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Relationships between childhood victimization, self and world beliefs, and coping patterns in adult male… Hayes, Sean Michael 1991

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RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN CHILDHOOD VICTIMIZATION, SELF AND WORLD BELIEFS, AND COPING PATTERNS IN ADULT MALE UNDERGRADUATES By SEAN MICHAEL HAYES B.Sc, University of Toronto, 1988 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of Counselling Psychology) We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September, 1991 Sean Michael Hayes, 1991 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada Date < E b e g j r ^ ( 0 , y ^ c \ \ DE-6 (2/88) i i ABSTRACT In recent years, there has been an increased i n t e r e s t i n broadening the study of sexual abuse to include male c h i l d victims and to i n v e s t i g a t i n g the well-being of male adults with a history of sexual abuse. The research i s however pr i m a r i l y d e s c r i p t i v e . This study applied a t h e o r e t i c a l framework to the i n v e s t i g a t i o n of coping patterns amongst three groups of male undergraduate students (those with a h i s t o r y of childhood sexual abuse, those with a hi s t o r y of negative events other than sexual abuse, and those with a non-victimizing history) attending a large Canadian u n i v e r s i t y and a large community college. One hundred and t h i r t y - f i v e male respondents (M age = 22.17 years) completed a survey regarding t h e i r self-worth, assumptions about the benevolence and meaningfulness of the world, degree of gender r o l e stress, choice of coping strategies i n interpersonal s t r e s s f u l s i t u a t i o n s , and h i s t o r y of negative childhood events. Thirteen respondents reported having been sexually abused as a c h i l d (9.63% of the t o t a l ) , 25 respondents reported \ having experienced v i c t i m i z i n g events other than sexual abuse (18.52%), \ and 97 respondents reported no v i c t i m i z i n g events (71.86%). \ H i e r a r c h i c a l multiple regression analyses were used to investigate the \ e f f e c t of the s e l f and world assumptions, and gender r o l e stress upon \ the r e l a t i o n s h i p between v i c t i m status and the use of coping strategies \ i n a interpersonal fetressful s i t u a t i o n . As hypothesized, there was a \ % s i g n i f i c a n t l i n e a r r e l a t i o n s h i p between the schema and gender r o l e \ stress scores, and the^ coping score, which accounted for 21% of the X variance. D i s t o r t i o n i n schematic patterns and high gender r o l e stress V f were p o s i t i v e l y r e l a t e d to the use of maladaptive coping patterns. \ Expected moderating e f f e c t s between gender role stress and schematic 8distortion upon the relationship between victimization status and the use of maladaptive coping patterns, however did not arise. The findings contribute knowledge about the effect of undergraduate men's values and beliefs upon coping patterns. TABLE OF CONTENTS Page A b s t r a c t i i T a b l e o f C o n t e n t s i v T a b l e s v i i F i g u r e s v i i i Acknowledgements i x I n t r o d u c t i o n I n t r o d u c t i o n 1 T h e o r e t i c a l Background C o p i n g w i t h S t r e s s 3 Schemas 3 Gender R o l e S t r e s s 5 R a t i o n a l e and Hypotheses of Study 6 L i t e r a t u r e Review S e x u a l Abuse 9 P r e v a l e n c e o f S e x u a l Abuse o f C h i l d r e n . . 10 Male C h i l d S e x u a l Abuse 11 P r e v a l e n c e o f Male C h i l d S e x u a l Abuse . . . 13 U n d e r r e p o r t i n g o f Male C h i l d S e x u a l Abuse 16 The Male C h i l d V i c t i m 17 Long-term Consequences f o r t h e Male S u r v i v o r 22 T h e o r e t i c a l Background C o p i n g w i t h S t r e s s 28 V Page Gender Role Stress 40 Summary and Integration 49 Method Subjects 52 Sampling procedure 55 Instruments Demographics 55 Schemas 55 Gender Role Stress 57 Coping and S t r e s s f u l event 58 V i c t i m i z i n g events 65 Sexual abuse 66 P i l o t Study 69 S t a t i s t i c a l Analyses 69 Results Descriptive S t a t i s t i c s 71 Analyses of Demographic differences 74 Analyses of Coping Scale score i n r e l a t i o n to Schema and Gender Role Stress scores . . . . 75 Mult i p l e Regression Analyses 77 Further Analyses 80 Discussion Discussion 81 Assumptive Schemas, Gender Role Stress, Coping 82 V i c t i m i z a t i o n and Coping 83 Methodological Issues 87 Concluding Comments 88 References 90 Appendices Appendix A. Victim C l a s s i f i c a t i o n 106 Appendix B. Informed Consent by Respondents to P a r t i c i p a t e i n a Research Project 107 Appendix C. Survey 108 Appendix D. COPE 119 Appendix E. Regression Model 121 Appendix F. Table 6 122 Appendix G. Further Analyses 124 Appendix H. Table 7 .128 v i i Tables Page Table 1. Demographics for Victim, Other Victim, and Non-Victim groups 54 Table 2. Frequencies and Means of Stressor Descriptors, and In t e r c o r r e l a t i o n s with Adaptive and Maladaptive Coping subscales . .64 Table 3. Descriptive Information on Victimized Groups 73 Table 4. Means, Standard Deviations, Pearson In t e r c o r r e l a t i o n s of Predictor and C r i t e r i o n Variables 76 Table 5. H i e r a r c h i c a l Regression Analysis Predic t i n g Maladaptive Coping as a Proportion of Total Coping From V i c t i m i z a t i o n , Schema score, and Gender Role Stress scores 78 Table 6. Means and Standard Deviations of Age, Schema subscales, Gender subscales, and Coping subscales 122 Table 7. Pearson In t e r c o r r e l a t i o n s of Schema subscales, subscales, Gender subscales, Coping subscales and Age 128 Figure Caption Page Figure 1. The r e l a t i o n between summed Schema scores (S) and maladaptive coping scores for NV (Non- and Other Victims; Y=2.462(S) + 41.776, N=110), and for SV (Sexual abuse and sexual assault victims; Y=.913(S) + 42.656, N=18) 12 Acknowledgements I would l i k e to express my gratitude to Dr. Bonita Long, whose endless patience, support, and organizational s k i l l s made t h i s study possible. Dr. Long i s , i n many ways, responsible for my success i n completing the graduate program and has inspired me to higher educational goals. I also wish to extend my thanks to my committee members, Dr. Beth Haverkamp and Dr. Rebecca C o l l i n s , whose attention to e d i t o r i a l and methodological issues i n t h i s study i s greatly appreciated. F i n a l l y , I would l i k e to thank my parents, family, and Michael, without whom I would never have even attempted the educational path that has lead me to t h i s t h e s i s . 1 INTRODUCTION The l i t e r a t u r e p r i o r to about 1970 viewed c h i l d sexual abuse as an exotic, v i r t u a l l y n e g l i g i b l e phenomenon taking place i n very rare circumstances, i n very rare f a m i l i e s , and perpetuated by very unusual men (Butler, 1982). Recent research has revealed that c h i l d sexual abuse i s i n fact more pervasive than the previous l i t e r a t u r e indicated. The Badgley Commission on Sexual Offences against Children and Adolescents reported that 50% of adult women and 33% of adult men had been sexually vic t i m i z e d at some point in t h e i r l i v e s , and 75% of these assaults occurred when the vi c t i m was younger than 17 years (Badgley et a l . , 1984). Much of the research and findings to date have focused on female ch i l d r e n or female adults. In recent years, there has been increased i n t e r e s t i n examining the incidence of sexual abuse of males (e.g., DeJong, Hervada, & Emmett, 1983; Farber, Showers, Johnson, Joseph, & Oshins, 1984; N a s j l e t i , 1980; Fromuth & Burkhart, 1989; Showers, Farber, Joseph, Oshins, & Johnson, 1983). For example, Sebold (1987) estimates that 46,000 to 92,000 boys are sexually abused each year i n the United States. This i s l i k e l y a conservative estimate because less than 8% of the t o t a l number of sexually abused male children are thought to come to public attention (Nielsen, 1985). In spite of t h i s increased i n t e r e s t , many problems i n the l i t e r a t u r e pertaining to male sexual abuse victims remain. In a recent review of the e x i s t i n g l i t e r a t u r e , Vander Mey (1988) concludes that only two credible studies focusing on male sexual abuse victims have been conducted i n the l a s t decade. The s i t u a t i o n i s more problematic when exploring the issue of long-term e f f e c t s of sexual abuse on male victims. The consequences of 2 the sexually abusive experience for a male survivor (a term used to denote an i n d i v i d u a l who was a v i c t i m of sexual abuse during childhood or adolescence; Bolton, Morris, & MacEachron, 1989) are thought to include flashbacks of the event, fee l i n g s of i s o l a t i o n , unworthiness, anger, h o s t i l i t y , masculine i d e n t i t y confusion, r e c a p i t u l a t i o n of the v i c t i m i z i n g event with the survivor acting as the offender, depression, sexual dysfunction, and use of alcohol or drugs to cope (Bagley & Ramsey, 1985; Dimock, 1988; N a s j l e t i , 1980; Roger & Terry, 1984; Summit & Kryso, 1978). However, these statements are generally derived from c l i n i c a l impressions and are primarily d e s c r i p t i v e . There i s uniform lack of a p p l i c a t i o n of theory to the l i t e r a t u r e on male sexual abuse survivors, precluding an understanding of the experience for the survivor and impeding the design of treatment programs. The purpose of t h i s study was to explore how male survivors cope with an interpersonal s t r e s s f u l event, as related to the b e l i e f system they hold about themselves, about the world, and about t h e i r r o l e as men. Theoretical Background The l i t e r a t u r e pertaining to male sexual abuse survivors and t h e i r well-being i s p a r t i c u l a r l y hampered by i t s lack of a t h e o r e t i c a l framework. The following areas are suggested as important for consideration of male survivors and t h e i r present d a i l y functioning: (a) the coping patterns of male survivors r e l a t i v e to t h e i r non-abused counterparts and to victims of traumatic events other than sexual abuse, when confronted with an interpersonal s t r e s s f u l s i t u a t i o n (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984); (b) an e f f o r t to explore survivors' conceptions about the s e l f and the world (Janoff-Bulman, 1989); and (c) gender r o l e stress ( E i s l e r & Skidmore, 1987), as l o g i c d i c t a t e s that the experience of 3 males w i t h a s e x u a l l y a b u s i v e h i s t o r y may be d i s t i n c t from o t h e r s due t o c u l t u r a l s t e r e o t y p e s a t t a c h e d t o t h e i r ' v i c t i m ' s t a t u s . C o ping w i t h S t r e s s In r e c e n t y e a r s , t h e r e has been an i n c r e a s e d i n t e r e s t i n i n v e s t i g a t i n g how p e o p l e cope w i t h s t r e s s f u l e v e n t s i n t h e i r l i v e s (e.g., Anderson, 1977; B i l l i n g s & Moos, 1981; Folkman & L a z a r u s , 1980; Parkes, 1984; P e a r l i n & S c h o o l e r , 1978). Coping i s g e n e r a l l y p e r c e i v e d as a r e s p o n s e d e s i g n e d t o f u l f i l l one o f two f u n c t i o n s : (a) a problem-f o c u s e d f u n c t i o n — a t t e m p t s by t h e i n d i v i d u a l t o manage or a l t e r t h e s o u r c e o f s t r e s s , t h r o u g h a c t i o n ; and (b) an e m o t i o n - f o c u s e d f u n c t i o n — e f f o r t s t h a t seek t o r e g u l a t e o r a m e l i o r a t e t h e a f f e c t i n h e r e n t t o t h e s t r e s s f u l s i t u a t i o n , w i t h o u t n e c e s s a r i l y a c t i n g upon t h e s t r e s s o r i t s e l f . A f i n d i n g o f t e n c i t e d i n t h e r e s e a r c h on c o p i n g f u n c t i o n s i s t h a t males are g e n e r a l l y prone t o u t i l i z i n g t h e more a c t i v e , problem-f o c u s e d c o p i n g f u n c t i o n s , and t h a t t h e use of t h e s e a c t i v e s t r a t e g i e s i s g e n e r a l l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h g r e a t e r a d a p t i v e n e s s and mental h e a l t h t ha n i s t h e use o f t h e e m o t i o n - f o c u s e d s t r a t e g i e s (e.g., C a r v e r , S c h e i e r , & Weintraub, 1989; F e l t o n , Revenson, & H i n r i c h s e n , 1984; Kahana, Kahana, & Young, 1987; M i l l e r & K i r s c h , 1987; M i t c h e l l & Hodson, 1983; Parkes, 1984, 1990; V i n g e r h o e t s & van Heck, 1990). T h i s study was t h u s d e s i g n e d t o r e s p o n d t o some of the r e s e a r c h q u e s t i o n s about c o p i n g p a t t e r n s demonstrated within a group of a d u l t male u n d e r g r a d u a t e s , and amongst male s e x u a l abuse s u r v i v o r s i n p a r t i c u l a r . Schemas Jano f f - B u l m a n (1989) argues t h a t e a r l y i n l i f e human b e i n g s d e v e l o p p r e c o n c e p t i o n s c a l l e d schemas t h a t g u i d e our e x p e c t a t i o n s of o u r s e l v e s , o t h e r s , e v e n t s , and t h e w o r l d around us. She i d e n t i f i e s 4 eight types of schemas grouped under three headings: (a) Benevolence of the world (subdivided into the benevolence of the impersonal world and the benevolence of other people; (b) Meaningfulness of the world (subdivided into the assumption that outcomes of events are d i s t r i b u t e d i n a just manner, i n a c o n t r o l l a b l e manner, and in a nonrandom manner; (c) Self-worth (subdivided into a p o s i t i v e bias toward personal worth, a p o s i t i v e bias toward c o n t r o l l a b i l i t y , and a bias toward (good) luck. Because of these schemas, human beings tend to perceive the world through "rose-coloured glasses" and yet these d i s t o r t e d conceptions (d i s t o r t e d r e l a t i v e to what r e a l i t y dictates) are e s s e n t i a l to our sense of s t a b i l i t y i n our world (Janoff-Bulman, 1989). Experiencing a s t r e s s f u l l i f e event can be expected to s e r i o u s l y threaten and challenge the evolution of these e s s e n t i a l schemas and the p o s i t i v e bias they provide us. Samples from populations that have faced traumatic l i f e events, such as cancer ( C o l l i n s , Taylor, & Skokan, 1990) and death of a c h i l d or a spouse (Lehman, Wortman, & Williams, 1987) report changes i n t h e i r sense of purpose and means of functioning. D i r e c t l y r e l a t e d to the goals of t h i s study, Janoff-Bulman (1985, 1989; Janoff-Bulman & Frieze, 1983) has investigated the assumptive schemas of college students who have experienced l i f e events that the students rated as extremely negative. The author found that male college students with h i s t o r i e s of v i c t i m i z i n g events d i f f e r e d on three of the eight world assumption postulates r e l a t i v e to t h e i r non-victimized counterparts: they had a lower sense of personal worth, showed less b e l i e f i n the benevolence of the impersonal world, and had stronger b e l i e f s i n the d i s t r i b u t i o n of events a r i s i n g randomly. Thus, t h i s 5 study included schemas as a factor p o t e n t i a l l y affected by v i c t i m i z a t i o n , and possibly a f f e c t i n g subsequent coping. Gender Role Stress Included i n Janoff-Bulman's (1985, 1989; Janoff-Bulman & Frieze, 1983) research on schemas are the b e l i e f s about the s e l f . It seemed l o g i c a l to extend the b e l i e f s about the s e l f to include s e l f -conceptualizations about one's gender rol e , given i t s emphasis i n society. The r o l e s i n d i v i d u a l s are assigned on the basis of t h e i r b i o l o g i c a l gender play a c e n t r a l part in our l i v e s . In many s o c i e t i e s men are assigned instrumental roles that encourage dominance, action, aggression, ambition, emotional stoicism, and competition (Franklin, 1984; Munroe & Munroe, 1975). These s o c i a l guidelines can be expected to a f f e c t appraisal of a s t r e s s f u l l i f e event. S p e c i f i c a l l y , research has shown that c e r t a i n s i t u a t i o n s are p a r t i c u l a r l y s t r e s s f u l for men, including challenges to physical adequacy or i n t e l l e c t u a l a b i l i t y , s i t u a t i o n s that require emotional exp r e s s i v i t y or a f f e c t i o n a t e behavior between men, being subordinate to women, and help-seeking ( C o l l i e r , 1982; E i s l e r & Skidmore, 1987; E i s l e r , Skidmore, & Ward, 1988; Good, D e l l , & Mintz, 1989; Lash, E i s l e r , & Schulman, 1990; O'Neil, Helms, Gable, David, & Wrightsman, 1986). I proposed that some of the s i t u a t i o n s outlined by E i s l e r and his colleagues ( E i s l e r & Skidmore, 1987; E i s l e r et a l . , 1988; Lash et a l . , 1990) as s t r e s s f u l for men would be e s p e c i a l l y s t r e s s f u l for male survivors who, at least i n theory, have experienced an attack upon t h e i r sense of s e l f and masculinity. Stress i n coping with the male ro l e i s suggested by the l i t e r a t u r e to be p a r t i c u l a r l y common amongst male survivors (Dimock, 1988; Rogers & Terry, 1984). 6 Rationale and Hypotheses of Study To supplement the d e s c r i p t i v e data i n the f i e l d , the percentage of undergraduate males who reported having experienced a v i c t i m i z i n g event rated as extremely negative by the respondents of Janoff-Bulman (1989) study was documented. These events included a f i r e that destroyed the home, a d i s a b l i n g accident, death of a s i b l i n g , death of a parent, a sexually abusive act(s) in childhood, and a sexually coercive act i n adulthood (Janoff-Bulman, 1989; Janoff-Bulman, Personal Communication, November 1990). The main purpose of t h i s study was to examine the r e l a t i o n s h i p between a h i s t o r y of sexual abuse and other v i c t i m i z i n g events, assumptive schemas, and gender r o l e stress with coping patterns i n an i n t e r p e r s o n a l l y s t r e s s f u l s i t u a t i o n . The v i c t i m i z a t i o n , assumptive schema, and gender r o l e l i t e r a t u r e seemed p a r t i c u l a r l y relevant to an exploration of coping patterns given the model of coping that i s postulated by Lazarus and Folkman (1984). According to t h i s model, coping i s conceived as process-oriented that emphasizes i n d i v i d u a l appraisal of a s t r e s s f u l s i t u a t i o n and the accompanying reaction to the stressor. Thus, t h i s model d i f f e r e d from e a r l i e r conceptualizations of coping wherein a blanket l e v e l of stress i s associated with a s p e c i f i c event (e.g., Dohrenwend & Dohrenwend, 1974). Instead, i t i s the person, his or experiences (such as a v i c t i m i z i n g h i s t o r y ) , and his or her's frame of reference of values and b e l i e f s (such as those embodied by schemas and gender r o l e s t r e s s ) , that d i c t a t e how the v i c t i m i z i n g event(s) i s integrated into one's l i f e (Janoff-Bulman, 1989). For t h i s study, schemas and the degree of gender r o l e stress of survivors, victims, and non-victims were examined in regards to t h e i r 7 choice of coping strategies when dealing with a recent interpersonal s t r e s s . F i r s t , I argue that victims of challenging l i f e events need not be a uniform group as i s often implied by the l i t e r a t u r e . Given the li m i t e d a v a i l a b l e c l i n i c a l l i t e r a t u r e , such a s i t u a t i o n may be d i f f i c u l t for victims, but i t may vary according to how they have experienced and processed the traumatic l i f e events. Thus, how do male victims (those with a h i s t o r y of sexual abuse or a hist o r y of other v i c t i m i z i n g events such as f i r e or a d i s a b l i n g accident) cope r e l a t i v e to non-victims when confronted with the same type of situation? It was of p a r t i c u l a r exploratory i n t e r e s t to investigate whether sexual abuse survivors would u t i l i z e a greater degree of maladaptive coping functions (as defined by Carver et a l . , 1989) r e l a t i v e to t h e i r non-victimized counterparts and r e l a t i v e to other types of victims. Victims of negative l i f e events may cope with an interpersonal s i t u a t i o n that i s s t r e s s f u l for men with a greater r e l a t i v e use of the maladaptive coping functions. However, i t was expected that the strength of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between v i c t i m status and the use of maladaptive coping would be moderated (strengthened) by pes s i m i s t i c schematic b e l i e f s and a high l e v e l of male gender r o l e s t r e s s . In p a r t i c u l a r , based upon Janoff-Bulman's (1989) findings, i t was expected that those victims of negative l i f e events who also demonstrated a negative or pessimistic sense of self-worth, benevolence and meaningfulness of the world would evidence a greater use of maladaptive coping functions. S i m i l a r l y , i t was expected that gender r o l e stress would act as a moderating influence upon the r e l a t i o n s h i p between v i c t i m status and coping patterns in a s t r e s s f u l interpersonal s i t u a t i o n . How do a group of men cope when confronted with an inter p e r s o n a l l y s t r e s s f u l s i t u a t i o n that p o t e n t i a l l y challenges t h e i r 8 masculinity and male sexuality? In particular, i t was expected that male survivors would demonstrate a greater reliance on maladaptive coping patterns i f they evidence a higher degree of male gender role stress, because their victimizing experience can be theorized to be an attack upon their masculinity. 9 LITERATURE REVIEW The l i t e r a t u r e pertaining to male sexual abuse survivors i s sparse, but i n recent years there has been more i n t e r e s t i n t h i s area. In the following section, a b r i e f overview of the findings on c h i l d sexual abuse i s presented, and attention i s then d i r e c t e d to the a v a i l a b l e findings on the prevalence of male c h i l d sexual abuse, the d i f f i c u l t i e s that plague these estimates, the types of abuse which occur, and the long-term consequences thought to t r a n s p i r e for the survivor. Much of t h i s research i s , however, r e s t r i c t e d by i t s lack of a t h e o r e t i c a l framework. Thus, to better define the questions of i n t e r e s t i n t h i s study, a review of the coping, schemas, and gender r o l e l i t e r a t u r e s i s included. F i n a l l y , a summary of these areas to integrate the findings and structure the proposed research i s incorporated. Sexual Abuse The t r a d i t i o n a l assumption underlying c l i n i c a l attention to sexual abuse was that the c h i l d r e n involved were retarded, seductive g i r l s and the adults were inadequate, sociopathic fathers (Summit & Kryso, 1978). The foundations of psychiatry and psychology reinforced a c u l t u r a l scepticism of the prevalence of sexual abuse. The Freudian viewpoint was i n f l u e n t i a l i n t h i s regard, as i t argued that childhood sexual v i c t i m i z a t i o n claims arose from fantasies derived from the c h i l d ' s Oedipal c o n f l i c t s . In e f f e c t , psychoanalysis argued that the o r i g i n of the sexual v i c t i m i z a t i o n lay within the c h i l d , not i n r e a l i t y . The medical profession paid l i t t l e attention to the victims, as the v i c t i m i z a t i o n experience generally did not include medically s i g n i f i c a n t trauma. S o c i a l service movements, such as c h i l d care services, tended to subsume sexual abuse with other forms of abuse and neglect 10 (Finkelhor, 1982), i m p l i c i t l y denying i t s s i g n i f i c a n c e . Thus, i f early c l i n i c i a n s were aware of adult sexual a c t i v i t y with chi l d r e n , such events were often met with scepticism or an overemphasis upon pathology (Lanyon, 1985; Masson, 1984). The r e a l i t y of sexual abuse of chi l d r e n i s i n fact that i t i s widespread, a f f e c t i n g people of a l l ethnic, r e l i g i o u s , and socioeconomic backgrounds. As Butler (1982) argues, the supposed taboo against c h i l d sexual abuse was in fact a taboo against talking about such a c t i v i t i e s . Prevalence of Sexual Abuse of Children In the early research on c h i l d sexual abuse, many of the findings r e f l e c t e d the scepticism as to i t s prevalence. Incest was thought to occur as few as 1.1 times per m i l l i o n people i n the 1930's (Benward & Densen-Gerber, 1975). Weinberg (1955) estimated that only 9 chi l d r e n per m i l l i o n were sexually abused. A report by the American Humane Society (DeFrancis, 1969) made a s l i g h t l y higher claim of 40 sexually abused c h i l d r e n per m i l l i o n . Heifer and Kempe (1968) estimated that 14% of C a l i f o r n i a ' s reported c h i l d abuse cases were sexually r e l a t e d . Landis (1956) and Gagnon (1965) went further than t h e i r contemporaries. Landis (1956) stated i n a survey of colleges students 30% of the male and 35% of the female children reported contact with an "adult sexual deviate." Gagnon (1965) estimated that 25% of American women reported nonaccidental childhood sexual contact, or 500,000 female c h i l d r e n aged 4 to 13 years were sexually abused. More recent estimates state that some 336,000 c h i l d r e n are thought to be sexually abused per year i n the United States (Sarafino, 1979). Herman and Hirschman (1977) project that about 20 m i l l i o n Americans are involved i n incestuous s i t u a t i o n s at some point i n t h e i r l i v e s . In the 11 United States, The National Center on Chi l d Abuse and Neglect estimated i n 1981 between 60,000 and 100,000 American ch i l d r e n were being sexually abused per year (Department of Health and Human Services, 1981). In a study of 278 college students, Briere and Runtz (1988) found that 14.7% of the women reported experiencing sexual abuse. Russell (1984) found that 38% of adult women r e t r o s p e c t i v e l y reported incestuous or e x t r a f a m i l i a l abuse before they had reached 18 years of age. Other research indicates that 20% to 62% of a l l women have had childhood sexual encounters with adults, and from 4% to 12% of these incidents occurred with r e l a t i v e s (Finkelhor, 1979; Finkelhor, A r a j i , Baron, Browne, Peters, & Wyatt, 1986; Gagnon, 1965). It has been argued that sexual abuse may a c t u a l l y exceed physical abuse as the major form of v i c t i m i z a t i o n of chi l d r e n (Finkelhor, 1979). However, much of the research conducted to date i s based upon retrospective accounts, cases reported to the au t h o r i t i e s , suffers from d e f i n i t i o n a l f a i l u r e s i n the f i e l d , or suff e r s because of an emphasis upon the pathology of the perpetrators (Lanyon, 1985). These factors may have contributed to the lack of agreement as to the prevalence of sexual abuse i n the general population. As Finkelhor et a l . (1986) states "the r e a l i t y i s that there i s not yet a consensus among s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s about the national scope of sexual abuse" (p. 16). Male C h i l d Sexual Abuse If there i s confusion concerning sexual abuse of female chil d r e n , there have been d i s t i n c t problems i f not outright scepticism regarding the sexual v i c t i m i z a t i o n of young males. The bulk of male sexual abuse research suffers from li m i t e d samples with no control groups, convenience samples, post factum vic t i m reports, lack of r e p l i c a t i o n , 12 and research p r i n c i p a l l y focused on females or which attends to only one type of abuse, such as incest or rape (Janus, McCormack, Burgess, & Hartman, 1987). Moreover, s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l perceptions attached to male childhood sexual abuse are generally ignored (Finkelhor, 1984; Finkelhor et a l . , 1986; Giaretto, 1982; Groth, 1979). For example, there has been a p r e v a i l i n g c l i n i c a l and lay perception that g i r l s f a r outnumber boys as the victims. S t a t i s t i c s reported to v i c t i m advocate programs and law protection agencies continue to r e f l e c t female c h i l d r e n as the primary targets of sexual abuse. Recognition, reporting, prevention, and treatment of abuse a l l holds a clear female focus (Swift, 1980). A type of ' c l a s s i c model' of sexual abuse has emerged which states that (only) female children are the victims of adult males (only). A c u l t u r a l double standard on sexual abuse thus e x i s t s , wherein boys are r a r e l y considered as p o t e n t i a l sex abuse victims. This s i t u a t i o n has lead Geiser (1979) to conclude, i n a statement l a t e r echoed by Peters (1986), that the sexual misuse of male children i s a poorly misunderstood area of c h i l d abuse, replete with much misinformation and many myths...(and that) the dynamics of the sexual abuse of males have l i t t l e i n common with those involving females. (Geiser, 1979, p. 76) There are a number of possible reasons behind t h i s phenomenon. In many cases the abuse of males goes undiscovered i n absence of s i s t e r victims (Pierce & Pierce, 1985). The c h i l d protective services have not been concerned with boys as they are more l i k e l y to be abused outside the family than are g i r l s (Rogers & Terry, 1984). The women's movement has been instrumental i n r a i s i n g the public consciousness to female 13 subordination and v i c t i m i z a t i o n , but has often excluded male victims. The tendency has been to i d e n t i f y sexual abuse with c u l t u r a l misogyny, and l i n k i t to rape (Finkelhor, 1982). As such, the rape c r i s i s services have been directed to women of any age, to the exclusion of male victims. In addition, some boys are excluded as victims as they are abused by female ass a i l a n t s (more often than are g i r l s ) and females are not often perceived as po t e n t i a l abusers. C u l t u r a l stereotypes d i c t a t e mothers as asexual, incapable of sexually molesting t h e i r own chi l d r e n ( N a s j l e t i , 1980). On a broader scale the very p o l i c i e s designed to correct the problem may omit male molestation, and thus imply i t s nonexistence. For example, some leg a l statutes define c h i l d abuse as rape, sodomy, aggravated rape (Pierce, & Pierce, 1985). Given such d e f i n i t i o n s , molestation that does not involve penetration of the c h i l d , as female adult - male c h i l d abuse generally would not, i s precluded. De Young (1982) reports a case wherein a New Jersey Superior Court ruled that no woman could be prosecuted for "carnally abusing" a boy under the age of 16. The explanation given for t h i s r u l i n g i s that "young g i r l s can become pregnant: young boys cannot. Young g i r l s s u f f e r physical damage from intercourse or attempted intercourse; young boys cannot, (p. 71) Prevalence of Male Ch i l d Sexual Abuse The following research d e t a i l s that evidence which i s av a i l a b l e concerning the prevalence of male c h i l d sexual abuse. Because the focus of t h i s study does not involve treatment aspects of sexual abuse, nor does i t focus upon female c h i l d victims, female survivors, or male offenders, the l i t e r a t u r e reported p r i m a r i l y pertains to male c h i l d victims, and to the e f f e c t s on the adult and adolescent survivors. Groth, Hobson, and Gary (1982) state that male c h i l d r e n comprise 1/3 of the number of c h i l d r e n who are targets of sexual offenses committed by male adults. Showers and his colleagues (Farber et a l . , 1984; Showers et a l . , 1983) in a review of the l i t e r a t u r e on t h i s area report that boys constitute from 5% to 25% of reported sexual abuse cases. Based on t h e i r study of reported c h i l d sexual abuse cases, Rogers and Terry (1984) argue that as many as 1/4 of a l l c h i l d sexual abuse victims are male. S i m i l a r l y , Finkelhor (1986) estimates that there i s a 4:1 to a 2.5:1 r a t i o of female to male v i c t i m i z a t i o n . Telephone interviews of 2,62 6 people over the age of 18 years, randomly sampled from a l l r e s i d e n t i a l telephones in the United States, were conducted assessing sexual abuse (Finkelhor, Hotaling, Lewis, & Smith, 1990; Kohn, 1987). The p a r t i c i p a t i o n rate was 86%, and of the 1145 males who were involved, 16% reported sexual v i c t i m i z a t i o n . The Badgley Commission (Badgley et a l . , 1984) polled 2000 men and women i n 210 Canadian communities. The authors report that one i n eight Canadi males have been childhood victims of sexual abuse. Finkelhor (1979) c o l l e c t e d survey data on the sexual behaviors and experiences of 796 college students (a 90% response rate) and found that 9% of the 266 males surveyed indicated that they had been sexually v i c t i m i z e d as c h i l d r e n . Over 50% of the men who reported abuse indicated they had been forced to p a r t i c i p a t e . In the l i m i t e d research a v a i l a b l e from outside North America, Baker and Duncan (1985) found that 8% of U.K. males surveyed reported sexual v i c t i m i z a t i o n as c h i l d r e n . 1 5 In studies of s p e c i f i c populations, the number of sexually abused males i s even higher. In a study on the experiences of adolescent runaways, 38.2% of the males reported sexual abuse as c h i l d r e n (Janus, McCormack, et a l . , 1987). S e r r i l l (1974) found that 75% of 150 imprisoned male sex offenders reported sexual abuse as c h i l d r e n . Groth and Burgess (1979) reported that 31% (106 out of 348) of men convicted of sexual assault had experienced a sexual trauma between the ages of 1 and 15 years, i n comparison to only 3% of matched sample of law enforcement o f f i c e r s . Freeman-Longo (1986) reported that some 80% of sexual offenders had been sexually victimized as c h i l d r e n . Bard, Carter, Cerce, Knight, Rosenberg, and Schneider (cited i n Finkelhor & Browne, 1988) found that 57% of male c h i l d molesters had been sexually molested as c h i l d r e n compared to 23% of adult r a p i s t s . Amongst male adolescent sex offenders, estimates of those who have themselves been abused as c h i l d r e n run from 19% to 50% (Gomes-Schwartz c i t e d i n Davis & Leitenberg, 1987; Fehrenbach, Smith, Monastersky, & Deisher, 1986). Given the lack of accord in the research, a l l that can be concluded i s that somewhere between 2.5% and 31% of the general population of males have been sexually v i c t i m i z e d as c h i l d r e n or adolescents (Finkelhor, 1980, 1984; Finkelhor et a l . , 1986). However, even t h i s summary i s t e n t a t i v e for, as Janus, Burgess, and McCormack (1987) state, the bulk of the information on the sexual abuse of males i s l i m i t e d to i s o l a t e d c l i n i c a l cases (Awad, 1976; Dixon, Arnold, & Calestro, 1978), or to reports on s p e c i f i c populations such as prisoners (Tierney, & Corwin, 1983), p s y c h i a t r i c or psychotherapy samples (Carmen, Reiker, & M i l l s , 1984; Emslie & Rosenfeld, 1983), r a p i s t s (Petrovitch & Templar, 1984), juvenile offenders (Fisher & Berdie, 1978; James & 16 Meyerding, 1977; McCord, 1983; Paperny & Deisher, 1983) adolescent runaways (Adams-Tucker, 1982), male p r o s t i t u t e s (Janus, Scanlon & Price, 1984), s u i c i d a l adolescents (De Jong et a l . , 1983), and h o s p i t a l emergency room patients ( E l l e r s t e i n & Canavan, 1980). Furthermore, the molested boys who do come to the attention of a u t h o r i t i e s and researchers may be unrepresentative of male sexual abuse cases, as these cases are often characterized by extreme physical violence, race, lower socioeconomic status, and the severity of the offense. Underreporting of Male Ch i l d Sexual Abuse As alluded to above, accurate estimates of childhood sexual abuse are d i f f i c u l t to obtain because many, i f not most, incidences remain shrouded i n secrecy. Some 90% of a l l sexual abuse cases are believed to be unreported (Blumberg c i t e d i n Cleveland, 1986; Katz & Mazur, 1979), and there are a number of factors which need to be considered i n understanding the underreporting by c h i l d sexual abuse victims, be they male or female. Butler (1978) describes a "conspiracy of s i l e n c e " that sexual abuse victims may evidence for various reasons. Monaco and Gaier (1988) write that children often f e e l that they are to blame, or assume that they i n i t i a t e d the abuse in t h e i r search for a f f e c t i o n and attention. Moreover, they may f e e l g u i l t due to pleasure they may have experienced, or because of money or g i f t s received to encourage p a r t i c i p a t i o n . They i n f e r that they must have cooperated, and sanctioned the abuse. They may be f e a r f u l as they were threatened with harm or manipulated to f e e l responsible for any harm that happens to family i f he or she t e l l s . Parents may not believe a c h i l d who reports an abusive s i t u a t i o n , or i f they do, may overreact and make the c h i l d f e e l d i f f e r e n t . This may further the sense of blame the c h i l d f e e l s . 17 Many female victims are l i k e l y to be hesitant to report t h e i r own abuse, obscuring accurate prevalence data. However, Peters (1986) argues that i n terms of reporting sexual abuse "(female) reluctance fades i n comparison to that of the male vic t i m " (p. 81). Landis (1956) reports that none of the male college students who had been sexually v i c t i m i z e d as c h i l d r e n i n his sample had reported t h e i r assault to the a u t h o r i t i e s , and only 17% had reported the incident to t h e i r parents (versus 43% of the female counterparts). Male victims of sexual assault, i t seems, are even more prone than female victims to remain hidden from public attention, as the o f f i c i a l p o l i c e , h o s p i t a l and c h i l d welfare records indicate (Kaufman, Divasto, Jackson, Voorhees, & Christy, 1980; Zawitz c i t e d in Janoff-Bulman & Frieze, 1987). Most men never report t h e i r own childhood v i c t i m i z a t i o n (Badgley et a l . , 1984; Finkelhor, 1979; F r i t z , S t o l l , & Wagner, 1981; Johnson & Shrier, 1985; Landis, 1956; N a s j l e t i , 1980). Those cases of male c h i l d sexual abuse that have come to public attention are l i k e l y unrepresentative, perhaps i n d i c a t i v e of less than 8% of the t o t a l number of sexually abused male ch i l d r e n (Nielsen, 1985). Summit (1983) has concluded that male c h i l d v i c t i m i z a t i o n may well be as frequent, leave the v i c t i m f e e l i n g as helpless but that the male c h i l d v i c t i m or male survivor may be more secretive than his female counterparts. S i m i l a r l y , Rogers and Terry (1984) conclude that the "the true incidence (of male c h i l d sexual abuse) i s probably s u b s t a n t i a l l y higher in that boys are s u b s t a n t i a l l y less l i k e l y to report t h e i r v i c t i m i z a t i o n " (p. 93). The Male C h i l d Victim It should be noted that due to the d i f f i c u l t i e s i n the l i t e r a t u r e concerning male c h i l d sexual abuse, in e f f e c t there i s l i t t l e agreement 18 as to the development or events surrounding male abuse. Thus, generalizations as to the ' t y p i c a l ' male c h i l d abuse v i c t i m are of l i t t l e v a l i d i t y . Much of the findings are based on s i m i l a r i t i e s found between male and female c h i l d abuse victims. However, Farber et a l . (1984) suggest that the experiences for both male and female victims are very s i m i l a r , i n terms of the dynamics of the abuse, the following d e t a i l s the state of a v a i l a b l e research upon male c h i l d sexual abuse. Reinhart (1987) reported that a large range of sexually abusive a c t i v i t i e s for the male c h i l d victims occur. Orogenital contact seems to be a dominant form of abuse amongst the younger age group of victims. In older victims (over eight years of age), Reinhart (1987) found that 50% of the boys had experienced anal intercourse, and concludes that these r e s u l t s are s i m i l a r to the findings of other researchers in the f i e l d . As a group, boys reported that they were forced to engage i n more d i r e c t sexual contact than g i r l s (masturbation, o r a l sex), and reported more threats, force, and physical abuse in conjunction with the sexual abuse (Nielsen, 1985; Pierce & Pierce, 1985). E l l e r s t e i n and Canavan (1980) compared male and female c h i l d victims of sexual abuse and although they found few differences between the males and females respective experiences, the authors do state that boys were more l i k e l y to be assaulted i n public places than g i r l s , and were more prone to ph y s i c a l i n j u r y stemming from the assault. It has also been argued that male c h i l d victims are more subject to abuse by more than one offender than are g i r l s (20% and 13%, respectively; Rogers & Terry, 1984). A number of studies have found that the male sexual abuse v i c t i m i s generally younger than his female counterpart. Pierce and Pierce (1985) report that the male c h i l d v i c t i m of sexual abuse i n t h e i r sample 19 of reported cases has a modal age of 7 years, as compared to a modal age of 14 years for the female c h i l d victim. In an attempt to explain t h i s f i n d i n g , Pierce and Pierce (1985) hypothesize that as boys grow older, they may be better able to ward o f f continued abusive involvement, and thus are less represented i n the older age brackets. Older males may also withhold d i s c l o s u r e due to costs involved. Other researchers have offered support for t h i s hypothesis. Groth and Burgess (1979) report that the majority of t h e i r sample of male c h i l d victims (68%) were molested as a preadolescent, with 15% under the age of seven. S i m i l a r l y , Briere, Evans, Runtz, and Wall (1988), De Jong et a l . (1982), Finkelhor (1984), and Russell (1984) claim that male c h i l d victims are generally younger than t h e i r female counterparts. However, E l l e r s t e i n and Canavan (1980) found no differences i n the respective ages of t h e i r male and female c h i l d v i c t i m samples. Furthermore, the aforementioned Los Angeles Times P o l l (Finkelhor et a l . , 1990; Kohn, 1987) found the median age of abuse was 9.9 years for boys versus 9.6 years for g i r l s . Pierce and Pierce (1985) state that t h e i r sample of 25 male c h i l d sexual abuse victims came from larger, poorer f a m i l i e s , i n which other c h i l d r e n were also sexually abused. The male c h i l d v i c t i m was more l i k e l y than the female c h i l d v i c t i m to l i v e with his natural mother without a father figure i n the home. This l a t t e r f i n d i n g has been supported by Los Angeles Times P o l l research (Finkelhor et a l . , 1990). Pierce and Pierce (1985) hypothesize that t h i s may make the boys more psyc h o l o g i c a l l y vulnerable to offenders outside of the home because of the need for a male model/companion. However, a note of caution i n the gene r a l i z a t i o n of these r e s u l t s i s needed as the sample Pierce and Pierce studied were reported cases of sexual abuse, which may not be 20 representative of the population of sexually abused males. Nonetheless, i t can be noted that other authors concur with the f i n d i n g that boys are generally abused by i n d i v i d u a l s outside the immediate family (e.g., neighbour, coach, b a b y - s i t t e r ) , although g i r l s are more l i k e l y to be incestuously abused (Finkelhor et a l . , 1990; Rogers & Terry, 1984; Sgroi, 1982). If the abuse i s reported, boys are less l i k e l y than g i r l s to be removed from the home (Pierce & Pierce, 1985). Furthermore, the authors found that male victims were more l i k e l y to complete treatment but received less time i n counselling than females. This may be due to the fact that workers in the f i e l d may f e e l less competent with a boy, or that they perceive less damage to a boy than a g i r l . Most studies have found that the victims are abused by a male adult or adolescent (Farber et a l . , 1984; Finkelhor, 1979; Johnson & Shrier, 1985). Finkelhor et a l . (1990) state that i n the Los Angeles Times P o l l 83% of the offenders against boys were men. Groth and Burgess (1979) report that 42% of the a s s a i l a n t s were adult males, and 27% were adult females, with a further 9% and 14% of assaults involving male and female peers, respectively. Generally, males do dominate as the p r i n c i p a l offenders. However, there i s some research which has found a higher percentage of female offenders than male offenders ( F r i t z et a l . , 1981; Petrovitch & Templar, 1984). The incidences of female molestation of boys ranges from 12.5% to 60% (depending upon the sample studied) versus as few as 5% of g i r l s reporting molestation by women (Finkelhor, 1979; 1984; Groth & Burgess, 1979; Johnson & Shrier, 1987; N a s j l e t i , 1980). Woods and Dean (1984) report that males abused by females reacted with same amount and type of d i s t r e s s as those abused by 21 males. In contrast, Forward and Buck (1988) conclude that the nature of mother-son incest could be the most "subtly traumatic of a l l forms of incest " (p. 72). Female molesters of males are more l i k e l y to use persuasion than threats. Even Woods and Dean (1984), in a n o n - c l i n i c a l sample of adults abused as children, report that 50% of those abused by women now see the experience as p o s i t i v e , versus only 16% of those who were abused by men. S i m i l a r l y , Fromuth and Burkhart (1989) investigated the r e l a t i o n s h i p between childhood sexual abuse and l a t e r psychological and sexual adjustment in two samples of college men (N=582). There were discrepancies i n the r e s u l t s for the two samples, but the authors concluded that the majority of sexually abuse men did not experience serious long-term e f f e c t s . However, the authors q u a l i f y t h e i r r e s u l t s by the fact that most of the men who reported sexual abuse reported that the perpetrator was female and that the experience was not negatively perceived. They argue that c u l t u r a l expectations regarding gender-role behaviors may influence the memories of abusive experiences when the perpetrator i s female. In contradiction to the c u l t u r a l lore, the perpetrator i s r a r e l y mentally i l l or a psychopath (Pierce & Pierce, 1985) nor are the male perpetrators necessarily homosexual (Geiser, 1979). He or she i s often known to the victim, and i s in a p o s i t i o n of t r u s t and power to the boy, such as a neighbor, baby-sitter, coach, or parent's partner (Badgley et a l . , 1984; Finkelhor et a l . , 1986; Vander Mey, 1988). In summary, the male c h i l d v i c t i m i s thought to be subject to orogenital and anal abuse, i s younger and i s subject to more physical abuse concurrent with the sexual assault than his female counterpart. His a s s a i l a n t i s generally male, a non-family member, and often known 22 and trusted. Given t h i s d e s c r i p t i v e information, q u a l i f i e d by the l i m i t e d and often contradictory research a v a i l a b l e i n the f i e l d , the following d e t a i l s the research a v a i l a b l e upon the consequences of the abuse for the adult survivor. Long-Term Consequences for the Male Survivor It i s only i n the l a s t decade that extensive attention has been devoted to the consequences of childhood v i c t i m i z a t i o n for the survivor. In part, t h i s may be due to e a r l i e r writers who claimed that there were few, i f any detrimental e f f e c t s of sexual contact between a c h i l d and an adult. Bender and Blau (1937) reported that many of the anecdotal reports of victims showed few i l l e f f e c t s . Rascovsky and Rascovsky (1950) went so far as to suggest that such contact promoted childhood psychosocial adjustment. Today, there i s some i n d i c a t i o n that there may be negative consequences for sexual abuse survivors. Blumberg (1978) writes that sexual abuse during childhood interrupts the 'normal' process of development for both male and female c h i l d r e n . Browne and Finkelhor (1986) go further by s t a t i n g that there i s no question that sexual abuse brings authentic changes to the survivor's l i f e . The research on samples of female survivors indicates that low self-esteem, interpersonal and sexual d i f f i c u l t i e s , and s u i c i d a l ideations have been linked to a h i s t o r y of sexual abuse (Briere, 1984; Briere & Runtz, 1986, 1987, 1990; Briere & Z a i d i , 1989; Courtois, 1979; Gold, 1984; Herman, 1981; Jehu, Gazan, & Klassen, 1984; Maltz & Holman, 1987; Meiselman, 1978; Peters, 1988; Sedney & Brooks, 1984). Male sexual abuse survivors report having problems with t h e i r s e l f concept and have feel i n g s of unworthiness (Summit & Kryso, 1978). Briere et a l . (1988) studied the long-term sequelae of 20 male and 20 23 f e m a l e s e l f - r e p o r t e d s e x u a l abuse s u r v i v o r s from a p o p u l a t i o n o f 80 males and f e m a l e s who r e p o r t e d t o a community c r i s i s c o u n s e l l i n g program. The a u t h o r s d e f i n e d s e l f - r e p o r t e d s e x u a l abuse as any c o n t a c t from f o n d l i n g t o i n t e r c o u r s e b e f o r e t h e age o f 16 y e a r s , w h e r e i n t h e o f f e n d e r was 5 o r more y e a r s o l d e r . The f i n d i n g s i n d i c a t e d t h a t male and f e m a l e s u r v i v o r s have an e q u a l l y h i g h l i k e l i h o o d o f s u i c i d e a t t e m p t s , and r e p o r t g r e a t e r a n x i e t y , anger, d i s s o c i a t i o n , s l e e p d i s t u r b a n c e s , and d e p r e s s i o n t h a n t h e i r nonabused c o u n t e r p a r t s who r e p o r t f o r c o u n s e l l i n g . J a n u s , McCormack e t a l . (1987) c o n c l u d e i n t h e i r s t u d y o f runaways and homeless y o u t h (ages 16 t o 21 y e a r s ) , t h a t male s e x u a l abuse s u r v i v o r s d i f f e r from t h e i r non-abused c o u n t e r p a r t s , r e p o r t i n g s i g n i f i c a n t l y l o w e r l e v e l s o f h a p p i n e s s and s a t i s f a c t i o n as measured by t h e P i e r s - H a r r i s S e l f Concept S c a l e ( P i e r s , 1969). The a u t h o r s a l s o c o n c l u d e t h a t t h e s u r v i v o r d e m o n s t r a t e s more d i f f i c u l t i e s i n r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h same sex and o p p o s i t e sex i n d i v i d u a l s , a g r e a t e r f e a r o f a d u l t men, g r e a t e r t r o u b l e w i t h s c h o o l and e m p l o y e r s , a t e n d e n c y t o w i t h d r a w more from t h e i r f r i e n d s , age i n a p p r o p r i a t e a c t i v i t y o r r e g r e s s i o n , p h o b i a s , d i s t u r b e d s l e e p i n g and e a t i n g p a t t e r n s , h y p e r a c t i v i t y , a p r e o c c u p a t i o n w i t h s e x u a l i t y ( e x c e s s i v e m a s t u r b a t i o n ) , s u i c i d e a t t e m p t s , and d i s t o r t e d body c o n c e r n s ( a p p e a r i n g o b s e s s i v e l y c l e a n , o r e x c e s s i v e l y d i s o r d e r l y perhaps i n hopes t o d e c r e a s e t h e i r a p p e a l ) . The a u t h o r s c o n c l u d e t h a t t h e s e p a t t e r n s a r e i n d i c a t i v e o f u n r e s o l v e d s e x u a l abuse (Burgess & H o l s t r o m , 1975, 1979). They f u r t h e r f o u n d e v i d e n c e o f more p h y s i c a l and e m o t i o n a l symptomatology, i n c l u d i n g headaches, stomachaches, s u i c i d a l f e e l i n g s , and t e n s i o n i n t h e s u r v i v o r sample v e r s u s t h e i r n o n - v i c t i m i z e d c o u n t e r p a r t s . 24 In terms of coping, adolescent male sexual abuse survivors demonstrate greater avoidance of feelings (trying to forget about the event, blocking out f e e l i n g s concerning the event, avoiding people who reminded them of the event) than t h e i r non-molested counterparts (Janus, McCormack et a l . , 1987). Donaldson (1983) portrayed the consequences of such childhood abuse as a cycle of denial followed by intense i n t r u s i v e thoughts about the event(s). Adult survivors report that they may experience flashbacks of the event, f e e l i s o l a t e d , angry, h o s t i l e , and stigmatized, s u f f e r from depression, and turn to alcohol or drugs to cope (Bagley & Ramsey, 1985; N a s j l e t i , 1980). There are also reactions unique to male survivors which d i s t i n g u i s h them from females. Dimock (1988) delineate three common reactions of male survivors: (a) male r o l e confusion; (b) sexual compulsiveness; and (c) masculine i d e n t i t y confusion i n regards to sexual preference. Rogers and Terry (1984) found a s i m i l a r t r i o of responses, but l a b e l l e d them in terms of the behavioral manifestations: (a) inappropriate attempts to reassert masculinity; (b) a confusion over sexual i d e n t i t y ; (c) a r e c a p i t u l a t i o n of the v i c t i m i z i n g experience. These responses are d e t a i l e d below, and may be seen in the period immediately following the experience, in the long-term as the male develops, or both. Male r o l e confusion. The female survivor i s l i k e l y to turn her trauma inwards following a r e v i c t i m i z a t i o n or s e l f - d e s t r u c t i v e pattern rather than d i r e c t i n g her anger at those she was t r a i n e d to nurture (Briere et a l . , 1988; Peters, 1986). In contrast, Peters (1986) theorizes that the male survivor seeks to regain his control and t r a n s f e r his pain to others, as might be expected given that he i s 25 taught "the overpowering law of s u r v i v a l through r e t a l i a t i o n and aggression" (p. 89). The male thus seems to follow the 'the best defense i s a good offense' notion. He tends to be p a r t i c u l a r l y concerned with regaining his c u l t u r a l l y sanctioned control and power l o s t through the experience of being a victim. In some cases, t h i s may lead to extreme acts of aggression, such as f i r e - s e t t i n g , confrontative behavior, and p h y s i c a l l y aggressing against others. Bruckner and Johnson (1987) found that adult male survivors, unlike t h e i r female counterparts, were prone to taking d i r e c t action against t h e i r offenders, i n some cases, p h y s i c a l l y threatening them. Sexual compulsiveness. A s i g n i f i c a n t problem experienced by survivors i s d i f f i c u l t y with sexual intimacy (Finkelhor, 1979; Meiselman, 1978). Bruckner and Johnson (1987) suggest that a sexual v i c t i m i z a t i o n experience e n t a i l s betrayal by a trusted other and may lead to d i f f i c u l t y i n e s t a b l i s h i n g and maintaining intimate r e l a t i o n s h i p s for the survivors. For male survivors, r e l a t i o n s h i p s may be i n i t i a t e d with intense involvement, and then followed by an abrupt withdrawal (Dimock, 1988). Blumberg (1978) reports that some sexually abused male adolescents may become impotent. On the other hand, Dimock (1988) suggests that in male victims, compulsive masturbation and preoccupation with sexual thoughts, s i m i l a r to addictive behaviors are common. Survivors may experience sexual dysfunctions because of t h e i r premature introduction into t h e i r sexuality and t h e i r i n a b i l i t y at that age to integrate the emotional and psychological dimensions of the phy s i c a l experience ( N a s j l e t i , 1980). Sexual promiscuity i s also seen i n these victims who may d i s s o c i a t e themselves from the f e e l i n g s 26 i n v o l v e d and p e r c e i v e t h e i r s e x u a l i t y o n l y as a means t o a c h i e v e power (Dimock, 1988; Summit & Kryso, 1978). The male s u r v i v o r s o f female a s s a i l a n t s a r e thought by some a u t h o r s t o be p a r t i c u l a r l y prone t o a h i g h r a t e of s e x u a l d y s f u n c t i o n s (Johnson & S h r i e r , 1987; J u s t i c e & J u s t i c e , 1979). R a p i s t s and i n c e s t u o u s f a t h e r s have o f t e n been found t o have had s e x u a l c o n t a c t w i t h t h e i r mothers, and such r e l a t i o n s h i p s have been l i n k e d t o s c h i z o p h r e n i a i n t h o s e boys t h a t d e v e l o p mental d i s o r d e r s ( N a s j l e t i , 1980). R a p i s t s i n p a r t i c u l a r e x p e r i e n c e more h e t e r o s e x u a l t h a n homosexual abuse (Groth & Burgess, 1979), and t h e i r s e x u a l d e v i a n c e i n l a t e r l i f e may be l i n k e d t o t h e i r f e e l i n g s of anger i n s t r e s s f u l s e x u a l s i t u a t i o n s . They may s u b s e q u e n t l y t u r n t h i s anger a g a i n s t women who were t h e i r i n i t i a l o f f e n d e r s . The e f f e c t o f homosexual abuse as a boy may l e a d t h e a d o l e s c e n t o r a d u l t s u r v i v o r t o be v e r y concerned about t h i s c o n n e c t i o n , p a r t i c u l a r l y i f t h e male c h i l d found t h e e x p e r i e n c e p l e a s u r a b l e i n some way. He may need t o a v o i d t h e i m p l i c a t i o n t h a t he may be l a t e n t l y homosexual, as t h e s o c i e t y d e f i n e s such c o n t a c t u n a c c e p t a b l e . Extreme homophobic co n c e r n s a r e o f t e n demonstrated by male s u r v i v o r s , and are p e r c e i v e d as attempts by t h e s u r v i v o r t o c o n v i n c e h i m s e l f , h i s p e e r s and o t h e r s of h i s m a s c u l i n e s e x u a l i d e n t i t y which has been t h r e a t e n e d by t h e v i c t i m i z a t i o n ( S e b o l d , 1987). In apparent c o n t r a d i c t i o n t o t h i s , F i n k e l h o r (1984) found t h a t young males abused by o l d e r males were 4 times more l i k e l y t h a n t h e i r non-abused c o u n t e r p a r t s t o engage i n homosexual b e h a v i o r . T h i s may a r i s e , t h e a uthor t h e o r i z e s , because the s u r v i v o r may l a b e l h i m s e l f as homosexual because of h i s apparent a t t r a c t i v e n e s s t o t h e p e r p e t r a t o r . A l t h o u g h F i n k e l h o r (1984) and Johnson and S h r i e r (1985) d i d f i n d r e l a t i o n s h i p s between a d u l t h o m o s e x u a l i t y and c h i l d 27 molestation, inferences of c a u s a l i t y between abuse and subsequent homosexuality should not be drawn. Recapitulation of v i c t i m i z i n g experience. The v i c t i m i z i n g experience may lead to a repeat of the v i c t i m i z i n g scenario with the male as the offender as he "elects to give rather than receive abuse" and thus takes on the power of his v i c t i m i z e r (Rogers & Terry, 1984). The authors c l a r i f y that o v e r i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with the offender i s common when there has been no l e g a l action taken against the offender. It i s further possible that males are following a need to ward o f f possible future attacks by such 'tough' behavior. Aggressive sexual behavior thus becomes a means to convince themselves and the world that they are masculine, and serves to increase the f r a g i l e sense of security and personal control of the survivor. This may also contribute to the o f t held conception that a sexually abused male becomes a sexually abusive male. Swift (1977) maintains that male c h i l d sexual abuse victims "constitute a high r i s k for community sexual offenses l a t e r i n l i f e " (p. 324). An adult male survivor may turn to children who are less threatening to him. However, caution i s advised in the inference that a l l sexually abused male survivors become sexual offenders, for c l e a r l y not a l l do. Childhood sexual abuse may be a f a c i l i t a t i n g factor i n the development of the offender, but more knowledge i s needed as to the other v a r i ables involved (Freeman-Longo, 1986). In summary, the l i t e r a t u r e a v a i l a b l e seems to suggest that for many sexual abuse survivors there are long-term emotional and physical consequences. These e f f e c t s are thought to include f e e l i n g s of unworthiness, confusion about i d e n t i t y , anger, and d i f f i c u l t i e s with sex. Coping can include d i s s o c i a t i o n , and cycles of denial and 28 i n t r u s i v e thoughts or flashbacks of the event. However, most i f not a l l these findings are based upon c l i n i c a l observations, and lack systematic empirical i n v e s t i g a t i o n . Theoretical Background Coping with Stress Lazarus and his colleagues (Folkman, & Lazarus, 1980, 1985; Lazarus, 1966; Lazarus & Folkman, 1984, 1987) have paved the way for a conceptual framework of coping with s t r e s s f u l l i f e events. Lazarus and Folkman (1984) developed a tr a n s a c t i o n a l model of coping with s t r e s s f u l s i t u a t i o n s , be they i n t e r n a l or external. The authors emphasize the r o l e of cognitive processes in the appraisal of an event as being s t r e s s f u l or not. The authors stressed that coping was process-oriented, focusing on the behavior or thoughts of the i n d i v i d u a l in a s p e c i f i c s i t u a t i o n . This viewpoint i s based on research that has found support for more v a r i a b i l i t y than s t a b i l i t y i n coping patterns across s t r e s s f u l encounters (Cohen & Lazarus, 1973; Folkman & Lazarus, 1980; P e a r l i n & Schooler, 1978). This d i f f e r e n t i a t e s the authors from other theories and research that postulate i n d i v i d u a l consistency i n perception and response to s t r e s s f u l s i t u a t i o n s (e.g., Carver et a l . , 1989; Kobasa, 1979; Stone & Neale, 1984; Wheaton, 1983). For example, McCrae (1982) argues that preferred ways of coping may derive from t r a d i t i o n a l p e r sonality dimensions, and subsequent research (McCrae & Costa, 1986) has indicated that even the coping functions outlined by Lazarus and his colleagues may be linked to s p e c i f i c dimensions of personality, the so-c a l l e d ' t r a i t s ' . The d i s t i n c t i o n between those who argue that i n d i v i d u a l s c o n s i s t e n t l y prefer s p e c i f i c coping strategies versus those 29 who argue for v a r i a b i l i t y i n the use of coping s t r a t e g i e s , may be due to the differences i n s i t u a t i o n a l versus temporal s t a b i l i t y . Compas, Forsythe, and Wagner (1988) report that the choice of coping s t r a t e g i e s i s consistent across several times when the i n d i v i d u a l i s responding to the same event. On the other hand, across different stressors, the authors report that i n d i v i d u a l s display greater v a r i a b i l i t y than consistency i n t h e i r choice of coping s t r a t e g i e s . Thus, one needs to take into account the s i t u a t i o n and time v a r i a b l e s . The approach postulates four processes of responding to a s t r e s s f u l event: primary appraisal, secondary appraisal, coping, and outcome. Although the authors do not postulate a chronological order to these processes, the following pattern i s most l o g i c a l . I n i t i a l l y , an i n d i v i d u a l i s hypothesized to evaluate an incident, i t s p o t e n t i a l harm or benefit, and i t s relevance to his or her well-being or the well-being of important others (primary a p p r a i s a l ) . This process i s dependent upon the s i t u a t i o n and the i n d i v i d u a l ' s b e l i e f s and values (Lazarus, Delongis, Folkman, & Gruen, et a l . , 1985). The primary appraisal process leads to the attachment of a meaning to the event which may be reappraised at any point, which determines the emotional reaction to the event. An i n d i v i d u a l may then use secondary appraisal to evaluate which, i f any, of a wide var i e t y of coping responses to apply to contend with that event. Coping includes the behavioral or cognitive e f f o r t s to manage the i n t e r n a l and/or external demands of the s i t u a t i o n and i t s appraisal, and i s not dependent upon outcome; i . e . , coping i s not equated with mastery. The authors conceived of two general functions of coping, problem-focused and emotion-focused (Folkman & Lazarus, 1980) and e m p i r i c a l l y 30 derived items to assess these functions. Problem-focused coping includes those attempts by the i n d i v i d u a l to manage or a l t e r the source of stress, through action. Emotion-focused coping r e f e r s to those e f f o r t s that seek to regulate or ameliorate the a f f e c t inherent to the stressor, without necessarily acting upon the stressor i t s e l f . Factor analyses indicated that problem and emotion-focused coping can be further broken down into, respectively, two and six s p e c i f i c s t r a t e g i e s : confrontative coping and p l a n f u l problem-solving, and distancing, s e l f -c o n t r o l l i n g , seeking s o c i a l support, accepting r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , escape-avoidance, and p o s i t i v e reappraisal (Folkman & Lazarus, 1985; Folkman, Lazarus, Dunkel-Schetter, Delongis, & Gruen, 1986). There i s , however, some c r i t i c i s m of the problem-focused/emotion-focused d i s t i n c t i o n espoused by the authors. Parkes (1984) points to the fact that the two scales are s i g n i f i c a n t l y i n t e r c o r r e l a t e d . Carver and his colleagues (Carver et a l . , 1989; Scheier, Weintraub, & Carver, 1986) argue that the factors which the Lazarus and Folkman model designate as emotion-focused or problem-focused often diverge in content, and some are negatively correlated. There i s l i t t l e consensus as to which functions are most e f f e c t i v e for mental health. Carver et a l . ' s (1989) findings indicate that problem-focused coping e f f o r t s such as active coping and planning are associated with optimism, self-esteem, hardiness, and Type A behavior, whereas emotion-focused coping e f f o r t s such as denial, displayed the opposite pattern. Some research suggests that problem-focused coping decreases emotional d i s t r e s s and increase p o s i t i v e a f f e c t , whereas emotion-focused coping increases emotional d i s t r e s s and negative a f f e c t (Felton et a l . , 1984; Kahana et a l . , 1987; M i t c h e l l & Hodson, 1983; 31 Solomon, Mikulincer, & Avitzur, 1988). Other research c i t e s opposite findings (Baum, Fleming, & Singer, 1983; Marrero c i t e d by Pruchno & Resch, 1989). The problem may be related to the fact that coping and i t s e ffectiveness may be dependent upon the type of stressor. For example, Folkman and Lazarus (1985) showed how students' patterns of coping with exams s h i f t e d dramatically across pre-exam, post-exam, and post-grade stages. Emotion-focused strategies, such as denial and avoidance operate by d i v e r t i n g attention from the event that i s i n the past and thus out of the i n d i v i d u a l ' s c o n t r o l . Thus, the authors suggest, emotion-focused strategies are suggested to take precedence, and perhaps be more adaptive in dealing with s i t u a t i o n s beyond the i n d i v i d u a l ' s control, such as i l l n e s s (Pearlin & Schooler, 1978). By contrast, problem-focused coping may be more appropriate i n modifiable s i t u a t i o n s (Coyne, Aldwin, & Lazarus, 1981; Lazarus & Folkman, 1984). There have been a number of reviews of the l i t e r a t u r e for sex differences i n coping with stress (e.g., M i l l e r & Kirsch, 1987; Vingerhoets & Heck, 1990). One of the strongest empirical differences that did emerge from the l i t e r a t u r e i s the finding that men in general are more prone to 'action-oriented' coping functions or problem-focused coping (e.g., planned and r a t i o n a l actions), whereas women were more apt to use functions that modify or express t h e i r emotional responses ( B i l l i n g s S Moos, 1981; Carver et a l . , 1989; Folkman & Lazarus, 1980; Viney & Westbrook, 1982). In terms of implications for t h i s study, one would expect the 'average' male to u t i l i z e a lesser proportion of maladaptive coping (as defined by Carver et a l . , 1989) r e l a t i v e to t o t a l coping. By contrast, victims of negative l i v e events ( f i r e , d i s a b l i n g accident, sexual abuse etc) would u t i l i z e a greater proportion of 32 maladaptive coping functions r e l a t i v e to t o t a l coping when faced with a s i t u a t i o n that i s p a r t i c u l a r l y s t r e s s f u l for men. I d e n t i f i c a t i o n of s p e c i f i c d ifferences amongst types of victims are not possible at t h i s point, given the lack of l i t e r a t u r e i n t h i s area, and thus t h i s question remains exploratory. This study focused on coping with a recent s i t u a t i o n i n the respondent's l i f e that was s e l f defined as modifiable and important. It i s assumed that i n general, males would be l i k e l y to apply the adaptive strategies to i t as defined by Carver et a l . (1989). In addition, to increase consistency of the stressors c i t e d across respondents, the s i t u a t i o n was of an interpersonal nature. Research indicates that c o n f l i c t s with others who are not family members are by far the most d i s t r e s s i n g events i n d a i l y l i f e (Bolger, Delongis, Kessler, & S c h i l l i n g , 1989). Schemas The concept of the cognitive schema has received increased attention over the l a s t two decades. B r i e f l y , a schema r e f e r s to a cognitive structure of organized p r i o r knowledge, abstracted from experience with s p e c i f i c instances. The schema acts as a type of guide for the processing of new information and the r e t r i e v a l of stored information (Fiske & L i n v i l l e , 1980; Fiske & Taylor, 1984; Hastie, 1981). For example, a self-schema would be a knowledge structure that summarizes the information about the s e l f i n a p a r t i c u l a r domain, such as performance a b i l i t i e s . Janoff-Bulman (1989) argues that there are three fundamental categories (with eight postulates) of world assumptions embodied by schemas. These eight schemas are subject to strong biases which operate 33 to enhance t h e i r maintenance and s t a b i l i t y . The f i r s t category i s an assumed Benevolence of the world and one's own i n v u l n e r a b i l i t y within that world (subdivided into assumptions about the benevolence of the impersonal world and of people). In b r i e f , people tend to maintain a sense that the world and people i n the world are b a s i c a l l y good, and that misfortune and unkind people are b a s i c a l l y rare. Second, people tend to believe that event outcomes are d i s t r i b u t e d according to predictable p r i n c i p l e s of j u s t i c e (Rawls, 1971) and c o n t r o l l a b i l i t y (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). This i s the Meaningfulness of the world or "just world" (Lerner, 1980) hypothesis (subdivided into the p r i n c i p l e s of j u s t i c e , c o n t r o l l a b i l i t y of events, and randomness). In e f f e c t , people "deserve what they get" i n a "just world". Thus, a person's "good" character determines whether he or she i s subject to a traumatic event. In addition, a person's "proper" behavior (e.g., being c a r e f u l at night) i s assumed to determine what w i l l happen to that person. A person who does not follow these d i s t r i b u t i o n a l p r i n c i p l e s , but instead argues there i s nothing one can be or do to counter misfortune would a t t r i b u t e l i f e events as a r i s i n g from chance (randomness). F i n a l l y , people hold biased views as to how much they f e e l they personally deserve good versus bad outcomes (Janoff-Bulman, 1989). This i s the Worthiness of Self assumption (subdivided into self-worth, s e l f - c o n t r o l l a b i l i t y , and luck). As with the d i s t r i b u t i o n a l p r i n c i p l e s , one tends to maintain p o s i t i v e perceptions of one's moral character, one's behavior, and one's chance or good luck. Human beings thus do not s t r i v e to comprehend r e a l i t y i n a l o g i c a l manner. Rather, adaptive functioning i s characterized by biases and d i s t o r t i o n s . In b r i e f , i n order to r e t a i n a bright outlook on l i f e , 34 people tend to be excessively p o s i t i v e i n t h e i r awareness of s e l f (Greenwald, 1980) and have an exaggerated sense of t h e i r personal control of events (the so-called i l l u s i o n of co n t r o l ; Langer, 1975). In fa c t , the amount of control people have over events i s generally overestimated (Langer, 1975; Taylor, 1983; Wortman, 1976). F i n a l l y , people tend to be u n r e a l i s t i c a l l y o p t i m i s t i c about t h e i r future underestimating the chance of negative events, l i k e divorce b e f a l l i n g them (Lehman S Nisbett, 1985). These schemas are r e s i s t a n t to being a l t e r e d . In f a c t , information that i s incongruent with our schemas may even be d i s t o r t e d to f i t the e x i s t i n g theory (Nisbett & Ross, 1980). People tend to remember and c l i n g to schema consistent information better than they remember schema inconsistent information (Anderson, Lepper, & Ross, 1980; Ross, Lepper, & Hubbard, 1975; Rothbart, Evans, & Fulero, 1979). It i s hypothesized that t h i s "conservatism i n maintaining schemas derives from our fundamental need for s t a b i l i t y and coherence" (Janoff-Bulman, 1989, p. 115). Researchers have recently begun to focus on the e f f e c t s of negative l i f e events upon an i n d i v i d u a l ' s basic assumptions about his or her world (Janoff-Bulman, 1985, 1989; Janoff-Bulman & Frieze, 1983; Taylor, 1983, 1988; Taylor, C o l l i n s , Skokan, & Aspinwall, 1989). The authors have argued that s t r e s s f u l l i f e events can pose a threat to one's l i f e assumptions, and t h e i r underlying schemas. In other words, negative outcomes can be expected when considering the d i r e c t impact that the event has upon the v i c t i m ( C o l l i n s et a l . , 1990). Victims may perceive themselves as weak, frightened, out of control, helpless, deviant, powerless, and lacking autonomy (Bard & Sangrey, 1979; Coates & Winston, 1983; Horowitz, Wilner, Marmar, & Krupnick, 1980). Negative 35 events such as rape, assault, severe i l l n e s s or accident seem random and meaningless, and thus may threaten the en t i r e conception of one's world, di s t u r b i n g the s t a b i l i t y and coherence so strongly required. To deal with such an experience, victims need to integrate t h e i r experience with t h e i r p r i o r assumptions about the world and themselves. However, the e x i s t i n g schemas are p o s i t i v e l y biased, and thus not designed to accept the negative information a v i c t i m i z i n g experience e n t a i l s . The dilemma i s as follows: the experience must be discounted and reworked to f i t the schemas as they e x i s t , or the old theories must be reworked i n such a way as to avoid a complete system collapse. Reworking the event. The extent to which the vi c t i m so defines him or he r s e l f as a vi c t i m within his or her current frame of assumptions may a l t e r the negative impact of the incident. In the face of events that are highly s t r e s s f u l , s e l f esteem i s p o t e n t i a l l y threatened or lowered. Victims of such events may seek self-enhancement to re-e s t a b l i s h ego strength and adaptive functioning through a number of means, including behavioral self-blame, p o s i t i v e r e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s , and downward comparisons. Through behavioral self-blame, the v i c t i m seeks to blame his or her own actions, and not his or her character. Thus, he or she can avoid the dis r u p t i v e s e l f - l a b e l l i n g as a v i c t i m by convincing him or herself that, i n the future attempts can be made to modify behavior and avoid r e v i c t i m i z a t i o n (Affleck, A l l e n , Tennen, McGrade, & Ratzan, 1985; Baum et a l . , 1983; Janoff-Bulman, 1979; Peterson, Schwartz, & Seligman, 1981; Tennen, A f f l e c k , & Gerschman, 1986; Timko & Janoff-Bulman, 1985). S i m i l a r l y , he or she can re i n t e r p r e t the experience as a p o s i t i v e event. As C o l l i n s et a l . (1990) state, the vi c t i m can i n i t i a t e responses to a v i c t i m i z i n g event that lead to 36 p o s i t i v e outcomes. A victi m who s t r i v e s to fi n d increased s e l f -knowledge through p o s i t i v e r e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the event, or sets new p r i o r i t i e s can reduce the attack upon t h e i r world assumptions. Through downward comparison, a victi m i z e d i n d i v i d u a l compares him or hers e l f with a less fortunate other (Affleck, Tennen, P f e i f f e r , F i f i e l d , & Rowe, 1987; Bulman & Wortman, 1977; C o l l i n s et a l . , 1990; Taylor, 1983, 1988; Taylor & Brown, 1988; Taylor, Wood, & Lichtman, 1983; W i l l s , 1987; Wood, Taylor, & Lichtman, 1985). For example, a paralyzed i n d i v i d u a l likens his or her condition to a quadrapalegic and considers him- or hers e l f fortunate. It has been argued i n recent years that victims who succeed i n overcoming t r a g i c events often u t i l i z e behavioral self-blame, p o s i t i v e r e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s , and/or downward comparisons of the incident. The underlying assumption of these responses i s that they enable victims to minimize or d i s t o r t t h e i r awareness of the l i a b i l i t i e s of t h e i r new status, put the changes i n the best l i g h t , and perhaps grow personally. For example, C o l l i n s et a l . (1990) have found that i n t h e i r sample of 55 cancer patients, p o s i t i v e changes were reported i n the domains of d a i l y a c t i v i t i e s and r e l a t i o n s h i p s . S i m i l a r l y , i t has been shown that female rape victims who a t t r i b u t e the rape to t h e i r own unsafe behavior have fewer psychological d i f f i c u l t i e s following the incident (Scheppele & Bart, 1983). These responses are adaptive means by which information that i s incongruent with one's world assumptions i s rendered congruent. Schema-discrepant information i s thus discounted, and the i n d i v i d u a l i s thus able to maintain his or her world schemas. He or she thus continues to believe that he or she i s a good person, and that the world i s benevolent and has meaning (Janoff-Bulman & Thomas, 1989). By contrast, Summit (1983) suggests that a r e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the event i a p o s i t i v e l i g h t may be dangerous. He argues that a male sexual abuse survivor, who because of gender r o l e constraints i s d i s t i n c t i v e l y i n t o l e r a n t of the sense of helplessness accompanying the v i c t i m i z a t i o n , may r a t i o n a l i z e the event as p o s i t i v e . The danger may be that he may not only accept the r e l a t i o n s h i p , but keep the power of i t a l i v e by perpetuating such r e l a t i o n s h i p s in his adult l i f e by acting as the offender. The survivor may thus deny the negative aspects of the event Reworking the schemas. By contrast, i n d i v i d u a l s who blame themselves for t h e i r experience and a t t r i b u t e the v i c t i m i z a t i o n to c h a r a c t e r o l o g i c a l factors, may be unable to reconcile t h e i r experience with the e x i s t i n g schemas. Characterological factors are more enduring and a l l - p e r v a s i v e than behavioral c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . Thus an i n d i v i d u a l who holds his or her own personality or t r a i t s as responsible for the negative event may f e e l considerably more vulnerable to s i m i l a r events i n the future. He or she may f e e l his or her previously held conceptualizations about the world, i t s kindness, the r o l e of chance, and his or her i d i o s y n c r a t i c value are worthless. This may lead to a greater sense of hopelessness (Frieze, 1979), and e n t a i l an actual r e s t r u c t u r i n g of the schemas themselves. To t h i s end, a pattern of responses that includes recurrent thoughts about the event (Janoff-Bulman, 1989) a l t e r n a t i n g with denial of the event occurring may a r i s e (Horowitz, 1980, 1982, 1983; Janoff-Bulman & Timko, 1987), s i m i l a r to the coping patterns outlined above for male survivors. The recurrent thoughts and denial of the event pattern a f f e c t s the processing of the negative information of the event, as opposed to the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the information of the event that accompanies behavioral self-blame, 38 p o s i t i v e r e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , and de n i a l . Denial may be a stage enabling one to r e b u i l d one's assumptions gradually, as such a fundamental s h i f t i s a r a d i c a l process. Denial thus slows t h i s process. Recurrent thoughts act as a type of reminder that the event i s s t i l l present i n the memory and has yet to be worked through. Thus denial and recurrent thoughts are interdependent, a l t e r n a t i n g processes involved i n a s s i m i l a t i n g traumatic experiences. Research on negative or s t r e s s f u l l i f e experiences has shown that people may indeed a l t e r t h e i r theories about themselves and t h e i r world. In terms of coping with such events, C o l l i n s et a l . (1990) found that 55 cancer patients reported some negative changes in t h e i r views of the s e l f , the world, and the future. Janoff-Bulman (1989) surveyed a sample of 202 female and 136 male undergraduates, focusing on s e l f - r e p o r t of traumatic l i f e events they may have experienced (rape, incest, f i r e , severe d i s a b l i n g accidents, death of a parent or a s i b l i n g ) and t h e i r responses to the Zung Rating Depression Scale (Zung, 1965). Of t h i s sample, 83 (38 men and 45 women) reported having experienced a v i c t i m i z i n g experience(s), and t h i s group had s i g n i f i c a n t l y lower perceptions of self-worth and perceived the impersonal world i n a more negative l i g h t than did t h e i r non-victimized counterparts. In terms of the meaningfulness of the world, a gender-by-victimization i n t e r a c t i o n emerged for randomness, wherein male victims believed in chance more than t h e i r non-victimized counterparts, but female victims believed in chance less than t h e i r non-victimized counterparts. Further analyses of variances on the remaining f i v e assumptions did not d i f f e r e n t i a t e victims from non-victims. In addition, in terms of depression measures, male victims seem to report being more depressed than t h e i r female 39 v i c t i m counterparts. Consistent with t h i s i s the fi n d i n g that male victims f e e l more vulnerable than do females. Thus, based on empirical findings, an i n v e s t i g a t i o n of male victims should, at minimum, include assessments of the impersonal world, self-worth, and the randomness schema. Furthermore, schemas are conceptually relevant to coping patterns. Carver et a l . (1989) found that adaptive coping e f f o r t s are associated with optimism and s e l f -esteem whereas maladaptive coping e f f o r t s displayed the opposite pattern. In addition, Parkes (1984) found that subjects with an external locus of control (Rotter, 1966) were more r i g i d and p o t e n t i a l l y more maladaptive i n t h e i r coping responses, i n d i c a t i n g a higher emphasis on emotion-focused coping s t r a t e g i e s . It seems l o g i c a l therefore that victims who demonstrate schemas of lower self-worth, pessimism towards the benevolence of the impersonal world, and a stronger b e l i e f i n the r o l e of chance (associated with an external locus of control) would also demonstrate greater maladaptive coping e f f o r t s . In summary, there i s evidence to suggest- that victims' assumptive worlds d i f f e r from t h e i r non-victimized counterparts. Some victims may have d i f f e r e n t i a l l y reworked the event(s), or reworked t h e i r schemas, and some may evidence l i t t l e impact (positive or negative) of t h e i r ordeal. Thus the Self-worth, Benevolence of world, and the Meaningfulness of the world schemas were investigated i n t h i s study to examine the impact of these schemas upon coping with a interpersonal s t r e s s f u l event. This i s i n accord with Lazarus and Folkman's (1984) model of coping that points to the importance of values and b e l i e f s held by the i n d i v i d u a l . It i s expected that an i n d i v i d u a l s who have a d i s t o r t e d negative schematic pattern ( i . e . , a reduced sense of S e l f -40 worth, a negative assumptions about the Benevolence of the world, a reduced sense of the Meaningfulness of the world), would be more prone to act to avoid coping d i r e c t l y with the s i t u a t i o n . Thus such i n d i v i d u a l s would be more l i k e l y to make greater use of maladaptive or 'questionable' coping strategies r e l a t i v e to t o t a l coping functions. Moreover, i t i s expected that there are possible i n t e r a c t i v e e f f e c t s of the d i s t o r t e d schematic pattern and v i c t i m i z a t i o n status (such as f i r e , d i s a b l i n g accident, death of a parent, sexual abuse e t c ) , upon the choice of coping s t r a t e g i e s . In other words, victims of negative l i f e events who, in addition, evidence d i s t o r t e d p e s s i m i s t i c schemas are expected to u t i l i z e a greater proportion of maladaptive coping, r e l a t i v e to t h e i r v i c t i m i z e d counterparts who do not evidence d i s t o r t e d schemas, and r e l a t i v e to t h e i r non-victimized counterparts with or without d i s t o r t e d schemas. F i n a l l y , i n regards to the focus of t h i s paper, i t i s of exploratory i n t e r e s t to investigate whether differences i n the use of maladaptive coping emerge between sexual abuse survivors with d i s t o r t e d schemas r e l a t i v e to t h e i r non-abused counterparts and to other types of victims. Gender Role Stress In recent decades, the importance of gender roles as a factor i n human behavior has entered the mainstream of research. The pioneering work of Daryl and Sandra Bern (Bern & Bern, 1970) demonstrated that males and females are often subject to d i f f e r e n t i a l c h i l d - r e a r i n g p r a c t i c e s and s o c i a l expectations. Men are expected to be active, aggressive, sexually dominant, and in control of t h e i r emotions, whereas women have more expressive rol e s which highlight emotional e x p r e s s i v i t y and nurturance (Franklin, 1984; Munroe & Munroe, 1975). Maccoby and J a c k l i n 41 (1974) write that the expectations of males and females are guided by the gender role s and i d e n t i t i e s , which begin to develop by 3 years of age (Money & Wiedeking, 1980). Their toys and media r o l e s teach them these lessons from an early age (Hartley, 1960; Peters, 1986). Block (1983) described differences in parental expectations of boys versus of g i r l s wherein boys are pressured more to achieve, compete, to be more emotionally c o n t r o l l e d , more independent, and more personally responsible, and to be less accepting of gender stereotype deviance. In addition, the fear of appearing feminine or f a i l i n g i n the male-assigned tasks can lead to an excessive conformity to the male r o l e (O'Neil, 1981). Moreover, as Pleck (1981) argues, there may be a greater condemnation of males who f a i l to l i v e up to the masculine gender r o l e norm than of females who v i o l a t e t h e i r respective norms. For a male, as adherence to the male sex r o l e i s characterized by instrumentality, strength, aggressiveness, control and emotional inexpressiveness, sexual abuse as a c h i l d would be t h e o r e t i c a l l y a n t i t h e t i c a l to the male i d e n t i t y . In p a r t i c u l a r , one can consider the e f f e c t s of gender r o l e on the abusive experience in terms of the male eth i c which promotes: (a) strength; (b) s e l f - r e l i a n c e ; (c) independence and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y ; (d) the emphasis upon male heterosexual sexual i n i t i a t i v e and dominance versus the emphasis upon female sexual p a s s i v i t y ; and (e) heterosexuality as the norm. Strength. Males i n the West are raised to perceive themselves as invulnerable, strong, and competitive. Males survivors appear to be far les s l i k e l y than t h e i r female counterparts to report sexual abuse or to discuss t h e i r experiences as v i c t i m i z a t i o n may be interpreted as being inconsistent with the masculine role (Janoff-Bulman & Frieze, 1987). 42 Thus being a victim, who i s by d e f i n i t i o n nonaggressive, nonassertive, noncompetitive, and non s e l f - r e l i a n t i s simply not masculine (Finkelhor, 1979) . S e l f - r e l i a n c e . Seeking help subsequent to a v i c t i m i z a t i o n experience would also be an example of a s i t u a t i o n contradictory to male gender r o l e stereotypes. Help-seeking could be perceived as a sign of f a i l u r e or weakness and, i f a male sought out another male for support, p o t e n t i a l l y as a sign of homosexuality. Males learn to be s i l e n t about tr o u b l i n g experiences. Good et a l . (1989) conclude that t r a d i t i o n a l a t t i t u d e s about the male ro l e i n society, concern about expressing a f f e c t i o n toward other men, and concern about expressing emotions are negatively r e l a t e d to seeking professional psychological help, and to fewer reports about past help-seeking behavior. Thus, i t i s not s u r p r i s i n g that survivors who do come forward about t h e i r own sexual v i c t i m i z a t i o n report that they f e l t they should have been able to handle the s i t u a t i o n , or been i n control (Monaco & Gaier, 1988). One subject said "I think that deep down i f I were a r e a l man I should have been able to stop the abuse" (Dimock, 1988, p. 209). The survivor's fears of being disbelieved or denigrated as a vic t i m are j u s t i f i e d by the reactions of people i n the male's l i f e ( N a s j l e t i , 1980). Rogers and Terry (1984) state that " i n our experience, denial or minimization of impact i s much more common for parents of boy victims than i t i s for the parents of g i r l s victims" (p. 99). Independence and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . T r a d i t i o n a l l y , boys are generally allowed more independence than g i r l s in terms of t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s outside the home and in terms of t h e i r r e s t r i c t i o n s to indoor and secure environments (Medrich, Roizen, Ruben, & Buckley, 1982). Boys play 43 enhances exploration and independence, and encourages him to be s e l f -r e l i a n t (Brooks-Gunn & Matthews, 1979; Nicholson, 1985). This d i f f e r e n t i a l s o c i a l i z a t i o n leads to less protectiveness to boys, greater expectation of competency, and an expectancy that he w i l l have less to fear along the road. A v i c t i m i z e d boy may chose to remain s i l e n t to avoid loss of t h i s freedom ( N a s j l e t i , 1980), but these conditions may expose him to more p o t e n t i a l l y abusive s i t u a t i o n s outside the home. The counter side to t h i s independence given to boys i s the c u l t u r a l perception which holds that a boy i s more responsible for the events which b e f a l l him. Thus in some cases he may be more subject to blame for an abusive s i t u a t i o n than a female abuse vi c t i m . Waterman and Foss-Goodman (1984) have examined gender variables r e l a t i n g to a t t r i b u t i o n of f a u l t to c h i l d victims. Their r e s u l t s indicate, for a group of 15-year old victims, that college students assigned greater blame to boys than they did to g i r l s . S i m i l a r l y , Hayes (1988) found that eight and nine-year old boy victims who smiled during sexual contact with an adult were seen by college students as enjoying the act more, and were considered s i g n i f i c a n t l y more blameworthy than any other group of c h i l d sexual abuse victims. Consistent with t h i s f i n d i n g , Hayes (1988) found that the adults who molested the smiling boys were considered to be s i g n i f i c a n t l y less at f a u l t than any other adult group who molested c h i l d r e n . Admittedly such r e s u l t s must be viewed with caution and require r e p l i c a t i o n , but i t does suggest an i n t e r e s t i n g p o s s i b i l i t y of perceived male vict i m r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . Heterosexual sexual dominance and i n i t i a t i v e . Males do tend to be the predominant ass a i l a n t s in c h i l d sexual abuse cases. However, as J u s t i c e and J u s t i c e (1979) argue i t may be that offending women are more 44 subtle i n t h e i r actions. For example, fondling may be passed o f f as maternal c h i l d c a r e . Thus, i n some case, females also need to be seen as po t e n t i a l abusers. The assailant r o l e i s considered a s t e r e o t y p i c a l l y masculine r o l e , p a r t i c u l a r l y i f i t i s characterized by violence, aggression or daring (Schur, 1984). Yet, some researchers have argued that molestation by females i s not an uncommon experience and may be much higher than reported i n crime s t a t i s t i c s (Groth & Burgess, 1979; Johnson & Shrier, 1987). Thus, i f a male i s abused by a female, he may be reluctant to see himself as a victi m because of the l i n k between p a s s i v i t y and femininity and what t h i s e n t a i l s for his masculinity. A boy i s generally encouraged to s t r i v e for dominance i n his sexual r e l a t i o n s with women: i f he does not he i s not manly. Objecting to sexual a c t i v i t y with females i s not seen as normal for males, as males are believed to have a greater sexual urge, to be more sexually active at a younger age, and to be the sexual i n i t i a t o r (Hoyenga & Hoyenga, 1979; Peters, 1986). The seduction of a male c h i l d by an older woman i s perceived growthful experience for a boy and not harmful, "a romantic i n i t i a t i o n into manhood" (Peters, 1986, p. 85). His age-mates may even be jealous of t h i s . Moreover, there are mixed messages present i n the sexual s o c i a l i z a t i o n of young males. While females are often cautioned against sex play, males are often i m p l i c i t l y given t a c i t permission to explore t h e i r sexuality, providing that i t i s not homosexual i n nature (Bolton et a l . 1989; Masters, Johnson, & Kolodny, 1985). Thus, while incidents wherein adults engage i n "age discrepant heterosexual contact with young females i s viewed with disdain at best and sexual abuse at worst . . . the same s i t u a t i o n involving a young male may be seen as an ear l y introduction to sexual prowess" (Bolton et a l . , 1989, p. 17). 45 S i m i l a r l y , Rogers and Terry write "while we rout i n e l y i d e n t i f y the 8-year-old g i r l engaged i n intercourse by a 16-year-old boy as a victim, we often f a i l to apply the same standard when the v i c t i m i s a boy" (p. 92). If a boy claims abuse, then he i s not f i t t i n g the mould of being sexually active and dominant, and faces d i s b e l i e f and perhaps even d e r i s i o n . Such contact i s perceived by others as merely being inappropriate sex play rather than v i c t i m i z a t i o n (Roger & Terry, 1984). The l i t e r a t u r e has at times enforced t h i s view. Forward and Buck (1988) write of an a r t i c l e published by a researcher i n 1977 who "with absolutely no background i n psychology or sociology . . . found that mother-son incest 'represents 10% of the incidence (of a l l incest) and i s 70%' p o s i t i v e " (p. 72). S i m i l a r l y , Finch (1973) concluded (with -no evidence) that sons are not l i k e l y to be harmed by an incestuous experience. In fac t , c l i n i c a l evidence contradicts the sexual fantasy that boys benefit from sexual experiences with t h e i r mothers or other women. Bruckner and Johnson's (1987) hypothesize that the "nature of the sexual behavior appeared to have l i t t l e e f f e c t on the degree of trauma experienced" (p. 83). D i s b e l i e f i n male c h i l d abuse by women i s p a r t i c u l a r l y damaging to the boy who i s l e f t with the burden of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y or even alleged i n i t i a t i v e (Finkelhor, 1979). Generally, he may be prone to being held more responsible than other victims for his own abuse i n his view and in the view of society. Dimock (1988) quotes a subject: I was too ashamed to t e l l anyone because I thought I was to blame and that a mother would never do anything l i k e that to her c h i l d . I couldn't cope with i t because I was weak and vulnerable, (p. 209) 46 This leads to an excessive fear on the part of the v i c t i m of being seen as feminine or, worse yet, as gay. Heterosexuality as the norm. A homosexual taboo i s prevalent i n the West, and t h i s leads to a narrow range of sexual experiences as being acceptable for a boy. A boy molested by another male fears he himself w i l l characterized as homosexual or become homosexual himself, p a r t i c u l a r l y i f he derived some pleasure from the contact. This fear may prevent his d i s c l o s u r e of the event (Pierce & Pierce, 1985). Instead, he may seek his own behavioral or c h a r a c t e r o l o g i c a l factors to blame for his abuse, with t h e i r respective consequences for his s e l f -schemas. He may c r i t i c i z e himself for his own appearance, speech, or c l o t h i n g which would in any way have indicated femininity and thus contributed to his attack (Rogers & Terry, 1984). A boy abused by a male might fear that he would be l a b e l l e d as not having " r e s i s t e d enough". Hayes (1988) found that college students perceive female victims' future sexual o r i e n t a t i o n as being primarily heterosexual, regardless of whether the a s s a i l a n t was male or female. By contrast, boys abused by male adults were perceived as more l i k e l y to become homosexual or bisexual than heterosexual. Parents have been found to espouse s i m i l a r fears for t h e i r molested son's future sexual o r i e n t a t i o n , seeking treatment for him for the sole purpose of making sure t h e i r son does not become gay ( N a s j l e t i , 1980). Rogers and Terry (1984) claim that the reactions of parents to t h e i r c h i l d ' s assault i s often the same for male and female victims, marked by g u i l t , anger, and concern. However, i f a son i s abused by another male then the parents are more l i k e l y to deny the event, blame the victim, and have u n r e a l i s t i c fears about t h e i r 47 son's future sexual o r i e n t a t i o n . Geiser (1979) states that i t seems parents are concerned about the e f f e c t s of abuse upon a son's masculinity but r a r e l y express the equivalent fear for an abused daughter's femininity. Thus the paradoxical c u l t u r a l viewpoint which emerges i s that "heterosexual rape of a female c h i l d w i l l turn her against men and sex, but homosexual rape of a male c h i l d w i l l turn the boy toward men and homosexuality" (Geiser, 1979, p. 77). "A female can be a v i c t i m and s t i l l maintain her sexual i d e n t i t y " (Peters, 1986, p. 81) but the abused male bears a double taboo of homosexuality and of v i c t i m i z a t i o n . The homosexual taboo may further hamper discl o s u r e of male c h i l d sexual abuse by the perpetrators who are extremely reluctant to admit to abuse of a male c h i l d (Sebold, 1987). The v i c t i m i z e r may be more w i l l i n g to reveal abuse of a female c h i l d , and in an incestuous household i t has often been assumed that only the female(s) have been attacked. Moreover, there i s a powerful assumption made that a man who molests a boy must be homosexual. As the habitual molester of boys i s r a r e l y attracted to adult males, his lack of a homosexual o r i e n t a t i o n i s often used to exonerate him. In summary, being a v i c t i m i s associated with feminine c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s (Howard, 1984; Schur, 1984), wherein victims are regarded as passive, helpless, t r u s t i n g , dependent, and r e q u i r i n g nurturance. Given these r o l e differences, i t i s perhaps not s u r p r i s i n g that l i t e r a t u r e focusing on v i c t i m i z a t i o n has overrepresented women (Janoff-Bulman & Frieze, 1987). Females are, in a sense, the ' c l a s s i c ' victim, and males the ' c l a s s i c ' a s s a i l a n t . This creates a c u l t u r a l i n s e n s i t i v i t y to male victims (Farber et a l . , 1984). Female victims are not "apt to question the legitimacy and s t a b i l i t y of t h e i r i d e n t i t y as 48 women. Male victims, however, are l i k e l y to guestion t h e i r male i d e n t i t y " (Janoff-Bulman & Frieze, 1983, p. 175). There are, as Goldberg (1976) warns, "hazards of being male", p a r t i c u l a r l y i f he i s a v i c t i m . Given t h i s c u l t u r a l and s o c i a l milieu, i t i s important i n any examination of male sexual abuse survivors to attend to gender r o l e f a c t o r s . It can be hypothesized that these gender r o l e stereotypes would be i n f l u e n t i a l i n the appraisal of, and coping with, negative l i f e events, given the importance of i n d i v i d u a l b e l i e f s outlined by the Lazarus and Folkman (1984) model. An i n d i v i d u a l experiences stress when he or she perceives him- or herself as unable to cope. In p a r t i c u l a r , i n studying adult coping patterns, i t can be hypothesized that those l i f e s i t u a t i o n s wherein the male role i s challenged or threatened may be p a r t i c u l a r l y d i f f i c u l t for a male experiencing a high degree of male gender r o l e s t r e s s . Therefore, those males who demonstrate a high degree of gender r o l e stress might be expected to demonstrate a greater r e l i a n c e on maladaptive coping functions, given the l i n k between emotional stress and use of such functions. This study was designed to include measures of gender r o l e stress to investigate i t s r e l a t i o n s h i p to choice of coping in an interpersonal s t r e s s f u l s i t u a t i o n . Furthermore, i t was expected that male sexual abuse survivors who, according to the c l i n i c a l l i t e r a t u r e a v a i l a b l e , would evidence a high degree of gender r o l e stress, would evidence a greater degree of maladaptive coping functions r e l a t i v e to t h e i r non-abused counterparts and r e l a t i v e to victims of events that are t h e o r e t i c a l l y less challenging to the male r o l e . 49 Summary and Integration Male sexual abuse survivors, more often than t h e i r non-abused counterparts, report anxiety, anger, d i s s o c i a t i o n , sleep and eating disturbances, phobias, depression, s u i c i d a l ideations, f e e l i n g s of unworthiness, problems with s e l f concept (male r o l e and i d e n t i t y confusion), low l e v e l s of happiness and s a t i s f a c t i o n , more headaches, stomachaches, tension, more d i f f i c u l t i e s in r e l a t i o n s h i p s with same sex and opposite sex i n d i v i d u a l s , preoccupation with sexuality, and d i s t o r t e d body concerns. In terms of coping, there i s some evidence to suggest that the survivors engage in cycles of denial followed by intense i n t r u s i v e thoughts about the sexual abusive event(s) (Donaldson, 1983). However, l i t t l e empirical work has involved measures of adult d a i l y functioning with s t r e s s f u l l i f e events. Given the importance of i n d i v i d u a l h i s t o r y i n terms of coping responses, i t seems l o g i c a l that the suggested negative behavioral, emotional, and cognitive e f f e c t s of a sexually abuse his t o r y would a f f e c t one's coping patterns i n d a i l y l i f e . Moreover, i t was hypothesized that assumptive worlds and perceptions of s e l f i n terms of gender r o l e stereotypes are two moderating factors to the suggested r e l a t i o n s h i p between v i c t i m status and coping responses, given the suggested e f f e c t s of a v i c t i m i z i n g h i s t o r y upon schemas and gender r o l e perceptions. Victims are thought to demonstrate a lower sense of Self-worth, less b e l i e f i n the Benevolence of the world, more stress i n t h e i r male r o l e , and a reduced b e l i e f i n the Meaningfulness of the world than t h e i r non-victimized counterparts. The purpose of t h i s research was to examine p o t e n t i a l differences amongst male sexual abuse survivors r e l a t i v e to t h e i r non-abused counterparts by (a) i d e n t i f y i n g differences in the structure of coping 50 with an interpersonal s t r e s s f u l s i t u a t i o n as a factor of having been vi c t i m i z e d as a c h i l d and; (b) examining whether any differences that emerge amongst the men are further r e l a t e d to the schemas and to s e l f -evaluations as a male. To t h i s end, two models were suggested. In the f i r s t , a h i s t o r y of v i c t i m i z a t i o n , the schematic pattern, and the degree of gender r o l e stress of the i n d i v i d u a l were viewed as having main e f f e c t s upon the pattern of coping functions. For example, a male reporting no abuse i n his childhood would demonstrate a 'healthy' pattern of ' t y p i c a l l y ' male coping ( i . e . , u t i l i z i n g a high degree of adaptive, problem-solving functions when facing the c o n t r o l l a b l e s i t u a t i o n presented). A s i m i l a r pattern would be observed for a male whose world schemas r e f l e c t the p o s i t i v e biases of 'health', or who evidences a r e l a t i v e l y low degree of gender r o l e stress, regardless of abusive h i s t o r y . The second model suggests that a p a r t i c u l a r schematic pattern and the degree of gender role stress moderate the e f f e c t a h i s t o r y of v i c t i m i z a t i o n has upon coping functions u t i l i z e d (Baron & Kenny, 1986). Thus the following hypotheses are suggested: (1) V i c t i m i z a t i o n status, schematic pattern, and the degree of gender r o l e stress together s i g n i f i c a n t l y contribute to the pattern of coping evidenced. (2) Pessimistic s e l f and world schemas would moderate (strengthen) the proportion of maladaptive coping strategies u t i l i z e d by victims of negative l i f e events. (3) High degrees of male gender role stress would moderate the proportion of maladaptive coping strategies u t i l i z e d by victims of negative l i f e events. Sexual abuse survivors with high degree of male gender r o l e stress would evidence a higher proportion of maladaptive coping st r a t e g i e s than victims of other negative l i f e events, given the 'attack' of a sexually abusive experience(s) upon masculinity. F i n a l l y , a question of exploratory i n t e r e s t : was v i c t i m i z a t i o n status moderated by schema scores? For example, did victims of sexual abuse who have d i s t o r t e d schemas, evidence a higher/lesser/or s i m i l a r proportion of maladaptive coping st r a t e g i e s than victims of other negative l i f e events? 52 METHOD Subjects Surveys were d i s t r i b u t e d to students of undergraduate classes from various departments at a large Western Canadian u n i v e r s i t y and a large community college, over a 5-month period. Surveys were d i s t r i b u t e d to a number of classes from various departments, including Psychology, Biology, Forestry, Commerce, Medicine, Dentistry, Geography, Physical Education, and Sociology classes, to attempt as representative a sample as possible. Of the 805 d i s t r i b u t e d , 204 were returned by males, y i e l d i n g an return rate of 25% . (An addit i o n a l 17 were returned by females respondents and not used i n the a n a l y s i s ) . While a 25% return rate seems r e l a t i v e l y low compared to other studies (e.g. Finkelhor, 1979), i t should be noted that a l l respondents were volunteers who did not receive c r e d i t or f i n a n c i a l remuneration for t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n as other studies have done (Finkelhor, 1979; Fromuth & Burkhart, 1989). Thirty-three surveys were missing more than 50% of the items on the e n t i r e survey, and were c l a s s i f i e d as incomplete. An a d d i t i o n a l 15 surveys were also not u t i l i z e d in the analysis because of d i f f i c u l t y i n c l a s s i f y i n g the respondent as to his v i c t i m i z a t i o n status (see Appendix A) . The remaining pool of 156 surveys was examined for missing items, and the subscale mean calculated and u t i l i z e d as a replacement for such items. If a subscale was missing more than 75% of the items required for i t s compilation, the subscale was counted as missing. Seven surveys were missing more than 75% of the items required for 2 or less subscale compilations, and thus i n the regression analyses, these seven surveys were omitted because summed scale scores are precluded. 5 3 The 156 respondents were also screened on the basis of the stressor reported, and the information provided regarding the stressor. (Respondents who scored less than 2 on the 'importance' and 'change' items were excluded from the analysis; see Appendix C, items #2 and #4 following stressor d e t a i l s ) . This was done to ensure that respondents were d e t a i l i n g stressors of s i m i l a r importance and changeability. This process resulted i n 21 respondents being excluded from the f i n a l analyses. Thus the d e s c r i p t i v e and subscale analyses were based on a sample of 135 respondents. The respondents were divided into three categories, y i e l d i n g 13 sexual abuse victims (9.63% of the t o t a l ) , 25 other victims (18.52%), and 97 non-victims (71.86%). Demographic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the 135 respondents can be seen i n Table 1. (Due to the small c e l l sizes involved, the demographic categories for each va r i a b l e were collapsed into dichotomous categories). The sample's median age was 21.0, which i s the same as the median age of the undergraduate males registered i n 1988/1989 at the u n i v e r s i t y (Office of Budget, Planning, and Systems Management, 1989). Thus, i n terms of age the sample was representative of the population from which i t was drawn. (Details as to the median age of the college sample were not a v a i l a b l e from the administration.) 54 Table 1 Demographics for Victim, ,Other Victim, and Non-Victim groups Variable Group NV SA OV T o t a l a [=97) (N=13) (N=25) (N=135) f f f I (%) Years i n Post -secondary < 4 years 86 10 22 118(88.1%) > 4 years 10 3 3 16(11.9%) Ma r i t a l Status Single 87 11 22 120(88.9%) Married/Sep/ 9 3 3 15(11.1%) Divor/Widow Ethnic Background European 76 11 16 103(76.3%) Non-European 20 3 9 32(23.7%) Hometown s i z e < 25000 people 22 2 7 31(23.3%) > 25000 people 73 11 18 102(76.7%) Father's M a r i t a l Status Lives with mother 75 7 16 98(73.1%) Divor/Sep/Widow/ Deceased 21 6 9 36(26.9%) Mother's M a r i t a l Status Lives with father 74 8 16 98(72.6%) Divor/Sep/Widow Deceased 22 6 9 37(27.4%) Mean Age (years) 21.9 23.5 22.0 22.0 SD 4.2 4.0 4.7 4.3 NV =Non-victims, SA= Sexual abuse survivors, OV= Other victims. a Due to some respondents omitting items, t o t a l columns may not t o t a l N = 135. 55 Sampling Procedure Respondents were re c r u i t e d from male undergraduate students e n r o l l e d at a u n i v e r s i t y and at a community college. At the outset of a lecture period, the author introduced himself and the research project to the c l a s s . Male students i n the class were asked to volunteer to p a r t i c i p a t e i n a study i n v e s t i g a t i n g current coping patterns, and they were informed that they would be asked to respond to questions about childhood experiences and t h e i r perceptions of these experiences. They were encouraged to complete the survey anonymously to e l i c i t accurate and honest reporting of any information. They were informed that numbers were recorded on the test packet for c a l c u l a t i o n of return rates and to permit respondents to report any concerns to the author about his survey u t i l i z i n g the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n number, and thus protecting his anonymity. Survey packets that included the informed consent form (see Appendix B) and the survey (See Appendix C) were then d i s t r i b u t e d , and students v o l u n t a r i l y elected to complete the form. They completed the survey i n t h e i r own time, and returned the completed forms to the following lecture period. Some respondents also mailed the surveys d i r e c t l y to the author's department, in the envelopes provided. Instruments Demographics. Figures available from Census Canada and from the u n i v e r s i t y and college administration were u t i l i z e d to construct questions pertaining to the background of the respondent, including family, ethnic, and educational background. Schemas. The s e l f - r e p o r t World Assumptions Scale (WAS; Janoff-Bulman, 1989) was used to assess respondents' current schematic conceptualizations about themselves, others, and the world. The WAS was 56 constructed by deductively generating 64 of the "clearest, most straightforward, most unambiguous" items for the eight world assumptions, on a 8-point L i k e r t scale ranging from 'disagree completely' to 'agree completely'. Janoff-Bulman's o r i g i n a l sample pool was 254 respondents (155 females and 99 males) and the scale was then cross-validated on a sample of 356 (212 females, 144 males). Through t h i s process, she reduced the scale to 32 items with alpha r e l i a b i l i t i e s ranging from .66 and .78. Janoff-Bulman factor analyzed the scale and reported that the items f a l l into the seven proposed factors (eigenvalues exceeding 4.0) including: (a) the benevolence of people (Cronbach's alpha .68) and benevolence of the world (.72) emerged as a singl e factor; (b) assumptions that outcomes of events are d i s t r i b u t e d i n a just manner (.71); (c) in a c o n t r o l l a b l e manner (.66); (d) and i n a nonrandom manner (.67); (e) a p o s i t i v e bias toward personal worth (.73); (f) bias to s e l f - c o n t r o l l a b i l i t y (.73); and (g) a negative bias to luck/ or randomness (.76). Because of the r e l i a b i l i t i e s and moderate i n t e r c o r r e l a t i o n s of the i n d i v i d u a l subscales, I proposed (in accord with Janoff-Bulman, Personal communication, November 29, 1990), that a summed Schema score could be also u t i l i z e d , comprised of a l l items. The 32-item form of the WAS was used i n t h i s study. The response choice of the scale was reduced to a 6-point L i k e r t scale ranging form 0 ('strongly disagree') to 5 ('strongly agree') (Janoff-Bulman, Personal communication, October 12, 1990). A l l but f i v e of i n d i v i d u a l items (which were reverse-scored i n t h e i r o r i g i n a l format) were reverse-scored, and then summed to y i e l d an o v e r a l l score i n d i c a t i n g p e s s i m i s t i c assumptive schemas. Thus, a high o v e r a l l Schema score indicated a 'negative bias' or 'distorted' adherence to the schemas; a low score 57 indicates a 'p o s i t i v e ' or 'healthy' schematic pattern. Thus, the t o t a l scale scores ranged from 0 (a strong b e l i e f i n the respective schema) to 32 (a strong d i s b e l i e f to the respective schema). Cronbach's alphas for the 135 respondents i n t h i s study were calculated for the eight subscales. These were generally good, ranging from .61 (ju s t i c e ) to .79 (benevolence of people, benevolence of the world), with a mean of .72. The summed Schema score's alpha was .70, supporting i t s use i n the subsequent analyses. I n t e r c o r r e l a t i o n s between the subscales ranged from .01 to .55 (M = .22), supporting the moderate to low i n t e r c o r r e l a t i o n a l structure found by Janoff-Bulman (1989). I n t e r c o r r e l a t i o n s between the subscales and the summed Schema score ranged from .32 ( s e l f - c o n t r o l l a b i l i t y ) to .75 (benevolence of the world) (M = .55), providing support for the use of t h i s summed score i n the f i n a l analyses. Gender Role Stress. The Masculine Gender Role Stress scale (MGRS; E i s l e r & Skidmore, 1987) was used to assess a respondents' l e v e l of stress i n his masculine r o l e . The MGRS scale was based on the model of stress appraisal outlined by Lazarus and Folkman (1984), and i s composed of 40 items describing s i t u a t i o n s designated as more s t r e s s f u l for men than for women, which respondents rated on a 6-point L i k e r t scale ranging from 'not s t r e s s f u l ' (0), to 'extremely s t r e s s f u l ' (5). Factor analyses of the scale items by the authors have shown that the items form f i v e c l u s t e r s of sit u a t i o n s that challenge men's (a) phy s i c a l adequacy; (b) i n t e l l e c t u a l a b i l i t y ; (c) a b i l i t y to achieve; or (d) that require emotional e x p r e s s i v i t y ; and (e) wherein men are subordinate to women. The MGRS scale has been shown to have good i n t e r n a l consistency with alpha c o e f f i c i e n t s i n the low 0.90's, and a high t e s t - r e t e s t 58 r e l i a b i l i t y over a 2-week period for males (r=.93; Skidmore, 1988). Construct v a l i d i t y has been demonstrated by the find i n g that males do score higher than females ( E i s l e r & Skidmore, 1987). F i n a l l y , convergent v a l i d i t y has been supported by E i s l e r et a l . ' s (1988) f i n d i n g that the MGRS correlates p o s i t i v e l y with the Multidimensional Anger Inventory (Siegel, 1966) and the "state" form of the St a t e - T r a i t Anxiety Scale (Spielberger, Gorusch, Lushene, Vagg, & Jacobs, 1983). For the purposes of t h i s study, the complete 40-item scale and the summed t o t a l Gender Stress score (ranging from 0 to 200) was u t i l i z e d as there i s l i t t l e empirical or t h e o r e t i c a l evidence to indicate that any of the sub-factors have a p a r t i c u l a r r e l a t i o n s h i p with choice of coping patterns. One item, "Having your children see you cry", was s l i g h t l y modified to "Having children see you cry", to r e f l e c t the selected sample that would be u n l i k e l y to have chil d r e n . Higher scores on the scale i n d i c a t e a high degree of stress related to the masculine r o l e ; lower scores indicate a low degree of stress. The subscales demonstrated good i n t e r n a l consistency for the 135 respondents i n t h i s study. Cronbach alphas ranged from .72 to .88 (M = .79) for the subscales, and was .88 for the summed Gender Role Stress score supporting i t s use in the study. S i m i l a r l y , the i n t e r c o r r e l a t i o n s of the f i v e subscales with summed Gender Stress score were high (physical inadequacy .89; emotional inexpressiveness .78; subordination to women .82; i n t e l l e c t u a l i n f e r i o r i t y .84; and performance f a i l u r e .81), supporting the use of the Gender stress score i n the analyses. Coping and s t r e s s f u l event. The COPE inventory (Carver et a l . , 1989) was used to assess the d i f f e r e n t ways respondents used to respond to the s t r e s s f u l s i t u a t i o n . It i s a s e l f - r e p o r t c h e c k l i s t comprised of 59 10 subscales with 4 items each. Responses are scored on a 4-point L i k e r t scale from "I usually don't do t h i s at a l l " (1) to "I usually do t h i s a l o t " (4). This scale was modified in terms of verbal tense to f i t the s i t u a t i o n e l i c i t e d i n t h i s study (see below), to responses ranging from "I didn't do t h i s at a l l " (1) to "I did t h i s a l o t " (4). Thus, subscale scores could range from 4 to 16. In terms of scale generation, the authors t h e o r e t i c a l l y wrote items as belonging to one of 13 possible coping functions: active coping, planning, suppression of competing a c t i v i t i e s , r e s t r a i n t coping, seeking s o c i a l support for instrumental reason, seeking s o c i a l support for emotional reasons, focusing on and venting of emotions, behavioral disengagement, mental disengagement, p o s i t i v e r e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n and growth, den i a l , acceptance, and turning to r e l i g i o n (see Appendix D). Subsequently, two more scales, alcohol and drug use and humour, were added but are regarded as exploratory as l i t t l e empirical work has been conducted with them. Carver et a l . (1989) administered the items to a sample of 978 undergraduate students. Correlations between the COPE scales and personality t r a i t s of optimism, self-esteem, hardiness, and anxiety were a l l i n the predicted d i r e c t i o n (see Carver et a l . , 1989), o f f e r i n g convergent v a l i d i t y without being so strong as to imply that the coping s t y l e s were merely d i f f e r e n t formats of personality v a r i a b l e s . The authors reported that Cronbach's alpha r e l i a b i l i t i e s were a l l above .60 (M = .73), with the exception of the mental disengagement factor which the authors i n t e r p r e t as a r i s i n g from i t s multiple-act c r i t e r i o n . Factor analyses yielded 11 interpretable factors, in accord with the t h e o r e t i c a l assignment of items to factors with the exceptions that 60 seeking of s o c i a l support for instrumental or for emotional reasons loaded as a si n g l e factor, as did active coping and planning items. Moreover, there were c l u s t e r s of factors (supported by second-order factor analyses: See Appendix D) that seemed to indicate adaptive active coping functions (active coping, planning, suppression of competing a c t i v i t i e s , r e s t r a i n t coping, p o s i t i v e r e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n and growth), and a second c l u s t e r that included more the "questionable" or maladaptive coping functions (denial, behavioral disengagement, mental disengagement, focus on and venting of emotions, and acceptance). Many of the these coping functions were inversely correlated with the adaptive, active c l u s t e r of functions. Thus these 10 subscales are used i n t h i s study, c l a s s i f i e d as e i t h e r adaptive or maladaptive. Cronbach's alpha r e l i a b i l i t i e s were calculated for the sample u t i l i z e d i n t h i s study, and the r e s u l t s were very s i m i l a r to the findings of the Carver and Scheier (1989). Of the 10 subscales, alphas were a l l above .62 (M = .71), with the exception of the mental disengagement factor (.50). The alphas for the scores used in the f i n a l analyses were as follows: Maladaptive coping .69, Adaptive coping .68, and the Coping r a t i o .59 supporting t h e i r use in the study. I n t e r c o r r e l a t i o n s between these scales for t h i s study's sample were also i n accord with the findings of Carver et a l . (1989). A l l were below .62, supporting t h e i r independent structure, but as the Carver et a l . (1989) had found, active coping, planning, suppression of competing a c t i v i t i e s , and p o s i t i v e r e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n and growth do p o s i t i v e l y c o r r e l a t e , i n d i c a t i n g adaptive coping functions (see Table 7, Appendix . Moreover, den i a l , behavioral disengagement, mental disengagement, focus on and venting of emotions, and acceptance p o s i t i v e l y c o r r e l a t e 61 together, i n d i c a t i n g a maladaptive c l u s t e r of coping functions. (The only exception to t h i s c l u s t e r i n g was the Restraint coping score which loaded on both maladaptive and adaptive coping). Many of the these coping functions were inversely correlated with the adaptive c l u s t e r of functions. Thus, there was j u s t i f i c a t i o n to sum scores as hypothesized into a maladaptive score (comprised of denial, behavioral disengagement, mental disengagement, focus on and venting of emotions, and acceptance) and an adaptive score (active coping, planning, suppression of competing a c t i v i t i e s , r e s t r a i n t coping, and p o s i t i v e r e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n and growth). Subsequently, the maladaptive coping score for each respondent was divided by the sum of the maladaptive and adaptive scores, to y i e l d the Coping r a t i o (the proportion of maladaptive coping strategies to t o t a l coping s t r a t e g i e s ) . The maladaptive and adaptive coping scores could range from 20 to 80, and the Coping r a t i o from 0 to 1.0. In terms of issues that threaten males, the work of E i s l e r and his colleagues ( E i s l e r & Skidmore, 1987, 1989; E i s l e r , Skidmore, & Ward, 1988; Lash et a l . , 1990) and s i m i l a r work by O'Neil et a l . (1986) has shown that the cognitive appraisal of a s i t u a t i o n that challenges a man's phys i c a l adequacy i s s t r e s s f u l for men. In addition, i n terms of survivors, Briere and Runtz (1990) investigated the r e l a t i o n s h i p between reported childhood ph y s i c a l , sexual, and psychological abuse and three types of psychological dysfunction in adulthood (low self-esteem, sexual dysfunction, and aggression) in 277 female undergraduate students. The authors concluded that there i s a unique r e l a t i o n s h i p between sexual abuse and l a t e r sexual dysfunction. Respondents to t h i s survey were asked to complete the COPE a f t e r being instructed to think about, and to b r i e f l y d e t a i l a s t r e s s f u l 62 encounter involving an 'intimate' encounter, which was experienced i n the l a s t two months. It was hoped that by t h i s i n s t r u c t i o n , a l l respondents conceived of roughly the same type of s t r e s s f u l s i t u a t i o n (as opposed to previous research that has permitted respondents to s e l e c t any s t r e s s f u l incident) and report at the same temporal stage of the process, as suggested by Carver et a l . (1989). The respondents reported recent stressors that involved one of four types of encounters: (a) 23% reported stressors e n t a i l i n g i n i t i a l contact with someone ( "I was very interested in t h i s g i r l , I asked her to dance and she said no", "Having to t e l l t h i s g i r l who s i t s next to me in cl a s s that I'm not interested i n her except as a f r i e n d " "Sexual tension between me and t h i s person"); (b) 54% reported d i f f i c u l t i e s with one's spouse or intimate other ("My break-up with my g i r l f r i e n d " , "Fight with my wife over how much attention I give her"); (c) 8.5% reported d i f f i c u l t y with a f r i e n d ("My f r i e n d pulled a scam on mid-term" "Having to cope with my f r i e n d who was very upset emotionally"); (d) 8.5% reported a v a r i e t y of miscellaneous stressors ("A meeting with my boss" "My f a n a t i c a l l y a n t i -smoking father discovering that I have smoked for over a year"). An a d d i t i o n a l 6.2% of the respondents did not give d e t a i l s of the stressor but indicated i t ' s importance/ changeability and thus were able to be included i n the sample. There was a 87% i n t e r - r a t e r concordance on the categorization of the stressor. Respondents were then asked to indicate how important and modifiable they f e l t the s i t u a t i o n to be, and how e f f e c t i v e they f e l t i n dealing with i t , on scales of 1 ('not at a l l important/ changeable/ e f f e c t i v e ' ) to 5 ('very important/ changeable/ e f f e c t i v e ' ) . This was done in order to e s t a b l i s h that respondents provided s i m i l a r l y important and changeable s i t u a t i o n s as suggested Folkman and Lazarus (1980, 1985) (See Table 2). The effectiveness item was not u t i l i z e d to categorize i n d i v i d u a l s because respondents were equally d i s t r i b u t e d i n t h e i r response choices for t h i s item. 64 Table 2 Frequencies and Means of Stressor Descriptors, and Intercorrelations with Adaptive and Maladaptive Coping subscales (N=156) Variable Frequencies Value: 1 2 3 4 5 Missing Importance 3 18 24 64 43 4 (M=3.83) 1.9% 11.5% 15.4% 41% 27.6% 2.6% Changeability 18 42 45 32 13 6 (M=2.9) 11.5% 26.9% 28.8% 20.5% 8 .3% 3.8% Effectiveness 29 42 48 29 4 4 (M=2.6) 18.6% 26.9% 30.8% 18.6% 2.6% 2.6% Int e r c o r r e l a t i o n s Adaptive coping Maladaptive coping Changeability * . 15 * * -.19 Importance * . 13 -.01 Effectiveness * . 14 * * -.26 1 ='not at a l l ' , 2 ='sl i g h t l y ' , 3 ='moderately', 4 ='quite', 5 =' extremely'. * p < .05 ** p < .01 65 In t h i s study, i t was p a r t i c u l a r l y important that respondents rate the s i t u a t i o n " s l i g h t l y changeable/important" at minimum (score = 2) i n order to e l i c i t predictions as to adaptive and maladaptive coping patterns u t i l i z e d i n the s i t u a t i o n . Subscales can only be subdivided into the adaptive/maladaptive categories providing that a respondent d e t a i l s a s t r e s s f u l s i t u a t i o n that he f e l t was changeable and important to him. In t e r c o r r e l a t i o n s between changeability/importance and the adaptive/maladaptive subscales confirmed t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p (see Table 2). Thus those respondents who rated the s i t u a t i o n d e t a i l e d as "not at a l l changeable/important" were excluded from f i n a l analyses. Respondents whose scores on these variables were missing were assigned mean group values. This resulted in 21 subjects (16 Non-Victims, 5 Other Victims) being excluded from the analyses, and thus the f i n a l analyses were conducted on the sample pool of 135 (Non-victims=97, Sexual abuse survivors=13, and Other-victims=25). Respondents were then asked to check applicable coping responses i n a 40-item l i s t comprising 10 of the adaptive and maladaptive scales that people might use to manage the i n t e r n a l or external demands of the s t r e s s f u l encounter they have det a i l e d . V i c t i m i z i n g events. The 135 respondents were c l a s s i f i e d according to t h e i r responses on the negative l i f e event questions. The findings of Janoff-Bulman (Personal communication, October 12, 1990, 1989) were u t i l i z e d as the basis for c i t i n g those v i c t i m i z i n g events other than sexual abuse or assault, rated as extremely negative and/or challenging by college students. Thus, respondents were asked i f they had experienced death of a parent/or s i b l i n g , a f i r e that had destroyed t h e i r home, a serious accident that disabled them, or sexual assault (as 6 6 defined below). In addition, they were asked to state at what time i n t h e i r l i f e t h i s event occurred, and how they perceived that event now ( p o s i t i v e l y , mostly p o s i t i v e l y , neutral, mostly negative, negative). Sexual abuse. A prominent problem inherent in the l i t e r a t u r e i s the differences i n the d e f i n i t i o n s u t i l i z e d . Numerous terms are used i n the l i t e r a t u r e , often interchangeably: sexual abuse, sexual v i c t i m i z a t i o n , sexual e x p l o i t a t i o n , sexual assault, sexual misuse, c h i l d rape, c h i l d molestation, and sexual mistreatment (Bolton et a l . , 1989). In some studies, a d e f i n i t i o n of sexual abuse i s not given at a l l but rather i n f e r r e d ( F r i t z et a l . , 1981). The lack of a uniform d e f i n i t i o n for c h i l d sexual abuse has hampered much of the work to date, and remains an unsolved issue (Finkelhor et a l . , 1986). In p a r t i c u l a r , there are a wide v a r i e t y of d e f i n i t i o n s pertaining to the (a) type of sexual behavior which constitutes sexual abuse p a r t i c u l a r l y contact versus noncontact abuse; (b) the age of the perpetrator or of the victim; and (c) age d i f f e r e n t i a l between v i c t i m and offender. In terms of sexual abuse, Badgley et a l . ' s (1984) guidelines construe any unwanted sexual act, non-contact or contact as abusive. Contact abuse involves fondling of g e n i t a l s , buttocks, and/or breasts, o r a l - g e n i t a l contact, attempted vaginal and/or anal penetration, vaginal and/or anal penetration, use of foreign objects for vagina and/or anus. Non-contact experiences would include: voyeurism, self-exposure, exposure to pornographic materials, exposure to the sexual acts of others, or to the suggestion that the c h i l d become involved i n any of aforementioned a c t i v i t i e s . The act i s considered abusive when so defined by the victim's perception that the s i t u a t i o n was abusive, i . e . that informed consent not given or not possible given his or her 67 emotional, p h y s i c a l , cognitive development, or wherein the offender u t i l i z e s h i s or her p o s i t i o n of power and t r u s t to manipulate coercion. Some research has suggested that noncontact s i t u a t i o n s are harmful to females but not to males (Schultz, 1980), but t h i s hypothesis has not been tested. In terms of the d e f i n i t i o n of childhood, Badgley et a l . (1984) states that a c h i l d i s anyone under the age of 16 years. Russell (1984) and Wyatt (1985) both employed the c r i t e r i o n of anyone under the age of 17 years be considered a c h i l d . Finkelhor (1979; 1984) sets the parameter as under the age of 16 years, but further r e s t r i c t s childhood sexual abuse to acts occurring under the age of 12. Other research varies the upper l i m i t for childhood from 15 years.to 18 (Bolton et a l . , 1989). F i n a l l y , there i s a wide var i e t y in p e r p e t r a t o r - c h i l d age differences u t i l i z e d i n studies. Finkelhor (1984) states that i f the diffe r e n c e i s 3 years or more, then the a c t i v i t y can be considered abusive. Briere et a l . (1988) sets the age d i f f e r e n c e at 5 years to constitute abuse. Varying d e f i n i t i o n s can a l l lead to d i f f e r i n g outcomes of studies. Wyatt and Peters (1986) found that by imposing the c r i t e r i a of Finkelhor's (1979) study or of Russell's (1983) study, upon Wyatt's (1985) study, there was a 14% decrease in the number of i n d i v i d u a l s i d e n t i f i e d as having been abused. Monaco and Gaier (1988) found that when they al t e r e d the method of s o l i c i t i n g reports of c h i l d sexual abuse, there was a much smaller discrepancy between male and female victims than emerges in other formats. The lack of a consistent d e f i n i t i o n in the f i e l d was an obstacle i n t h i s study, and the choice was made to be moderate in the d e f i n i t i o n s u t i l i z e d . In p a r t i c u l a r , consideration had to be given to the age of the respondent population, which was expected to be between 18 and 23 years. Given t h i s factor, u t i l i z i n g Russell's (1984) or Wyatt's (1985) d e f i n i t i o n of under 17 as a c h i l d seemed too high. Thus, sexual Iexperiences that the person had at or before the age of 14 with an adult (family or non-family) over the age of 17 years was used to define cases of childhood sexual abuse. Those sexual experiences that are considered j , l a s abusive are p r i m a r i l y contact, ranging from k i s s i n g or hugging to Jintercourse, and one non-contact episode of an ' i n v i t a t i o n to do I something sexual' i s also included. Sexual experiences that the male I had a f t e r the age of 14 that he defines as not having consented to was I defined as sexual assault or rape. The sexual assault respondents were considered part of the other victims group. Respondents completed a modified version of Finkelhor's (1979) s e l f - r e p o r t survey of childhood sexual experiences (see Appendix C). Finkelhor's o r i g i n a l questionnaire includes several parts on family, phy s i c a l , and sexual issues and i s lengthy. A shortened version of the survey was used to assess only sexual experiences. Due to c o n f i d e n t i a l i t y issues, d i r e c t v a l i d a t i o n of information provided by respondents was not a v a i l a b l e in the o r i g i n of Finkelhor's (1979) survey, but i n d i r e c t v a l i d a t i o n was obtained by comparing i t s findings to those of other surveys. Finkelhor's survey yielded somewhat higher rates of reporting than did other research projects. No other a d d i t i o n a l v a l i d i t y or r e l i a b i l i t y estimates are reported in the l i t e r a t u r e , but the survey remains one of the most commonly u t i l i z e d (e.g., Briere & Runtz, 1988; H a t f i e l d , 1987). 69 P i l o t Studv The survey u t i l i z e d was p i l o t e d for i t s face v a l i d i t y and i t s p o t e n t i a l r e a c t i v i t y on a sample of 15 males. This enabled the author to estimate that the time required to complete the survey ranged from 25 to 40 minutes. In addition, some questions were alt e r e d for c l a r i f i c a t i o n or to broaden categories to r e f l e c t the demographics of the student sample. For example, i n the p i l o t form a marital category of common-in-law was added. S t a t i s t i c a l Analyses To t e s t the hypotheses of the study, h i e r a r c h i c a l multiple regression analyses were u t i l i z e d . The advantages of t h i s methodology are two-fold. F i r s t , and foremost, as determination of c a u s a l i t y i s not the goal of t h i s research, but instead p r e d i c t i o n of maladaptive coping patterns i s sought, multiple regression i s recommended as the procedure of choice (Wampold & Freund, 1987). Second, Baron and Kenny (1986) suggest the use of regression in order to explore p o t e n t i a l moderating e f f e c t s . As i t i s expected that c e l l sizes of the v i c t i m categories w i l l be unequal, the design i s nonorthogonal wherein main and i n t e r a c t i o n e f f e c t s are not independent. Multiple regression i s useful 2 with such a design because the R score (proportion of variance of the dependent variables explained by the independent variables) for each e f f e c t can be examined separately i f based upon standardized scores (Wampold & Freund, 1987). To t h i s end, the independent continuous variables (Schema and Gender Role stress scores) were standardized before analysis, and unstandardized regression c o e f f i c i e n t s c a l c u l a t e d . The h i e r a r c h i c a l regression equation was calculated by entering variables into the equation according to research relevance and the s t r u c t u r a l aspects of the design (see Wampold & Freund, 1987), i n the following order: (a) Step 1, the v i c t i m i z a t i o n status, schematic pattern and gender r o l e stress scores; and (c) Step 2, the i n t e r a c t i v e f a c t o r s , v i c t i m i z a t i o n status X schematic pattern /or gender r o l e s t r e s s . To render the v i c t i m i z a t i o n status information i n a guant i t a t i v e format, dummy coding was used i n the following manner: sexual abuse survivors were scored as 1,1; victims of other events were scored as 1,0; and by implication, non-victims as 0,0 (Cohen & Cohen, 1975; Glass & Hopkins, 1984). Thus the model i s Y' = b1X1 + b2X2 + b3Z} + b4Z2 + b5X1Z1 + b6X1Z2 + b7X2Z1 + b8X2Z2 + a where Y' (the coping r a t i o ) i s regressed onto (X^ i n d i c a t i n g sexual abuse victims compared to a l l others, X2 i n d i c a t i n g a l l victims compared to the non-victims), Z± (potential moderating variables of schema and gender r o l e s t r e s s ) , and the interactions between X_£ and Z^ (See Appendix E for more d e t a i l s ) . If an o v e r a l l s i g n i f i c a n t e f f e c t for the regression equation i s found, moderating e f f e c t s are indicated by s i g n i f i c a n t i n t e r a c t i o n terms of X^ and Z_£, the main e f f e c t s of X_^  and Z_£ are co n t r o l l e d . Ideally, the Z^ terms w i l l further be uncorrelated with the predictor X_^  term, and the c r i t e r i o n Y' (Baron & Kenny, 1986), although such a scenario i s u n l i k e l y and moderate i n t e r c o r r e l a t i o n s are expected. Due to the expected moderate sample siz e for the groups and the low power of moderated regression (Champoux & Peters, 1987), i n t e r a c t i v e e f f e c t s were considered s i g n i f i c a n t at the p < .10 l e v e l . 71 RESULTS Descriptive S t a t i s t i c s The 135 respondents were c l a s s i f i e d into subgroups according to the v i c t i m c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s . To r e i t e r a t e , contact sexual experiences that the person had at or before the age of 14 with an adult (family or non-family) over the age of 17 years was used to define cases of childhood sexual abuse. Sexual experiences that the male had a f t e r the age of 14 that he defines as not having consented to was defined as sexual assault or rape, and considered part of the other victims group. This l a t t e r group also included respondents who reported having experienced a death of a parent or s i b l i n g , a f i r e that destroyed t h e i r home, or a d i s a b l i n g accident. There were 13 sexual abuse victims or 9.63% of the 135 respondents (See Table 3). This figure i s close to that found by other researchers (Baker, 1985; Finkelhor, 1979), but s l i g h t l y lower than the numbers found by Badgley et a l . (1984), who u t i l i z e d broader d e f i n i t i o n s of sexual abuse. My r e s u l t s are c e r t a i n l y within the 2.5% to 31% range postulated by Finkelhor and his colleagues (1980, 1984; Finkelhor et a l . , 1986, 1990) as an estimate for the number of sexually abused males i n the general population. In terms of other types of v i c t i m i z a t i o n , there were 25 other victims (18.52% of the sample that included 3 victims of f i r e , 6 death of a parent, 4 death of a s i b l i n g , 4 victims of serious accidents, 8 assault victims; see Table 3), and 97 non-victims (71.86%). These group sizes c l o s e l y r e f l e c t the findings of the Janoff-Bulman (1989) study. It i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that, with the exception of the death of a 72 parent group, most respondents reported that they perceived the v i c t i m i z i n g event as neutral or p o s i t i v e . Table 3 Descriptive Information on Victimized Groups Variables Mode Other Victims group (N=25) 1. Death of Parent Age when parent died 8 - 1 1 years Experience Mostly negative 2. Death of S i b l i n g Age when s i b l i n g died 4 - 7 years Experience Neutral 3. F i r e Age when f i r e occurred 4 - 7 years Experience Neutral 4. Disabling accident Age when accident occurred 12 - 15 years Experience Mostly p o s i t i v e 5. Assault Age when assault occurred After 16 years Experience P o s i t i v e Gender of offender Female Relationship of offender Friend/friend of parents Force A l i t t l e Sexual Abuse Group (N=13) Age when abuse occurred 12 - 15 years Experience P o s i t i v e Gender of offender Female Relationship of offender Person known, but not a f r i e n d Force No 74 Analyses of Demographic Differences As a preliminary analysis, i t was important to t e s t for differences between the three sub-groups (Sexual abuse survivors, other victims, non-victims) to determine the extent to which demographic differences might predict scores on the predictor and c r i t e r i o n v a r i a b l e s . If such differences arose, these might require i n c l u s i o n i n the f i n a l analysis as possible influences upon hypothesized group dif f e r e n c e s . U t i l i z i n g one-way analyses of variances (ANOVA; See Table 1 for subgroup means and frequencies), there were no s i g n i f i c a n t differences between the mean ages of the subsamples, F(2,132) = .94, p =.39. Chi-square analyses of independence on the c a t e g o r i c a l demographic variables revealed that there were no s i g n i f i c a n t differences between the three groups i n terms of the respondents year i n post-secondary 2 education ( f i r s t 4 years of study vs. more than 4 years), X (2, N = 134) = 1.745, p = .42; marital status (single vs. married/separated/divorced/widowed), X 2 (2, N = 135) = 1.822, p = .40; 2 ethnic background (European vs. Asian/Other), X (2, N = 135) = 2.567, p 2 = .28; hometown size (less than 25000 vs. larger than 25000), X (2, N = 133) = .766, p = .68); father's marital status ( l i v i n g with mother vs. separated/divorced/widowed/deceased), X 2 (2, N = 134) = 4.740, p = .09); and mother's marital status ( l i v i n g with father vs. 2 separated/divorced/widowed/deceased), X (2, N = 135) = 3.580, p = .17). Thus, i t was established that the three sub-groups did not s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r on any of the demographic variables surveyed. 75 Analysis of Coping Scale score i n r e l a t i o n to Schema and Gender Role  Stress scores. The means, standard deviations and Pearson i n t e r c o r r e l a t i o n s of the Schema, Gender Role Stress, and Coping scores are shown i n Table 4. These values are based upon N=128, due to 7 respondents (5 Non-Victims, 2 Other-Victims) omitting items that precluded subscale t o t a l s . The obtained MGRS Gender Role Stress mean score was very close to that obtained by Watkins, E i s l e r , Carpenter, Schechtman, and Fisher (1991) on a sample of 92 male employees of a midwestern d e l i v e r y organization (M = 83.2, SD = 21.0). S i m i l a r l y , the obtained means for the subscales of the coping scores (see Appendix F) were a l l within one standard deviation of those found by other researchers (e.g., Blaney, M i l l o n , Morgan, Ei s d o r f e r , & Szapocknic, 1990; Carver et a l . , 1989). Comparisons of the respondent's means on the assumptive schema scores, and gender r o l e stress subscale scores to other studies could not be conducted. This arose because past research with the WAS and MGRS scales has u t i l i z e d older versions of the scales, with d i f f e r e n t scoring keys and t o t a l items. 7 6 Table 4 Means, Standard Deviations, Pearsons Intercorrelations of Predictor and Criterion Variables {N = 128) Group NV(N=92) SA(N=13) OV(N=23) Variable M SD M SD M SD Schema 62.9 15.0 61.5 21.2 60.8 15.2 Gender 88.2 28.1 89.6 36.2 79.5 32.4 Role stress Cope Ratio .45 .06 .44 .07 .44 .05 Int e r c o r r e l a t i o n s 2 3 1. Schema .04 .38 2. Gender Role Stress - .24 3. Cope r a t i o -Note. 7 respondents are not included i n the summary s t a t i s t i c s because of some loss of item information (on less than three subscales for the en t i r e survey). SA= Sexual abuse survivors, OV= Other victims, NV =Non-victims. 77 Analyses of variances (ANOVA) with the three groups as a between subjects factor, revealed no s t a t i s t i c a l differences between the means of the o v e r a l l Schema score ( i n d i c a t i n g a negatively biased schematic pattern), £(2,125) = .186, p = .83, nor for the means of the Gender r o l e stress score, F(2,125) = .839, p = .43. S i m i l a r l y , no s i g n i f i c a n t mean differences were found between the groups for the Coping Ratio score (the score of the maladaptive coping scales as a proportion of t o t a l coping scores), F(2, 125) = .436, p = .44. A c o r r e l a t i o n matrix was calculated to v i s u a l l y inspect the strength of r e l a t i o n s between the predictors (schematic d i s t o r t i o n , gender r o l e stress) and the c r i t e r i o n variable ( r a t i o of maladaptive coping st r a t e g i e s to t o t a l coping strategies) (See Table 4). The i n t e r c o r r e l a t i o n s between the predictors were very low (r = .04), supporting the hypothesis that the schema and gender r o l e stress scores are measuring separate constructs. M u l t i p l e Regression Analyses. A two-stage multiple regression analysis was conducted to examine the extent to which, in Step 1, a h i s t o r y of v i c t i m i z a t i o n , schemas, and gender r o l e stress predicted the maladaptive r a t i o scores; in Step 2, the a d d i t i o n a l variance accounted for by the i n t e r a c t i o n s between the v i c t i m i z a t i o n category and schema/gender r o l e stress v a r i a b l e s . The f u l l analysis i s shown i n Table 5. Findings from the stages of the analysis are d e t a i l e d below. 78 Table 5 Hierarchical Regression Analysis Predicting Maladaptive Coping as a Proportion of Total Coping From Victimization, Schema score, and Gender Role Stress scores (N=128) Source Cumulative Increase t df p B a 2 . 2 ~ — IT i n R z Step 1 V i c t i m l b -0.841 1,123 .40 -0.011 Vic t i m 2 b 0.171 1,123 .86 0.003 Schema 4.614 1,123 .001 0.022** Gender stress .205 .205 2.742 1,123 .007 0.013* Step 2 VIXSchema 0.088 1,119 .93 0.001 V2XSchema -0.562 1,119 .58 -0.010 VIXGender Stress -0.195 1,119 .85 -0.002 V2XGender Stress .213 .008 -0.456 1,119 .65 -0.007 Note. 7 respondents are not included in the regression analyses because of some loss of item information (on less than three subscales for the en t i r e survey). The continuous variables were standardized for i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the i n t e r a c t i v e terms. a B values are the unstandardized c o e f f i c i e n t s from the f i n a l simultaneous analysis, each term being corrected for a l l other terms i n the model. ^ Dummy coded i n the following manner: V i c t i m l scored as 0,1,1 (Non-victims compared to a l l v i c t i m s ) , Victim2 scored as 0,1,0 (Sexual abuse victims compared to a l l others). The constant's value i n the equation i s .452. *p < .05. **p < .001. 79 Step 1. In the f i r s t step, the v i c t i m i z a t i o n v a r i a b l e s , the summed Schema score, and Gender Role Stress score were entered simultaneously. The o v e r a l l model at t h i s stage was s i g n i f i c a n t , F(4,123) = 7.93, p_ = .001, and 21% of the variance in maladaptive coping r a t i o scores was explained. The Schema score showed a highly s i g n i f i c a n t p o s i t i v e r e l a t i o n s h i p with the maladaptive coping r a t i o , t(123) =4.614, p =.001. In addition, the Gender Stress score showed a s i g n i f i c a n t p o s i t i v e r e l a t i o n s h i p s with the maladaptive r a t i o score, t(123)=2.742, p =.007. However, neither of the vic t i m v a r i a b l e s , V i c t i m l (in which a l l victims are compared to a l l non-victims) nor Victim2 (in which sexual abuse victims are compared to a l l others) were re l a t e d to the maladaptive coping r a t i o , t(123) =-.841, p_ =.40 and t(123) =0.171, p =.86. In terms of the hypotheses of t h i s study, support was thus found for two of the three predictors of Hypothesis 1. Both s e l f and world schemas, and gender r o l e stress account s i g n i f i c a n t variance in maladaptive coping as a proportion of t o t a l coping. V i c t i m i z a t i o n , however, does not account for any s i g n i f i c a n t variance. Thus, p e s s i m i s t i c or negative s e l f and world views, and high stress i n the male gender r o l e are p o s i t i v e l y related to maladaptive coping i n an intimate, interpersonal s i t u a t i o n . Step 2. Cross-product terms representing i n t e r a c t i o n s between the Schema scores and v i c t i m i z a t i o n variable, and Gender Role stress and v i c t i m i z a t i o n v a r i a b l e , were entered simultaneously. The o v e r a l l model at t h i s stage was s i g n i f i c a n t , F(8,119) = 4.024, p = .001, and 21.3% of the variance in maladaptive coping r a t i o scores was explained. However, a l l four i n t e r a c t i o n terms were not s i g n i f i c a n t . Thus, hypotheses #2, 80 #3, #4, and #5 were not supported. Moderating e f f e c t s of schema and gender r o l e stress were not found. Further Analyses Kirk (1982) suggests that r a t i o scores not be u t i l i z e d for analysis, due to t h e i r lack of normality. An examination of the d i s t r i b u t i o n of t h i s sample's coping r a t i o score revealed that the skewness was r e l a t i v e l y low (skewness values = 1.04). Nonetheless, i t seemed prudent to v a l i d a t e the r e s u l t s on a continuous v a r i a b l e , the maladaptive coping score (See Appendix G for r e s u l t s ) . It could be argued that the respondents who claimed sexual assault should be grouped with those who reported sexual abuse, given the s i m i l a r nature of t h e i r v i c t i m i z a t i o n . Thus, a second h i e r a r c h i c a l regression analysis was conducted a l t e r i n g the composition of the groups to comparisons between non-victims, sexual abuse and sexual assault victims, and victims of other events (See Appendix G for r e s u l t s ) . 81 DISCUSSION The findings of t h i s study contribute to the l i t e r a t u r e on coping with interpersonal stress, and have implications for understanding the means by which male undergraduates cope. F i r s t , by asking a respondent to i n d i c a t e the importance of the incident and his perception of the changeability of the s t r e s s f u l s i t u a t i o n , s p e c i f i c predictions could be made as to the adaptive/or maladaptive nature of his coping patterns. Second, coping with interpersonal stressors was conceived i n terms of schemas, masculine-gender r o l e stress, and v i c t i m i z a t i o n , which has previously not been examined in the coping l i t e r a t u r e . Main and i n t e r a c t i v e e f f e c t s of assumptive schema, gender r o l e stress, and his t o r y of v i c t i m i z a t i o n were examined in r e l a t i o n to predictions made about maladaptive coping as a r a t i o of t o t a l coping strategies u t i l i z e d . Third, t h i s d i f f e r e d from other studies of coping (e.g., Carver et a l . , 1989) i n that a s p e c i f i c stressor was e l i c i t e d from respondents that was hypothesized to be p a r t i c u l a r l y s t r e s s f u l for male sexual abuse survivors. Fourth, a t h e o r e t i c a l foundation regarding victims' (in general) coping patterns, and s p e c i f i c to male survivors, was established that to date has been lacking. By examining the experiences and frame of reference of values and b e l i e f s , the importance of which are postulated by Lazarus and Folkman (1984), i t was possible to make predictions as to the choice of coping strategies when dealing with a recent interpersonal stress. Thus, victims of challenging l i f e events need not be a uniform group as i s often implied by the l i t e r a t u r e , but may vary according to how they have experienced and processed the traumatic l i f e events, how they view themselves, others, and the world. 82 i Assumptive Schemas, Gender Role Stress and Coping Lazarus and his colleagues (Lazarus, Delongis et a l . , 1985) argue that coping with stress should not be measured merely i n terms of the objective environmental input, but in terms of the i n d i v i d u a l ' s subjective assessment of the event and the impact of his or her values and b e l i e f s upon that assessment process. The present work supports t h i s contention, i n d i c a t i n g that the way an undergraduate male views himself, others, and his world has an impact upon how he copes i n int e r p e r s o n a l l y s t r e s s f u l s i t u a t i o n s . F i r s t , the degree of negative bias the undergraduate male holds in his schematic perceptions of others and his world i s p o s i t i v e l y related to how maladaptively he deals with a changeable, important, interpersonal stressor that has recently occurred. Research indicates that use of maladaptive s t r a t e g i e s , such as de n i a l , mental/behavioral disengagement, and acceptance, i s not a p o s i t i v e response to stress when the s i t u a t i o n i s modifiable (e.g., Coyne et a l . , 1981; Lazarus & Folkman, 1984; Zuckerman, 1989). Thus, Janoff-Bulman's (1989) contention that adherence to 'rose-coloured' schema i s e s s e n t i a l to our sense of s t a b i l i t y i n the world i s supported by t h i s study. Without t h i s p o s i t i v e bias, undergraduate males are more prone to react to a stressor with 'questionable' coping s t r a t e g i e s . Second, my r e s u l t s indicate that male undergraduates who have high degrees of gender r o l e stress, evidence a higher proportion of maladaptive coping s t r a t e g i e s . This d i r e c t l y supports E i s l e r and Blalock's (1991) argument that s t r i c t adherence to masculine schemata d i s t o r t s or r e s t r i c t s the process of appraisal and coping. This r i g i d i t y i n the male r o l e may thus lead to dysfunctional or maladaptive behavior i n interpersonal s t r e s s f u l s i t u a t i o n s . In summary, the r e s u l t s 83 of my study ind i c a t e the importance of including schema and gender r o l e b e l i e f s of the coper as factors that l i m i t the choices of coping st r a t e g i e s (secondary appraisal) when facing a s t r e s s f u l s i t u a t i o n . V i c t i m i z a t i o n and Coping In terms of supplementing the d e s c r i p t i v e data i n the f i e l d , 19% of the sample indicated that they had experienced events that were rated as extremely negative by the respondents of Janoff-Bulman's (1989) study ( i . e . , f i r e that destroyed the home, death of a parent, death of a s i b l i n g , serious accidents, assault v i c t i m s ) . This r e s u l t c l o s e l y r e f l e c t the findings of the Janoff-Bulman (1989) study. With the exception of those who experienced a death of a parent, most reported experiencing the event as neutral or p o s i t i v e . This points to other research ( C o l l i n s et a l . , 1990; Scheppele & Bart, 1983), wherein victims of negative l i f e events can i n i t i a t e responses such as behavioral s e l f -blame, p o s i t i v e r e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , or downward comparisons of a v i c t i m i z i n g event that leads to p o s i t i v e outcomes. In t h i s sample, victims and non-victims did not d i f f e r i n t h e i r patterns of coping. It i s possible that mmany of the victimized i n d i v i d u a l s i n t h i s study had reworked the event to experience personal growth, continue to believe that the world i s benevolent, has meaning, and as i n d i v i d u a l s they are good people, and thus do not demonstrate long-term consequences i n terms of the st r a t e g i e s u t i l i z e d i n s t r e s s f u l interpersonal s i t u a t i o n s . The r e s u l t s of the study o f f e r evidence that some males, at least among a u n i v e r s i t y / c o l l e g e student population, are sexually v i c t i m i z e d as c h i l d r e n . The 13 sexual abuse victims comprised 10% of the sample, and t h i s i s close to the figures (ranging from 8% to 16% of t h e i r samples) found by other researchers who have sample college populations 84 (Baker, 1985; Finkelhor, 1979, 1980, 1984; Finkelhor et a l . , 1986, 1990). As with other researchers, the abuser was known to the male c h i l d , but not a family member (unlike female sexual abuse victims who are more often abused by family members). However, the victims i n t h i s sample did d i f f e r from those reported in the of majority of research in terms of the age at which the abuse occurred, the gender of the perpetrator, and t h e i r perception of the experience. This sample reported the abuse occurring at a higher modal age (between the ages of 12 and 15) compared to the modal age of other studies (between 7 and 9 years; Groth & Burgess, 1979; Finkelhor et a l . , 1990; Kohn, 1987; Pierce & Pierce, 1985). In addition, seven out of the 13 males who were c l a s s i f i e d as having been sexually abused according to the d e f i n i t i o n s established, reported sexual encounters with female adults. This r e s u l t was in contrast to other researchers who found that most sexual abuse victims are abused by a male adult or adolescent (Farber et a l . , 1984; Finkelhor, 1979; Finkelhor et a l . , 1990; Johnson & Shrier, 1985). This may also explain why those respondents in t h i s sample who reported the abuse by a female, claimed the experience was positive/mostly p o s i t i v e and involving no force. In contrast, the 6 males who reported sexual encounters with male adults viewed these experiences far more negatively. This finding points to the controversy in the l i t e r a t u r e regarding the impact of a female versus a male molester on the v i c t i m . Woods and Dean (1984) reported that males abused by females reacted with the same amount and type of d i s t r e s s as those abused by males. However, Forward and Buck (1988) state that female molesters of males are more l i k e l y to use persuasion than threats, and Woods and Dean (1984) report 85 that 50% of those abused by women see the experience in retrospect as p o s i t i v e , compared with only 16% of those who were abused by men. My hypotheses pertaining to the impact of v i c t i m i z a t i o n upon maladaptive coping as a r a t i o of t o t a l coping patterns were not supported, neither i n terms of main e f f e c t s nor moderated by the schema or gender r o l e stress scores. In terms of the hypotheses of the study, there are a number of concerns that may have precluded the e f f e c t s sought. F i r s t and foremost, the sample yielded 13 respondents who volunteered information about a history of sexual abuse. Although t h i s does r e f l e c t the r e a l i t i e s of the population, t h i s did pose concerns for s t a t i s t i c a l analyses because of the unbalanced nature of the design. To date, there i s l i t t l e consensus as to an adequate c e l l sizes required for regression analyses (Wampold & Freund, 1987), but i t seems that such large group differences may have masked po t e n t i a l group d i f f e r e n c e s . In future, other methods of data c o l l e c t i o n could be considered to increase the numbers of respondents who report childhood contact with adults. For example, Bradburn and Sudman (1979) note that respondents d i s c l o s e more often, when answering questions regarding s o c i a l l y undesirable actions (such as questions pertaining to childhood sexual contact with adults), i n face-to-face interviews than when answering s i m i l a r items on a self-administered questionnaire. It i s also important to consider the nature of the v i c t i m i z a t i o n groups that were reported in the sample outlined above. Sixty-two percent of the reported sexual abuse cases c i t e d abuse by females, involving no force, and reported the experience as p o s i t i v e , in retrospect. S i m i l a r l y , the majority of other victims reported that they perceived the v i c t i m i z i n g event as being p o s i t i v e . This f i n d i n g i s 86 consistent with that of Fromuth and Burkhart (1989), who found that the majority of t h e i r male college sample reported abuse by females, and did not perceive t h i s experience as negative. They conclude that males may deny the abusiveness of the event and report i t as p o s i t i v e . Thus, I can only conjecture that the victimized respondents surveyed by my study may also be a s p e c i f i c group who have not appraised t h e i r experience as v i c t i m i z i n g , and experienced l i t t l e or no negative consequences i n terms of future coping patterns. Other work should extend t h i s kind of i n v e s t i g a t i o n and include factors that might impact upon coping st r a t e g i e s i n adult l i f e , such as perception of the v i c t i m i z i n g event, the time elapsed since the event, whether the event was i n t r a - or i n t e r -personal, and the gender of the molester in the case of sexual abuse or assault. Post hoc analyses with maladaptive coping as the c r i t e r i o n did reveal an i n t e r a c t i o n (at g < .10) between one v i c t i m i z a t i o n grouping (sexual abuse and sexual assault victims, compared with a combined group of those who had experienced other forms of v i c t i m i z a t i o n and those without a v i c t i m i z i n g history) and schema. Thus, there was no r e l a t i o n s h i p between the degree of schematic d i s t o r t i o n and maladaptive coping for the sexual abuse/assault victims, whereas for the non-victimized/other victims group, greater schema d i s t o r t i o n was r e l a t e d to more maladaptive coping. Schemas strengthened (moderated) the use of maladaptive coping for non-sexual abuse victims and non-victims, contrary to the Hypothesis 2 wherein the moderator e f f e c t was expected for the sexually abused v i c t i m group. One explanation i s that the sexual abuse/assault victims ways of coping with intrapersonal s t r e s s f u l events are not affected by schematic d i s t o r t i o n because of t h e i r h i s t o r y 87 of intrapersonal v i c t i m i z a t i o n . Their experiences may have taught them to cope d i f f e r e n t l y than t h e i r non-victimized or non-interpersonally v i c t i m i z e d counterparts. However, t h i s conclusion i s t e n t a t i v e and requires further research before d e f i n i t i v e causal l i n k s can be established. Methodological Issues There are a number of l i m i t a t i o n s that need to be considered i n t h i s study as a whole. Foremost, i t should be noted that although schema and gender r o l e stress factors did s i g n i f i c a n t l y account for the pattern of maladaptive coping, a large portion of variance was l e f t unaccounted. One cannot exclude the p o s s i b i l i t y that other variables cause any r e l a t i o n s h i p s that emerged, or account for larger portions of the unexplained variance. For example, a number of authors have suggested the importance of obtaining s o c i a l support in order to buffer the i n d i v i d u a l from the impact of stress, and thus acting as an e f f e c t i v e coping mechanism (Eckenrode & Gore, 1981; Lazarus & Folkman, 1984). Research has indicated that s o c i a l support i s p o s i t i v e l y r e l a t e d to physical and mental health measures (Sarason, Shearin, Pierce, & Sarason, 1987). Thus, s o c i a l support during or following a intimate s t r e s s f u l s i t u a t i o n may be factor in p r e d i c t i n g maladaptive/adaptive coping s t r a t e g i e s u t i l i z e d . It should also be noted that due to the nature of the study, causal r e l a t i o n s h i p between vict i m status, world schemas, gender r o l e stress, and coping cannot be established. However, as the goals of t h i s study were explanatory, that i s to demonstrate that c e r t a i n c l u s t e r s of va ri ab le s may coincide with c e r t a i n coping s t r a t e g i e s , t h i s i s not a handicap (see Wampold & Freund, 1987). Second, attention needs to be 88 drawn to the fact that the numbers of respondents comprised only 25% of the t o t a l surveys d i s t r i b u t e d . This may have arisen because of the nature of the sampling procedure, wherein a large number of surveys were d i s t r i b u t e d to a wide v a r i e t y of classes, and perhaps did not reach a p o t e n t i a l respondent or were not returned because the student was absent from the following lecture. In addition, respondents did not receive any monetary remuneration or course c r e d i t for t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n (which i s often the case i n other studies of t h i s nature), which may have lowered return rates. Nonetheless, i t i s of concern i n terms of g e n e r a l i z a b i l i t y issues. Third, any conclusions that are obtained from t h i s study must be tempered by i t s retrospective nature. Attempts were made to control for t h i s by asking respondents to r e c a l l recent (in the l a s t two months) challenging events, but i t remains a concern. Fourth, i s that the experiences of the college student n o n c l i n i c a l sample may not be generalizable to the abusive experiences of other populations. Any inferences drawn from t h i s study must then be reexamined i n a broader, non-university sample. F i n a l l y , i t should be noted that those who do report abuse may derive from a select group d i s t i n c t from those who do not report abuse. In t h i s study the majority of victims claimed the v i c t i m i z i n g experience was positive/mostly p o s i t i v e . Underreporting may be endemic to those victims for whom the experience was negative. Concluding Comment Implications of t h i s research are worth noting for future inv e s t i g a t i o n s of male coping patterns. F i r s t , as the r e s u l t s show, a respondent's b e l i e f s and values in terms of schematic perceptions and gender r o l e appraisal are associated with patterns of coping i n adult functioning. Thus, i t i s important to include such variables i n studies 89 of coping. In terms of consideration of victims and the long-term impact of t h e i r experiences upon t h e i r coping a b i l i t i e s , my r e s u l t s do not ind i c a t e any r e l a t i o n s h i p to coping. However, i t s t i l l seems important that victims are not treated as a uniform group, given the findings on schemas and gender r o l e stress. Often the assumption i s made that by v i r t u e of an i n d i v i d u a l ' s v i c t i m status, he or she w i l l s u f f e r negative consequences or be in some way q u a l i t a t i v e l y d i f f e r e n t from others. Members of t h i s sample, however, do not seem to show such negative e f f e c t s . More research i s needed, wherein larger numbers of respondents who report v i c t i m i z i n g experiences are surveyed, before d e f i n i t i v e conclusions can be reached concerning any r e l a t i o n s , or lack thereof, between coping and v i c t i m i z a t i o n . Such research should include assumptive schemas and gender role stress, as demonstrated by my study, as well as d e t a i l s about the v i c t i m i z i n g experience. In the interim, p r a c t i t i o n e r s may want to avoid assumptions about the impact of v i c t i m i z i n g experiences, and s p e c i f i c a l l y about a sexually abusive experience, upon coping in adult l i f e at t h i s early stage of research i n the f i e l d . 90 REFERENCES Adams-Tucker, C. (1982). Proximate e f f e c t s of sexual abuse i n childhood: A report on 28 chi l d r e n . American Journal of Psychiatry, 139, 1252-1256. A f f l e c k , G., A l l e n , D.A., Tennen, H., McGrade, B.J., & Ratzan, S. (1985). 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In the o r i g i n a l design of the survey, a t h i r d category of sexual v i c t i m i z a t i o n was deemed important, wherein a respondent had experienced sexual v i c t i m i z a t i o n by a peer. According to the d e f i n i t i o n s u t i l i z e d i n t h i s study, t h i s would include those who experienced sexual a c t i v i t i e s at the age of 14 or younger with someone 17 years or younger. These are defined as being abusive dependent upon the l e v e l of consent the respondent c i t e s . However, while 15 respondents indicated sexual contact with someone 17 years or younger, they did not indicate t h e i r own age and/or whether or not force against themselves was involved. Thus, these respondents could not conclusively be categorized and were excluded from the analyses. 1 0 7 APPENDIX B INFORMED CONSENT BY RESPONDENTS TO  PARTICIPATE IN A RESEARCH PROJECT Project T i t l e : Coping with interpersonal stressors in r e l a t i o n to childhood challenges to conceptualizations of the s e l f and the world. Name: Sean M. Hayes Telephone : (Stress Research Laboratory) Supervisor: Dr. Bonnie Long Dear P a r t i c i p a n t : This research i s being undertaken as a part of my M.A. thesis i n Counselling Psychology. The objective i s to compile a documented des c r i p t i o n of c e r t a i n challenging childhood experiences of the male undergraduate student, and to examine the associations between these experiences and d a i l y adult functioning. I am therefore requesting your involvement in completing the following survey. In granting me your p a r t i c i p a t i o n in t h i s research, you w i l l be asked to respond to questions about your b e l i e f s about the world, others, yourself, and of c e r t a i n s t r e s s f u l s i t u a t i o n s . In addition, you w i l l be asked about the occurrence of c e r t a i n f a m i l i a l , s o c i a l and developmental events in your childhood. Your c o n f i d e n t i a l i t y in t h i s project i s assured. In fact, to t h i s end, you are asked not to record your name on the survey, but to use the subject number l i s t e d on the right-hand side of t h i s form. Your personal i d e n t i t y w i l l not be revealed i n any p u b l i c a t i o n a r i s i n g from t h i s research. Your p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s completely voluntary. You may refuse to respond to any question, or refuse to continue to p a r t i c i p a t e at any point. You can simply return the blank or p a r t i a l l y completed form with i t s cover sheet, and t h i s action w i l l i n no way jeopardize your class standing. If you require further information, or have any questions about the procedure, you may contact Dr. B. Long, Department of Counselling Psychology, University of B r i t i s h Columbia (228-4756). Upon completion of t h i s study, copies of the r e s u l t s w i l l be a v a i l a b l e through the Department of Counselling Psychology. Completion of the questionnaire indicates that you have given consent, have read t h i s document, have received an adequate opportunity to consider the information provided, and that you v o l u n t a r i l y agree to p a r t i c i p a t e i n the project. If you have any questions, please do not hesitate to contact me at 228-5345. I thank you for your p a r t i c i p a t i o n . 108 APPENDIX C  Survey 1. Your age at your l a s t birthday: . 2. Year i n University: . 3. Faculty and Major i n University: 4. Your marital status ( c i r c l e one): a. Single b. Married/Common-in-law c. Separated or divorced d. Widowed 5. What i s your predominant ethnic background ( c i r c l e no more than two): a. Northern-European b. Southern-European (Mediterranean) c. Eastern-European d. O r i e n t a l e. East-Indian f. West-Indian g. Other 6. Location of previous i n s t i t u t e of education attended: (Town, Country) 7. In the f i r s t 12 years of your l i f e did you l i v e mostly in (pick the one you l i v e d i n the longest): a. a farm b. a town of under 5000 c. a town of between 5000 and 25000 d. a town of between 25000 and 100000 e. a town of between 100000 and 500000 f. a town larger than 500000 8. About your father/Adoptive father, i s he 1. L i v i n g with your mother 2. Divorced or separated from her 3. Widowed 4. L i v i n g apart for some other reason 5. Deceased 9. About your mother/Adoptive mother, i s she 1. L i v i n g with your father 2. Divorced or separated from him 3- Widowed 4. L i v i n g apart for some other reason 5. Deceased 109 The following questions concern your personal views about yourself and the world i n which you l i v e . Please use the scale that follows i n responding to the statements below. Please answer honestly; we are interested i n your true b e l i e f s . 1 = strongly disagree 2 = moderately disagree 3 = s l i g h t l y disagree 4 = s l i g h t l y agree 5 = moderately agree 6 = strongly agree 1. Misfortune i s least l i k e l y to s t r i k e worthy, decent people. 2. People are na t u r a l l y unfriendly and unkind. 3. Bad events are d i s t r i b u t e d to people at random. 4. Human nature i s b a s i c a l l y good. 5. The good things that happen in t h i s world far outnumber the bad. 6. The course of our l i v e s i s la r g e l y determined by chance. 7. Generally, people deserve what they get in t h i s world. 8. I often think I am no good at a l l . 9. There i s more good than e v i l in the world. 10. I am b a s i c a l l y a good person. 11. People's misfortunes r e s u l t from mistakes they have made. 12. People don't r e a l l y care what happens to the next person. 13. I usually behave i n ways that are l i k e l y to maximize good r e s u l t s f o r me 14. People w i l l experience good fortune i f they themselves are good. 15. L i f e i s too f u l l of uncertainties that are determined by chance. 16. When I think about i t , I consider myself very lucky. 17. I almost always make an e f f o r t to prevent bad things from happening to me. 18. I have a low opinion of myself. 19. By and large, good people get what they deserve i n t h i s world. 20. Through our actions we can prevent bad things from happening to us. 21. Looking at my l i f e , I r e a l i z e that chance events have worked out well f or me. 110 1 = strongly disagree 2 = moderately disagree 3 = s l i g h t l y disagree 4 = s l i g h t l y agree 5 = moderately agree 6 = strongly agree _22. If people took preventative actions, most misfortune could be avoided. ,23. I take the actions necessary to protect myself against misfortune. 24. In general, l i f e i s mostly a gamble. .25. The world i s a good place. .26. People are b a s i c a l l y kind and h e l p f u l . 27. I usually behave so as to bring about the greatest good for me. 28. I am very s a t i s f i e d with the kind of person I am. 29. When bad things happen, i t i s t y p i c a l l y because people have not taken the necessary actions to protect themselves. 30. If you look c l o s e l y enough, you w i l l see that the world i s f u l l of goodness. 31. I have reason to be ashamed of my personal character. 32. I am l u c k i e r than most people. Please rate the following items according to how s t r e s s f u l the s i t u a t i o n would be for you. Give each item a ra t i n g on the scale of 0 to 5, ranging from not s t r e s s f u l to extremely s t r e s s f u l . For example: A. Driving a car B. Discovering you have a serious i l l n e s s C. Losing your keys _0 _4 2 NOT STRESSFUL 0 1 EXTREMELY STRESSFUL 4 5 1. Feeling that you are not in good physical condition. 2. T e l l i n g your spouse that you love her/him. 3. Being outperformed at work by a woman. 4. Having to ask for d i r e c t i o n s when you are l o s t . 5. Being unemployed. I l l NOT EXTREMELY STRESSFUL 0 1 2 3 4 STRESSFUL 5 6. Not being able to fi n d a sexual partner. 7. Having a female boss. 8. Having your lover say s/he i s not s a t i s f i e d . 9. L e t t i n g a woman take control of the s i t u a t i o n . 10. Not making enough money. 11. Being perceived by someone as "gay" or "lesbian". 12. T e l l i n g someone that you f e e l hurt by what they said. 13. Being married to someone who makes more money than you. 14. Working with people who seem more ambitious than you. 15. Finding that you lack the occupational s k i l l s to succeed. 16. Losing i n a sports competition. 17. Admitting that you are a f r a i d of something. 18. Being with a woman who i s more successful than you. 19. Talking with a "feminist". 20. Being unable to perform sexually. 21. Being perceived as having feminine t r a i t s . 22. Having ch i l d r e n see you cry. 23. Being outperformed in a game by a woman. 24. Having people say that you are in d e c i s i v e . 25. Being too t i r e d for sex when your lover i n i t i a t e s i t . 26. Appearing less a t h l e t i c than a f r i e n d . 27. Talking with a woman who i s crying. 28. Needing your spouse to work to help support the family. 29. Having others say that you are too emotional. 112 NOT EXTREMELY STRESSFUL STRESSFUL 0 1 2 3 4 5 30. Being unable to become sexually aroused when you want. 31. Being compared unfavourably to men. 32. Comforting a male fr i e n d who i s upset. 33. Admitting to your friends that you do housework. 34. Working with people who are brighter than yourself. 35. Getting passed over for a promotion. 36. Knowing you cannot hold your liqu o r as well as others. 37. Having a man put his arm around your shoulder. 38. Being with a woman who i s much t a l l e r than you. 39. Staying home during the day with a sick c h i l d . 40. Getting f i r e d from your job. I am interested i n how people respond when they confront d i f f i c u l t or s t r e s s f u l events i n t h e i r l i v e s . There are l o t s of ways to t r y to deal with s t r e s s . The following asks you to indicate what you generally do and f e e l , when you experience s t r e s s f u l events. Obviously d i f f e r e n t events bring out somewhat d i f f e r e n t responses, but think about what you usually do when you are under a l o t of stress. Think of the l a s t time you experienced stress in an int e r p e r s o n a l l y  intimate s i t u a t i o n . For example, the l a s t time you were on a date with someone you were intimately involved with, or in the presence of someone that you were interested i n , that was p a r t i c u l a r l y s t r e s s f u l for you. F i r s t , b r i e f l y describe the s i t u a t i o n : 2. How important do you consider the s i t u a t i o n (please check one): not at a l l important s l i g h t l y important moderately important quite important extremely important 1 1 3 3. How competent/effective did you f e e l when you had to deal with i t : not at a l l e f f e c t i v e s l i g h t l y e f f e c t i v e moderately e f f e c t i v e quite e f f e c t i v e extremely e f f e c t i v e 4. How amenable to change do you f e e l the s i t u a t i o n was: not changeable at a l l s l i g h t l y changeable moderately changeable quite changeable extremely changeable Now think about the s i t u a t i o n you have just described, and how you reacted to i t . Then indicate the extent to which you did whatever each following statement says. Please t r y to respond separately in your mind to each item. Choose thoughtfully, and make your answers as true for you as you can. Please answer every item, and remember there are no "wrong" or " r i g h t " answers. 1 = 1 didn't do t h i s at a l l 2 = 1 did t h i s a l i t t l e b i t 3 = 1 did t h i s a medium amount 4 = 1 did t h i s a l o t 1. I t r y to grow as a person as a r e s u l t of the experience. 2. I turn to work or other substitute a c t i v i t i e s to take my mind of f things. 3. I get upset and l e t my emotions out. 4. I concentrate my e f f o r t s on doing something about i t . 5. I say to myself " t h i s i s n ' t r e a l " . 6. I admit to myself that I can't deal with i t , and quit t r y i n g . 7. I r e s t r a i n myself from doing anything too quickly. 8. I get used to the idea that i t happened. 9. I keep myself from getting d i s t r a c t e d by other thoughts and a c t i v i t i e s . 10. I daydream about things other than t h i s . 11. I get upset, and am r e a l l y aware of i t . 12. I make a plan of action. 13. I accept that t h i s has happened and i t can't be changed. 14. I hold o f f doing anything about i t u n t i l the s i t u a t i o n permits. 1 1 4 1 = 2 = 3 = 4 = I didn't do t h i s at a l l I did t h i s a l i t t l e b i t I did t h i s a medium amount I did t h i s a l o t 15. I just give up t r y i n g to reach my goal. 16. I take a d d i t i o n a l action to t r y to get r i d of my problem. 17. I refuse to believe that i t has happened. 18. I l e t my fee l i n g s out. 19. I t r y to see i t in a d i f f e r e n t l i g h t . 20. I sleep more than usual. 21. I t r y to come up with a strategy about what to do. 22. I focus on dealing with t h i s problem, and i f necessary l e t other things s l i d e a l i t t l e . 23. I give up the attempt to get what I want. 24. I look for something good in what i s happening. 25. I think about how I might best handle the problem. 26. I pretend that i t hasn't r e a l l y happened. 27. I make sure not to make matters worse by acting too soon. 28. I t r y hard to prevent other things form i n t e r f e r i n g with my e f f o r t s at dealing with t h i s . 29. I go to the movies or watch TV to think about i t l e s s . 30. I accept the r e a l i t y of the fact that i t happened. 31. I f e e l a l o t of emotional d i s t r e s s and I f i n d myself expressing my feelings a a l o t . 32. I take d i r e c t action to get around the problem. 33. I force myself to wait for the r i g h t time to do something. 34. I reduce the amount of e f f o r t I'm putting into solving the problem. 35. I learn to l i v e with i t . 36. I put aside other a c t i v i t i e s in order to concentrate on t h i s . 37. I think hard about what steps to take. 38. I act as though i t hasn't even happened. 115 1 2 3 4 I didn't do t h i s at a l l I did t h i s a l i t t l e b i t I did t h i s a medium amount I did t h i s a l o t 39. I do what has to be done, one step at a time. 40. I learn something from the experience. It i s now generally r e a l i z e d that many people have had a wide v a r i e t y of experiences as ch i l d r e n and while they are s t i l l growing up. Some are very upsetting and p a i n f u l , and some are not. Some influence people's l a t e r l i v e s , and some are p r a c t i c a l l y forgotten. As l i t t l e i s known about these events, we would l i k e you to respond to whether any of the following experiences occurred while growing up. Some may be hard to d i s c l o s e , but i t i s needed to lead to a better understanding of people with s i m i l a r experiences. Once again, r e c a l l that t h i s i s s t r i c t l y c o n f i d e n t i a l . Please ind i c a t e which ( i f any) of the following events have happened to you during your l i f e : 1. Death of a parent ( c i r c l e one): a. Not applicable b. Before the age of 4 years c. Between the age of 4 and 7 years d. Between the age 8 and 11 years e. Between the age of 12 and 15 years f. After the age of 16 2. In retrospect, would you say t h i s experience was: 1. P o s i t i v e 2. Mostly p o s i t i v e 3. Neutral 4. Mostly negative 5. Negative a. Not applicable b. Before the age of 4 years c. Between the age of 4 and 7 years d. Between the age 8 and 11 years e. Between the age of 12 and 15 years f. A f t e r the age of 16. 4. In retrospect, would you say t h i s experience was: 1. P o s i t i v e 2. Mostly p o s i t i v e 3. Neutral 4. Mostly negative 5. Negative 3. Death of a s i b l i n g ( c i r c l e one): 116 5. F i r e that destroyed your home ( c i r c l e one): a. Not applicable b. Before the age of 4 years c. Between the age of 4 and 7 years d. Between the age 8 and 11 years e. Between the age of 12 and 15 years f. A f t e r the age of 16 6. In retrospect, would you say t h i s experience was: 1. P o s i t i v e 2. Mostly p o s i t i v e 3. Neutral 4. Mostly negative 5. Negative 7. An accident that resulted in your being seriously disabled ( c i r c l e one) : a. Not applicable b. Before the age of 4 years c. Between the age of 4 and 7 years d. Between the age 8 and 11 years e. Between the age of 12 and 15 years f. After the age of 16 8. In retrospect, would you say t h i s experience was: 1. P o s i t i v e 2. Mostly p o s i t i v e 3. Neutral 4. Mostly negative 5. Negative A. I want to ask you about any sexual experience ( i f there are more than one, choose one) you had before the age of 14 with an adult (over the age of 17) including strangers, friends, coach, neighbours, or family members, such as cousins, aunts, uncles, brothers, s i s t e r s , mother or father. No such experience: [ ] (If 'No such experience', skip to Section B) 1. About how old were you at the t i i 2. Approximate age of the other per 3. Sex of the other person: 4. Relationship to other person: 1. 2. 3. • 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10 on: . 1. Male 2. Female Stranger Person you knew, but not a f r i e n d . Friend of yours/ of your parents A cousin An aunt or uncle A grandparent A s i s t e r / a brother A father/ a stepfather A mother/ a stepmother . A guardian 117 5. What happened ( C i r c l e 1 for Yes, 2 for No for each l i n e ) : a. An i n v i t a t i o n or request to do something sexual b. K i s s i n g or hugging i n a sexual way c. Another person showing his or her sexual organs to you. d. You showing your sexual organs to another person. e. Another person fondling you in a sexual way. f. You fondling another person i n a sexual way. g. Another person touching your sexual organs. h. You touching another person's sexual organs. i . Intercourse, but without attempting penetration, j . Intercourse. k. Other: Yes 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 No 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 Yes 6. Did the other person(s) threaten or force you: 1 No 2 A l i t t l e 3 7. In retrospect, would you say t h i s experience was: 1. P o s i t i v e 2. Mostly p o s i t i v e 3. Neutral 4. Mostly negative 5. Negative I would l i k e you to think of any sexual experience that occurred to you after the age of 14 that you did not consent to. That i s , a sexual experience that was forced on you, done against your w i l l , or that you didn't want to happen. (If t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p i s described i n the previous section, do not repeat i t ) . No such experience: [ ] 1. About how old were you at the time: . 2. Approximate age of the other person: . 3. Sex of the other person: 1. Male 2. Female 4. Relationship to other person: 1. Stranger 2. Person you knew, but not a f r i e n d . 3. Friend of yours/ of your parents 4. A cousin 5. An aunt or uncle 6. A grandparent 7. A s i s t e r / a brother 8. A father/ a stepfather 9. A mother/ a stepmother 10. A guardian 118 5. What happened ( C i r c l e 1 for Yes, 2 for No for each li n e ) a. An i n v i t a t i o n or request to do something sexual b. Kissing or hugging i n a sexual way c. Another person showing his or her sexual organs to you. d. You showing your sexual organs to another person. e. Another person fondling you in a sexual way. f. You fondling another person i n a sexual way. g. Another person touching your sexual organs. h. You touching another person's sexual organs. i . Intercourse, but without attempting penetration, j . Intercourse. k. Other: Yes 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 No 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 Yes 6. Did the other person(s) threaten or force you: 1 No 2 A l i t t l e 3 7. In retrospect, would you say t h i s experience was: 1. P o s i t i v e 2. Mostly p o s i t i v e 3. Neutral 4. Mostly negative 5. Negative I am g r a t e f u l for your p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n t h i s survey. I recognize that some of these questions may have been very personal. It i s often d i f f i c u l t to capture a person's l i f e experiences i n a questionnaire, so your p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s a l l that more important. If you have found any of i t f r u s t r a t i n g or unclear, please contact me 1 1 9 APPENDIX D COPE. Examples of COPE items include: "I take a d d i t i o n a l action to t r y to get r i d of the problem" (active coping), "I t r y to come up with a strategy about what to do" (planning), "I focus on dealing with t h i s problem, and i f necessary l e t other things s l i d e " (suppression of competing a c t i v i t i e s ) , "I force myself to wait for the r i g h t time to do something" ( r e s t r a i n t coping), "I look for something good i n what i s happening" (p o s i t i v e r e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n and growth), " I seek God's help" ( r e l i g i o n ) , "I ask people who have had s i m i l a r experiences what they did" (seeking s o c i a l support for instrumental reasons), "I t r y to get emotional support from friends or r e l a t i v e s " (seeking s o c i a l support for emotional reasons), "I get upset and l e t my feelings out" (focus on and venting of emotions), "I refuse to believe that i t has happened" (denial), "I turn to work or other substitute a c t i v i t i e s to take my mind of things" (mental disengagement), "I just give up t r y i n g to reach my goal" (behavioral disengagement), "I learn to l i v e with i t " (acceptance). Test-Retest Findings of the COPE. Carver et a l . , (1989) had two samples of students completed s l i g h t l y d i f f e r i n g versions of the scale 8 and 6 weeks a f t e r the i n i t i a l t e s t i n g . Test-retest r e l i a b i l i t i e s were generally stable ranging from .46 to 86 (8 week retest) and .42 to .89 (6 week r e t e s t ) . Secondary Factor Analyses. Carver et a l . , (1989) conducted a second exploratory factor analysis on a sample siz e of 156 who were asked to indica t e t h e i r responses to a s p e c i f i c s i t u a t i o n in t h e i r l i v e s . Correlations among these scales was generally low, supporting the independent structure found i n e a r l i e r analyses. This analysis also revealed that three scales i n addition to the f i v e already discussed indicated adaptive coping (seeking instrumental s o c i a l support, seeki emotional s o c i a l support, and turning to r e l i g i o n ) , but were less associated with the active coping functions of the f i r s t c l u s t e r , and are thus not include i n t h i s study. 1 2 1 APPENDIX E Regression Model. The model for the h i e r a r c h i c a l simultaneous regression i s as follows Y' = b1X1 + b2X2 + b3Z2 + b4Z2 + b5X1Z1 + b6XiZ2 + b7X2Zj + b8X2Z2 + a where the categories of the independent va r i a b l e of v i c t i m status are denoted as Xj (sexual abuse and other victims compared to non-victimized others) and X2 (sexual abuse victims compared to a l l others), the po t e n t i a l moderating variables of the schematic pattern score and degree of gender r o l e stress are designated as Zl and Z2, and the predicted v a r i a b l e Y (the proportion of maladaptive coping to t o t a l coping) i s designated as Y'. The a term i s the Y axis intercept, and the b terms are the p a r t i a l regression c o e f f i c i e n t s (interpreted as each unit of X i or Z i changes, the predicted value of Y or Y' w i l l change b i u n i t s ) . These terms are chosen to minimize the average squared error, i n order that the regression equation be the best f i t equation (Glass & Hopkins, 1984; Wampold & Freund, 1987). 122 APPENDIX F Table 6 Means and Standard Deviations of Age, Schema Subscales, Gender Subscales, and Coping Subscales Variable M SD Age (years) 22.04 4.28 (N=135) Benevolence of the world 11.22 3.69 (N=134) Benevolence of people 10.23 3.46 (N=135) Ju s t i c e 14.87 3.55 (N=134) Control 13.22 3.38 (N=135) Random 14.18 4.05 (N=135) Self-worth 8.77 4.01 (N=135) S e l f - c o n t r o l 9.51 2.88 (N=134) Luck 8.81 3.05 (N=135) Summed Schema score 62.46 15.90 (N=132) Physical inadequacy 24.48 8.01 (N=135) Emotional inexpressiveness 13.12 6.42 (N=135) Subordination to women 10.87 8.18 (N=135) I n t e l l e c t u a l i n f e r i o r i t y 12.21 5.92 (N=135) Table 6 (cont.) 123 Variable SD Performance f a i l u r e (N=134) Gender Role Stress score (N=134) 25 . 78 86.30 6.89 29.35 P o s i t i v e r e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n and Growth (N=135) 11.24 2.74 Active coping (N=134) 9.90 2.81 Planning (N=135) Suppression of competing a c t i v i t i e s (N=134) Restraint coping (N=134) 11.24 8.35 10.37 3.23 2.64 3.27 Adaptive coping score (N=135) 46. 34 9. 11 Acceptance (N=134) 11.93 2.66 Mental disengagement (N=135) Behavioral disengagement (N=133) 8. 39 6.90 2 . 52 2 . 55 Focus on and venting of emotions (N=135) 8.90 3.06 Denial (N=135) 5.55 2.02 Maladaptive coping score (N=132) Coping Ratio score (N=132) 41.71 ,474 7 . 29 ,061 Note. In some cases, N i s less than 135 due to missing items. 124 APPENDIX G Further Analyses. The regression analyses were also conducted on the maladaptive coping scores as a continuous va r i a b l e , rather than as a proportion of t o t a l coping scores. (These analyses were conducted on N=129, as six respondents had omitted items required to compile the maladaptive coping score). A l l continuous variables were standardized. The r e s u l t s indicated very s i m i l a r findings to those already discovered. The Schema score showed a highly s i g n i f i c a n t p o s i t i v e r e l a t i o n s h i p with the maladaptive coping r a t i o , t(124) =3.74, p =.001, as did Gender Role Stress, t(124)=2.81, p =.01. There were no s i g n i f i c a n t r e l a t i o n s h i p s for the v i c t i m categories, nor any s i g n i f i c a n t i n t e r a c t i v e (moderating) r e l a t i o n s h i p s . The o v e r a l l regression equation was s i g n i f i c a n t , F(8,120) = 3.11, p = .001, with 17% of the variance in the maladaptive scores accounted f o r . In order to determine whether d i f f e r e n t group comparisons contributed d i f f e r e n t i a l l y to coping, a second h i e r a r c h i c a l regression analysis was conducted a l t e r i n g the composition of the groups to comparisons between non-victims, sexual abuse and sexual assault victims, and victims of other events. This analysis did not a l t e r the r e s u l t s already obtained. The Schema score showed a highly s i g n i f i c a n t p o s i t i v e r e l a t i o n s h i p with the maladaptive coping r a t i o , t(123) =4.614, E =.001, as did the Gender Role Stress, t(123)=2.708, p =.007. There were no other s i g n i f i c a n t main or i n t e r a c t i v e e f f e c t s . In a t h i r d multiple regression, an i n t e r e s t i n g pattern emerged upon examination of the r e l a t i o n s h i p s between the predictors and the maladaptive coping score as a continuous variable, wherein the group comparisons were between non-victims, sexual abuse and sexual assault 125 victims, and victims of other events. Once again, the Schema score showed a highly s i g n i f i c a n t p o s i t i v e r e l a t i o n s h i p s with the maladaptive coping score, t(124) =3.745, p =.001 (B =2.461), as did the Gender Role Stress, t(124)=2.747, p =.01, (B =1.713). In terms of the i n t e r a c t i v e (moderating) r e l a t i o n s h i p s , the Victim2 X Schema (sexual abuse plus sexual assault victims versus a l l others) showed a s i g n i f i c a n t negative r e l a t i o n s h i p with the maladaptive coping score, t(124)=-1.737, p =.09 (B = -4.516). No other i n t e r a c t i v e terms were s i g n i f i c a n t . Unstandardized regression c o e f f i c i e n t s (B values) were determined from the f i n a l simultaneous analysis on the maladaptive coping score, i n which each term was corrected for a l l other terms. The obtained B values were used to derive graphical representation of the i n t e r a c t i o n . (See Cohen and Cohen, 1983 for d e t a i l s of the computational method to from simple regression equations from which graphical representations of int e r a c t i o n s can be derived.) The Victim2 X Schema i n t e r a c t i o n i s shown i n Figure 1. 126 NV=Non- and Other Victims SA=Sexual abuse and assault Victims -1 0 +1 Schema score (Standard scores) Figure 1. The r e l a t i o n between summed Schema scores (S) and Maladaptive Coping score (Y) for NV (Non- and Other Victims; Y= 2.462(S) + 41.776, N=110), and for SA (Sexual abuse and assault Victims; Y= .913(S) + 42.656, N=18). 127 As the V i c t i m l X Schema ( a l l victims versus Non-Victims) r e l a t i o n s h i p i s non-significant, we can conclude that the Other-Victims and Non-Victims regression equations are e s s e n t i a l l y p a r a l l e l . An explanation of the s i g n f i c a n t Victim2 X Schema i n t e r a c t i o n p l o t t e d i n Figure 1 reveals that sexual assault/abuse victims who have d i s t o r t e d schematic patterns w i l l be less l i k e l y to cope i n e f f e c t i v e l y with an intimate stressor than his non-victimized/other v i c t i m counterparts. As the l e v e l of schema d i s t o r t i o n increases, Non-Victims and Other-Victims' maladaptive coping scores increase at a s i g n i f i c a n t l y higher rate than do Sexual abuse victims. Thus, Schema acts as a moderating (strengthening) influence on the r e l a t i o n s h i p between Other Victimization/Non-Victimization and maladaptive coping scores. This stands i n d i r e c t contrast to Hypothesis #2 of t h i s study. APPENDIX H  Table 7 Pearson I n t e r c o r r e l a t i o n s of Schema Subscales, Gender Roles Stress  Subscales, Coping Subscales, Coping Ratio and Age (N=128) Variable 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1. Benevolence .55 .41 .20 -.21 .38 .10 .43 .75 of the world 2. Benevolence .15 -.06 -.16 .34 -.01 .31 .55 of people 3. J u s t i c e .52 -.28 .14 .05 .24 .63 4. Control -.17 .04 .34 .04 .49 5. Random - . 2 9 .05 -.12 -.54 6. Self-worth .07 .24 .59 7. S e l f - c o n t r o l .12 .32 8. Luck .54 9. Summed Schema score Variable 11 12 13 14 15 10. Physical inadequacy .63 .67 .63 .72 .89 11. Emotional inexpressiveness .54 .60 .49 .78 12. Subordination to women .62 .50 .82 13. I n t e l l e c t u a l i n f e r i o r i t y .68 .84 14. Performance f a i l u r e .81 15. Gender Role Stress score Table 7 (cont.) Variable 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 17. P o s i t i v e r e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n and Growth .46 .47 .35 .08 .17 .05 -.13 .11 .01 18. Active .62 .50 -.10 -.01 -.11 -.32 .28 -.07 coping 19. Planning .44 .11 .13 -.10 -.23 .30 -.01 20. Suppression of competing a c t i v i t i e s .02 .16 .10 .03 .33 .14 21. Restraint coping .19 .24 .35 -.17 .29 22. Acceptance .09 .14 .14 .01 23. Mental disengagement .47 .06 .37 24. Behavioral disengagement -.01 .34 25. Focus and venting of emotions -.01 26. Denial Variable 27. Maladap- .23 .18 .11 .01 -.29 .43 -.03 .09 .32 t i v e coping 28. Adaptive -.17 -.11 -.11 -.16 -.10 -.01 -.21 -.26 -.18 coping 29. Coping .31 .21 .17 .12 -.13 .32 .15 .31 .38 Ratio 30. Age -.07 -.18 .04 .04 .19 -.09 .06 -.06 -.11 Table 7 (cont.) Variable 10 11 12 13 14 15 27. Maladap-t i v e coping .20 .28 .09 .23 .25 .25 28. Adaptive coping -.08 -.04 - . 15 -.01 -.05 -.09 29. Coping Ratio .19 .24 . 19 . 17 .22 .24 30. Age -.25 -.19 - .18 - . 17 -.09 -.22 Variable 11 ' 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27. Maladap .08 -.06 t i v e coping .06 .28 .29 .51 . 67 . 66 .48 .52 28. Adaptive.70 .73 coping .81 .68 .38 .21 .06 -.10 .25 . 13 29. Coping -.53 -.64 Ratio -.63 - .33 - . 10 .23 .43 . 57 . 16 .27 30. Age .20 .25 .24 .11 - .04 -.05 -.14 -.08 -.10 -.08 Variable 27 28 29 30 27. Maladap .21 .58 -.16 coping 28. Adaptive -.67 .22 coping 29. Coping -.31 Ratio 30. Age 

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