Small, C L . "The Virtual Extinction of an Extraterritorial Pelagic Resource - The Blue Whale", (Unpublished Ph.D dissertation, Columbia University, 1968) p. 245. Sprout, H. § M. "Environmental Factors in the Study of International Politics", Journal of Conflict Resolution, 1, No. 4 (1957), pp. 309-28. Ibid., Towards a Politics of the Planet Earth, (Van Nostrand Reinhold Co., 1971). Ibid., The Ecological Perspective, (Princeton University Press, 1965). Ibid., p.. 171. Stager, J.K. "Politics of Canada's North", The North, Studies In Canadian Geography (University of Toronto Press, 1972), p. 126.  -97-  Sterling, I. and Macpherson, A. "Polar Bear Management Changes in Canada", Report for the 3rd International Working Meetings of the Polar Bear Group, I.U.C.N.,- Morges, Switzerland, February 1972 (unpublished). Svarlien, 0. "The Sector Principle in Law and Practice", Polar Record, X (1960) pp. 248-63. Tuan, Y. "Attitudes Toward Environment: Themes and Approaches", Environmental Perception and Behaviour, Ed. David Lowenthal, (Dept. of Geography, University of Chicago, 1968). Vallee, F.G. "The Eskimo and Kabloona", The Canadian Research Centre for Anthropology, Ottawa, 1967, p. 35. Watt, K.  Ecology and Resource Management, (McGraw H i l l , 1968).  Whittfogel, K. Oriental Despotism: Comparative Study of Total Power, (New Haven: Yale University Press). Whittlesey,D"The Impress of Effective Central Authority upon the Landscape". A.A.A.G., Vol XXV, No. 1, (March 1935), pp. 85-97. Zemskey, V.A. and Boronin, V.A. "On the Question of the Pigmy Blue Whale Taxonomic Position", Norsk Hvalfangst Tidende, (Norwegian Whaling Gazette) November 1964, pp. 306-311.  -98APPENDIX 1 INTERNATIONAL WHALING AGREEMENT FOR THE REGULATION OF WHALING - 1937 The Government of the Union of South Africa, the United States of America, the Argentine Republic, the Commonwealth of Australia, Germany, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, the Irish Free State, New Zealand and Norway, desiring to secure the prosperity of the whaling industry and for that purpose, to maintain the stock of whales, have agreed as follows:Article 1. The contracting Governments will take appropriate measures to ensure the application of the provisions of the present Agreement and the punishment of infractions against the said provisions, and, in particular, will maintain at least one inspector of whaling on each factory ship under their jurisdiction. The inspectors shall be appointed and paid by the Governments. Article 2. The present Agreement applies to factory ships and whale catchers and to land stations as defined in Article 18 under the jurisdiction of the contracting Governments, and to a l l waters in which whaling is prosecuted by such factory ships and/or whale catchers. Article 3. Prosecutions for infractions against or contraventions of the present Agreement and the regulations made thereunder shall be instituted by the Government or a Department of the Government. Article 4. It is forbidden to take or k i l l grey-whales and/or right-whales. Article 5. It is forbidden to take or k i l l any blue-, f i n - , humpback- or sperm-whales below the following lengths, yiz:(a) (b) (c) (d)  Blue-whales Fin-whales Humpback-whales Sperm-whales ..  70 feet 55 II 35 it 35 it  Article 6. It is forbidden to take or k i l l calves, or suckling whales, or female whales which are accompanied by calves or suckling whales.  -99Article 7. It is forbidden to use a factory ship or a whale catcher attached thereto for the purpose of taking or treating baleen whales in any waters south of 40° South Latitude, except during the period from the 8th day of December to the 7th day of March following, both days inclusive, provided that in the whaling season 1937-8 the period shall extend to the 15th day of March, 1938, inclusive. Article 8. It is forbidden to use a land station or a whale catcher attached thereto for the purpose of taking or treating whales in any area or in any waters for more than 6 months in any period of twelve months, such period of six months to be continuous. Article 9. It is forbidden to use a factory ship or a whale catcher attached thereto for the purpose of taking or treating baleen whales in any of the following areas, viz:(a) (b) (c) (d)  in the Atlantic Ocean north of 40° South Latitude and in the Davis Strait, Baffin Bay and Greenland Sea; in the Pacific Ocean east of 150° West Longitude between 40° South Latitude and 35° North Latitude; in the Pacific Ocean west of 150° West Longitude between 40° South Latitude and 20° North Latitude; in the Indian Ocean north of 40° South Latitude.  Article 10. Notwithstanding anything contained in this Agreement, any contracting Government may grant to any of i t s nationals a special permit authorising that national to k i l l , take and treat whales for purposes of scientific research subject to.such restrictions as to number and subject to such other conditions as the contracting Government thinks f i t , and the k i l l i n g , taking and treating of whales in accordance with the terms in force under this Article shall be exempt from the operation of this Agreement. Any contracting Government may at any time revoke a permit granted by i t under this Article. Article 11. The fullest possible use shall be made of a l l whales taken. Except in the case of whales or parts of whales intended for human food or for feeding animals, the.oil shall be extracted by boiling or otherwise from a l l blubber, meat (except the meat of sperm whales) and bones other than the internal organs, whale bone and flippers, of a l l whales delivered to the factory ship or land station.  -100Article 12. There shall not at any time be taken for delivery to any factory ship or land station a greater number of whales than can be treated efficiently and in accordance with Article 11 of the present Agreement by the plant and personnel therein within a period of thirty-six hours from the time of the k i l l i n g of each whale. Article 13. Gunners and crews of factory ships, land stations and whale catchers shall be engaged on terms such that their remuneration shall depend to a considerable extent upon such factors as the species, size and yield of whales taken, and not merely upon the number of whales taken, and no.bonus or other remuneration calculated by reference to the results of their work shall be paid to the gunners and crews of whale catchers in respect of any whales the taking of which is forbidden by this Agreement. Article 14. With a view to the enforcement of the preceding Article, each contracting Government shall obtain, in respect of every whale catcher under i t s jurisdiction, an account showing the total emolument of each gunner and member of the crew and the manner in which the emolument of each of them is calculated. Article 15. Articles 5, 9, 13 and 14 of the present Agreement, insofar as they impose obligations not already in force, shall not until the 1st day of December, 1937, apply to factory ships, land stations or catchers attached thereto which are at present operating or which have already taken practical measures with a view to whaling operations during the period before the said date. In respect of such factory ships, land stations and whale catchers, the Agreement shall in any event come into force on the said date. Article 16. The contracting Governments shall obtain with regard to a l l factory ships and land stations under their jurisdiction records of the number of whales of each species treated at each factory ship or land station and as to the aggregate amounts of o i l of each grade and quantities of meal, guano and other products derived from them, together with particulars with respect to each whale treated in the factory ship or.land station as to the date and place of taking, the species and sex of the whales, i t s length and, i f i t contains a foetus, the length and sex, i f ascertainable, of the foetus.  -101Article 17. The contracting Governments shall, with regard to a l l whaling operations under their jurisdiction, communicate to the International Bureau for Whaling Statistics at Sandefjord in Norway the statistical information specified in Article 16 of the present Agreement together with any information which may be collected or obtained by them in regard to the calving grounds and migration routes of whales. In communicating this information, the Governments shall specify:(a) (b) (c)  the name and tonnage of each ship factory; the number and aggregate tonnage of the whale catchers; a l i s t of the stations which were in operation during the period concerned.  Article 18. In the present Agreement the following expressions have the meanings respectively assigned to them, that is to say:factory ship means a ship in which or on which whales are treated whether wholly or in part; whale catchers means a ship used for the purpose of hunting, taking, towing, holding on to, or.scouting for whales; land station means a factory.on the land, or in the territorial waters adjacent thereto, in which or at which whales are treated whether wholly or in part; baleen whale means any whale other.than a toothed whale; bluerwhale means any whale known by the name of blue-whale, Sibbald's rorqual or sulphur bottom; fin whale means any whale known by the name of common finback, common finner, common rorqual, finback, fin-whale, herring-whale, razorback, or true fin-whale; grey-whale means any whale known by the name of grey-whale, California grey, devil fish, hard head, mussel differ, grey back, rip sack; humpback-whale means any whale known by the name of bunch, humpback, humpback-whale, humpbacked whale, hump whale or hunchbacked whale; right-whale means any whale known by the name of Atlantic right- . whale,, Arctic right-whale, Biscayan right-whale, bowhead, great polar whale, Greenland right-whale, Greenland whale, Nordkaper, North Atlantic right-whale, North Cape whale, Pacific right-whale, pigmy right-whale, Southern pigmy right-whale or Southern rightwhale; sperm-whale means any whale known by the name of sperm-whale, spermacet-whale, cachalot or pot-whale; length in relation to any whale means the distance measured on the level i n a straight line between the t i p of the upper jaw and the notch between the flukes of the t a i l . Article 19. The present Agreement shall be ratified and the instruments of  -102ratification shall be deposited with the Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland as soon as possible. It shall come into force upon the deposit of instruments of ratification by a majority of the signatory Governments, which shall include the Governments of the United Kingdom, Germany and Norway; and for any other Government not included in such majority on the date of the deposit of its instrument of ratification. The Government of the United Kingdom will inform the other Governments of the date on which the Agreement thus comes into force and the date of any ratification received subsequently. Article 20. The present Agreement shall come into force provisionally on the 1st. day of July, 1937, to the extent to which the signatory Governments are respectively able to enforce i t ; provided that i f any Government within two months of the signature of the Agreement informs the Government of the United Kingdom that i t is unwilling to ratify i t the provisional application of the Agreement in respect of that Government shall thereupon cease. The Government of the United Kingdom w i l l communicate the name of any Government which has signified that i t i s unwilling to ratify the Agreement to the other Governments, any of whom may within one month of such communication withdraw i t s ratification or accession or signify i t s unwillingness to ratify as the case.may be, and the provisional application of the Agreement in respect of that Government shall thereupon cease. Any such withdrawal or communication shall be notified to the Government of the United Kingdom by whom i t will be transmitted to the other Governments. Article 21. The present Agreement shall, subject to the preceding Article, remain in force until the 30th day of June, 1938, and thereafter i f , before that date, a majority of the contracting Governments, which shall include the Governments of the United Kingdom, Germany and Norway, shall have agreed to extend i t s duration. In the event of such extension i t shall remain in force until the contracting Governments agree to modify i t , provided that any contracting Governments may, at any time after the 30th day of June, 1938, by giving notice on or before the 1st day of January in any year to the Government of the United Kingdom (who on receipt of such notice shall at once communicate i t to the contracting Governments) withdraw from the Agreement, so that i t shall cease to be in force in respect of that Government after the 30th day of June following, and that any other contracting Government may, by giving notice in the like manner within one month of the receipt of such communication, withdraw also from the Agreement, so that i t shall cease to be in force respecting i t after the same date. Article 22. Any Government which has not signed the present Agreement may accede thereto at any time after i t has come into force. Accession  -103shall be effected by means of a notification in writing addressed to the Government of the United Kingdom and shall take effect immediately after the date of i t s receipt. The Government of the United Kingdom will inform a l l the Governments which have signed or acceded to the present Agreement of a l l accessions received and the date of their receipt. In faith whereof the Undersigned, being duly authorized, have signed the present Agreement. Done in London the 8th day of June, 1937, in a single copy, which shall remain deposited in the archives of the Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, by whom certified copies will be transmitted to a l l the other contracting Governments. FINAL ACT The Conference, having this day signed an Agreement for the Regulation of Whaling, to take immediate effect, desires to add, for the consideration of the Governments represented at the Conference, the following observations. 1. The Agreement is valid for one year and w i l l , i t is hoped, continue in force for future years, unless the Governments, or any of them, decide to the contrary. It is likely in the opinion of the Conference, to go far towards maintaining the stock of wbi.es, upon which the prosperity of the whaling industry depend. 2. Experience may prove, however, that further measures of conservation are necessary or desirable. The Conference desires, therefore, to suggest that certain further methods of conservation and of preventing wastage of whales should be examined by the Governments concerned without delay, and that the Governments should take the necessary measures by legislation to place themselves in a position to impose such further regulations of whaling as experience may dictate. 3. The Agreement prescribes regulations mainly of general application to whaling from factory ships and land stations alike. The most important of these regulations are those requiring the observance of closed seasons, prohibiting the taking of whales of certain species already threatened with extinction, prohibiting the taking of female whales with calves or suckling whales and of whales of different species below size limits prescribed for each species, requiring f u l l commercial use to be made of every part of every whale taken, and limiting the time within which, from the time of catching, whales must be treated in a factory ship or land station as the case may be. The purpose of these regulations is to limit the number of whales killed and to prevent the waste of whale material. 4. Certain provisions of the Agreement, however, affect only pelagic whaling, in particular those provisions which absolutely pro-  -104-  hibit pelagic whaling for baleen whales in certain large areas of the sea. This differentiation between whaling prosecuted by means of factory ships and by means of land stations needs explanation. It has been urged that whaling as hitherto prosecuted from some land stations, especially near the equatorial zone, has been wasteful and harmful because the physiological condition of the whales taken was such that their o i l yield was low and because whales were taken at these stations when they were about to throw their calves. Against this i t may be argued that the raising of the size limits for various species under the Agreement will greatly restrict the catch brought to the land stations, that the land stations, not enjoying the mobility of the factory ships, are already handicapped in the pursuit.of whales and that whatever catch they take is a comparatively insignificant fraction of the total catch. The Conference recommends that the catch of the land stations should be carefully studied and that the Governments should consider, in the light of such study, what further regulations, i f any, should be^attached to whaling from land stations, either generally or in particular geographical areas. In the view of the Conference, there is a certain risk that the restrictions imposed on pelagic whaling may lead to a development of whaling from land stations and the Governments should accordingly place themselves in a position to check or regulate such development should i t occur. 5. The Conference further recommends that the Governments should put themselves in a position to limit, i f i t is thought f i t , the number of whale catchers that may be employed in connection with any factory ship or land station with a view to further limitation of the destruction of whales. 6. The Governments are also recommended to take powers, i f they do not already possess them, to prohibit whaling entirely in any area of the sea, either permanently or for a limited period. It is felt that i t may be desirable, in the light of experience gained, to close permanently areas which may be proved to be calving areas, or to close from year to year selected areas of the Antarctic Ocean or elsewhere for the purpose of giving to the whales a sanctuary in which they may escape molestation. 7. The Conference also recommends that the Governments should place themselves in a position to regulate the methods of.killing whales. Under existing methods of whaling, whales may be fatally injured, but lost owing to defects in the guns or harpoons in use, including the propelling and bursting charges. This involves waste of whales. It is suggested that i t may prove desirable so to regulate the methods of taking whales as to ensure that, by the use of suitable explosive .charges, or by the use of a harpoon electrically charged, the whale when hit may be speedily killed and wastage thus avoided. Moreover, a regulation of this character may be expected to abate something of the undoubted cruelty of present methods of whaling. 8. The Conference further recommends that the contracting Governments should take steps to prevent this Agreement and any regula-  -105-  t i o n s made t h e r e u n d e r f r o m b e i n g d e f e a t e d b y t h e t r a n s f e r o f s h i p s r e g i s t e r e d i n t h e i r t e r r i t o r i e s t o t h e F l a g o f a n o t h e r G o v e r n m e n t riot a p a r t y to t h i s Agreement, and s u g g e s t s t h a t f o r t h i s p u r p o s e i t might b e p r o v i d e d t h a t t h e t r a n s f e r o f a f a c t o r y s h i p ;;or w h a l e c a t c h e r f r o m i t s n a t i o n a l F l a g to t h e F l a g o f any o t h e r c o u n t r y s h o u l d be p e r m i t t e d o n l y under l i c e n c e o f the Government. 9. The C o n f e r e n c e b e l i e v e s t h a t t h e r e g u l a t i o n s upon w h i c h i t has agreed w i l l c e r t a i n l y c o n t r i b u t e t o the maintenance o f t h e s t o c k o f w h a l e s and t o t h e p r o s p e r i t y o f t h e w h a l i n g i n d u s t r y . Not a l l the r e s p r e e e n t a t i v e s o f Governments p r e s e n t at t h e C o n f e r e n c e have been a b l e t o s i g n t h e A g r e e m e n t , some o f t h e m n o t b e i n g a u t h o r i z e d b y t h e i r Governments i n . t h a t b e h a l f . It i s hoped t h a t a l l Governments represented w i l l e v e n t u a l l y accede to the Agreement. The C o n f e r e n c e d e s i r e s t o urge upon t h e c o n t r a c t i n g Governments t h a t t h e y s h o u l d u s e t h e i r u t m o s t e n d e a v o u r s t o s e c u r e t h e a d h e s i o n o f s u c h P o w e r s as a r e i n t e r e s t e d i n the w h a l i n g i n d u s t r y but were not r e p r e s e n t e d at the present Conference. The C o n f e r e n c e r e c o g n i z e s t h a t t h e p u r p o s e o f t h e p r e s e n t A g r e e m e n t may b e d e f e a t e d b y t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f u n r e g u l a t e d w h a l i n g by o t h e r c o u n t r i e s , i n which case i t would be a matter f o r cons i d e r a t i o n w h e t h e r t h e p r e s e n t Agreement s h o u l d be c o n t i n u e d i n f o r c e , o r whether t h e c o n t r a c t i n g Goverments s h o u l d not agree t o m o d i f y t h e i r r e g u l a t i o n s t o meet t h e s i t u a t i o n t h u s c r e a t e d , o r e v e n t o p e r m i t t h e i r n a t i o n a l s t o p u r s u e w h a l i n g w i t h o u t r e g u l a t i o n , s o t h a t t h e y may d e r i v e f r o m i t s p u r s u i t s u c h b e n e f i t a s may b e h a d b e f o r e t h e s t o c k o f wahles has been reduced t o a l e v e l at which w h a l i n g ceases to be remunerative. For the Conference i s convinced t h a t , unless whaling is  now s t r i c t l y  regulated that  eventuality  cannot be r e g a r d e d as  remote.  10. In c o n c l u s i o n , the Conference d e s i r e s to urge t h a t a f u r t h e r Conference s h o u l d be h e l d at a c o n v e n i e n t time next y e a r , at which the r e s u l t s o f t h e f o r t h c o m i n g s e a s o n may b e s t u d i e d and t h e q u e s t i o n o f the m o d i f i c a t i o n o r e x t e n s i o n o f t h e p r e s e n t Agreement be c o n s i d e r e d . Done i n L o n d o n , t h e 8 t h d a y o f J u n e , 1 9 3 7 , i n a s i n g l e c o p y w h i c h s h a l l r e m a i n d e p o s i t e d i n t h e a r c h i v e s o f t h e Government o f t h e U n i t e d K i n g d o m o f G r e a t B r i t a i n a n d N o r t h e r n I r e l a n d b y whom c e r t i f i e d c o p i e s w i l l be t r a n s m i t t e d t o the o t h e r Governments which have s i g n e d t h e Agreement f o r t h e R e g u l a t i o n o f W h a l i n g .  -106-  APPENDIX II COVERING LETTER AND QUESTIONNAIRE  Department of Geography, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver 8, B.C., Canada.  I presently am working on the f i n a l stages of my Masters Thesis at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia. The thesis deals with the management of transnational resources through l e g i s l a t i v e controls. In this study I am concerned with the Antarctic blue whale, the North P a c i f i c salmon, and the polar bear. Having completed reading.an extensive l i t e r a t u r e , I am s t i l l faced with several questions that are of major significance to the thesis. I hope that you, as a member of the might take time to answer the enclosed questionnaire, and return your response to me i n the self-addressed envelope, also enclosed. Should you f e e l that these questions are misdirected i n any way, your suggestions as to how they may.be better used would be most h e l p f u l . Any assistance you may be able to o f f e r would be very much appreciated. Yours sincerely,  Gordon F.D. Wilson  Encl: 2  -107-  QUESTIONNAIRE TO COMMISSION Q.l  WHICH OF THE FOLLOWING MOST ACCURATELY DESCRIBES HOW ATTEND THE COMMISSION? (a) (b) (c) (d)  Q.2  Government appointment - F e d e r a l / N a t i o n a l Government appointment - P r o v i n c i a l / S t a t e U n i v e r s i t y / S o c i e t y / A s s o c i a t i o n appointment Other ( p l e a s e d e s c r i b e )  ( ) (_ ) (___)  O f f i c i a l Government spokesman Organization representative Observer only Consultant/expert Other ( p l e a s e s t a t e ) _ _  (_ (_ ( (_  WERE YOU DIRECTLY INVOLVED IN THE PRE PLANNING, ADMINISTRATION OR ORGANIZATION OF THE COMMISSION? (a) (b)  Q.4  YOU CAME TO  IN WHAT CAPACITY DID YOU ATTEND? (a) (b) (c) (d) (e)  Q.3  DELEGATES  Yes No  (_  D  (___)  DID THE FINDINGS OF THE COMMISSION RESULT IN SPECIFIC PROPOSALS OR RECOMMENDATIONS FOR PRESENTATION TO MEMBER GOVERNMENTS? (a) (b)  Yes No  ( (  ) )  ( ( (  ) ) )  ( i f NO, s k i p t o Q u e s t i o n 7) Q.5  IF 'YES* TO Q.4, HOW WERE THE PROPOSALS OR RECOMMENDATIONS PRESENTED TO YOUR GOVERNMENT? (a) (b) (c) (d)  Q.6  Through a p r i v a t e Member's B i l l Through a government agency Through new l e g i s l a t u r e Other ( p l e a s e s t a t e ) - '  HOW DID YOUR GOVERNMENT RESPOND TO THE PROPOSALS OR RECOMMENDATIONS PRESENTED TO IT? DID IT RESPOND:Xa) '(b) (c) (d)  Favourably Indifferently Unfavourably Do not know  ( ( ( (  ) ) ) )  -108-  TRY TO ASSESS THE DEGREE OF EFFECTIVENESS THE COMMISSION MIGHT HAVE IN THE FUTURE MANAGEMENT OF THE RESOURCE (a) (b) (c) (d)  P r e l i m i n a r y communication o n l y F i r s t s t e p t o f u t u r e meeting(s) which was/were planned and d a t e ( s ) s e t R e s u l t e d i n p o s i t i v e agreed a c t i o n Other (please d e s c r i b e )  (  )  ( (__  ) )  THE FOLLOWING ARE SOME OF THE WAYS VARIOUS EXPERTS HAVE SUGGESTED MAY IMPROVE FUTURE MANAGEMENT OF TRANSNATIONAL RESOURCES. WHICH OF THESE, IN RANK ORDER OF IMPORTANCE, FIRST, SECOND, THIRD, ETC., WOULD YOU SUPPORT? (a) (b)  (c) (d) (e) (f)  C o n t i n u a l n e g o t i a t i o n s on a r e g u l a r b a s i s I n t e r n a t i o n a l l e g i s l a t i v e c o n t r o l s and agreements; e.g. as e s t a b l i s h e d f o r c o n t r o l o f s l a v e r y , drugs, atomic t e s t i n g , e t c . I n t e r n a t i o n a l r e s e a r c h , c o n s e r v a t i o n and cropping; i . e . j o i n t co-operative e n t e r p r i s e E s t a b l i s h e d i n t e r n a t i o n a l quotas, p o l i c e d by member governments C o n t r o l m a r k e t i n g , consumption and d i s t r i b u t i o n o f resource Other (please s t a t e )  (  ).  (_  )  (  )  (  )  (  )  

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