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The extension of weak u verb forms in medieval Gallo-Romance Bradley, Diane Margaret 1986

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THE EXTENSION OF WEAK U VERB FORMS IN MEDIEVAL GALLO-ROMANCE by DIANE MARGARET BRADLEY B.A., The University of Leeds, 1980 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of French We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA April, 1986 Diane Margaret Bradley, 1986 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f the requirements f o r an advanced degree a t the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree t h a t the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and study. I f u r t h e r agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e copying of t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the head o f my department o r by h i s o r her r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s understood t h a t c o p y i n g or p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be allowed without my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Department of The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia 2075 Wesbrook P l a c e Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 n r . 6 n /7Q^ Abstract The origin of weak u vocalism in verbal systems of the Romance language group has never been completely clear. The form is rare in C.L. and its extension is most usually attributed to an -ui -utum correspondence which arose and spread in V.L., although the reasons for and mechanisms of this development have remained uncertain. Documentary evidence supporting the extension of weak u forms starts with the time of the Roman Empire, but many gaps remain in our knowledge and these are inadequately filled by the sparse records of early Romance. This study seeks to clarify the situation in two ways. Initially it returns to the Latin roots of weak u development and, from this investigation, it appears that the dedi form was at least as important as the -ui verbs in causing the spread of u vocalism. It then follows the many ramifications in the Romance tongues, taking a particular interest in regional and dialectal diversity. The synthesis of the varied phonetic and analogical repatternings available on a wide scale provides the basis for a more detailed investigation of the French, Franco-Provencal and Occitan zones. Regarding the medieval state of development of the Gallo-Romance area itself, influential grammarians have usually based their conclusions primarily on literary sources in describing the language, although charters have not been excluded. Debate has centred on whether weak u forms could have evolved phonetically from Latin and, if so, how, or on whether analogy played a decisive r61e. However, in recent years, much non-literary medieval material preserved in French archives has been published for the first time; and this study, while acknowledging the insights offered by former work, has taken full advantage of this new situation in order to undertake a re-examination of forms attested in Gallo-Romance, using charters as the primary source. The accuracy of information about chronological and dialectal variation is better assured by such a method and a frequency count is included as an additional indicator of influential forms. The examples thus collected and classified allow patterns and trends present in the language to emerge, and ii these suggest that the progression of weak u spread was gradual and uneven in Gallo- Romance, much of it probably being analogical. As a preterite form, u vocalism obtained a foothold only in certain northern zones, although the power of these areas was such that its diffusion as part of the future national standard language was assured. iii iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract ii List of Tables xi List of Maps xiii Standard Symbols and Abbreviations xiv Acknowledgements xv General Introduction 1 1. The Latin Foundation 3 1.1 Latin - basic structures 3 1.2 V.L. changes 4 1.21 Changes in tense structure 4 1.22 Changes within paradigms 6 1.221 Models of phonetic change 6 1.222 Models of analogical change 7 1.23 Analogical change in V.L perfective forms 8 1.231 Class change 8 1.232 Stress change 9 1.24 Structural change in the V.L. P.P 10 1.241 Attested types of P.P. change 12 1.25 The origins of the -uturn P.P 14 1.251 Stress patterning 14 1.252 Phonetic evolution 16 1.253 Interaction of pret and P.P 16 1.26 Regional variety 17 2. Romance Developments 19 2.1 Introduction To the Study List 19 2.2 Rumanian: General View 19 V 2.21 Realignments of class 20 2.22 Types of restructuring 22 2.23 Recent trends in Rumanian 24 2.3 Italian: General View 25 2.31 Preterite forms 25 2.32 Adoption of the -utum P.P 27 2.321 Spread of -utum P.P 28 2.33 Recent usage in Italian 30 2.34 Conclusions 30 2.4 Main Features of Sardinian 31 2.5 Spanish and Portuguese: General View 32 2.51 Tendencies in Iberian restructuring 32 2.52 Phonetic and analogical preterite forms 32 2.521 -udo forms in the participle 37 2.53 The strong participles 38 2.54 Conclusions for Spanish and Portuguese 38 3. Background to Gallo-Romance Developments 40 3.1 Introduction to Gallo-Romance 40 3.2 Occitan 40 3.21 -ui verbs in Occitan 40 3.22 dedi verbs in Occitan 41 3.23 The -turn P.P. in Occitan 41 3.3 Franco-Provencal 42 3.31 -ui verbs in Franco-Provencal 42 3.32 dedi, verbs in Franco-Provencal 42 3.33 The -utum P.P. in Franco-Provencal 42 3.4 Old French 43 vi 3.41 -ui verbs in Old French 43 3.42 dedi verbs in Old French 43 3.43 The -utum P.P. in Old French 44 3.5 Introduction to detailed study of Northern forms 44 3.51 The u preterite in Old French 44 3.511 Phonetic theories of development 45 3.512 Analogical theories of development 46 3.5121 Internal restructuring 47 3.5122 External influences 47 3.5123 Interaction of preterite and P.P. - Wahlgren 49 3.5124 Interaction of preterite and P.P. - Mourin 50 3.6 Summary of Romance restructuring '. 52 3.61 Romance preterite change 53 3.62 Romance participle change : 53 3.63 Gallo-Romance preterite and P.P 54 3.64 Conclusion 56 4. A Detailed Study of Gallo-Romance Developments Based on Early Textual Evidence 57 4.1 Introduction to the Composition of the Study List 57 4.11 Comparison of Sources 57 4.12 The Interpretation of Spelling 58 4.13 Status of Individual Dialects 59 4.2 Frequency Analysis 59 4.21 Global Frequency by Grammatical Group 59 4.22 Global Frequency in Charters and Literature 59 4.23 Global P.P. Frequency 62 4.231 Weak Form Frequency in the P.P 63 vii 4.232 Weak u Frequency in the northern P.P 63 4.24 Preterite Frequency 66 4.241 Common preterite forms 67 4.242 Northern Preterites 67 4.243 Franco-Provencal preterites 69 4.244 Occitan preterites 70 4.25 Frequency of I.S 70 4.251 Northern I.S 70 4.252 Franco-Provengal I.S 71 4.253 Occitan I.S 71 4.254 The I.S. as indicator of preterite usage 71 4.26 Summary of Frequency Survey 71 4.3 Form Combinations in Gallo-Romance 72 4.31 Northern u preterite 73 4.311 Early attestations 73 4.312 Stress structures 74 4.313 Fluctuations 75 4.3131 Fluctuations in avoir, pouvoir, savoir type 75 4.3132 Fluctuations in the vouloir type 76 4.3133 Fluctuation in croire, cheoir 77 4.3134 Fluctuation in lire 78 4.3135 Fluctuation in mourir 78 4.314 Conclusions 79 4.32 Franco-Provencal preterite 80 4.321 The Preterite - Franco-Provencal 81 4.33 Occitan Preterite 81 4.331 The guttural in Standard Occitan 82 viii 4.332 The guttural in Gascon 83 4.333 The guttural in Poitevin 83 4.334 More recent developments in Occitan 84 4.335 Conclusions 85 4.34 Northern u P.P 85 4.341 Types of extension of u P.P 86 4.342 Conclusions 87 4.35 Franco-Provencal u P.P 87 4.351 Forms which differ from O.F 88 4.352 Conclusions 88 4.36 Occitan u P.P 89 4.361 Types of extension of u P.P. 89 4.362 Conclusions 91 4.37 Introduction to the I.S 91 4.371 The I.S. in the French dialects 91 4.372 The I.S. in Franco-Provencal 92 4.373 The I.S. in Occitan 93 4.4 Introduction to Area Distribution 93 4.41 Avoir group - pret, P.P., I.S 94 4.42 Cheoir 94 4.43 Lire 101 4.44 Vestir 104 4.45 Soudre 104 4.46 Croire 106 4.47 Overall Comparison of Totals 106 4.48 General Conclusion 110 4.49 Introduction to Problems Concerning Individual Verbs I l l ix 4.491 The avoir, pouvoir, savoir group I l l 4.410 Vouloir 115 4.411 General Conclusions of the Detailed Study 117 5. General Summary and Conclusions 118 5.1 Introduction 118 5.2 The Northern Preterite 118 5.21 Conclusions 119 5.22 Structural Parallels with the Castilian Preterite 120 5.3 U Vocalism in the French Preterite 120 5.31 Immobilization of Stress 120 5.32 Etre in O.F 120 5.33 Ester in O.F 121 5.34 Correspondence Between Preterite and P.P 122 5.341 Pret. and P.P. During the Literary Period 123 5.342 Conclusions 124 5.4 Orthographical Considerations 125 5.5 General Conclusions About pret. u Spread 126 5.6 Chronological Factors Concerning French and Occitan 126 5.61 Main Changes in the Perfect System of Gallo-Romance 127 5.7 General Phonetic Trends of O.F 127 5.71 Vocalic Polarization 128 5.8 Variation in u Spread 128 5.81 Regional and Literary Variety 129 5.82 Attitudes to Variety 130 5.821 The R61e of Usage 130 5.822 The Prestige Norm - Area, Scholarly, Social 131 5.823 The Status of Dialects Other Than Francien 133 X 5.824 The Relationship of the preterite to the Composite Past 134 5.9 Conclusions 134 GENERAL CONCLUSION 136 6. Selected Bibliography 139 7. Appendix 147 7.1 Principal Verb Study List 147 xi LIST OF TABLES Table 1: Changes in the C.L. tense system 5 Table 2: Stress Changes in the V.L. -ui, -didi Class 15 Table 3: Verbs of the Principal Study List 20 Table 4: Rumanian Verb List 21 Table 5: Italian Verbs 26 Table 6: Restructuring of Italian -to P.P. 28 Table 7: Sardinian Verbs 33 Table 8: Spanish Verb List 35 Table 9: Portuguese Verb List 36 Table 10: Most Frequent Verbal Forms in Gallo-Romance 60 Table 11: Separated Charter—Literature Totals .-. 61 Table 12: Frequency of Most Common Past Participles 62 Table 13: Comparative Frequency of Pret, P.P., and I.S 63 Table 14: Occurrence of Strong and Weak Past Participles 64 Table 15: Types Attested Exclusively as Northern u 66 Table 16: Most Frequent Preterite Forms in G-R 67 Table 17: Verbs with Possible u Participle but other Preterite in O.F 68 Table 18: Occurrence of Franco-Provencal u Forms in Preterite and P.P 69 Table 19: Frequency of I.S 70 Table 20: I.S. in Modal Verbs 70 Table 21: Weak Preterite Persons 74 Table 22: Verbs that Adopt u Vocalims During the French Literary Period 76 Table 23: Variable Forms for Lire 86 Table 24: Attested Old I.S. Forms 92 Table 25: Area Totals—Cheoir 101 Table 26: Lire—Noun Frequency 103 xii Table 27: Lire—P.P. and Noun Totals 103 Table 28: Lire—Global Area Totals 104 Table 29: Vestir—Area P.P. Totals 106 Table 30: Soudre—Aiea P.P. Totals 109 Table 31: Croire— Global Area Totals 109 Table 32: Global Occurrence of Weak u (short list) 109 Table 33: Global Occurrence of weak u (long list) 110 Table 34: Forms of Vouloir in O.F 117 xiii LIST OF MAPS Map 1. Avoir — Charter Forms 95 Map 2. Avoir — Additional Literary Forms '. 96 Map 3. Devoir 97 Map 4. Pouvoir . 98 Map 5. Savoir 99 Map 6. Cheoir 100 Map 7. Lire 102 Map 8. Vestir 105 Map 9. Soudre 107 Map 10. Croire 108 Standard Symbols and Abbreviations c century(ies) ca circa C.L. Classical Latin Fr. French G.R. Gallo-Romance L E Indo-European LS. Imperfect Subjunctive 1. line ms. manuscript O.F. Old French P.l. etc. 1st person singular, etc. P.P. Past Participle pret. preterite v. see V.L. Vulgar Latin Wk. Weak t archaic xiv Acknowledgements I would like to thank my supervisor, Dr. Frank Hamlin, for all the advice and constuctive criticism that he was always ready to offer during the time that this thesis was being prepared. In addition, I express my gratitude to Dr. E. Matte, who also read and corrected the succesive versions of the manuscript Finally, I wish to acknowledge the influence of Dr. T.E. Hope of Leeds, one of my former heads of department, who, though now distant, first aroused my interest in Romance philology. xv Genera l Introduct ion The spread of weak-w forms in the Gallo-Romance zone involved numerous modifications of the verbal paradigm. It is best understood as the regional expression of many such movements that affected Romance verbal morphology within the perfective systems. Men6ndez Pidal calls verbal history "La fonetica turbada por la analogia" (p. 231). These two major forces for change have been constantly at work in verbal patterning from the period of the Latin Empire to the present day. The first originates in habits of articulation, while the second comes into play because mutual interference tends to' occur between the morphological devices available within the structure of any given language. In this work these changes will be examined from two complementary angles. Gallo-Romance developments will be related to restructurings which go back to the Latin period and affect numerous Romance languages. This will afford the basis for a more intensive investigation of regional creations using textual material from the early literary period of the Gallo-Romance zones. The initial unity or differentiation of Latin has been much debated (Omeltchenko, 19-29). Certainly C.L. may give an illusion of stability, like any language with a literary canon, because it preserves a carefully elaborated written form and establishes a tradition that is resistant to change. However, the classical norm is not absolutely fixed (Lindsay, 503) and several more recent scholars have supported the view that regional variety evolved early in the spoken language, "la differenciation du latin parle selon les r6gions et, en consequence, les debuts de 1' individualisation et de la formation des divers idiomes romans remontent jusqu'au He siecle de notre ere, sinon encore plus haut" (Straka, 245). It is useful to bear in mind that whatever differentiation arose, the written norm remained as a stabilizing and unifying factor for many centuries. When change affects only lexical items, it often develops untrammeled. However, verbal morphology is far less flexible. Apart from the lexeme contained in the base, the 1 verbal form may include markers of time or aspect and of person. These abstract markers are patterned to show relationships and are transferable from one verb base to another within any given system, e.g., Fr. volurent, valurent (C.L. voluerunt, vdluerunt). Their very constancy serves to make them recognisable, so that once usage has become fixed, patterns as a whole only modify slowly and variants may co-exist for hundreds of years. When these fall within the scope of written records, their behaviour can be observed. This study, by means of a limited sample, traces the evolution of u vocalism within the ere, ere conjugations of C.L., the Romance languages, and more particularly the Gallo-Romance group of tongues. The changes which already affected the perfective systems of Latin itself lay a foundation for a brief survey of development in both western and eastern Romance languages. This has been included so that the continuity and originality of the Gallo-Romance system may both become more readily apparent However, the main part of the work concentrates on the examination of the earliest Gallo-Romance literature and charters in an effort to shed further light on the history of weak-u vocalism contained in their verbal forms. During the early literary period, language was relatively uncontrolled by a norm in these territories and variations are common, En ancien francais . . . un ecrivain . . . 6tait en droit d'utiliser a peu pres librement en fait d'expressions et de constructions toutes les virtualites incluses dans la morphologic . . . Ce fait n'etait possible qu'a une epoque ou la langue fonctionnait en dehors du contrdle des grammairiens. (Wagner, 46). There is a certain tension between spontaneous growth on the one hand and stylized control on the other, particularly in the French dialects, but both these factors can contribute to an understanding of the mechanisms by which -u vocalism spread in Gallo-Romance. 2 Chapter 1 THE LATIN FOUNDATION 1.1 LATIN - BASIC STRUCTURES Classical Latin has been taken as the starting point in this work because it is conveniently standardized and can provide a point of comparison from which to begin. This choice in no way implies that any particular Romance form developed from a -specific Classical Latin form. In the literary language, the perfect was expressed by various morphological possibilities. These could occur in verbs as a regular or predictable feature for the class or they could be irregular, that is unpredictable from the infectum and infinitive. Of the regular types -avi and -ivi occur in conjugations I and IV respectively, the v component providing the mark of the perfective. Stress occurs on the flexion, so that these types are said to be weak. In the II conjugation u distinguishes the perfect of the regular -ui type, while the III conjugation uses x (or s), also known as the sigmatic, for its regular formation. Both these groups have a paradigm with alternating stress, so that in P.L, P.3. and P.6. the root bears the tonic accent However the II and III conjugations also contain a host of irregular verbs, some of them with irregular stems, such as the reduplicated type (ceddr, or the long vowel type (legi). Clearly there are two basic divisions which can be made: a) flexional stress b) stem stress Within the second group, the root may be: a) identical to the infectum, e.g., monti, momxiX. b) different from the infectum, e.g., cadit, cec/dit Like the weak perfects in -vi (a) does not have a differentiated radical. Type (b) arises 3 4 from the inherited forms of Indo-European which had, "un theme bati directement sur la racine verbale, independamment de 1'infectum" (Ernout, 295-6). This vestige of a former system supplied Latin with reduplication and vocalic alternation as ways of forming the perfect Meanwhile, yet another I.E. form, the aorist sigmatic, was adopted into the Latin system as a preterite. As Latin evolved, various attempts were made to regularize these diverse forms insofar as they were experienced as anomalies within the language. So, for example, the general movement towards the abandoning of reduplicated forms can be discerned as early as the second century B.C. (Lindsay, 503). Remodellings of various sorts continued throughout the Imperial era. The realignments of the perfects in the ere and ere conjugations can be traced to their lack of homogeneity. The C.L. distribution in grammars is based on forms of the infinitive and infectum (Vaananen, 135). However, since this does not automatically correspond to a grouping in the perfectum, confusion is likely to arise. 1.2 V.L. CHANGES The Romance languages show divergent developments from Latin (Williams, 11) whether classical or vulgar is taken as the starting point The latter is rather difficult to define (Vaananen, 3) but for practical purposes can be used as a label to classify anything which departs from the standard literary form. Initially we will note changes which affect a wide area. 1.21 CHANGES IN TENSE STRUCTURE "Words do not exist in isolation in a speaker's mind," says Palmer, "but cluster in associational groups. All members of such a group will tend to uniformity of syntactical behaviour" (Palmer, 284). This remark can be applied equally to morphological behaviour. The Latin perfects were far from unified and this caused redistribution of forms when confusion arose regarding the category to which a verb should belong. 5 However, Palmer's comment draws attention to a wider question. Not only were new identities established within the paradigms, but also the role of the paradigms themselves was in flux. The relationships between tenses and forms was modified even during the period of the Empire. In C.L. an aspectual differentiation had been maintained within the verbal system. This is illustrated in Table 1. The phonetic changes which came about during the V.L. to Romance period caused the system to break down. For example, haberem, habuerem and habuerim became so similar in pronunciation that they fell into disuse (Brunot, 86). A new system evolved in which the basis of grouping was connected with time (Vaananen, 131). Table 1; Changes i n the C.L'. Tense System Mood Imperfective Perfective Present habeo habui (Pres. Ind.) (Perfect) Indicative Future habebo habuero (Fut.) (Fut. Perfect) Past habebam habueram (Imp.) (Pluperfect) Pres./Fut. habeam habuerim Subjunctive (Pres. Subj.) (Perfect Subj.) Past haberem habuissem (Imp. Subj.) (Pluperf. Subj.) retained as past tense - - - sometimes retained Within this past tense system, the C.L. forms for the perfect, imperfect and pluperfect subjunctive survived in all Romance zones, while the pluperfect retained a limited extension. Their precise meaning may vary from area to area. Meanwhile, during the years when Latin was extending its frontiers, a new periphrastic tense became increasingly important "Ou a eu recours pour indiquer 1'aspect 6 d'acquis" states Vaananen (p. 131) "a la periphrase formee de habeo + participe passe a 1'accusatif." By the end of the Empire this had assumed the full status of a tense (E. Bourciez, 117). It tended to be in competition with the preterite as time went by, because both expressed rather closely related concepts. The past participle, with which the new compound tense was formed, was very actively involved in restructuring movements. In GL. there was not necessarily a formal link between preterite and past participle, although this was not excluded either: cecidi : caesura, rexi : rectum, habui : habitum (but risi : risum) In the Romance languages, some kind of formal identity may evolve in an attempt to consolidate group recognisability: Fr. tul : tu OcciL agues : agut although the actual feature chosen to establish the identity varies from language to language. . 1.22 CHANGES WITHIN PARADIGMS When we turn from the general verbal system to its individual parts, it is obvious that extensive changes took place at this level too. These can be indicated under two main headings: a) phonetic, e.g., ivi > ii ui > wi b) analogical, e.g. 1) sublatum —> tbltitum (remodelled on present stem) 2) recipit —> recipit (stress change, Lindsay, 164) 1.221 MODELS OF PHONETIC CHANGE Many of the changes which occurred in Latin can be attributed to developments in stress patterning which favoured syncope. These began quite early, "Les philologues 7 datent 1'accent d'intensite du ler au He siecle de notre ere, mais il est probable que la tendance a substituer 1'accent d'intensite a 1'accent musical commence a se faire sentir des la Republique." (Matte, 68). Often phonetic change may introduce diversity into paradigms which are differentially stressed. Thus, the unstressed u in parui may develop to [w] in *parwi and be reinforced as in parvi (Italian v. Grandgent, 101), while pretonic u in pandsti may develop as in *parwisti and then be lost completely, as in Italian paresti. Phonetic change usually affects most of the instances of a similar sound group during the time it is operative, e.g., unaccented u before a vowel —> w (Grandgent, 65): habuit > afi wit : eccum ista = eccu - ista > questa [kwesta] (Italian). 1.222 MODELS OF ANALOGICAL CHANGE b) Analogical change, on the other hand, tends to form or re-establish identities between groups which possess morphological markers, such as verbal paradigms. In principle analogy is possible when several marker's are available to express the same function (Herman, 125). Thus: cantafcam ba = imperfect (and this is the only Latin marker available except for eram, which is unlikely to replace ba since it is already in use as a pluperfect flexion). Analogical change is most unlikely, because no readily usable choice exists, but: cantabawi m = P.I. in this context However other P.I. markers exist in the Latin system, e.g., cant- o, cant-av/ Therefore o, i and m can all express the same grammatical category of P.I., increasing the chances of analogical exchanges. Herman believes that languages often seek to express unity of grammatical category by morphological means, although success is not guaranteed. For example, French 8 restructured its perfect paradigm patterns, but failed to achieve unity, maintaining several irregular sub-systems. Analogy does not usually function by taking several old rules and welding them into one. Instead a single form is likely to spread out and invade others of the same grammatical class. The result is less variety, but increased recognisability for the group. 1.23 ANALOGICAL CHANGE IN V.L. PERFECTIVE FORMS Actions of an analogical nature are very important in the history of the Latin irregular perfective forms. They include: a) class change b) stress change 1.231 CLASS CHANGE It has already been stated that C.L. had multiple perfective markers. In the case of the preterites, these were of the following types: J flexional (or wk.) stress 1. amavi 2. delev/ 3. audw 4. monui 5. rexi 6. cucuni 7. vlni 8. m6rtuus sum (deponent) The verbs with flexional (or weak) stress were completely regular in their formation. The AR and IR types proved particularly vigorous in most Romance languages and their successors are actively used to form new verbs (Vaananen, 135). In Roman times, the regular class was capable of attracting verbs from the irregular group. Thus, 9 Praestavi appears for prkstiti and salivi appears for salui. (Palmer, 161). In these cases class change involves a simultaneous stress change, i.e., from strong to weak but affects only individual verbs, not a whole group. Within the strong forms, the range of variety was such that internal restructuring was not at all uncommon. Thus, class changes are already attested in V.L. writings: legi — > legui (CIL VIII, 20394). bibi — > bibuit (CIL XII, 2040). These movements within the strong classes are somewhat unpredictable and may differ from one area to another. Although there has been a long-term tendency to replace irregular verbs by various weak formations in several Romance languages (e.g., Spanish, French, Occitan, Rumanian), some zones retain strong forms more readily (e.g., Italian, Sardinian). The preference is probably related to the general stress structure of the languages concerned. 1.232 STRESS CHANGE However, a peculiarity of V.L. seems to have been the creation of a weak form based on the originally strong dare compounds. In C.L. this type appear as credidi, vendidi, and there is evidence that the form spread, particularly to verbs with radicals in -nd, by analogy with vendidi. Thus descendidi and abscbndidi are attested in Latin authors in the first century B.C. (Vaananen, 143) where they replace C.L. descendi and abscondi, which were poorly differentiated from the present tense. However, the outcome in the Gallo-Romance zone, as well as in Italy, suggests that the form of the simple dedi replaced -didi (Anglade, 294; Meyer-Ltlbke, 1895:331). The form is attested in V.L. and appears to be relatively early: battederit (Lex. Sal. 35: 4 cod 5, v. Vaananen, 143) caderunt (Reichenau Glosses.) (shortened dedi form) crededi (Gregoire de Tours 6th C , v. Wahlgren, 21) 10 perdedi (CIL III 8447, v. Vaananen, 143) incendederit (Lex. Sal. 16:1 cod 2, v. ibid.) reddedit (CIL IV 6464, v. ibid.) videderunt (from Vulgate ed. Mk. XVI: 14, v. Wahlgren, 22) As a result of this stress change, the whole group joined the pattern of the weak conjugations. 1.24 STRUCTURAL CHANGE IN THE V.L. P.P. When we turn to the past participle, the problem of restructuring is also quite complex. The rise of the periphrastic tenses increased the importance of this form, "All verbs had to have one," notes Grandgent (p. 146) "Whether C.L. afforded a model or not" The spread of the -Uuml-utum past participles is of particular importance in this study, because the weak -utum form enjoyed a wide extension in the Romance languages and exerted a strong influence in the Gallo-Romance zone. In C.L. there were weak participles, stressed on their thematic vowel, which corresponded to their conjugation: am- a- turn del- e- turn aud- i- turn and strong participles: II conj. mon-J-turn regular -ui and -didi type. III conj. cr'ed-1- turn mis-sum sigmatic and t type (common in C.L. Ill) vie- turn The strong groups are not mutually exclusive. It has already been noted that reduplicated 11 preterites could vary in older forms of Latin, e.g., concredui (Casina, 479, v. Dardel, 67). New participle forms could arise in V.L., e.g., creduia (CIL VIII, 15811). Influences for remodelling could come from: a) the infectum b) the perfectum c) the participle d) the patterns of other verbs within either the strong or weak systems. The principal types of change are: 1. Alignment to a regular weak category: implicila —> implicata(Vaananen, 144) dbmllus —> domatus (Vaananen, 144) 2. Alignment to another strong category (unusual): sparsum —> spdrtum (Mourin 1975:120, Wahlgren, 92). 3. The creation of a new participle in -Hum or atum toHltum, credtitum The reasons for change may be: 1. To supply a need in the case of a deficient verb: *v6lltum *potitum 2. To eliminate a slightly "abnormal" form and/or create a correspondence between the preterite and P.P.: sepeli(v)i : sepelutum <— C.L. sepidtum crevi : *crevltum <— C.L. cretum solvi : solvltum <— C.L. sdutum tuli : tulitum <— C.L. sublatum 3. To replace an irregular stem: tuli : sublatum —> tollltum 4. To provide a characteristic weak form: 12 credltum — > crediitum 1.241 ATTESTED TYPES OF P.P. CHANGE Various hypotheses exist concerning the creation of new participle forms. Mourin (1974:191-2) remarks that unless a word is attested it is very difficult to establish which forms do indeed go back to V.L. except on the basis of an irregular outcome in a Romance language. The number of attested forms is limited. However, the following exist: tultus (<— toltttus) (CGL, Wahlgren, 13) solvltus (Leges Burgundionum 33,7, Wahlgren, 13) Valutius, Valutia (proper name CIL VI, 28315) Venutus (proper name CIL VIII, 9212) Volutius (Wahlgren, 20) Creduta (proper name CIL VIII, 15811, 15840) battutus (Wahlgren, 21) incenduta (Vaananen, 144) molutus (ibid., 144) pendutus (ibid., 144) reddutus (CIL VIII, 1700). The evidence available suggests that in the earlier period of the Empire, there was no widespread movement towards weak forms in the traditionally strong verbs, although individual realignments could occur. However, it is reasonably certain that the strong -itum form enjoyed an initial extension (Mourin 1975:116-7). The outcome in various Romance languages supports this: *sdlvitum (Tuscan assolto, sciolto, Castilian resueltd) *vdlvitum (Tuscan vollo, Castilian vueltd) *venltum (Sardinian bennidu) *v6litum (Sardinian bblfiu) However, it seems that this participle form was not very successful on a Pan-Romance 13 level, although some of its successors do still exist. Examples are more frequent in the Italian dialects and above all in Sardinian, where radical stress remained common. However, the Itum form had the misfortune of becoming too similar to the -turn P.P. which was connected with the sigmatic. "Le type -Itus portait dans la voyelle atone de la penultieme la cause de sa propre extinction. A mesure que nous approchons de 1'epoque romane, cette voyelle s'efface, grace aux lois de la syncope" (Wahlgren, 19). If one examines the -turn types of C.L. which are connected with -ui verbs, one discovers that they do not survive unless they modify their class, e.g., tentum —> * tenutum. Meanwhile, in individual languages, some verbs do show a tendency later to go to sigmatic forms when a participle evolved from ($)tum has survived: tbllitum >tultus, toltus (Vaananen, 222), >tolto (Italian, Grandgent, 154), pret tolse (Meyer-Lubke 1895:372). *mbvltum> motto (Italian) —> mosso (Italian). *sblvltum > (as)solto (Italian) pret. assolsi V.L. solsit OF. sout, sols, Occitan, sols. *vblvltum—> volto (Italian) pret. volsi *vblitum —> ivolsuto (Italian) pret t volsi (Italian), vost (O.F.), IS. vausist (O.F.) These restructurings belong to individual Romance languages and some may be relatively late. They are common in the 13th C. The tendency goes back to V.L., however, since solsit is attested. The fact that the -turn P.P. was linked with the sigmatics could well have led to hesitations and re-alignments. In Sardinia, a satisfactory solution was found and the -Itum type was retained, although this could involve a restructuring of the radical to make it distinctive (v. 2.4). However, it seems highly likely that in other areas a new form was sought, and that the -mum P.P. was pressed into service. This participle originated in the C.L. Ill conjugation and belonged to a small group of verbs with thematic u, e.g., minuo - minui - minhtum. Meyer-Ltibke (1927:203) suggests that C.L. jututu(m) or V.L. battutu(m) might have been more popular models. 14 The flexional u, added to verbs where u was non-thematic originally, acted as a distinctive past marker' and dispensed with the need for a differentiated perfect radical. 1.25 THE ORIGINS OF THE -UTUM P.P. The process by which the -utum form spread is not clear, but it was certainly adopted by the -ui and dedi class of verb. It has usually been assumed that the -ui class of verb caused the spread of -utum forms because a correspondence of the type hdbui, habutum occurred in V.L. (Meyer-LUbke, 1927:203). This may in fact be the case, but it is difficult to supply any evidence. Inscriptions show that exchange was possible between the -ui and dedi classes, which both shared a C.L. -Jtum P.P.: credutum (CIL VIII, 9212) battederit (Vaananen, 143) Attested samples of -utum suggest it was strongly associated with both the -ui and dedi class, with possibly more coming from the latter formation in the V.L. period. When assessing the origin of the - utum spread, it is useful to consider: a) stress patterning b) phonetic change c) the link between the preterite (strong person, weak person) and the past participle. 1.251 STRESS PATTERNING The ui verbs originally had alternating stress patterning in the preterite. The changes in V.L. and their relationships to C.L. are illustrated in Table 2. Because of their spelling, which differs from that of C.L., it is possible to collect examples of weak -dedi and Utum types from V.L. texts. This is not so for -ui and there is no concrete evidence that it ever evolved a weak u form in V.L., although it 15 Table 2: Stress Changes in the V.L. -ui, -didi Class Preterite P.P. C.L. strong V.L. weak C.L. strong V.L. weak -ui -Ttum -Qtum -didi -dedi -Itum -Otum may have developed one later in French and Rumanian. It seems unlikely that a uniformly weak stress was adopted anywhere during the Latin period, although Meyer-Ltlbke did suggest such a shift for Rumanian (1895:358). In recent times, this theory has been questioned by R. de Dardel, who attributes the developments in these two regions to analogical action and believes the u suffix forms of the perfect were strongly influenced by the -Qtum P.P. (p. 31). Elsewhere, there is ample evidence of surviving strong forms, e.g., Castilian hube, Italian ebbe, Occitan ac, O.F. ot/out, Spanish ove, etc. However, it is possible that the presence of a liquid or nasal on the end of the radical blocked a u sound onto the flexion (Fouche, 310-11) and that this helped an alignment to weak stress for verbs which fell into this category, e.g. parut. While such a form is perhaps applicable to French, and even this is debated (v. 3.5124), there is no evidence for such a preterite type in V.L. However, it is true that some attested -utum participles do belong to verbs with intervocalic liquid or nasal for the -ui class, e.g., Valuta, Volutius, Venutus (v. 3.5123). Of course, weak forms are well attested in the -dedi preterites., e.g., condedi CIL III, 9546; tradedet CIL III, 9601. Dedi originated in the C.L. III conjugation and this is also the source of the C.L. -mum P.P. with its thematic u vowel, which corresponds to the thematic patterning of the regular -Qtum, ttum types. The Latin -dedi type was reduced to -dei (Vaananen, 143) although the dating of this is uncertain. At this point it could well have paralleled the -ai, -ii forms in the speaker's mind, thus facilitating the acceptance of a correspondence: 16 ai - atum : ei - Utum ii - ttum Although the thematic vowel u does not match e, the weak patterning is present and the advantage of u is that it is well differentiated from a/i. The thematic vowel e, as found in delevf, tended to be lost, e being naturally more unstable than u for phonetic reasons. 1.252 PHONETIC EVOLUTION At the phonetic level, the development of the habui, * habutum correspondence must be supposed to have occurred early, maybe even from the first century A.D. onwards, during the period when -u was vocalic. Phonetic modifications due to stress would be likely to blur this relationship, e.g., *hafiwi, habutum. Similarly, in the weak forms, whether fw] was maintained or discarded (Fouche, 312-3), the type *habisti — > avesti (Italian) or *habwisti > awis (Walloon) does not really match habutum either. 1.253 INTERACTION OF PRET. AND P.P. It has already been mentioned that the formal link between preterite and P.P. is not constant in C.L. However, the Romance languages may reinforce this relationship. The behaviour of the verb solvere illustrates problems which can arise connected with both phonetic development and the establishment of a preterite-P.P. link. Solvere may have two Latin preterite forms. Solvi, the C.L. form, is usually considered disyllabic. Thus "Seu soluit crines, fusis decet esse capillis" (Tibullus III, 8, 1. 9) could be either' disyllabic or trisyllabic, but is usually treated as the former. However, instances arise when there is no choice and the trisyllabic reading must be accepted, e.g., "Quod zonam soluit diu ligatam" (Catullus, lib, 1. 3). Fordyce comments, "soluit: the trisyllabic value is not an artificial diaeresis but the original" (Catullus, Commentary p. 92). The C.L. solvi illustrates the tendency of ui to evolve phonetically to [wi] (cf. Appendix Probi, vacui non vaqui, Vaananen 46). The presence of solui with trisyllabic value recurs much later in the fifth 17 century A.D., when it is condemned by the grammarian Consentius, "Num ecce nonne videtur per diaeresin facere barbarismum, qui, ut dicat solvit, quod est disyllabum, dicit soluit?" (Ars Consentii, Kiel, vol. V 392, 35). As this verb was derived from se luo, u was originally a thematic form for the verb and the C.L. P.P. was -utum. In composition the u evolved to v in C.L. and a corresponding P.P. *sblvitum was created (v. 1.241). However, it has been noted that -(l)tum became confused with -turn, which usually accompanied a sigmatic. This is a likely motivation for such analogical change as solserit, solserunt, which probably dates from at least the sixth century (Lex Salica LVIII: 3, v. Wahlgren, 13). It is possible that some of these variations were regional. However, the vacillations of solvere are reflected in the behaviour of several Romance languages and call for the following observations: a) A link may be established between the preterite and past participle by restructurings which either form may initiate: salvi —> *sdvitum solsit <— *sd(vi)tu(m) b) This verb actually lost its -utum P.P. as did volvo (Italian, volsi : volto). Probably the -utum type had not attained widespread popularity when this change occurred. It seems likely that some motivation other than a mere ui - utum correspondence was needed in order to trigger change in other classes. 1.26 REGIONAL VARIETY In more general terms, the correspondence established between preterite and P.P. forms may vary from language to language, or region to region. Italian affords an example of diversity where several forms may survive in parallel to the present day: assoivei, assduto assolsi, assolto. 18 Variety is characteristic of areas that have not imposed a rigid literary form. In the case of Italian, geminates, evolved from the -ui class, are also linked to the uto P.P., although there is no formal resemblance: ebbe, avuto However, a formal correspondence may be preferred by some languages such as French: mu, mut paru, parut The V.L. changes which have been outlined in the course of this chapter were continued and developed according to the genius of each individual Romance language. Chapter 2 ROMANCE DEVELOPMENTS 2.1 INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY LIST In this study a series of verbs has been selected to illustrate the behaviour of forms which undergo weak u influence in the texts of the Gallo-Romance zone. While omitting any verbs which offer few examples, the list detailed in Table 3 includes a good selection of representative types. The development of these verbs will now , be outlined briefly for the major Romance languages other than those of Gaul. The following points will receive special mention: 1. When do the earliest records of the language appear? 2. How does the language treat a) ere, ere distinctions? b) the didi/dedi type? 3. Does the language favour strong or weak forms? 4. Is a -utum past participle adopted? 5. Do any weak u forms appear in the preterite? 6. Does the language have a literary norm? 2.2 RUMANIAN: GENERAL VIEW Balkan Romance remained in isolation from other Romance languages during its early formative period. No written records of its development exist prior to the 16th C. In more recent times, particularly during the 18th C. and 19th C, it has been strongly influenced by French (Rosetti, 144). The limited scope of records and lack of early evidence invites caution when evaluating Rumanian verbs. However, archaic forms may still be present dialectally and can afford valuable insights into verbal restructuring. Of the 30 verbs in the study list of this work, 20 are represented by the same stem as in the Gallo-Romance zone. In Rumanian C.L. scire was maintained instead of sapere, while the remaining 8 verbs have been ousted by non-Romance forms in this 19 20 area.1 The class distribution of the verb list appears in Table 4. Table 3: Verbs of the Principal Study List C.L. I stare C.L. II ui type habere debere iacere parere posse (V.L.) tenere valere valere (esse) v type movere s type manere other vedere C.L. HI ui or v type solvere noscere crescSre sapere didi/redup. cadere currefe credere reddere vendSre s type mittSre other -cipere legSre rumpere vivSre C.L. IV Deponent Other Irregular ventre vestrre morior tollefe 2.21 REALIGNMENTS OF CLASS The verbs of C.L. I have undergone restructuring in Rumanian and are irregular. Although belonging to C.L. II maneo had a C.L. preterite and P.P. in s. It has aligned to the strong sigmatic category in Rumanian. Similarly certain other verbs, with radical ending in d and which were assimilated to the C.L. Ill dedi type in French, go 1 debui, vcdui, misi, cucurri, -cepi, sustuli, vestivi, vixi. 21 Table 4: Rumanian Verb List Rumanian u type s type other P.P. C.L. I (R = regional) a sta (steti) statiii stetei (R) stat (tstatut) a reda (reddidi) redadui redai (R) C.L. II avui avusei avut a avea (habui) a zacea (iacui) zacui zacdt a parea (parui) pariii pSriit a putea (potui) putiii putut a tinea (tenui) tinfii tinut a vrea (volui) vrui vrut a vedea (vidi) vaziii vaziit a ramine (mansi) rimasei rSmas irregular fui fusei fost a fi (fui) C.L. III a cunoaste cunoscui cunoscut (cognovi) a creste (crevi) crescui crescfit a absolvi absolvii absolvit [late] (solvi) a ciidea (cecidi) cazui cizut a crede (credidi) creziii crezut a vinde (vendidi) vlndui vindiit a alege alesei al6s [late](-legi) a muri (mortuus morii morit sum) a rupe (rupi) rupsei rupt C.L. IV a veni (veni) venii venit a sti (scivi) stiui stiut to the sigmatic class in Rumanian on the basis of their C.L. P.P., which is of the s or t type. e.g., (dz)pinde (pependi, pensum) — > depinsei 22 toarce (torsi, tortum) —> torsei (Lombard, 254-6). In the C.L. Ill group, the strong -itum participle originally provided common ground for the didi group and cognovi, crevi, solvi, which developed -Itum participles in V.L. (Mourin, 1975: 118). Balkan Romance favours weak forms and extended the use of the -utum P.P. inherited from V.L. as a replacement for -itum. It seems very likely that the -utum participle caused the wide spread of weak u in the preterite forms. For modern Rumanian, Pop notes, "Les formes du passe simple s'obtiennent d'habitude par la transformation du participe passe qui perd le t: tacut 'tu' tacui 'je tus'" (Pop, 253). The forms of P.L caziii P.P. cazut have undergone retructuring of the radical (Lombard, 258, Pop, 265). The strong P.P. rupt, which is part of a common group in Rumanian, has helped maintain a sigmatic form for rupse (Mourin, 1974: 203). The deponent morior aligns to the i type in this language zone. From the C.L. IV conjugation venire is maintained in the / type, but scire, which possesses an / infinitive, has developed u in the perfect and P.P. Mourin thinks that the behaviour of a sti has influenced by the form of the present stiu (1975: 129). 2.22 TYPES OF RESTRUCTURING Like other other Romance languages, Rumanian has preserved the Latin -are and -ire conjugations. Individual verbs of the -ere and -ere conjugations undergo some realignments, but, as groups, the two are not merged. Basically the -ere class provides the foundation for the Rumanian weak u type, while the ere verbs continue a sigmatic category with strong stress on some persons. The weak persons of the sigmatic class adopt e as a thematic vowel. These verbs always have a strong past participle (Lombard, 252). Similarly the weak u preterites always have a matching past participle. Rumanian is one of the languages which have reinforced the formal resemblance linking the preterite and past participle. 23 In Balkan Romance the dedi group did not enjoy a separate development as in O.F., although it is attested in. V.L., e.g., reddedi (CIL III, 7553), perdedi (CIL III, 8447). Those verbs with a C.L. -itum P.P. develop the -utum P.P. of V.L. and, together with most verbs of the ere class, produce a uniformly weak preterite stressed on the thematic u. When the C.L. participle of an ere verb was sigmatic, this caused alignment to the corresponding s class in Rumanian, e.g., pensum, responsum. Overall, Rumanian has levelled irregular forms, so that few occur in the standard language, "Le roumain a montre une grande tendance a regulariser ses parfaits, et une preference marquee pour les formes faibles" (E. Bourciez, 574). Rumanian chose to create a formal resemblance between preterite and P.P. and maintained a sigmatic form, with matching strong participle, while the weak u participle also corresponds to a weak u preterite with flexional stress. Some verbs possess two sets of forms, one standard and the other regional. Remodelling can be observed from the 16th C. (Rosetti, 102). These changes are basically a type of regularization. Pop states that the preterite paradigms "ne refletent qu'en une mesure tres r6duite celles du latin . . . divers patois (dans le Banat) et les dialectes (aroumain et megl6nite) conservent une bonne partie de~ces anciennes formes" (Pop, 252). Regarding analogical changes, Mourin points out that thematic e was used mainly for weak forms of the sigmatic. Certain non-sigmatic verbs which have evolved an etymological e in Old Rumanian were realigned. "La voyelle d'elargissement e des formes roumaines attestees ou attendues *vedesi (< vidisti), stete§i (< stetisti) et dedesi (< dedisti) a ete remplace par la voyelle u, et il en est resulte une modification vocalique du radical (statusi, dadusi) ou des modifications vocalique et consonantique (vazusi). (Mourin, 1974: 212) Also affected are fecesi —> facusi (Pop, 252) and vine§i —> venisi. The strong past participle fapt (< factum), which is still available in zones using strong forms, developed a weak participle facia by the 16th C. (Rosetti, 102). The weak P.P. vazut is already attested in a letter of 1521 (Rosetti, 112). However, widespread use of the new 24 analogical forms does not occur until later according to Rosetti (p. 153), "Les formes nouvelles, facui, jacusi etc. zisei [analogical weak P.I. sigmatic, v. Mourin 1978: 32], dadui etc. s'imposent dans la 2eme moitie du 18e siecle et au debut du 19e siecle." The analogical usage does not affect all areas. Thus Rosetti records the conservation of the strong Latin type fecit > fe{e in Arumanian (p. 176). A avea and a fi are both irregular. Lombard (pp. 271-3) indicates these verbs take both weak u and sigmatic forms. However, Pop (pp. 273, 276) remarks that fusel is the standard form for a fi, while aviii is the usual type for a avea. Mourin states that the s paradigm for a fi derives from an old pluperfect (1975: 127). 2.23 RECENT TRENDS IN RUMANIAN In referring to the so-called "strong perfects" Lombard admits, "En outre, 1'accentuation actuelle de ces parfaits est en partie hesitante; certains Roumains disent 1. piisei 2. pusesi; et certains 4. puserdm etc." (Lombard, 253)2 If unchecked by grammarians, it looks as if a regularisation of the alternating accent would come about In any case, this kind of evidence shows how the mechanisms of stress shift are at work in a present day situation. Some Rumanian speaking areas have replaced the preterite by the compound past in the modern language, but, as in French, dialectal usage may differ from the official standard, "L'aroumain a conserve l'aoriste (parfait simple) la ou le dacoroumain emploie la forme composed" (Rosetti, 40). Dialectal forms provide useful evidence about the way some Rumanian verbs developed before they were affected by analogy. Of all the occidental languages, French is most likely to have influenced choices if restructuring occured. (Rosetti, 144-5, 179). 2The correct form is P.l pusei P.4. puseram 25 2.3 ITALIAN: GENERAL VIEW The political history of the Italian peninsula has tended to militate against centralization and favour dialectal diversity. Early examples of Italian survive from the 11th and 12th C , but only become plentiful in the 13th C , when a real literary development begins. In Italian the ere and ere groups do not evolve separately into recognisable blocks. Instead there is a good deal of internal restructuring, which may result in the co-existence of multiple forms, these being distributed into four main types. All the verbs of the Gallo-Romance zone in the main study list possess counterparts in Italian. Table 5 indicates the distribution of C.L. forms into the various Italian categories. 2.31 PRETERITE FORMS a) Doubled Consonants Italian had a tendency to geminate a consonant which preceded u (Grandgent, 101), e.g., jacui > giacqui. The [w] sound itself was lost after a labial or dental, e.g., habuit > abbe —> ebbe. Ebbi, giacqui, tenni and volli represent original -ui verbs in the study list, but analogical restructuring has caused losses from and additions to this group. Geminates often, but not invariably, possess -uto past participles. b) The dedi type Numerous strong verbs of C.L. II and III accept analogical weak forms, -ei based on dedi, or -etti, evolved from stetti. These are always linked to an -uto participle, but may exist alongside alternate paradigms for the same verb: pret. crese, creddi, credei, credetti P.P. creduto pret. assolsi, assohei, assolvetti P.P. assolto, assoluto c) The Sigmatic Type The stress pattern of Italian easily accommodates a strong paradigm, so that sigmatics thrive in the language. The class may attract -ui or dedi verbs, e.g., 26 Table 5: Italian Verbs Italian geminate dedi s/other P.P. C.L. I stare stetti stato C.L. II avere ebbi avuto dovere dovei/etti dovuto giacere giacqui giaciuto parere parsi, parvi, apparito tpotti apparii potere potei potuto tenere tenni tenuto valere valsi valso, valuto volere volli t volsi voluto, tvolsuto vedere t viddi vidi veduto, visto (ri)manere rimansi irregular essere fui stato C.L. III mettere misi messo cognoscere conobbi conosciuto crescere crebbi cresciuto sapere seppi saputo (as)solvere assolvei/etti asolsi assolto, assoluto cadere caddi caduto correre corsi corso credere tcreddi credei/etti creduto rendere resi reso vendere t ricevvi vendei/etti venduto ricevare ricevei ricevuto leggere lessi letto C.L. III morire ruppi troppe morii morto rompere rotto vivere vissi vissuto C.L. IV venire venni venuto vestire vestii vestito, tvestuto other togliere tolsi tolto parsi modelled on corsi (Meyer- Lubke, 1927:200) and resi modelled on presi. 27 Sigmatics always have a corresponding participle in s or, occasionally -to. d) Other Classes Parui evolved to parvi in Italian, because u was reinforced and became v (cf. Walloon tinve, v. Fouche, 322). This originally had an accompanying -uto participle (Rohlfs, 1949:421 but the modern language has abandoned this for an analogical sigmatic form, probably modelled on correre (Meyer-Ltlbke, 1927:200). Modern vidi formerly possessed a geminate viddi (Dante, Inferno, VII, 20), which may warrant a reconstruction *vidui (Meyer-LUbke, 1895:383). However, a -ui preterite type does not occur in other Romance languages and the geminate is probably analogical. The viddi type is still very common dialectally (A.I.S., Map 1699). 2.32 ADOPTION OF THE -UTUM P.P. Meyer- Ltlbke (1927:202-3) indicates that weak forms gain ground in the Italian past participle, although strong forms remain relatively common. The regular conjugations may account for some realignments: crepato (;* crepltus/crepui) segato sectus/secui) However, the most notable innovation is the spread of the -utum P.P. for Italian ere verbs (mixed C.L. ere, ere). Unlike French, Italian does not produce a weak perfect corresponding to verbs of the -ui class, but even so a weak participle in -uto is extremely common. Various explanations have been offered for the spread of the -utum P.P. Parallelism with a Latin -ui preterite or regularization on the pattern of thematic a/i vowels have been invoked as factors. Within the context of Italian, an additional motivation seems plausible. In speaking of the strong participle, Meyer-LUbke notes that the -tus type of Latin has not been preserved in Italian as well as the sigmatics. Since Italian usually differentiated -ui and s classes, it is possible that the language tried to 28 re-establish a difference between the ~(l)tus and -tus participles, which had become alike through syncope. Some verbs may have become inconveniendy similar e.g., volere (tvolsi, volsuto —> volli, voluto), volgere (volsi, volto), although these forms occur in the literary period and are not necessarily representative of tendencies in the early Empire. However, it is interesting to note that irregular -uio types of C.L. II with t P.P. are particularly subject to analogical re-alignment in Italian and several are lost, e.g., lugeo (luctum), doceo (doctum). Similarly the v type of perfect with t P.P. also realigns. Table 6: Restructuring of Italian -to P.P. C.L. Italian Pret P.P. Type misceo - ui - mixtum mescei -uto dedi teneo - ui - tentum tenni -uto geminate torreo - ui - tostum tostai -ato are torqueo - torsi - tortum torsi -so s moveo - movi - motum mossi -so s cresco - crevi - cretum crebbi -uto geminate 2.321 SPREAD OF -UTUM P.P. These examples indicate that a problem existed, but that various solutions were adopted. What does seem clear is that the -turn P.P. was felt to be incompatible with preterites of the -ui and -dedi classes. Whatever the actual mechanism of its adoption, the -utum type is very well established in present day Italian. a) From the Latin II conjugation, the form occurs with the -ui class, i.e., avuto, giaciuto, tenuto, valuto and voluto. The last two verbs also have sigmatic forms to match sigmatic preterites, although this is archaic for volere. Meyer-Ltlbke (1927:206) notes that, "II volsuto del Cellini (e di vari dialetti) = volso + voluto." Like remazut in Occitan or remasus in French (v. study list) this is a 29 mixed type which duplicates suffixes. It is paralleled by vissuto in the verbs from the III conjugation. As Meyer-Liibke remarks (1927:206), "Da notare vissuto, che e un compromesso tra la forma forte visso . . . e la debole vivuto. La qual forma vivuto ritorna, effettivamente, in testi ant dell'Alta Italia, v. Ascoli, Arch. GlotL III, 268." Amongst the -ui C.L. verbs in the study list, only parere does not have an -uto P.P. Meyer-Ltlbke believes that this is due to interference from corso, "che si trasse dietro parso" (1927:204). However, Rohlfs gives examples of currutu dialectally and indicates paruto, renduto and legiutlo as old literary forms (1949, 421). -ui verbs which have adopted weak dedi forms in the preterite naturally have the -uto participle, since this is normal for the dedi class, e.g., dovuto, potuto. Although its modern preterite is irregular C.L. II videre also develops with the option of a weak participle veduto. The type is linked to a videdi form, with matching -Qtum P.P. (Wahlgren, 22, v. 1.232) and later with a geminate preterite. This verb may also have the visto type participle common in Occitan and this is frequent dialectally (A.I.S., Map 1250). It is. accompanied by a sigmatic preterite in certain cases (A.I.S., Map 1699 - Sicily). In the Latin IV conjugation -uto occurs in venulo (assimilated to the tenere pattern) and archaically in vestuto. Meyer-Ltlbke (1927:203) notes that tvestuto occurs dialectally in Tuscan at Lucca and that this corresponds to French usage. Grandgent furnishes additional information. "In Sicilian -uto is applied to all the fourth conjugation, and some of these Sicilian participles were not infrequently used by Tuscan poets, e.g., vestuto (Dante)" (p. 154). Sicilian was a literary prestige model in the 13th C. because of the influence of the court of Frederick II at Palermo. 30 Basically the -uto participle occurs with both geminate and ei forms. It is by no means restricted to C.L. II. In the C.L. Ill conjugation we find conosciuto, cresciuto, saputo, caduto, creduto, venduto, ricevuto and vissuto. Assoluto is available as well as assolto. The verbs represented obviously overlap those with weak u participles in G-R, but the extension of u is in fiercer competition with sigmatics, particularly noticeable in the case of verbs with Latin sigmatic participles, e.g., Italian diffendere C.L. defendi, defensum. The -utum types inherited from Latin may have been remodelled in Italian. This seems obvious in the case of cresciuto or conosciuto, where the present radical has been used. This view is supported by Mourin (1975:118), "De telles formes sont refaites dans chaque langue, tout comme les resultats si divergents que sont roum. cunoscut, toscan, conosciuto et ancien castillan conoqudo." 2.33 RECENT USAGE IN ITALIAN The A.I.S. information about recent usage shows regional variety from verb to verb. No obvious overall trend emerges, although the -uto type is very widespread in the compound past Useful maps include: no. 1595 (creduto), no. 1617 (caduto) no. 1652 (saputo), no. 1669 (potuto) In the extreme south, the preterite was preferred by speakers, e.g., mi kadi for mi e caduto (no. 1617), sappi for ho saputo (no. 1652). 2.34 CONCLUSIONS The characteristics which distinguish the Italian zone can be summarized as follows: 1. The literary norm is quite conservative. Devoto notes, (p. 235) "A persistent propensity for archaic latinate models." However, at a local level, great dialectal variety prevails and standardization has not been imposed in the Italian 31 peninsula. 2. In Northern Italy, as in France, the simple past has been more or less abandoned in the spoken language. 3. Where the preterite is maintained, a strong perfect can survive for both -ui and sigmatic types. 4. The dedi formation is very popular and, in conjunction with the -etti type, indicates a move in favour of weak forms. 5. A correspondence has been established in Italian so that sigmatic preterites are accompanied by a participle in s or t, while other verbs of the ere conjugation have -uto. Doublets may be created e.g., persi, perso, perdei, perduto. 6. No formal identity is established between -uto and the preterites it accompanies. 2.4 MAIN FEATURES OF SARDINIAN Sardinian, attested from the 11th C. onwards, has several dialect zones and this is reflected in the variety of spellings in Table 7. Literary Logudorese contains the most archaic features. In the old language, C.L. II and III did not develop separately and distinctively, but joined other irregulars in one class with strong stress on both preterite and participle. Like Italian, Sardinian evolved geminates in the irregular class. A correspondence arose between the preterite and P.P., but as in Occitan and Catalan a consonantal feature, often the gemination, was chosen to establish identity (Wagner, 33). As in Gallo-Romance, analogical restructuring may occur to reinforce the chosen link, e.g., appit : appidu : appesi. Although there is ample evidence of strong participle forms derived from the -Itum type on the island, the weak -utum participle is absent In many ways, early Sardinian is the antithesis of a move towards weak perfect identity based on u vocalism of the type which developed in Rumanian and French. The lack of an -utum participle is interesting and may suggest that the extension of u types does not 32 belong to the earliest period of Romance development and that it therefore never reached Sardinia. On the other hand, regional choices could have influenced the growth of Romance at an early date, introducing differentiation at a local level. 2.5 SPANISH AND PORTUGUESE: GENERAL VIEW In the Iberian Peninsula Castilian, which was originally the dialect of the north western area around Burgos, was standardized as the official Spanish language by Alfonso X in 1253, in the wake of military conquests. Portuguese remained distinct on the western fringe and contains evidence of more archaic, phonetically evolved forms in some instances, though both languages show a marked tendency to analogical restructuring and regularization. 2.51 TENDENCIES IN IBERIAN RESTRUCTURING Castilian is attested in glosses as early as the tenth century and these already contain indications that irregular verbs of C.L. II and III had aligned to the / vocalism of the C.L. IV paradigm, e.g., decir, vivir. The Glosas silenses also provide information about the preterite and past participle of cadere and tollere in this region: fiierit lapsus : kadutu fiiere emersisse : ke cadiot proibiatur : betatu lo ajat tolitu In modern times Castilian and Portuguese tend to substitute weak forms for strong in both the preterite and past participle. 2.52 PHONETIC AND ANALOGICAL PRETERITE FORMS Portuguese has maintained a separate e category of preterite, which accommodates numerous irregular verbs of C.L. e.g., dever, but Castilian has carried regularization a stage further and, like Franco-Provencal, has extended the / vocalism of C.L. IV into the 33 Table 7: Sardinian Verbs Sardinian Old Preterite Other P.P. C.L. I istare stet(i)it ID 15, istat istetidus, stetida ID 24 C.L. II avere (tennere) debere yakere* parrere podere, pdtere tennere balere b61iri vldere manere irregular essere C.L. III mittere konn6skere kreskere sapiri* assolvere kairi* kurrere kredere r6ndere bendere C.L. III recivere * legere mdrrere bivere * ap(p)it paruit ID 15 parsit ID 16 potti ID 15 tenni ID 15 vidit ID 15 bii ID 29 remasit ID 16 fui ID 16-17 misi ID 15 kersit ID 16 appesi deppesi ID 20 kerui ID 15 vendi, -isti ID 25 lessirunt ID 16 krettesi appkfu, appita ID 24 dep(p)idu ID 24 parfidu ID 24 parsu ID 26 pottidu ID 24 tentu ID 25 balfidu ID 24 bdffiu ID 24 vidiu, bittu bistu ID 27 romasido(s) ID 24 conottu kerfidu ID 24 assdlviu ID 26, assoltu ID 25 kurtu kurridu ID 25 krettidu ID 24, cretidu residu benditu ID 24 lessu, lesidu ID 24 mortu ID 25 C.L. IV bennere vestire * benni ID 15 bennidu ID 24 *= no examples available in sources used. ID = Italia Dialettale (see Wagner). 34 paradigms inherited from C.L. II and III, e.g., debi, vendi. There is evidence of alternate regional varieties such as Old Leonese met'eo, vendeo (Menendez Pidal, 274), or modern Aragonese podeba (Nagore, 114). For these forms a detailed study of Leonese charters of the 13th C. also exists (Staaf, 296-7). However, strong preterites still remain, and, as in Gallo-Romance, they were even more frequent in former times. The strong preterites of Old Portuguese did not develop any uniform vocalic identity and almost all have adopted a weak paradigm in the modern language. Castilian, on the other hand, has maintained a small group of common strong verbs. Nine of them adopt u as their stem vowel, six use /, while traje stands in isolation. The u vocalism of these Castilian strong preterites developed phonetically in P.I. of verbs with tonic o in C.L., i.e., pude (< potui), conuvo (<*conovui, conovi) (Menendez Pidal, 277). Old Spanish provides more regional variety than the present standard language (Staaf, 306-8). This is illustrated by both charters and literature. Thus, in the 12th C. Poema de mio Cid on the 13th C. works of Gonzalo de Berceo, forms such as ovo, sovo, tovo are normal. Later these are analogically aligned to the pude type. In the 13th C. Libro de Apolonio one can find P.3. sopo, supo and P.6. sopieron in the same text •> For estar the common early preterite P.3. is estido (Cid, Berceo), but the 14th C. works of Don Juan Manuel or J. Ruiz have both estide and estude. In Ruiz's Libro de Buen Amor, estide comes from the older ms. (intro. xxxviii). Ultimately these old preterite forms became anduve, cupe, conduje, estuve, hube, supe, tuve by analogy. The / type was spread in parallel manner from an original dixi form (Menendez Pidal, 232-3). Analogical modifications were also undertaken to introduce uniformity into the preterite paradigm of ser and this verb is attested with different forms according to region or period (Menendez Pidal, 279). Since the Middle Ages Castilian has regularized numerous previously strong verbs on the weak pattern, e.g., yaci, creel Attested old strong forms are indicated in Table 8. Volui, misi and sustuli are lost in standard Castilian, being replaced by querer, poner and llevar, although toller existed in Old 35 Spanish. Table 8: Spanish Verb List Spanish St u pret. wk. i/other t form P.P. C.L. I estar estuve estide, estove estado, testudo C.L. II haber (aver) hube ove habido, tavudo deber debi debido yacer yaci yogue yacido parecer pared parecido poder pude pude podido tener tuve tove tenido, ttenudo, ttovido valer vali valido ver vi visto t(re)maner remase tremesa (noun) irregular ser fui fue, fui sido C.L. III meter meti meu'do meteo (Leon) .tmetudo conocer conod conuve conoddo, tconoscudo crecer cred crove crecido saber supe sope sabido, tsabudo (re)solver resolvi -suelto caer cai caido, tcadutu correr corn corrido C.L. III creer crei creido rendir rindi rendido, trendudo vender vendi vendeo (Le6n) vendido, t vendudo recebir recibi recibi do, tpercebudo leer lei leido, tleudo morir muri muerto romper rompi roto, rompido, trompudo vivir vivi vivido C.L. IV venir vine venido vestir vesti vestido 36 Table 9: Portuguese Verb List Portuguese SL pret wk. dedi/other t form P.P. C.L. I estar estive stede estado, testudo* C.L. II haver houve havido dever devi devido jazer jazi jougue, jouve jacido parecer pared parecido poder pude ter live tido, tteudo valer vali I.S. valvera, valido I.S. valvesse ver vi visto -manescer remanesci mas remanescido irregular ser fui sive sido C.L. III meter meti metido conhecer conheci conhecido crescer cresci crescido saber soube sabido solver solvi soluto, solto cair (tcaer) cai cadeu caido correr corn corrido crer cri crive, crido I.S. crevesse render rendi rendido vender vendi vendido (re)ceber -coube recebi recebido. C.L. IV ler li (e)leito lido morrer morri morto romper rompi rompido, trdto viver vivi vivido vir vim vindo, tviudo vestir vest! vestido tolher ttolheito •all the C.L. form. II and^  III conjugation verbs take tudo P.P. unless they have a strong 37 2.521 -UDO FORMS IN THE PARTICIPLE When we turn to the past participle, it is noticeable that the -utum type, so popular in most areas, is absent from modern Spanish and Portuguese. This was not formerly the case and -udo is attested in older Spanish texts, although its occurrence is somewhat sporadic. It appears in the Cid poem as metudo and venqudo, although metido and vencido occur too. Tenudo is attested in the works of Don Juan Manuel, while the Libro de Buen Amor has several on assonance, entendudo, arrepentudo, perdudo. Wahlgren gives a fuller list of forms available and synthesizes the findings of previous scholars regarding the history and regional distribution of the -udo P.P. He holds that an important key to understanding the presence of -udo and its decline lies in the dedi -utum correspondence and adds, . . . nous avons tout lieu de croire qu'en Espagne, comme dans la plupart des pays romans, des participes tel que . . . rendudo, vendudo etc. ont eu originairement a leur c6te des parfaits du type en dedi et que, pour V explication du parfait de la deuxieme conjugation portugaise et espagnole, on doit justement remonter a ce type (Wahlgren, 157, cf. Staaf, 297). The preterite paradigm derived from dedi maintained a distinct existence in Le6n and certain northern regions, where -udo was predominant, "Les participios desinentes en -udo se hallan frecuentemente en textos leoneses y a veces en las obras de Berceo y Alfonso X y en Arag6n. Se usan unicamente en el norte y s61o en la epoca antigua" (Hanssen, 120, cf. Menendez Pidal, 1950: 257). However, the form gradually disappeared. Georges remarks, "The -udo type First became rare in prose; but as a qualifier (referring especially to persons), it maintained a certain vitality, probably supported by the (denominal) abundantial -udo adjectives (e.g., barbudo 'heavily bearded')" (p. 35). Within the verbal system the -udo participle was doomed because the Toledan model, which became dominant, confused the dedi and -ir paradigms and since the latter had an -ido participle, -udo became an anomaly and was discarded. Portuguese also lost the old -udo formation, despite its separate er class, although it continued up to the 38 15th C. in this country (E. Bourciez, 444). The reason for the change is not clear, but could have been due to Spanish influence (Wahlgren, 159). 2.53 THE STRONG PARTICIPLES The strong participles that remain alive in the Iberian peninsula are mainly t types, e.g., factum > fecho (hecho), but may be -itum forms, e.g.,*volvitum > vuelto, *solritum > suelto. The latter, as previously noted, are departures from C.L. -utum. Weak forms are predominant in Castilian and Menendez Pidal believes that strong forms may die out eventually. "La tendencia uniformadora se manifiesta en la creaci6n de los participios debiles modernos en vez de los fuertes arcaicos . . . y en la admisi6n de duplicados como rompido . . . que probabilmente acabaran por desterrar a los fuertes correspondientes" (p. 282). Portuguese maintains a similar variety of strong forms. Previously it possessed eleilo and roto, which parallel O.F., but these have developed regular weak forms by analogy (Williams, 185-6). A recent study of Aragonese indicates that weak participles are replacing strong ones in this zone at the present time, e.g., esleito : esleylu, muerto : moriu, puesto : podlu, tuerto : torziu (Nagore, 111). 2.54 CONCLUSIONS FOR SPANISH AND PORTUGUESE Within the Spanish and Portuguese verbal paradigms, analogical restructuring is quite common. Initial impetus for change often seem to have come from the preterite, which is frequent Remodelling may even occur on the basis of the preterite stem, e.g., tovido (Wahlgren, 236), although this is not widespread. The -udo participle, regionally common in Le6n, did not maintain itself alongside the Castilian / preterite. The alignment of certain irregular Castilian verbs to radical u vocalism seems to occur when udo is already in sharp decline or residual. It is likely that the forms were not widely used synchronically or that they were concentrated in different dialect zones. In general, the participle is in a weaker position within the tense systems of Portuguese and Spanish 39 than it is in French, Rumanian or Northern Italian, where the compound past has usurped the simple tense in the spoken language. The preterite is widely maintained as a standard past tense in the Iberian Peninsula. Chapter 3 BACKGROUND TO GALLO-ROMANCE DEVELOPMENTS 3.1 INTRODUCTION TO GALLO-ROMANCE The Gallo-Romance zone has its own particular characteristics which differentiate it from other Romance regions. For the verbs in the study list, the whole area remains close to Italian in its choice of lexical items from the common Latin fund. In its usage of morphological features, the territory can be divided into the three basic zones of: a) French b) Franco-Provencal c) Occitan. Each has its own distinctive way of treating the -ui, -didi and other strong preterites. All zones accept the V.L. -utum P.P. although its relationship to the preterite differs in each area. The ere and ere distinctions of Latin were confused in the entire Gallo-Romance region. 3.2 OCCITAN Although Occitan had a literary form in the period of the Troubadours and at least until the sixteenth century, there was never a rigorous standardization of the language. Consequently texts often contain a range of variants, or the author may have felt free to choose from several forms, e.g., "et ella correc ad un balcon e laisset se cazer jos, et enaissi moric. La nouvella cors per Rossillon ..." (B. Occ, 239, 1-3). 3.21 -UI VERBS IN OCCITAN In Old Provencal the -ui verbs maintained a strong preterite, characterized by a guttural g in the weak persons, unvoiced to c in the strong, e.g., ac, agues (Anglade, 309). It is probable that this guttural evolved phonetically except for the forms with a 40 41 radical ending in p, e.g., saup (Anglade, 309, cf. Grafstrom, 133). Ronjat questions this (177-8). According to him *aub and *pout would be a logical parallel to saup. He maintains an analogical influence through plac and jac whose forms pose no phonetic problems (cf. Old Castilian plogo, jogo, [Cid]). Although there is a difference of opinion over aver, dever, etc., certain of these formations are obviously analogical, e.g., estec, correc (Mourin, 1974:210-11). 3.22 DEDI VERBS IN OCCITAN Old Provencal standardized a guttural ending on a number of irregular non-sigmatic verbs, e.g., venc. The preterite form of the -didi verbs became weak in this area and passed to -dedi. Occitan even managed to extend this form to the entire preterite of the regular -ar verbs. Although it does not infringe on -ui territory, the dedi class maintains creire in Occitan and also takes in various irregular types of C.L. such as viure (Anglade, 296-8). .# 3.23 THE -TUM P.P. IN OCCITAN The -utum past participle occurs in both the -ui and dedi categories. Within the -ui category an extensive remodelling has occurred which links the preterite to the past participle form by means of the guttural. As Wahlgren (p. 222) notes "Le theme du parfait faible avec son consonantisme caracteristique s'introduit au participe." Certain verbs had evolved in a phonetically parallel manner, e.g., jaguist : jagut. This helped trigger an analogical movement of the type aguist : agut & out ( <*habutum) (cf. Grafstrom, 142-3). This guttural became extremely popular in Occitan and could spread to dedi or strong forms, e.g., cregut = crezut (Anglade, 296). There is an obvious desire to establish an identity between the preterite and past participle within the -ui category of this zone, but this occurs at the level of the consonant The participle provides the only weak u formation. Once a morpheme has become established in any zone, it may tend 42 to attract analogical restructurings within that particular language. Such a form does not imply that any V.L. parallel ever existed, e.g., metud, remazut. 3.3 FRANCO- PROVENCAL Of the three major linguistic divisions of Gaul, the area occupied by Franco-Provencal is the least well-defined. No real tradition of writing in the vernacular developed in this region until relatively late. One or two literary works remain, including the 10th C. fragment of a version of the Roman d' Alexandre. Numerous charters and legal documents occur from the 13th C. onwards, but some of these show signs of a varying degree of French influence. 3.31 -UI VERBS IN FRANCO-PROVENCAL The preterite of the -ui verbs suffered some assimilation to the IV conjugation here (Philipon, 1901:249-53). A strong type remains in force for aveir, poveir etc., but where a weak form occurs this tends to be a weak -i type, e.g., parit. There is no standardization of a weak u perfect and indeed, when such forms occur, it is probable that they are due to French influence. 3.32 DEDI VERBS IN FRANCO-PROVENCAL The -didi category may have retained an original stem stress in Franco-Provencal (Philipon, 1901:277). However, it also was invaded by IV conjugation and adopted weak -/' forms. 3.33 THE -UTUM P.P. IN FRANCO-PROVENCAL The -utum past participle is present for both the -ui and dedi type of verb. 43 3.4 OLD FRENCH The earliest text of the French dialect zone containing relevant material is the Cantilene de Ste. Eulalie, written about 880 A.D. A literary tradition grew up in Northern France from the 10th C. onwards, although all the early examples are in the Walloon-Picard or Anglo-Norman dialects rather than francien, which only rose to prominence from the 12th C. onwards. Vernacular charters are introduced in the early 13th C. and become common several decades later. The dialects of Northern France undergo considerable modifications during their development from the earliest period to the establishment of a standardized literary norm. Some of these changes may be conditioned by phonetic factors, while others may be clearly analogical. As always, some cases remain uncertain. 3.41 -UI VERBS IN OLD FRENCH From the earliest days of the literary period, O.F. possessed a u preterite for some verbs of the -ui class, e.g., parut, dut. However, for others strong forms remained available, e.g., ot, pot, sot, etc. During the transition from Old to Modern French these forms were aligned to the vocalism of the weak u type, e.g., eut, put, sut. In addition, verbs which did not necessarily possess a -u preterite in O.F. could be remodelled and join this class in Middle French, e.g., voulut, mourut. 3.42 DEDI VERBS IN OLD FRENCH A conjugation based on a weak dedi form was still alive in O.F., but was lost by assimilation to the weak / category as these forms spread from central French in a movement completed in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries (Fouche, 270- 71). Originally the form could vary from area to area, e.g., vendiet or vendet (Fouche, 264-5). The class not only comprised the successors of dedi compounds, but had taken in some other forms, e.g., battre, rompre (Fouche, 267). Battederit is attested in V.L. (Vaananen, 143). 44 Fouche states that these verbs developed a weak dedi ending through changes caused because their radical ended in a geminate or other consonant cluster, e.g., battui —> batei (Fouche, 267). This type seldom adopts a u preterite, although vecut does do so, but the group sometimes vacillates and creates alternatives in Middle French. 3.43 THE - U T U M P.P. IN OLD FRENCH The -utum past participle accompanies verbs of the ui and dedi classes for both primary and secondary forms. It may also accept new analogical restructurings, such as strong to weak shifts, e.g., mors —> mordu. 3.5 INTRODUCTION TO DETAILED STUDY OF NORTHERN FORMS A detailed presentation of the forms of 30 verbs found in Gallo-Romance texts will be undertaken in Chapter 4. As a preliminary to this section, a more detailed summary of useful research already available for the French dialect zones, where a strong tendency to weak u forms is evident, will now follow. Various theories of phonetic development have tried to explain the extension of weak u forms in the preterite up to and including the O.F. period. Hypotheses concerning the mechanisms of analogical restructuring and its causes can direct attention to the following areas: a) internal restructuring within the paradigm b) external influence from another preterite form c) interaction of the preterite and past participle. 3.51 THE U PRETERITE IN OLD FRENCH There is no real consensus of opinion about how the weak u form first became established in the Northern French preterites. By assembling samples from the earliest literary period one can conclude that: 45 a) Uniform u vocalism is already in place for some verbs in persons which retained differential stress in the alternating verbs: dut (S. Alexis, 291) recul (S. Alexis, 98) reconut (S. Alexis, 215) parut (Rou II, 1631) b) Except in the N.E. Picard and Walloon region, thematic u occurs on the rare weak forms of ui class verbs, insofar as these are attested (v. Table 21). Examples are: P.2. geus P.4. eusmes P.5. creutes This type may be in competition with an / form: P.5. deuiens (Walloon), P.5. chaistes, creistes In both cases a wider range of examples is available from the imperfect subjunctive. 3.511 PHONETIC THEORIES OF DEVELOPMENT Fouche (p. 310-11) has proposed fairly complex models of phonetic evolution in an effort to explain the presence of stressed vocalic u in the weak preterite forms. He believes that a labialisation of / in contact with w caused a passage to ii in the case of the weak persons of parui or other verbs having a stem which ended in a liquid or nasal, e.g., *parwist —> parust. He presumes that the strong persons were then aligned on the model of fui, fui. Andrieux and Baumgartner (p. 179) follow the theory for verbs where the w was blocked on the flexion, "On peut supposer que ce groupe de parfaits a regu la structure accentuelle des pass6s faibles ou 1'accent porte constamment sur 1'element qui suit la consonne finale de base." They consider that it is at this point that a correspondence occurred between the new weak u preterite form and the -utum P.P. Although it is not stated, this conclusion almost certainly refers only to Northern Gaul. As for the verbs which retained alternating stress, Fouche also proposes a labialization of wi —> wti —> ii —> ii for the weak persons of Latin verbs of the habere type (p. 314). This would be limited to, "tout le domaine d'Ofl, a 1'exception du Nord-Est." Fouche accepts the likelihood of regional variety (p. 313). He gives various 46 Walloon examples to illustrate that wi did not necessarily become ii. Thus, in the Walloon - N.E. Picard zone, the type awis, awimes, etc., is common (Fouche, 319, cf. Wilmotte, 64, 70). Moreover, it is even possible that w dropped completely in some Walloon regions and that v is a continuation of b or p, e.g., auis, devis (Fouche, 313). For trie LMNR group, a type of reinforcement may occur, so that instead of labialization to ti, or complete loss (e.g., tenir), a labiodental v evolves, e.g., tinve, vinve (Fouche, 322). The outcome of the -utum P.P. in French is less problematic than the history of the preterite. Often the form can be accepted as a direct phonetic development from V.L. e.g., credutum > creu, venutum > venu (Valutius), *valutum > valu. Even if they are not attested, it is presumed that many -mum forms existed, e.g., *conovutum > coneu (Mourin 1975:117). Some slight restructurings may have taken place, e.g., *saputum —> seu (Mourin 1975:125, 1980:181) but in any case these do not affect the weak u vocalism. 3.512 ANALOGICAL THEORIES OF DEVELOPMENT It has already been noted that verbal systems are particularly open to the action of analogy, which works towards establishing group identities, while phonetic developments may easily cause divergent forms to evolve, even within a single paradigm. Mention will now be made of certain analogical theories which relate more specifically to French. Restructuring caused by external factors (e.g., the influence of another verb) may well cause internal restructuring within a paradigm and the various types of analogical action are not mutually exclusive. However, for convenience three main tendencies will be illustrated under separate headings, classified according to which feature is of primary interest in the example. 47 3.5121 INTERNAL RESTRUCTURING Under this tide, we will examine the levelling of stress patterns which took place within the paradigms of the sigmatic preterites of the central zone in Old and Middle French, since this action had parallels in the strong alternating -ui verbs. Ekblom (pp. 11-12) shows that the sigmatics with a weak form of the mis, mesis type were able to align to the strong / verbs of the fis, fesis category because parallels existed between most persons (Fouche, 276; 275, 283). Within the strong / group voir did not have intervocalic J and its form caused an interference, which resulted in the type ve'is, feis, me'is (Fouche, 292) by the 13th C. in the He de France. Alternation was still maintained, i.e., mis, meis. However, around this time the pretonic e began to be lost and this corresponds to a similar structural action in the -ui class of verbs. The overall result was the loss of the strong conjugation in the preterite and the adoption of a paradigm which had uniform stress. Fouche remarks, "La langue semble avoir obei a une tendance qui la poussait a regulariser 1'accentuation a l'interieur des paradigmes et a simplifier ainsi la conjugaison" (p. 292). In the case of the -ui verbs this internal restructuring worked to promote the spread of a uniform u vocalism in any verbs that had retained alternating forms until this period, e.g., sot, soul, seut —> sut. The sigmatic form itself disappeared as a class because its distinctive marker had been s. Some verbs, apparently unable to remodel because of their phonetic structure, were lost altogether, e.g., ardre. Other were redistributed. In some cases these restructurings acted in favour of the -ui class (Ekblom, 105). "Des variantes appartenant a la classe en -ui ont remplace les preterits en -si . . ." He cites eslisl (Ps Oxf.) and eslurent (Sax. Ltr.) noting that, "Dans la suite, la forme en ui a preValu et s'est maintenue jusqu'a nos jours." In other instances, the form of the verb itself helped realignment, e.g., conclut. 3.5122 EXTERNAL INFLUENCES The influence of the etre paradigm is somewhat problematic. Schwan proposed it as a source of analogy for the remodelling of the u preterites, "L'U des desinences 48 toniques des parfaits en ui parait etre dO a 1' influence du parfait du verbe estre" (p. 213). He states that a u which originated in P.I. of the V.L. paradigm had spread to the other persons of etre in French. This uniformly stressed paradigm is supposed to have served as a model for the dui, dut type (Wahlgren, 164). Meyer- Lubke and Brunot came to accept this view, though the latter seems to have been uncomfortable with it because the u of etre was itself analogical in all but P.I. of the paradigm (Brunot, 205-6) and the other persons "n'ont pu repandre un u qu'elles-memes n'ont pu que recevoir d'alleurs." Nonetheless, unification did take place, using a stressed u and in the case of etre the P.P. cannot be evoked as a model. An analogy due to P.I. seems possible since this type of restructuring occurs in other Romance languages e.g., Castilian (Mourin 1978:27). A similar phenomenon may also have affected French conui, mui where P.I. influences the vocalism of P.3. and P.6. (Mourin 1978:1, 27). The alignment of the etre paradigm to vocalic u took place at an early date in Northern France, since it is attested from the earliest texts: P.l. (S. Alexis) P.2. (Rol.) P.3. (Eulalie, Jonas, S. Leger) P.4. (Rol.) P.5. (Rol.) P.6. (S. Leger) and so it could indeed have influenced other verbs at any later date. The problem remains unsolved. J. Bourciez presents a more convincing case for the action of etre in the formation of the weak o paradigm in the Gascon area (p. 66). For the French zone Wahlgren concluded "il est possible que le parfait fid ait joue quelque r61e dans le developpement des formes faibles . . . quoique . . . la marche de l'analogie ne nous semble pas bien clair" (p. 165). No recent contribution has elucidated the matter further. However, two important facts can be borne in mind: 1. Etre possessed a preterite with .a fixed stress and u vocalism at an early date. 2. The verb is of extremely frequent occurrence (v. 4.251). It is impossible to eliminate it as a contributing factor to weak u spread in the northern zones. 49 3.5123 INTERACTION OF PRETERITE AND P.P. - WAHLGREN This type of analogical interaction has been explored in detail by Wahlgren, who comments L'histoire de nos parfaits et de nos participes nous montre . . . une double reciprocite . . . dans leur rapport mutuel. Les participes latin-vulgares *soltus *voltus amenerent des parfaits sigmatiques *solsi *volsi qui a leur tour ont donn6 naissance, dans le frangais, aux participes correspondants en s (Wahlgren, 258). Giving numerous examples he concludes (p. 259) "Dans les langues romanes, cette formation et cette reformation . . . se repetent assez souvent" Wahlgren expresses the opinion that the general phonetic shape of a word may cause contamination "La ressemblance de sons entre deux ou plusieurs verbes les unit et fait se rapprocher leur conjugaison" (p. 259). However, individual languages tend to favour certain formation, so that Italian, for example, readily extends sigmatic forms if there is one available from the V.L. system, e.g., cursu(m) —> corsi, corso. Faced with a similar type of restructuring, French preferred weak forms, so that whereas Italian modelled the preterite of descendit on the P.P. descensum and obtained a sigmatic preterite, French chose to use the likeness of the radical ending -nd, as a means of aligning this verb group to the dedi type. A correspondence between preterite and past participle is usually established in French, -ui and dedi types sharing a weak u participle and sigmatics having a strong participle. When more than one form is in competition, doublets may occur e.g., vouloir, soudre, lire. Wahlgren's research led him to acknowledge a close correspondence between preterite and P.P. behaviour (p. 250). He notes that the strong participle and sigmatic preterite tend to support each other's survival. Similarly he believes that a weak preterite and weak participle tend to reinforce the form's viability. In terms of the -ui category of verb, the alignment to a weak preterite is restricted to certain Romance zones only, Cependant, ce n'est que dans le frangais, dans quelques parlers du Midi de la France (p. ex. le gascon de l'Ouest, le patois d'Onex) et dans le roumain que ce rapport se fait sentir, a proprement parler, tandis que dans les autres 50 langues romanes, par suite des lois phonetiques, le type -ui a perdu des 1'origine, ses traits constitutifs et en meme temps son importance comme type special du parfait (Wahlgren, 255) Wahlgren holds that the -utum participle was responsible for the weak u perfect form, even for the valui type. "Dans la class valui, le participe passe amena, des une epoque tres ancienne, un paradigme entierement faible, qui se substitua a la flexion primitive forte, type *vail" (p. 256 cf. Suchier's theory p. 171). Within the literary period the French preterite system continues its remodelling activities, although this was a gradual process and forms which were to become dominant did not do so all at once. Nor is it necessary to assume that all changes were set in motion for a single reason or occurred in a similar way. The phonetic composition of each verb was likely to influence its fate. 3.5124 INTERACTION OF PRETERITE AND P.P. - MOURIN The articles of L. Mourin have dwelt upon the mechanisms of analogical restructurings in more recent times, although he approaches the problem from a slightly different perspective from Wahlgren and explicitly rejects certain phonetic theories of development (1978:1, 36). En francais le passage du groupe wi a la voyelle u ne peut avoir ete purement phonetique dans les parfaits en u tels que 2. *habwis (< habuisti), volis (< voluisti), vesquis (< *viscuisti). Un tel passage aura ete favorise par Taction du participe. He claims that the participle's action can be used to explain the r types (1978:1, 36, n. 76) although he also seems to favour an analogy from connaissons : connut : paraissons : parut (1974:211). As for the I radicals, Mourin notes that these tend to give rise to sigmatics as doublets because their perfect became poorly differentiated from the present, e.g., volt (present, vuelt) —> volsi (1974:205). Ultimately they may well adopt a u form based on the P.P. as a solution, e.g., volut, solut. In other cases some kind of regularization may have occurred under the participle's influence e.g., valut, moulut, mourut. The hypothesis cannot be demonstrated for parut, which is the only French form 51 available from the earliest literary period, but vecut and voulut certainly illustrate such a change at a later date. Another type of remodelling, which spreads the use of a recognisable group marker, may involve a different sort of development In French, a polarisation occurs concerning the use of thematic vowels in the preterite for irregular verbs of the ere, ere classes which had developed with alternating stress. Basically an /', inherited from Latin, seems to have been used for all weak forms where the radical ended in a consonant (except voir) (1978:2, 578). This would include the sigmatic types e.g., desimes, volsistes and also Walloon forms such as dewimes. Old Imperfect subjunctives indicate that this type of formation was still available for pouvoir (pod(e)ir) in O.F. e.g., podist (Jonas, 16). The formation existed parallel to irregular forms with uniform weak stress e.g., vesquirent or the extensive dedi class e.g., vendimes. In contrast, a special group with thematic u is characterised by a lack of intervocalic consonant, e.g., deiXmes etc. Mourin (1978:1, 36) denies that these weak forms evolved phonetically, but states that etis etc. assumed that form through the influence of the P.P. He thinks that this development was- encouraged through structural parallelism with the i/ei type (fis, fe(s)is). Mourin accepts a phonetic development for P.I. of mui, conui (1974:212, 1978:1, 26) which was extended to P.3 and P.6. An alternating pattern u/eii was established. The potential of u as a group marker increased due to: 1. analogical internal restructuring which extended the phonetically evolved P.I. 2. the external influence of the P.P., which acted on the weak forms without stem-final consonant Mourin states that the u vocalic timbre of most ui perfects, e.g., jut, regut is due to a remodelling on the weak forms, which in turn were influenced by the participle (1974:212; 1978:1, 30). The loss of intervocalic consonants is common in French, e.g., caderunt (Reichenau Glosses) cadit (S. Leger) cait (Rol). When this occurs, the verb in question may be a candidate for alignment to the u group if such a move is supported 52 by the P.P. e.g., cheoir. It is possible to attribute u forms occurring in estar to the same sort of hesitation (Mourin 1974:213). Meanwhile, from the twelfth to thirteenth centuries, in central France, the sigmatic class lost its stem final consonant, which had been a distinctive group marker. In the ensuing re-distribution of forms, resemblances to other verbs could determine both alignment and survival (Mourin 1978:2, 576), e.g., conclut (Ekblom, 23), which was easily assimilated to the u types. One sigmatic group survived with an alternating stress which paralleled that of the -ui group, u/eu : i/ei. These two were both reduced to u and / respectively and both were linked to a corresponding past participle. The vowel of the participle is assimilated to the preterite radical in this case: prit pris sut su mil mis crut cru The / category may suffer from lack of differentiation from the present in some cases, e.g., rit, dit. This may have determined the passage to the u category for a verb having a doublet, e.g., lit —> lut. 3.6 SUMMARY OF ROMANCE RESTRUCTURING Many preterites and past participles show variation in Gallo-Romance during the period which extends from the ninth to sixteenth centuries. Such restructuring has been a common occurrence in the past tense systems of Latin and the Romance languages. Among the various types of change, the substitution of weak forms for strong irregular ones has been in progression in all areas, although literary varieties of Sardinian and Italian have maintained more strong forms than other languages. Both preterite and past participle forms are affected and these tend to evolve with some kind of formal or regular pattern of relationship. 53 3.61 ROMANCE PRETERITE CHANGE The modification of some strong preterites inherited from C.L. II and III began early, during the period of the Empire, when, for example, stress shift constituted a type of "regularisation," e.g., credidi —> crededi (G. de Tours). This particular form was widespread and extended from Balkan to Ibero Romance, but other more localized developments include the -etti pattern of Italian and the weak guttural models of later Occitan and Catalan. Not all realignments and regularizations are new creations. Spanish, Portuguese and Franco-Provengal often adapted their irregular paradigms to the Latin IV conjugation with its regular weak / forms. The overall tendency of these changes was to increase regularity within the verbal systems of the preterite and P.P. Only French and Rumanian evolved a weak u vocalism as a characteristic type within their preterite forms. In Rumanian the conjugation is uniformly weak and regular. However, in addition, French alone created a vocalic correspondence in u between a weak type of paradigm and an irregular paradigm with stem stress. 3.62 ROMANCE PARTICIPLE CHANGE The strong past participles of C.L. were also subject to change. As Vaananen notes, "Pour le participe passe . . . les formes accentues sur la terminaison tendent a prevaloir" (p. 144). The popular -utum creation is attested from the time of the Empire and occurs in different verbal classes: C.L. II valitum —> valhtia (CIL VI, 28315) C.L. III redditum — > reddutus (CIL VIII, 1700) C.L. IV sepultus —> sepeliitta (CIL VIII, 15639). Its successors are to be found in all Romance areas except Sardinia, although Spanish and Portuguese discontinued this type between the thirteenth and sixteenth centuries. 54 3.63 GALLO-ROMANCE PRETERITE AND P.P. Each Gallo-Romance area adopted a different solution as it evolved its own preterite system from the Latin base. In classical literary Provencal, a guttural, caused by the velarizing effect of unstressed u became a marker linking the preterite, I.S. and P.P. of the -ui class verbs. Modern literary Rhodanien has carried regularization much further and extended the guttural element plus a weak flexion to all paradigms, except those of the first conjugation. Franco-Provencal never developed a literature to rival that of the other areas of Gaul. In its early documents, it retained forms which can be considered dialectal and which may be comparable with Rhetian e.g., recet, receit, cret (croire) (Meyer-Ltlbke 1895:422). Where weak forms were used to displace irregulars, Franco-Provencal preferred analogical re-alignment to the Latin IV conjugation. It is quite possible that any weak u forms found in the texts of this zone are due to French influence, since many of the texts are as late as the 14th C. Within the preterite paradigms of O.F. itself, weak u forms gradually progressed. Increased jmiformity arose between three separate types of forms: 1. In the oldest attested versions of the language, this timbre was constant on the weak persons of many -ui class preterites, except in the N.E. Picard and Walloon area, where it remained / (Linskill, 126), e.g., oiimes (Rol.) : owins (Walloon d.1274). 2. Several relatively common strong irregular verbs immobilized their stress alternation at an early date and adopted u vocalism on the radical: Jut (Eulalie) dut (S. Alexis) (co)nut (Rol.) (es)mut (Rol.) estut (S. Leger, Rol.) Other early evidence for this type includes: (re)ceul (S. Alexis) (apar)curent (Rou) jut (Rol.) Alternate peripheral forms exist for some of these verbs: 55 mot (Frag. Alex.) joth (S. Leger). 3. Several irregular verbs of the ui class with a stem ending in a liquid or nasal immobilized their stress pattern by standardizing a weak u flexion which paralleled the form of regular verbs e.g., parul, valut. In the Gallo-Romance zone, the weak u participle is present in all areas, but the corresponding weak u preterite is only characteristic of the French dialect area. The weak u participle is attested in the earliest texts throughout the Gallo-Romance region, although it extends its scope during the literary period. It may be attached to strong forms as a suffix or simply replace them, in which case it is often remodelled on the present stem: remes —> remazut (Occ.) mis —> metud (Occ-Gascon) rot —> rompu (Fr.-Prov., Fr.) sous —> solu (Fr.) A distinctive stem may be experienced as superfluous once the suffix is attached. In the French dialect areas the weak u participles were already very firmly established in the -ui and dedi classes during the earliest literary period. As time went by, they spread and replaced alternate forms, some of which may have been regional in nature. These include: a) sigmatic and t forms: sous —> solu cors —> count rot —> rompu b) western -eit forms: ca(d)eit —> chu tol(l)eit —> tollu c) miscellaneous i types: choit (Hi Mn.) —> chu 56 rechi (Wal.) —> regit lit —> lu vesti —> velu 3.64 CONCLUSION In the appendix, examples of 30 selected verbs have been grouped into a study list compiled from the most ancient literary and legal texts available. By using concrete examples regional, chronological and frequency variations may become more apparent When useful, the patterning behaviour of individual verbs may be compared to V.L. or Romance counterparts. In the final chapter the relative merits of various theories of development set forth in the preceding pages can then be evaluated in the light of the examples studied. Chapter 4 A DETAILED STUDY OF GALLO-ROMANCE DEVELOPMENTS BASED ON EARLY TEXTUAL EVIDENCE 4.1 INTRODUCTION TO THE COMPOSITION OF THE STUDY LIST Data illustrating the situation of u vocalism in medieval Gallo-Romance has been collected from as many areas as possible within the scope of this study. The verbs come from both literary and non-literary documents. The main concern has been to use the oldest sources available, while also collecting a variety of dialectal usages. Charters represent the three main Gallo-Romance regions. In the northern area these have been divided into 12 dialectal zones. Their dates vary from: 1034 - 1200 for Occitan 1260 - 1416 for Franco-Provencgal ca. 1218 - 1345 for French (14th C. limited to Burgundy) Within the zones further subdivision is limited to the grouping of examples by spelling type. The literary texts include the Chanson de Roland and all works prior to this date, while extracts from anthologies and later works have been added to provide further and varied evidence. 4.11 COMPARISON OF SOURCES As a reliable source of useful philological information, the charter is considered superior to the literary work for several reasons. As Carolus-Barre (intro. lxviii) states, the charter is often original, is usually dated and sometimes even located within the text, while in other cases external evidence can permit identification of its place of origin. Wuest compares the charter favourably with the literary source saying, "Comme la transmission des oevres litteraires est toujours assez complexe on fait bien de leur pr6ferer les chartes, dont nous possedons plus frequemment le texte original" (p. 46). The literary 57 58 manuscript often journeys from one region to another, until one finds oneself, "devant un melange inextricable de plusieurs traditions graphiques." However, literary texts offer a wider range of vocabulary than charters and some are older, providing the only evidence available about more archaic stages of the language. Poetry provides an additional guide to pronunciation through the study of assonance and rhyme as well as by the use of the . syllable count. Nor is the use of charters entirely devoid of difficulty. As Wuest acknowledges, "Nous savons que nous ne devons jamais attendre des textes medievaux la transcription exacte d'un dialecte particulier. Au contraire, une norme supra-regionale s'y melange partout avec des dialectalisme plus ou moins nombreux" (Wuest, 43). Charters were produced by the literate minority of the day and represented an educated usage, which may have been influenced by Latin, or certain scribal traditions. The language of charters themselves is often quite rigidly fixed, abounding in formulas which may have been transmitted "en bloc". A possible example is, "oguimes et receguimes" in the La Rochelle charters which persists alongside francien forms in the same document In addition, there is no guarantee, other than internal, that the scribe is from the region where the charter is produced or kept Thus, a charter from Lyon or Forez may be totally francien in character. However, by obtaining many examples, it is possible to offset this difficulty and identify charters which depart noticeably from the general trend of an area. 4.12 THE INTERPRETATION OF SPELLING The actual spelling of the O.F. period sometimes shows wide fluctuation, even in the same document by the same scribe. Wuest comments that standardized spelling only really developed as printing progressed (p. 45). It is no easy task to interpret the pronunciation of what is written in the medieval charters. However, Wuest suggests that writing followed pronunciation more closely in the Middle Ages and that spelling hesitations are likely to remain as witnesses to contemporary confusions (p. 46). 59 4.13 STATUS OF INDIVIDUAL DIALECTS The prestige attached to various dialects may also influence usage, especially in the later examples. While Anglo-Normal and Picard both enjoyed periods of ascendency and affluence, the dialect of the He de France became dominant after the reign of Louis-Auguste and scribes began to imitate these forms in preference to using their own dialectal language. However, despite these numerous considerations, which must always be borne in mind and which should lead to a certain caution, a fairly clear picture of the usage of the past participle and preterite forms may be discerned from the examples set forward in the following pages. 4.2 FREQUENCY ANALYSIS It is possible to analyse the contents of the study list in various ways. Initially several numerical comparisons will be presented. 4.21 GLOBAL FREQUENCY BY GRAMMATICAL GROUP Frequency of occurrence can be considered either at the level of an entire group, such as the P.P., or at that of the individual verb. The totals of the entire list are given in Table 10, where the most frequent form is also indicated. This shows that the P.P. is the most common form for 15 verbs, followed fairly closely by the preterite in the case of 13 verbs, while only 2 verbs favour the I.S. in a particular way. 4.22 GLOBAL FREQUENCY IN CHARTERS AND LITERATURE If the list is broken down still further, as in Table 11, it becomes apparent that there is some difference in usage between the charters and the literary sources. The P.P. is most common in the charters for 20 verbs, while the preterite is most common in literature in 18 cases. The verbs themselves are not evenly distributed, for some, such as venire, occur almost exclusively in the charters, whilst others, such as manoir, tolire, 60 gesir tend to feature in literary works. This may create a slight imbalance in the attested examples of some verbs (e.g., a sigmatic P.P. of courir is never found in the charters), but as a rule the literary and charter samples tend to complement each other. Table 10: Most Frequent Verbal Forms in Gallo-Romance Verb P.P. Pret I.S. Avoir 270 368 • 302 connaitre 330 • 220 10 crottre 19 • 16 3 devoir 82 • 31 62 gtre 157 794 • 158 gesir 6 18 • 1 paraitre 4 24 • pouvoir 2 94 213 n savoir 37 54 • 36 soudre 54 • 34 tenir 540 • 142 48 valoir 6 9 13 n vouloir 18 114 • 97 • manoir 25 39 • 10 mettre 32 36 • 8 cheoir 68 45 2 courir 29 • 15 1 croire 72 • 25 15 ester 10 27 • 2 rendre 167 • 24 14 vendre 361 82 3 -cevoir 425 124 5 ° -lire 56 • 5 1 mourir 4 30 • 16 rompre 33 • 6 tolir 25 • 24 2 venir 116 185 • 30 vetir 178 • 25 vivre 8 17 • 9 voir 74 107 • 25 Total 15 13 2 • • n = most frequent form 61 Table 11: Separated Charter—Literature Totals Verb P.P. Pret I.S. Ch. Lit Ch. Lit Ch. Lit avoir 262 8 209 159 254 48 connaitre 318 12 189 31 184 36 croitre 12 7 3 13 - 3 etre 149 8 600 + 194 117 41 devoir 81 1 15 16 41 21 gesir * 6 1 17 - 1 paraitre - 4 3 21 -pouvoir 1 1 10 84 163 50 savoir 26 11 4 50 3 33 soudre 44 10 33 1 -tenir 528 12 93 49 39 9 valoir 1 5 2 7 11 2 vouloir 14 4 24 93 57 40 manoir 1 24 14 25 6 4 mettre 26 6 23 13 — 8 cheoir , 36 32 10 35 _ 2 courir 17 12 4 11 1 croire 62 10 1 24 1 14 ester 3 7 3 24 1 1 rendre 164 3 19 5 11 3 vendre 360 1 82 — 3 -cevoir 400 25 78 46 4 1 -lire 40 16 4 1 1 mourir - 4 3 27 6 10 rompre 15 18 1 5 -tolir 4 21 2 22 1 1 venir 72 44 71 114 19 11 vetir 156 22 23 2 -vivre - 8 2 15 3 6 voir 49 25 22 85 — 25 Total 2841 367 1548 1189 746 340 The number of examples collected in the course of this study is limited. Therefore any conclusions drawn from numerical comparison are not to be taken as absolute. However, if general trends stand out, they may help build up the overall picture, especially when 62 taken in conjunction with other material. Each of the three main verbal forms will now be examined individually. 4.23 GLOBAL P.P. FREQUENCY This is the most common form for 15 verbs. Indeed, it is overwhelmingly frequent in some cases. If we examine verbs yielding high numbers of samples in the charters the following percentages are obtained. Table 12: Frequency of Most Common Past Participles Total Verb % P.P. % Pret % I.S. 560 connaitre 59 39 2 730 tenir 74 19 7 554 -cevoir 77 22 1 446 vendre 81 18 1 203 vetir 88 12 • 0 If we take the overall figures for all the verbs, we see that the position of the past participle is very strong generally. Two totals have been calculated to make a special allowance for etre, for which an abnormally high number of preterites occur in the charters. The figures suggest that: 1. Although a verb which is extremely frequent may unbalance the percentages, this may be representative of its influence. 2. The P.P. occurs more than the preterite, especially if one discounts etre. This is particularly evident in the charters. 3. Because it is very common, the P.P. could well be in a favourable situation for exerting analogical influence on other forms, although this does not mean that it automatically does so. 63 Table 13: Comparative Frequency of Pret, P.P.. and I.S. All Verbs - Etre All Verbs - Etre P.P. pret I.S. P.P. pret I.S. charter literature Total charter literature Total 2841 367 ^208 70 11% 46% 1548 1189 2737 7031 56% 44% 39% 746 340 1086, 69% 31% 15% 2693 354 3047 88% 12% 51% 948 995 1943 — 5918 49% 51% 33% 629 299 928, 68% 32% 16% 4.231 WEAK FORM FREQUENCY IN THE P.P. Besides being frequent, the P.P. is also often a weak form. Table 14 will give a survey of the strong-weak distribution of the P.P. in the Gallo-Romance zone. Where a. variety of forms exists for one verb, the most frequent is indicated by an asterisk. Where certain verbs are not attested in the main list an example has been supplied from Anglade or Philipon together with the page number. This table shows that the vast . majority of participles take a weak form. Among the verbs with strong forms only mourir and mettre (standard Occitan) and soudre (Occitan) do not also have weak forms. There is a tendency for the sigmatics to have matching strong forms, the strong is predominant in four cases (2 French, 2 Occitan), while the weak is more frequent in eight cases (4 French, 3 Franco-Provencal, 1 Occitan). The verbs possessing strong forms often have them for both French and Occitan, or even the whole Gallo-Romance zone. Only tollir, •voir and possibly gesir show signs of a divergent treatment by Occitan. 4.232 WEAK U FREQUENCY IN THE NORTHERN P.P. In standard Old Provencal, although most participles for the Latin -ui verbs are weak u types, these correspond to a strong, preterite, i.e., ac - agut. The vocalism of 64 Table 14: Occurrence of Strong and Weak Past Participles Verb Strong Weak French Occitan Fr. Prov. French Occitan Fr. Prov. avoir • connattre • • • crottre • • • devoir • • • g6sir A 335 • A 335 paraitre • A 339 P 253 pouvoir • • P 245 savoir • • • soudre • * • • tenir • • • valoir • • • vouloir • * • manoir • * A 343 • mettre • • P 252 • • (Gascon) -cevoir • • • * • • * -lire • • • • » • * • * mourir • • P 260 rompre • • • • * - A 296 • * tolir • * P 255 • • venir • • • vetir • • • vivre • • voir • * • * P 246 A = Anglade P = Philipon 1901 * = more frequent the weak form does not affect the preterite at any time, although the guttural associated with the -ui class begins to spread from the 12th C. onwards. However, in the French dialect zone during the same period, the relationship of the two tenses is somewhat different and the preterite does in fact correspond to the vocalism of the participle from pre-literary times for some verbs: P.3. dut P.P. deu P.3. parut P.P. paru 65 Numerical comparisons may suggest which verbal forms possess a majority of weak u types. Table 15 singles out verbs for which the weak u form is the exclusive type during the period running from the 9th to 15th C. Unfortunately, some of these verbs are poorly attested and this has been indicated by the symbol ±. The distribution obtained suggests that the. weak u form has its stronghold in the past participle. It is prevalent in verbs of the Latin -ui class and in the dedi category. In the northern zone, the participles which do not belong to the weak u category are of two main types, strong or weak i: 1) Strong These may be s forms, formerly characteristic of the Latin III conjugation. They may be derived from C.L. participles, e.g., courir or from V.L. developments, e.g., soudre, but both developed weak u alternatives in O.F. Soudre, now fallen into disuse as a simple verb, has retained a compound with two past participles into Modern French. Resolu is the common form, but resous has been maintained as chemistry terminology. Mourir, which has an irregular strong P.P., kept this form intact, only developing analogical mouru dialectally. Wahlgren attributes the survival of mort to adjectival usage, which protected the form from the analogical action so common in verbal forms (p. 190). Other strong participles that occur belong to lire and rompre, but these also possess weak u forms in medieval French. 2) i types The verbs cheoir, tolir and vetir possess non-u forms, attested in the oldest range of texts. Vetir can be considered primarily as an -ir verb, which developed a participle in u. Cheoir and tolir have a Western form -eit in such texts as La Chanson de Roland. All these verbs develop weak u forms by analogy. 66 lahk 15j Types Attested Exclusively as Bmihsm U P.P. LE. Pret I.E. I.S. LE. avoir connaitre croitre devoir etre gesir paraitre pouvoir savoir soudre tenir valoir manoir mettre cheoir courir croire rendre vendre ester recevoir lire mourir rompre tolir venir vetir vivre voir n n X t t t t t I.E. = insufficient examples to be regarded as conclusive, i.e., under 5. • = P.P. in u only • = preterite in u only n = I.S. in u only - = u form (except N.E. Picard and Walloon) 4.24 PRETERITE FREQUENCY This tense appears more often in literary sources than in the charters. Certain ancient texts, predating and including La Chanson de Roland, offer evidence of a more archaic stage in the development of the language. However, this is not always the case and indeed the literary samples span a period from the 9th to 15th C. with the charters 67 occupying the middle ground. 4.241 COMMON PRETERITE FORMS As Table 10 shows, the preterite is the best attested form for some verbs. In particular this group includes avoir, etre, savoir and vouloir. The percentage distribution for these 4 verbs is shown in diagram Table 16: Most Frequent Preterite Forms in G-R. Total Verb P.P. Pret I.S. 940 avoir 29% 39% 32% 1109 Stre 14% 72% 14% 127 savoir 29% 43% 28% 229 vouloir 8% 50% 42% The behaviour of avoir, savoir and vouloir will be dealt with in more detail elsewhere. Numerically and in terms of percentage the preterite form of etre is very frequent indeed. Other verbs may have patterned themselves on it by analogy, a view firmly adopted by J. Bourciez in regard to the wk-o forms of Gascon (pp. 65-6). As an absolute figure, the presence of etre is even higher, as the count only includes the earliest literary texts up to the Chanson de Roland, the charters of Oise, Haute-Marne, the Vosges and Lyonnais districts, the Brunei collection of Occitan texts and the charters of BEC vol. 44. 4.242 NORTHERN PRETERITES Both sigmatics and some ui verbs maintain strong preterites in the earlier texts of the northern zone, but the -ui class exhibits form variation from the outset and the sigmatics undergo a major remodelling from the 13th C. onwards. Some of these changes can be attributed to the loss of stem final or intervocalic single consonants, which differentiates the French dialects from their Occitan counterparts. Table 15 has shown that 68 verbs which always have u vocalism in the preterite are less common than those with weak u participles. Five verbs have u preterites at all times, seven if Picard- Walloon variants are excluded, but of these only three are attested in large quantities, connaitre, recevoir and the irregular etre. Most of the other 23 verbs in the list, including some of the Latin -ui class, may possess u preterites, but they also have other types and these are very varied. They can be divided according to basic Latin class and subdivided following their development, as shown in Table 17. Table 17: Verbs with Possible u Participle but other Preterite in O.F. Date Type Alignment Verb E -ui strong avoir, gesir, pouvoir, savoir, vouloir (also plaisir) - vocalic timbre written as o. E -ui/v sigmatic soudre, vouloir E -ui irregular i tenir (and venir by analogy) L -ui wk - i paraitre E dedi wk -e/i cheoir, rendre L dedi wk -e/i croire, vendre E other wk -e/i tolir, vivre E other wk - i vestir L other - i mourir, vivre L other - i voir E = early text (up to Roland) L = later text (after Roland) It appears that the ui class is less unified in its preterite forms than in the corresponding past participles. Other classes of verb are not really characterized by weak u preterites, even in Modern French and where they occur they may well be analogical formations, e.g., cheoir, croire, lire, mourir, vivre. Not all such alignments are necessarily late developments. However, a comparison with other Romance languages is a useful precaution before attributing hypothetical V.L. -ui forms to verbs which develop u preterites, e.g., *morui is extremely unlikely. 69 4.243 FRANCO-PROVENCAL PRETERITES If we turn to the Franco-Provencal zone, there is decidely less adherence to the weak u form than in the North. As Philipon says (1901:279), "Les parfaits en -ui de II ont ete etendus par analogie a quelques verbes de III, mais ce mode de formation a pris beaucoup moins d'extension en Lyonnais qu'en francais." Excluding etre, all the verbs which form their preterite exclusively in u in attested examples in the French dialects do nol do so in Lyon. Even connaitre, which possesses some weak u preterite forms also has P.4. connoissimos, P.6. connoissirent (p. 249) in this region. Table 18 shows the Franco-Provengal distribution of types with u vocalism for the preterite and past participle using the 5 verbs which are always attested with u in the Northern zone, plus devoir and the frequendy attested recevoir, which also always have u, except in the Picard-Walloon / region. Philipon's work has been consulted to supply examples of forms which are absent from the main list Table 18: Occurrence of Franco-Provencal u Forms in Preterite and P.P. Verb Preterite P.P. connaitre mixed + u croitre -u +u devoir no e.g. +u etre +u -u valoir -u +u ester -u -u recevoir -u mixed No preterite examples are available for devoir. However, it is obvious that the P.P. of the verb is more likely to have a u form that the preterite, with the exception of etre and ester. The series avoir, devoir, savoir, pouvoir, which does not necessarily have a u preterite in Franco-Provengal, nonetheless has the weak u participle in this zone. 70 4.244 OCCITAN PRETERITES In medieval standard Occitan, the -ui class had extended itself to take in such verbs as tolre and venir, which assumed the guttural element, tolc, venc. Weak forms had not replaced the strong preterites and it is not useful to make a comparison of individual verbs, as no significant variation occurs until slightly later (v. 4.331-4.335). 4.25 FREQUENCY OF I.S. This tense differs from the preterite and the P.P. in that it is always a weak form. It is less well-attested overall. Table 19: Frequency of I.S. P.P. Pret I.S. All verbs 3208 2737 1086 - etre 3047 1943 928 For pouvoir and valoir, the I.S. is the most frequent form. Table 10 shows that it has a relatively high incidence in the modal verbs. Expressed as a percentage this gives the following results: Table 20: I.S. in Modal Verbs avoir devoir pouvoir savoir vouloir Total (all tenses) 940 175 309 127 229 % I.S. 32 35 69 28 42 4.251 NORTHERN I.S. In the Northern zone the extension of weak u forms in the -ui class of verbs is greater than it would seem from Table 15. This form is in fact the usual one for avoir, 71 devoir, pouvoir and savoir. However, pouvoir has an alternate weak - / form and the N - E Picard-Walloon areas has an / form as part of its regular paradigm. 4.252 FRANCO-PROVENCAL I.S. The main verb list contains few examples for the Franco- Provencal zone. Philipon indicates u forms for avoir, devoir and savoir (1901:243-6). Pouvoir is mixed u and /' types, while vouloir has mixed s and / types as in French. 4.253 OCCITAN I.S. In the Occitan zone, verbs of the ui class form the I.S. by using their guttural base evolved from unstressed u (Anglade, 310). Certain verbs that did not belong to the -ui category in C.L. accept the paradigm of this group in Occitan. These include recebre, which follows the pattern of saber, tolre and also venir, by analogy with tener. Courir, which varies between -ui and sigmatic preterite usage in Occitan is unattested as an I.S. form in the texts investigated. The case of cazer is ambiguous and it seems likely that the forms should be considered as a mixture of -ui and dedi paradigms. 4.254 THE I.S. AS INDICATOR OF PRETERITE USAGE In general terms the imperfect subjunctive may serve as a useful indicator of preterite usage. J. Bourciez (p. 92) notes, "Toutes les fois que les formes du parfait font defaut quelque part, celles de l'imparfait du subj. sont en principe valables pour attester 1'usage sur un point donne." These comparisons are a guide. However, where analogical restructuring has taken place, the two tenses are not necessarily changed simultaneously (e.g., a sigmatic I.S. of vouloir continues alongside a weak u preterite in the 15th C. in the Northern zone). 4.26 SUMMARY OF FREQUENCY SURVEY To summarize, the following facts emerge from this brief frequency survey: 1. The weak u P.P. is popular in the Gallo-Romance area, occurring for verbs 72 evolved from the Latin -ui or dedi classes, as well as those aligned to these groups by analogy. 2. The P.P. is the most commonly attested form in the samples collected. 3. Eire is of extremely high frequency, especially as a preterite. 4. Most verbs with C.L. or early V.L. ui, v or dedi preterites standardize u participles in G—R. An exception is etre. However, some verbs, such as cheoir or soudre are variable. 5. In medieval Occitan -ui preterites are strong and contain a guttural sound, while Franco-Provencal prefers weak -/ types for this category. In the French dialects, some verbs of the -ui/-v class have possessed a preterite with u vocalism in all persons from preliterary times. However, the class includes four other types of preterite formation. The type with weak u vocalism can be considered as peculiar to the French dialects of Gallo-Romance. 6. In the north the weak u form is common in the I.S. paradigms of the -ui class, but exists alongside weak / and sigmatic forms for some verbs, e.g., pouvoir, vouloir. In Occitan the velarization of unstressed u has given rise to the guttural trait used as the base form for the preterite and I.S. in verbs of the -ui class. The weak u is absent from both tenses and only occurs in the participle. 4.3 FORM COMBINATIONS IN GALLO-ROMANCE The verb list will also help to clarify how G—R used the basic "building blocks" provided by the Latin system and recombined them in its own verbal paradigms. Each main zone will be treated separately. 73 4.31 NORTHERN U PRETERITE In modern standard French u vocalism, present in P.P., preterite and I.S., characterises almost all verbs of the -ui class, e.g., pu, pus, pusse. Obvious exceptions in this study are tenir and venir, while nocui, which has an OF P.P. neu, has been excluded since it does not develop a u preterite and is poorly attested. However, in the medieval period, this means of relationship by u vocalism was not so marked and the preterite showed the most diversity among the forms under consideration. Restructuring and class change occur within the medieval era and there is no reason to suppose that they were a new phenomenon. Because of this fact and because of the scant evidence before the 11th C. it is sometimes difficult to decide if a form goes back to V.L. or if it is a more recent creation of the French system. 4.311 EARLY ATTESTATIONS For the -ui class, the examples gathered show that a u correspondence existed in the P.P., preterite and I.S. from the earliest literary period for: connaitre (S. Alexis, Rol.) croitre (Rou) devoir (S. Alexis, Rol, excluding Walloon) paraitre (no attested I.S.) This group includes paraitre, which possibly developed its preterite phonetically from Latin forms, a view accepted by Fouche or Andrieux and Baumgartner, but rejected by Mourin (v. 3.511, 3.5123). Other verbs that align to this group, such as valoir, courir possess alternate forms in the early medieval period. However, connaitre, croitre, and devoir do not fall into this class, but are attested with a -a on the radical of the strong forms in S. Alexis, Roland and Rou. Fouch6 offers a phonetic explanation of the development of croitre (p. 308) and connaitre, devoir (pp. 315-6). Having done this, he notes the discrepancy which exists between the predicted deut form and the dut which actually occurs. He groups this with ot and pot and says the vocalism arises due to the 74 interference of P.l. This matter will be discussed in more detail in reference to avoir and pouvoir (v. 4.51). 4.312 STRESS STRUCTURES As a preliminary to understanding the behaviour of the northern French patterns, it is useful to list the stress structures of the French dialect zone. The so-called "strong" verbs had survived in the early language. The sigmatics had an alternation of the type P.3. mist P.5. meistes. For the -ui class, the list affords the examples P.2. geiis, P.3. pth/Jut and P.4. rejeumes. The weak persons are poorly attested in the charters and early literature, but the collected examples offer no great surprises and can probably be taken as representative. Table 21: Weak Preterite- Persons Verb P.2. P.4. P.5. avoir oumes (Rol.) aumes, eumes (C) owins (Wal.) connaitre coneumes (S. Alexis) conoumes (C) devoir deviens (C, Wal.) gesir geus (Bart) rejeumes (Bart) pouvoir peusmes (Nim.) savoir sceustes (15th C.) vouloir volsis (Rou) vo(l)sistes (Rou) cheoir chaistes (BarL) croire creistes (Rou) creutes (Adam) Returning to the -ui class, we have noted that verbs such as P.3. parut, corut, valut had fixed stress available from pre-literary times and this corresponded to the pattern of the common weak forms. Tenir, soudre and vouloir did not possess alternating u preterite forms and etre had fixed radical stress. However, in their weak persons, the other verbs in the sample have a radical ending in a vowel. Crottre is not attested in the preterite, 75 but the I.S. supplies a form with pre-tonic e stem. The radical vowel of these verbs was e in central French, although it could be o or a elsewhere. To this was attached a flexion, which was usually weak u, e.g., P.2. ge-us P.4. pe-times, cone-times although it could be - / in certain cases. Andrieux and Baumgartner (p. 160) offer a preterite in / for pouvoir, but this is not otherwise available in the present study list When we turn to strong forms, we find the following in P.3. for the -ui class: avoir -out, out, eut, ot connattre - conul croitre - crut devoir - dut gesir - jut, giut, join pouvoir - pout, peut, pot savoir - soul, sol 4.313 FLUCTUATIONS By including the whole study list, a table can be drawn up to show 10 verbs possessing forms which fluctuate significantly in form or orthography between early medieval French and more modern usage. The table uses 11th to 14th C. O.F. P.3. samples, which have been chosen because this person is the most frequent, followed by the 15th C. counterpart and lastly the modern form for purposes of comparison. 4.3131 FLUCTUATIONS IN AVOIR. POUVOIR. SAVOIR TYPE This table shows that the verbs avoir, pouvoir and savoir have a strong form in their early preterite of which the vowel is written as o. This factor is constant, even when dialectal variation au, ou, eu appears in the weak persons. The written form o is attested in the 11th C. in the ms. of S. Leger, which also includes an isolated examples of gesir, joth. A strong form written with a u also occurs in 5. Leger, i.e., out. In the 12th C. Anglo-Norman mss. of S. Alexis and La Chanson de Roland, this appears as 76 Table 22: Verbs that Adopt u Vocalisms During the French Literary Period Verb Old French 15th C. (Rickard) Modern French avoir aut, out, eut, ot eut, ot eut gesir jut, giut, joth pouvoir pout, peut, pot peut, pot put savoir sout, sot sceut sut vouloir volt, vout, vost voulut voulut cheoir cadit, cait, choi cheut croire crei, croi, crut crut crut -lire enluit (Walloon) eslist leut, lisy, lysit lut mourir murut, mori, mourit morut mourut vivre visquet, vesqui vesqui vecut out (also sout, pout), with the ot form appearing just once in Roland. By the period of the earliest 13th C. charters, it is very unusual to find an ot form, although this does occur in Poitou and Normandy. It is common in Lyon and Forez during the later 13th to 14th C. period. The standard charter spelling for these verbs includes a u in the strong forms. This was written as eu in the Picard and Central type or ou, au in peripheral zones, ou predominating in the West and au in the east, though these are not mutually exclusive. Gossen's research lends general support to this view, but includes no comment on the au forms (Carte 1, p. 9). However, in literature, simple o orthography, e.g., pot, is normal throughout the period and is found right up to the 15th C. The charters of the central area always use eu from the 13th C. The restructuring of these forms will be considered in more detail later (v. 4.51). At present, it is sufficient to note that two forms existed alongside each other and that the vocalism of the weak u eventually became standard in both literary and non-literary works. As in the case of dut, jilt, crut, it occupied the radical. 4.3132 FLUCTUATIONS IN THE VOULOIR TYPE Vouloir illustrates analogical change quite clearly, because the process takes place within the literary period and the verb is relatively frequent The earliest P.3. examples of this verb have volt and this continues in literary usage, even at a period when the 77 charters always indicate the vocalisation of 1, vout. Whatever sound this represents, it does not cause an alignment to the weak u class. A sigmatic form existed in the weak persons of vouloir and this spread into P.3. and remained popular throughout the later medieval period. By the 15th C. the preterite was indeed aligned to the weak u form but through direct replacement by an analogical form modelled on the P.P., voulut. The IS. still remained as a sigmatic for some time after this. 4.3133 FLUCTUATION IN CROIRE. CHEOIR Cheoir and croire both fluctuate between weak / or u forms, although u is earlier for croire, appearing for example in Huon de Bordeaux, while the alignment of cheoir is later. Certain texts maintain an original intervocalic d in both verbs, accompanied by i forms: creidre (Eulalie) P.3. cadit (S. Leger) cadeir (Roland) It seems likely that both verbs evolved from a dedi type in northern G-R. Nonetheless, they both develop weak u paradigms. Wace, Rou contains 9 examples of /' preterites and although the work contains an example of P.3. crut, significantly it is from a late ms. (Duchesne 79, 17th C). Holden notes, "Wace ne connait que le parfait en / des verbes cheeir, creire et leurs composes" (Rou, intro. 184). The earliest "attested P.3. crut from a charter occurs in the Oise area in 1272. Cheoir also appears as an i preterite in the oldest texts: ceciderunt : caderunt (Reichenau Glosses) incidit : intus cadit (ibid.) The example of P.6. chaurent from Bartsch is the oldest u form for this verb in the list Unfortunately the preterite is not attested in the northern charters. A P.I. chey can be found in Rickard as late as the 15th C. and this is supported by the I.S. available from the same period. Croire has a weak u participle from preliterary times, so this could have influenced the preterite remodelling in the medieval period. The similarity of crottre may have caused some interference as well, since this verb has a u preterite from 78 the pre-literary era. According to Mourin's theory some northern irregular verbs tend to adopt u vocalism when phonetic developments cause the loss of their stem final consonant and this could apply to cheoir and croire. The distribution of the / types and the additional evidence of the I.S. lend support to the idea that they were widespread, rather than localised dialectal forms. 4.3134 FLUCTUATION IN LIRE Lire fluctuates throughout the medieval period. Preterite forms are rare in the study list, but Andrieux and Baumgartner place the verb with sigmatics in O.F. (pp. 174-5). In the 15th C. it appears as P.3. lists in Rickard, a form which may be based on the present stem (Wahlgren, 135). The presence of a u participle is well attested in the 13th C. charters and probably determined the ultimate victory of u forms in the preterite, though lire continued unstable for some time (v. 4.34, 4.43). 4.3135 FLUCTUATION IN MOURIR Mourir only possesses a strong participle in the standard language, although mount is very common dialectally. This situation has been explored in detail by Wahlgren (pp. 190-91), who notes that the adjectival character of mort may have preserved it from analogical levelling. In early documents mourir often appears with an / preterite as well as u. Some influence from the paradigm of courir or paroir is probable. Gradually the u form prevailed in the preterite of mourir and may have influenced vivre, with which it is linked semantically. In all older documents this latter verb occurs with an / form in the preterite and a weak u past participle. In the 15th G , it was also an / verb, so that its alignment to the weak u group can be considered a late analogical phenomenon. Vaugelas notes that there is confusion (Manz, 191-2). This 17th C. grammarian allows the u pTeterite for P.3. and P.6. only. However, the usage is far from rigid and Vaugelas recommends that euphony be taken into account, especially by those with literary aspirations. Thus he remarks, "P. ex. j'aimerois mieux dire, 'il vesquit et mound 79 chrestiennement' que non pas, 'il vescut et mouruV a cause de la rudesse de ces deux m6mes terminaisons." Nonetheless u was victorious in both forms and it certainly seems likely that the semantic connection between the verbs encouraged a parallel development. 4.314 CONCLUSIONS The survey of the preterite in the French zone extends over a longer period than that undertaken in other areas. However, it is still true that many developments in the formation of the language occurred in pre-literary times. Hypotheses, which may be more or less well-founded, have evolved to explain the origin of the weak u perfects, but often they cannot be proved by attested examples. In the literary period, the following types of restructuring may be observed: 1. An attempt to modify stress patterns and regularize irregular verbs: (early) volt/vout —> vost (late) vout/vost —> voulut In the first case, the sigmatic stem of the weak form has exercised analogy on the strong persons. The second change, belonging to the period when the sigmatics were forced to restructure, substitutes an analogical form using the regular present base. Soudre, poorly attested as a preterite in the study list, also follows this movement, e.g., absols (S. Leger) —> absou(l)s et absolus (Manz, 164) continued in modern French as je resolus, f absolus. 2. The adoption of a weak u form by verbs which lack a final radical consonant owing to phonetic developments: cadit (S. Leger) —> cait, chai —> cheut (15th C.) 3. Increased uniformity of final vocalic timbre and loss of alternating forms in strong verbs of the -ui class having u forms in the weak persons of their preterite: pout/'peut/'pot —> put 4. The adoption of u preterite forms by verbs with / preterites, due to analogical 80 factors: mourir, vivre, tolir In conclusion, it can be noted that French, like Occitan, ultimately lost the alternating strong perfect derived from Latin. However, it maintained an i/u polarization between many of its irregular forms, although analogical realignments in the literary period resulted in overall gains for the u class. 4.32 FRANCO-PROVENCAL PRETERITE The development of the Latin III conjugation and in particular the Latin -didi class of preterite in the Lyon district differs from that of the rest of the Gallo-Romance area. Philipon 1901:276) notes: Le parfait . . . parait avoir 6t6 forme en ancien frangais sur le simple dedi qui en bas latin avait remplace -didi dans les composes de do. Les formes lyonnaises, au contraire, pourraient deriver de -didi; rendet, rendeit . . . dans Marguerite d'Oignt - eit s'est reduit a -it; rendu. He also states (p. 277) that "Les verbes deriv6s des compos6s de do (sont) accentues a la 3 pers. sing, du parfait sur la voyelle radicale." He claims that this stress was maintained for other verbs of the III conjugation. However, the -ire conjugation plays an extensive analogical r61e in the Franco-Provencal area and so in fact the stress pattern may change, "Un tres grand nombre de verbes derivds de verbes primitifs latins (verbes en ere) ont en lyonnais un parfait secondaire, c'est a dire accentue a la 3 pers. sing, non pas sur la voyelle du radical, mais sur la desinence" (Philipon 1901:278). As usual, these analogical restructurings are not totally uniform, "Cette desinence -hi a penetre dans III de diff6rentes facons; ou bien elle s'est ajoutee au theme de 1'indicatif pr6s., ou bien, et c'est la le cas le plus frequent, elle est venu se juxtaposer au theme des parfaits sigmatiques" (1901:278-9) a) corrit, recevit 81 b) rema(n)sit In addition, it is possible to find the / formation in some of the -ui class, e.g., creissit (croitre), apparit. Even within the -u preterites, the weak u seems conspicuously absent from many forms. Philipon offers the following two examples which are not available on the study list: boire (V.L. bibuit v. Brunot, 88) P.3. bit, bent (1901:249) plaire P.3. plaisit (1901:253) Of the verbs that do possess u vocalism conoistre is the only one to have it on a strong person. Avoir and savoir have weak u forms for the weak persons, but the strong ot, orent, sot, sorent type for P.3. and P.6., P.l. being unattested. For the weak persons, au represents the vowel sound, e.g., aumes, saumes, with just one example of ou in P.6. ourent (1901:243). An analogical omes occurs in P.4. 4.321 THE PRETERITE - FRANCO- PROVENCAL Pouvoir, as well as having the form P.3. pot, also possesses types where the vocalic timbre is written as i/y in this region. Philipon (p. 275) notes that this is a combination *potu + ivit, saying, "Ici, comme dans les cas analogues, c'est la desinence romane venue de -tvi qui s'est ajoutee au theme roman venu de potui; quant a tirer poyt de potuit avec rejet d'accent, ot, habuit et sot, sapuit s'y opposent" The overall conclusion is that the weak u form was not popular in the preterite of the Franco-Provencal zone and that the -ir verb enjoyed a greater potential for analogical extension. 4.33 OCCITAN PRETERITE In old Provengal the -ui class of verb was associated with a perfective system which had evolved a guttural element as the distinctive feature of its type. During the medieval period, strong alternating forms were fully alive and were standard, but, as in French, a movement towards weak paradigms began to occur and such forms are attested 82 sporadically from the 12th C. Brunei notes, "A la prem. pers. sing, apparait vers 1170 une desinence non etymologique en i (fesi, presi, aigui etc.) qui reste rare et ne caracterise aucune region" (intro. xiv). At the same time, strong forms could become weak forms by using endings from another conjugation: L' adjonction de desinences accentu6es est frequente, surtout a la trois. pers. plur. Elles sont empruntees aux parfaits en -edi; dissero, . . . solsero . . . etc., combinees parfois avec le g des parfaits en -ui; escadegro. Le phenomene analogue pour la 3 pers. sing, est un peu plus rare; asolbeg . . . escazec. (Brunei, intro. xiv) 4.331 THE GUTTURAL IN STANDARD OCCITAN The guttural element attaching to the -ui class spread out to other verbs and was used in the composition of various sorts of weak form. This phenomenon will now be illustrated by samples from the list: Standard Occitan A weak P.l. develops in verbs of the -ui class: agui <— tengui, vengui saubi, receubi (Recebre follows the pattern of saber). The -c of the strong form occurs in verbs which possess other formations for P.3.: escadec - also occurs as cazet of the dedi type. correc - also attested as a sigmatic estec - usually estet vendee - normally vendet legic - - i r verb moric/g - - i r verb The stress may also move to the weak position in P.6., e.g., escadegro (Brunei, intro. xiv). 83 4.332 THE GUTTURAL IN GASCON  Gascon The Gascon zone is particularly favourable to weak forms and develops a special o type. J. Bourciez believes that this arose from the crossing of the weak stem of aver with the endings of esser (pp. 65-6). Insofar as it maintains a guttural marker, it can be considered an extension of the -ui type paradigm. The following varieties occur in the study list: o a) P.3. May adopt the accented ending on the dedi pattern with the guttural characteristic of the -ui class as an ending: solbeg, arseubeg, redeg b) Gascon weak o forms may use the preterite base of the -ui class: tengo, convingo, bieco, vengoren c) They may also duplicate this by adding a second perfect marker: poguoc d) The weak o form extends beyond the -ui class in Gascon. However, the fact that it marks the perfect may cause the guttural associated with the -ui verbs to be discarded and the radical may be aligned to the present (J. Bourciez, 89): promelo receboron, arceberen although in the case of recebre the preterite base is also common, e.g., reseuberen. 4.333 THE GUTTURAL IN POITEVTN This zone is especially notable in that it has well-attested weak guttural forms for P.L, P.3. and P.6. attached to flexions modelled on the pattern of the northern dialects. For P.l. the form is associated with -ui verbs of the habui category: ogui (with the initial o common in the west) 84 tengui, vougui (vouloir) recegui, sagui (assimilated to this group) P.3. has: oguit, aguit, poguit The ending -imes replaces Occitan -em in P.4.: oguimes, receguimes (not agem, receubem) A wider variety of verbs is attested in P.6. aguirent, apareguirent, avenguirent, tenguirent, poguiront. 4.334 MORE RECENT DEVELOPMENTS IN OCCITAN This brief presentation of assorted examples illustrates the Occitan tendency to abandon strong irregular forms in favour of weak, regular ones, often by using analogical forms stemming from original -ui perfects. Although barely begun in the 12th C , this movement to weak forms is complete in the modern language, "Dans tous les parlers actuels, la desinence a attire 1'accent" (Ronjat, 180). In the Occitan area any clear distinction between strong sigmatic, strong / and guttural forms was lost: Rhodanien (i) vi : veguere (s) dis : diguere (u) aic : aguere (Ford, 88). Gascon vi : beyouy (Bareges) dis : digouy (Bearnais) aic : abouy (Rohlfs 1970: 216-7). In modern literary Occitan, the distinctive marker of the irregular preterite group is consonantal. This feature, noted as g has spread beyond irregular strong types and embraces the dedi and -ir class, e.g., finigue, rendegue. However, in the western reaches of the Occitan zone, certain dialects of Gascon have adapted their irregular perfects to weak forms by means of stress shift and the adoption of u vocalism. Ronjat offers some tentative reasons for all these changes: 85 Le preterit primitif ne distinguait pas toujours toutes les personnes; il pouvait a certaines personnes se confondre avec le pres; il manquait d'omogeneite dans les desinences et mSme parfois dans le teme. Finalement il s'est presque partout regularise . . . (Ronjat, 181) 4.335 CONCLUSIONS A serious examination of the evolution of old to modern Occitan is beyond the chronological scope of this study, but a limited summary of developments is useful in that it allows a comparison to be drawn with the mechanisms for change that were operative in the French zone. Both areas show a marked desire to abandon the old alternating irregular forms inherited from Latin and both are involved in extensive analogical restructuring. The vigour of the verbal group evolved from the Latin -ui class is affirmed in both regions. In Occitan the diversity of formal solutions adopted, involving stress shifts or various types of suffixing, suggests that regional developments work in favour of variety when no literary norm intervenes. 4.34 NORTHERN U P.P. The characteristic past participle for the French dialect zone for the Latin -ui class is weak u, the only exception being soudre (C.L. solutum) which developed an analogical sigmatic in numerous Romance languages (v. 1.253). The weak u form is also standard for the regular dedi class verbs with -re infinitive. When the verbal stem ended in a nasal, a liquid, r or a consonant cluster, the final consonant was maintained, e.g., paru, term, volu, vendu, vescu. In other cases it was lost Many of the -utum participles have evolved phonetically from V.L. *Saputus and *-ciputus, which could have been expected to evolve differently, as in Occitan, have been aligned to the *habutum type, but in these cases the u vocalism is not affected. 4.341 TYPES OF EXTENSION OF U P.P. However, several verbs which probably did not have V.L. -utum participles join this category in French. These include a series of strong participles, which restructure their base on the present tense: rot —> rompu (des)cusz —> count sous —> {re)solu (resous remaining in chemistry) mors —> mordu As in Occitan, a sigmatic may compound a weak u suffix to an s base: remasus = remas + us Besides the analogical restructuring using the u suffix, which replaces sigmatic or strong participles, there are several other variations attested within this language zone. Occasionally verbs may have both weak u and some other form, e.g., lire, cheoir, tolir, vestir. The evidence suggests that lire originally had /' vocalism, but lost its intervocalic consonant and became open to analogical realignment.3 A range of forms using u, s or neither suffix can be drawn from early texts. Table 23: Variable Forms for Lire Past Part Noun Preterite I.S. esleu (H-Mn. 1232 ellu (Vos. 1270) eslist (4 liv. Rois) eslist eslit (Rou Vos. 1261) esliz (Wal. 1248) l(e)urent (Pic. 1242) (H-Mn. 1257) aliz (Vos. 1259) lietes (Wal. 1276) Both Cheoir and Tolir possess an -eit form, which is mentioned as a western dialectal 3 A parallel may exist in Portuguese, where Williams calls ler a "pseudo weak" preterite, noting that this was a strong verb which became associated with weak types because its phonetically evolved form caused confusion, "The radical vowel became also the vowel of the ending and helped to give the tense the appearance of a weak preterite" (Williams, 199). 87 feature by Fouche (p. 377). Most of the attested forms are in fact western, although this type also appears for cheoir in the charters of Haute-Marne. The behaviour of Portuguese and Italian supports the view that these forms evolved by analogy with the benedictu, collectu model, e.g., Old Portuguese, tolheito (Williams, 186), Italian, cogliere, togliere (Fouche, 378). Both u and -eil forms are represented in early writings, but the latter declines, so that it is rare as a participle by the time of the charters, where it is generally abandoned in favour of u vocalism. Vestir adopted a u participle for a reason which is not obvious. However, a parallel movement, based on the Sicilian literary model, can be noted in Italian (v. 2.321). Ester always has a u participle in O.F. This is almost certainly analogical, although the cause is uncertain. The u alignment may serve to differentiate the participle from that used with estre or may be influenced by the fact that the verb lost its stem final consonant 4.342 CONCLUSIONS There is more standardization of participle forms (in the northern zone as time goes by, so that the greatest variety is found in earlier texts. Weak forms become increasingly popular. 4.35 FRANCO-PROVENCAL U P.P. Philipon does not make any specific comments about the P.P. in the Lyon area. The examples collected in this study, although they are less plentiful than those obtained for the other two language zones, show much similarity to the rest of the Gallo-Romance region. Table 14 indicates that where they possess both a strong and a weak form, then the weak one is more frequent The weak u type is very widespread. Some of the examples are as late as the 15th C. and many tend to be aligned to the French form, without intervocalic guttural, although a part of Forez prefers Occitan. 88 4.351 FORMS WHICH DIFFER FROM O.F. The following forms differentiate Franco-Provencal from the northern zone: a) Toudre (northern tolir) attested in Philipon (p. 225) has a strong participle, as Occitan. The verb uses some sigmatic forms in the region and, as Wahlgren (p. 250) notes, these often have a strong participle. b) Corrogu is an example of an Occitan ' form from Forez. c) Creyssu (croitre) is a local form built on the present stem. It survives in a noun form into the modern patois of Lyon, cressues, croyssue (Puitspelu, 107-108). d) Miset (mettre) is an eccentric form, not conforming to any obvious pattern. e) faiti, feiti (DLF Lyon 30;21) is probably aligned to the -ir conjugation. This is fairly common in Franco-Provengal. f) tramyssez (transmettre) and receptez illustrate still another ending which is sometimes found in Franco-Provencal texts. This resembles the French e type for the common -er verb. g) rece(p)t. This frequent form can be considered as a strong type, although the fact that it is a compound may mean it was perceived as a weak type. It could well be the analogical model for miset. FEW (vol. 10, p. 148) notes that the Latin noun receptus gave rise to a verb rece(p)ter, which co-existed extensively with receivre in O.F. An additional complication is that a Latin recepto -avi (Lewis and Short, 1531) also existed for this verb. 4.352 CONCLUSIONS However, these examples must not obscure the fact that the weak u P.P. is extremely common and indeed the usual form for verbs deriving from the Latin II and III conjugations. This is all the more significant, because the u vocalism for the preterite is far less usual in Franco-Provencal than in French. This reinforces the claim that the past participle is a likely motivating force affected change in the direction of weak u 89 forms. 4.36 OCCITAN U P.P. In Old Provencal -ui and dedi class verbs usually possessed a participle derived from V.L. -utum. This V.L. type could develop phonetically into Occitan, e.g., avut (or out), attested 88 times in Brunei. However, there are also 10 charter examples of agut and 10 literary ones. Brunei notes, "Pour les verbes a parfait en -ui, les exemples sont nombreux de participes encore formes sur le radical du present, les formes etablies sur le radical du parfait sont encore loin de la generality qu'elles acquerront plus tard, surtout pour le verbe aver" (intro. xlvi). Mourin, leaning heavily on the work of Wahlgren undertaken some 50 years earlier, believes that the origin of these g forms is largely -analogical, extending from the placui type, which developed a guttural participle phonetically from *placutum (1975:124, cf. Wahlgren, 223). This matched the preterite in such a way that an easily recognisable correspondence was evident to the speaker. Grafstrom notes that this analogical. spread in Occitan replaced the matching presence of unstressed u, which occurred in both written forms of the perfectum during the Latin period, Les rapports etroits entre ces deux formes du perfectum s'exprimaient done phonetiquement par la correspondance -ui -utus (presence de u). L'evolution phonetique fit disparaitre cette correspondance dans un cas comme ac, avut. II est naturel que la langue Tait remplacee par une autre en creant agut. (Grafstrom, 143) He does not deal with the problem of synchronizing the phonetic evolution of the -ui preterite with the creation of the -utum participle (v. 1.252). 4.361 TYPES OF EXTENSION OF U P.P. In Occitan, the -ut suffix became tremendously popular and could be attached to a variety of base forms. It was common to substitute the perfective stem because of the formal correspondence described above. The following examples illustrate various tendencies: 90 a) Sauput. The original Latin unstressed -u has been assimilated to the preterite base, which has been used to form a matching participle with the addition of the weak -ut suffix. The consonant of the present is also attested (Ronjat, 183). However, in the Gascon area sabut occurs frequently and this does not use the preterite stem. b) Recebre normally follows a pattern similar to saber, with -cebul available as a parallel to sabut. Meanwhile, Poitou has created an analogical recegu, patterned on the guttural group. c) Compounding can occur. Cazut, (es)cadut use the present base + ut, but cadegut adds a preterite marker to the base before finishing with -ut. This can happen in the case of verbs which are not of the -ui category. In fact the evidence indicates that cazer was not necessarily in this class (Wahlgren, 143), but the history of this verb is somewhat unclear. The I.S. supports a non-guttural type, though the strong es ending is noted (Anglade, 325). d) The suffix may extend to what are basically sigmatic forms. These may compound or be attached to some other base, e.g., remazut, tramesul (sigmatic perfective + ui), metud (infinitive base + ut). e) Legir contains a guttural which goes back to its Latin source. In Occitan it belongs to the -ir class (Anglade, 291). Nonetheless, due to its guttural element, it shows great fluctuation in the P.P. and develops a form in -ut. 0 Verbs which have a strong P.P. may be given weak u forms by analogy. Table 14 has already indicated the popularity of the weak participle. The strong form vist occurs most commonly for the Occitan vezer. However vezut is created on the present stem and even vegut is attested in the list Similarly tolt is paralleled by torud in Gascon and tolgut in standard 91 Occitan. It seems possible that the -gu type was perceived as characteristic of the participle of the irregular verb by some speakers and not only of the -ui and dedi class, g) The case of estar shows that weak u could extend to an -ar verb, estut being attested in Brunei. In conclusion, it must be noted that the weak u form may occur without intervocalic consonant in Occitan, though this is relatively rare. The Brunei charters yield examples of creut (croire) and receut. 4.362 CONCLUSIONS In Occitan the correspondence between participle and preterite expressed through the perfective unstressed u was changed due to phonetic developments. The language sought to re-establish some kind of identity and the .most common and effective creation was a consonantal guttural sound evolved from the velarizing effect of unstressed u. This came to be perceived as a kind of characteristic past tense marker and enjoyed an ever greater success as time went by. Meanwhile, the weak u suffix, developed from -mum was confined to the participle forms. It was popular and extended beyond the -ui and dedi classes, but never affected the flexion of the preterite-I.S. paradigms. 4.37 INTRODUCTION TO THE I.S. In most cases this corresponds to the weak form of the preterite. Therefore, it needs specific comment only where it differs from preterite usage or where it supplies additional evidence about a form which varies in the preterite. 4.371 THE I.S. IN THE FRENCH DIALECTS In the northern zone, Walloon accords a characteristic dialectal treatment to verbs such as avoir. This is well-attested in early texts and the study list includes examples of awist, owist, ewist, etc. This form also applies to devoir, pouvoir (powist, Wal. p. 70) and 92 savoir. Otherwise the most common form for all these types is the weak u type. Table 24 illustrates verbs which show some kind of variation in thematic patterning, showing what sort of form occurs, together with the earliest example and a numerical comparison when two types exist alongside each other. Table 24: Attested Old I.S. Forms + u + i 1. pouvoir C. S.W. d.1230 (xl33) pouvoir L. Jon. 10th C. C. Vos. d.l251(xl6) 2. valoir C. H-Mn. d.1258 (sigmatic) (1 type) C. H-Mn. d.1269 3. vouloir L. S. Alexis (sigmatic) C. Oise d.1250 4. (1 type) L. S. Alexis/Rou cheoir L. Rou 5. croire L. Tristan C. Norm d.l278(x3) 6. -lire C. Pic. d.1242 7. mourir L. Rou mourir L. Rou C. Poil d.l274(x7) C. Pic. d.l237(x8) 8. vivre L. Rou C. S.W. d.1250 4.372 THE I.S. IN FRANCO-PROVENCAL The limited evidence of the Franco-Provencal zone tends to confirm the behaviour of its preterites. In the study list osse, which is a late form, lends additional support to the non-u spelling of P.I. aveir. Voleir has a sigmatic in this region, which parallels the French usage, although the volist type is attested in Fribourg in 1384. Creire occurs with a thematic - / in the I.S. Philipon supplies additional evidence and indicates that paraitre, playre both possess thematic - / (1901:253). This is also the case for most of the I.S. forms of poeir (p. 244). In this matter, it differs from aveir, saveir, deveir, which generally support the weak u form. 93 4.373 THE I.S. IN OCCITAN U may be absent from the orthography of verbs derived from the Latin -ui class, since the vowel is not pronounced and syncope may occur, e.g., P.4. decsem = deguessem. In the Gascon zone, the flexion of esser is used in the I.S., as in the preterite, for all the weak o types, e.g., agos, agosen. It is not unusual for the present radical to be adopted for these forms, e.g., podos, podossa (Occitan, pogues). Remaner illustrates the fact that an -ui guttural may spread into the sigmatic class by analogy. Only sigmatic preterites are found for this verb in the study list and the Standard Occitan I.S. is of the P.2. remases type. However, P.3. remagues also occurs in the I.S. and Gascon has armangos. 4.4 INTRODUCTION TO AREA DISTRIBUTION When the forms of individual verbs show variation, it is useful to distribute them by area to see if any regional trends occur. However, two main limitations are inherent in the present study list These are that the Oise region, which straddles the, Francien-Picard border and also skirts the Norman region on one side, contains dialectal variation, but has been maintained as a single zone because the areas are undifferentiated in the source (v. Carolus-Barre). In addition numerous literary examples are omitted, because their origin is unsure or disputed. Besides the above factors, the uneven distribution of P.P. preterite, I.S. and noun makes the evaluation of weak u location difficult to judge. For example, an area may only contain attested participles and this may give it a high u score. Obviously this could prove deceptive. Thus, the figures are only useful for any overall trends which emerge. The incidence of Poitevin forms in La Passion de Sainte Catherine can be monitored, because it is the only literary text marked in this zone. Saint Leger is included near the Picard-Walloon border. Otherwise only Saint Alexis, La Chanson de Roland and Wace, Rou, have been included on a regular basis. Other literary sources are indicated as necessary. 94 4.41 AVOIR GROUP - PRET.. P.P.; I.S. In the first map, the sample has been restricted to the northern and Franco-Provencal areas. Although Maps 1 and 2 concentrate on avoir the spelling tendency which they illustrate may be discernable in other verbs, e.g., P.P. crau (Haute-Marne). Devoir, pouvoir andsavoir are shown in Maps 3, 4 and 5. The group avoir, devoir, savoir and pouvoir, which also includes weak / forms, shows regional differentiation in the orthography and probably the pronunciation of their initial vowel sound. This may throw some light on how the forms developed. In the study list, avoir is the best-attested of these verbs and the distribution of its forms is illustrated in Map 1. This shows clearly that eu is a central form, though it radiates out to other areas. The peripheral forms contain two main tendencies. One has preserved the Latin a. In south Poitou and Forez, this may parallel Occitan usage and appear as ag-. As a diphthong the au is only found in the east The other common form in o exists in all four corners of the French zone. Ou is considered as continuing the Latin au form (Naudeau, 42, n. 136). In the medieval period, it is particularly well-attested in the west 4.42 CHEOIR Cheoir fluctuates between weak i and weak u types, and examples of nouns, preterites and participles are found in Map 6. a) In the charters a noun form, which shows considerable orthographic variation, is frequent Grandsaignes d'Hauterive (p. 239) lists the word as escheoite, noting that it derives from the P.P. of echeoir. He also adds, "devenu par la suite echute. RestS en anglais, escheat d6sh6rence." The noun is present in five areas, but is most common in the documents of Haute-Marne and Poitou. In the last-mentioned region eschaet appears without variant and in the Vosges only eschiet is attested, but in Haute-Marne the orthography goes through a series ranging from acheoite to eschoite, achooite, eschooite and eschoote. This Map 1. Avoir - Charter Forms 95 6u * ^ « w ' £ U S 4 f i N T S W I M S O W I 4 T JEUSSIONS Au. l ^ i , flwis-r "«<li SifiMT o u or , outre _OI»UST £uir E u i i t E u l T e u i - r /Ofiruissg O C r U i i T Eusse E U 5 T Au x flui J T flu Eu EUSigN^ £ M S T 6 U S J £ N T \ J Map 2. Avoir - Additional Literary Forms Map 3. Devoir '2 2>u.t 0>ui Semen* ' / I I +J>UR6i«lT\ 2>ouS I N T 3>U.-T 3)6 L iouSSorvt l £ H u T j>6urr 2>e&u .D6t>m4T Legend -r L'ibfcrorvj Forres Map 4. Pouvoir 98 + Pe>£ -- f P o T " + Cel>i sr fussier** PoHUSSori P o u T . fOUST k P o i £ T •f Pol + P0T + P o u T + P o u R f c N T l +• PoRrteNV pour PCuSSigNS + Po| -r-pgusmes P6wss6 PEuiT P e u « »ONJ Peu ii€r*T P e u s r p g u s s o o i /poe»Ni»Jif(>iT kP0GrUii$e + PoT + PoCruiT + PofruiRoNr ' + P 0 R R 6 N T PfluR&NT P e U T Legend 4- Utergrv-j Forms Map 5. Savoir v. _ + SC£uiST SOT •+SOuT + SOUR6NT •t-So R £ N T SCEUST S£u S o T S£U5J£/siT SBuiS£S -t- SDUST Sceu. Legend Map 6. Cheoir A A A A A A A 'OO o a o a o a O D D D I c • • A m i a m i • • • • off • a a a a • • • • o o o o o o o o o o Cheoi r + u - u • o P O S T PAR.TICIPL£ CO P e s T PARTICIp u e (L) A A Pftercmrg CO P K £ T g R . l T 6 CO m o NOUN 101 could possibly represent the oi varying through a w sound to oo in this area, b) The past participle is usually cheu by the time the charters are being written. However, a participle which matches their respective noun forms also occurs in Poitou (eschaet) and Haute-Marne (eschoet, -it). The rest of the weak - / samples come from literary sources, including Roland and Rou, which are accepted as being of western origin. Only these two are included on the map, as the location of the other works is not definitively established. Chaurent is a preterite in u, which comes from an early document) (Li Sermon S. Bernard, 12th C , Metz. v. Pope, 493). All the other preterites possess weak - / forms in the early texts. By totalling all the area located forms available for cheoir, the following weak u distribution is obtained. Table 25: Area Totals—Cheoir Region + u - u % + u Walloon 6 0 100 Oise 1 0 100 Franco-Provencal 4 0 100 Vosges 11 1 92 Picard 5 1 83 Poitou 4 11 27 Anglo-Norman 2 6 25 Haute-Marne 3 12 20 Norman 2 13 13 West 0 1 0 Franche Comte 0 1 0 Occitan 15 15 50 4.43 LIRE Lire occurs more frequently as a compound, esliere, elere. Greimas (p. 252) explains that the s arises from a popular Latin exlegere. This consonant is not always present. The same author notes the presence of an esliser, stemming from a popular Map 7. Lire 102 o • • ^ o a • a o o / • • • • • a • o a r Ooo • • • # • • • a • • • o o AA a o o A - L i re, Le.qe.ncA. t u - u • 0 P « S T P A R T I C I P L E ( L ) • C3 V iMPfi^FgcT S U 8 T U N C T I V £ 103 Latin *exlectiare, built on electus. Such an infinitive is not found in the study list, but could be the basis of the 15th C. forms already presented in Table 22. a) The charters possess numerous noun forms, e(s)lu, eslit, esliz, which have the sense of "an elected person." These nouns occur with some weak u forms in all the areas where they are attested, except the Occitan zone. They also have an / vocalism in the Walloon region, Haute-Marne and Normandy. Table 26: Lire—Noun Frequency Region + u - u % + u Norman 1 14 7 Walloon 2 6 25 Haute—Marne 2 2 50 b) The weak u form is more common in the P.P. Nonetheless / forms occur in the Vosges, Normandy and the Walloon area, as well as in Franco-Provencal and Occitan. By comparing the overall frequency of weak u and other forms in the P.P. and noun, it is clear that the P.P. prefers the weak u type. This probably reflects the fact that the verbal form is more open to analogical change. Table 27 compares the area distribution of these two forms. Table 27: Lire—P.P. and Noun Totals Region + u - u % + u P.P. North 32 11 74 Franco-Provencal 3 2 60 Occitan 3 5 37 Noun North 11 24 31 Franco- Provengal 4 0 100 Occitan 0 1 0 104 While the low amounts in some areas may render these particular statistics unreliable, a general table can be drawn up to indicate which areas prefer weak u out of the aggregate of forms attested. Table 28: Lire—Global Area Totals Region + u - u % + u Burgundy 2 0 100 Poitou 11 0 100 West 1 0 100 Haute-Marne 12 2 86 Franco-Provencal 7 2 78 Picard 1 1 50 Vosges 3 3 50 Walloon . 7 4 36 Norman 6 18 25 Occitan 2 8 20 4.44 VESTIR The verb vestir usually has a weak / P.P. in the Occitan zone and a weak u P.P. in the French area._ However, occasional / types occur in the north, being common in the extreme N.E. Map 8 contains details of the P.P. only, since the preterite is uniformly in /. 4.45 SOUDRE Saudre illustrated in Map 9 is attested as a sigmatic verb, both as a simple form and in compounds. It also shows a move towards weak u and although this type is not very well attested in early sources, it does ultimately replace the other form for general use in such compounds as resolu. Map 8. Vestir O (x/q)/ r oo o o o Ve-sK r L eqe,n< § — u o 0 PAST" P A R T I O P L £ ( C ) PAST PARTICIPLE (u) N o U N 106 Table 29: Vestir—Area P.P. Totals Region + u - u % + u Burgundy 7 0 100 Oise 11 0 100 Norman 3 0 100 Anglo-Norman 10 0 100 Poitou 58 1 98 Haute-Marne 27 3 90 Franche-Comte 8 1 89 Vosges 6 2 75 Picard 2 2 50 Franco- Provencal 1 1 0 Walloon 0 23 0 Border 0 1 0 Occitan 0 22 0 4.46 CROIRE Croire is illustratred in Map 10. Both the Picard /- examples are from Huon de Bordeaux. In reality the Oise example includes Picard dialect, so the following figures should be evaluated with this in mind. 4.47 OVERALL COMPARISON OF TOTALS From the series of maps, it is apparent that no uniform trend emerges. At a first glance it is obvious that the Walloon and Norman areas tend to include more non-u forms than elsewhere. However, some of the other areas seem to exchange places according to the verb studied. By adding together all the samples collected, the following distribution is obtained. Berry and the western zone have been eliminated on account of too few examples. The above list includes verbs already illustrated by maps having a form variation which may prove dialectal in some cases. In order to include a wider range and in an attempt to make the result more representative of general spread, a second list has been devised Map 9. Soudre 107 .108 r v • Cx/7) • • # Croi re, Le.^ e.nd •+-u —u o PAST P«ftTicipu£fO PAST- PaR-nciPue (V) P^eTeairg CO P R £ T £ * I T £ (L) IMP£RF£CT SuSruNCTivECO 109 Table 30: Soudre— Area P.P. Totals Region + u - u + u Oise 7 3 70 Anglo-Norman 2 5 29 Poitou 1 1 50 Norman 0 1 0 Picard 0 1 0 Walloon 0 1 0 Vosges 0 1 0 Occitan 0 56 0 Table 21l Croire—Global Area Ioials Region + u - u % + u Oise 18 0 100 Haute- Marne 7 0 100 Walloon 1 0 100 Poitou 28 3 90 Franco- Provencal 4 4 50 Anglo-Norman 1 1 50 Norman 5 9 36 Picard 0 2 0 Occitan 10 8 56 labie 22: Global Occurrence of Weak u (short list) Region + u - u % + u Burgundy 9 0 100 Oise 37 3 92 Poitou 102 16 86 Franche-Comte 8 2 80 Vosges 20 7 74 Haute- Marne 49 17 74 Franco-Provencal 16 7 70 Anglo-Norman 15 12 56 Picard 8 7 53 Walloon 14 28 33 Normandy 16 41 28 110 which includes the verbs croitre, gesir, paraitre, valoir, courir, recevoir, mourir, rompre, tolir. This choice is based on the fact that they do have variable forms in the tenses selected. The modals have not been included because of the extra size of the sample and problems inherent in interpreting the material. In fact it is unlikely that they would provide useful additional area distribution information and would merely confirm a tendency to non-u forms in Walloon. The second list results in the following order: Table 33: Global Occurrence of weak u (long list) Region + u - u % + u Burgundy 37 1 97 Oise 87 3 97 Vosges 42 7 86 Poitou 142 25 85 Haute-Marne 86 23 79 Franche-Comte 10 .3 77 Picard 27 10 73 Anglo-Norman 35 16 69 Normandy 76 48 61 Walloon 22 29 43 Franco-Provencal - 70 104 40 4.48 GENERAL CONCLUSION Several observations can be made about this list: 1. It removes Franco-Provencal to the foot of the list, thus reflecting its frequent non-u preterite and also allowing for regional peculiarities, e.g., receivre. 2. The fact that Walloon is frequently resistant to weak u forms is confirmed. This is also the case for Normandy, but the figures are more balanced due to the wider sample. 3. The case of the Picard. area is ambiguous. It has already been mentioned that the Oise area is partly Picard and, if this sample were accurately distributed, this would undoubtedly increase the Picard weak u ratio. I l l 4. As a whole the Burgundian examples are later than those of the Oise area. Therefore, it is more likely that the Oise region led weak u spread. 5. The lowest-scoring areas in the French dialect zone contain most of the literary and earliest texts. 4.49 INTRODUCTION TO PROBLEMS CONCERNING INDIVIDUAL VERBS Within the study list, etre accounts for 22.85% of all verbal occurrences. Although considerably less frequent, avoir, pouvoir, savoir and vouloir, taken together, constitute another 15.7% of all attested forms and can be considered very common. 4.491 THE AVOIR. POUVOIR. SAVOIR GROUP The previous section contains limited discussion of these modal verbs. However, within the -ui class they obviously form an important block and are especially frequent as auxiliaries. Herman even suggests that the lack of unified radical may have continued longer because these paradigms often functioned as auxiliary rather than independent verbal forms. Originally their preterites were not aligned to weak u vocalism. Because of its initial Latin vowel e, devoir was already in possession of u vocalism through phonetic (P.l.) and analogical development in pre-literary times (Fouche, 315-6). Avoir, pouvoir and savoir developed as a group. In the early literary period they were still strong verbs. The restructuring of their vocalism arose with the loss of differentiation between strong and weak forms. However, determining where and when this happened by means of their orthographic representation proves difficult Literary material presents forms which may not correspond to the phonetic reality at a synchronic level. By the time of the 13th C. charters a standard spelling for all persons may have been in place in the central zone, although several persons are poorly attested. At this period, it is likely that these forms could represent a uniform u sound (Fouche, 324-4). E. Bourciez (p. 341) makes the following observations concerning this group of -ui perfects. He notes that the strong stress was kept on P.l., P.3. and P.6. and as a result: 112 II se produisit des faits d'assimilation complexes, et une fusion partielle de la desinence avec la voyelle du radical, qui s'opera d'apres des formules phonetiques, oi = a + wi, o - a + w, Ui = e + wi, u = e + w; autrement dit, le r6sultat fut different suivant que la voyelle du radical etait a, ou bien e, o. On obtient d'une part a. Fr. oi, bus, ot, oiimes, oustes, orent, d'autre part dui, deus, dut . . . " The earliest literary text available which gives written evidence about these northern preterites is S. Leger, available in an 11th C. ms. This contains: out (and oc, ot, oth, oct), aurent pod, pot sot, soth, sowrent joth (< jacuit, v. Linskill, 124) The only occurrence on assonance is on lines 39 to 40, "Et sans Letgiers sempre fud bons / Sempre fist bien o que el pod." It seems likely this sound should be interpreted as o (v. Pope, 89, Latin 6, o). In the text the only I.S. which occurs is of the owisl type (assonance 1. 88), where u is a bilabial fricative. Linskill hesitates about what sound to attribute to ot, pot etc. He notes the pluperfects auret, pouret in Eulalie, which offer previous evidence of the development of these verbs.. The possibility of comparison is very limited. Pot also occurs in the Alexander fragment from the Franco-Provencal zone at an early date. However, in the north the other earliest texts, S. Alexis and La Chanson de Roland have been best preserved in Anglo-Norman mss. Linskill wonders, "Faut-il attribuer a la graphie o tous ces verbes la valeur de ou, demontree pour les memes cas dans les autres anciens textes?" He thinks this is likely and believes that sowrent (1. 116) supports this view. Of course the spelling out also occurs for avoir in S. Leger. In a general description of the development of the -ui verbs Pope (p. 379) describes how tonic a and / were rounded to o and u respectively in contact with w. She states, W was combined in a diphthong with preceding o in the third persons singular and plural and elsewhere merged in the vowel it rounded. **awwi < habiir > oi 113 **awwet < habuit > put. In the later 12th C. (under the influence of the 1st person?) the diphthongal forms in -q -ourent were replaced by forms in -qt and grent. Andrieux and Baumgartner (p. 169) regard a move from ou —> o as an attempt to regularize the base form. They note that o is the only radical to occur in P.l. and regard the resulting system as unbalanced, "Le desequilibre ainsi existant peut expliquer la reduction de ou a o P.3. et P.6., qui serait, dans cette perspective, un fait de systeme." A primitive out, ourent certainly exists in Anglo-Norman, although a further complication arises as to how this is to be pronounced. Pope (p. 477) reminds the reader of the variety of graphical notations, these Anglo-Norman forms may be only graphical, because in the later 12th C. the diphthong ou had levelled to u and u had velarised to the same sound. All three forms of the termination remained in use in later Anglo-Norman - ot - out - ut (- eut) This latter form is considered to be Picard in origin (Andrieux, 161). "En Picard, la ou /ow/ s'est differencie en, /ew/ > /0/, sont attestees . . . des formes eut, peut .'. . etc." The study of assonance can act as a guide in the interpretation of graphic representations. The early evidence is not very plentiful. However, La Chanson de Roland places out and pout on o assonance in laisses xciii, cxx, and ccxxxvi (this would also be the case for poet). Naudeau (p. 42, n. 16), commenting on the dialectal differentiation between western zones makes this point, "La diphthongue ou (< lat au) tend a se require a o dans le nord-ouest des les premiers textes cf. Ch. Rol. out habuit : porz : los *lausu : cors (laisse xciii)." He thinks that this reduction had not taken place at that point in the S.W. It certainly seems that development could have varied from region to region. Graphic representation in literature may have been conservative or stylised. It is not really clear if out, ot are both to be considered as possible phonetic developments of habuit or not Pope and Fouch6 consider ot analogical, probably based 114 on the vocalism of P.l. oi. Bourciez and Naudeau imply that the ot form could be the phonetic continuer of a previous out. Fouche (316, n. 1) explains that w was maintained in P.3. However, it is possible that this was not the case in some areas. The debate may have been biased by the quantity of Anglo-Norman or western texts, which provide much of the earliest evidence about O.F. It is obvious that the graphic evidence for an ot, pot form is just as early or earlier than that for an out form. Therefore, it seems best to consider that the early strong forms of avoir (and group) should not be regarded as having an alignment to u vocalism, even if u is present in their orthography. Literary standards are disconcerting and do not correspond to charter usage. Scribal practice may vary, even within a stanza, e.g., Wace III 5239 "Quant il orent al pont failli / N'i out si proz ne si hardi / Qui n'eilst poor de perir." In her section on analogical action, Pope notes that sound change had introduced great diversity into the paradigm of the perfect of avoir by the 13th C , so that it was pronounced: (we) oi, (eus) eus, ot, eumes, eustes, qrent It seems unlikely that such a paradigm ever really existed in a single place and time, but rather we are in the presence of varying scribal and regional traditions. In literature, ot, pot, etc. appear in the central area right through the 13th C. and even up to the 15th C. although they are totally absent from the central charters of the same period. We are certainly dealing with separate scribal conventions and it seems probable that the literary usage had already been superseded in the everyday language. The ultimate result involves a levelling of stress patterns and the adoption of weak u vocalism by the radicals of P.l., P.3. and P.6. The overall uniform result was probably obtained in several stages. In the first place, verbs of the -ui class lost their final stem vowel (Fouche, 323). This destroyed alternating stress and opened the way to alignment of the whole paradigm to one single vocalic timbre. Fouche (p. 324) states that this phenomenon appears in Anglo-Norman as early as 1160-70. He believes that the vocalism of the strong persons aligned to that of the weak persons by analogy with the pattern of etre, 115 once the radical final e had been lost Charters from the Vosges region indicate loss of stem radical e in the I.S. pusse (d.1259), pust (d.1240). However, the e is often maintained in spelling even if it was not pronounced. Evidence for alignment of P.3. and P.6. to a uniform vocalism is found in the charters of Picardy and Oise in eut S. Quentin d.1219 (also other Picard and Norman examples) eurent d.1218- (all Picard) paurent Haute-Marne d.1257 peurent Oise d.1263 seurent Oise d.1263 (includes Picard) Meanwhile pot, sot are found in charters of the Vosges and Norman regions, with po(h)ut in Poitou and Anglo-Norman. P.l. is very poorly attested in the charters for avoir (and group). Dui still occurs in Oise in 1282. Fouche (p. 324) notes that by the end of the 12th C. this form was beginning to lose its final /, being given a substitute s, by analogy with the sigmatic class. The / type is still common in charters in the 13th C , e.g., P.l. voluy Oise d.1282, but it may also drop, e.g., P.l. recognous Haute-Marne d.1257. From the meagre evidence in the charters it is impossible to discover if any particular person of the verb led the analogical swing. Regarding the model on which such changes were based, the presence of voluy pleads strongly in favour of the P.P. This influence is also posited for the avoir group (Fouche, 323). Because in this case the movement causes u vocalism to fall onto the stem, subsequent analogy with etre is quite probable. The overall effect of these changes within the preterite was a unified vocalic timbre in u for verbs of the avoir class. 4.410 VOULOIR In the early O.F. period, it was not a foregone conclusion that verbs deriving from the Latin -ui class would adopt weak u forms, nor that other irregular verbs, e.g., vivre would align to this category. Indeed, within the -ui class, tenir and venir had 116 adopted a different solution, although evidence of an original -ui form exists in Walloon, vinve, tinve (Andrieux, 161). During the literary period, the development of vouloir follows more than one pattern. The earliest attested weak u form of this verb is as a P.P. volu occurring in both Oise and Haute-Marne in 1264. Only eighteen years later a preterite P. voluy is found in Oise. These are paralleled by vougu (P.P.) and P.l. vougui from Poitou in 1229 and 1261 respectively. The preterites seem to be isolated examples, because the weak u form which became standard French only appeared in general usage in the 15th C. Originally a form had existed which is exemplified by P.3. volt (Eulalie, 24) and P.6. voldrent (Eulalie, 3). An I.S. of the same kind is found in the following forms: 1) volisse S. Alexis, 202 3) volist Rou 111:1061, (C) Fribourg d.1370. b) volissant (C) Fribourg d.1370 The early form volt was vocalised to vout. This can be illustrated by, "Alquanz dient que Tirel volt / Ferir un cerf qui trespassout" (Rou, III, 10065). This assonance shows parallelism with the western imperfect indicative or the preterite of avoir (cf. Rou, III, 9371-2). Not surprisingly, an analogical vot, parallel to ot and pot also occurs in Rou (III, 797) or Gormund et Isembart (1. 224). Vorrent may also be used as well (v. Nim.). The literary texts preserve a spelling that is archaic. • The volt form never occurs in the charters and this is illustrated by separating the preterite totals for literature and the charters. The earliest sigmatics are found in the I.S., e.g., S. Alexis (49), Roland (332) and the preterite weak persons, e.g., Rou, (III, 7913, 8220). At a later date, they spread into the preterite P.3., but are not attested in P.6. The vout and vost forms which appear in the charters may originate in the same area. The difference is not a regional one and this is confirmed by the distribution of the I.S., where the sigmatic is the usual form. Vouloir was aligned to the weak u forms by analogy during the period when sigmatic verbs 117 Table 34: Forms of Vouloir in O.F. S 1 voc. 1 weak u other P.l. 2 L 1 C (13c) P.2. 1 L P.3. 3 L 43 L 5 C 4 L (15c) 8 L 8 C P.4. P.5. 5 L P.6. 7 L 1 L 1 L (15c) 3 L Totals 8 C 5 C 1 C (13c) 11 L 50 L 1 L 5 L (15c) 11 L L - literature, C = Charter underwent major restructuring. 4.411 GENERAL CONCLUSIONS OF THE DETAILED STUDY a) Comparisons of examples taken from both charters and literature illustrate differences in numerical frequency or form, as well as points of contact, that exist between the two. b) Overall the most frequent forms are past participles and the preterite paradigm of etre. c) In the early medieval period, from the 10th C. to the 13th C , forms develop more freely than at a later date and morphological variety is more common than in the modern standard literary languages. d) Some differences in usage may be due to regional preferences of an analogical or phonetic nature. Chapter 5 GENERAL SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 5.1 INTRODUCTION In the light of examples drawn from the study list and group tables drawn up in Chapter IV, we will now re-examine suggestions dealing with early development which were presented in Chapter III. 5.2 THE NORTHERN PRETERITE Structurally the preterites present several types of remodelling. a) It is difficult to gather sufficient information about the weak persons of the preterite, due to their infrequent occurrence in the texts available. The few examples allow one to affirm that when an intervocalic consonant or stem final semi-vowel is present, then flexional /" is preserved (v. Table 21), e.g., owins, deuiens, volsistes. This is confirmed by reference to the more abundant material furnished by I.S., e.g., podist, morist, vesquist, vausist, volsist, volist (v. Table 24). This would also apply to numerous verbs which do not ultimately adopt u vocalism, e.g., tenis, tenimes or any of the verbs of the dedi class, e.g., vandimes, rendimes. b) However, in the north-western mss. the I.S. examples of avoir, devoir, savoir and even pouvoir, which also has / variants, show preliterary alignment to the flexional u timbre. These verbs lost their stem final consonant When this happens to other verbs which still possess flexional / in early texts, they become open to u alignments, e.g., P.5. creistes, creutes (cf. infinitive, concreidre [Eul.], credre [S. Leger], creire [Roland]). 118 119 5.21 CONCLUSIONS In later cases, this suggests the intervention of analogy, but can one presume that this was so in earlier changes? It is true that the u participle was always available as a model and its action is clear in the case of late changes such as vivre, vouloir, but, in earlier cases, the pattern of u forms was relatively unestablished and so the motivation for change is less sure. Verbs with a primary or secondary v (w) sound in their makeup seem to have been particularly affected. A labializing tendency of the wi —> wii type as suggested by. Fouche could have been a feature of some zones . and could have preceded the perception of a useful correspondence with the u participle (v. 3.511). On the other hand, the participle itself may have exerted analogical pressure, polarising preterite forms into a system differentiated from the sigmatic forms by vocalic timbre. The identity with the participle may also have provided a better way of distinguishing past and present forms (cf., S. Alexis receit, I. 283, receut, I. 119). Since preterite-participle linking occurs in Occitan, formal analogical interaction in the u category seems perfectly feasible. However, since the choice of u identity is limited in extension, it is possible that there was some 'phonetically conditioned predisposition to this choice in the French dialect zone. The rather slow diffusion of the u forms may argue in favour of a limited spontaneous development at an early date, followed by a more systematic polarization as time went by. Nonetheless, the available evidence is limited and neither theory can be demonstrated conclusively. The developments of P.l. dui (co)nui, mui are normally accepted as a regular phonetic outcome of the Latin debui, -novi, movi in the French zone (Fouche, 315-6, cf., Mourin 1978:1, 27). Consistent u vocalism also occurs on the radical of receut (S. Alexis) from the earliest texts, although a non-labialized N.E. version, reciut (S. Leger) is attested on assonance with vint (Linskill, 126, cf., Fouche, 319-320). Fouch6 states that the rhymes of the Oxford and Cambridge Psalters show that eu is to be pronounced [u] in receut (v. 5.4). 120 5.22 STRUCTURAL PARALLELS WITH THE CASTILIAN PRETERITE A comparison with certain Castilian verbs which extended u vocalism' in the radical of strong forms under the influence of phonetically developed potui (pude) *conovui (conuvo) (Menendez Pidal, 277) indicates that this patterning change is not limited to French. In Spanish the analogy occurs during the literary period and can be monitored, e.g., ove —> hube. However, it was an isolated phenomenon of the irregular system in this language "and failed to link with a weak u preterite type. The P.P. -udo form was almost certainly in decline by the time the preterite shift took place and, in any case, the predominant dialect, Castilian, favoured weak / forms. 5.3 U VOCALISM IN THE FRENCH PRETERITE The French situation differed considerably from the Castilian tendencies and the u vocalism established itself as a link between preterite, P.P. and I.S. forms. 5.31 IMMOBILIZATION OF STRESS In the case of many so-called strong verbs, this not only involved a change of vocalic timbre in the preterite, but also a redistribution of internal stress patterning, so that the characteristic vocalism of the weak flexion, i.e., the weak persons or P.P., spread to the stem and was immobilized there, e.g., dut. The result of this was a strengthening of internal uniformity within their paradigm. However, the irregular strong verbs did not behave in only one way and there is evidence that they tended to form sub-groups, rather than one clearly recognisable category, e.g., the avoir group. 5.32 ETRE IN O.F. It has already been noted that the extension of u vocalism in etre is very ancient in O.F., occurring in the oldest texts, Eulalie, Jonas, La Passion de Clermont and La Vie de S. Leger. In his introduction to the latter, Linskill notes, "La voyelle tonique de la 121 3e personne, qui phon6tiquement devrait §tre o, est, comme on le voit, regulierement celle de la lere personne fid, ou elle a ete normalement influencee par 1'/ long final" (p. 119). Mourin (1978:1, 27) states that this type of analogical restructuring occurs in French, Old Spanish and the Engadine Rheto-Romance dialect, "Le parfait du verbe esse 6tend par analogie la fermeture en u des personnes 1. et 2. dans plusieurs langues." Although an alternate form with / can be found in French, the u vocalism is earlier and much more common in the literary language. Other verbs which are only attested with the etre type pattern, such as dui, dut, conui, conut presumably developed their uniform u vocalism through a similar process of analogical levelling. In these cases, it is always possible that the participle may have exercised some influence. However such an action cannot be proposed to explain the u vocalism of etre, since this verb has no corresponding participle, but borrows that of the verb ester. 5.33 ESTER IN O.F. The behaviour of this form is curious and raises certain problems. In O.F. it occurs with u vocalism in place on both the preterite and past participle, e.g., estut (S. Leger 111, assonance just). The u vocalism never occurs for the participle used with etre, although basically they have the same origin (cf., Anglade, 218, 317 for Occitan). In the south, Brunei attests a u participle for estar from the Toulouse area. The case for analogical restructuring seems very strong and it is difficult to argue in favour of a phonetic development In French Mourin believes that "Les timbres u de esteus et estut sont dus a 1'analogie" (1974:213) and holds that this is already due to the polarization of the verbal system into / or u vocalism, corresponding to the presence or absence of a stem final consonant Whether such a view can be held for this very early period seems dubious and it would certainly have to accommodate numerous exceptions, e.g., cheoir and i forms of pooir (pouvoir). Nonetheless, this does not alter the fact that analogical realignments are likely for ester. In some regions stetit developed phonetically. "Les 122 resultats phonetiques de stetit sont attest6s . . . en roumain (stete), portugais (stede), ancien castillan (estiedo) et ancien provengal (estet)" (Mourin 1974:193, n. 4). Even so, in numerous areas, it also has a definite tendency to align to the -ui class during the literary period: Old Castilian, estiedo/estido —> estudo (Mourin 1974:209) Catalan (Valencian), estagut (DCVB, 520, although other dialects have estat) Roumanian, stetesi —> statu§i Occitan, estat —> estut (isolated / / estec?) The case of O.F. is earlier than any of these. The preterite parallels the vocalism of etre, but u seems to have been used as a differentiator between ester and etre for the participle, where it was probably analogical too. The balance between pressure to align the paradigm internally (dut) and external pressure from the participle is difficult to determine in most cases, but it does seem that the participle cannot have been the initiator for etre and ester. 5.34 CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN PRETERITE AND P.P. A correspondence between the preterite and participle certainly exists in most cases, but what made it possible? a) The paradigm of fid, fits, Jut supplies the earliest evidence in O.F. of a verb with a uniformly u stressed preterite paradigm. The phonetic evolution of the dui, nui, conui types allowed these verbs to form a group with fid so that they could have laid the foundation for a link between the preterite, I.S. and P.P. systems based on u vocalism. b) Yet another group of verbs has been proposed as leader in weak u alignment This includes verbs of the -ui class such as parut, valut. The special characteristic of these verbs is that their stress is weak and uniform, corresponding entirely to that of the u participle, but also to the patterning of 123 the regular verbal systems. The u form is usually considered to date from preliterary times. However, a certain problem arises, because the preterites available for these verbs are not nearly as common as connaitre or devoir. Nor do they occur in the very earliest texts. It is true that parut occurs in Wace, Rou or aparut in the Voyage de Charlemagne (1. 672), where one also finds corut. Wace provides a P.l. valui (Bart. 25, 269), although how this is to be interpreted is problematic, since it occurs on assonance with fui in an / series. Similarly murut, mururent occurs in the same author, although in this case i alternatives exist in the same text and are certainly attested elsewhere. Fouche suggested a labialization model to account for the creation of the parut, valut type, but Mourin has contested this view and holds that the participle was responsible for the adoption of u vocalism (Mourin 1978:36, n. 76). The range of examples available is not extensive or early enough to prove decisive. However, the fact that the preterites resemble the participles so closely and that numerous verbs of this group have attested variants may add to the credibility of the analogy model. For example Mourin argues convincingly against an original u preterite for valoir (1978:36, n. 76, cf. Wahlgren in 3.5123) and this verb occurs with a variety of I.S. sigmatic forms in the charters, thus demonstrating that the northern dialects had not finally standardized the weak u forms by the 13th C. 5-341 PRET. AND P.P. DURING THE LITERARY PERIOD In the three types of environment where u vocalism was established, the r61e of the P.P. has been mentioned. It is invariably difficult to determine how changes came about in the preliterary period. However, in the case of the P.P. one can at least observe how this form exerts analogical influence during the literary period. The arguments for the priority of the participle in aiding weak u spread are strong. Almost all preterites with u vocalism have a u participle, the only exceptions being etre and 124 mourir, although the latter does possess a dialectal mouru. The reverse does not hold true. Weak u participles often occur without u preterites, even in Modern French: tenu- tint; vetu- vetit; vaincu- vainquit. In O.F. this state of affairs was even more obvious: seu - sol (same Norman document d.1278) creu - crei {Rou) vo(u)lu - volt, vost It can also be remarked that weak u participles tend to maintain that status, rather than realigning to other groups. The preterite, on the other hand, tends to fluctuate, and the influence of the participle becomes obvious in some later changes: volt, vost —> voulut. 5.342 CONCLUSIONS However, was the P.P. necessarily influencial in introducing u vocalism in all cases? The answer must be nuanced. Mourin supports analogical interference by the participle, both on the vocalism of the weak persons of the -ui preterites and on the weak u forms developed in verbs that possess a radical ending with a liquid or nasal (1978:69, n. 76). Nonetheless, he accepts the phonetic development of P.l. for the dui, conui type. As we have seen, by the time the oldest extant manuscripts of S. Alexis or La Chanson de Roland were produced, a group of verbs with u vocalism in the preterite was in place in Anglo-Norman, while S. Leger provides slightly earlier evidence for the N.E. corner of France, indicating that the u spread had not become strongly implanted in this area at this time. Indeed the only preterite form available which is obviously of the u timbre is for ester (instud:Jusf). An I.S. form available for avoir confirms / vocalism for 5. Leger. ouist : revenist (S. Leger, 1.87-8) ousse (S. Alexis, 1.226). Unfortunately, there is no example of the parui, valui type. Although an isolated example, the presence of istud : Just may reflect the influence of etre and confirm that u 125 vocalism was established by this analogy, at least in some cases. It is even possible that a useful correspondence between the common weak u participles and their preterite counterparts was not perceived until u vocalism, phonetically evolved in P.l. of verbs such as dui, conui was analogically extended to unify the whole paradigm on the etre pattern, or through some semantic link with etre in the case of ester. The potential for a system of formal correspondence was created and there is little doubt that the participle did ultimately exert analogical influence. However, in the early literary period the preterite u system was not stable, but was evolving and spreading. This is indicated by the fact that many of the verbs involved in u alignment have more than one attested form. Those which vary between / and u include cheoir, croire, lire, vivre, mourir. Another group of verbs may have sigmatic variants, i.e., soudre, vouloir, valoir, lire, gesir. Meanwhile the very important group of auxiliaries avoir, pouvoir and savoir seems to have formed a special series apart, attracting parallel forms for gesir, mouvoir, plaisir and, in some cases, vouloir. 5.4 ORTHOGRAPHICAL CONSIDERATIONS The difficulty of interpreting the orthography of the modals has been discussed in 4.51. At what date the vocalism of the strong persons was reduced to a u sound may be disguised by conservative scribal tradition. The 13th C. ms. of the Voyage de Charlemagne supports u alignment "Si uus leusez fait i ust felunie" (Aebischer, 689) or "Des put ben li reis ius de la tur decendre" (1. 794). Although many literary works predate the charters, few possess manuscripts prior to the 13th C , so that there is always a limited possibility of the interference of contemporary speech habits. 126 5.5 GENERAL CONCLUSIONS ABOUT PRET. U SPREAD The types of u alignment will now be summarized, with notes on chronology. 1. The preterite paradigms evolved from fui, steti were aligned to u vocalism' in preliterary times for all northern zones where they are attested. Meanwhile the paradigms which developed from debui - cipui, crevi, movi, (cogY-novi adopted uniform u vocalism which first appeared in mss. of the N.W. regions. 2. U vocalism is present on the flexion of the weak persons of many verbs of the -ui class from pre-literary times, except in the N.E., e.g., coneumes, creutes, geus, oumes, peusmes (v. Table 21). Pouvoir and croire have / variants, even in other areas (v. Table 24). 3. The preterite parut is in place from preliterary times and has no early counter examples, but neither does it appear in the very earliest texts. Valut, corut, murut already occur in early manuscripts, but possess variants. 4. The strong preterite forms of the avoir group begin to align to u vocalism and unify their stress pattern at ^  some time prior to the 13th C. 5. Numerous other verbs, which may possess / or sigmatic forms in the early texts of some areas, adopt u preterites due to analogical pressures during the period stretching from the 13th to the 14th C , e.g., v'ecul, voulul. 5.6 CHRONOLOGICAL FACTORS CONCERNING FRENCH AND OCCITAN The language used in the earliest major works written in Occitan and French differs considerably from that employed by the 16th C. In addition, the balance of power between the two had shifted in favour of French. The examination of the behaviour of individual verbs has helped build a picture of varied changes within the perfective systems of Gallo-Romance from the earliest texts up to the 14th C. However, these changes can also be viewed as a part of wider general trends. 127 5.61 MAIN CHANGES IN THE PERFECT SYSTEM OF GALLO-ROMANCE All three language divisions of Gallo-Romance maintained strong preterites into the literary period, but then abandoned them in favour of weak paradigms or standardized stress. Each zone chose its own particular solution. Later literary Rhodanien chose flexional stress, preceded by a characteristic guttural element, while Franco-Provencal, insofar as it remained distinct from French or Occitan, favoured regularization on the pattern of C.L. IV. French adopted a less uniform solution and an unusual feature of the old irregular strong forms is that they may develop the vocalism associated with the P.P. or weak persons in stem position. This produces a uniform stress, but may mean that the vocalic timbre of the combined stem/flexion carries semantic weight at a lexical level: fit, jut dit, dut mit, mut. 5.7 GENERAL PHONETIC TRENDS OF O.F. There is a considerable variety of forms in the early O.F. preterite systems. However, over a period of several hundred years, phonetic and analogical changes worked together to bring about an increasing uniformity. The phonetic factors undoubtedly affected individual paradigms, but acted as part of wider tendencies within the language. For example, the loss of stem final consonants was increasingly common in French from the 10th or 11th C. onwards and was part of a movement which favoured open syllables. In the case of the irregular verbs, structural changes followed on the loss of intervocalic s and the dropping of pretonic /, so that irregular verbs which were affected became increasingly polarised in a parallel type of paradigm, which had either / or u as its characteristic vowel. These verbs, which were differentiated on the radical, paralleled the vocalism of vertis with weak stress in / or u and also the participles, which, in the case 128 of the many irregular -ui verbs, were also devoid of stem final consonant 5.71 VOCALIC POLARIZATION Indeed, it is noticeable that many past participles with consonant clusters disappear at the end of the O.F. period, as the preference for the open syllable makes itself felt (Mourin, 1980;4), e.g., toll, ars, sols, escorts. Amongst other types which have remained, the consonant is now only pronounced in the feminine; e.g., dit(e), pris(e), plaint(e). Some have been remodelled completely, e.g., tors —> tordu (Manz, 178-9). However, a small group in [r] constitutes an exception to this general movement e.g., mort, offert. Nonetheless, it is clear that the vocalic element assumed additional importance during the period stretching from the 10th to 16th C. (Matte 63, 123). Such a time was favourable to the extension of forms with a vocalic timbre. In the case of the irregular past tense systems u was particularly well placed as a differentiator from other tenses: doit - du(t) plait - plu(t) a - eu(t) This may not always be the case for the inchoatives or irregular / types mets - mis dit - dit but prend - pris find - finit The inadequate differentiation between present and past forms of certain / types may have played in favour of the u category during the realignments of the 14th to the 16th C. e.g., lis, lus. 5.8 VARIATION IN U SPREAD However, it is by no means certain that the spread of weak" u vocalism occurred as a regular and automatic progression, unimpeded by fluctuations and hesitations. It is likely that regional variation was still common among educated speakers up to the 17th 129 C. The imposition of a norm seems to have been alien to the ideas of some of the earlier grammarians, who were content to describe observed speech. However, by the 17th C. grammarians were interfering actively to create a more prestigious variety of literary language and condemning other usages. 5.81 REGIONAL AND LITERARY VARIETY The investigation undertaken in the study list supports the idea that some regional variation existed. The earliest texts, largely from the Norman, Anglo-Norman and Picard zones, contain the greatest numbers of alternate non-w forms. However, since they also do contain u forms, it can be presumed that these early examples stem from the dialects concerned. By the 13th C , when the analysis of charters is included, then the Oise region obtains the highest score for weak u forms. Basically, the weak u forms embrace the whole of the northern area except the N.E. corner. The lack of early examples for the He de France makes it difficult to compare this zone with others in terms of literature. However, by the 13th C. charters,' the francien dialect had assumed pre-eminence and at that point, it certainly seems to have been a leader in the spread of weak u forms. By the 13th C , literature had developed conventions e.g., pot, volt, which did not correspond to charter usage, as found in the same areas. The latter maintained more freedom at this stage and continued to reflect hesitations or changes in the language in their orthography. The charters maintain sufficient variation to support the claim that many scribes had not adopted francien by the 13th C. although its influence was certainly spreading. The remarks of grammarians of the 16th and 17th C. lead one to conclude that educated people became more and more preoccupied with prestige models in language, increasingly inclined to legislate in favour of court usage and intolerant towards dialectal variation. This tendency manifests itself ultimately in a rather rigid standardization. Overall this acted in favour of the weak u forms during the period of fluctuation, but in Modern French it has meant that the u class of preterite and P.P. is 130 fossilized and no longer extends its domain. 5.82 ATTITUDES TO VARIETY In the period of the early grammarians, when forms were still fluctuating, it is interesting to study the attitudes and opinions concerning: 1. The role of usage 2. A prestige norm a) area model b) scholarly model c) social model 3. The status of dialects other than francien 4. The relationship of the preterite to the composite past 5.821 THE ROLE OF USAGE In 1604 du Val offers both vesqui and vescu and adds, "On peut neanmoins se servir de tous les deux, puisque 1'usage les a mis en credit" (Manz, 191). This fairly liberal attitude, shared by Vaugelas, was still maintained by Dupleix in 1651, Nonobstant que . . . vesquit et vescus aient leurs partisans, et qu'ainsi 1'usage en soit partage il me semble pourtant qu'il y a plus de raison de dire vesquis que vescus; parce que vescus ne se distingue pas tant du pret. parf. fai vescu que vesquis . . . II est vrai que courir fait fai count et je counts . . . C'est pourquoi je laisse cela a la liberte de chacun. (Manz, 192) Interestingly this author sees no advantage in P.P., preterite identity, although this correspondence was Finally imposed. Early grammarians cited in Manz accept alternative /, u usage in the case of: P.P. batty, battu Faye P.P. bouilly, bouillu Cotgrave pr. chalut, cheussit Abreg6 pr. cousis, cousus Cotgrave 131 pr. feris, ferus Meigret/Palsgrave pr. moulis, moulus Pillot pr. paissi, paissu Wetzlius, Faye pr. ponms, ponnus Palsgrave/Meigret P.P. senty, sentu Wodroephe pr. taysis, teus Palsgrave pr. tissis, tissus Wetzlius pr. = preterite Only verbs which are not included in the study list appear here. 5.822 THE PRESTIGE NORM - AREA. SCHOLARLY. SOCIAL a) As a prestige language, the central dialect of the He de France has exerted an enormous influence on other regional forms of speech, at least since the advent of more widespread education. However, from the 13th C. onwards, the pressure to conform to the standard of educated Parisian usage was already making itself, felt. At what period this became preponderant is unclear. Aebischer, in his introduction to the Voyage of Charlemagne, insists that all the early examples of langue a"1 oil are "regional," in the sense that they originated in the Norman, Anglo-Norman and Picard speaking zones, which were prosperous enough to support the early literary production. By the time the 13th C. charters appear, regional variation is still quite noticeable, although the encroachment of central forms cannot be discounted. Dees believes that wide variation was still usual prior to 1300: la lecture . . . de cet ensemble de documents du 13e siecle ne nous avait permis de voir ni koine, ni scripta, nous etions . . . profond6ment convaincu que les deux notions ne correspondent a aucune realite observable pour la periode anterieur a 1300. (Dees 1985:89) In the study list, regional divergence is readily noticeable for the verbal forms examined. Some areas, such as the Poitevin zone including La Rochelle and the Picard-Walloon 132 dialect regions possess well defined traits which distinguish their whole verbal system. However, interference from central forms is not absent Examples taken from these places illustrate this point The text for Walloon originates in the Namur region and contains the characteristic owist, owissent, conuist type of form, but conurent also appears as a preterite in the same text (Wilmotte, 147 d.1272). A document from La Rochelle, Poitou, dated 1265, furnishes ample local forms, but also contains "standard" ones (La Du, Charter 215): ogui, recegui : receu vauguissent : vausist vougui tengui This type of hesitation may apply to a "set formula": "non ogue et de non recetie peccune" (no. 216) "non ogue et de non recegtie peccune" (no. 218) but this is not necessarily the case. In other dialect zones variations occur but may be more sporadic or isolated in nature, at least as regards the verbal paradigm. The 13th C. charters reflect a state of language in transition, but in the centuries which followed there can be little doubt that the balance tilted against regionalisms, at least in the literary language, although of course present day isoglosses still support the dialectal existence of forms which parallel those of the 13th C. charters (Pignon, Map 28). Refined usage, as defined by Menage in 1673, took the Parisian standard as its model, "Nous disons en Anjou, 'La poulle a ponds . . . 'on dit a Paris, 'La poulle a pondu, un oeuf pondu' et c'est comme ca qu'il faut parler" (Manz, 115). b) Another influence which makes itself felt in the literary language is the introduction of latinate models. Since the Latin language remained in common use as a scholarly medium and was particularly familiar to clerics and scribes, it is not surprising that classical usage may have influenced spelling, or even the maintenance or introduction of 133 certain forms. In 1674 Patou comments, "J'ai remarque que le peuple ne dit jamais resohons, resolvez . . . il dit resoudons, resoudez. Pour moi, j'ai toujours ete de cet avis . . . il est certain que resohons et resolvant ont ete faits par ceux qui veulent montrer qu'ils scavent du Latin, et qui aiment mieux parler Latin que frangais" (Manz, 166). This kind of interference could even account .for the competition which arose between the participle forms sous and solu. c) Another powerful normalizing influence came from the Court According to Vaugelas, writing in 1647, "lors que la Cour en quelque lieu du monde que ce soit parle d'une fagon et la ville d'une autre, il faut suivre la fagon de la Cour" (Manz, 58). As Vaugelas notes, this choice was arbitrary and followed simply for its social prestige, "II est vrai que selon la raison il faudrait dire, cent mille 'ecus volant et non pas vaillant . . . mais 1'usage plus fort que la raison dans les langues fait dire a la cour et escrire a tous les bons autheurs c. m. ec. vaillant et non pas volant. C'est en Poitou principalement ou l'on dit volant. (Manz, 187) 5.823 THE STATUS OF DIALECTS OTHER THAN FRANCIEN Early grammarians, such as Palsgrave, were fairly tolerant about variants. This attitude did not last, but gave way to a more rigid and critical stance, which poked fun at provincial usage. De la Noue mocks Breton speech (Manz, 76), Grammont says the Walloons "parlent mal frangais" (ibid., 76) and Thomas Corneille disowns his native Norman speech (ibid., 77). There is ample evidence of an increasing tendency to interfere with the verbal paradigm and recommend approved usages. This led to greater orderliness and probably accentuated the polarization which already existed between / and u forms. The latter reached the degree of extension which they have in Modern French some time during the Classical period. It had been a very long process and Herman expresses this perspective when he writes: La creation du systeme verbal frangais a partir du systeme verbal Latin a dure presque un millenaire et elle a necessite une serie innombrable de changements analogiques, de simplifications de regroupements analogiques, un nombre 134 considerable de regies, de types de flexion nouveaux a creer etc., toute une s6rie de changements qui se croisaient, se soutenaient, se contredisaient etc. " (P- 167) 5.824 THE RELATIONSHIP OF THE PRETERITE TO THE COMPOSITE PAST However, having stabilized its system and in some sense stultified growth, French did not maintain all its paradigms in regular use. It is possible that the preterite, I.S. system that the language had evolved was just too irregular. It has been noted that modern literary Occitan adopted increased regularization in its preterite system. This was also the case for Castilian and, interestingly enough, these languages have managed to maintain the preterite as a spoken form. Standard French, meanwhile, extended the use of periphrastic forms, thus giving even more prominence to the participle. Whether this began early enough to affect many of the preterites in their period of fluctuation is debatable, but the 17th C. witness of Vaugelas actually indicates what sort of hesitation occurred, in this case for the preterite of vesqui, vescut, "Quelques uns n'ont pris d'autre parti que d'6viter tant qu'il se peut ce pr6terit et de se servir de 1'autre que les grammairiens appellent indefiny ou compose, j'ay vescu" (cited by Wahlgren, 272). 5.9 CONCLUSIONS The conclusions to be drawn from the second half of the present chapter are that the French u system increased in favour during its later period of extension, aided by a tendency of the language to prefer open syllables and also by the fact that it was an excellent differentiator from both sigmatic and present tense paradigms. The ability of the u suffix to attach to a regular stem allowed the u category to lay claim to several sigmatics which were forced to restructure their base, due to the loss of characteristic s. Weak u vocalism seems to have enjoyed preference as a standard form of the central region, so that it continued to displace other regional variants, although probably at a slow rate. In Modern French, the u category has ceased to be productive, although it 135 remains vigorous enough as a participial and adjectival form. Its extension reached a peak during the classical period of the language. GENERAL CONCLUSION The purpose of this study has been to examine the extension of weak u vocalism in medieval Gallo-Romance. Useful comparative evidence, collected from other Romance languages, has also been synthesized, so that evaluation of developments in the G-R zone could proceed from a wide persepctive. The detailed study of preterite u spread applies more specifically to the Northern French dialects. Past studies have presented divergent opinions about the development of u vocalism, some authors,. such as Fouche, holding the French development to be by and large phonetically evolved from V.L., others, like Wahlgren, believing that the feature owes a great deal to analogical restructurings within verbal systems. The data available for early forms does not always lend itself to easy interpretation for various reasons. In the first place some examples date from the preliterary period, so that their origin remains a subject of hypothesis. Further difficulties may arise because forms remain inadequately localised or are not chronologically ordered. Seldom do authorities, such as Meyer- Lubke in his Grammaire des langues romanes or Fouche in his Le verbe frangais, really quantify their examples, so that rare forms are cited on the same footing as very common paradigms. The present study has sought to minimize these problems in the following ways: 1. The structural patterns of G-R are compared with the patterns of development in V.L. or other Romance languages and the phonetic or analogical nature of types of change is noted. 2. The charters and all texts up to the Chanson de Roland are examined in their entirety. Some supplementary material is also included as indicated, but the quantities of examples found are recorded, so that frequency can be determined. 3. All information from charters is located by area. This is correlated to literary forms and allows the recognition of varied regional development 4. Chronological information is included for all charter forms. Literature can be 136 137 situated less precisely and both sets of forms are noted separately, so that any differences in usage become apparent The results of the detailed study of G-R confirm that the -utum P.P. is well established throughout the region. Occitan and French, like Latin, tend to create a formal correspondence between the forms of their perfective systems. However, it is principally in the northern dialect zones, excluding the extreme N.E. and Walloon, that this correspondence takes on the form of u vocalism. Considerable diversity exists among the earliest written records of French and there is good reason to believe that dialectal variety was more obvious up to the 13th C. It has been impossible to determine if any one area led the extension of u vocalism, because the earliest data is too limited, but the feature certainly occurs in Picard, Norman and Anglo-Norman texts. At a later date, it is firmly established around Paris and in the Oise area, which lack adequate earlier records, and it continues to spread from this source. The preterite of etre and weak u participle forms occur very frequently in the texts investigated, but u vocalism is absent from many early French preterites. Analogical restructuring seems likely to be the cause of weak u propagation in many instances. A development due to phonetic means alone is to be excluded for some verbs of the French u preterite system e.g., mourir. lt is not warranted by comparative study nor by early examples and the suggestion may have been based on an erroneous concept of Latin ui -utum spread in V.L. However, a phonetic development can be accepted for a limited number of other verbs such as dui. The success of this feature in the French system may be due to a fortuitous combination of developments arising synchronically, whereby phonetic and analogical processes mutually reinforced each other. The present study has been unable to demonstrate this, as insufficient evidence is available. However such a hypothesis finds structural parallels in the inter-paradigmatic guttural spread due to a combination of phonetic and analogical factors in Occitan and in the internal restructurings of Castilian irregular preterites. evolved from the ere - ere classes. 138 While this study has provided much detailed information about the spread of u vocalism in the perfective verbal systems of G-R, it was nonetheless limited by circumstances. Certain complementary or additional pieces of research would undoubtedly clarify the situation even further. 1. An adequate, well-documented chronological synthesis dealing with the extent and relationship of ui -utum, dedi -utum spread in V.L., as well as the theories of phonetic development and stress patterning within these classes would fill a gap in information currently available. 2. Detailed studies of other Romance languages, based on a wide sample and dealing specifically with dialectal and diachronic development of the perfective system, would certainly yield interesting grounds for further comparison between patterning devices and structural change within the various systems. 3. Within the G-R zone itself it would be useful to analyse even more data, especially additional charters which are constantly being published and additional literature located by area. Hopefully the methods of computer collation and distribution undertaken by A. Dees (1980) may render this task more straightforward in due course. In studies of V.L. and medieval language, problems inevitably arise from the sheer volume and variety of material that could be investigated. This project only examined a small, but significant, fraction of the abundant sources available for research. However, I express optimism about the usefulness of the methods of regional and chronological analysis, I believe they have a proven advantage in clarifying the progression, hesitations and patterns of language change, and I hope that other such studies will complement these findings in the future. Chapter 6 SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY Aebischer, Paul. Chrestomathie franco-provengale: Recueil de textes franco- provengaux anterieurs a 1630. Berne: Francke, 1950. [= Aeb.] ed. Le Mystere a" Adam. Paris: Droz, 1963. [ = Adam] ed. Le Voyage de Charlemagne a Jerusalem et a Constantinople. Geneve: Droz, 1965. [= VoyJ Alcover, Antoni, M. Diccionari Catala Valencia Balear. Vol. 5. Palma: Alcover-Moll, 1953. [= DCVB] Alex. v. Storey. Alvar, Manuel, ed. Libro de Apolonio. Vol. 1. Valencia: Castalia, 1976. Ami. v. Dembowski. Andrieux, Nelly and Emmanuele Baumgartner. Manuel du frangais du moyen age: 3. systemes morphologiques de V ancien frangais. A. Le Verbe. Bordeaux: Biere Sobodi, 1983. [= Andrieux] Anglade, Joseph. Grammaire de /' ancien provengal. 1921; rpt Paris: Klincksieck, 1969. Appel, Carl. Provenzalische Chrestomathie. 3rd ed. Leipzig: Reisland, 1907. [= App.] Auc. v. Roques. Bartsch, Karl. Chrestomathie de V ancien frangais. 12th ed. rev. by Leo Weise. Leipzig, 1919; rpt. New York: Hafner, 1958. [= Bart] Chrestomathie provengale. 5th ed. Berlin: Weigandt and Schotte, 1982. [- Bart Occ] Bayot Alphonse, ed. Gormont et Isembart. 3rd ed. Paris: Champion, 1931. [= Gor.] Bayle, Louis. Grammaire provengale 2nd ed. Toulon: L'Astrado, 1967. Ber. v. Hubert Berceo, Gonzalo de. Duelo de la Virgen. Vol. Ill of Obras Completas ed. Brian Dutton. London: Tamesis, 1975. BEC = Bibliotheque de V ecole des chartes. Paris: J. B. Dumoulin and Picard, 1939-; rept New York: Johnson Reprint Corp. v. Borderie, Le Proux, Marchegay, Raynaud, Wailly. 139 140 Bo. v. Lavaud. Borderie, A. de la, ed. "Ancien charte frangaise des archives de la Loire Inferieure." BEC, 15 (1854), 431-434. 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Toulousain 19. Agenais 20. Comminges App-20 = ' Girart de Roussillon Notes 1. Abbreviations found in the appendix appear under author or area in the Bibliography. 2. For each example the earliest attested form is given with its date. 3. Area numbers are attached to authors by a hyphen. 4. Numbers locating charters or other works, or parts of works, are separated from their 147 148 page, column or line location by a semi-colon. AVOIR Oise 189;9 d.1285 Infinitive: HAVEIR Jon 1 AVER Leg 94 AVEIR Rol 565 AVOER W.2. d.1299 Past Participle Northern Zone AU (C) Bur 43 1;11 d.l256( + 21) var. hau Vos 140; 17 d.1271 ahu etc. H-Mn 90; 1 d.1278 OU (C) Poit 109;6 d.l238( + l) out (L) Alex 109, Rol 864 oud Rol 267( + l), Bart 12;45 EU(T) (C) Sch-5 X;4 d.1239 locations: Bur 41 II;p.577( + 5) var. ehu Wal 11;10, Pic.2 32;7(+l) heu etc. Pic.3 L;8, Oise 5;8(;23) Norm 1021 col.l;21( + 3) Ber 8( + 2) (C) W.2. 3;14, Poit 6;20( + 53) Franco-Provengal Zone HAHU (C) Aeb 25;88 d.1285 OU (C) Ly 38i;7 d.1389 HEU (C) Ly 32;10 d.l350-1401( + 15) Fz 18;32 d.l358( + l) Aeb 13;48 d.l398( + 2) (C) Ly 38b;7 d.l361-90( + l) Occitan Zone AVUT (C) Bru 42;6 d.H45-( + 76) (L) App 5;169 d.1182 avot (C) Bru-8 195;30 d.1182 AUT (C) Bru-8 110;3 d.H70-95( + 8) AGUT (C) Bru 292;8 d.H95-( + 9) (L) Bo 108, App 108;48 agud (C) Gasc 17;19 d.l251( + 6) agu Poit 214; 14 d.1259 OGU (C) Poit 107;7 d.l229-93( + 8) (C) Sch-12 60;18 d.1250 Totals Northern Zone =126 Franco-Provencal Zone=25 Occitan Zone = 119 Preterite Northern Zone 1. OI (L) 3. OT (C) Alex 441, Rol 1366(+1) Rou III;7624 Poit 108;2 d.l230( + 3) Norm 1222;37 d.l272( + 2) 150 6. ORENT AUT 4. (H)AUMES 6. AURENT 2. OUS 3. OUT 4. OUMES 6. OURENT 1. EU euc 3. EUT locations: 4. EU(S)MES locations: 6. EURENT locations: Miscellaneous 3. OG OC OCT 4. OWINS Franco- Provenqal Zone (L) Leg 63(4-4), Rol 1569 Rou II;201( + 2), Cour 14( + 8) (L) Rou II;733( + 2), Cour 1894 Ric-7 17; 64 15th C. (L) Leg 25( + 7) (C) Bur 43 p.521;15( + l), Vos 51;8 (L) Leg 225 (C) H-Mn 75;20 d.1275 (L) Alex 443(+l) (C) Norm 665;4 d.l260( + 3) Sch-10 80; 12 d.1286 (L) Alex 16(4-10), Rol 26( + 38) Rou II;6( + 3) var. oult Voy 59(4-16) (L) Rol 2178 (L) Rol 1411, Rou II;21(4-2), Voy 415 (L) Bart 23; 125(4-1) Bart 76b; 164 (C) Pic.3 6;2 d.l219(4-l) (C) Pic.1 S;60(4-l), Pic.2 29;133 Oise 57;14(4-3), Norm 1021 col.l;33 (L) Bart 56;452(4-5) (C) Poit 165;15 d.1256 (C) Vos 56;2, Oise 75;31(4-1) Norm 1029 col.2;p.333, Sch-2 3;27 (L) Rou III; 10680, Voy 665 (C) Pic.3 1;13 d.l218(4-9) (C) Pic.1 S;47, Oise 55; 13 (L) Bart 19; 160(4-4), Rou III; 120 (L) Cler 42 10th C. (L) Leg 63 (L) Leg 164(4-1) (C) Wal 14;23 d.1274 3. AB OT OUT Occitan Zone 1. AIG AIC 3. AG AC 6. AGRO(N) 1. AIGU1 Other -Wk u 4-Wk u 25 5 8 3 2 76 5 3 16 19 (L) Frag 23(4-7) (C) Ly 32;7 d.l343-93(4-ll) Fz 6;26 d.l290-(4-43) (L) Aeb 6;65 13th C.(4-14) (C) Fz 6; 121 d.l290(4-l) (C) Bru 121;5 d.1170 (L) Foi 84(4-1) (C) Bru 202;22 d.H82( + 5) (C) Bru 1;27 d.l034(4-14) (L) Bo 28, Foi 443(4-10) (C) Bru 7;8 d.H02(4-7) (L) App 7;342(4-l), Bo 34(4-1) (C) Bru 82;6 d.H57(4-17) (C) Bru 266; 15 d.!192(4-l) 79 2 39 18 3. AGUTT (C) Oath 1726 4. AGUEM (C) Bru 134;7 d.H72( + 8) agem 5. AGES (L) App 94; 14 6. AGUIRENT (C) Poit 108;6 d.1230 -ront-runt (L) cath 1464(4-1) 3. AGO (C) Gasc 24; 1 d.1288 ao 6. AGON (C) Gasc 27;14 d.1252 1. OGUI (C) S.W. p.143 d.l225( + 3) Poit 198;16 d.l249( + 7) 3. OGUIT (C) Poit 108;2( + 2) 4. OGUISMES (C) S.W.2;11 d.1225 Poit 114;7 d.l257( + 2) Person 1 2 3 4 5 6 Northern Zone 7 2 129 13 31 Franco-Provencal Zone 81 Occitan Zone 23 45 13 1 23 Imperfect Subjunctive Northern Zone 1. AUSSE (C) Vos 112; 1 d.1266 Sch-1 48; 2 d.1273 3. AHUST (C) H-Mn 137;14 d,1262( + l) Bur 43 II;4( + 2), Vos 50;6( + l) AUUISSET (L) Eul 27 9th C. AUIST (C) Vos 13;2 d.1249 AWIST (C) Wal 7; 13 d.l258( + 2) 4. (H)AUSSIENS (C) Bur 43 VI;31 d.1262 Vos 107; 2 d.1265 hahusiens Bur 39 VIII;9 d.1315 6. AHUSSENT (C) Bur 43 XII;25 d.1330 aussient Sch-3 61;3 d.1269 AWISSENT (C) Wal 17;31 d.1276 1. OUSSE (C) S.W. 5;3 d.1232 (L) Alex 226(4-2), Rol 691 3. OUIST (L) Leg 88 OWIST (C) Wal 1;3 d.l236( + l) OUST (L) Rol 899(4-1), Bart 12;15 ohust (C) Poit 13;3 d.l239(4-2) 4. OUS(S)UM (L) Rol 1103(4-2) oussom (C) Poit 169;3 d.l259(4-l) 6. OUSSENT (L) Rol 688 OWISSENT (C) Wal 12;36 d.1272 ouissent (L) Bart 87b; 133 1. EUSSE (C) H-Mn 1;27 d.1232 locations: Pic.2 20;4(4-2), Oise 29;ll(4-4) Norm 927 col.2;23(4-2) Poit 120; 2(4-5) 152 Other -Wk u +Wk u 3. EUST (C) Pic.3 13;4 d.l234( + l) locations: Vos 12;6( + 2), Wal 4;15 col.2 Pic.1 J;33( + 2), Pic.2 l;3( + 6) Oise 1;7( + 11) Norm 927 col.l;10( + 5) Ber 15;5( + 1), Poit 215;73( + 19) Sch-4-11 37;10( + 3) (L) Rou II;2665, Ami 967 EWIST (Q Wal 15;4 d.1280 euist (L) Bait 36;220( + l) 3 4. EUSSIENS (Q Wal 4:11 d.l248( + 2) locations: Bur 43 VI;31(+2), Pic.1 M;5 var. (h)-ons Pic.2 33;4, Sch-6-12 6;28( + l) -am-om etc. Oise 160;2( + 1) Norm 1209 col.l;38 Poit 89;6(+19) EUISSONS (L) Bart 87b; 15 1 5. EUSCIES (Q Bart 56; 128 6. EUSSENT (Q Pic.3 22; 10 d.1238 locations: Bur 41 VIII;19( + 3), Vos 76;5 var. (h)-eint Wal 4;29, Oise 75;9( + 9) Pic.1 N;21( + 2), Pic.2 37;3( + l) Sch-4-6-12 6;14( + 5) Norm 927 col.l;p 228(4-1) Ber 15;7, Poit 116;8(;18) EWISSENT (Q Wal 6;27 d.l248(4-l) 2 Franco- Provengal Zone 1. OSSE (Q Ly 37; 157 d.l389(4-l) 2 3. AGUES (C) Fz 1;7 d.1270 1 AHUST (C) Aeb 25;70 d.1285 aust (L) Aeb 6;121 EUST (Q Ly 36;27 d.1384 ehust (Q Aeb 35; 16 d.l372(4-l) 6. EUSSENT (Q Ly 22b; 145 d.1394 Occitan Zone 1. AGUES (Q Bru 152;20 d.H76( + 6) -essa (L) Oath 1829(4-1) ages (Q Bru-8 208;6 d.H83(4-l) 11 2. AGUESSAS (L) App 8; 102 1 3. AGUES (L) Bru 11; 10 d.ll05(4-ll) var, ag(u)es(s) (L) Bo 178(4-1) -uis agges Foi 80(4-1) AGUIST (L) Oath 628(4-6) AGOS (Q Gasc 17;p.22 d.l251(4-2) 26 4. ACS(S)EM (Q Bru 137; 12 d.H73(4-ll) var. axem (L) App 94; 14 13 agsem (Q Bru-8 475;6 d.1184 1 AGUISSEM (Q Poit 108;13 d.1230 1 6. AGUESSO (Q Bru-8 41;12 d.H43(+3) var. -en-an-ant (L) App 119;106, Cath 412(4-1) 7 AGOSEN (Q Gasc 21;p.35 d.l260(4-l) 2 1. OGUISSE (Q S.W. 5;8 d.1232 Poit 211;2 d.l248-59( + 2) oguesse (L) App 1;592 3. OGUES (Q Bru-8 15;32d d.1120 (L) App-20 1;310 OGUIST (Q S.W. 10;4 d.l250( + 2) Poit 214;7 d.l259(+l) Sch-12 60; 14 d.1250 (L) App-20 450 4. OGUISSOM (Q S.W. 3;p.l45 d.1230 Poit 151;3 d.l261( + 2) 6. OGUISSENT (Q Poit 214;33 d.1259 miscellaneous 3. ENGEST (L) App-20 1;570 Person 1 2 3 4 5 6 Northern Zone 25 85 42 1 58 Franco- Provencal Zone 2 6 1 Occitan Zone 16 1 36 19 10 Totals Preterite Northern Zone = 182 Franco- Provengal Zone = 81 Occitan Zone = 105 Imperfect Subjunctive Northern Zone=211 Franco-Provencal Zone = 9 Occitan Zone=82 POUVOIR Podir(L) Bart 2;9 IXth C. Noun POUOIR Vos 23;4 d.1253, POEIR 6;24 d.1240, POOIR 109;9 d.1266, POEIR W.2. 9;12 d.1292, POAIR 7;292 d.1268, PODER 11;6 d.1299 Past Participle Northern Zone PEU L) Bart 90b; 144 15th C. Occitan Zone POGUT (L) App 119;5 Totals Northern Zone = l Occitan Zone=l Preter i te Northern Zone 1. POI (L) locations: 3. POD (L) POT (C) (L) POUT (C) (L) PEUT (L) 4. PEU(S)MES (L) 6. POURENT (L) POR(R)ENT (L) (L) PAURENT (C) PEURENT (C) (L) Franco-Provengal Zone 3. POT (L) Occitan Zone 1. POC (L) PUEC (L) PUOC (L) 3. POG (C) (L) POC (L) POT (L) POUT (L) POGUOC (C) POGUIT (C) 5. POGUETZ (L) 6. POGRO (C) -n (L) pogo (C) POGUIRONT (L) -irunt Alex 395 Rol 1365, Rou III;11429 Ami 989, Nim 906, Bart 27; 174 Leg;40 Vos 41;4 d.1256 Norm 927 col.2;13 ca.1278 Leg 141( + 3) Bart 8;58( + 4) Rou II;541( + 2) Voy 408, Gor 312 Perc 367( + 2), Cath 885(4-2) Poit 174;22 d.1277 Sch-10 80;20 d.1286 Alex 94(4-1), Rol 334(4-9) Rou II;96( + 2), Bart 14;77 Bart 56;501(4-) Rou II;913(4-1), Nim 364 Alex 127, Rou Il;510 Bart 17;52(4-1), Voy 511 Rou II;2006( + 2), Perc 2211(4-1) H-Mn 75;38 d.1257 Oise 57;20 d.1263 Rou III; 1120 Bart 99; 106 15th C. Frag 40 12th C. Aeb 7;90 13th C. App 3; 277 IEAP 40;22 B.Occ 255; 24 Bru-8 248;32 ca.1190 Foi 67(4-3) App ll;9(4-2) App 9; 6(4-2) App-20 1;230 Gasc 46;p.l05 d.1256 Cath 676 B.Occ 124; 33 Bru-8 149; 11 d.1176 App 116;40(4-2) Bru-18 309; 14 d.1197 Cath 932(4-1) Totals Northern Zone = 67 Franco- Provencal Zone=2 Occitan Zone=25 Imperfect Subjunctive Northern Zone 1. PEUSSE (C) locations: (C) Date Range 1250-1308 (L) peusce (L) POISSE (L) 2. PEUSSES (L) 3. PODIST (L) POUST (C) (L) P(E)UST (C) locations: (C) var. pusse (L) POIST (C) (L) puist (C) 4. PEUSSOM (C) poussom (C) -um (L) pohussom (C) PEUSSIENS (C) locations: (C) var. -ions POISSIENS (C) 5. PEUSSIES (L) 6. PEUSSENT (C) Oise 9; 16 d.l250( + 8) Bur 43 IX;p.503 Pic.2 9; 13 Poit 215;72( + 1) Nim 101 Bart 56; 121 Bart 17;181 Bart 61;110 13th C. Jon 16 10th C. Poit 220;22 d.l273( + 3) Rol 1182(4-2), Bart 14;76 Vos 6; 15 d.1240 Bur 43 IX;p.503 Vos 50;7(4-5) Pic.1 S;107, Pic.2 9;18 Oise 125; 3(4-1) Norm 927 col.2 2; 60 Sch-9 59; 37 S.W. 10;p.l53 Poit 96:11(4-24) Bart 19;319, Rou II;51(4-2) Cour 1963,' Gor 532, Nim 138(4-4) Vos 17;9 d.l251(4-l) H-Mn 83;12 d.1258 Oise 144; 17 d.1280 Bart 18;279(4-1) Cour 1475(4-1), Cath 1391(4-2) Sch-6 10;48 d.1239 S.W. 6;p.l47 d.1234 W.2. 1;18 d.1238 Poit 172; 19 d.l266(4-4) Poit 185;24 d.l262(4-3) Rol 631 Sch-11 52;56 d.1182 Vos 107;4 d.1265 Bur 43 XII;5 Oise 108;7(-)-3) Poit 101;28 Wal 9; 13 d.1263 Bart 20;161(4-3) S.W. 3;p.l45 d.1230 156 Other -Wk u +Wk u locations: (Q Bur 41 VH;12 Vos 50;6, Pic.2 15;9 Pic.3 51; 109 Sch-7 2;58 , Oise 9;15 Sch-10 80; 10 Poit 31;36( + 7) (L) Bart 36; 174 pussent (C) Vos 98;3 d.l263( + 4) peuscent (Q Sch-6 9;27 d.1269 PAEUSSENT (Q Sch-2 63;p.51 d.1270 POUSSENT Poit 96; 15 d.l261( + 8) -ont poessant (L) Cath 1460 1 POGNUSSENT (Q Poit 156;20 d.1247 Franco-Provengal Zone 6. POUSANT (Q Aeb 34;24 d.1370 Occitan Zone 1. POGUES (C) Bru-8-10 194;27 d.H82( + 7) (L) App 21;9( + 2), Cath 351 poges (C) Bru-8 208; 15 d,1183 13 POGUISSE (Q S.W. 5; 18 d.1232 2 3. POGUES (Q Bru 5;13 ca.l080( + 9) (L) App 69; 15(4-1) Bo 93 pog(g)es (Q Bru-20 97;2 ca.1160 (L) App 89;4, Foi 498(4-1) 17 POGUIST (Q S.W. 5;16 d.1232 (L) Cath 692(4-1) 3 POGUESSA (L) B.Occ 403;25 1 PODOS (Q Gasc 21;p.34 d.l260(4-9) PODOSSA (Q Gasc 17;p.22 d.l251(4-l) 12 PUIST (L) App 48; 35 1 4. POCSEM (Q Bru-8 378;9 d.ll68(4-4) var. poxera 5 POGSEM (L) Bru-8 265;10 d.1192 1 5. POGUESSETZ (L) App 100;167 1 6. POGUESSON (C) Bru 13;52 ca.H09(4-l) (L) App 118;92 3 POGUOSEN (Q Gasc 46;p.l05 d.1256 pogossan (Q Gasc 57;8 d.1237 2 pod- (Q Gasc 17;p.22 d.l251(4-l) 2 Totals Northern Zone = 149 Franco-Provengal Zone=l Occitan Zone=63 SAVOIR (C) Vos 1;1 d.1235 Infinitive: SAVIR Bart 2;9 9th C. SABER Bru-8 39;p.44 d.1142, SAVEIR Rol 1581 Noun SABER Bo 33, SAVEIR Rol 234 SABUA Fz 1;22 d.1270 SAU Vos 78;8 d.1261 SEUE Oise 174; 14 d.1283 SEHU Poit 93;9 d.1284 SEGU S.W. 9;p.l52 d.1245 Past Participle Northern Zone SEU (C) Sch-4 34;40 d.1289 Norm 927 col.l;42 ca.1278 (L) Rou II;2265( + 2) Franco-Provengal Zone SCEU (C) Fz 29;4 d.1381 Occitan Zone SAUBUT (C) Bru-8-10 174; 1 d.H80( + 5) (L) App 60;36( + 2) sauput App 3; 557(4-2) Cath 2280(4-1) SABUT (C) Bru-20 346;1 ca.l200(4-7) Gasc 36;p.84 d.l259(4-7) SABEDORA Gasc 8;1 d.1236 Totals Northern Zone=5 Franco-Provencal Zone=l Occitan Zone=31 Preterite Northern Zone 1. SOI (L) Bart 24; 133(4-1) (L) Nim 650, Cath 553 SOU (L) Cath 564 3. SOT (C) Vos 41;4 d.1256 Norm 927 col.2;65 d.1278 (L) Leg 77 (L) Bart 18; 12, Nim 801(4-3) Cath 2131, Perc 452(4-5) soth (L) Leg 89(4-1) SOUT (L) Alex 273, Rol 1024 Rou II; 161(4-2), Bart 12;4 5. SCEUSTES (L) Bart 96b;6 15th C. 6. SEURENT (C) Oise 57;17 d.1263 Pic.2 33; 8 SOWRENT (L) Leg 116 SOURENT (L) Alex 28(4-1), Rou II;4416 SORENT (L) Rou II;114(4-2) -unt (L) Cath 9272 158 Occitan Zone 1. SAUP saubi SAGUI 3. SAUP sap SAUB SOT SOUT 6. SAUPRON SAUBRO Totals Northern Zone=40 Occitan Zone=14 Imperfect Subjunctive Northern Zone 1 SOUSSE SEUSSE SEUSCE SCEUSSE 2. SEUSES SAUSSES 3. SOUST SEUST saust SCEUST SCEUSIST SCEUIST 4. SEUISSIEMMES 6. SEUISSENT SEUSSENT Occitan Zone 1 SAUBES SOBES 3. SAUPES -bes SABES 5. SAUBESSETZ 6. SAUPESSON -ssan Other -Wk u +Wk u (L) App 5;228 (L) App 17;42 2 (L) Cath 250 1 (L) App 63;17(+3) App 7; 21 (L) Foi 230 (L) App-20 1;130(+1) (L) App-20 1;215 9 (L) App 108;4 (L) App 116;34 2 (L) Alex 486 (L) Perc 1496(4-3) (L) Bart 56; 127 (L) Bart 92;29 15th C. 7 Adam 257 (L) Cath 1082 2 (L) Alex 487, Bart 16;24 (L) Rou III;101(4-2), Perc 1456 (L) Cath 1082 (L) Bart 18; 28(4-1) 9 (L) Bart 86;78 14th C. (L) Bart 87a;33 14th C. 2 (C) Sch-5 10;80 d.1239 1 (C) Sch-5 10;78 d.1239 1 (C) Poit 234; 17 d.1298 1 (L) App 18;33(4-1) 2 (L) App-20 1;213 1 (L) App 100;49 d.l278( + 3) App 82;47(4-l) 6 (L) App 122d;18 1 (L) App 65; 86 1 (L) App 4; 181(4-1) 2 Totals Northern Zone = 23 Occitan Zone=13 CONNAITRE Quenottre H-Mn 215;11 d.1266 Infinitive: RECOGNOSTRE Cler 80 CONUISTRE Rol 530 Past Participle Northern Zone (RE)CONEU (C) Pic.3 6;16 d.l219( + 2) locations: Bur 41 III;4(4-21), Vos 17;5( + 52) var. quenu H-Mn 72;l( + 76), Wal 7;2( + 15) cognu etc. Pic.1 H;39( + 6), Pic.2 21;3( + 9) Sch-7 1;12( + 1) Oise 4;3( + 13) Ber 6( + 2), Poit 55;l( + 22) (L) Bart 13;20( + 5) reco(g)nui (C) Vos 12;2( + 7), H-Mn 202; 12 COGNE (C) H-Mn 71;2 d.1257 CONNIE (C) Pic.1 J;2 d.1290 Franco-Provengal Zone COGNEYSSOUS (C) Ly 25;9 d.1355 CONOGU (C) Fz 1;42 d.l270-72( + 2) Occitan Zone CONOGUT (C) Bru 42;1 d.H45( + 17) Gasc 7;1 d.l235( + 45) W.2. 11;2 d.1299, Poit 156;1( + 1) (L) App 5;245( + 5) Totals Northern Zone = 253 Franco-Provencal Zone = 4 Occitan Zone = 73 Preterite Northern Zone 1. -COGNEUS (C) H-Mn 71;6 d.1257 cognui H-Mn 97;4 d.1258 cognu Oise 83;7 d.1268 (L) Bart 32;21( + 3) 3. -COUNUT (C) Pic.3 30;2 d.l244( + 2) locations: Bur 39:2;3( + 4), H-Mn 199;8(+1) var. -quenut Wal p.H0;6, Pic.1 H;19 -coignut Oise 3;4(+ll), Ber 9;2 Sch-9-11 70;3( + 3) W.2. 8;3, Poit 24;2( + 31) (L) Alex 215(4-1), Rol 2875(4-1) Bart 21;62(+7) 4. CONOUMES (C) Poit 235;3 d.l300(4-2) -eumes (L) Alex 360 6. -CON(E)URENT (C) Pic.3 2;22 d.l218(4-6) 160 Strong -Wk u +Wk u locations: Vos 45;7, H-Mn 82;2 Wal 17;39( + 4), Picl H;13( + 2) Sch-6-7-11-12 34;16( + 4) Oise 55;15( + 16) Ber 16, Poit 40;4( + 40) (L) Alex 115( + 3), Bart 86;183 86 Franco-Provengal Zone 1. COGNUI (L) Aeb 6; 132 13th C 6. -CONURENT (L) Aeb 6;400 Occitan Zone 1. CONUC (Q Bru-8 259:9 d.H91( + l) 1 CONOGUI (Q Poit 226;2 d.1287 1 3. CONOC/G (Q Bru-3-8-9-18 119; 10 d.H70( + 6) (L) App 3;316( + 4), Foi 310(4-1) 14 COINUT (L) App-20 1;575 -CONOGO (Q Gasc 53;8 d.l234( + ll) 12 4. CONOGUEM (L) App 116;38 CONEGUIMES (Q Poit 213;3 d.l256(+l) 3 6. RECONOGUO (C) Bru-18 330;4 d.l200( + l) 2 CONOGRO(N) (D App 5;340( + 2) des- Foi 61 4 CONOGUOREN (Q Gasc 59; 11 d.l240( + l) -eren W.2. 2;5 d.1299 4 Totals Northern Zone=176 Franco-Provencal Zone = 2 Occitan Zone=42 Imperfect Subjunctive Northern Zone 3. CONNEUST (C) H-Mn 256;9 d.1269 cun- (L) Bart 25;47 CO(G)NUIST (C) Wal 11;21 d.l272(+l) 2 Occitan Zone 1. CONOGUES (L) App 42b;8 1 3. CONOGUES (L) App 16;39( + 1) coinegis App-20 1; 524(4-1) 4 6. CONOGOSSEN (Q Gasc 17;p.25 d.1251 1 Totals Northern Zone=4 Occitan Zone=6 CROITRE Infinitive: ACRESTRE Bart 62;3 CREISTRE Rol 980 Noun CREU(Z) (C) H-Mn 237;29 Past Participle Northern Zone CREU (C) Bur-2 43 VIII;3 d.1290 a-des- Vos 31;6 d.l255(+l) H-Mn 172;5 d.l264{ + 3) Sch-11 72;31 d.1294 (L) Bart 72;121, Rou II;3954{ + 2) CRU (C) Pic.2 33;40 d.1320 Franco- Provengal Zone CRET (C) Ly 37;109 d.1389 CREYSU (C) Ly 34;335 d.1364 CREU (C) Fz 30;30 d.1389 Occitan Zone CREGUT (L) App 52;35 -z- Foi 367(4-1) Totals Northern Zone=13 Franco- Provencal Zone=3 Occitan Zone = 3 Preterite Northern Zone 3. CRUT (L) Bart 31;94, Rou C.A.;230( + 4) 6. CRURENT (L) Rou II;1610( + 1) Franco- Provengal Zone 3. CREISSIT (C) Ly 32;45 d.1350 cresit Ly 37;134 d.1389 creisit (L) Aeb 7;31 Occitan Zone 3. CREC (C) Bru-8 159;3 d.1177 -g (L) App 387(4-2), Foi 536 Totals Northern Zone=8 Franco-Provencal Zone=3 Occitan Zone = 5 Imperfect Subjunctive Northern Zone 3. CREUST (L) Bart 51b; 13, Rou II; 1649(4-1) DEVOIR Ly 38;6 d.1389 Past Participle Northern Zone DEU (C) Sen-11 65;8 d.1267 dehu Bur 41 XIII;29 d.1345 Pic.2 29;94 d.1310 Poit 202;9 d.l268(4-40) Franco- Provengal Zone DIHU (C) Ly 34;566 d.1364 var. dehu, deu diheu etc. DEUBZ (C) Fz 42; 1 d.1497 Occitan Zone DEGUT (L) App 33;56 d.1282 degu (C) Poit 217; 18 d.1265 Totals Northern Zone = 44 Franco-Provencal Zone=36 Occitan Zone=2 Preterite Northern Zone 1. DUI (C) (L) DEUC (L) 3. DUT (C) (L) dehut (C) deubt (L) 4. DEUIENS (C) 6. DURENT (L) Wal XI;p 115 d.1267 Oise 168; 17 d.1282 Bart 25;295(+l) Bart 19;279 Vos 41;9 d.1256 Norm 665;1 ca.l260(+l) Alex 291, Rol 333 Perc 4729(4-1), Bart 19;304( Poit 174;22 d.1277 Bart 87b; 100 Wal IX;11 d.l263(4-3) Bart 14;44, Perc 3335 Occitan Zone 3. DEC (C) Bru-8 17;4 ca.H20( + 2) deg (L) App 21;29( + 1) 6. DEGRO (C) Bru-8 296;6 d.H83(4-l) Totals Northern Zone=24 Occitan Zone = 7 Imperfect Subjunctive Northern Zone 1. DEUSSE 2. DOUS(S)ES DEUSSES (C) Oise 64;14 d.1263 Poit 215;61 d.1261 (L) Bart 19;311 (L) Alex 318(4-2) (L) Bart 58;261 163 Strong -Wk u +Wk u 3. DEUST (C) W.2. 1;11 d.1238 locations: (C) Bur, Pic.1, Pic.3, Oise( + l) Norm( + 2), W.2., Poit( + 5) DOUST (L) Alex 355 21 4. DEHUSSAINS (C) Bur 43 XI;8 d.1307 DEHUSSIENS (C) Norm 1029 col.l;35 d.1259 DOUSSOM (C) Poit 188;40 d.1254 doussum (L) Alex 620 4 DEUISSIONS (L) Bart 86;278 1 . 5. DOUS(S)EZ (L) Alex 353(4-1) DEUSSIEZ (L) Bart 34;35 3 6. DEUSSENT (C) Bur 41 VII; 11 d.1275 Vos 50;6 d.1257, Oise 165;3 d.1257 Poit 96;5(4-3) d.1261 (L) Bart 28; 56 deusset (C) H-Mn 12;2 d.1244 dousint (C) H-Mn 149; 12 d.1263 10 Occitan Zone 1. DEGES (C) Bru 208;7 ca.1183 degues (L) App 5;225 2 3. DEGUES (C) Bru 41;28( + 2) ca.1143 (L) App 107;33(4-1) deges (L) App 122d;38 DEGOS (C) Gasc 60;p.l27( + l) d.1243 DEGUIST (C) Poit 156;83 d.1247 Sch-12 60;5 d.1250 10 4. DECSEM (C) Bru-8 454;7 41181 degsem Bru-8 475;6 d.1184 2 5. DEGUESSES KL) Cath 584 1 6. DEGUESSO (C) Bru 369;8 ca.1160 1 Totals Northern Zone = 46 Occitan Zone=16 ETRE ESTRE W.2. 7;14 d.1286 Infinitive: EITRE H-Mn 47;8 d.1254 IESTRE Bart 18;31 Because of the large number of samples, an abbreviated format has been adopted for this verb and Occitan examples are only included in the P.P., since the preterite does not contain u forms. Past Participle Northern Zone E(S)TE (C) Pic.3 6;8 d.l219(4-2) locations: (C) Bur( + 2), Vos, Pic.l(4-3), Pic.2(+4) Oise( + 20), Ber(4-1), W.2. Poit(+34), Sch(+12) 87 164 Strong -Wk u +Wk u estei (Q Bur 43 II;5 d.l272( + 1), Vos( + l) 4 este(i)t (Q Wal p.71 d.l237( + l), Sch-4( + 2) 5 estie (C) Poit 2;23 d.1281 1 Franco-Provengal Zone ITA (C) Ly( + ll), Aeb( + 2) 15 (L) Aeb 1 ESTE (Q Ly p.324 d.l378( + l) Fz( + 34), Aeb 38 istez (Q Ly 34;574 d.1364-5 1 Occitan Zone ESTAT (Q Bru 315;16( + 2) 3 ESTUDAS (C) Bru 343;18 Totals Northern Zone=98 Franco-Provencal Zone = 55 Occitan Zone=4 Preterite Only one sample of location is given with each form Northern Zone 1. FUI (L) Rol 2371 2. FUS (L) Rol 1961 3. FUT .(L) Eul 1 9th C. fu(d) (L) Leg 13 fui(t) (Q Vos 37; 16 d.1256 fuet (C) H-Mn 34; 12 d.1232 fu(s)t (Q Ber 10 fahu W.2. p.285 d.1238 fau (Q W.2. p.291 d.1277 4. FUMES (L) Rol 2146 fusmes (Q Oise 58;7 6. FURENT (L) Leg 80 furet (C) Vos 19;20 d.1251 fores (Q Vos 26;7 d.1254 Franco-Provengal Zone 3. FU(T) (C) Ly 253;p.232 d.1398-1401 FO (C) Fz 6;43 d.1290 6. FURONT (C) Ly 22c; 250 p.232 furent (C) Ly 38;p.514 d.1389 Totals Northern Zone=758 Franco-Provencal Zone=36 Imperfect Subjunctive Northern Zone 1. FUSSE (C) Oise 125;2 d.1276 fuisse (L) Bart 40;20 165 Strong -Wk u +Wk u 2. FUSSES (L) Cler 35 feusses (L) Bart 93c;22 3. FUST (L) Leg 32 fut, fuist (L) Bart 82;5 4. FUSSIEMMES (C) Sch- 5 10;84 d.1239 feussions (Q Oise 161;37 d.1282 5. FUSTES (L) Rol 350 FU1SSEZ (L) Bart 22;54 fuissiez fussez 6. FUSSENT (L) Alex 164 fuissent (Q Oise 117;7 d.1274 feussent (Q Oise 176;22 d.1284 Totals Northern Zone=158 GESIR Past Participle Northern Zone GEUD (L) Alex 487, Bart 47;63 JEU (L) Alex 274, Rou III;630( + 1) JUT (L) Bart 56; 118 . 6 Preterite Northern Zone 1. JUI (L) Rou III;643 1 2. GEUS (L) Bart 19; 177 1 3. GIUT (C) Pic.3 15;2 d.1234 1 JOTH (L) Leg 163 1 JUT (L) Rol 2375, Rou II;1037( + 2) 5 4. REJEUMES (L) Bart 24; 217 1 6. JURENT (L) Rol 3653, Rou II;1047( + 1) 4 Nim 836 Occitan Zone 3. JAG (L) Cler 236( + l), Foi 87 JAC (L) App-20 1;386(+1) 5 Totals Northern Zone = 13 Occitan Zone = 5 Imperfect Subjunctive Northern Zone 3. GEUST (L) Bart 60; 147 1 PARAITRE Infinitive: PAROIR Bart 62c;2 PARER App 4;98 Past Participle Northern Zone 166 Strong -Wk u +Wk u APAR(E)U(T) (L) Alex 409(4-2), Rol 2037 4 Preterite Northern Zone 3. (AP)PARUT (C) Poit 232;14 d.1294 (L) Bart 21;35( + 1), Rou II;1631(4-5) 11 Cath 1728(4-1) . APPARI (L) Bart 87a;67 1 6. (COM)PARURENT (C) Pic.1 S;122 d.1298 var. ap- Pic.2 20; 12 d.1286 (L) Rou III;5424 3 Franco- Provengal Zone 3. AP(P)ARIT (L) Aeb 6; 126 13th C.(4-l), Cath 429 3 Occitan Zone 3. PAREC (L) App 63:43(4-2), B.Occ 68;19( + 1) 5 6. APAREGUIRENT (L) Cath 2607 1 Totals Northern Zone=15 Franco-Provencal Zone = 3 Occitan Zone=6 SOUDRE Infinitive: ASOLBER (C) Bru-20 172;28 d.1179 ASSOLVRE Bru-8 315;12 d.1198 ASSORRE Vos 92;7 d.1262 ASAURRE Sch-4 34;44 d.1289 ASSOLER Vos 19; 12 d.1251 SAURE (L) Bart 56;466 Noun ASOUT (C) Bru-8 229;5 d.1196 Past Participle Northern Zone ASOLEE (C) Vos 38; 3 d.1256 SOTE (C) Wal 6;5 p.140 d.1264 SOUSSE (C) Oise 49;6 d.l261( + 2) sous (L) Rou III;4994 ABSOUT (C) Poit 202;52 d.1268 ASOLS (L) Rol 340(4-4) 12 SOLU (C) Oise 35;23 d.l258(4-2) Poit 60;45 d.1285 pour- Oise 126;14 d.l276(4-2) par- (C) Oise 102;3 d.1271 POURSOLUEZ (C) Oise 133;10 d.1277 A(B)SOLU(THE) (L) Alex 410, Rol 2311 11 Occitan Zone SOLT asolt SOLS asols SOUT as-Totals Northern Zone = 23 Occitan Zone = 31 Preterite Northern Zone 3. ABSOLS Occitan Zone 3. SOLS as(s)-SOLC SOLBE asolbeg SO(L)BO ASSOUBO 6. SOLSERO as(s)-SOLSO Totals Northern Zone=l Occitan Zone = 33 TENffi H-Mn 161;13 d.1263 Part Participle Northern Zone TENU locations: tenui tenuez (C) Bru-8 296;5 ca.H95( + 4) Gasc 37;p.87 d.1268 (C) Gasc 48;p.l09 d.l258(;2) (C) Gasc 47;20 d.1256 (C) Bru-8 162; 19 d.1178 (C) Bru-8-18 185;5 ca.H80( + 7) (L) App 70;45( + l) (C) Bru-10-18 141;3 d.H74( + 7) Gasc 22;p.38 d.l281( + l) (L) Leg 226 (C) Bru-8 298;53 ca.1195 (C) Bru-8-9-18 104;1 d.ll65(+14) (C) Bru-18 301;1 d.H96( + 2) (C) Bru-20 346;9 ca.1200 Bru-20 172; 16 d.1179 (C) Gasc 5;3 d.H89(+l) Gasc p.292 d.1252 (C) Bru-8-18 507;9 d.H91( + l) Bru-8-18 149; 13 d.H76( + 5) Bru-18 525 ;1 d.1197 (C) Wal 1;6 d.l236( + 13) (C) Bur 39 I;p.485( + 2), Vos( + 28) H-Mn 21;9( + 78), Pic.1 A;34( + 10), Pic.2 7;20( + 16) Sch-7 II;61, Pic.3 22;35( + 2) Oise( + 126), W.2. 1;11( + 16) S.W. I;p.l43( + 12), Poit 36;ll( + 75) (L) Alex 407, Rol 2310( + 2) Bart 8; 146 (C) Vos 125;11 d.l269( + 4) H-Mn 26;8 (C) H-Mn 20;9 d.1249, Poit 223;30 168 Strong -Wk u +Wk u Franco- Provengal Zone TENU (C) Ly 24;5 41351-2 Fz 14;6( + 6), Gasc 25;ll( + 5) (L) Aeb 6;31 43 TENGU (C) Fz 1;32 d.l270( + 5) 6 Occitan Zone TENGUT (C) Bru 119;13 d.H70( + 34) (L) App 62b;l( + 2), S.W. 2;3 40 Poit 156; 158 teguz/t (L) Foi 372( + l), App 107;40 3 tengud (C) Gasc 17;25 d.l251( + 42) var. artengud 43 Totals Northern Zone=403 Franco-Provencal Zone=49 Occitan Zone=88 Preterite and Imperfect Subjunctive in / only. Preterite Totals Northern Zone=70 Franco- Provencal Zone=1 Occitan Zone = 71 I.S. Totals • Northern Zone=27 ,, Franco-Provencal Zone=l Occitan Zone=20 VALOIR Pic.3 38;11 d.1249 Noun MAISVALENZA (C) Bru-18 300;10 d.1196 MAISVALEUSSA Bru-8-10 141;8 d.1174 VALUE Oise 191;71 d.1284 Past Participle Northern Zone VALU(T) (C) Wal II; 12 d.1248 (L) Bart 26;107(+1) Occitan Zone VALGUT (C) App 5;246( + 2) Preterite Northern Zone 1. VALUI (C) Bart 25;269 3. VAL(L)UT (C) H-Mn 75;54 d.1257 169 Strong -Wk u 4-Wk u (L) Bart 99;32 15th C. 2 Franco-Provengal Zone 3. VALIT (L) Aeb 7;77 1 Occitan Zone 3. VALC (L) App 86;1(+1) -g (L) Foi 583 3 5. VALGUETZ (L) App 7;255 ca.1215 1 6. VALGRO (C) Bru-8 518;34 ca.1195 1 Totals Northern Zone=3 Franco-Provencal Zone=l Occitan Zone=5 Imperfect Subjunctive Northern Zone 3. VASIT (C) Sch-2 43;3 d.1270 1 VAUSIST (C) H-Mn 83;7 d.l258(+l) 3 Poit 215;50 41261 VALLIST (L) Ric 2;54 15th C. 1 VAULSIST (L) Ric 32a; 122 15th C. 1 6. VAILLISS(I)ENT (C) H-Mn 238;8 41269(4-1) VAUSSISSIENT (C) H-Mn 241;12 41269(4-1) 4. Occitan Zone 3. VALGUES (C) Bru-8 17;3 ca.1120 1 BALOS (C) Gasc 27;p.50 d.1252 1 VALOSSAN (C) Gasc 37;p.88 d.1268 1 Totals Northern Zone = 10 Occitan Zone = 3 VOULOIR Ric 3;86 15th C. Infinitive: VOLEIR Bart 24;23, Ly 28;4 41351 Noun VOLOIR (L) Bart 41b;82 Past Participle Northern Zone VOLU (C) Bur 39 VIII;9 41315 H-Mn 171;21 41264 Pic.2 5;197 d.1267 Oise 67;2 41264 Ber 15;5 41295 Poit 159;37 41280(4-1) volui Bur 43 IX;40 41314 170 vuillui VOUL(L)U (Q (L) Franco- Provengal Zone VOLU (C) Occitan Zone VOUGU VOLGUT Totals Northern Zone=13 Franco-Provencal Zone=l Occitan Zone=4 Bur 43 VI;3 d.1292 Oise 101;29 d.1271 Norm-7 852;25 d.1295 Norm-9 1006; 18 d.1282 Rou II;2988 Fz 43; 30 d.1410 Strong -Wk u +Wk u 9 (C) Poit 107;13 d.1229 (L) App 25;29( + 2) Preterite Northern Zone 1. VOLUY VOLS VOS 2. VOLSIS 3. VOLT vol vot VOUT voult VOST volst voust VOULUT voulu 5. VOSISTES volsistes vousistes voulsistes VOLDRENT (C) Oise 168;19 d.1282 (L) Bart 18;21 (L) Bart 79;33 (L) Rou III;7913 (L) Eul 24 9th C , Alex 54( + 4) Rol 440(4-14), Rou III;206(4-2) Nim 52(4-3), Bart 19;321(4-7) Ric 17;52 15th C. (L) Cler 41(4-1), Leg 57(4-3) (L) Rou III;797(4-1), Nim 171;6 Bart 8;56(4-l) (C) Oise-7 6;20 d.1249 Norm 1222 XIIIl;7-8 d.l272( + l) Sch-9 75;23 d. 1298 W.2. 8;15 d.1290 (L) Rou II;4367, Bart 86;248(4-l) (C) Oise-7 129;7 d.1277 W.l. p.434;4 d.1200-25 Ber 12;6 d.1288 Poit 81;9 41286(4-3) (L) Bart 20; 137(4-1) (L) Adam 289 (C) Oise-5 8; 13 d.1250 (L) Bart 28;418 (L) Bart 99; 14 15th C. Ric 37; 25 15th C.(4-l) Ric 39;71 15th C. (L) Rou III;7027(+1) Rou III;8220 Bart 44;27 Ric 3;89 (L) Eul 3 9th C.(4-l) Rou HI;675( + 2) 37 6 5 5 12 171 Strong -Wk u +Wk u voudrent Rou II;113 6 VOLRENT (L) Bart 20;156(+1) 2 VOR(R)ENT Nim 835, Bart 41b;78( + l) 3 VOULURENT (L) Ric 15;46 15th C. 1 Franco- Provengal Zone 4. VOLGUESMES (C) Fz 2;1 d.1270 1 Occitan Zone 1. VOLC (C) Bru-8 85 ca.H60(+l) 2 VOLGTJI (L) App 21;32 VOUGUI (C) Poit 215;59 d.l261( + l) 3 2. VOLGUIST (L) App 8;175, Bo 87 2 3. VOLC (C) Bru-2-8-9 15;34 ca.H20( + 3) (L) App 62;32( + 2) 7 BOLGE (C) Gasc 9;p.l0 d.1248 1 6. VOLGRON (L) App 9;199( + 2) vol(g)run Foi 259 voltrun Cath 36 5 Totals Northern Zone=93 Franco-Provengal Zone=l Occitan Zone = 20 Pluperfect 3. VOLDRET (L) Eul 21 9th C. voldrat Cler 53 10th C. 2 Imperfect Subjunctive Northern Zone 1. VOLISSE (C) Alex 202 1 VAUSIZE • (C) Oise 10;3 d.l250( + l) 2 VOUS(S)ISSE (C) Oise 125; 12 d.1276 (L) Rou II;3916, Bart 75c;115 vosisse (C) Poit 148;13 d.1296 4 VOULSISSE (L) Rou II;2312 vol- Perc 796 2 3. VOSIST (C) Bur 41 1;4 d.1255 -ss- Poit 73;2 d.1300 (L) Bart 34;68(+l) 4 VOUS(S)IST (C) Vos 124;8 d.l269( + l) vuoi-vau- H-Mn 195;5 d.1265 Pic.2 25;60 d.l295( + 2) -ssit Oise 129; 12 d.1277 Norm 864; 18 d.1275 (L) Bart 37;304( + 3) 12 VOLSIST (L) Alex 49, Rol 332(+l) Rou III;1958( + 2), Ami 1136 Perc 706( + l) vou-veu- Rou II;185( + 3) 13 VOIiST (L) Rou III; 1061 1 VOULSIST Bart 93a;48 1 172 Strong -Wk u +Wk u 4. VOSSISSIEMES (Q Sch-6 10;84 d.1239 -essiens Bur 43 XII;46 d.1330 -issum Poit 96;5 d.1261 VAUSSISSON(S) (Q Pic.2 34;9 d.1321 vous- Norm-10 1029 col.l;37 d.1259 -ions Poit 42;4 d.1291 6 6. VOS(S)ISSENT (Q Bur 43 IX;p.503 d.1308 Vos 21;7 d.l251( + l) Wal 24;p.92 d.1292 Oise 176;22 d.1284 Norm 1021;col.2 d.1258 (L) Bart 39; 196 -ant (C) Poit 90;8 d.l285(+l) volsissent (L) Bart 48; 149 10 VOUSIS(S)ENT (Q Pic.3 7; 12 d.1220 Oise 195; 5 d.1285 Norm 1002;36 d.1282 -ant Poit 174;45 d.1277 vau- Pic.2 37;10 d.1326 Oise 197; 3 d.1286 vouxessant Bur 41 VII;7 d.1275 voulsissent (L) Bart 86; 69 14th C. 8 Franco-Provengal Zone 3 VOUSIST (Q Ly 36; 13 d.l384(+l) VOLIST (Q Aeb 34; 10 d.1370 VOUCIT (L) Aeb 6; 114(4-1) -sit 5 6. VOSISANT (Q Ly 48;33 d.1361 VOLISSANT (C) Aeb 34;22_ d.1370 2 Occitan Zone 1. VOLGUES (Q Bru 131;6 d.H71( + 3) (L) App 75c; 115 5 VOLGUISSE (L) Cath 1081(4-1) -essa (L) Cath 1825 3 2. VOLGUES(S)ES (Q Bru 372;19 d.1172 (L) Cath 1194 2 3. VOLGUES (Q Bru-8-18 232; 16 d.H87(4-3) (L) App 82;43(4-l) -ges (Q Bru-18 203;17 d.1183 (L) App 122d;6 8 BOLOS (C) Gasc 21;p.33 d.1260 v- Gasc 50;p.lll d.1259 2 VOLGUIST (L) Cath 1369 1 5. VOLGUESSETZ (Q Bru-10 281;7 d.1194 -gesetz Bru-18 116;8 ca.1168 2 6. VOLGUESSO (Q Bru-8 41;14 ca.1143 1 BOLOSEN (Q Gasc 20;p.34 d.1260 1 VOGU1SSANT (Q Poit 156;42 d.1247 1 Totals 173 Strong -Wk u +Wk u Northern Zone=64 Franco=Provencal = 7 Occitan Zone=26 -MANOIR Infinitive: REMAINDRE Bart 28;394, REMANER App 5;380 Past Participle Northern Zone REMES reme(i)s remainz REMASUS (C) S.W. 5;16 d.1232 Alex 61( + 1), Rol 5 Rou III;1134(4-3), Nim 120(4-4), Gor, 516 Perc 1148(4-2) Ric 34:113(4-3) 15th C. Rou II;1889 (L) Gor 614, Bart 72;118 18 1 Occitan Zone REMAS REMAZUT rom-(C) App 9;28 (L) App 5:188(4-2) Totals Northern Zone = 21 Occitan Zone=4 Preterite Northern Zone 1. REMES 3. REMEST -mist -mest 6. REMESTRENT -mist-Occitan Zone 3. REMAS romas remast 6. REMAZO ROMARON REMASERON REMASTRENT (L) Bart 29; 22 (C) W.l. p.433;12 d.1200-25 (L) Alex 93(4-2), Rou II;2911(4-2) Rou III;1800(4-2) Nim 362 (L) Rou III;9272, Nim 1469(4-1) Rou III;1763(4-1) (C) Bru 429;15 d.H78(4-12) (L) App 4; 152(4-2) App 118;119 App-20 1;4 (L) App 7;37 ca.1215 (L) App 118;127 (L) App 120;67 (L) App-20 1;614 11 5 16 1 1 Totals Northern Zone=17 Occitan Zone=22 174 Imperfect Subjunctive Northern Zone 3. REMAINSIST Strong -Wk u +Wk u (C) Poit 215;65 d.l261( + l) (L) Rou III;1959( + 2) Occitan Zone 2. REMASES (C) 3. REMAGUES (C) ARMANGOS (C) 6. REMASESO (C) Bru-8 81;11 d.1157 App-20 1;718 Bru-19 306;17 41197 Gasc 21;13 d.1260 Bru-10 238;16 Totals Northern Zone=5. Occitan Zone = 5 METTRE Rol 3592 Past Participle Northern Zone MIS (L) Cler 169 Rol 1753 Franco-Provengal Zone MIS (C) MISET (C) Occitan Zone MES pro-METUD pro-REMETUTZ TRAMESUT (L) (C) (L) (Q (C) (C) (L) (L) Ly 33;20 d.1350 Ly 34:889 d.1364-5 Bo 111 Bru 96; 1 ca.ll60( + 9) App 16;6( + 1) Gasc 34;30 d.1256 Gasc 17p.25 d.l251( + 7) Gasc 50 p.lll d.l259( + 5) B.Occ 417;7 G.Ros 4569 12 16 Totals Northern Zone = 2 Franco-Provencal Zone=2 Occitan Zone=28 Preterite Northern Zone 1. MIS (L) 3. MIST (L) 4. MEISSIENS (L) 5. MEISTES (L) 6. MESDRENT (L) MISTRENT (L) Gor 351 Leg 22 H-Mn 245;25 d.1269 Bart 44; 19 Cler 130 Bart 25; 225 Franco- provencal Zone ' 3. METTT (C) 6. MESSIRONT (C) Ly 34;889 d.1364-5 Ly 33;26 d.1350 Occitan Zone 1. MIS (C) METU (C) 2. TRAMESIST (L) 3. MES (L) (Q (L) PROMETO (C) 4. MESEM (C) 6. MESDREN (L) MESERO (C) -n (L) MEIRO(N) (C) meron (L) MESO (C) Totals Northern Zone = 6 Franco-Provengal Zone = 2 Occitan=28 Bru-8 340;5 d.1200, Gasc 47; 17 d.1256 B.Occ 16; 12 Bo 26 Bru 56;1 ca.ll48( + 8) App 60;38( + l) Gasc 58;32 d.1238 Bru-8 441;5 d.1179 Bo 27 Bru 132;3 d.H71( + 2) App 8;88( + l) Bru-8-10 55;11 ca.H48( + 2) App 9; 198 Bru-18 300; 17 d.1196 Imperfect Subjunctive Northern Zone 1. MEISSE ' (L) Bart 71;8 3. (DE)MEIST (L) Bart 25; 160(4-1) 6. MEISSENT (L) Bart 49;72( + 2) App 82; 15 App 108;25 Totals Northern Zone = 6 Occitan Zone = 2 Occitan Zone 3. MEZES (L) 6. METEZAN (L) CHEOIR (a)cheoir(C) Vos 50;7 d. 1257 Infinitive: CAER(C) Bru-9 273;5 CHAER(L) Aeb 6;184 ESCHAIR(C) Pic.3 34;8 d.1247 CHEIR(C) Ly 34;334 d.1364 CADEIR Rol 3551, CAEIR 3453, CAIR 3486, CHAIR 2034 Noun ESCH(E)OITE (C) H-Mn 34;3 d.l252(4-6) var. ach- as- (C) Bur 43 IX;p.503 d.1308 ESCHIET (C) Vos 37;15 d.1256 -aest (C) Sch-11 LXVI;25 d.1268 -aet (C) Poit 215;62 d.l261(4-4) ESCHOO(I)TE (C) A(S)CHEU (C) es-H-Mn 179;7 d.l264{ + 2) Vos 43;4 d.l257( + 4) Vos 9;3 d.1244 (C) H-Mn i;28(+l) d.1232 (C) Vos 103;4( + 4) Wal 7;21( + 4) Sch-5 16; 19 Pic.2 38;4( + 3) Sch-6 3;22, Oise 168;17 Poit 26;20( + 4) (L) Bart 18;32( + 5) CAUT (L) Rol 3608 var.chau(s) Rou 2609 Adam 1117 CAIUZ (L) Rol 2296 ESCHAET (C) Poit 211;5 d.1248 enchoet H-Mn 24; 12 d.1250 eschoit H-Mn 125;5 d.l261(+l) CAIET (L) Rol 2269(4-2) chaiet Bart 25;428 chait Adam 318 chaet Rou III;8162(4-2) chaoiz Rou II;2751 choiet Tris 2076(4-1) cadeit Bart 16;56 Past Participle Northern Zone CHEU locations: var.(es)keu Franco- Provengal Zone (ES)CHEU (C) • var. cheutez (L) Occitan Zone (ES)CADEGUT (C) (L) caz- (L) ESCADUD (C) cazut (L) chaagut (L) CHAUT (L) Fz 19;4 d.l394(4-2) Aeb 43;38 d.1410-1418 Aeb 6;382 Bru-8 441;5 d.H79(4-3) Bo 72 , Foi 448 Foi 448 App 111;57 Gasc p.161 d.1262 App 17:37(4-2) App-20 1:377(4-1) App-20 1;547 Totals Northern Zone=50 Franco-Provencal Zone = 4 Occitan Zone=14 Preterite Northern Zone 1. CAI (L) Bart 23; 106 (EN)CHAI (L) Tris 482, Ami 985 177 Strong -Wk u +Wk u CHEY (L) Ric 24;92( + l) 15th C. 5 3. CADIT (L) Leg 231 CAIT (L) Rol 333, Bart 17;68( + 3) (EN)CHAI (L) Rou II;355( + 5) Tris 730, Nim 344( + 2) Ami 691 CHOI Tris 3169 18 CHEUT Ric 12;99 15th C. 1 5. CHAISTES (L) Bart 24; 161 1 6. CHAIRENT (L) Rou III;4704 che- (L) Bart 41a;65 Ric 30;80 15th C. chaistrent (L) Cath 1504 4 CHAURENT (L) Bart 38;30 1 Occitan Zone 3. ESCADEC (C) Bru-8 15;29( + 3) ESCAZEC (C) Bru-8-15-16 63; 6(4-3) cazet (L) App 111;2(4-1) 10 6. ESCADEGRO (C) Bru-8 245;10 d 1176(4-1) cadegrent (L) Cler 22 casegron (L) App 8; 108(4-1) 5 Totals Northern Zone=30 Occitan Zone = 15 Imperfect Subjunctive Northern Zone 3. CHAIST (L) Rou III;420 cheisse (L) Ric 8; 130 15th C. 2 178 Strong -Wk u +Wk u COURIR Courrir Ric 8:113 15th C. Infinitive: CORRE Rol 79 Past Participle Northern Zone (EN)CORUT an-sec-(EN)COURUT sec-CURUT (DES)CUST res-(Q (C) (L) (Q (L) (L) (L) (L) Oise 136; 15 d.1277 Bur 39 VIII;p.490 d.1315 Bart 37; 104, Adam 520 d.1271 col.l;23 d.l272( + 3) d.l289( + 4) Oise 101; 15 Norm 1222 Poit 227;21 Bart 37; 104 Rol 2086 Rol 1946 Bart 12; 18(4-1) Cour 1357, Rou III;9964 11 1 Franco- Provengal COR(R)U (EN)CORROGU Occitan Zone CORREGU(T) en-SECORRIT Zone (C) (C) Fz 38;27 d.l388(4-l) Fz 1;41 d.l270(4-l) (L) App 186;23 ca.l215( + l) (C) Gasc 17;p.25 d.1251 (L) B.Occ 408;30 Totals Northern Zone = 21 Franco-Provencal Zone = 4 Occitan Zone = 4 Preterite Northern Zone 1. CORU1 3. CORRUT corut CURUT 6, COR(R)URENT RESCOSTRENT (L) Bart 28; 343 (C) Vos 1;11 d.l235( + 2) Norm-10 927 col.2;63 (L) Bart 14;53(4-1), Adam 327 (L) Bart 49;91, Ami 1095(4-1) Rou III;8446 (L) Rou III;8349 4 3 4 Occitan Zone 3. CORS CORREC (L) B.Occ 239;3 (L) B.Occ 238:38 Totals Northern Zone=13 179 Strong -Wk u +Wk u Occitan Zone=2 Imperfect Subjunctive 3. CORUST (C) Norm 927 col.2;4 d.1278 1 CROIRE H-Mn" 258;31. d.1269 Infinitive: CONCREIDRE Eul 21 9th C , CREDRE Leg 186 CREIRE Rol 987, Bru-16 221;12 d.1185 Past Participle Northern Zone CREU locations: crauz (C) H-Mn 122; 12 d.l260( + 5) Wal p.l60;18 13th C. Oise 68;20 d.l264(+16) Poit 114; 14 d.l257( + 27) (L) Rol 2088, Rou II; 1001(4-2) Adam 1265 (C) H-Mn 273;24 d.1270 58 Franco-Provengal Zone CREU (C) Ly 24;9 d.l351( + 3) Occitan Zone CREZUD -s-"8-CREUT (C) Bru-8 78;42 d.1157 Gasc 21;p.33 d,1260( + l) (L) App 52;41( + 2) (C) Gasc 55;15 d.1236 (C) Bru-19 306;2 d.1197 (L) B.Occ 18;27( + 1) Totals Northern Zone = 58 Franco-Provencal Zone= Occitan Zone = 10 Preterite Northern Zone 1. CREI CRUI 3. CRUT re-CREI croi 5. CREISTES CREUTES 6. CREIRENT -ant-unt CRURENT (L) (D (C) (L) (D (L) (L) (L) (L) Rou III;7515( + 2) Hu 3314 Oise 111;34 d.1272 Rou 11,3612 Bart 33;83 Rou C.A.; 131(4-1) Rou II;209(4-1) Rou III;7030 Adam 540 Rou III;5059 Cath 1709(4-2) Ric 29;119 15th C. 4 1 Franco- Provengal Zone 6. CREERONT (L) CREIRONT (L) Aeb 6;345( + l) Aeb 6;403 Occitan Zone 3. CREDET CREZET CREET 6. CREEREN (L) Bo 46 (L) IEAP 50; 12 (L) B.Occ 19;9 (L) B. Occ 14;31 Totals Northern Zone=18 Franco-Provencal Zone = 3 Occitan Zone=4 Imperfect Subjunctive Northern Zone 1 CREUSSE (C) Norm 927 col.2;23 ca.1278 (L) Bart 78; 207 CREISSE (L) Hu 449 3. CREIST (L) Rou III;6734, Hu 3121 CREUST (L) Tris 119 5. CREISEZ (L) Rol 1728 creissiez (L) Gor 532( + 2) Franco-Provengal Zone 6. CREISSANT (L) Aeb 6; 372 Occitan Zone 2. CREESES (L) Cath 226(4-1) 3. CREEZES (L) IEAP 54;21 6. CREESSEN (L) Bo 24 Totals Northern Zone = 10 Franco-Provencal Zone=l Occitan Zone=4 ESTER (L)Cler 158 Infinitive: ISTAR(C) Bru-14 9;9 d.1103 Past Participle Northern Zone AR(R)ESTUT (L) Bart 25;305(4-l) Occitan Zone ESTUT (C) Bru-18 343;18 ca.1200 ESTAT (L) App 40;25(4-2) - d (C) Gasc 17;p.21 d.l251(4-l) ISTAT (L) App 123;46( + 1) Totals Northern Zone=2 Occitan Zone=8 Preter i te Northern Zone 3. ESTED (L)' ISTUD (L) ESTUT (L) 6. ESTERENT (L) ESTURENT (L) Cler 61( + 2) Leg 111 Rol 671(4-2), Rou III;3040(4-2) Bart 13; 24(4-2) Cler 37 Rou II;1041(4-2), Bart 13;31 Franco- Provengal Zone 6. ESTERONT (C) Fz 28;606 d.1388 Occitan Zone • 1. ESTEY (L) App 25;41 3. ESTETH (Q Bru 160;6 d.1177 estet (L) App 3;518(4-1) ESTEC (L) App 7;93(+l) 6. ESTERO(N) (C) Bru-18 343; 12 ca.1200 App 5; 277 Totals Northern Zone=18 Franco- Provencal Zone=1 Occitan Zone=8 Imperfect Subjunct ive Northern Zone 3. ESTEUST (L) Bart 14; 53 Occitan Zone 3. ESTES (C) App 34;2 ca.1140 RENDRE (C)Vos 9; 10 d.1244, Rol 3012 Infinitive: REDRE (L) Cler 143 10th C. Vos 44;7 d.1257 Pas t Par t i c ip le All Zones RENDU (C) Pic.3 5;29 d.1218 locations: (C) Bru(4-1), Luch(-fl7), Ly(4-17) Fz(4-ll), Aeb(4-2), Vos H-Mn(4-1), Sch-5(4-ll) Pic.l( + 2), Pic.2(4-5), Pic.3( + 1) Sch-7(4-ll), Ber Sch-W.l(4-1), Poit(4-55) (L) randu (C) arrendud (C) RED(D)UT (C) Totals All Zones = 167 Preterite Northern Zone RED (C) RENDE(T) (L) RENDI(T) (C) locations: (L) 4. RENDIMES (C) 6. RENDIRENT (C) locations: Franco-Provengal Zone 3. RENDU (C) Occitan Zone 3. REDET -g ARREDO 6. REDERON Totals Northern Zone=18 Franco-Provencal Zone = 1 Occitan Zone = 5 Imperfect Subjunctive Northern Zone 1. RENDISSE (L) 3. RENDIST (C) locations: 6. RENDISSENT (C) Occitan Zone 3. REDES (C) rendes (L) 4. RETCEM (C) 6. REDESSO (C) ARRENDOSSAN (C) Rol(+l), App Bur( + 2), Vos( + 4) Sch-4( + 8), Oise Gasc Bru-8-12-18 120; 10 d.H70( + 7) Cler 45(4-1) Leg 26(4-1) Poit 215;68 d.1261 Wal( + 1), Picl, Oise, Ber Rol 1046 Wal 10;15 d.1266 Pic.3 1;9 d.l218( + 2) Pic2(+1), Wal Fz 19;1 d.1394 Bart 20;111 Poit 232;6 d.1296 Sch-4, Rou Wal X;p.l46 d.l272( + l) Bru-2-8 350;14 ca.H20(4-3) App 17; 36 Bru-8 176;19 d.1180 Bru-18 203;18 d.1183 Gasc 55; 11 d.1236 (C) Bru-8 278;41 d.1195 (C) Bru-20 97:5 d.1160 (C) Gasc 35;p.82 d.1256 (C) Bru;8 207;10 d.ll83(+l) Totals Northern Zone=6 Occitan Zone=8 VENDRE Bart 39;9 Infinitive: VANDRE Vos 6;18 d.1247 Past Participle VENDU (C) Pic.3 2;3 d.1218 and all locations vandu (C) H-Mn 3;2 d.l233( + 22) vondui (C) Bur 33; 15 d.1288 vendut (L) Rol 2035 Preterite Northern Zone 1. VENDI (C) S.W. 5;p.l48 d.1232 Pic.1 M;26 d.1293 3. VENDI(T) (C) Pic.3 27;2 d.l243( + 5) locations: H-Mn(vandi), Pic.l( + 6) Oise, Poit( + 6) 4. VANDIMES (C) Bur 43 VI;6 d.1262 6. VENDIRENT (C) Pic.3 5;27 d.l218( + 10) Sch-11 69;4 d.l269(+l) Poit 11;3 d.l279( + ll) vanderent H-Mn 75;2 d.1257 Franco- Provengal Zone 3. VENDIT (C) Ly 34;698 d.1364 Fz 19;8 d.1394 Occitan Zone. 1. VENDEI (C) Bru 262;24 d.1191 3. VENDET (C) Bru 15;26 ca.H20( + 6) vendee Bru 104; 1 d.H65( + 7) vende, -deg ( + 3) 6. VENDERO (C) Bru 157;1 d.H77( + 7) huendero Bru-18 309;2 d.1197 VENDERUNT Bru-5-7 156 ca.H76( + l) Totals Northern Zone=51 Franco-Provencal Zone = 2 Occitan Zone = 29 Imperfect Subjunctive Northern Zone 1 VENDISSE (C) Oise 125; 12 d.1276 3. VENDIST(C) Oise 9; 14 d.1250 Occitan Zone 6. VENDESSON (C) Bru 115;5 d.1168 184 Strong -Wk u +Wk u -CFVOIR Recevoir Pic.3 41;4 d.1250 Infinitive: RECOIVRE Vos 10;6 d.1244 RECIVRE Vos 25;11 d.1253, Ly 25;4 d.1355 RECEIVRE Rol 1178, (per-)Bart 27;90, (dec-)Bart 25;298 APARCEVEIR Bart 25;276 RECEVIR Ly 34;895 d.1365 RECEUVRE Ly 34;949 d.1365 RECEPTER Bur 43 TV;4 d.1279 Past Participle Northern Zone RECEU (C) Vos 21;4 d.l251(+15) locations: (C) Bur( + 26), H-Mn( + 31), Wal( + 6) var. recu Pic.1, Pic.2( + 9), Pic.3 recehu, rechut Oise( + 47), Ber, W.2.( + l), Poit( + 31) & other compounds (L) Rol( + l), Rou( + 13), Bart 194 RECHI (C) Wal 15;34 d.1280 1 Franco- Provengal Zone RECEU (C) Ly 40b;2 d.l396( + 15) -re-de Fz 18; 66 d.l358( + 7) Aeb 23;3 d.1271 conceu (L) Aeb 6;106( + 1) var. recieu, reciouz, reczehu, ressiou, recehu( + 10) resseu (C) Ly 12;113 d.l386-92( + 7) 45 RECEPT (C) Ly 30;302 d.l345( + 2) recep Fz 4; 12 d.1288 Ly 48;31 d.l361( + 2) 8 RECET (C) Ly 29;301 d.l343(+9) reset, reczet Fz 4; 12 d.l288( + 3) 14 RECEPTER (C) Fz 28;418 d.l388( + 64) 65 Occitan Zone RECEUBUT (C) Bru 163;13 d.H78( + 35) -uput Bru 59;64 d.H50( + 32) -de-per (L) App 8;217( + 5) 74 RECEUT (C) Bru-8-9 95;7 d.H60( + 2) 3 DECEBUT (C) Bru 152; 11 d.1176 -ud (C) Gasc 35;5 d.l256( + 5) arcebudz Gasc 17;7 d.1251 recebud Gasc 22;p.39 d.l281( + 6) W.2. 2;6 d.1299 16 RECEGU (C) Poit 107;7 d.l229( + 4) 5 Totals Northern Zone=195 Franco- Provencal Zone=132 Occitan Zone=98 Preterite Northern Zone 1. RECUI (C) (L) rechui (C) recehu (C) APERCEU (L) 3. RECIU(T) (L) RECUT (C) var. de-ap-per-con (L) RECEUT (C) (L) apar-de- (L) recehut (C) RECEVIT (L) Preterite Northern Zone 4. RESUMES (C) rec-RECUM (C) 6. RECH(E)URENT (C) locations: PERCURENT (L) aper-apar-Franco- Provengal Zone 1. RECEVYS (C) 2. RECIVRES (C) 3. RECEVIT (C) RECIT (C) recet, receit RECEU (C) Occitan Zone 1. RECEGUI (C) RECEUBI (L) 2. RECEUBIST (L) 3. RECEUP (C) (L) -b (C) ARSEUBEG (C) 4. RECEUBEM (C) RECEGUIMES (C) 6. RECEUBRO (C) - P -APERCEUBRON (L) RECEBRO (L) RECEUBEREN (C) Norm 927 col.l;61 ca.1278 Cath 548, Bart 24;289( + 2) Oise 38:44 d.1259 Poit 19; 1 d.1254 Bart 24;135 Leg 21( + 3) Pic.3 20;6 d.1236 Oise 6;20 d.1249 Poit 48;3 d.1298 Alex 98, Rol 2825(4-1) Rou III;4685(4-7), Bart 21;59(4-5) Oise 187;9 d.1285 Alex 119, Rou III 1185(4-2) Bart 14;77 (4-3) Bur 41 XII;17 d.1339 Poit 9;2 d.1298 Cath 2646(4-1) Vos 131;4 d.1270 Wal 10; 10 d.1265 Poit 208;8 d.1230 Wal 4;5 d.1248 Picl, Sch-7 Bart 19; 330 Rou III 8175(4-3) Ly 47;63 d.1230 Ly 34;570 d.1364 Ly 34;498 d.l364(4-6) Ly 47;60 d.l320(4-8) Fz 39;6 d.1399 S.W. I;p.l43 d.1225 Poit 201;10 d.l248(4-7) App 7;87 ca.1215 App 106;73 Bru 95;7 d.H60(4-17) App 122b;16 Bru 65;4 d.H51(4-4) Bru 481; 5 d.1186 Bru-8 289; 18 d.1195 S.W. 2; 11 d.1225 Poit 114;8 d.l257(4-2) Bru-8 133;6 d.H72(4-l) App 121;19 App 7;324 ca.1215 Bru-20 488 d.1187 arceberen (C) Bru-20 172;25 d.1179 RECEBORON Gasc 46; 15 d.1256 recebon Gasc 35;p.83 d.1256 Totals Northern Zone = 56 Franco- Provencal Zone =19 Occitan Zone = 49 Imperfect Subjunctive Northern Zone APERCEUBESSAN (L) App 122b;10 Totals Northern Zone = 1 Occitan Zone=4 -LIRE H-Mn 275;23 d. pre-1277 Infinitive: LEGIR Bru 3;19 d.1053, Foi 1 ESLIERE Ly 25;9 d.1355 ELERE Ly 42a;l d.1386 LEYRE Frag 98 Noun Northern Zone ELLU (C) Vos 137;1 d.l270( + l) 1. RECEUST (C) Poit 189;22 d.1269 Occitan Zone 3. RECEUBES 6. RECEBOSEN (C) Bru-10-18 27;5 d.ll35( + l) (C) Gasc 46;14 d.1256 alu ESLEU (C) Sch-4 XL;8 d.l261( + l) Norm 927 col.l;6 d.1278 Poit 39; 19 d.!275( + 2) Wal VI; 1 p.75 d.1249 Wal VIII;6 p.76 d.1259 H-Mn 234;23 d.l268( + l) Wal IV;2 p.73 d.l248( + 5) Norm 927 col.l;10 ca.l278( + 13) Wal II;p.l37 d.1248 esluj enliut ESLIZ (Q enliet Franco- Provengal Zone ELEU (Q Ly 35;62 d.l377( + 3) Past Participle Northern Zone (ES)LEU locations: (Q H-Mn 1:14 d.l232( + 7) Bur 39 VIII;9( + 1) Sch-5 XVII;10( + 1) Pic.2 31;129, Oise 1;2( + 1) var. eslehu 187 Strong -Wk u +Wk u enleut etc. Norm 1021 col.l;23( + 4) W.2. 9;p.296, Poit 96;2( + 7) (L) Bart 52a;66( + 2) LIT (Q Vos 80;2 d.1261 (L) Rou 111:8, Bart 17;222 eslit (L) Rou III;901( + 2), Bart 87a;28( + l) aliz (Q Vos 63;16 d.l259( + l) lietes (Q Wal XVII; 14 d.1276 Franco-Provengal Zone ESLEU (Q Ly 24;23 d.l351-2( + 2) var. eslieu ELLIEZ (Q Ly 48;9 d.1361 ESLIET (C) Aeb 35;74 d.1372 Occitan Zone ELEGUT (L) App 109f; 10( + 1) ESLUT (Q Gasc 36;p.85 d.1259 ELEGIT (L) App 7; 160(4-1) ELIG (L) App 6;166 ESLEIT (L) App 108;148 aleit (Q Gasc 21;p.37 d.l260(4-l) Totals Northern Zone=43 Franco-Provencal Zone = 5 Occitan Zone = 8 Preterite Northern Zone • 3. ENLUIT (C) Wal 9;4 d.1263 ESLIST (L) Bart 14;78 6. L(E)URENT (Q H-Mn 75;34 d.l257( + l) Occitan zone 3. LEGO (C) Bru 348;21 ca.1200 LEGIC (L) App 117;52 6. ALHEGON (Q Gasc 21;p.37 d.1260 Totals Northern Zone=4 Occitan Zone=3 Imperfect Subjunctive 3. ESLIST (C) Pic.3 26;8 d.1242 1 MOURIR Rou II 970 Infinitive: MURIR Cler 215 MORIR App 11;16, Bart 23;46 Past Participle Northern Zone MORT (L) Eul 18 9th C. Occitan Zone MOR(T) (L) App 7;107( + 2) Preterite Northern Zone 3. MURUT (L) Rou III;112( + 6) morut, mourut Ric 8;11 !5th C.( + l) MORI (L) Bart 17;215 MOURIT (L) Bart 80;36 murit Cath 760(4-5) 6. MORURENT (L) Rou III 8018 Bart 26;6, Ric 16;61 15th C. mururent (L) Rou III 3269, Bart 50; 10 Franco- Provengal Zone 6. MORIRENT (L) Aeb 6;401 Occitan Zone 3. MORI(G) (C) . (L) moric MURIT (C) 6. MORIRO(N) (L) Totals Northern Zone=22 Franco-Provencal Zone = l Occitan Zone = 7 Bru-8-10 54;4 d.H48(4-l) App 122b;22 App 7; 102 Bru-3 225; 14 d.1185 App 118;107(4-1) Imperfect Subjunctive Northern Zone 1. MOURUSSE . (L) Bart 61; 196 3. MORUST (L) Rou III;5450( + 1), Bart (Q Poit 190;22 d.1274 (L) Ric 34; 128 15th C. MOSRIST (C) Pic.3 21;11 d.l237( + l) morist (C) Poit 5;6 d.1283 murist (L) Cath 2083 4. MORESEINS (Q Bur 41 VIII;23 d.1275 MORISINS (Q H-Mn 100;6 d.1259 5. MORUSSIEZ (L) Rou II;2405 MORISSIEZ (L) Rou II;2385 6. MORUSSENT (L) Ric 19;26 19;53(4-1) Totals Northern Zone = 16 ROMPRE 189 Strong -Wk u +Wk u H-Mn 77;7 d.1258 Infinitive: DERUMPRE Alex 428 Past Participle RUMPREL (L) Cler 115 1 RUMPUT (L) Rol 1300( + 7) DEROMPU (L) Rou III;8769 CORRUMPU (C) Poit 96;3 d.l261( + 6) 17 4Bur 43 XI;6 d.1307 ROUT (L) Bart 19;32( + 2) DESROT (L) Cour 2146 4 Franco-Provencal Zone ROMPU (C) Ly 43a;5 d.1387 Fz 47;15 d.l410( + 2) 5 Aeb 26;30 d.1465 ROT (C) Ly 33;19 d.l350(+l) 2 Occitan Zone ROT (L) App-20 1;492, B.Occ 44;6( + 2) 4 „ Totals Northern Zone=22 Franco-Provencal Zone = 7 Occitan Zone=4 Preterite Northern zone 3 ROMPIE (L) Cour 2152 RUMPIET (L) Bart 8; 158 2 6. ROMPERENT (L) Cath 2119 1 Franco- Provengal Zone 3. ROMPIT (C) Ly 39k;3 d.1393 1 Occitan Zone 3. RUMPED (L) Foi 567 CORROMPET (L) App 8; 174 2 Totals Northern Zone=3 Franco-Provencal Zone=l Occitan Zone = 2 T O L J K Eul 22 9th C. Infinitive: TOLRE Bru-8 41;55 ca.1143 Past Participle Northern zone TOLU (Q Pic.2 31;158 d.1315 var. tollu (L) Leg 229, Alex 108, Rol 1962( + 2) Rou II;745, Bart 16;46( + 1) TOLEIT (L) Rol 2490, Rou III; 1269(4-4) var. -oit (L) Adam 392 Occitan Zone TOLT (Q Bru- 8 41;27 ca.H48( + l) (L) App 63;80 tout (L) App 17;13( + 3) TOLGUT (L) App 78;18 TORUD (C) Gasc 27;p.50 d.1252 Totals Northern Zone=16 Occitan Zone—9 Preterite Northern Zone 1. TOLI (L) Bart 14;72 3. TOUT (C) H-Mn 216;21 d.1266 -11- (L) Rol 1488(4-2), Rou III;1272( + 3) Bart 21;124(4-1), Cath 921 6. TOLIRENT (Q Pic.2 29;35 d.1310 -11- (L) Rou III;308(4-1), Bart 79;40 Ric 6;72 15th C. Occitan Zone • 2. TOLGUIST (D App 106;72 3. TOLC (L) App 17:5(4-3) -g - (L) Foi 544 . 6. TOLGRONT (L) App 90;33 Totals Northern Zone = 17 Occitan Zone = 7 Imperfect Subjunctive Occitan Zone 3. TOLGUES (L) B.Occ 57; 19 TOROS (C) Gasc 21;p.34 d.1260 VENIR This follows the same pattern as TENIR VETIR Noun VESTI (C) Wal 2;p.l37 d.l248( + 12) Past Participle 191 Strong -Wk u +Wk u Northern Zone VESTU (C) Poit 210;7 d.l248( + 56) locations: (C) Bur 39 1;10( + 14), Vos 40;30( + 5) var. veto, de(s>- H-Mn 160;7( + 26), Picl N;9 da- en- re- Pic.2 7;15, Oise 14;5( + 10) S.W. 9;10 Date Range 1248-1293 (L) Bart 26:18, Alex 582, Rol 384( + 8) Rou III;7973( + 2) 133 VESTI (C) Sen-3 23;4 d.1231 locations: Bur 43 IX;13, Vos 127:14 and compounds H-Mn 188;8( + 2), Wal IV:16 p.l38( + 9) Picl F;33, Poit 213;7 Date Range 1231-1310 (L) Cler;104, Leg;145, Bart 82;74 21 Franco- Provengal Zone VESTU (L) Aeb 6;47 1 VESTI (L) Aeb 6;385 1 Occitan Zone VESTIT (C) Bru 15;7 ca.H20( + 15) (L) App 7;125 ca.1215 Bo 207, Foi 199 bestid ' (C) Gasc 50;26 d.l259( + 3) 22 Totals Northern Zone = 154 Franco-Provencal Zone=2 Occitan Zone=22 Preterite -IR type in all cases Totals Northern Zone = 19 Occitan Zone=6 VIVRE Rou II; 1129 Infinitive: VIURE Cler 119, VIEURE Fz 28;623 d.1388 Past Participle Northern Zone VESQUU (L) Rou III;405( + 3) var. vesc(h)u(t) Bart 24;27( + l) 6 Occitan Zone VISCUT (L) App 107;44, B.Occ 395;1 2 Preterite 192 Northern Zone 3. VISQUET vesquiet VESQUI 6. VESQUIRENT veyquirent Occitan Zone 1. VESQUEI visquei 3. VISQUET 6. VISQUERON Totals Northern Zone = 12 Occitan Zone=5 (L) Leg 49, Cath 238 Gor 413 (C) Norm 665;17 ca.1260 (L) Rou C.A.;198( + 2) Ric 17;98 15th C. (L) Rou III 1425(+1), Bart 247 (C) .Poit 156;5 d.1247 (L) App-20 1;395 (L) B.Occ 41;9 (L) B.Occ 216;10(+1) 8L) App 119;115 Strong -Wk u +Wk u 3 5 2 2 1 Imperfect Subjunctive Northern Zone 3. VESQUIST 6. VESQUISSENT (Q (L) (L) Occitan Zone 3. VISQUEST (L) 5. VISQUESSETZ L) Totals Northern Zone = 7 Occitan Zone = 2 S.W 10;16 d.1250 Poit 116;21 d.l266( + l) Rou III 1308( + 1) Rou II;621, Ric 19;72 15th C. App-20 1;317 App 82;44 5 2 VOIR Infinitive: VEDER Cler 52, Bo 122 VEDEIR Rol 270, VEEIR Rol 1104 Noun VEU(E) (C) Pic.3 6; 17 d.1219 Oise 174; 1 d.1283 Norm 665;20 d.1260 Past Participle Northern Zone VEDUD VEU locations: var. vehu, vahu vau, veouz, veuez (L) Cler 210, Alex 395 (C) Oise 6; 18 d.l249( + 6) Bur 41 VII;13( + 2) Vos 131;10( + 2) H-Mn 68;6( + 9), Wal p.161 Pic.2 34;42( + l), Ber 19;5 W.2. 5;10( + 1), Poit 96;2( + 14) 44 193 Strong -Wk u +Wk u Date Range 1249-1321 VEU(D) (L) Rol 1960( + 4), Rou III;406( + 2) 11 Bart 14;56( + 2) Franco-Provencal Zone VEU (L) Aeb 7; 138 1 Occitan Zone VIST (C) Bru-8 480;9 d.ll85( + 2) var. bist Gasc 17;p27 d.l251( + l) (L) App 41;15( + 4) vis (L) App 14;45(+1) 12 VEZUT (L) App 107;67 vezuz IEAP 19;24 VEGUT (L) IEAP 14;58 3 VEUT (L) Bo 106 1 Totals Northern Zone=57 Franco- Provencal Zone=1 Occitan Zone=16 Strong / verb in preterite with matching subjunctive Preterite Totals Northern Zone=61 Franco-Provencal Zone=12 Occitan Zone=34 Imperfect Subjunctive Northern Zone=18 Occitan Zone=7 


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