UBC Theses and Dissertations

UBC Theses Logo

UBC Theses and Dissertations

Greek knowledge of India before the fourth century B.C Solomou, Stavros 1992

Your browser doesn't seem to have a PDF viewer, please download the PDF to view this item.

Item Metadata


831-ubc_1993_spring_solomou_stavros.pdf [ 4.87MB ]
JSON: 831-1.0302098.json
JSON-LD: 831-1.0302098-ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): 831-1.0302098-rdf.xml
RDF/JSON: 831-1.0302098-rdf.json
Turtle: 831-1.0302098-turtle.txt
N-Triples: 831-1.0302098-rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: 831-1.0302098-source.json
Full Text

Full Text

GREEK KNOWLEDGE OF INDIA BEFORE THE FOURTH CENTURY B.C.bySTAVROS SOLOMOUB.A., The University of British Columbia, 1990A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OFTHE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OFMASTER OF ARTSinTHE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIESDepartment of ClassicsWe accept this thesis as conformingto the required standardTHE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIAOctober 1992© Stavros Solomou, 1992In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanceddegree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make itfreely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensivecopying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of mydepartment or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying orpublication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my writtenpermission.(Signature)Department of  ClassicsThe University of British ColumbiaVancouver, CanadaDate NOV. 16 ) ‘ 0\ 01 a.DE-6 (2/88)ABSTRACTWhen Alexander the Great marched over to India towards theend of the 4th century B.C. and incorporated a section of thiscountry in his Empire, it was not the first time that the ancientGreeks were learning about this part of the world, for they hadknown quite a lot about it already from centuries before. Indianwords for various products from that country are to be found inGreek literature prior to the 4th century B.C., and even Homershows awareness of a certain people living in the Far East whom hevaguely calls "Ethiopians". Knowledge of this region increased atthe end of the 6th century B.C. when a Greek from Ionia, by thename of Scylax, was sent by the Persian king to explore the Indusvalley. He completed this voyage and wrote a book about what hesaw. His work was used by Hecataeus, a fellow Greek from Ionia,around the beginning of the 5th century B.C., when he decided toinclude a section about India in a geographical book which he waswriting. Hecataeus' work was, in turn, used by Herodotus, who alsowrote a few chapters on India in his Histories, towards the end ofthe 5th century B.C. An examination of these three authors willshow that the ancient Greeks, prior to Alexander's expedition, knew11iiinot only about the topography, climate, and creatures of thiscountry, but also about the inhabitants, their customs, and, insome cases, their names. Their knowledge, in fact, extended so farso as to even include the names of some of India's cities andregions. Alexander the Great, in other words, when he reachedIndia, was not revealing to the Greeks of his time a country aboutwhich they knew nothing, but was rather expanding the knowledgewhich they already had.This thesis undertakes to examine the extent of Greekknowledge of India down to the beginning of the fourth century B.C.and to test its accuracy.TABLE OF CONTENTSABSTRACT  ^iiTABLE OF CONTENTS  ^ivACKNOWLEDGEMENTS  ^viINTRODUCTION  ^1I. SCYLAX OF CARYANDA ^  91. His Journey  ^92. Information on Scylax  ^113. Dating of Journey  ^124. Caspatyros  ^135. Pactyice  ^216. Eastward Flow of the Indus  ^247. Herodotus' Confusion of Two Expeditions  ^268. Scylax' Writings  ^289. Periplus of Pseudo-Scylax  ^3310. Conclusion  ^34II. HECATAEUS OF MILETUS  ^381. His Life and Works  ^382. His Map and Periegesis  ^393. Fragments on India  ^434. Gandarae/Gandarii  ^455. Gandri  ^486. Caspapyros  ^517. Artichoke Plant  ^558. Argante  ^559. Calatiae  ^5710. Opiae  ^5911. Conclusion  ^64III. HERODOTUS OF HALICARNASSUS  ^661. His Life  ^662. His Travels  ^673. Herodotus' Location of India and Indian Desert . ^•^684. India as a Persian Satrapy and its Tribute . . . ^ 69ivV5. Indian Cotton  ^716. Indian Climate  ^727. Indian Creatures  ^748. Indian People  ^769. River-Dwellers  ^7710. Padaei and Land of Pandaea  ^7911. Vegetarians  ^8412. Northern Indians  ^8613. Gold-Digging Ants  ^8814. Conclusion  ^100CONCLUSION  ^105BIBLIOGRAPHY  ^1121. Ancient Sources  ^1122. Modern Sources  ^117ACKNOWLEDGEMENTSI would like to express my sincerest gratitude to ProfessorAllan (J.A.S.) Evans of the Department of Classics (U.B.C.) whosewillingness to supervise my thesis and whose valuable help duringits stages of research and writing greatly encouraged me in mywork.I would also like to thank Professor Ashok Aklujkar of theDepartment of Asian Studies (U.B.C.) who inspired me with thistopic, and especially Professor Karin Preisendanz of the sameDepartment who was always there to give me a helping hand when mywork took me into areas of the Indian world which I knew little, ifanything, about.I am also grateful to Professor Ann Dusing of the Departmentof Classics (U.B.C.) and Professor Anthony Podlecki of the sameDepartment for agreeing to read my thesis prior to the oralexamination.viINTRODUCTIONThe ancient Greeks before the 4th century B.C. knew muchabout the far reaches of the world around them. They were aware ofthe Black Sea to the north, of Ethiopia to the south, and of Spainto the west. It was not, therefore, remarkable that they had atleast some knowledge of India. 1 It is true that the Greeksthemselves had sent no explorer to India to gather information on1A general explanation for the origins of the word "India"should be inserted here. The word can be ultimately traced back tothe Sanskrit word for "river", "sindhu", which was used, no doubt,by the Indians as a generic appellation for the Indus river. Whenthe word was adopted by the Persians as a name for the Indus, theydropped the initial Sanskrit "s" and put in its place the initialOld Persian "h", thus rendering the word, "hindus". The word wouldhave remained in this form when it was borrowed by the ancientGreeks, since they also had an initial "h" in their language, hadit not passed first through the hands of the Ionian Greeks wholived on the coast of Asia Minor and who acted as intermediariesbetween the Persians in the east and the rest of the Greeks in thewest. Among all the Greeks, they were the only ones who haddropped the initial "h" in their dialect. Thus, when the wordfinally reached the rest of the Greek world, it had already changedto the more familiar "Indos" (1v56;), or rather, as it appears inits Latinized form, "Indus". It is from this word that all ancientand modern derivatives to designate the country of India, itspeople, etc..., have come.12that country prior to Alexander the Great's campaign 2 but thatshould not cause one to believe that the ancient Greeks knewnothing about that area. Inasmuch as Greece traded with Syria evenduring Mycenaean times, Syria had dealings with Mesopotamia, andMesopotamia traded with the Indus valley, it is not inconceivablethat Indian merchandise reached Greece, regardless of whether theplace of its origin was known or unknown to the Greeks. Theexistence of pure Indian words in the Greek vocabulary for spicesand other strange objects not native to Greece bears testimony tosuch a possibility. 3 Although many of these words might havereached Greece through other vocabularies, such as Arabic forexample, it would still at least prove that contact between theeastern Mediterranean in general and India existed. To give a fewexamples, the Greek word for tin, "kassiteros" ( -Kaaainpoc) is2This should not be looked upon as anything strange. Theancient Greeks, although explorers by nature, were not in thecustom of sending out expeditions to faraway places if there was nocommercial benefit to be gained. In order for such a large voyageto have been economically sound, Indian products, such as spicesfor example, would have had to have been sold at prices tooextravagant for the average buyer at that time. In fact, it wasnot until the time of the Roman Empire that such merchandise wassought for that eagerly in the Mediterranean.3,According to the Greek etymological dictionary by PierreChantraine, Dictionnaire Etymologique de la Langue Grecque (Paris:Editions Klincksieck, 1968), the Greek words which will be shown inthe examples below are, in fact, borrowed from another language.Although Chantraine disagrees with the connection of some of thesewords with Indian counterparts, the important thing to remember isthat they were taken from an eastern language and hence cannot betraced back to a common Indo-European root.3closely related to the Sanskrit "kastira", 4 as in the Greek"elephas" (aixpac) for ivory to the Sanskrit "ibha". 5 Otherexamples are the Greek "oruza" (4 ,14a) for rice and the Tamil"arisi", 8 the Greek "karpion" (loilmov) for cinammon and the Tamil"karppu", 7 the Greek "zingiberis" (Ctrifieptc) for ginger and the Pali"singivera", 8 the Greek "peperi" (inept) for pepper and the Indian4J. W. McCrindle, Ancient India as Described by Megasthenesand Arrian (Calcutta: Chuckervertty, Chatterjee, and Co., Ltd.,1877; 2nd edition, 1960), p. 1. Chantraine believes that it mightbe from Elamite. The similarity, however, with the Sanskrit formmakes the connection of "kassiteros" with Sanskrit "kastira" muchmore convincing.5McCrindle, p. 1. This latter word may have reached Greek viathe Egyptian "ebu" and the Hebrew "eleph", as pointed out by HughGeorge Rawlinson, Intercourse between India and the Western World(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1916), p. 13. According toChantraine, "elephas" may be from the Hittite "lahpds". He doesnot support the connection with the Sanskrit "ibha". Since,however, the last two syllables of the Greek word "elephas","ephas", are remarkably similar to the Sanskrit "ibha", it wouldseem that once again Chantraine's theory should be abandoned.6H . G. Rawlinson, p. 14. This also may have reached Greek viathe Arabic "aruz". Chantraine proposes a derivation from theAfghan "vrizE" and also possibly from the Sanskrit "vrlhi". TheTamil "arisi" however, due to the initial vowel, seems closer toits Greek counterpart.7H . G. Rawlinson, p. 14. This word, in fact, appears onlyonce in Greek literature, in the Indica (49a.28.33) of Ctesias,where it is stated by him as being the Indian equivalent of theGreek "myrorodon" (rupOpoSov). The meaning, however, of this wordis obscure. It literally means "sweet-smelling rose" and couldrefer to basically any type of plant with a strong smell. Since,moreover, the Greek word "kinnamomon" (Immilimpov), derived from theHebrew "qinnEm5n", is known to have been used for "cinammon", itwould seem that Rawlinson's belief about the meaning of "karpion"is questionable.8Chantraine. The Sanskrit equivalent, as pointed out byChantraine, is "srngavera-". H. G. Rawlinson, p. 14, suggests aderivation from the Tamil "inchiver", but since the Pali form is4"pippari", 9 and the Greek "berullos" (ftnAXN) for the beryl-stoneand the Prakrit "veruliya" ." The likelihood, therefore, that someknowledge of this faraway land may have seeped its way through,from trading post to trading post, merchant to merchant, to theears of the Greeks is quite great. This information, albeit muchdistorted as it must have been by the many hands that it must havepassed through, would have given the ancient Greeks a faint whisperof a land lying far to the east. It would not have told the Greeksmuch, if anything, about the religion, social structure, etc., ofthe Indians, but it would have given them rather the notion thatsomewhere to the east of the peoples living in Asia Minor andPersia lived yet another race, mysterious and unknown.It is not, therefore, surprising that a vague reference topeople living at the world's eastern edge is found in Homer. Inhis first book of the Odyssey (lines 23-24)" Homer speaks of twocloser to the Greek one than the Tamil, Chantraine's theory is morepersuasive.9Chantraine.^As Chantraine makes note of, "pippari"originally came from the Sanskrit "pippali"."Chantraine. The Sanskrit form, as noted by Chantraine, is"vaidffrya-". Chantraine believes that the word was introducedalong with the stone during the Hellenistic Period. Since the wordappears only in literature which dates to after Alexander theGreat's conquests, Chantraine's theory is very convincing. It isnot, however, indisputable for it is quite possible for this wordto have existed in Greece before the Hellenistic Period but toeither have never been recorded or to have been written down inliterature or documents which have not survived.11For the original title of this and all other primary sourcesused in this thesis as well as the date of their authors and theirfull names where applicable, see the Bibliography at the end ofthis work.5races of Ethiopians: those living at the western edge of the worldand those living at its eastern edge. The passage runs as follows:".../the Ethiopians, the most distant of people, who are divided intwo:/ those who live where the sun sets and those where itrises,/...” 12 That Homer had clear knowledge of India and was thusmaking a direct reference to its inhabitants is doubtful. It ismore likely that there was just a vague knowledge of a region whichlay at the easternmost reaches of the known world and which wasinhabited by a darker-skinned people. 13 In fact, it was not untilHerodotus' time that any distinction was made between the"Ethiopians of Asia" and the "Indians", where the former seemed tohave been an unidentified race which formed part of the 17thsatrapy of the Persian Empire (Herodotus, Histories 3.94) asopposed to the latter, which is known to have been a genuine race,ancestors of the modern Indians, and which made up the 20th satrapy(Herodotus 3.94). 14Indeed, as can be seen from this comparison of Homer's and1 2Aiei oira _,; wit 3106 SESociacot, Euxatot avSpibv,oi, piv 8vaogevou Trepiovoc, of 8. dcvtOvzoc,13It should be noted here that the Greek word for "Ethiopian","Aithiops" (Aieltow), which simply means "burnt face", was used inHomer's time to designate any people with dark skin. Thegeographical limitations which this word today entails did notstart appearing until much later, during the time of Herodotus.14Herodotus does not stop here. He continues later on in hiswork (7.70) to distinguish between the "Ethiopian of Libya" and the"Ethiopian from the region of the sun". The two are described asdiffering only in their speech and in their hair, the former having"the woolliest hair of all men" (oakatov cc:lima...n(1mm dcvepthirav)while the latter having straight hair.6Herodotus' information on this part of the world, there was amarked increase in knowledge concerning this region. Although, ashas been mentioned already, trade between the eastern Mediterraneanand the Indian world, via Mesopotamia, would have given the Greeksa vague idea of India, it would not have supplied them with enoughinformation for Herodotus to have known about the Indians as muchas he did. Obviously there was another factor involved, and thisfactor was the Persian Empire which, under the reigns of Cyrus theGreat (559 B.C.-529 B.C.) and Darius I (521 B.C.-486 B.C.),stretched from Ionia on the coast of Asia Minor in the west all theway to India in the east. It was this empire which caused thegreat increase of information on India to reach Greece, for theposition which it occupied between these two countries enabled itto act as an intermediary and to thus add to the ancient Greeks'knowledge about India. 15 This however, was not its greatestcontribution, for at the end of the 6th century B.C., Darius I sentout an Ionian Greek, by the name of Scylax of Caryanda, to explorethe Indus valley and to report back to the Persian king what hesaw, a feat which he did, in fact, accomplish. It was from thispoint onwards that the Greeks started to acquire knowledge onIndia, for this Scylax, as will be shown in the first chapter,wrote the first Greek work on India, now all but completely lostexcept for a few fragments. Soon after him came the first15The accuracy, however, of this knowledge was limited, for,as will be seen further on in this Introduction, it was oftenfilled with so many mythical stories that it made India seem morelike a 'magical kingdom' than a real country.7historian, Hecataeus of Miletus, who wrote a geographical book onthe then known world, which included India. Hecataeus had Scylaxas one of his sources on India, if not his only one, and he in turnwas used by the Father of History himself, Herodotus ofHalicarnassus, when he included a description of India in hisHistories. In fact, it is only the works of these three authorswhich depict what the ancient Greeks knew about India beforeAlexander the Great.Ctesias of Cnidus (4th century B.C.), although he wrote aGreek treatise on India before Alexander the Great's expedition,cannot be included in this group for the following reasons. Firstof all, he did not use Herodotus as a main source but seems to haverelied rather on Persian sources, even though he does not mentionthem. In other words, his work, unlike that of Hecataeus orHerodotus, is not ultimately based on the voyage and testimonial ofScylax but rather on the opinions and beliefs which the Persianshappened to hold about India at that time. Thus, his treatise,albeit written in Greek and read by Greeks, does not depict so muchwhat the ancient Greeks knew about India before Alexander the Greatas much as what the Persians knew. Second, his Indica contains toomuch of the fabulous and the mythical 16 to be classified ashistory. Yet, because of his claim of veracity (49b.31.39 ff.), we16In fact, it is this very characteristic which strengthens theargument that Ctesias had Persian sources, for the only truly far-fetched piece of information which Herodotus gives about India, thestory of the gold-digging ants, is also the only description ofthis country which is specifically reported by him (3.105) to havebeen taken from the Persians. For these gold-digging ants, seebelow, Chapter 3, pp. 90 ff.8cannot categorize his work as true fiction. It belongs rather tothe new type of "historical" writing that started emerging afterCtesias, and which was to be satirized by Lucian centuries later,in his A True Story (1.3, 2.31): dealing with the marvellous whileat the same time alleging everything to be true. Ctesias,therefore, as far as his approach to the whole subject matter ofIndia is concerned, belongs to a different school from Scylax,Hecataeus, or Herodotus. It is for these reasons that he will notbe included in this paper on Greek knowledge of India.Scylax, Hecataeus, and Herodotus, on the other hand, will bedealt with because they represent a line of writers who passeddown, from author to author, information on India which hadoriginally been obtained by a Greek explorer and which remained,therefore, the one account of this country which was based on thetestimonial of an eyewitness before Alexander the Great went therehimself and brought the two worlds into contact with each other.I. SCYLAX OF CARYANDA1. His JourneyIn chapter 44 of the fourth book of Herodotus' Historiesthere is an account of an expedition which was made into the landeast of the Hindu Kush mountains. It was organized by Darius I(the Great), the king of Persia (521-486 B.C.), in order to findout where the Indus flowed into the sea and to see if the southernhalf of the Indus valley region l was worth conquering-an intentionmade obvious by his decision later to annex it to his Empire. 2 Thepassage runs as follows:"But as for Asia most of it was explored by Darius who, inhis wish to find out where the Indus River, which is the second oflIt should be noted here that it could only have been thispart of the valley which was known as "India" (or rather, "Hindus")by the Persians, for the northern half of the Indus valley, as willbe shown in Chapter 2 below (pp. 46 ff.) was known as "Gandhara".2The later annexation of "India"/"Hindus" can be seen from thePersian inscription of Behistun which precedes this voyage andwhich mentions "Gandara" (the Persian version of the Indian"Gandhara") as being part of Darius' Empire but which fails tomention India, and by the sudden appearance of this latter name inthe later inscriptions of Naksh-i-Rustam and Persepolis. For theseinscriptions see n. 13 below. For more information on Gandhara seeChapter 2 below, pp. 46 ff, as well as W. S. W. Vaux, "Gandarae,"Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography, ed. by William Smith(London: Walton and Maberly, 1854), vol. 1.910all the other rivers to produce crocodiles, 3 flows into the sea,sent a few trustworthy men with ships. And even Scylax ofCaryanda4 went with them. 5 Having set out from the city ofCaspatyros and the land of Pactyice they sailed along the rivertowards the east, that is, towards the rising sun into the sea.Sailing from there in a westerly direction over the sea theyarrived in the thirtieth month of their voyage to the same placefrom where the king of the Egyptians had sent the Phoenicians, whomI mentioned earlier, 6 to circumnavigate Libya. 7 After they hadcircumnavigated [Asia] Darius subdued the Indians and made use ofthis sea. Thus did he realize that in respect to the other regionsof Asia, except the ones which lie towards the rising sun, she(Asia) possessed the same characteristics as Libya."As can be seen, the mission of this journey was to explorethis area by sailing down the Indus to the Arabian Sea and then3The other river was the Nile.4An island just off the coast of Asia Minor, perhaps the veryone which is situated in the Gulf of Iasicus.5The words "and even" are a translation of the typicallyHerodotean expression "kai de kai" (caiSipcai) which in reality hasgreater emphasis in Greek than this English version shows. Theyhave even been taken to imply that Scylax was captain of theexpedition. This opinion though need not be dwelled upon asnational pride over a man who came from the same region, Caria, ashimself offers a totally acceptable explanation for Herodotus' useof such an expression.6See Bk. 4.42.7It should be pointed out here that the word "Libya" was usedas a general term for the whole African continent regardless ofwhat its size was believed to be at the time.11from there to travel in a westerly direction along its coast to themouth of the Red Sea. At this point it was to turn northwards andkeep sailing until it should reach the Gulf of Suez in Egypt. 8From there it is to be assumed that the voyage continued all theway to the Mediterranean Sea by passing through the canal whichconnected the Red Sea with the Nile Delta and which had beenconstructed by Darius himself. 92. Information on ScylaxThe journey, Herodotus says, took a total of 30 months andhad as one of its crew a man by the name of Scylax. Inasmuch asthis Scylax came from the Carian city of Caryanda on the coast ofAsia Minor, and must have, therefore, been acquainted withseafaring owing to the environment in which he grew up, it is to be8That the voyage reached this point can be seen fromHerodotus' words "they arrived in the thirtieth month of theirvoyage to the same place from where the king of the Egyptians hadsent the Phoenicians " which, as can be seen from Bk. 4.42, musthave logically been the northernmost part of the Red Sea.9This canal had been started by the Pharaoh Sesostris at theend of the 3rd millenium B.C. and was worked on by the PharaohNecos around the turn of the 7th century B.C. but was not completeduntil the reign of Darius a century later (cf. Herodotus 2.158,Diodorus, The Library of History 1.33.9, and Strabo, Geography17.1.25). An inscription found beside the canal identifying Dariusas the builder describes how the canal was constructed for the solepurpose of enabling ships to sail directly from Egypt to Persia.For a translation of this inscription as well as information on thecanal see A. T. Olmstead, History of the Persian Empire (Chicago:The University of Chicago Press, 1948), p. 146 or BjOrn Landstrtim,The Quest for India (Stockholm: Bokftirlaget Forum AB, 1964), p. 29.12assumed that it was precisely for this reason that he was chosen.He is also attributed other skills such as those of mathematicianand scholar (gaeiliatuaicicaittovcrucO;) by the Suda 10 and those of a mapeditor for the Persians by Myres."His nationality need not be disputed for one look at hisname shows that he was Greek - his name means "little dog". It wasnot an unusual name, for both Herodotus mentions a second Scylaxwho came from the Carian city of Myndos and who was a contemporaryof Scylax of Caryanda (5.33) and Cicero writes about a third Scylaxwho also came from Caria, from the city of Halicarnassus, and wholived in the second century B.C. (On Divination 2.42) . 123. Dating of JourneyAs for the actual date of the expedition, it is notnecessary to simply restrict the event to the years of Darius'"Under heading "Scylax" (Zicaoc4). This reference to Scylax(fr. 1) as well as all others from the Classical Period down to theByzantine can be found in Felix Jacoby, Die Fragmente derGriechischen Historiker (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1958), vol. 3:C:2,pp. 587 ff.11John L. Myres, "An Attempt to Reconstruct the Maps Used byHerodotus," Geographical Journal 8 (1896), pp. 624, 629, and 631.12The writer of a later 4th century B.C. work which is acoastal description of the Mediterranean and the upper WesternAfrican sea coasts is also called Scylax of Caryanda but it hasbeen generally accepted that this was not the true name of theauthor but simply a false attribution of the work to the Scylax ofHerodotus 4.44. See below, pp. 33 ff.13reign (521-486 B.C.), for a more precise answer can be obtainedfrom the inscriptions which the Persians themselves left at thistime. 13 The first inscription to be examined is from Behistun andit dates to c. 516 B.C. In this inscription, which gives a list ofall the countries belonging to the Persian Empire, no mention ismade of India, thus suggesting that this region had not yet beenannexed. Suddenly however, in the Persepolis and Naksh-i-Rustaminscriptions, which date to 510 B.C., India, called "Hindus", isincluded in the list of conquered lands. 14 Since, as can be seenfrom Herodotus' passage, Darius conquered India only after Scylax'expedition, and this journey took 30 months to complete, it can besafely concluded that the expedition must have taken place sometimebetween 516 and 511 B.C.4. CaspatyrosHerodotus says that Scylax set out for his journey from acity called Caspatyros (Kaandavpog) and a land called Pactyice13For the Behistun, Persepolis, and Naksh-i-Rustam inscriptionsbelow see Roland G. Kent, Old Persian Grammar Texts Lexicon (NewHaven, Connecticut: American Oriental Society, 1953), p. 119 (DB1.6.1.12-17 of text), p.136 (DPe 2.5-18 where India is called"Hindus"), and p. 138 (DNa 3.15-30) respectively. For their datingsee H. G. Rawlinson, Intercourse between India and the WesternWorld, p. 17, n. 1.14As was pointed out in n. 1, it was only the southern part ofthe Indus valley which was known as "India"/"Hindus". The northernhalf was known as "Gandhara".14(Harrofich). 15 Of the various places which have been proposed aspossible locations for Caspatyros three stand out:^Multan,Peshawar, and Kashmir. 16The preference for Multan is based on a passage by themediaeval historian Alberuniu which states that the original nameof this city was Kasyapapura. Since, then, Kasyapapura resemblesHecataeus' word "Caspapyros" (Kaantimpo;) 18 , and "Caspapyros" shouldbe equated with Herodotus' "Caspatyros", it was concluded byCunningham that this was the city from which Scylax departed. 19Toynbee supports this conclusion 20 and although he does not mention15For other references to Caspatyros see 3.102 and for Pactyiceand the Pactyes 3.93, 3.102, 7.67-68, and 7.85.16The city of Kabul has also been proposed as the old site ofCaspatyros by Heeren, reference for whom will be found in J.Talboys Wheeler, The Geography of Herodotus (London: Longman,Brown, Green, and Longmans, 1854), p. 199, n. 2.17Alberuni, India ch. 29, trans. by Edward C. Sachau (NewDelhi: S. Chand and Co., 1964), p. 298. It should be pointed out,however, that the validity of Alberuni's statement, regardless ofwhat he says immediatedly afterwards that cities often change theirnames due to invasions by various peoples, is highly questionableespecially when the numerous other names which he says belonged toMultan after it was named Kasyapapura (Hamsapura, Bagapura,Sambhapura, and Mulasthana) and the lack of any continuity in theirstructure, save the suffix "-pura" which simply means "city" inSanskrit, are considered.18Fragment 295 in Jacoby, vol. 1:A, p. 38.19Sir Alexander Cunningham, The Ancient Geography of India(London: TrUbner and Co., 1871; reprint, Varanasi: Indological BookHouse, 1963), p. 234.a'Arnold J. Toynbee, Between Oxus and Jumma (London: OxfordUniversity Press, 1961), p. 171. See also Ernst Emil Herzfeld,Archaologische Mitteilungen aus Iran (Berlin: D. Reimer, 1929-),pp. 93-94 and A. Foucher, La Vieille Route de l'Inde de Bactres aTaxila (Paris: Les Editions d'Art et d'Histoire, 1942), vol. 2, pp.15Alberuni but simply says that Kasyapapura is a Sanskrit word whichhad been preserved through Indian tradition, he nonetheless goes onto suggest that Scylax reached ancient Multan by a road which leddirectly eastward from where modern Quetta is situated, and thatfrom there he sailed down either the Chenab or the Ravi River.Both Caroe and Woodcock disagree with Toynbee's views.Caroe argues 21 that first of all, had Scylax started his journeyfrom ancient Multan, he would have travelled in a south-westerlydirection from there and not eastwards as Herodotus says. 22Secondly, Hecataeus' Caspapyros which, according to Caroe, shouldbe identified with Herodotus' Caspatyros is located by Hecataeus inGandhara23 which is too far north to have encompassed the ancientcity of Multan. Thirdly, according to a passage in Athenaeus'Deipnosophists (2.70b-c), the Indus is described in a bookattributed by Athenaeus to Scylax 24 as having a mountain on eitherside of it covered with thick forest and artichokes which, Caroeargues, should be taken as a description of the gorges just southof Attock (where the Kabul River joins the Indus) and which,assuming that the book was truly written by Scylax, could never193-194, 198, and 236 for further support of this viewpoint.2101af Caroe, The Pathans: 550 B.C.-A.D. 1957 (London:Macmillan and Co., Ltd., 1958), pp. 32-33.22This argument, in fact, is not a strong one as will be seenon pp. 25 ff. where Herodotus' description of Scylax sailingeastward is given a logical explanation.aSee n. 1 above.24For Scylax' writings see below, pp. 28 ff.16have been seen by him had he started out from ancient Multan.Woodcock's argument 25 is that if Caspatyros is equated with ancientMultan, and Scylax arrived there from the direction of modernQuetta, one would have to assume that he crossed the Indus itselfin order to arrive at the river Chenab down which he would have hadto have sailed only to reach the Indus again.The argument for Peshawar has been brought forward ingreatest detail by Caroe, 26 who bases his view on the belief thatthe eastward-flowing direction of Scylax' expedition can only beexplained if Scylax set out by sailing down the Kabul first beforereaching the Indus. 27 He observes first of all that the Kabul isnavigable only after it reaches the Peshawar District. 28 He alsomakes a connection between the name Caspatyros and that of Peshawarby asserting that Herodotus' Caspatyros is the same as Hecataeus'Caspapyros which is in turn very close to the name "Paskapuros"which, according to Henning, 29 is the ancient name for Peshawar.25George Woodcock, The Greeks in India (London: Faber and FaberLtd., 1966), p. 18.26Pp. 30-33. For further support of this view see Vincent A.Smith, The Early History of India from 600 B.C. to the MuhammadanConquest (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1924) p. 40, n. 1, and SirMarcus Aurel Stein's comment in his translation of Kalhana'sRajatarangini: A Chronicle of the Kings of Kasmir (Delhi: MotilalBanarsidass, 1961), vol. 2, p. 353, who simply say that Caspatyroswas located somewhere in the Peshawar District.V'See n. 22 above.28For a detailed map of the Kabul River and its surroundingterritory see Caroe, p. 31.NW. B. Henning, "Two Manichaean Magical Texts," Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London 12(1947), p. 53.17He strengthens this argument by suggesting that Paskapuros changedto the Sanskrit "Purushapura" before becoming Peshawar. 30Kashmir was first proposed as the region in which Caspatyroslay by Wilson31 who argues that "according to Sanskrit writers""Kasyapa-pur" 32 , which means literally in Sanskrit "city ofKasyapa" and which resembles both Herodotus' "Caspatyros" andHecataeus' "Caspapyros", was the original name of the city Kashmir,which has not been found yet but which must have given its name tothe district. 33 In other words, Herodotus' "Caspatyros" and30That Purushapura was the Sanskrit name for Peshawar can beseen by the word "Po-lu-sha-pu-lo" which was used by the mediaevalChinese traveller Hiuen Tsang to identify the city of Peshawar.See Samuel Beal's translation of Tsang's work, Si-Yu-Ki: BuddhistRecords of the Western World (London: TrUbner and Co., 1884), Bk.2, vol. 1, p. 97 as well as Beal's note 54 on pp. 97-98. It shouldbe noted here though that the only true resemblance between"Purushapura" and "Caspapyros" is the suffix "-pura" which, as hasbeen mentioned in n. 17, is the Sanskrit word for "city".31H. H. Wilson, Ariana Antigua: A Descriptive Account of the Antiquities and Coins of Afghanistan (London: Published under theauthority of the honorable the court of directors of the East IndiaCompany, 1841; reprint, Delhi: Oriental Publishers, 1971), pp. 136-137.32Or rather, "Kasyapa-pura", the more correct Sanskrit word for"city of Kasyapa".33Unfortunately, Wilson does not state who his Sanskrit sourcesare. The existence of such a city, however, does not seem tooincredible in view of both the legend which says that a sage by thename of Kasyapa drained the valley of Kashmir, formerly a lake, andthe subsequent founding of a city named "Kasyapapura" after himwhich might have occurred. For this legend as it appeared in the12th century A.D. see Kalhana's Rajatarangini 1.26-27, trans. byRanjit Sitaram Pandit [Allahabad (India): The Indian Press, Ltd.,1935; reprint, New Delhi: Sahitya Akademi, 1977], Pandit's note onthe same page, as well as H. H. Wilson's translation of this samelegend as recounted in the Wakiat-i-Kashmir in The Hindu History of Kashmir [First published in the Asiatic Researches, Serampore 15(1928), pp. 1-119. Calcutta: Susil Gupta (India) Private Limited,1960], p. 87. For the dating of this event see H. H. Wilson's18Hecataeus' "Caspapyros" are ultimately derived from "Kasyapapura",the original appellation of ancient Kashmir. He believes thatsince Alexander the Great never encountered a city of Caspatyros,it should not be looked for east of the Indus but rather is to belocated somewhere near its source. 34 Philip Smith agrees withhim35 and even takes Wilson's argument a step further by suggestinga connection between Caspatyros and Ptolemy's region of Caspeiria[Kaanetpia (Geography 7.1.42, 7.1.47-50)] which, he argues, shouldbe identified with the valley of Kashmir, with the only differencein his argument being his belief that Caspatyros actually lay onthe banks of the River Jhelum. 36 This connection is indeed atable in the same book where both the 4th and the 3rd millenia B.C.(the latter more likely) are given as the periods during which thedraining of the Kashmir valley must have occured.34It should be pointed out that Wilson's placement ofCaspatyros in Kashmir is not confined to the modern district ofKashmir only but includes the territory of modern Punjab as well,for in earlier times the district of Kashmir covered a larger areathan it does today. See Tsang's description of Kashmir, Bk. 3,vol. 1, p. 148 as well as Beal's note on the same page.35Philip Smith, "Caspatyrus" and "Caspeiria," Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography_, vol. 1. Other scholars who also makethe same identification are Christian Lassen, Indische Altertumskunde, 3rd ed., (OsnabrUck: Otto Zeller, 1968 edition of1852 original), vol. 2:1, section 630, Beal, p. 148, n. 87 of histranslation of Tsang's Si-Yu-Ki, M. Cary and E. H. Warmington, TheAncient Explorers (London: Methuen and Co. Ltd., 1929), p. 61, whosimply say that Caspatyros was located somewhere near modern Attockwithout specifically mentioning Kashmir, and Jean W. Sedlar, Indiaand the Greek World (Totowa, New Jersey: Rowman and Littlefield,1980), p. 12.36Wheeler completely disagrees with placing Caspatyros inKashmir because Scylax would have sailed in a south-westerlydirection from there rather than eastward as Herodotus says-anargument whose weakness will be revealed on pp. 25 ff.19strong one seeing the resemblance between "Caspatyros" and"Caspeiria", Ptolemy's placement of the Caspeiraei (Kaanapaiot) onthe western side of the "Uindius" (0i)iy8ioc) mountain (7.1.47), 37 hismention of a city called "Caspeira" (Kaampa) in this region(7.1.49), as well as his placement of this city to the east of thecity of Alexandria (8.26.7) which is believed to have been locatedin the vicinity of the city of Kabul. 38The argument for Kashmir is by far the strongest for thelocation of the ancient Caspatyros especially in view of two morethings. First, according to Hecataeus, 39 Caspapyros (which hasalready been pointed as being the same as Caspatyros) was a city ofGandhara and it is known from the Gandhara-Jataka that Kashmir waspart of the kingdom of Gandhara during the middle of the 6thcentury B.C. 4° Second, according to the Peutinger Table which,although not accurate in its placement of land masses in relation37The Vindhya mountain range, no doubt, which was located inthe middle of the Indian subcontinent. This connection seems tohave been first made by Heinrich Kiepert, A Manual of AncientGeography (London: MacMillan and Co., 1881), p. 23.38For the placement of Alexandria in this region, see ch. 2below, pp. 62 ff.39See Jacoby, vol. 1:A, p. 38, fragment 295.40For the Gandhara-Jataka (No. 406) see R. A. Neil'stranslation in Vol. 3 of The Jataka or Stories of the Buddha'sFormer Births, Ed. by E. B. Cowell (Cambridge: The CambridgeUniversity Press, 1897; reprint, London: Luzac & Company, Ltd.,1957), pp. 221-224.20to one another, is highly detailed in its listing of cities, 41there was a city by the name of "Spatura" which was located betweenthe cities of "Alexandria Bucephalos" and "Palibotra", and whichresembles very closely Herodotus' "Caspatyros" and the Indians'"Kasyapapura". 42 Since Alexandria Bucephalos was located just eastof the Indus, and Palibotra, known better by its equivalent of"Pataliputra", was located somewhere along the Ganges, 43 it wouldbe safe to say that Spatura was not only east of AlexandriaBucephalos but most likely located somewhere in Kashmir as can beseen by the fact that it is placed, on the Peutinger Table, muchcloser to Alexandria Bucephalos than to Palibotra. 4441The Peutinger Table is a copy made in the 13th century A.D.of a map from the 4th century A.D. which depicted the whole worldas it was known at that time, ranging from Britain in the west tothe Ganges in the east. For this Table, see Konrad Miller, DiePeutingersche Tafel (Stuttgart: F. A. Brockhaus Komm.-Gesch.,GmbH., Abt. Antiquarium, 1887; later edition, 1962).42For Kasyapapura, see pp. 17 ff below.43For other references to the city of Palibotra on the Ganges,see Diodorus 2.39.3, 60.2-3, Strabo 15.1.11, 15.1.36, 15.1.72,Arrian, Indica 10, Ptolemy 7.1.73, and Stephanus of Byzantium,under the heading "Palimbothra" (11catp,1369pcc), all of which are, nodoubt, obtaining their information from the 4th century B.C. writerMegasthenes, fragments of whose work can be found in Jacoby, vol.3:C:2, pp. 603 ff. For a translation of these fragments, see J. W.McCrindle's Ancient India as Described by Megasthenes and Arrian.For more information on Megasthenes, see Chapter 2 below, p. 50."This placement of Caspatyros east of the Indus shouldnormally seem awkward for the same reason that Woodcock rejectsCunningham's and Toynbee's placement of Caspatyros in Multan (p. 16above): Scylax would have had to have crossed the Indus to reachCaspatyros only to retrace his steps in order to reach the Indusagain. This should not cause any problems, however, since aperfectly good explanation for how this placement can be logical isgiven below, pp. 27 ff.5. PactyiceAs for the land of Pactyice, Wilson, who places Caspatyrosin Kashmir, identifies Pactyice with a region which encompassed themodern district of Kashmir as well as the land just to the southand west of it and including possibly even the region beyond theIndus." Vaux agrees with him" and is even inclined to place itin Gandhara in accordance with Hecataeus' statement. 47 He doesnot, however, believe that it extended as far west as Armenia as weare told by Herodotus (3.93). 48The most popular location for Pactyice is in north-easternAfghanistan" for the main reason that this area is inhabited todayby a people called the Pathans who are believed by some to bedirect descendants of the ancient Pactyes. 88 The name "Pathan",45Ariana Antigua, p. 136.""Pactyice", Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography.47See n. 1 above.aFor a solution to this problem see Caroe, p. 34, where ascribal error in the records Herodotus was using is blamed."this placement of Pactyice in north-eastern Afghanistan wouldmean that the region of Pactyice was part of the Persian satrapy ofeither Bactria or Gandhara, the latter being more likely sinceGandhara extended as far westwards as the area around Kabul, andperhaps even beyond that. For the size of Gandhara, see ch. 2, pp.46 ff.50Supporters of this theory are Walter Woodburn Hyde, AncientGreek Mariners (New York: Oxford University Press, 1947), p. 175,H. G. Rawlinson, p. 16, n. 2, Caroe, pp. 30 and 33-37, and Stein,p. 353.2122in fact, is not what these people call themselves but is rather theIndian form of their true appellation which is "Pakhtun"." Theconnection, then, between "Pakhtun" and "Pactyes" would be an easyone if it were not for one problem. The Pathans' language isactually divided into two dialects: the "-kh-" and the "-sh-"forms. In other words, in one part of Afghanistan they are knownas the Pakhtuns while in another they are known as the Pashtuns. 52Therefore, before any conclusion can be drawn concerning theirpossible origin, the following question must be answered: "Which ofthe two dialects is the older?". Unfortunately, the more popularview is that it is the "-sh-" form which existed first and that the"-kh-" dialect developed from it at a much later stage." Thisview, then, led many to believe that any connection between theancient Pactyes and the modern Pathans ought to be rejected. 54Caroe argues against this conclusion by drawing attention to theword "Choaspes/Khoaspes" (XolácianiN) which is given by AristotleCaroe, p. xv.52Ebr a well-detailed report of their distribution as well astheir differing characteristics, see Caroe, pp. xvi-xvii."See Georg Morgenstierne, "Afghanistan," The Encyclopaedia ofIslam (London: Luzuc and Co., 1913) vol. 1, p. 150 and "Afghan,"Encyclopaedia of Islam: New Edition (London: Luzac and Co., 1960),vol. 1, p. 217.54For arguments for and against this rejection as well asreferences to the scholars who support them see Morgenstierne's"Afghanistan," The Encyclopaedia of Islam, p. 150, "Afghan,"Encyclopaedia of Islam: New Edition, p. 217, and "'Pashto','Pathan' and the treatment of r + Sibilant in Pashto," ActaOrientalia 18 (1940), pp. 141-144 as well as H. W. Bailey,"Kusanica," Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London 14 (1952), pp. 430-431.23(Meteorology 1.13.350a), Strabo (15.1.26), and Curtius (History ofAlexander the Great of Macedon 8.10.22) as the name of the river bywhich Alexander fought the Aspasii. 55 His argument develops asfollows: since Arrian calls this same river "Euaspla" (Anabasis of Alexander 4.24.1), 56 it can be assumed that the syllable "kho" inKhoaspes has the same meaning as the syllable "eu" in Euaspla. Inother words, "kho" means "good". The Pathan word for "good" is"sho/shuh" in Pashtu and "kho/khuh" in Pakhtu. Therefore, Caroeargues, it can be concluded that it is the Pakhtu dialect which hasretained the older form of the language. It is with this in mindthat Caroe makes the connection between the ancient Pactyes and themodern Pakhtun. 5755p . 3 7 .56There is a problem, however, with this word in themanuscripts. It is only in the editions following the year 1576that one finds the word "Euaspla" (Elkolatc). All other manuscriptshave "Euas..." (Elkta...) except manuscript A which has "euaspoleos"(elkon6A,Floc). Although, due to its positioning in the sentence,this word can refer to either a river or a city, a closerexamination of the syntax makes the former more likely.57This placement of Pactyice in north-eastern Afghanistan withCaspatyros having already been located in Kashmir may causeproblems due to the general belief that Caspatyros was located inPactyice. It should be noted, however, that nowhere does Herodotusexplicitly say that this is the case but simply states that theinhabitants of both places "lived north of the other Indians" prpóigecp-raou tiE Kai I3opgo) 6vegou icomovoitgvot TAiw dadlav Why (3.102)) . It shouldalso be pointed out here that Herodotus' use of the Aorist tensewith the participle for "setting out" (oppmegvce4) implies that thesailing part of the journey did not start until after Scylax leftPactyice. Therefore, it is very likely that Pactyice does equalnorth-eastern Afghanistan and that Scylax did, in fact, go throughPactyice before reaching the Indus.246. Eastward Flow of the IndusAnother detail of Scylax' voyage which has caused someconfusion is the eastward flowing direction of the Indus. Severalsuggestions have been proposed as possible solutions to thisproblem. The first is that it was a geographical error on the partof Herodotus. 58 To accept this it would have to be assumed thatwhen Herodotus learned about this voyage, whether it was fromsomeone who was on it, from Scylax' account of it, 59 or perhapseven from the Persian records, he was not informed about thedirection in which the Indus was flowing and that he therefore hadto make a guess. But the certainty he portrays in twice describingit as flowing eastward makes this highly unlikely.Another explanation is that Scylax actually sailed eastwardalong the Kabul first before joining the Indus while believing allalong that the former was just an extension of the latter. 60 Sincethe Kabul is navigable for about 70 km before reaching the Indus, 61it would be possible for this theory to be valid if it were not forone problem: the Kabul as well as the northern section of the Indus58Scholars who support this idea are Wilson, Ariana Antigua,p. 136, E. S. Shuckburgh, editor of Herodotus IV: Melpomene(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1906), p. 152, J. OliverThomson, History of Ancient Geography (Cambridge: CambridgeUniversity Press, 1948), p. 80, and Paul Pedech, La Geographie des Grecs (Presses Universitaires de France, 1976), p. 27.59See below, pp. 28 ff.60See Wheeler, p. 199, Cary and Warmington, p. 61, Hyde, p.175, and Caroe, p. 33.MCaroe, pp. 30-32.25were already part of the Persian Empire at this time and could not,therefore, have been confused with one another. 62A more plausible explanation has been brought forward byMyres. 63 He argues that there was not one but two expeditionswhich took place east of the Hindu Kush mountains at the end of the6th century B.C. which were both probably accompanied by Scylax 64and which were confused by Herodotus. One of these sailed down theIndus while the other headed in an eastward direction, perhaps downthe Ganges River. 65 This, according to him, would explain threepeculiarities surrounding Scylax' voyage: the eastward flow of theriver, the thirty months' time it took him to reach the Nile62This can be seen from the Behistun inscription which mentionsGandhara, a region which, no doubt, included both of these areas.For the territories which Gandhara encompassed, see ch. 2 below,pp. 46 ff. For the Behistun inscription, see n. 13 above.63p. 623.64The evidence, however, seems to point only to the Indusvoyage as being accompanied by Scylax. See below, n. 73.65An exploratory expedition down the Ganges basin is not, infact, too inconceivable for this period. It is well known thatduring the 6th century B.C. this whole region was under thedominion of the kingdom of Magadha whose main interest seems tohave been drawn at this time more towards expanding its frontiersthan towards showing hostility to outsiders. It should also benoted that any empire which is strong and confident of its powerwould hardly feel threatened by, and is therefore much less likelyto attack, an expedition whose mission is exploratory rather thanmilitaristic (cf. the empires of Persia, Alexander, and Rome). Thereal danger for such a voyage would have been going throughterritory inhabited not by members of an empire but by individualtribes who, due to their weakness, could easily feel threatened bythe intrusion of a stranger. For more information on the Magadhankingdom see Vincent A. Smith, pp. 31-39 and Bimala Churn Law, TheMagadhas in Ancient India (Hertford: Stephen Austin and Sons, Ltd.,1946), pp. 7-12.26Delta, 66 which would have been too long for a voyage starting fromthe mouth of the Indus but not for one starting from the mouth ofthe Ganges, and the description of Asia, as a result, no doubt, ofthe expedition, as "possessing the same characteristics as Libya"Optota IrapEXOggV11 It Ati1613) , 67 which should be taken to mean thatScylax, in sailing as far south as Cape Comorin, discovered thesame thing about India which Herodotus says Necos discovered aboutAfrica after sailing around it (Histories 4.42)-namely that theIndian subcontinent extended to a great degree into the south. 687. Herodotus' Confusion of Two ExpeditionsIf, then, there were two expeditions, a question has to beanswered: "How did Herodotus confuse the two?". The onlyexplanation is that the sources which Herodotus must have beenusing, whether they were in the form of a testimonial of, or asecond-hand report from, someone who was on the expedition, apublished account of the voyage written by Scylax himself, 69 oreven perhaps Persian records, considering they existed andMTor Scylax reaching the Nile Delta see p. 11 above.67That is, Africa. See below, n. 7.68The belief in the similarity between Africa and the Indiansubcontinent can also be explained in that they both have atriangular shape which comes to a point at the southernmost tip.69See below, pp. 28 ff. That Herodotus had access, however,to such a work is unlikely, since he makes no mention of it.27Herodotus had someone to translate them for him, mentioned theGanges expedition as flowing eastward while omitting to describe,or at least emphasize, the direction of flow of the Indus one, nodoubt because this was already known from the course the Indus tookin the Persian satrapy of Gandhara. Herodotus consequently, in hisbelief that only one river existed in this part of the world,concluded that the two accounts were relating to the same event.He thus must have attributed the eastward flow of the Ganges tothe Indus, 70 which in reality means nothing more than "the Indianriver", the length of the journey from the mouth of the Ganges tothe northernmost part of the Red Sea to that of the journey whichstarted from the mouth of the Indus and probably went as far as thePersian Gulf only, 71 and the starting point for the expedition downthe Ganges which must have logically been Caspatyros in Kashmir tothe one down the Indus. 7270The abundance of crocodiles in the Ganges need not be takenas another characteristic of this river which was transferred tothe Indus for it is a generally well known fact that this latterriver also produces crocodiles. See Arrian, Anabasis last hypothesis is based on the view that if the journeydown the Indus, which must have logically preceded the one down theGanges, continued all the way to the Gulf of Suez, with thepurpose, no doubt, to see if such a task was possible and if so howlong it would take, then the expedition to the Ganges which, as canbe seen by its length, did reach Egypt would have carried out thelatter half of its journey in vain.72It is possible that Pactyice was also mentioned in theaccount concerning the expedition down the Ganges for it would havebeen the region through which one would have passed before reachingKashmir. That Caspatyros was the starting point for only thevoyage down the Ganges, however, is a logical conclusion based onthe observation that since Caspatyros is located east of the Indus,it would have been absurd for Scylax to have crossed the Indus toget to it, only to retrace his steps to get back to the Indus28Herodotus' confusion can further be understood if the twoexpeditions happened so close to each other in time that heconcluded that they were in reality one and the same. The firstone had as its goal the task of exploring the lower section of theIndus only, and of sailing from there most likely to Mesopotamia inorder to report on its findings, while the second had a missionwhich was twofold: to explore the Ganges River and then to see ifit was possible to navigate the southern coastline of Asia startingfrom its mouth and proceeding all the way to Egypt.8. Scylax' WritingsSince these two voyages were known to Herodotus, it is notunlikely that a separate account of them was written, perhaps inthe form of a diary, and published by someone who had taken part.No traces have been found of such a work concerning the Gangesmbut evidence for one on that of the Indus does exist. It is foundin the works of various later authors, ranging from the Classicalperiod all the way to the Byzantine, who not only refer to such abook but even quote from it. The first to do so is Aristotle, whoagain. Pactyice on the other hand seems to have been the logicalstarting point for any voyage down the Indus. Herodotus then,believing that only one expedition took place, concluded thatCaspatyros and Pactyice were located right next to each other.73It is precisely this lack of any Greek treatise on the Gangeswhich implies that Scylax did not accompany this voyage.29in his Politics (7.13/1332 b24-25) 74 mentions Scylax as theauthority on the ruling system of India and on the social distancewhich separated the Indian king from his people. Athenaeus (2.70b-c) goes even further than Aristotle in not only stating Scylax asthe one responsible for topographical information on India and theIndus valley but even in going so far so as to quote him, as can beseen by the sudden change in his writing from the Koine dialect tothe Ionic - the very dialect which Scylax, being from the coast ofAsia Minor, would have used. He says, for example, that India isa land watered by springs and waterways, or canals, that artichokesand other types of vegetation grow on the mountains there, and thatthe Indus is flanked on either side by high mountains which arecovered with wild forest and prickly artichokes. 75 PhilostratusASee Jacoby, vol. 3:C:2, pp. 587 ff., or Karl Miller,Geociraphi Graeci Minores (Hildesheim: Georg OlmsVerlagsbuchhandlung, 1855; later edition, 1965), vol. 1, pp.xxxiii-xxxiv for this as well as all subsequent referencesconcerning Scylax' work. It should be noted here that Herodotusmentions no such book and that Alexander the Great seems not tohave known about Scylax' voyage, as can be seen by his initialbelief that the Indus was connected to the Nile (Arrian, Anabasis 6.1.2-5). However, in view of the references made to such a workby ancient authors, Herodotus' and Alexander's ignorance can onlybe explained if few copies of the work were made resulting in poordistribution and hence a limited number of people who knew aboutthis voyage.75It should be noted here that Athenaeus shows doubt as to theauthorship of this information. He says that it might even havebeen a certain "Polemon" (flb2u4ww) who wrote this. This Polemonmust have, no doubt, been Polemon of Ilium (c. 190 B.C.), a Stoicgeographer who did indeed collect geographical information in awork entitled Concerning the Inscriptions Which Are to be Found inVarious Cities. Since, however, this was a work which dealtprimarily, as can be seen from its title, with inscriptions ratherthan geography, it is far more likely that the source used byAthenaeus was Scylax rather than Polemon.30(c. A.D. 200) in his Life of Apollonius of Tyana (3.47), whilediscussing various strange-looking humans which lived in farawaylands, states Scylax as an authority on such matters and even saysthat Scylax had more than one book written.The Suda, which was written sometime in the 10th centuryA.D., gives a list of several books it ascribes to Scylax.Unfortunately, these books are not all, if any, authentic. 76 Thework entitled A Reply to Polybius' History (Avrtypa4rernpeotvIlaul3iovIaropiav) cannot have been written before the 2nd century B.C. sinceit is known that this is the time when Polybius flourished, and theone which was known as A Periplus77 of the Lands outside thePillars of Hercules (IlepinA,cruc viiv erre; viiv lipaidioug ErnMy) sounds asif it might have been the work of the author who wrote the muchlater and more famous Periplus falsely ascribed to Scylax. 78 Infact, it might even have been the latter section itself of thistreatise which does indeed describe the western coast of Africa. 79The two works from the Suda list which can perhaps be ascribed toScylax are A Map of the World (rtIlepio8oc), which seems to have beenmUnder heading "Skylax" (I -K-Wog) .77br, A Coastal Description.MFor more information on this Periplus and its authenticitysee below, pp. 33 ff.79Jacoby has suggested that it might be identical to the workon India but this would be stretching the words "outside thePillars of Hercules" too far. See vol. 3:C:2, p. 589.31a popular subject for the Ionians, 80 and Concerning Heracleides, the King of the Mylasians (Ta load( 'Hpaiazariv Toy MAAtaaaeijv Baaaga) .This last work which, no doubt, referred to the Carian leaderresponsible for ambushing the Persians during the Ionian revolt 81could conceivably have been written by Scylax for two reasons: thedate of its subject matter was contemporaneous with Scylax, and itdealt with a fellow Carian, thus giving Scylax an opportunity toexalt his own people. 82Tzetzes (12th century A.D.) in his Chiliades (7.621) alsomentions a certain book written by Scylax on India and on thepeoples living there. In it, he tells us, are descriptions of thestrange inhabitants of this land such as the "Monophthalmoi" (one-eyed), 83 the "Sciapodes" (shadow-footed) whose feet were so bigthat they would lift them up and use them as umbrellas against thesun's rays when lying down, the "Otoliknoi", men whose ears were soMAnaximander of Miletus (610-540 B.C.) is said to have beenthe first to draw a map of the earth. Hecataeus is also creditedwith making a map, perhaps the very one which Aristagoras ofMiletus (c. 500 B.C.) showed to the Lacedaemonians. For furtherinformation on as well as ancient references to the first two seeG. S. Kirk, J. E. Raven, and M. Schofield, The PresocraticPhilosophers, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1957; 2ndedition, 1983), pp. 104-105. For Aristagoras see Herodotus 5.49.81See Herodotus 5.121.82F(Dr a different opinion on the authenticity and date of thiswork see Niebuhr, "On the Age of the Coast-Describer, Scylax ofCaryanda," trans. into English from the German in PhilologicalMuseum 1 (1832), pp. 263-264.83Megasthenes also speaks of them. See Strabo that they resembled winnowingfans, and the"Henotiktontes" . 84 This treatise on India actually sounds verysimilar to the book described by Philostratus and it is notunlikely that the two authors were referring to the same work. Theproblem with this book, however, is that it dealt with fabulouscreatures living in India while at the same time was ascribed to aman who actually went there and explored the region personally. Itseems, therefore, that the work referred to by Philostratus andTzetzes does not in reality belong to Scylax but rather to Ctesias,whom we know to have dwelled extravagantly on such fables. 85The two references made to Scylax by Strabo (14.2.20) andStephanus (Ethnica86 "Caryanda"), which simply say that Scylax wasan old writer/logographer, probably refer not to the actual Scylaxof Caryanda but rather to the man who wrote the much latergeographical treatise called the Periplus 87 and who had beenfalsely named Scylax of Caryanda. For convenience' sake, however,this writer will be referred to as Pseudo-Scylax.84The word "Henotiktonton" (tvourrOvuov), here in the GenitivePlural Case as it appears in the text, does not seem to make anysense unless Kiessling's emendation to "Enotokoiton" (Theroicoittv) isaccepted, in which case the word would literally mean "they whohave a bed-chamber in their ears", referring in other words to menwhose ears are so large that they can use them as blankets. Forother references to the Enotokoitones see Megasthenes' reports inStrabo 2.1.9 and evidence for this is that Scylax is quoted by Tzetzesas professing everything he has said to be true-this is exactlywhat Ctesias says at the end of his book (49b.31.39 ff.).860r, National Affairs.87For the full text of the Periplus in the original Greek alongwith both a Latin translation and a commentary in Latin see Muller,vol. 1, pp. 15 ff.339. Periplus of Pseudo-ScylaxThe Periplus of Pseudo-Scylax is a geographical treatise ofthe whole Mediterranean basin and a part of Africa's western seacoast. It was written as a guide to sailors and was helpful indescribing where all the harbours were and how many days' sailingor stadia88 they were from one another. It seems to have beenknown as early as Strabo, who also mentions the author as beingScylax of Caryanda (12.4.8, 13.1.4).The Attic dialect, however, in which it is written betraysalmost immediately the falsity of the authorship. A closerexamination of the cities it refers to shows that it was writtenmuch after Scylax' time. Firstly, the mention of the city ofThurii in Italy does not allow a dating for this work to precede444 B.C. (the year of Thurii's founding) while the lack of anymention of Alexandria shows that it could not have been writtenafter the conquests of Alexander. It was by looking at the citiesin this work and relating their description to what is known abouttheir history that Bunbury was able to fix a more accurate date. 89Since the town of the Epicnemidian Locrians was described as88"Stadia", or rather, as it appears in the singular, "stadion"(Gra8tov), was a unit of measure used by the ancient Greeks todetermine distances. It was equivalent to 606.75 English feet.89E. H. Bunbury, A History of Ancient Geography [London: J.Murray, 1879; reprint of 2nd edition (1883), New York: DoverPublications, Inc., 1959], vol. 1, pp. 387 and 404-406.34belonging to the Phocians (ch. 61), who did not gain control ofthis city until 353 B.C. 90 , and Olynthus, which we know to havebeen destroyed in 347 B.C., was mentioned as still existing (ch.66), the Periplus must have been written sometime during the sixyear span in between. 9110. ConclusionIn the end this much can be said concerning the subjectmatter of Herodotus' passage: sometime between the years 516 and511 B.C., Darius the Great must have sent out two expeditions. Thefirst one had as its purpose the exploration of the southernsection of the Indus valley region for the purpose of finding outboth if this country was worth conquering, and at what point theIndus flowed into the sea. One of its crew members, if not thecaptain himself, was an Ionian Greek by the name of Scylax ofCaryanda. With his crew he went first to the region of north-eastern Afghanistan, and then from there proceeded on to the Indus"Bunbury does not give the name of the town. It was, nodoubt, Thronium (00nov), which was indeed captured by the Phociansin 353 B.C. under the leadership of Onomarchus.91 See Willer, vol. 1, p. xliv, who dates the Periplus to 338B.C. due to problems in its language. For a completely differentviewpoint see A. Baschmakoff, La Synthêse des Periplus Pontiques (Paris: P. Geuthner, 1948), pp. 22-23, 25, 26-29 and John Gardiner-Garden, "Eudoxos, Skylax and the Syrmatai," Eranos 86 (1988), p.38, who believe that the Periplus does, in fact, belong to the endof the 6th century B.C.35presumably by either going through the Khyber Pass or sailing downthe well-known tributary of the Indus, the Kabul River, the formerbeing more likely when the verb tenses Herodotus uses in hisdescription are closely examined. 92 From there he sailed all theway to the mouth of the Indus while taking notes of what he sawalong the way. Once at its mouth he turned right and sailed in awesterly direction along the coast until he reached, it seems, thePersian Gulf 93 where he made his report to the Persian kingresulting in the end with the annexation of this region to thePersian Empire.The second expedition, which most likely happened just afterScylax finished his, was sent to explore the Ganges River and tofind out how long it would take to sail from its mouth to Egypt.Setting out then, no doubt from the city of Caspatyros in Kashmir,it sailed down the Ganges and then travelled from its mouth in awesterly direction along the coast to the mouth of the Red Sea atwhich point it turned northwards and continued sailing until itreached the Gulf of Suez-a journey which took 30 months tocomplete. Scylax probably did not accompany this expedition as canbe seen by the lack of any published Greek treatise on this part ofthe world. This is not the case, however, with the Indusexpedition which did, in fact, produce a book describing the Indusvalley. Although it itself as a whole does not survive, fragmentsof it in the form of quotations by ancient authors who bear92See n. 57 above.0See n. 71 above.36testimony to both its existence and its authorship do exist.These two expeditions must have been made known to Herodotuseither by someone who was on them, by second-hand reports, by awritten account of them, 94 or even perhaps by Persian records whichno longer exist. Their details, however, must have differed. Thesource on the Indus expedition seems to have mentioned the Induswithout making a note on, or at least emphasizing, the direction itwas flowing for the main reason that this was already known fromthe northern section of this river which already formed part of thePersian Empire. Nor does it seem to have mentioned the time ittook it to reach the Persian Gulf, no doubt because this was notpart of its mission. It does seem, however, to have referred tothe land of Pactyice as being the region through which Scylaxpassed in order to reach the Indus.The report for the Ganges expedition mentioned the easterlyflow of the river, since it was not already known (and wouldtherefore have been a detail worth stressing), the 30 month periodit took it to reach Egypt, and Caspatyros as being the city fromwhich the expedition set out before sailing down the Ganges. Itmight even have mentioned Pactyice as the region through which itmust have passed before reaching Kashmir. The two points at whichthe sources for both these expeditions might have been identicalare where they may have mentioned the land of Pactyice as theregion through which the expeditions must have passed to get toGandhara, and the crocodiles which dwelled in both rivers."See n. 74 above.37Herodotus, then, learning both accounts, confused the two.He must have seen that they happened relatively close to oneanother in time, that they passed through Pactyice, and that theyboth dealt with an expedition down a river which was inhabited bycrocodiles, which lay east of the Hindu Kush, and which then randown towards the sea. Believing then, as he did, that only oneriver existed in India, he concluded that the two accounts referredto one and the same expedition. Even if the Ganges had been givena specific name, by the sources which Herodotus was using, todifferentiate it from the Indus, Herodotus must have taken it asnothing more than a variant of the same name. 95 He then attributedthe eastward flowing direction of the Ganges to the Indus, and the30 month long trip of the Ganges expedition to that of the Indus.The very belief which prevailed among the ancient Greeks afterHerodotus that India had only one river, the Indus, and that thisflowed towards the east ought to be attributed to Herodotus. Thisindeed was the one belief concerning India which remained steadfastand unchanged until Alexander the Great went over there himself andproved to the Greek world that the Indus flowed towards the westand that India, in fact, had not one river, but two.95It should not be forgotten here that "Indus" simply means"river" in Sanskrit, and that if this piece of information wasknown by Herodotus, the name of the Ganges could easily have beenunderstood by him as being the true name of the Indus. For "Indus"meaning "river", see Introduction below, n. 1.II. HECATAEUS OF MILETUS 1. His Life and WorksHecataeus of Miletus was born, according to the Suda, 1during the 65th Olympiad. 2 Since the Olympics began in, or atleast started to be dated from, 776 B.C., this would mean sometimebetween 520 and 516 B.C. He was a student of Protagoras 3 and seemsto have used and adapted Acusilaos' writings. 4 He is also creditedwith drawing a map of the known world ( rivig), of writing adescription of all the lands which lie in Europe, Asia, and Africa,1 "Hecataeus" ('accraioc)/fragment 1 in Jacoby, Fragmente derGriechischen Historiker, vol. 1:A, p. 1. All references toHecataeus dating from Antiquity and continuing down to theByzantine era can be found in this volume of Jacoby.2There seems to be a dispute as to the meaning of the wordwhich the author of the Suda uses for "born". The word in Greek is"gegone" (yeyove) which is the Perfect tense of the verb "gignomai"(yiyvogat). This has been taken by Bunbury, A History of Ancient Geography, vol. 1, pp. 134-135, to mean "flourished" but anexamination of the verb's meaning in other ancient Greek worksclearly shows that it has the connotation of "to be born", "tostart existing".3Suda, "Hecataeus" (Exataio6)/Jacoby, vol. 1:A, p. 1, fr. 1.4Suda, "Hecataeus" (ticataio6)/Jacoby, vol. 1:A, p. 1, fr. 1.3839called Periegesis (IlEptimat;), 5 no doubt to act as a guide to themap, and of putting together a mythological work known variously asGenealogies, Histories, and Herology (Fewalloyiat,latopiat,IlmoA,oyia) . 6In 499 B.C. he advised the Ionians not to revolt against thePersians, listing off all the lands under Persian rule as proof oftheir strength 7 and perhaps even using the map he had already drawnto show them where all these lands were located. It must havebeen, no doubt, due to this position which he took as regards therevolt that he was chosen by the Ionians the following year, afterthe revolt had been put down by Darius, to act as ambassador to thePersians in order to negotiate peace talks. 82. His Map and PeriegesisHe seems to have done a lot of travelling for he is calleda "much-travelled man" (avilipnalmacariN) by Agathemerus (GeographicalInformation 1.1). 9 It is from these trips that it is to be assumed5Or, A Guide.6The map and the Periegesis will be discussed below. For theGeneaologies/Histories/Herology, see Jacoby, vol. 1:A, pp. 7-16.7Herodotus 5.36.8Diodorus, vol. 1:A, p. 3, fr. 12a. It is known from Herodotus(2.143) that Hecataeus did visit Egypt but it is not sure whetherhe ventured into the interior of Europe, Asia, or Africa. Bunbury,vol. 1, p. 137, n. 7, believes that Hecataeus probably visited noplace other than Egypt.40that he gained the experience needed to draw his map and write hisPeriegesis which, as Pearson properly points out, 10 must have beenwritten before 499 B.C., in other words, before the Ionian Revolt,for it would have been difficult for Hecataeus to list off all thecountries under Persian rule (Herodotus 5.36) without such a map.His map is attested by Agathemerus (1.1), 11 and by thescholiast on Dionysius 'Periegetes' (p. 428) 12 who, no doubt,acquired his information from Agathemerus, since he basicallyrepeats what he says. Agathemerus says that Hecataeus was thesecond person after Anaximander of Miletus to draw a map of theworld and that his map differed from Anaximander's only in that itwas much more precise. As was mentioned above, 13 it could alsohave very well been the map which Aristagoras of Miletus showed tothe Lacedaemonians in 498 B.C. (Herodotus 5.49).His Periegesis seems to have been written as a guide to hismap. It was divided into two sections, the first being calledEurope and dealing with this continent including Greece, and thesecond being known as Asia and dealing, it seems, with all thelands east of the Aegean, reaching all the way to India, as well aswith Africa (Libya and Ethiopia). Both books seem to have1^.°Lionel Pearson, Early Ionian Historians (Oxford: TheClarendon Press, 1939; reprint, Connecticut: Greenwood Press,1975), pp. 26-27. Pearson only mentions the Periegesis but it isto be assumed that the map also existed at this time.11Jacoby, vol. 1:A, p. 3, fr. 12a.12Jacoby, vol. 1:A, p. 3, fr. 12b.13See p. 31, n. 80.41described the peoples living in various regions and to have listedoff the cities and towns in each area and their relative locationto major landmarks. It is very probable that the Periegesis alsodescribed both the Ocean as encircling the whole world and thecontinent of Asia as being the same size as Europe, for Herodotusmentions in a rather derisory fashion certain such Periegeses(4.36) which were current in his time and which described justthat. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, who wrote in the 1st centuryB.C., had access to it. He describes it as being divided accordingto nations and cities, and as giving an account of the history,traditions, and legends of these areas, but as being shorter thanthe work of Herodotus (On Thucydides 5).The book on Europe seems to be the one which was used byHerodotus when he cites Hecataeus as the main source for the storyon the expulsion of the Pelasgians from Attica (6.137) as well asby Pliny when he mentions Hecataeus as the authority on theHyperboreans (Natural History 6.20.55). As for his book on Asia,it seems to have been very well detailed, for the Greek grammarianand philosopher Agatharchides described in his book entitledConcerning the Red Sea 14 Hecataeus and another scholar named Basilas being the main authorities on the lands which lie towards theEast.Even though the Periegesis is known to have existed at least14This book, in fact, does not survive today but extracts,however, were taken from it by the 9th century A.D. ByzantinePatriarch Photius. See Photius' Bibliotheca 250, p. 454 b 30, orJacoby, vol. 1:A, p. 3, fr. 14.42during Herodotus' time due to his mention of such a written work(6.137) and to the fact that he always refers to Hecataeus as ahistorian (2.143, 5.36, 5.125), the copy of the book which existedduring the Hellenistic Period and which continued to be regarded asHecataeus' right down to the time of Stephanus is questioned as toits authenticity. The debate seems to have been started byCallimachus, who worked at the Library of Alexandria in the 3rdcentury B.C. According to Athenaeus (2.70a), 15 Callimachus,presumably in his book entitled Pinakes 16 stated that the sectionof the Periegesis which dealt with Asia and which was ascribed toHecataeus of Miletus should actually be attributed to a man calledNesiotes.Eratosthenes, however, who was Callimachus' pupil and whobecame later head of the Library of Alexandria believed, accordingto Strabo (1.1.11), 17 that the book which was ascribed to Hecataeusof Miletus, presumably the same work which Callimachus referred to,did actually belong to Hecataeus due to its similarity, no doubt instyle, to the other works which were written by Hecataeus and whichwere known to be his. Strabo seems to accept this viewpoint(1.1.11) due to the fact that, unlike Athenaeus (2.70a, 9.410e) 1815Jacoby, vol. 1:A, p• 3, fr. 15a.MOr, Catalogues.17Jacoby, vol. 1:A, pp. 2-3, fr. 11b.18Jacoby, vol. 1:A, pp. 3-4, fragments 15a and 15brespectively.43and Arrian (Anabasis 5.6.5), 19 who appear uncertain about theproblem, he does not refute or show the least doubt about itsauthorship. Nor should it be forgotten that Dionysius ofHalicarnassus had read the book and also had no doubts about itsauthenticity (On Thucydides 5). The debate has continued amongstmodern scholars, namely C. G. Cobet , N and J. Wells, 21 who believethat it is a forgery, and H. Diels, 22 who argues for itsauthenticity. For the sake of argument, however, the authenticityof Hecataeus' Periegesis will be given the benefit of the doubt.3. Fragments on IndiaThe number of fragments which deal specifically with Indiaare seven in tota1. 23 They are:Fr. 294a (Stephanus of Byzantium, "Gandarae"):19Jacoby, vol. 1:A, p. 4, fr. 15c.20"Hecataei Milesii Scripta TevOcniypa.a , " Mnemosyne: Nova Series11 (1883), pp. 1-7.21 "The Genuineness of the rii0141,68o; of Hecataeus," Journal of Hellenic Studies 29 (1909), pp. 41-52.22"Herodot and Hekataios," Hermes: Zeitschrift fur Classische Philologie 22 (1887), pp. 411-444.aAs can be seen below, six of the fragments are from Stephanusof Byzantium, the 6th century A.D. scholar from Constantinople towhom our indebtedness is immense, since, if it were not for him,nothing would have been known on Hecataeus' Indian section.44Gandarae: an Indian race. Hecataeus [says so] in [hisbook on] Asia. They are also called "Gandarii" by himand their land "Gandarian". 24Fr. 294b (Stephanus of Byzantium, "Gandri"):Gandri: a Parthian race which was attacked by Dionysus,according to Dionysius in his 4th book of Bassarica. 25Hecataeus, however, calls them "Gandarae". 26Fr. 295 (Stephanus of Byzantium, "Caspapyros"):Caspapyros: a city of Gandara, on the shore of theScythians. Hecataeus [says so] in [his book on] Asia. 27Fr. 296 (Athenaeus 2.70b):And he (Hecataeus of Miletus) says that on the banks ofthe Indus River grows the artichoke. 28Fr. 297 (Stephanus of Byzantium, "Argante"):24rCCvmpat• 146v iftoc. 'Exataioc 'Mtg. Al iywcat Kai TaySaptot =wain@ KaiFavSaptxt h x6 pa.MOr, Poems on the Legend of Bacchus.26ravSp- ot. EI3vo; Ilecpeow dcvntax9iv AtovAim, thc Atovi)atoc Baaaaptiabv S. `ExataiNSi TayStipa; airroi); nazi.27Kaanarupoc na,i; ravSccptrli, IryEkilv Si ecKrii. 'Exataioc 'Acrig.281Cai it pi toy IvS6v Si Opt icatagev yivia9at Thy xvvecpay.45Argante: a city of India, according to Hecataeus. 29Fr. 298 (Stephanus of Byzantium, "Calatiae"):Calatiae: an Indian race. Hecataeus [says so] in [hisbook on] Asia. 30Fr. 299 (Stephanus of Byzantium, "Opiae"):Opiae: an Indian race. Hecataeus [says so] in [his bookon] Asia: "among these [people] live a [race] by the IndusRiver called the Opiae, and there is a royal fortressthere. Up to this point are the Opiae. From this pointonwards is desert, all the way to the Indian people". 314. Gandarae/GandariiFragment 294a deals with an Indian race variously known byHecataeus as the "Gandarae" or the "Gandarii". The earliestmention of them in Greek literature, apart from Hecataeus himself,is by Herodotus who describes them as belonging, along with the29'Aprivry /Cat; 'IvSiac, thc 'Enceptioc.30Koaa•iat• yivocSticev. tica•aioc 'Aeries.31Theiat. ievoc 'Iv&law. 'Enctocioc^•tv S. mina; oliciouctv dcvepomot rrapec 'toyIvSew notailev Thriat, tv Si teixo; IkcaiMiov. gexpt •aircou lirtiat• duce St •airCOV tRixpic46Sattagydae, the Dadicae, and the Aparytae, to the seventh satrapyof Darius' empire (3.91), as paying, along with these people, atribute of 170 talents (3.91), and as being assigned to the samecontingent of Xerxes' army as the Dadicae (7.66). According toPtolemy, the Gandarae are to be located in the land between theRiver "Suastus" (Zoimatoc) and the Indus (7.1.44). Since theSuastus is, no doubt, the same as the modern "Swat" river, thenorthern tributary of the Kabul River, 32 this area should liesomewhere to the north of the point where the Kabul and the Indusmeet.Strabo, however, writes about a land called "Gandaris"(Fav8apic) which was governed by a man named Porus II, nephew of thePorus who fought Alexander the Great, and which was located east ofthe river Acesines ['A -KezivIN (15.1.30)]. Since the Acesines is mostcommonly identified with the Chenab River, one of the majortributaries of the Indus, the region known by Strabo as "Gandaris"should be located in the West Punjab.There is even a second region mentioned by Strabo, whichresembles "Gandaris", called "Gandaritis" (Fav8apilic) through whichthe River Choaspes flows before it joins up with the River Cophen[KAOhy (15.1.26)]. Since it is now generally accepted that theCophen was the modern Kabul River the Choaspes ought to beidentified with one of its major tributaries. Since only two32See Vaux' article, "Suastene," Dictionary of Greek and RomanGeography.47tributaries are large enough to be worth recording, namely theChitral and the Swat, the region at Gandaritis mentioned by Strabomost likely lies just to the north of the Kabul, either in theChitral or in the Swat valley, the former being more likely,inasmuch as the Chitral is by far the larger of the two rivers.Strabo is obviously making a distinction between Gandaris andGandaritis, the latter being probably the region Ptolemy has inmind when he mentions the land of the Gandarae. The astoundingsimilarity of the words "Gandaris" and "Gandaritis", however,cannot be passed over as just coincidence. They most likely referto one and the same area. This region, as can be seen from thePersian inscription of Behistun which dates to c. 516 B.C., 33 wasknown as "Gandara"/"Gandhara". The difference, therefore, in thenames "Gandaris" and "Gandaritis" could simply be due to theappellation of this area by peoples of different dialects.This area of Gandhara, then, encompassed at least all of theWest Punjab on the east and the eastern half of the Kabul valleyand its adjoining northern regions on the west. Its people, asmentioned by Hecataeus, were of Indian stock, carried with them,according to Herodotus (7.66), the same equipment in Xerxes' armyas the Bactrians, that is, a Median-like head-dress, bows made ofreed and short spears, and, as Wilson points out, 34 could very wellhave been the ancestors of the modern tribes living in the HinduKush mountains, known today as the "Hazaras".33For reference to this inscription see below, p. 13, n. 13.34Ariana Antigua, p. 131.485. GandriFragment 294b deals with a people called the "Gandri". Theywere Parthians, according to Stephanus, and seemed to have beeninvolved in a battle with the god Dionysus. Stephanus' main sourcefor this legend was a Greek author whose name was, quitecoincidentally, Dionysius. There are several authors by that namewho could have written the work entitled Bassarica which wasascribed to this Dionysius but the one who is generally accepted asthe author is the one known as "Periegetes" (flrempv*) which means"the Guide" in Greek. 35 He is believed to have lived in the 2ndcentury A.D. and is known to have written a Periegesis, or"description", of the known world (0ficaugbnicrleptkricrtc) . 36 Bassarica is not the only work attributed to him for there are also theLithica (Alihni) which dealt with various types of stone, theOrnithiaca ('Oinnetaxa), a book on birds, and the Gigantias  (rtyavnecc)which pertained to myths surrounding the Giants. None of theselast works, including the Bassarica, exist in their full formanymore. Fragments, however, of the Bassarica as found in35The conclusion that Dionysius 'Periegetes' was the author ofthis work seems to be rather recent, for earlier scholarshipattributed the work to the Hellenistic mythographer Dionysius ofSamos. See Willer, Geographi Graeci Minores, vol. 2, p. xxvi.MTor the full text in the original Greek with a Latintranslation, see Milner, vol. 2, pp. 103-176.49Stephanus, have been collected by Mtiller 37 and give a general ideaof what the book was about. It seems to have dealt, at least inpart, with the military exploits in India of the god Dionysus whois seen launching a military campaign against various peoples andcities there. Theto go as far backEuripides, in hisDionysus as havingthe land just westlegend itself, or at least a form of it, seemsas the 5th century B.C. where the playwrightplay Bacchanals (line 15), portrayed the godjust arrived from the Far East, namely Bactria,of Gandhara.The legend next appears in the work of the 4th century B.C.writer Megasthenes. Megasthenes had been sent several times toIndia by Alexander the Great's successor in the East, Seleucus I,to establish a treaty between Chandragupta, the ruler of thekingdom of Maurya, and the Hellenistic monarch, and to gather atthe same time information on that part of the world. He collectedeverything he learned in a book entitled Indica, of which onlyfragments exist today. 38 Part of fragment 4 (Diodorus 2.38.3-7) 39describes the legend of Dionysus' arrival from the West as it wascurrent among the Indians of Megasthenes' time. According to thelegend, this god, arriving with a large army, overtook India andestablished his rule there until he died 52 years later, leaving37Vo1. 2, pp. xxvii-xxviii.38A1l of these existing fragments can be found in Jacoby, vol.3:C:2, pp. 604-639. For a translation, see J. W. McCrindle'sAncient India as Described by Megasthenes and Arrian.39Pp. 608-609 in vol. 3:C:2 of Jacoby, and pp. 34-36 inMcCrindle's translation.50the kingdom to his sons.As for the date of Dionysus' campaign, Megasthenes, or atleast what is left of Megasthenes' work, does not say anything morespecific other than that it happened "in the most ancient times"(evtoicecpxatarectotcxpOvotc). Arrian however, who repeats the legend,"gives the date of 153 kings, or 6042 years, before the time ofChandragupta (323 B.C.), known by the Greeks as "Sandracottus"[LuvWxgao; (Indica 9.9-10)].Diodorus (3.63-65) brings forward the idea that thisDionysus could have actually been a historical figure who haddivine honours bestowed upon him as a result of his achievements.Arrian more or less adopts the same view with the pious precautionof not denying altogether the possibility that this Dionysus mayhave been the god himself (Anabasis 5.1.1-2 and 5.3.4), even thoughEratosthenes in the 3rd century B.C. rejected the whole validity ofthe legend (Arrian, Anabasis 5.3.4). Whether this pre-Alexandercampaign by a Westerner against India happened or not, the legendseems to have been current among the Greek world from at least thetime of Euripides. 41 A closer look at Hecataeus' fragment 294b,however, may change that viewpoint.Stephanus makes a distinction between the "Gandarae" offragment 294a and the "Gandri" of fragment 294b. As he sees it,the Gandarae are of Indian stock whereas the Gandri are of40Anabasis 5.1, 5.2, 5.3.4, 6.3.4, 6.28.1-2, 7.20.1, and Indica1.1.4-7, 1.5.8-10, 1.7.4-9, 1.9.9-10.0 See above, p. 50.51Parthian.^According to him, however, Hecataeus called the"Gandri", "Gandarae".^In order for Stephanus to make thisstatement there must have been a certain detail about the peoplewhich are named "Gandri" by Dionysius 'Periegetes' which wasascribed to the Gandarae by Hecataeus. It is very probable thatthis detail was the battle with Dionysus. Therefore, it would notbe highly unlikely if this battle was first mentioned by Hecataeus,was described as taking place between Dionysus and the Gandarae whowere Indians, and that Stephanus, seeing that this same battle wasdescribed in the Bassarica of Dionysius 'Periegetes' as occurringbetween Dionysus and the Gandri who were Parthians, concluded thatHecataeus called the "Gandri", "Gandarae". Whether these Gandriwere of Indian or Parthian stock cannot be ascertained. 42 The onlything that is certain is that Hecataeus believed that the peoplewho were named centuries later "Gandri" by Dionysius 'Periegetes'were the same as the "Gandarae"; in other words, they were Indians.If, then, Hecataeus did describe this battle, he would have beenboth the first person, as far as one can know, in the Greek worldto talk about it and therefore the most likely source for Euripideswhen he described Dionysus as having arrived from that part of theworld.6. Caspapyros42Due to the similarity, however, of the name "Gandri" to"Gandarae", the former is more likely.52Fragment 295 deals with the city of "Caspapyros" which isdescribed as being in Gandhara and located "on the shore of theScythians" (ZroWliv Si dual]) . As for the location of this city,enough has been said in the previous chapter. 43 Only the much-disputed term "shore of the Scythians" will be looked at here.There seem to be four different translations of this term.The first and most accepted is the one proposed by Markwartin 1905" which interprets the expression as "coast of theScythians". According to Markwart, there were Scythians, namelythe "Saka Haumavarga", living at that time in the area betweenBactria and Gandhara. Caspapyros then, being located "on thecoast" of these people must have been a port situated on the banksof a river. Supporters of this view are Junge, 45 who differs fromMarkwart's belief only insofar as he believes that it was the Saka"Tigrakhauda" rather than the Saka "Haumavarga" who were living inthis area, Litvinskij, 46 and Tucci. 4743See below, pp. 14 ff.44Josef Markwart, Untersuchungen zur Geschichte von Eran(Leipzig: 1905), vol. 2, pp. 140 and 242. This as well as allother references to arguments over the meaning of "shore of theScythians" have been taken from P. DaffiniA's "On Kaspapyros and theSo-Called 'Shore of the Scythians'," Acta Antigua 28 (1980), pp. 1-8.45Julius Junge, Saka-Studien (Leipzig: 1939), p. 32 and n. 2p. 50 and n. 5, and p. 83 and n.3.4 6Boris A. Litvinskij, Festschrift Franz Altheim (Berlin:1968), vol. 1, pp. 118-119.47Giuseppe Tucci, "On Swat. The Dards and Connected Problems,"East and West 27 (1977), pp. 16-17.53Herrmann, 48 refusing to believe that there were Scythiansliving in this part of the world at that time, adopted WilhelmSieglin's emendation of the Greek word for "shore", "akte" (dmnil),to "antie" (avrii) which literally means "across from", renderingthe term "shore of the Scythians" to "across from the Scythians". 49He understood this to mean that Caspapyros was located on the samelongtitude as, literally "on the other side of", the Scythians ofSouthern Russia.Herzfeld50 preferred to retain the original reading of"akte", translating it as "coast-line" and believing this word tomean "latitude" thereby interpreting the phrase as meaning thatCaspapyros lay on the same latitude as the Scythians.Markwart's viewpoint cannot be accepted for the followingreason: there are no traces of any Scythians living in that part ofthe world, neither during the 5th century B.C. nor during Alexanderthe Great's time, whose chroniclers mention no such people in thatarea. Nor is Herrmann's argument a strong one, inasmuch as it isbased on a totally hypothetical and, as will be seen soon,48A. Herrmann, "Kaspapyros," Paulys Realencyclopadie derClassischen Altertumswissenschaft.49Jacoby also accepts this emendation and even proposes thatthe Greek verb "keitai" (xcita0 which literally means "lies" mighthave originally been written after "antie", rendering the phrase"lies across from the Scythians".50Ernst Emil Herzfeld, Archaologische Mitteilungen aus Iran,vol. 4 (Sakastan) (1931-1932), p. 10 and The Persian Empire (Editedfrom the posthumous papers by Gerold Walser.^Wiesbaden: F.Steiner, 1968), p. 338, n. 5.^This theory is also stronglysupported by DaffinA as can be seen from his article, n. 44 above.54unnecessary emendation. Nowhere in Greek literature does the word"antie" mean "longitude", or even "latitude", a fact whichnullifies Herzfeld's theory as well.All of these theories are unacceptable for the followingargument: their authors have attempted to give the word "akte" aspecific meaning, such as "shore", "coast-line", etc., withoutrealizing that the word actually has a general one. All it meansis "edge". It can refer to a coast-line simply because it is the"edge" of a piece of land, just as it can refer to a boundarybecause it is the "edge" of a certain territory. Therefore, thephrase "Skython de akte" (Zinko3v Se duall) should be translated asliterally "edge of the Scythians", no doubt meaning, as can be seenfrom the context, "borderline of the Scythians". In other words,Caspapyros was located at the very boundary between the land ofScythia and that of Gandhara. This does not mean, however, thatthere were Scythians in that part of the world in the 5th centuryB.C. The phrase is unquestionably a gloss inserted there by somelater author, perhaps Stephanus himself. It could be ageographical mistake made by someone whose notion of the Scythiansmay have been one of a people lying so far to the east that anycountry farther than them could only have been India itself, itcould be a reference to the later presence of Scythians/Sakas inthat area in the 1st century B.C., or, as is more likely, it couldrefer to the "Ephthalite" Huns" who are known to have invaded"Also known as the "White" Huns.55Kashmir, Gandhara, and the Kabul valleys before the time thatStephanus was writing (6th century A.D.) and who were often called"Scythians" by Byzantine scholars ever since the 4th century A.D.7. Artichoke PlantFragment 296 deals with a reference to the artichoke plantas growing by the Indus. Inasmuch as, according to Athenaeus(2.70b-c), Scylax is reported to have recorded the same informationas to the location of this plant by this river, one may concludethat Hecataeus' source here was Scylax' own book. Hence a furtherargument for the existence of this book and an indication that oneof Hecataeus' sources, if not the main one, was Scylax himself.8. ArganteFragment 297 makes reference to a certain city of Indiacalled "Argante" (Apycivim).^There are two areas in modernAfghanistan which bear a name similar to this. The first is"Arghandab" which is located c. 25 km north of the city Kandahar.Although its name is very similar to Hecataeus' "Argante", it istoo far west to have been seriously considered a city of India.56The second area is known today as "Arghandeh". 52 It liesc. 35.4 km (22 mi) west of Kabul (68° 55' E, 34° 30' N) and istherefore located much closer to India than the area of Arghandaband could very well have been considered a part of it, sinceGandhara came very close, if not actually encompassed, this region.Its name also resembles much more Hecataeus' "Argante" than thearea of Arghandab. It was located on the main route leading to themajor city of Kabul, and would therefore have been seen by anyonetravelling to ancient Kabul from Persia. Its location amongst theHindu Kush mountains also plays a strong role in favour of itsconnection with Argante, for, according to Ptolemy (6.18.5), therewas a city by the name of "Arguda" ('Apyab8a) situated among the"Paropanisadae" OrlapommadoW which was the term with which theancient Greeks referred to the inhabitants of the Hindu Kush."Since "Arguda" resembles "Argante", it is not inconceivable, then,that "Arguda" is in reality a corruption of "Argante" and thatPtolemy was referring to the same city as Hecataeus.52This area is today so small that only a highly detailed mapis likely to show it. The one used here is No. 38.B which waspublished in 1913 by the British Military Intelligence Section ofthe Department of National Defence under the direction of ColonelT. F. B. Renny-Tailyour, Officiating Surveyor General of India.53It was also spelled as "Paropamisadae" (11aparcapaec8a1) and"Parapamisadae" (IlapanagtaaSat). The mountains in which they lived,the Hindu Kush, were known to the Greeks variously as "Paropanisus"( Hapamilna oc ) , "Paropamisus" (Ilaponägtaoc) , and "Parapamisus"(liapartiquaog). The other name by which the ancient Greeks referredto these mountains was "Caucasus" (Kaimaaoc). The differencebetween the two terms, as pointed out by Wilson, Ariana Antigua,pp. 180-181, seems to have been that whereas "Paropanisus" was usedfor the whole range, "Caucasus" referred to the highest peak.579. CalatiaeFragment 298 deals with an Indian people called the"Calatiae" (KaXatiat). They are, no doubt, the same race as the"Callatiae" (Koa,A,atiat) of Herodotus 3.38 and, with a slightlydifferent spelling, the "Callantiae" (KmaXavaa0 of Herodotus 3.97,both of whom are labelled as "Indians". The description byHerodotus in 3.97 of the Callantiae as having semen "black likethat of the Ethiopians" 54 could very well have been the result ofa misunderstanding of the meaning of their name, for, as A. D.Godley properly points out, 55 "Kala" is Sanskrit for "black".Their anthropophagic customs as described by Herodotus in3.38 have much in common with another Indian race called the"Padaei" (11a8aiot), also spoken of by Herodotus (3.99). 56 To bothis attributed the practice of killing the old members of theirtribe and eating them. The only differences between the two isthat, according to Herodotus' descriptions, the Calatiae are only54Cf. 3.101.55Trans. of Herodotus' Histories (Loeb Classical Library)[Cambridge (Mass.): Harvard University Press, 1960-1963], vol. 2,p. 51, n. 1. Cf. "Calanos" which is the name of the Indian sagewho accompanied Alexander the Great on his campaign.56In fact, these customs are attributed by Herodotus to variousnon-Indian tribes as well, such as the Massagetae and Issedones(1.216 and 4.26 respectively) who dwelled just east of the CaspianSea, and by Strabo to the Irish (4.5.4). Kartunnen however, p.199, says that this specific custom of eating old and sickrelatives "seems to be unattested in Indian literature".58described as eating their parents when they have reached old agewhile the Padaei are described as killing and eating their closestfriends not only when they are old but when they are sick aswell. 57The location of the Calatiae is difficult to determine.Herodotus relates how all the Indians who have black seed like theEthiopians dwell "a far distance from the Persians, towards thedirection of the south wind, and were never subjects of KingDarius" (3.101). If this description includes the Calatiae, thentheir likely position would have been somewhere towards theinterior of the Indian subcontinent. If they were neighbors of thePadaei, since they shared customs, then their likely location wouldvery well have been the interior since the Padaei are described byHerodotus as dwelling east of the fish-eating Indian tribe whichdwelled by the river marshes of the Indus, very likely the IndusDelta itself (3.98-99). 58 Megasthenes, however, mentions a people,who eat the bodies of their dead relatives, as living in theCaucasus (Hindu Kush), 59 and Ptolemy mentions a "land of thePandoui" (f HaySocrixov xdva)88 as being situated around the river57It is, however, possible that this appearance of differencesbetween the two could be due to the insufficient amount ofinformation which Herodotus gives and that the two had in realitythe same customs.58See Kartunnen, pp. 198-199, for a different interpretationof Herodotus' placement of the Padaei.59Jacoby, vol. 3:C:2, p. 631, fr. 27b/Strabo"Bidaspes", which is, no doubt, the same as the Hydaspes, theancient Greek name for the Jhelum, the famous Indus tributary.As can be seen by these various arguments, the location ofthese Calatiae could have been as far south as the area east of theIndus, or as far north as the Hindu Kush or the Western Punjab.The only thing which can be said for certain, if Herodotus is to betrusted here, is that they were an Indian people who practised aform of cannibalism which seemed completely abhorrent to any Greekbut perfectly acceptable and even pious to themselves. 6110. OpiaeFragment 299 deals with an Indian race called the "Opiae".A part of them62 are depicted as living by the Indus, as having aroyal fortress, and as being located west of a desert. The royalfortress is, no doubt, a Persian one like the kind which were usedat or near borders and very similar to the Persian one which isdescribed by Herodotus (7.59) as being situated in Thrace and whichis called by Herodotus a "teichos basileion" eteixoci3ocaainov), thevery same name which Hecataeus gives to the one in the land of theOpiae.The great desert which lay beyond this area, "all the way toM See Herodotus 3.38.62The reason why it is believed that only a section of themlived by the Indus will be described below, pp. 61 ff.60the Indians", could only have been the same desert which isreported by Herodotus as being located east of the Indians (3.98),with the only difference here being Hecataeus' belief that therewere still other Indians living on the other side of it as opposedto Herodotus' which was that there was nothing beyond it. The onlydesert which is most likely to have been met by anyone travellingto India would have been the "Great Indian Desert" which is locatedjust east of the Indus. This would greatly fit Hecataeus' reportof Indian races living on either side of it. From Hecataeus'description it would seem that this particular group of Opiae werelocated somewhere in the area which encompassed the Indus, whichlay west of the Great Indian Desert, and which was situated withinthe boundaries of the Persian Empire, in other words somewherearound the northern section of the Indus. 63One need not, however, be restricted to Hecataeus' passagefor locating the Opian people for Stephanus makes reference totheir territory when he describes a city of Alexandria as beingsituated "in the Opian land, towards India" (tvtij Thrtavij Komi Thy1v6ticilv) . 64 Since this Alexandria could only have been the sameAlexandria which is mentioned by Pliny (6.21.62) and Arrian(Anabasis 3.28.4, and 4.22.3) as being located somewhere in the63This does, however, cause some confusion due to the fact thatGandhara was known to have existed in this area. It would seem,therefore, that if the Opiae lived in Gandhara, then they eithermade up part of the Gandharan race or simply lived in theirterritory.64See heading "Alexandria". This is, in fact, the only otherreference to these people in ancient or Byzantine literature.61Caucasus/Paropanisus mountains (Hindu Kush), it would seem that theOpiae lived as far west as this area. To know, therefore, just howmuch they had penetrated into these mountains, one would have tofind out just where this Alexandria was.According to Arrian (Anabasis 3.28.4), Alexander, on his wayto Bactria, founded a city of Alexandria at the Hindu Kush. Thewhereabouts of this city is difficult to determine from Arrian'sinformation for in this passage he insinuates that it was foundedjust before Alexander crossed the Hindu Kush 65 while in anotherpassage (Anabasis 4.22.3-4) he says that Alexander, upon his returnfrom Bactria, revisited this city which was located "amongst theParapamisadae". If one takes into consideration the fact thatAlexander, according to Diodorus (17.83.1-2), took sixteen days totravel from the south side of the Hindu Kush to the north side, butthat, according to Arrian (Anabasis 4.22.3), it took him ten daysto reach Alexandria from the northern side, it would be safe toconclude that the city of Alexandria was located somewhere in anarea which was six days' march from the south side of the mountainsand ten days' march from the northern one. In other words,Alexandria was situated somewhere just of bit south of the middle65This would be supported by Curtius' remark that Alexandriawas founded "at the foot of the mountain" [in radicibus montis(7.3.21)]. Pliny's description of Alexandria as being located atthe foot of the Caucasus (6.21.62) would also seem to support thisunless one were to accept Wilson's view that "Caucasus" onlyreferred to the highest peak of the Hindu Kush rather than thewhole range itself (n. 53 above).62of the Hindu Kush range. 66Pliny gives even more specific information on the locationof Alexandria for he says (6.21.61) that this city of Alexandriawas situated 50 Roman miles from the city of "Ortospana"('OprOanava). Since one Roman mile is equal to 5,000 Roman feet,which in turn is equal to 4,854 English feet, then 50 Roman mileswould be equivalent to 242,700 English feet, or 70.77 kilometers.If, therefore, Ortospana can be located, then Alexandria ought tobe about 70 km from it, thus giving an idea of the extent of theterritory which the Opiae inhabited. According to Strabo (11.8.9and 15.2.8), Ortospana67 is a city which lay in the Paropamisadaeat a place where three roads from Bactria met. 68 Ortospana isgenerally identified with the modern city of Kabul due to this lastdescription. As Lassen points out69 , there are three roads which66The only thing which might pose a problem to this is Strabo'scomment (15.1.26) that Alexander took a shorter route on his wayback from Bactria. In reality however, no matter how short theroute might have been, it could not have taken Alexander only tendays to cover a distance which otherwise would have taken sixteen.67It should be noted here that the name "Ortospana" isCasaubon's and later editors' emendation from "Orospana"(0p6anava), no doubt based on the form of this name as it appearsin Strabo 11.8.9, Ptolemy 6.18.5, and Pliny, Natural History6.21.61.68It should be pointed out here that Strabo's text actuallysays "Bactra" (Bartpa) referring to the city which was located inthe region of "Bactria" (Barrpta). Strabo's report, then, of therebeing three separate roads starting from one city and ending inanother would seem absurd unless one were to emend the genitiveplural form of the word "Bactron" (136r4ww) here to "Bactrion"(Bartpiow), thus taking Strabo's description as saying that the threeroads came in reality from Bactria rather than from Bactra.69lndische Altertumskunde, vol. 1:1, p. 36, n. 1.63meet at Kabul and which indeed come from Bactria: the one going bythe city of Bamian, the one which passes over the Hindu Kush, andthe one which goes from Anderab to Khawar. 70 Indeed, as Vauxshows, 71 when Ptolemy says (6.18.5) that Ortospana is another namefor "Kaboura" (Ka4mpa), 72 this city of Kaboura should be taken asnothing more than a corruption of "Kabul". That this city couldhave been known as "Kabul" by the ancient Greeks is not at allimprobable especially since, as Lassen makes note of, 73 there isa people mentioned by Ptolemy (6.18.3) who lived in theParopanisadae and who were known as "Kabolitai" (KaroXicat) . 74Since, then, Ortospana was most likely the city of Kabul,Alexandria would have been located within a 70 km radius from it,a placement which would correspond very well with its locationalready in an area just a bit south of the middle of the HinduKush. It is, as a result, very interesting to note that just 60 kmnorth of Kabul and c. 3.2 km (2 mi) west of the city of CharikarMAs can be seen from Lassen's viewpoint, Strabo's "Bactra"should be taken as "Bactria".71 "Ortospana," Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography.72As Vaux indicates, the word "Kaboura" appears only in someof the manuscripts. Others write "Karoura" but this should notcause any problems for the miscopying of a greek "b" (B) into agreek "r" (P) is not at all inconceivable.73Vol. 1:1, section 29.AAs Vaux points out, "Kabolitai" is found only in the earlieredition of Ptolemy, for in the later one by C. F. A. Nobbe (1893)"Kabolitai" is changed to "Bolitai" (1810Sun).64(35° 2' N, 69° 8' E) there is an area today called "Opian". 75 Itwould even be very possible that the ancient city of Alexandria waslocated just at this point for Masson76 describes seeing ruins oftwo capital cities in the area just surrounding Charikar. Whetherit existed at that particular location or not, one thing iscertain: the territory of the Opians extended at least this farwest into the Hindu Kush mountains.11. ConclusionWhat has been found in the end about Hecataeus' knowledge ofIndia from these seven fragments is that he was aware of the areaof Gandhara which extended from the Kabul valley on the west allthe way to modern Kashmir on the east, of the city of Caspapyroswhich was situated in Kashmir, of the city of Argante which waslocated just west of Kabul, on the road which one would normallyhave taken in ancient times to reach this city, of the Calatiae whopractised anthropophagic customs, and of the Opiae who lived by theIndus, either forming part of the Gandharan people or simplydwelling in their country and who, no doubt, lived as far west as75See map 38.E of the British Military Intelligence Section ofthe Department of National Defence which was published in 1915under the direction of Colonel Sir S. G. Burrard, Surveyor Generalof India.76Charles Masson, "Second Memoir on the Ancient Coins Found atBeghram, in the Kohistan of Kabul," Journal of the Asiatic Society(of Bengal/of Calcutta) 5 (Jan. 1836), p. 5.65the area of Kabul. In other words, the Indian territory which wascovered by Hecataeus started from at least an area just west ofKabul and continued all the way to modern Kashmir. He could havevisited it himself, have gained all this knowledge from travellingmerchants, or have used Scylax' writings for information on it, andeven perhaps as a guide-book to help him around if indeed he didtravel there. This last possibility would after all be the mostlogical thing to do if one wanted to visit this part of the worldand there was at one's disposal a book written in one's ownlanguage and dialect on this area as it appeared to a fellowcountryman who had already visited it not long before. It isdifficult to say whether he used anyone else as a source for hementions no one. Nonetheless, it should not be inconceivable thata man from Ionia, having heard of the exploits of a fellow Ionianin this area, felt the need to gain the fame which Scylax hadgained, a reward which Hecataeus indeed received if not for hisactual travels, at least for the information which he has left uson the ancient Greeks' knowledge of this remote land at thatparticular point in time.III. HERODOTUS OF HALICARNASSUS1. His LifeHerodotus, according to Dionysius of Halicarnassus (OnThucydides 5), was born just before the commencement of the PersianWars and lived right up to the time of the Peloponnesian War.Aulus Gellius (Attic Nights 15.23) is more specific and gives thedate of 484 B.C. for Herodotus' birth, a date which would seem tocontradict Dionysius' statement of Herodotus being born just beforethe Persian Wars (490 B.C.) unless, as Pritchett points out, 1 oneeither emends Dionysius' phrase "a little before the Persian Wars"(aiyoprpOrcepovtallepatica) to "a little after the Persian Wars" (WITikrzepov tia IlEpauca) or takes the words "Persian War" to refer toXerxes' expedition of 480 B.C. rather than Darius I's of 490 B.C.He is believed to have died in the Athenian colony of Thurii(00'0100 2 sometime before 420 B.C. but is definitely known to havelived until 430 B.C. for he makes reference to certain events from1W. Kendrick Pritchett, Dionysius of Halicarnassus: OnThucydides (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1975), p. 56,n. 33.662According to the Suda, Herodotus might have died in Pella,Macedonia. See heading "Herodotus" (I-1065crco6).67that period such as the execution of Aristeus of Corinth (7.137). 32. His TravelsAs for his travels outside of Halicarnassus, besides Samos(3.60) where he lived for a period of his life, he is known to havevisited Egypt, Gaza (3.5), and Tyre (2.44) in the south, theEuphrates (1.185) and Babylon (1.178-183) in the east, Scythia(4.16, 4.81), the Bosporus (4.87), and Thasos (6.47) in the north,and Athens (5.77), 4 Sicily, and southern Italy (4.15, 4.99) in thewest. It must have been during his travels in the east thatHerodotus obtained information on India. Although usage ofHecataeus' work on the same subject should not be excluded, it isknown that Herodotus, during his travels in the Persian Empire,3This is, in fact, the only concrete piece of evidence fordating Herodotus' publication of the Histories as late as 430 B.C.It is generally believed, however, by scholars who compare otherpassages of Herodotus with contemporary events that Herodotus mayhave published as late as 425 B.C., and perhaps even later. Thevarious arguments are given by David Sansone, "The Date ofHerodotus' Publication," Illinois Classical Studies 10.1 (1985),pp. 1-9, who believes that the first four books and the beginningof the fifth were written and published before the mid-420s B.C.and that the rest of the Histories became published around the endof the Archidamian War (421 B.C.), J. A. S. Evans, "Herodotus'Publication Date," Athenaeum 57 (1979), pp. 145-149, who arguesthat Herodotus published at least as late as 424 B.C. but not muchlater, and Charles W. Fornara, "Evidence for the date of Herodotus'Publication," Journal of Hellenic Studies 91 (1971), pp. 25-34, aswell as "Herodotus' Knowledge of the Archidamian War," Hermes 109(1981), pp. 149-156, who argues for the even later date of 414 B.C.4For Herodotus' travel to Athens, see J. A. S. Evans'Herodotus (Boston: Twayne Publishers, 1982), pp. 12-15.68acquired information either from merchants or Persian officials onthis part of the world for his account is quite detailed and hedoes not hesitate to expressly state his Persian sources when theywere being used. 5 His description of India includes informationon many aspects of this region, ranging from its topography andclimate and extending to its wildlife and inhabitants, 6 and is thusthe most detailed Greek account of this part of the world which wehave from the 5th century B.C.3. Herodotus' Location of India and Indian DesertHerodotus correctly describes India as lying farthest to theeast of all the other nations known by either him or anyone else(3.98, 3.106, 4.40). His belief that there was a desert to theeast of all the Indians (3.98, 4.40, and perhaps 3.102 7) is alsopartly correct, because, first of all, the only Indians about whomHerodotus could have had the most information would have been those5See 3.105 where the Persians are twice mentioned as a source.6A11 the references made by Herodotus to the country of Indiaand all its aspects are: 1.192, 3.38, 3.94, 3.97-102, 3.104-106,4.40, 4.44, 5.3, 7.65, 7.68, 7.85-86, 7.187, 8.113, and 9.31.7The desert mentioned by Herodotus in 3.102 may or may nothave been the same desert which lies, according to Herodotus, tothe east of India. If it is, then it would seem from this passagethat it extended, in Herodotus' mind, to northern India. If on theother hand it is not the same desert, then it would seem odd thatHerodotus does not expressly say that there was more than onedesert in this country. Perhaps he was not sure himself.69living by the Indus, who were within the Persian Empire, 8 andsecond, there is indeed a desert to the east of the Indus, theGreat Indian Desert. Herodotus was wrong, however, in assumingthat there was nothing beyond it.4. India as a Persian Satrapy and its TributeAccording to Herodotus, India occupied the twentieth placein the list of satrapies (3.98). 9 Its tribute, however, wasenormous: 360 talents of gold dust (3.94), a sum which, as hepoints out, was greater than that paid by any other satrapy. Wherethe Indians obtained all this gold is, however, a problem.According to Herodotus, it was either mined (3.106), collected from8It should be noted, however, that Herodotus was at leastpartly aware of the India which rested outside the Persian boundaryfor he mentions a certain Indian race which lived far to the southbut which was never subject to King Darius (3.101) as well asanother nation which dwelled east of the Indus (3.99).9It should be pointed out here that Herodotus' satrapy listdiffers from the lists of people under Persian rule which are to befound on Persian monuments. This has been taken by 0. KimballArmayor, "Herodotus' Catalogues of the Persian Empire in the Lightof the Monuments and the Greek Literary Tradition," Transactions of the American Philological Association 108 (1978), pp. 1-9, as anindication of inaccuracy on Herodotus' part over the satrapy list.He argues that the Persian list is the correct version and thatHerodotus' is only the Greek idea of the number and types ofPersian satrapies. The counter-argument has been brought forwardby George G. Cameron, "The Persian Satrapies and Related Matters,"Journal of Near Eastern Studies 32 (1973), pp. 47-56, who believesthat the Persian list is only a depiction of various peoples underPersian rule who were worth mentioning, and that Herodotus' listis, in fact, an accurate account of the Persian satrapies whichexisted at that time.70the river (3.106), 10 or taken from "gold-digging ants" (3.102,3.104-105). 11 As far as mining is concerned, it is not clear justhow much the Indians knew about it. Tarn believes that the Indiansknew practically nothing about this technique, and is of theopinion that the gold which the Indians paid to the Persians in theform of gold-dust actually came from the gold mines of Siberia. 12That the Indians obtained gold-dust from a river is not at allinconceivable, since, according to Cunningham," the sands of theupper Indus, even to this day, when washed, produce gold. 14Megasthenes' statement (Strabo 15.1.57) that rivers in India carrygold-dust should also not be overlooked.As for the amount of gold paid by India, according toLassen, 15 How & Wells, 16 and Tarn, 17 it is highly exaggerated."Herodotus is not specific as to which river is meant, whetherit was the Indus itself or one of its tributaries. See below,however, for Cunningham's observation.11For these gold-digging ants, see below, pp. 90 ff.12W. W. Tarn, The Greeks in Bactria and India (Cambridge:University Press, 1938; reprint, Cambridge: University Press,1966), p. 108."Alexander Cunningham, Laddk (London: W. H. Allen and Co.,1854; reprint, New Delhi: Sagar Publications, 1970), pp. 232-233.14Contrary to Tarn's belief, based on Pliny 33.21.66, (TheGreeks in Bactria and India, p. 108), that only the upper Gangesand its tributaries yielded gold.15Christian Lassen, Indische Altertumskunde, vol. 1:1, section238.W. W. How and J. Wells, A Commentary on Herodotus (Oxford:The Clarendon Press, 1912; reprint, Oxford: The Clarendon Press,1928), vol. 1, p. 290."The Greeks in Bactria and India, p. 108.71How & Wells, who adopt Lassen's view, believe that Herodotus, uponlearning about the abundance of minerals in north-western India andthe manner in which Indians dressed, simply concluded that Indiawas a country rich in gold. Tarn believes that India had no goldother than the washings of the Ganges. 18 If India did pay gold tothe Persian king, argues Tarn, 19 it was in the form of gold-dustwhich had been imported first from Siberia. Herodotus' statement,however, of the amount of gold paid by the Indians should not betaken as incorrect. It seems that India had a good deal of gold,but then, due to the enormous tribute it paid, its supply quicklydwindled, thus leaving it a country with no gold as the Greeks ofAlexander the Great's army realized upon arrival there (Arrian,Anabasis 5.4.4) .205. Indian CottonOne thing which it did produce, however, as recorded byHerodotus, and for which it was famous was cotton (3.106, 7.65).The cotton itself was described by this author as "a fruit which18The Greeks in Bactria and India, p. 108.19The Greeks in Bactria and India, p. 108.nPli-- 'ny s statement, however, that the Indian Dardae were "mostrich in gold" [fertilissimi...auri Dardae (6.22.67)] should not betaken seriously for it is, no doubt, based on Megasthenes' tale ofthe "Derdae" [AgpSat (Strabo 15.1.44)] and the gold-digging ants.Cf. also Pliny's account in 11.36.111. For the gold-digging ants,see below, pp. 90 ff.72bears wool" (capicOvetpta.../rp*povca) and as for the cotton clotheswhich were worn by the Indian soldiers in the Persian army, theywere known by Herodotus as "garments made out of trees" (Eigata...thre41A4m/mmotriggva). 21 This cotton, in fact, was labelled by Herodotusas being "more beautiful and more excellent than the wool of sheep"(3.106). It could even have been Indian cotton shrubs which werementioned by Theophrastus (Research on Plants 4.7.7) as growing onan island in the Persian Gulf. In fact, it is possible that thelined breastplate of the 6th century B.C. Pharaoh of Egypt, Amasis,which is mentioned by Herodotus (3.47) as being decorated with goldand "wool from trees" (cipiotcrteutO4aou) used cotton which had eitherbeen grown on these shrubs from the Persian Gulf or had beenimported directly from India.6. Indian ClimateAs for the climate of India, a typical day is described byHerodotus as being hottest in the morning rather than at midday asis the norm in other countries (3.104). The heat at that time wassupposed to exceed by far that of Greece at noon. In fact, it wasreported by Herodotus as getting so hot there that the people hadto soak themselves with water just to endure it. This intense heat21As How & Wells point out, however, (vol. 1, p. 290), althoughthis is the first time that cotton is mentioned by a Westerner,Herodotus' belief that it grows on trees is wrong for, in reality,it grows on a shrub.73was said by Herodotus to last "until the break-up time of themarket-place" (1gxptoiidryopt8taXiiatoc) 22 and then to continue dyingdown as the day proceeded, making the temperature during afternoonequal that of the morning sun elsewhere. By the time sunset wouldcome, it was supposed to be exceedingly cold.According to How & Wells, 23 Herodotus' report is based onhis belief that since India is located at the extreme east, itwould only be logical if the morning were unbearably hot due to thesun's proximity and that the evening were exceedingly cold due toits distance. Cary, however, who bases his view on the personalobservation of a modern traveller, 24 argues that Herodotus'description of the Indian day surprisingly fits the course that aday takes in the Niti valley which is located in the centralHimalayas. There, morning is by far the hottest part of the daydue to the fact that a very hot wind blows through the valley,which dies down only in the afternoon. Cary argues that such aclimatic condition is indeed possible, since Marco Polo himselfrecords in his Travels (ch. 19) seeing a similar situation at Ormuz(Persian Gulf). There, during the summer, a wind would blow in themorning from 9:00 to noon, which would be so hot that the peoplewould have to immerse themselves up to the chin in water just to22Around 10 A.M., according to How & Wells, vol. 1, p. 290.23Vol. 1, p. 290.24M . Cary, "Herodotus 111.104," The Classical Review 33 (1919),pp. 148-149. The modern travellers' report can be found inRawlinson's Herodotus, vol. 2, p. 493, n. 9.74keep themselves from suffocating.That such a climatic condition as Herodotus describes ispossible can be seen, therefore, from both the report of a moderntraveller of the Niti valley and Marco Polo's account of Ormuz. Itwould, however, be difficult to say that Herodotus actually had thevalley of Niti specifically in mind when he was describing theIndian day for it would have to be assumed that he had knowledge ofthe Himalayan Mountains. The chances also of Herodotus havingsimply heard of an account given by a merchant from this valley andof him then attributing it to all of India would seem rather slimfor it would be by far more likely for him to have heard about theclimatic conditions of Gandhara and the Indus valley than that ofa remote valley in a mountain range which lay so far away from thePersian boundary. It would seem, therefore, that How & Wells'argument is by far more likely and that Herodotus simply viewed theearth as a flat disk with India lying very near its eastern edgeand hence very close to the rising sun.7. Indian CreaturesAs for the creatures of India, both four-footed and flying,they are described as being much bigger than the animals of othercountries (3.106). The only exception which is given by Herodotusis the horse which was described by him as being smaller than the75Median horse called "Nesaean". 25 It would seem that Herodotus'statement might have been based simply on the view that any countryas rich as India was likely to excel even in the size of itsanimals. In fact, as How & Wells point out, 26 as far as the Indianelephant and lion are concerned, they are surpassed in size bytheir African counterparts. As for the horses, the only detailwhich is known about them is that they were ridden by the Indiansin Xerxes' army and even used, along with wild asses, to draw theirchariots (7.86). The wild asses themselves, according to How &Wells, 27 are represented on bas-reliefs from Assyria andPersepolis, and are, in fact, to be found in north-western India.Indian dogs are also mentioned by Herodotus (1.192, 7.187) asforming part of the many possessions of the governor of Babylon(1.192) and being taken along by Xerxes on his march to Greece(7.187). The fierceness, however, for which they became veryfamous in later times, is not mentioned at all by Herodotus. 2825For these horses, see Herodotus 7.40.26Vo1. 1, p. 290.27Vo1. 2, p. 159.28For a full account of these dogs, see Ctesias 45b.5.13-14,Aristotle, Generation of Animals 746 a 34, History of Animals 607a 4ff, Parts of Animals 1.3.643 b, and Physical Problems 10.45/895b, Megasthenes in Strabo 15.1.37, Diodorus 17.92.1-3, Grattius,Cynegetica 159, Strabo 15.1.32, Curtius 9.1.31-33, Pliny 8.61.148,and Claudius Aelian, On the Characteristics of Animals 4.19, 8.1.Cf. Alexander's encounter with the dogs of ancient Albania, justwest of the Caspian Sea, in Pliny 8.61.149-150.768. Indian PeopleAs for the inhabitants of India, they are described withmuch detail by Herodotus. They are called first of all the mostnumerous of all nations known (3.94, 5.3), a statement which hasbeen taken by C. F. Smith 29 and How & Wells30 as contradicted byThucydides' about the size of the Scythian nation (Histories 2.97.5). It should be noted, however, that whereas Herodotus saysthat the Indians are the most numerous of nations known, Thucydidessays that the Scythians are the most numerous nation "in respect totheir army". Herodotus was referring to the population as a wholewhile Thucydides was talking only about its military force. Inother words, no contradiction need to be seen here. It may also bean indication that the Indians, though a large nation, contributedonly a small part of their population for military purposes.Herodotus' statement in 3.98 of the Indians being composedof many nations and possessing many languages is remarkablyaccurate. The Indians of Herodotus' time, as the Indians of today,were composed of two distinct races: the Indo-Aryans who enteredthis region around 1500 B.C. and the Asiatic Dravidians who alreadyinhabited this area before their arrival. The Indo-Aryans tookover northern India leaving the southern subcontinent to the muchdarker-skinned Dravidians. The two peoples have continued to live29Charles Forster Smith, translator of Thucydides' Histories(Loeb Classical Library) [Cambridge (Mass.): Harvard UniversityPress, 1962], vol. 1, p. 447, n. 4.mVol. 1, p. 287.77in these areas and to speak their own distinct languages right upto the present time. 319. River-DwellersIn this same passage (3.98) Herodotus mentions a race ofIndians who lived in the marshes of a certain river. They aredescribed as eating raw fish which they catch from boats made ofreed and as dressing themselves in clothes made from rushes whichthey cut from the river and entwine together so as to be able towear them like a breastplate. The river mentioned is, no doubt,the Indus, and the marshes described would make the Indus Delta themost likely location of these people. The reed (xdaagoc) from whichtheir boats were made was apparently so long that, according toHerodotus, the length of just a section of it between joints waslong enough to span a boat. In other words, each boat must havebeen made of sections of this reed laid side by side with eachother and then tied together. Ctesias (45b.6.24-26) speaks of thissame reed (cecA,agoc) as being so long that two men had to stretchtheir arms out to span it. In fact, it was, according to Ctesias,as tall as the mast of a ship. The reed spoken of here cannot, as31 See below, pp. 85 ff. where an account is given by Herodotusof an Indian tribe (3.100-101) which is depicted as possessing bothIndo-Aryan and Dravidian characteristics but whose description musthave been the result of a confusion on Herodotus' part of an Indo-Aryan tribe with a Dravidian one.78Lassen rightly points out, 32 have been the bamboo for it is notlong enough. He believes that it was a similar reed called the"Kana" which grows as tall as 50 ft (c. 15 m).The rush (0.66) which they wear is believed by How &Wells33 to be of the species known as "Arundo Ampelodesmon". Thatthey ate raw fish could either have been an interpolation made byHerodotus to indicate their primitiveness through lack of knowledgeof the use of fire, or , as is more likely, it could be an accurateaccount of a primitive people who still lived by the Indus,unmolested by their neighbors. This is the belief held by Lassen 34and How & Wells 35 who look upon Herodotus' account of these peopleas an indication that there were still "primitive Dravidianraces" 36 which lived by this river and which should be taken asproof that there were still non-Indo-Aryan Dravidians living innorth-western India at this time. Postans37 describes a tribecalled the "Mianis" who lived by the Indus in his day, who are verydark-skinned, and who use the reeds of the river to make mats andbaskets. If they are direct descendants of this ancient tribe,their dark skin may be taken as an indication of their Dravidian321701. 2:1, section 633.mVol. 1, p. 288.341701. 1:1, sections 388 ff.35Vol. 1, p. 286.36How & Wells, vol. 1, p. 286.37T. Postans, Personal Observations on Sindh (London: Longman,Brown, Green and Longmans, 1843), p. 60.79ancestry. Nothing, however, can be said for sure until anexamination of their language has taken place first. As for thesource of information on this tribe, Herodotus must have usedeither the Persians, since this Indian tribe obviously lived withinthe Persian boundary, or Hecataeus. The latter is more likely,however, inasmuch as Hecataeus is known to have used Scylax' bookwhich described the Indus valley. 38 That Herodotus used Scylax'book directly is, however, uncertain since in his account of thisvoyager (4.44) he mentions no such work.10. Padaei and Land of PandaeaChapter 3.99 deals with a race called the "Padaei" who livedeast of the Indians of the Indus Delta. Their name, according toHow & Wells, 39 may have been derived from the Sanskrit "padja"which means "bad", perhaps a reference to their cannibalisticcustoms, or, in view of the similarity of their name to thePandaeans who are mentioned by later authors," it may have beenderived from the Sanskrit "pandu" which means "white" ,41 perhapsan indication that these people were Indo-Aryan in origin and38For Hecataeus using Scylax' book, see Chapter 2 below, ID• 56.For Scylax' book, see Chapter 1 below, pp. 28 ff.39Vol. 1, p. 288.0For these authors, see below, pp. 81 ff.41 As pointed out by Kartunnen, India in Early Greek Literature,p. 203.80therefore labelled as "white" by their much darker Dravidianneighbors. Their similarity in anthropophagous customs to theIndian Callatiae of Herodotus 3.38 and 3.97 as well as a completedescription of this latter race has already been covered in theprevious chapter. 42Their location is generally believed to have been east ofthe Indus Delta due to their placement by Herodotus east of theIndians of 3.98 who are believed to have inhabited the rivermarshes of the Indus Delta. 43 In a section of Megasthenes' Indica mention is made of a land called Pandaea (ilav8aia) which should betaken as the equivalent of the land of the Padaei, the latterbeing, no doubt, a Greek corruption of the former as will be seenlater. This land of Pandaea was named after the daughter ofHeracles, Pandaea (11av8ocia) who was given this land by her fatherto rule." Megasthenes also went on to say that the women of thisland bore children at the age of six. 4542See above, pp. 58 ff.43The exact wording of Herodotus' phrase is: "Other Indians wholive to the east of these [Indus Delta-dwellers] are nomads andeaters of raw flesh and are called Padaei..." ('A7akt8iTeiwivMvapecaNiorm; vykow voge6N doi xpEo3v Nkomi Cogebv, iccaiovtat SE 11a8aiot,...)Kartunnen, p. 199, n. 33, proposes the following translation:"other of those Indians living in the east", thus suggesting thatthe Padaei might not have necessarily lived east of the IndusDelta. The wording of the original Greek, however, makesKartunnen's suggestion very weak.44See Jacoby, vol. 3:C:2, pp. 617-618, fragment 13a, orArrian's Indica 8.45See Jacoby, vol. 3:C:2, p. 618, fragment 13c, or Phlegon,Concerning Wondrous Things 33.81Tibullus (1st century B.C.) is the next author to makemention of the Padaei (4.1.144-145/Panegyric of Messala 144-145).All he says, however, is that the Padaean is "a neighbor ofPhoebus" (vicinus Phoebo), meaning that he lives at the easternedge of the world, for Phoebus Apollo was the god of the sun. ThePadaean is also described by him as having "unholy banquets" (impiaconvivia) on "savage tables" (saevis mensis), a description which,no doubt, had Herodotus as its source.Pliny also talks about the land of Pandaea. He probablyused Megasthenes as his source, however, (6.23.76) since he saysbasically the same thing as Megasthenes: that Heracles gave thisland to his daughter to rule. He goes on to say, moreover, thatthis land was ruled by women who traced their descent back toHeracles' daughter.Ptolemy, as mentioned in the previous chapter, 46 talks abouta "land of the Pandoui" [hrlotv800ixovviva (7.1.46)]. It sounds verysimilar to Megasthenes' "Pandaea" but is unfortunately placed byhim in north-western India, by the "Bidaspes" (Hydaspes) river. Ifthis land is to be equated with Pandaea, then the only thing thatcan be concluded from Ptolemy's description is that there werePadaeans living at that time as far north as this area as well.Polyaenus (2nd century A.D.) gives more detailedinformation, which he may or may not have borrowed fromMegasthenes, on the location of Pandaea in his Stratagems (1.3.4)."See p. 59.82Apart from the account which Megasthenes writes as to the giving ofthis land by Heracles to his daughter to rule, Polyaenus goes on toexplain how this land "extended towards the south and continued allthe way to the sea" (impel gurrigNiav nceipcovaav 4 Watzacmw), adescription which may be taken as coinciding very well with theirplacement by Herodotus east of the Indus Delta, taking into accountof course Herodotus' ignorance as to the southward extension of theIndian subcontinent.Solinus (c. 200 A.D.) also mentioned the land of Pandaea (ACollection of Memorable Things 52. 6-17). All he says, however, isthat this land had as its first leader the daughter of Heracles andthat it has been ruled by women ever since, a detail very similarto Pliny's description (6.23.76) and which, therefore, was verylikely originally taken from Megasthenes.As for modern theories, the Padaei have been identified withthe Gonds who lived south-east of the Indus Delta by Lassen, 47 withthe Vratyas and later the Bhils who lived south-east of the IndusDelta by Charpentier, 48 with the Pandavas of the Indian epic theMahabharata by Vaux, 49 and with the Pandyas of southernmost India47lndische Altertumskunde, vol. 2, section 635.Jarl Charpentier, "Uber Rudra-Siva," Wiener Zeitschrift furdie Kunde des Morgenlandes 23 (1909), p. 158, and "Politiska ochkulturella fOrbindelser mellan Grekland och Indien fOre Alexanderden Store," Nordisk Tidskrift (1918), p. 478 respectively.49W. S. W. Vaux, "Pandae," Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography, vol. 2.83by Puskds." Although it is possible for the Gonds, the Vratyas,and the Bhils to be associated with the Padaei of Herodotus due totheir location," the lack of any similarity between their name andthat of the Padaei makes a connection highly questionable. Theonly tribes which can conceivably be identified with the Padaei ofHerodotus are the Pandavas and the Pandyas. It has been shown,however, by Parpola, 52 through literary and archaeologicalevidence, that the Pandavas inhabited northern India from the 8thto the 5th century B.C. first before proceeding to the south.The location, however, of the Pandyas in southern India atthis time would coincide with both Polyaenus' description ofPandaea lying towards the south and continuing all the way to thesea (Stratagems 1.3.4) and Herodotus' account of them living to theeast of the Indus Delta (3.99), taking into consideration, as hasalready been stated, a lack of knowledge on his part of theextension of the Indian subcontinent into the south. The fact,however, that the Pandyas did not practise cannibalism makes theconnection between them and the Padaei not as strong as one wouldwant it to be. The only thing that can be said for certain is thatsoIldiko Puskas, "Mahabharata-Motifs in Classical Greek andRoman Sources," Fourth World Sanskrit Conference of the I.A.S.S. (International Association of Sanskrit Studies), Weimar (G.D.R.), May 23-30, 1979. See also his later article, "Herodotus andIndia," Oikumene 4 (1983), p. 205."And anthropophagous customs as far as the Vratyas areconcerned.52Asko Parpola, "On the Jaiminiya and VadhUla Traditions ofSouth India and the Pandu/Pandava Problem," Studia Orientalia 55(1984), pp. 457 ff.84Herodotus was talking about the Pandyas when he was describing thePadaei and that he simply attached the cannibalistic custom ofanother tribe, such as the Vratyas for example, which lived in thesame basic area, to this tribe, believing all along that the twotribes were one and the same.11. VegetariansThe next tribe which Herodotus describes is in chapters3.100-101. They are described as being vegetarians, as neversowing seed, and as not building houses. The only thing they eatis grass and a certain grain which is described as growing as largeas the millet-seed and which they are reported to gather, boil, andeat in its husk. The fate of those afflicted with a sickness amongtheir tribe seems to have been quite harsh: they were to go intothe desert and lie there, presumably until they either got well sothat they could return or until they died. No one was to care forthem. They had intercourse in the open and their semen was thesame colour as their skin: black. Finally, they are located byHerodotus far to the south and are described by him as never havingbeen subjects of King Darius.According to Lassen, 53 their vegetarian diet makes themidentifiable with Brahman hermits. The problem, however, with thisidentification is that the Brahman caste did not accept53\1°1. 2:1, section 635.85vegetarianism as a way of life until centuries later when they wereinfluenced by Buddhism. In other words, Buddhist monks practisedvegetarianism before the Brahman caste did. However, before anyidentification between Herodotus' tribe and Buddhists can be made,it would first have to be assumed that Buddhist monks werepractising vegetarianism as early as the 5th century B.C., for thisway of life did not exist with the Buddhists from the beginning ofthis religion's founding. If, then, the practice of vegetarianismby Buddhist monks in the 5th century B.C. can be proved, thenHerodotus' passage could be the first western remark on Buddhistsor even, perhaps, on the Brahman caste of India if Buddhistinfluence can also be traced to such an early date.If, moreover, this last hypothesis can be proved andLassen's theory is correct, then it would show that Herodotus'whole account of this tribe is actually referring, as How & Wellsmake notice of, 54 to two different people, for the Brahmans areknown to have been Indo-Aryans and therefore white, a fact whichclashes with Herodotus' description of them having black skin. 55Their placement, also, in the south, descriptions which belong moreto the Dravidians of the south than to the Indo-Aryans of thenorth, would strengthen the argument of their being two races whichare referred to here.54Vo1. 1, p. 288.55Although it is possible for this characteristic to have beenapplied loosely by ancient writers, the fact that Herodotusemphasizes it with these people while omitting it with others makesit very likely that they were indeed dark-skinned.86Their primitive stage of development is shown in variousways such as in their habit of boiling a grain and eating it in itshusk, a practice which shows a lack of knowledge of the grindingwheel, in their custom of making the sick leave their settlement,which reveals either an ignorance of the art of medicine and hencea fear of contagious diseases or a belief that sickness is theresult of ritual pollution, and their custom of having intercoursein the open, "like cattle" (coma imp Tio-virpolkatov) as described byHerodotus. The description of their genital seed as being black"like that of the Ethiopians" reveals a rather strange belief heldby Herodotus that anyone with black skin also had black semen.That they dwelled in the deep south and were never subjectsof King Darius would place them south-east of the Indus Delta, alikely location, since the southern section of the Indus, known as"Hindus" by the Persians, was known to have been included withinDarius' Empire. 56 No identification with any known Indian tribeis possible here. Inasmuch as they had the lifestyle of Indo-AryanBrahmans but the colour of skin and place of habitation ofDravidians, it would seem that How & Wells' suggestion of thisbeing an account of Indo-Aryan Brahmans and Dravidians blended intoone is the most logical conclusion one can find.12. Northern Indians56See Chapter 1 below, p. 9.87Chapter 3.102 deals with another Indian tribe which dwellednorth of the other Indians. They are described as occupying theland next to both the city of Caspatyros and the region ofPactyice, and as having the same life-style as the Bactrians. Theywere the most warlike of all the Indians and were the onesresponsible for retrieving the gold from the gold-digging ants.Since Pactyice has already been identified with north-eastern Afghanistan57 and Caspatyros with a city in Kashmir58 , itwould seem that the land which these Indians occupied must havebeen somewhere in between. In other words, it must have beenlocated somewhere in the area of the Kabul valley and the northernsection of the Indus. In fact, since the Dards, according toStrabo (15.1.44), 59 were also responsible for retrieving gold fromthe gold-digging ants, it is very likely that the Indians ofHerodotus 3.102 were one and the same as the ancient Dards wholived in north-western India and who still live in this area todaywhich is known as Dardistan. This identification would coincidevery well with the description given by Herodotus of them sharingthe same lifestyles with the Bactrians, since anyone living in thispart of India is very likely to have had contact with the Bactriansand hence to have been influenced by them.That they were the most warlike of the Indians would make it57See below, pp. 21 ff.58See below, pp. 17 ff.59It should be pointed out here that Strabo calls them"Derdae". That this, however, was simply a Greek corruption of"Dards" is evident.88possible, as Wheeler points out, 60 for them to have been a part ofthe warrior caste of Hindostan, some of whose descendants are todaythe Mahrattas and the Sikhs. How & Wells61 say that they were theonly Indians of Aryan stock who are mentioned by Herodotus apartfrom the Brahmans of 3.100, who are unfortunately confused with theblack Indians. This warlike quality may also make it possible thatthese were the very Indians who made up part of the Persian army,inasmuch as their location would have included them within thePersian Empire. If this is true, then they wore garments made ofcotton and used bows made of reed as well as arrows with iron tips(7.65), a characteristic which is also applied to the Bactrians andwhich would therefore strengthen the identification of the Indiansof 3.102 with those of the Persian army, for the former, asmentioned above, were much like the Bactrians. If they did formpart of the Persian army, then they must have been involved in thebreeding of swift horses and in the usage of war chariots, forthese last two were used by the Indians in this army (7.86). Onething, however, is certain about them: they were charged with thetask of obtaining the gold, which was to be used for paying theirtribute to the Persian king, from the gold-digging ants.13. Gold-Digging Ants60The Geography of Herodotus, p. 300.mVol. 1, p. 289.89These ants were first mentioned in Western literature byHerodotus (3.102, 3.104-105). They are described as living in adesert and as inadvertently tossing up gold-dust along with thesand which they dig out while burrowing holes. They were biggerthan foxes but smaller than dogs and reacted very viciously againstanyone sneaking into their territory to take the gold away. Theprocess of obtaining this gold from the ants involved harnessingthree very swift camels, two males on the outside with a femalewhich had just given birth on the inside, and proceeding towardsthe ants in the morning when the sun was hottest since the antswere usually to be found underground at this time of the day. Upontaking the gold, they had to ride away as fast as possible to avoidgetting caught. The only means, however, of a sure escape was tolet go of the male camels, which were slower, and to continue withthe female which was much faster due to her desire to return safelyto her newly-born young. Herodotus also says, to give credence tothe story, that the Persian king had some of these ants which hadbeen caught in this desert.Nearchus is the next Westerner to describes these ants(Strabo 15.1.44). He mentions having actually seen the skins ofthese animals (TiOvSgi.tvpirivcawtZvxpunocrkaw8gpgara) which he describesas being "leopard-like" (nocp8aXialcOgota). The term "leopard-like"should be taken to mean "spotted" since the 2nd century A.D. writerLucian in his work Twice Accused (8) uses this word (nap50.ank) todescribe a man who was spotted. The place where Nearchus sawthese, although not mentioned by Strabo, was the Greek Camp for90Arrian (Indica 15.4) says that although Nearchus saw no gold-digging ants, he saw only their skins which had been brought there.This would coincide also very well with Herodotus' report about thePersian king owning some of these ants.Megasthenes repeats the legend (Strabo 15.1.44) as narratedby Herodotus His account is almost identical to the latter's withthe exception of a few details. He says that the ants dig inwinter, in contrast to Herodotus' lack of mention of a specifiedtime of the year during which they make their burrows, that thepeople who go after the gold set pieces of meat around so as todistract the ants, and that the area where all this activity takesplace lay below a plateau which is 3000 stadia in circuit and whichis inhabited by a people called the "Derdae" (AgpSat) , no doubt aGreek corruption of "Dardae", ancestors of the modern Dards whoinhabit a region in north-eastern India and a section of the HinduKush mountains known today as "Dardistan". Megasthenes obviouslyused Herodotus as his main source for this story but did nothesitate to add to it information which he must have acquired whileabroad, probably in India, or which he may even have inventedhimself. This would especially explain his description of theplateau of the Dards and the area below which makes it sound likehe saw the region personally.Strabo seems to be the first author to show doubt as to thevalidity of this story. He says first of all that Megasthenes isnot to be trusted as an accurate source of information on India(2.1.9), and remarks later on that the story of the gold-digging91ants is an example of the type of stories which are "blown out ofproportion" (ni 'to gegov) and "made marvellous" ('cepauoSgarepov) bywriters (15.1.37). He does not hesitate, however, to add anotherdetail to the story of the gold-digging ants, which had not beenmentioned previously by any known author: that some writers saythat the gold-digging ants have wings (15.1.69), a notion whichmust have, no doubt, developed out of the belief that these antswere so swift that they could outrun even camels.Pliny adds to the story of the gold-digging ants. Apartfrom simply a mention of them (33.21.66), he gives a full accountof the story (11.36.111). He, no doubt, used Megasthenes as asource for he mentions in this account the land of the Dardae whomhe called earlier "the most rich of people when it comes to gold"(6.22.67) and whom he places in northern India. He says that theseants carried their gold out of caves (cavernis) from the earth butthat they were very quick to scent out any intruder and to attackhim. Inasmuch as he mentions winter as the time of year duringwhich they dug, but summer as the time during which they wentunderground, thus making the retrieval of this gold by others mucheasier, it would not be unlikely if Pliny used both Megasthenes andHerodotus as his sources and tried furthermore to correlate the twostories by making the ants dig at winter time and rest during thesummer. As for the ants themselves, Pliny describes them in greatdetail. He says that they have the colour of cats (color felium),92in contrast to Nearchus' observation of their spotted skins, 62 andthat they are as big as Egyptian wolves (magnitudo Aegyptiluporum). Unlike Strabo, Pliny tries to make the whole storycredible by reporting that the horns of one of these Indian ants(Indicae formicae cornua) can be found at the temple of Heracles atErythrae. Pliny's sources for this account must have been onlyHerodotus and Megasthenes, for he gives details which wereobviously taken from both but seems not to have used Nearchus, forhe describes the ants' skins as being the colour of cats andmentions the ants' horns at Erythrae while failing to say anythingabout the skins which Nearchus saw, a detail which, if he knewabout, he would probably not have omitted since he believed thestory of the gold-digging ants to be true.Dio Chrysostom mentions this legend as well in his First Tarsic/Thirty-Third Discourse (23-24). He seems to have beenfamiliar with Herodotus' story for he describes the ants as beinglarger in size than foxes but he adds details of his own. He says,for example, that the gold-dust which is thrown up by the antsforms eventually into hills of gold-dust which are so many that thewhole plain shines, bringing blindness to anyone who looked atthem. The people who go to collect the gold are mentioned as goingat midday, a detail which corresponds with Herodotus' account, butare described as using chariots drawn by fast horses to get there,62Inasmuch as leopards are cats, it would be possible to saythat Pliny's statement is in accordance with Nearchus'. The fact,however, that Pliny does not specifically say "of leopards"(leopardorum) makes it more likely that he had the general colourof cats, tawny, in mind rather than the spotted colour of leopards.93a statement in clear opposition to Herodotus'. It seems here thatDio used Herodotus to get the general story of the gold-diggingants but felt free to add to it and even to change it around wherehe saw information which did not make sense to him. Such a pieceof information must have been the ability of the gold snatchers toescape from ants which had supernatural speed only with camels. ToDio, it must have seemed that such a task could only have beencarried out with chariots and swift horses.Arrian also mentions these ants (Indica 15.4-7). Althoughhe describes Nearchus as having seen their skins (Indica 15.4) andMegasthenes as reporting, on hearsay, the true existence of theseanimals (Indica 15.5), he nonetheless rejects the whole validity ofthe story. He gives no reason for doing this but it seems that hemust have believed the skins which Nearchus saw to have belonged tosome other burrowing animal, and Megasthenes' report to have beennot worth much credit, since it was based not on an eyewitnessaccount but on stories told by others.Philostratus' version, however, of the ant story (Life of Apollonius of Tyana 6.1) differs from all the others in two ways:first of all, he locates these ants in Ethiopia, and second, theirjob is simply to guard the gold there rather than dig it. Thatthey guarded the gold there could simply be a development of any ofthe stories concerning gold-digging ants which must have beenpresent at that time. Their placement in Ethiopia, however, seemsvery awkward. The only other place in literature where ants mayhave been mentioned as existing in Ethiopia is in the lost play of94Sophocles called Ethiopians (M9io/1;EO of which only fragments existtoday. It was the Byzantine Patriarch Photius who quoted thefragment which mentions these ants in his Lexicon (p. 22, 15). 63The whole entry runs as follows: "Sophocles, in his [play]Ethiopians, [says the following] about ants which are clamped tightin [various parts of] their outer skin: 'for the black-skinnedinsects, which are four-winged in respect to their back, are infetters' ." 64 The problem with this fragment, however, is that itdoes not specifically say that the ants described here wereactually to be found in Ethiopia. It is possible that they werementioned by Sophocles as living elsewhere. If they weredescribed, however, as inhabiting Ethiopia, then it is very likelythat Philostratus had this play in mind when he described theseants.Aelian also makes mention of these ants (3.4). He says thatthey were located in India, but describes them as guarding the goldthere, thus making it very likely that he, just as Philostratus,developed the story from either Herodotus or one of the otherauthors who wrote about gold-digging ants. He adds, however, acertain informative, yet unusual detail to this story: he says thatthese ants will not cross the river "Campylinus" (Kagratvoc). Theidentification of this river does not seem to have been established63Fragment 26 in Augustus Nauck's Tragicorum GraecorumFragmenta (Lipsia: B. G. Teubner, 1856), p. 108.641-70401at A(€401/1 Tai); taStypiV01); Opi.tnicac tij aapicthact• nevi/m.6pm yap viinovev Seagthp.aatv Orpcoi icaatvciptveg...95yet. His source for this piece of information also seems to beundiscovered. It seems that he either used a source which has notyet been found or that he drew this conclusion himself from lookingperhaps at a map of India and keeping in mind both Herodotus'location of the ants in a desert and that of Megasthenes' in theland of the Dards.As for modern explanations of this story, there is much thathas been said. Larcher, in 1786, 65 was the first one to proposethat these creatures might have actually been real gold-diggingants. Rennel, two years later, in 1788, 66 tried to develop a morelogical theory by proposing that the gold-digging ants may havebeen either real ants or white termites. In 1800, Veltheim 67suggested that the whole story may have had its origins in childrenwashing gold with fox-skins, a theory which would, no doubt,explain Pliny's observation of the skins of these gold-diggingants. Moorcroft, in 1813, 68 was the first one to put forward thetheory that these creatures may have been marmots. In 1819, Malte-65Pierre Henri Larcher, to be found in the 1873 publication ofFrederik Schiern's Uber den Ursprung der Sage von den GoldgrabendenAmeisen (Kopenhagen), p. 9, n. 3.66Major James Rennnel, Memoir of a Map of Hindostan, (London:M. Brown, 1783), p. xxix.67a,. F. Graf von Veltheim, Sammlung Einiger AufsâtzeHistorischen, Antiquarischen, Mineralogischen and AhnlichenInhalts, (Helmstedt: Bey C. G. Fleckeisen, 1800), pp. 273 ff.Moorcroft, "A Journey to Lake Mánasartivara in U'n-des, a Province of Little Tibet," Asiatick Researches 18 (1813).An eighth reprint has been published in London, pp. 380-536.96Brun69 combined all these theories together, and suggested thattermites, fox-skins, and marmots all had a role to play in thedevelopment of this story.It was Wilson, in 1841, 70 who first noted the appearance ofHerodotus' legend in the Indian epic the Mahabharata. In it thereis mention of a certain gold called "ant-gold" (Pipilaka) which wasnamed so because of the ants (pipilaka) which dug it up. Thepassage runs as follows: "The kings who live by the river §ailodabetween Mount Meru and Mount Mandara and enjoy the pleasing shadeof bamboo and cane, the Khasas, Eka6anas, Jyohas, Pradaras,Dirghavenus, Pa6upas, Kunindas, Tanganas, and Further Tanganas,they brought the gold called Pipjlaka, which is granted as a boonby the pipilaka ants, and they brought it by bucketsful andpiles." 71 Wilson thus concluded that the story had an Indianorigin and that it was simply developed from there by Greekwriters, without offering any explanation as to the origin of theIndian version.Cunningham, in 1853, 72 also proposed marmots (Arctomys) asthe creatures concerning whom classical writers were talking andeven added the rat-hares (Lagonys) of Tibet to them, arguing that69Malte-Brun, "Mêmoire sur l'Inde Septentrionale d'Herodote etde Ctesias Comparee au Petit-Tibet des Modernes," Nouvelles Annalesdes Voyages 2 (1819), pp. 380 ff.70H. H. Wilson, Ariana Antigua, pp. 135-136.712.48.2-2.48.5. Trans. by Johannes Adrianus Bernardus vanBuitenen in The Mahabharata (Chicago and London: The University ofChicago Press, 1975), vol. 2, p. 118.72Sir Alexander Cunningham, Laddk, pp. 232-233.97the dirt which these creatures throw up when digging their burrowscontains gold which is then taken by the Indians, a practice which,he argued, was to be still seen in his day. In other words,Cunningham proposed Tibet as the source of the legend. He arguedthat either the Tibetan word for marmot, "phyi-pa", or "chipa", or"chupa", may have been confused by Alexander the Great's soldierswith the Indian word for large ant, "chunta", a theory which wouldunfortunately not explain the existence of this legend in pre-Alexander times, or that "phyi-pa" may have been confused by theIndians themselves with the Sanskrit and Bengali name for largeant, "pipilaka", an argument which would explain the appearance ofthis legend in the Mahabharata.Sir H. Rawlinson, in 1869, m was the first one to proposeTibetan miners as an explanation for the story of the gold-diggingants. It was quickly supported the following year, in 1870, bySchiern74 who argued first of all that in the Mahabharata passagereferred to by Wilson there is mention of a tribe called the"Khdsas" who were ancestors of the modern "Khasiyas", a people tobe found today on the borders of Tibet. Herodotus' location, he73"Thibetan Discovery," Pall Mall Gazette (March 16, 1869).AFrederik Schiern's essay was first published in 1870 in theVerhandelingen der Koninklijke Ddnischen Gesselschaft derWissenschaft (Om oprindelsen til sagnet om de guldgravende myrer.Meddeelt i det Kgl. danske videnskabernes selskabs mode den 2december 1870, of Frederik Schiern. Kjobenhaven, B. Lunosbogtrykkeri, 1873.). It was translated into English five yearslater by Anna M. H. Childers as "The Tradition of the Gold-DiggingAnts," in The Indian Antiquary (August 4, 1875), pp. 225-232. Thepages concerned here, as taken from the English version, are 227-232.98argues, of the ants in a desert (epirtft and Strabo's mention of theplateau which was near the ants' dwelling place and which was 3000stadia in circumference closely corresponds with a certain plateauin Tibet which contains gold-fields. The habit of the gold-minersthere of dressing in furs during the winter, of greeting each otherby sticking out their tongues, grinning, nodding, and scratchingtheir ears, of sleeping by curling up into a ball, of dwelling inpits which are 7-8 ft (c. 2 m) below the ground, in addition totheir flat noses which, Schiern argues, would have seemed verystrange to any Aryan, makes it very likely that these people weremistaken for something other than human beings. He continues hisargument by saying that their preference for working in the winterrather than in the summer would correspond very well withMegasthenes' (Strabo 15.1.44) and Pliny's (33.21.66) statementabout the working habits of the ants. 75 The ants' aggressivenesscould be explained, he argues, by the fact that these Tibetanminers live by hunting and keep great fierce dogs to fight offintruders, animals which may have been confused with their mastersby classical story-tellers. Schiern finishes his argument bystating that Pliny's remark (11.36.111) that there were horns of anIndian ant in the temple of Heracles at Erythrae could actuallyhave been the horns of a Yak which are worn along with the skin of75According to Schiern, the number of tents which were up inthe summer was only 300 as opposed to the 600 which was the normalamount for winter. The following reason is given for theirpreference to work in the winter: "the frozen soil then standswell, and is not likely to trouble them much by falling in" (p.230).99this animal by these miners.Laufer, in 1908, 76 proposed the theory that the whole legendof the gold-digging ants may have evolved out of a confusionbetween the names "Shiraighol", which was a Mongolian tribe, and"Shirgol", the Mongolian word for ant. In 1939, Regenos, 77 uponobservation of the burrowing habits of badgers in Nevada and theirusefullness to miners tossing up dirt from deep below, which isthen tested by these miners to see if the surrounding area hasgold, suggested that the creature which Herodotus and later authorsreferred to may have been an animal very similar to this one.It was Pusk&s, in 1977, 78 who first proposed the theory thatthe whole legend of gold-digging ants, including both the Greek andthe Indian versions, may not have had its origins in an actualliving being, whether human or animal, but rather in the peculiarsize and form of the alluvial gold grains which were washed fromthe region of Dardistan. To Puskas, all the other theories fail toexplain all the peculiarities of the gold-digging ants. Even thetheory of Tibetan miners could not be accepted for the main reasonthat Tibetan history itself, according to Puskas, does not startuntil the 6th to 7th centuries A.D. Puskas argues that in the areamBerthold Laufer, "Die Sage von den Goldgrabenden Ameisen,"T'oung Pao, series 2, vol. 9 (1908), pp. 449 ff.77G. W. Regenos, "A Note on Herodotus 3.102," Classical Journal34 (1939), pp. 425-426.78Ildiko Puskds, "On an Ethnographical Topos in the ClassicalLiterature (the Gold-Digging Ants)," Annales Universitatis Scientiarum Budapestinensis de Rolando Eotvos Nominatae. SectioClassica. 5-6 (1977-78), pp. 78-83.100of Dardistan, probably from the 3rd millenium B.C., peopleretrieved gold from the river. This gold was granular and wasexported in this form to countries as far away as Sumer and India.This gold, due to its size and shape, must have been given the name"ant-gold". The various legends concerning the gold-digging antsmay have evolved, argues Puskas, either as a direct result of itsname, or as a means of keeping away would-be gold-miners fromoutside. Inasmuch as the term "pipilaka" (ant-gold), arguesPuskas, is of non-Indo-Aryan origin, it is very likely that thisterm as well as the technique of gold washing was passed down fromgeneration to generation from the inhabitants of Dardistan beforethe coming of the Indo-Aryans, to the Indo-Aryans themselves.Since the Tibetan version of gold-digging ants, according toPuskas, speaks of ants obtaining gold from the depths of a lake bydrawing it up with a thread, it is very likely that the variousversions of legends concerning gold-digging ants could all havebeen independent developments and embellishments originally used toexplain the strange name. The fact that the only similarity whichthe Greek, Indian, and Tibetan versions have in common is that ofants being responsible for the obtaining of gold makes Puskas'theory the most convincing of them all.14. ConclusionHerodotus' account of India gives modern scholars an101accurate idea of what he, and consequently the rest of the Greeks,knew of India at this time. He was aware not only that a part ofit lay within the Persian borders and that it paid an enormoustribute in gold to the Persian king but also that it extendedbeyond, towards the south. He knew much about its topography, forreference is made to the Great Indian Desert and to the Indus whichflowed through this country and which supplied gold to itsinhabitants. He knew of its extreme heat and did not fail toexaggerate it in view of his belief that this country lay at theeastern edge of the world. His exaggeration of the size of itsanimals is also understandable as nothing more than a conclusiondrawn from the observation of the richness of this country when itcame to gold supply, and to its ability to do such marvellousthings as provide its inhabitants with "wool grown from trees".Herodotus' belief that the Indians did not all speak thesame language shows at least a partial knowledge of the co-existence of the Indo-Aryan and Dravidian languages. Thisknowledge is also shown by his statement that there were black-skinned Indians living far to the south, beyond the Persian Empire,a remark which could only have referred to the much darker-skinnedDravidians who did indeed live in the southern part of India. Thisstatement, in fact, could also show knowledge on Herodotus' part ofthe extension of the Indian subcontinent to the south since thesouthern part of the Indus did belong to Darius' Empire at onepoint in time and could not, therefore, have been the dwellingplace of these people.102His mention of river-dwellers shows that he knew at leastsomething about the habits of the people who dwelled by the IndusDelta. His account of the Padaei reveals knowledge of an actualIndian tribe known to have lived at that time, the Pandyas, eventhough he attached to them cannibalistic customs which are known tohave not been practised by this tribe but which may have belongedto another tribe of the same region. His placement at least of thePadaei to the east of the Indus Delta reveals an awareness on hispart of the existence of an India which was habitable to the eastof this river. The anthropophagous customs of the Padaei were alsoattributed to another tribe called the Callatiae who have not yetbeen identified but who may have been an actual tribe living inIndia at that time. His belief that the Callatiae and Padaei hadblack semen shows his belief that anyone who has black skin mustsurely have black semen as well. Herodotus' mention of vegetarianscould perhaps show at least a partial knowledge of either Buddhistmonks or the Brahman caste of India if a date as early as the 5thcentury B.C. for the practice of vegetarianism among either ofthese two groups is allowed, and, if Lassen's theory is correct, itcould indicate a confusion on either Herodotus' part or on that ofhis source of Indo-Aryans with Dravidians. As for the Indians wholived in the north, Herodotus shows an ample knowledge of theircustoms, no doubt because they would have lived within the PersianEmpire and would therefore have been one of the more well- knowntribes of India.Herodotus' sources must have been more than one.^He103obviously used Hecataeus to gain information on the Callatiae andon the Great Indian Desert. Since it is also known that Hecataeusmust have used Scylax' book, it would not be improbable ifHerodotus used Hecataeus for information on the inhabitants of theIndus Delta since Scylax would most likely have written about themon his voyage through their country. Whether Herodotus used Scylaxdirectly, however, is uncertain since he makes no mention of hiswork. It is also known that he borrowed some, if not much, fromthe Persians, who would have known quite a bit about the Indiawhich lay within their borders. 79 As for knowledge of the Indiawhich was outside the Persian Empire, it must have been gained fromeither the Persians, who themselves may have acquired it fromIndians who were subject to Persian rule, from Hecataeus, who mayin turn have taken it from Scylax, who must have ultimately takenit from the Indians of the Indus, and perhaps even from the voyagerwho sailed down the Ganges. 8°As for his account of the legend of the gold-digging ants,it may have been taken either directly from the Persians, orindirectly from merchants or travellers from India. It shows atleast that Herodotus did not fabricate the whole story but thatthis story does, in fact, have its origin in the country whichHerodotus knew enough about to dedicate at least a few chapters ofhis work to its description. His depiction of its topography,climate, animals, people, and even its legend of gold-digging ants79See n. 5 below.80For this voyage, see Chapter 1 below, pp. 25 ff.104show that Herodotus was not a fabricator of stories but simply anarrator of existing knowledge.CONCLUSIONAs can be seen from the preceding chapters, ancient Greekknowledge of India down to the end of the 5th century B.C. wasfairly extensive. It has been shown first of all that the landwhich they referred to as India covered an area which extended fromas far north as Kashmir to as far south as at least the Indus Deltaand from as far west as the Kabul valley and north-easternAfghanistan to as far east as the Punjab. The ancient Greeks knewsomething about the topography of this area, such as the springswhich watered the country, the Great Indian Desert which lay eastof the Indus, the Indus itself which ran through the country, andthe mountains which flanked this river during the initial part ofits course. Their knowledge extended even to the types ofvegetation which covered these mountains such as the wild trees andartichokes as well as other kinds of plants such as the cottonshrub which was until the fifth century B.C. completely unknown inGreece. The ancient Greeks also had knowledge about the animalswhich roamed the Indian country such as the horse which was used inbattle by the northern Indians, and the dogs which developed areputation in later times for their fierce and savage nature.105106It was known by the ancient Greeks that India occupied twoplaces in the list of Persian satrapies: the 7th which included thenorthern section of the Indus valley known as "Gandarice" by theGreeks, "Gandara" by the Persians, and "Gandhara" by the Indians,and the 20th which encompassed the whole southern section of theIndus valley and which was referred to as "Hindus" by the Persiansand "India" proper by Herodotus, even though the ancient Greek ideaof India included Gandhara and the Kabul valley as can be seen fromHecataeus. Even the amount of tribute which these two provincespaid was known, 170 talents by the satrapy of which Gandhara was apart, and 360 talents by the province which was known as "Hindus"by the Persians.As for individual regions within India, two were known bytheir proper names: that of Gandarice as mentioned above, and thatof Pactyice which was located in north-eastern Afghanistan. Namesof individual cities were also known by the Greeks such asCaspapyros in Kashmir and Argante just west of the city Kabul.The ancient Greeks knew quite a bit about the inhabitants,for they were aware that the Indians did not all belong to the samelinguistic or racial group. Although they did not know that theIndians were composed of Indo-Aryans and Dravidians, for knowledgeof these specific groups did not yet exist, they were surprisinglyaware that the Indians belonged to different races and spokedifferent languages. The ruling system of the Indians was alsoknown for it had been depicted by Scylax as consisting of a kingwhose position was considered to be very important. Even a bit of107either Buddhist practices or the Indian caste system may have beenknown if the Indian race which is described by Herodotus aspractising vegetarianism is identified with either Buddhist monksor the Brahman caste of India respectively.As for actual material constructions, it was known by theancient Greeks that the Indians had developed a system ofwaterways, or canals, to carry water, no doubt, from the Indus tovarious parts of the country for irrigation. The ancient Greekshad even learned something about the various methods by which theIndians retrieved gold, such as washing it from the river, apractice which is to be still seen in modern times, and possiblymining.The people themselves were known in reasonable detail by theGreeks. They were divided up into various tribes according tocustoms and location and names in some cases, even though some ofthese customs, such as cannibalism for example, which may havebelonged to other tribes were attributed to the wrong Indians.These tribes were many. They were the Gandarii who, as has alreadybeen shown, were known and were described as having the sameequipment in the Persian army as the Bactrians. They were locatedaround the northern section of the Indus and correspond with theancient inhabitants of Gandhara. There were the Callatiae who wereregarded as cannibals. They have been placed east of the IndusDelta, but no ancient Indian equivalent for their name has yet beenfound. There were the Opiae who occupied a royal fortress of thePersians. They were located somewhere along the Indus and as far108north as the area around the city of Charikar, just north of Kabul.A modern equivalent for their name has been found in the latterlocation. A people identified simply as river-dwellers were known.They lived on raw fish which they would catch from boats made ofreed, and dressed themselves in garments made of rush. They havebeen placed by the Indus Delta, but had not been given a name byHerodotus. There were the Padaei who also, like the Callatiae, aredescribed as practising cannibalism. They have been placed east ofthe Indus Delta and have been identified with the Pandyas of southIndia, even though this latter race is known to have not possessedanthropophagous customs, an attribute which was, no doubt, borrowedfrom some other tribe which did indeed practise cannibalism. Atribe identified merely as vegetarians were known. They aredescribed as neither sowing nor owning any houses and as expellingthe sick from their community. They have been placed south-east ofthe Indus Delta and have been possibly identified with eitherBuddhist monks or the Brahman caste of India, even though they weredescribed as having black skin, a characteristic which belongs morewith the Asiatic Dravidians than with the Indo-Aryans and whichwould seem to show that accounts of two races have somehow beenblended into one. There was also another tribe of Indians who weresimply known as living north of the rest of the Indians. They weredescribed as being the most warlike of all the Indians andresembled the Bactrians in their lifestyle. They were locatedsomewhere in between Kashmir in the east and the land of Pactyicein north-eastern Afghanistan in the west. These people, although109possibly the same as the Gandarii due to their location and mannerof dress, would nonetheless best be identified with the Dards whoinhabited an area around the northern section of the Indus, nodoubt side by side with the Gandarii, and who, like these "northernIndians", had been assigned the task of retrieving gold from thegold-digging ants. This last characteristic also shows partialknowledge on the part of the Greeks of a Persian legend whichdeveloped as a result of the granular form of the gold which wasfound on the upper banks of the Indus river.As for the sources for all of this information, it is clearthat Herodotus used Hecataeus, even though he does not cite him forIndia, inasmuch as Herodotus, like Hecataeus, mentions both theCallatiae and the Gandarii as well as the Great Indian Desert whichlay east of the Indus. If we take into consideration also thatHecataeus must have used Scylax, since both describe the artichokeas growing by the Indus, it is not difficult to conclude thatHerodotus' ultimate source was Scylax. This is not to say,however, that Herodotus had Scylax' book in his hands when he waswriting the Indian section of his Histories, for he does notmention this work when he describes Scylax' voyage. It can besafely concluded, therefore, that he simply used Scylax indirectlythrough Hecataeus possibly without knowing that Hecataeus' sourcewas Scylax for Hecataeus may not have specifically mentioned Scylaxas his source. Nor should it be concluded that Herodotus' or evenHecataeus' only source was Scylax. It is conceivable that thePersians were consulted by both these men, even though Herodotus is110the only one who, as far as we know, specifically mentions them asa source. The possibility also of contact with Persians in Greece,such as Zopyrus (Herodotus 3.160) who defected to Athens around themiddle of the 5th century B.C., or even with Indians who may havebeen taken as prisoners of war during the Persian Wars, cannot beexcluded. However, all of this is purely hypothetical. It shouldsimply be remembered that indirect contacts between Greeks andIndians are not inconceivable for the 5th century B.C.In view of the fact, therefore, that Scylax had travelled toIndia and written an eyewitness account of what he saw and that oneof the sources, if not the main one, of Hecataeus' and, at leastindirectly, Herodotus' works was Scylax, then Scylax' andHecataeus' fragments, and Herodotus' writings on India can be usedto determine what accurate knowledge the ancient Greeks had aboutIndia before Alexander the Great.Ctesias, on the other hand, who also wrote a work on Indiabefore Alexander the Great's campaign, represents a newdevelopment, for his source, or at least his most probable one, wasPersian and his account is filled with the fabulous and themythical, a trait in clear contrast to the more accurate Greekaccount of India as it appeared in Greek literature up to that timeand which was ultimately founded not on speculations about amysterious land but on the personal observations of a Greek who hadtravelled there at the end of the 6th century B.C. Ctesias'desire, in other words, to mix fiction with fact clearly shows thathis aim, unlike that of Hecataeus and Herodotus, was not to111contribute to the accurate knowledge which the ancient Greeks hadabout India at that time, but rather to create a work which stoodapart in its depiction of an India full of mythical creatures andother strange phenomena.This is not to say that there exists a clear break betweenHerodotus and Ctesias, for Herodotus, as already mentioned, alsoincluded Persian beliefs on India which were far from realistic,such as the story of the gold-digging ants. Since, however, it canbe seen from the lack of any substantial number of fabulous storiesin Herodotus' work that his account is much nearer to the truth,and therefore closer to Scylax' account, than Ctesias', it would besafe to say that the representation of accurate Greek knowledge ofIndia before Alexander the Great stops with Herodotus and does notcontinue until Nearchus, almost a century later, travelled to Indiawith Alexander the Great and wrote an account of this country whichwas based, like Scylax' report, on the personal observations of aneyewitness.BIBLIOGRAPHY1. Ancient SourcesAelian, Claudius (c. 170-235 A.D.). On the Characteristics ofAnimals (116pili)owlStávrizo6).^Edition used: Aelian.^On theCharacteristics of Animals.^Loeb Classical Library.Cambridge (Mass.): Harvard University Press, 1958.Agatharchides (c. 116 B.C.). Concerning the Red Sea (IlepiTiVEpOpticOf • acrric). Fragment concerning Hecataeus as quoted by Photiusin his Bibliotheca to be found in Jacoby, vol. 1:A, p. 3, fr.14.Agathemerus (c. 200 B.C.). Geographical Information (GeographiaeInformatio). Fragment concerning Hecataeus to be found inJacoby, vol. 1:A, p. 3, fr. 12a.Alberuni. India. Trans. by Edward C. Sachau. New Delhi: S. Chandand Co., 1964.Aristotle (384-322 B.C.). Generation of Animals  (11epi4owavgaecog).Edition used: Aristotle.^Generation of Animals.^LoebClassical Library.^Cambridge (Mass.): Harvard UniversityPress, 1963.^ . History of Animals (Ainepita4alatopiat). Edition used:Aristotle.^Historia Animalium.^Loeb Classical Library.Cambridge (Mass.): Harvard University Press, 1965.^ . Meteorology (Mentopaoyucci). Edition used: Aristotle.Meteorologica. Loeb Classical Library. Cambridge (Mass.):Harvard University Press, 1962.Parts of Animals (flOi aixovMopiew).^Edition used:Aristotle.^Parts of Animals.^Loeb Classical Library.Cambridge (Mass.): Harvard University Press, 1961.112Physical Problems (ftaticec lipoiDipaza) .^Edition used:113Aristotle. Problems. Loeb Classical Library. Cambridge(Mass.): Harvard University Press, 1961.^ . Politics (11arrucci). Edition used: Aristotle. Politics.Loeb Classical Library.^Cambridge (Mass.):^HarvardUniversity Press, 1959.Arrian, Flavius (2nd century A.D.).^Anabasis of Alexander('A4etv8pou 'MaNmic) .^Edition used: Arrian.^History ofAlexander.^Loeb Classical Library.^Cambridge (Mass.):Harvard University Press, 1976.^ . Indica (IN5ImA). Edition used: Arrian. Indica. LoebClassical Library.^Cambridge (Mass.): Harvard UniversityPress, 1958.Athenaeus of Naucratis in Egypt (c. 200 A.D.). Deipnosophists(ActitvoacKpiatai). Edition used: Athenaeus. The Deipnosophists.Loeb Classical Library. Cambridge (Mass.): Harvard UniversityPress, 1961.Callimachus of Cyrene (c. 305-240 B.C.).^Pinakes (nivoca6).Fragment concerning Hecataeus to be found in Athenaeus 2.70a.Chrysostom, Dio (c. 40-120 A.D.).^First Tarsic/Thirty-ThirdDiscourse (11p6yroc Tapatic6;) .^Edition used: Dio Chrysostom.Discourses.^Loeb Classical Library.^Cambridge (Mass.):Harvard University Press, 1961.Cicero, Marcus Tullius (106-43 B.C.).^On Divination (DeDivinatione). Edition used: Cicero. De Divinatione. LoebClassical Library. Cambridge (Mass.): Harvard UniversityPress, 1959.Ctesias of Cnidus (4th century B.C.). Indica (Muth). Summary oftext made by Photius in his Bibliotheca to be found in R.Henry's Ctesias. La Perse, 1'Inde. Les Sommaires de Photius.Bruxelles: Office de Publicite, S.C., 1947.Curtius (Rufus), Quintus (1st century A.D.). History of Alexanderthe Great of Macedon (Historiae Alexandri Magni Macedonis).Edition used: Quintus Curtius. History of Alexander. LoebClassical Library. Cambridge (Mass.): Harvard UniversityPress, 1962.Diodorus of Sicily (1st century B.C.).^Library of History(BtfAtoeliciIcrcoptrii). Edition used: Diodorus of Sicily. Libraryof History. Loeb Classical Library. Cambridge (Mass.):Harvard University Press, 1961.Dionysius of Halicarnassus (1st century B.C.). On Thucydides (Depi114eaulcuMk,u). Trans. with commentary by W. Kendrick Pritchett.Berkeley: University of California Press, 1975.Dionysius 'Periegetes' (2nd century A.D.). Bassarica (Baampai).Fragments as collected by Stephanus of Byzantium to be foundin Milner, vol. 2, pp. xxvii-xxviii.Euripides (c. 485-406 B.C.). Bacchanals (Bkom). Edition used:Euripides. Bacchanals. Loeb Classical Library. Cambridge(Mass.): Harvard University Press, 1962.Gandhara-Jataka (No. 406). Trans. by R. A. Neil in Vol. 3 of TheJataka or Stories of the Buddha's Former Births. Ed. by E. B.Cowell. Cambridge: The Cambridge University Press, 1897;reprint, London: Luzac and Company, Ltd., 1957.Gellius, Aulus (c. 130-180 A.D.). Attic Nights (Noctes Atticae).Edition used: The Attic Nights of Aulus Gellius.^LoebClassical Library.^Cambridge (Mass.): Harvard UniversityPress, 1961.Grattius 'Faliscus' (1st century B.C.). Cynegetica. Referenceconcerning Indian dogs borrowed from Kartunnen, p. 163, n. 51.Hecataeus of Miletus (c. 500 B.C.).^Periegesis (1IeptinmaK) .Fragments collected by Jacoby, vol. 1:A, pp. 16-47.Herodotus of Halicarnassus (5th century B.C.). Histories (`laropial).Edition used: Herodotus. Loeb Classical Library. Cambridge(Mass.): Harvard University Press, 1963.Homer (c. 700 B.C.). Odyssey (Mama). Edition used: Homer. TheOdyssey. Loeb Classical Library. Cambridge (Mass.): HarvardUniversity Press, 1960.Kalhana.^Rajatarangini. Trans. by Ranjit Sitaram Pandit.Allahabad (India): The Indian Press, Ltd., 1935; reprint, NewDelhi: Sahitya Akademi, 1977.Lucian of Samosata (2nd century A.D.). A True Story  (Vaieti)S Icrtopia).Edition used: Lucian. A True Story. Loeb Classical Library.Cambridge (Mass.): Harvard University Press, 1961.^ . Twice Accused (AicKatruopo*tevoc). Edition used: Lucian.The Double Indictment. Loeb Classical Library. Cambridge(Mass.): Harvard University Press, 1960.Mahabharata. Trans. by Johannes Adrianus Bernardus van Buitenen.Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 1975.Megasthenes (c. 350-290 B.C.).^Indica (Mucci).^Fragments115collected by Jacoby, vol. 3:C:2, pp. 603-639.Nearchus of Crete (4th century B.C.). Title of work on Indiaunknown. Fragment concerning gold-digging ants to be found inStrabo 15.1.44.Philostratus, Flavius (2nd century A.D.). Life of Apollonius ofTvana (TatytewThavga'AiroWiwtov). Edition used: Philostratus.The Life of Apollonius of Tyana. Loeb Classical Library.Cambridge (Mass.): Harvard University Press, 1960.Phlegon of Tralles (2nd century A.D.). Concerning Wondrous Things (Ilepielavgamtaw). Fragment concerning Megasthenes' remark onthe land of Pandaea to be found in Jacoby, vol. 3:C:2, p. 618,fr. 13c.Photius (9th century A.D.). Bibliotheca. Fragment concerningHecataeus to be found in Jacoby, vol. 1:A, p. 3, fr. 14.Section containing abridgement of Ctesias' Indica to be foundin R. Henry's Ctesias. La Perse, l'Inde. Les Sommaires dePhotius. Bruxelles: Office de Publicitd, S.C., 1947. . Lexicon. Fragment quoting Sophocles' remark on the antsof Ethiopia to be found in Nauck, p. 108, fr. 26.Pliny the Elder (23-79 A.D.). Natural History (NaturalisHistoria). Edition used: Pliny. Natural History. LoebClassical Library.^Cambridge (Mass.): Harvard UniversityPress, 1961.Polemon of Ilium (c. 190 B.C.). Concerning the Inscriptions WhichAre to be Found in Various Cities (Ilepi Abv 'meth 11641;'Entypappitc)v) . Fragment concerning India and possibly belongingto Polemon to be found in Athenaeus 2.70b-c.Polo, Marco. Travels. Passage concerning climatic conditions atOrmuz (Persian Gulf) to be found in Cary's article, pp. 148-149.Polyaenus (2nd century A.D.). Stratagems. Fragment concerning theland of Pandaea to be found in McCrindle, pp. 163-164, fr.58.Ptolemy, Claudius (2nd century A.D.). Geography (rEarypa4molTcpinfirIcnc). Edition used: Claudii Ptolemaei. Geographia. Ed.by C. F. A. Nobbe. Lipsia: Sumptibus Succ. Ottonis Holtze,1893.Scylax of Caryanda (c. 510 B.C.). Title of work on India unknown.Fragments collected by Jacoby, vol. 3:C:2, pp. 589-591.116Scylax (Pseudo-) of Caryanda (c. 350 B.C.). Periplus Text to be found in Milner, vol. 1, pp. 15-96.Solinus, Gaius Iulius (c. 200 A.D.). A Collection of MemorableThings (Collectanea Rerum Memorabilum). Fragment concerningthe land of Pandaea to be found in McCrindle, p. 161, fr.56.B.Sophocles (c. 496-406 B.C.).^Ethiopians (Aieionc).^Fragmentscollected by Nauck, p. 108-109.Stephanus of Byzantium (c. 500 A.D.). Ethnica  (10nica). Fragmentconcerning Scylax' writings to be found in Jacoby, vol. 3:C:2,p. 587, fr. 2b. Fragments concerning Hecataeus' writings tobe found in Jacoby, vol. 1:A, p. 38, fr. 294a-299. Fragmentsconcerning the Bassarica of Dionysius 'Periegetes' to be foundin MUller, vol. 2, pp. xxvii-xxviii.Strabo (64 B.C.-21 A.D.). Geography  (Feoyypacpia). Edition used: TheGeography of Strabo. Loeb Classical Library. Cambridge(Mass.): Harvard University Press, 1960.Suda (Zob8a) (10th century A.D.). Fragment concerning Scylax to befound in Jacoby, vol. 3:C:2, p. 587, fr. 1. Fragmentconcerning Hecataeus to be found in Jacoby, vol. 1:A, p. 1,fr. 1.Theophrastus of Eresos in Lesbos (c. 370-288 B.C.). Research onPlants (flcpi iTnyuiiv latopia;) .^Edition used: Theophrastus.Enquiry into Plants.^Loeb Classical Library.^Cambridge(Mass.): Harvard University Press, 1961.Thucydides (5th century B.C.). Histories (Tatopiat). Edition used:Thucydides. Loeb Classical Library. Cambridge (Mass.):Harvard University Press, 1962.Tibullus, Albius (1st century B.C.).^Panegyric of Messala(Panegyricus Messalae).^Edition used: Tibullus.^LoebClassical Library.^Cambridge (Mass.): Harvard UniversityPress, 1962.Tsang, Hiuen. Si-Yu-Ki: Buddhist Records of the Western World.Trans. by Samuel Beal. London: TrUbner and Co., 1884.Tzetzes, Johannes (12th century A.D.).^Chiliades (Xateo*).Fragment concerning Scylax' writings to be found in Jacoby,vol. 3:C:2, p. 590, fr. 7b.1172. Modern SourcesArmayor, 0. Kimball. "Herodotus' Catalogues of the Persian Empirein the Light of the Monuments and the Greek LiteraryTradition."^Transactions of the American Philological Association 108 (1978): 1-9.Bailey, Harold W. "Kusanica." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London 14 (1952): 420-434.Baschmakoff (or, Bashmakov), Aleksandr A. La Synthêse des PeriplusPontiques. Paris: P. Geuthner, 1948.Beal, Samuel. Trans. of Hiuen Tsang's Si-Yu-Ki: Buddhist Recordsof the Western World. London: Triibner and Co., 1884.Bunbury, Sir Edward H. A History of Ancient Geography. London: J.Murray, 1879; reprint of 2nd edition (1883), New York: DoverPublications, Inc., 1959.Cameron, George G. "The Persian Satrapies and Related Matters."Journal of Near Eastern Studies 32 (1973): 47-56.Caroe, Olaf. The Pathans: 550 B.C.-A.D. 1957. London: Macmillanand Co., Ltd., 1958.Cary, M. "Herodotus 111.104." The Classical Review 33 (1919):148-149.Cary, Max and Warmington, E. H. The Ancient Explorers. London:Methuen and Co. Ltd., 1929.Chantraine, Pierre.^Dictionnaire Etymologique de la LangueGrecque. Paris: Editions Klincksieck, 1968.Charpentier, Jarl. "Politiska och kulturella fOrbindelser mellanGrekland och Indien fore Alexander den Store." NordiskTidskrift (1918): 466-493.^ . "Uber Rudra-iva." Wiener Zeitschrift fur die Kunde desMorgenlandes 23 (1909): 151-179.Cobet, C. G. "Hecataei Milesii Scripta Teutienipmpa." Mnemosyne: Nova Series 11 (1883): 1-7.Cunningham, Sir Alexander.^The Ancient Geography of India.London: TrUbner and Co., 1871; reprint, Varanasi: IndologicalBook House, 1963.118^ . Ladak. London: W. H. Allen and Co., 1854; reprint, NewDelhi: Sagar Publications, 1970.Daffina, P. "On Kaspapyros and the So-Called 'Shore of theScythians'." Acta Antigua 28 (1980): 1-8.Diels, H.^"Herodot and Hekataios."^Hermes: Zeitschrift furClassische Philologie 22 (1887): 411-444.Evans, J. A. S. Herodotus. Boston: Twayne Publishers, 1982.^ .^"Herodotus' Publication Date." Athenaeum 57 (1979):145-149.Fornara, Charles W.^"Evidence for the date of Herodotus'Publication." Journal of Hellenic Studies 91 (1971): 25-34.^ . "Herodotus' Knowledge of the Archidamian War." Hermes 109 (1981): 149-156.Foucher, Alfred C. A. La Vieille Route de l'Inde de Bactres a Taxila. Paris: Les Editions d'Art et d'Histoire, 1942.Gardiner-Garden, John. "Eudoxos, Skylax and the Syrmatai." Eranos 86 (1988): 31-42.Godley, Alfred D. Trans. of Herodotus' Histories (Loeb ClassicalLibrary). Cambridge (Mass.): Harvard University Press, 1960-1963.Halbfass, Wilhelm. India and Europe. New York: State Universityof New York, 1988.Henning, W. B. "Two Manichaean Magical Texts." Bulletin of theSchool of Oriental and African Studies, University of London12 (1947): 39-65.Herrmann, A.^"Kaspapyros."^Paulys Realencyclopadie derClassischen Altertumskunde.Herzfeld, Ernst Emil.^Archaologische Mitteilungen aus Iran.Berlin: D. Reimer, 1929-.^ . The Persian Empire. Edited from the posthumous papersby Gerold Walser. Wiesbaden: F. Steiner, 1968.How, Walter W. and Wells, J. A Commentary on Herodotus. Oxford:The Clarendon Press, 1912; reprint, Oxford: The ClarendonPress, 1928.Hyde, Walter Woodburn. Ancient Greek Mariners. New York: OxfordUniversity Press, 1947.119Jacoby, Felix. Die Fragmente der Griechischen Historiker. Leiden:E. J. Brill, 1957.Junge, Julius. Saka-Studien. Leipzig: 1939.Kartunnen, Klaus.^India in Early Greek Literature.^StudiaOrientalia 65 (1989).Kent, Roland G. Old Persian Grammar Texts Lexicon. New Haven,Connecticut: American Oriental Society, 1953.Kiepert, Heinrich.^A Manual of Ancient Geography.^London:MacMillan and Co., 1881.Kirk, Geoffrey S., Raven, J. E., Schofield, M. The PresocraticPhilosophers. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1957;2nd edition, 1983.Landstrtim, Bjorn. The Ouest for India. Stockholm: BokfOrlagetForum AB, 1964.Lassen, Christian.^Indische Altertumskunde.^OsnabrUck: OttoZeller, 1968 edition of 1852 original.Laufer, Berthold.^"Die Sage von den Goldgrabenden Ameisen."T'oung Pao, series 2, vol. 9 (1908): 429-452.Law, Bimala Churn. The Magadhas in Ancient India. Hertford:Stephen Austin and Sons, Ltd., 1946.Litvinskij, Boris A. Festschrift Franz Altheim. Vol. 1. Berlin:1968.Malte-Brun. "Memoire sur l'Inde Septentrionale d'Herodote et deCtftias Comparee au Petit-Tibet des Modernes." NouvellesAnnales des Voyages 2 (1819):307-383.Markwart, Josef. Untersuchungen zur Geschichte von Eran. Leipzig:1905.Masson, Charles. "Second Memoir on the Ancient Coins Found atBeghram, in the Kohistan of Kabul." Journal of the AsiaticSociety (of Bengal/of Calcutta) 5 (Jan. 1836): 1-28.McCrindle, John W. Ancient India as Described by Megasthenes andArrian. Calcutta: Chuckervertty, Chatterjee, and Co., Ltd.,1877; 2nd edition, 1960.Miller, Konrad.^Die Peutingersche Tafel.^Stuttgart:^F. A.Brockhaus Komm.-Gesch., GmbH., Abt. Antiquarium, 1887; lateredition, 1962.120Moorcroft, William. "A Journey to Lake ManasarOvara in U'n-des, aProvince of Little Tibet." Asiatick Researches 18 (1813):Morgenstierne, Georg. "Afghanistan." The Encyclopaedia of Islam.London: Luzac and Co., 1913.^ . "'Pashto', 'Pathan' and the treatment of r + Sibilant inPashto." Acta Orientalia 18 (1940): 138-144.^ .^"Afghan." The Ecyclopaedia of Islam: New Edition.London: Luzac and Co., 1960.Muller, Karl. Geographi Graeci Minores. Hildesheim: Georg OlmsVerlagsbuchhandlung, 1855; later edition, 1965.Myres, John L.^"An Attempt to Reconstruct the Maps Used byHerodotus." Geographical Journal 8 (1896): 605-631.Nauck, Augustus. Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta. Lipsia: B. G.Teubner, 1856.Niebuhr. "On the Age of the Coast-Describer, Scylax of Caryanda."Trans. from the German in Philological Museum 1 (1832): 245-279.Olmstead, Albert T. History of the Persian Empire. Chicago: TheUniversity of Chicago Press, 1948.Pandit, Ranjit Sitaram.^Trans. of Kalhana's Rajataranqini.Allahabad (India): The Indian Press, Ltd., 1935; reprint, NewDelhi: Sahitya Akademi, 1977.Parpola, Asko. "On the Jaiminiya and VadhUla Traditions of SouthIndia and the Pandu/Pandava Problem." Studia Orientalia 55(1984): 427-468.Pearson, Lionel I. C.^Early Ionian Historians.^Oxford: TheClarendon Press, 1939; reprint, Connecticut: Greenwood Press,1975.Pedech, Paul. La Geographie des Grecs. Presses Universitaires deFrance, 1976.Postans, Thomas. Personal Observations on Sindh. London: Longman,Brown, Green and Longmans, 1843.Pritchett, W. Kendrick. Dionysius of Halicarnassus: On Thucydides.Berkeley: University of California Press, 1975.Puskäs, Ildikci. "Herodotus and India." Oikumene 4 (1983): 201-207.121"Mahabharata-Motifs in Classical Greek and RomanSources." Fourth World Sanskrit Conference of the I.A.S.S. (International Association of Sanskrit Studies), Weimar(G.D.R.), May 23-30, 1979: 257-262.^ . "On an Ethnographical Topos in the Classical Literature(the Gold-Digging Ants)." Annales Universitatis ScientiarumBudapestinensis de Rolando Eotvos Nominatae. Sectio Classica. 5-6 (1977-78): 73-87.Rawlinson, Hugh George. Intercourse between India and the WesternWorld. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1916.Rawlinson, Sir H. "Thibetan Discovery." Pall Mall Gazette (March16, 1869).Regenos, G. W. "A Note on Herodotus 3.102." Classical Journal 34(1939): 425-426.Rennel, Major James. Memoir of a Map of Hindostan. London: M.Brown, 1783.Sansone, David. "The Date of Herodotus' Publication." IllinoisClassical Studies 10.1 (1985): 1-9.Schiern, Frederik.^"The Tradition of the Gold-Digging Ants."Trans. by Anna M. H. Childers in The Indian Antiquary (August4, 1875): 225-232.^ .^Uber den Ursprung der Sage von den GoldgrabendenAmeisen. Kopenhagen, 1873. (Om oprindelsen til sagnet om deguldgravende myrer. Meddeelt i det Kgl. danske videnskabernesselskabs mode den 2 december 1870, of Frederik Schiern.Kjobenhaven, B. Lunos bogtrykkeri, 1873)Sedlar, Jean W. India and the Greek World. Totowa, New Jersey:Rowman and Littlefield, 1980.Shuckburgh, E. S. Ed. of Herodotus IV: Melpomene. Cambridge:Cambridge University Press, 1906.Smith, Charles Forster. Trans. of Thucydides' Histories (LoebClassical Library). Cambridge (Mass.): Harvard UniversityPress, 1962.Smith, Philip.^"Caspatyrus."^Dictionary of Greek and RomanGeography. Ed. by William Smith. London: Walton and Maberly,1854.^ . "Caspeiria." Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography.Ed. by William Smith. London: Walton and Maberly, 1854.122Smith, Vincent A. The Early History of India from 600 B.C. to theMuhammadan Conquest. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1924.Stein, Sir Marcus Aurel. Trans. of Kalhana's Rajatarangini: AChronicle of the Kings of Kasmir. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass,1961. Vol. 2Tarn, William W. The Greeks in Bactria and India. Cambridge:University Press, 1938; reprint, Cambridge: University Press,1966.Thomson, James Oliver. History of Ancient Geography. Cambridge:Cambridge University Press, 1948.Toynbee, Arnold J.^Between Oxus and Jumma.^London: OxfordUniversity Press, 1961.Tucci, Giuseppe. "On Swat. The Dards and Connected Problems."East and West 27 (1977):Vaux, W. S. W.^"Gandarae."^Dictionary of Greek and RomanGeography. Ed. by William Smith. London: Walton and Maberly,1854.^ . "Ortospana." Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography.Ed. by William Smith. London: Walton and Maberly, 1854.^ . "Pactyice." Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography.Ed. by William Smith. London: Walton and Maberly, 1854.^ . "Pandae." Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography. Ed.by William Smith. London: Walton and Maberly, 1854."Suastene." Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography.Ed. by William Smith. London: Walton and Maberly , 1854.Veltheim, A. F. Graf von. Sammlung Einiger Aufsatze Historischen, Antiquarischen, Mineralogischen and Ahnlichen Inhalts.Helmstedt: Bey C. G. Fleckeisen, 1800.Wells, J. "The Genuineness of the FiNINA65o; of Hecataeus." TheJournal of Hellenic Studies 29 (1909): 41-52.Wheeler, James Talboys. The Geography of Herodotus.^London:Longman, Brown, Green, and Longmans, 1854.Wilson, Horace H. Ariana Antigua: A Descriptive Account of theAntiquities and Coins of Afghanistan. London: Published underthe authority of the honorable the court of directors of theEast India Company, 1841; reprint, Delhi: Oriental Publishers,1971.123^. The Hindu History of Kashmir. First published in theAsiatic Researches, Serampore 15 (1928): 1-119. Calcutta:Susil Gupta (India) Private Limited, 1960.Woodcock, George. The Greeks in India. London: Faber and FaberLtd., 1966.


Citation Scheme:


Citations by CSL (citeproc-js)

Usage Statistics



Customize your widget with the following options, then copy and paste the code below into the HTML of your page to embed this item in your website.
                            <div id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidgetDisplay">
                            <script id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidget"
                            async >
IIIF logo Our image viewer uses the IIIF 2.0 standard. To load this item in other compatible viewers, use this url:


Related Items