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The Native Youth Project Perkins, Elena Ann 1991

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THE NATIVE YOUTH PROJECT by ELENA ANN PERKINS B.A. The University of Arizona 1963 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of Anthropology) We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September 1991 © Elena Ann Perkins, 1991 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of Anthropology The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada Date 10 October 1991 DE-6 (2/88) ABSTRACT Throughout the history of the d i s c i p l i n e , anthropologists have assumed the role of c u l t u r a l brokers, often taking e x p l i c i t r e s p o n s i b i l i t y as advocates and representatives for dependent populations. Over the years, the role of c u l t u r a l broker has changed, r e f l e c t i n g the i n t e l l e c t u a l and p o l i t i c a l m ilieu of the times. This perspective has been evident i n the organizational culture at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia Museum of Anthropology (MOA) which has demonstrated a strong public service orientation since the late 1940s. This i s a formative evaluation case study of the Native Youth Project, an education programme for F i r s t Nations teenagers which was active throughout the 1980s. The purpose of a formative evaluation i s to provide information on the operation of a programme so those responsible for i t can make improvements. The Native Youth Project (NYP) was i n i t i a t e d i n 1979, co-sponsored by MOA and the Native Indian Youth Advisory Society (NIYAS). Conceived as a s o c i a l intervention programme to improve academic achievement and introduce young people of aboriginal ancestry into productive careers i n the mainstream Canadian society, t h i s programme had a strong c u l t u r a l component, promoting pride i n F i r s t Nations heritage. The teenagers were trained to make presentations on various aspects of the indigenous culture of the Northwest Coast to museum v i s i t o r s and community groups. Tracking the development of the Page i i programme reveals changing s e n s i b i l i t i e s among MOA s t a f f toward the r o l e of c u l t u r a l brokerage. This case study also describes an example of the inters e c t i o n between aboriginal and public i n s t i t u t i o n a l forms of organization and programming. The contributions of the various stakeholders and the context of the project's operation are described using the ethnographic methods of participant observation and interviewing. I t i s also an exercise i n r e f l e x i v e anthropology, since the author was an active member of the management and i n s t r u c t i o n a l team that i s the focus of analysis. Page i i i TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract i i Table of Contents i v Acknowledgement v i I. INTRODUCTION 1 II. APPROACH: PROGRAMME EVALUATION 6 A. Professionalization of Programme Evaluation 8 B. Anthropology and Programme Evaluation 12 1. Nat u r a l i s t i c versus Experimental Study Design 12 2. Empirically Based Research 16 3. Comparison and Judgment 18 4. Generalization 23 C. The Process of Evaluating the Native Youth Project 27 III. FRAMEWORK: CULTURAL BROKERAGE 31 A. Foundation for the Pra c t i c a l Application of Anthropology 34 B. A Questioning of Authority 39 IV. THE LEGACY OF HARRY AND AUDREY HAWTHORN 4 9 A. "Useful Anthropology" 49 B. The Place of a People's Heritage 53 C. Background Assumptions of Cultural Brokerage 57 1. C r e d i b i l i t y and Prestige 58 2. Empirical and Pra c t i c a l 59 3. Assimilation/Conservation 60 4. Cultural Identity 61 V. BRENDA TAYLOR AND THE NATIVE INDIAN YOUTH ADVISORY SOCIETY 67 A. Changing Approach to Education Among the F i r s t Nations 68 B. Establishing the Native Indian Youth Advisory Society 73 C. NIYAS Co-Sponsorship of the Native Youth Project 77 D. Coping with the Urbanization of F i r s t Nations Youth 80 Page iv VI . MADELINE BRONSDON ROWAN AND MUSEUM EDUCATION PROGRAMMING 87 A. MOA C u r a t o r i a l Background f o r the Native Youth P r o j e c t 87 B. E s t a b l i s h i n g the Native Youth P r o j e c t 92 C. Development of the Native Youth P r o j e c t 99 D. D i g n i t y and Knowledge 118 VII. PROJECT MANAGERS 12 6 A. P r a c t i c a l Routines and Schedules 128 B. R e a l i t i e s of D i s c i p l i n e and Mo t i v a t i o n 143 C. T e s t i n g P o t e n t i a l 147 VI I I . PROJECT MEMBERS 152 A. A p p l i c a t i o n and S e l e c t i o n 155 B. Research and T r a i n i n g 157 C. Presen t a t i o n s 163 D. Fund R a i s i n g Events and A c t i v i t i e s 170 E. Study T r i p s and Conferences 172 F. Senior Members 177 G. A f t e r the Native Youth P r o j e c t 180 IX. MOA STAFF AND PROJECT RESOURCES 185 A. P r o j e c t A d m i n i s t r a t i o n 188 B. The Museum Support System 192 C. Changing A t t i t u d e s Toward C u l t u r a l Brokerage 198 X. REVIEWING THE NATIVE YOUTH PROJECT 20 6 A. C u l t u r a l Brokerage and the Formation of the Native Youth P r o j e c t 207 B. Native Youth P r o j e c t S t r u c t u r e and Stakeholders 213 1. C u l t u r a l C o l l a b o r a t i o n 213 2. P r o j e c t Resources 217 3. P r o j e c t Objectives 223 C. Assessment of E f f e c t i v e n e s s 227 1. Mi s s i o n 228 2. Consistency 229 3. Involvement 230 4. A d a p t a b i l i t y 231 D. Statement of Conclusion and C o n t r i b u t i o n 232 Bi b l i o g r a p h y 238 Appendix 2 45 Page v ACKNOWLEDGEMENT I t i s necessary to acknowledge that many people have contributed to the descriptions and explanations presented i n t h i s t h e s i s . I sincerely hope they understand my gratitude. On the other hand, i t i s equally necessary to note that the f i n a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i s my own, f i l t e r e d through my own p a r t i c u l a r worldview and expectations. Nonetheless, i t i s intended to be comprehensive and useful. F i r s t to be acknowledged and thanked are the par t i c i p a n t s i n the Native Youth Project who are recognized i n the appendix. They are the i n s p i r a t i o n behind t h i s t h e s i s . The s t a f f at MOA are acknowledged for continuing and enhancing the organizational commitment to education and public service. For me, the d i s c i p l i n e of anthropology was systematically presented and made meaningful i n the museum context through the teaching and guidance of Michael Ames, to whom I am indebted. The thesis committee was chaired by Michael Ames, with Michael Kew and Robin Ridington serving as members. Three friends deserve s p e c i a l recognition for t h e i r continuing encouragement and assistance: Jean Mcintosh, Anne-Marie Fenger and Marg Meikle. And throughout the research and writing process, my family has been very patient and extremely supportive. Thank you. Page v i I . INTRODUCTION In the summer of 1979, an innovative programme for urban teenagers of F i r s t Nations ancestry was launched, co-sponsored by the Native Indian Youth Advisory Society (NIYAS) and the University of B r i t i s h Columbia Museum of Anthropology (MOA). The Native Youth Project (NYP) operated through the 1980s as a work/study programme, t r a i n i n g participants to make presentations on the indigenous cultures of the Northwest Coast to museum v i s i t o r s and community groups. This project developed as government l e g i s l a t i o n promoted a m u l t i c u l t u r a l p o l i c y , and i t r e f l e c t e d the e f f o r t s of the F i r s t Nations to address educational problems as the population base s h i f t e d from reserves to urban centres. The NYP was nurtured by the organizational culture at MOA, and can be understood within a framework of c u l t u r a l brokerage. This case study of the NYP focusses on the programme's or i g i n s , development and operating structure, using the methods of participant observation and organizing information i n a purposeful manner to f a c i l i t a t e programme evaluation. The body of the case study attempts to understand the NYP from the perspectives of the various stakeholders, reporting what they did, how they responded and how they talked about t h e i r experiences. This i s also an exercise i n r e f l e x i v e anthropology, examining the objectives and a c t i v i t i e s of a contemporary museum education programme i n which I p a r t i c i p a t e d as part of the management and i n s t r u c t i o n a l team. The NYP i l l u s t r a t e d both the st y l e and commitment of MOA. Page 1 Anthropological c o l l e c t i o n s were received as g i f t s by the University of B r i t i s h Columbia beginning i n the l a t e 1920s and were housed i n the main l i b r a r y building. In the l a t e 1940s, the function and work of MOA were given purpose by the "Useful Anthropology" of Harry Hawthorn and the c u r a t o r i a l approach of Audrey Hawthorn. Along with greatly increased acquisitions of a r t i f a c t s from the aboriginal cultures of the Northwest Coast, an emphasis was placed on ethnographic research including studies of both t r a d i t i o n a l culture and contemporary s o c i a l problems. Under the guidance of the Hawthorns, an impressive new f a c i l i t y was s p e c i f i c a l l y designed for the museum which opened i n 1976. A combination of the c o l l e c t i o n s , architecture and academic output have given t h i s r e l a t i v e l y small museum an int e r n a t i o n a l reputation among museologists, other scholars and the general public. Chapter Four describes the work of the Hawthorns and the ethos which they, along with t h e i r students and colleagues, established at the museum. This was the basis fo r the organizational culture at MOA which continues to inform the programmes and commitments at the museum. The story of the NYP i s t o l d through the key stakeholders. Chapters Five and Six consider the founders of the NYP. The community roots for the NYP came from the work of Brenda Taylor and the Native Indian Youth Advisory Society which she was instrumental i n organizing and which she directed through the 1980s. In the early 1970s, the s o c i a l and economic conditions of of F i r s t Nations youth i n the urban environment became the Page 2 focus of attention for Taylor, who has served as a home-school worker with the Department of Indian A f f a i r s and with the Vancouver School Board. About t h i s same time, Madeline Bronsdon Rowan became a curator at MOA responsible for the educational programming. Rowan extended conventional d e f i n i t i o n s for t h i s work, beli e v i n g i n the potential for anthropology and museum based programming to augment educational opportunities for "disadvantaged" youth of the F i r s t Nations. Chapters Seven and Eight deal with the project managers and the project members who were c u l t u r a l l y i d e n t i f i e d with the F i r s t Nations. Many of the pa r t i c i p a n t s responded to the opportunities provided by the NYP and used the programme to address t h e i r own p a r t i c u l a r needs and goals. Their i n t e r e s t , and i n many cases l o y a l t y , were s i g n i f i c a n t i n the development and character of the project. Over the years, MOA provided the f a c i l i t i e s and basic resources for organizing and maintaining the NYP. Chapter Nine describes the i n s t i t u t i o n a l setting for the programme, the project resources and the evolving s e n s i b i l i t i e s and commitment of the s t a f f at MOA. The outcomes of t h i s programme have been complex, as diverse as the individuals and groups which came together to create the NYP. The orientation and structure of the NYP was characterized by a sense of mission. Depending on the available funding, f i v e to twelve high school students participated i n the NYP each summer. After a t r a i n i n g period, these young people made regular l y scheduled presentations to v i s i t o r s at MOA and Page 3 outreach presentations to community groups. The presentations explained various aspects of the indigeous culture of the Northwest Coast. The f i r s t presentation at MOA featured the t r a d i t i o n a l uses of the cedar tree. Presentations on f i s h i n g , potlatching and a tour of carvings i n the c o l l e c t i o n s at MOA were added. Not only did project members have to master the presentations, they had to be prepared to answer a wide range of questions about the F i r s t Nations. Indeed, for museum v i s i t o r s , the NYP represented the F i r s t Nations, a role the project members accepted and considered important. The basic summer project was funded through employment grants from the Canadian government. In addition, the NYP used various methods of fund r a i s i n g i n order to make f i e l d t r i p s to F i r s t Nations c u l t u r a l and community centres throughout the province. The NYP also had a winter programme of Sunday presentations at the museum. Themes and dilemmas emerge from t h i s story of the NYP, many of which can be understood within a framework of c u l t u r a l brokerage. The history and implications of c u l t u r a l brokerage i n the d i s c i p l i n e of anthropology are considered i n Chapter Three. MOA s t a f f served as c u l t u r a l brokers, attempting to make anthropological knowledge more widely accessible and useful i n bridging c u l t u r a l differences. The underlying assumption was that t h i s knowledge would contribute to mutual respect and constructive understanding. Museum s t a f f assumed an advocacy p o s i t i o n as c u l t u r a l brokers by using anthropological research and programming to aid the F i r s t Nations of Canada, p a r t i c u l a r l y Page 4 the aboriginal peoples of the Northwest Coast. The NYP i l l u s t r a t e d the orientation and commitment to c u l t u r a l brokerage at MOA. Conceived as a s o c i a l intervention programme to improve academic achievement, provide employment and develop c u l t u r a l awareness for urban teenagers from the F i r s t Nations, the NYP changed over time i n response to modified objectives, a l t e r e d s e n s i b i l i t i e s and administrative restructuring. Analyzing the needs and aspirations of the various stakeholders i n the NYP provides a basis for understanding the impact and p o t e n t i a l of the programme. The approach used i n t h i s case study i s n a t u r a l i s t i c and contextual programme evaluation which i s discussed i n Chapter Two. In addition, t h i s i s a r e f l e x i v e exercise. As an early member of the NYP management and i n s t r u c t i o n a l team, I am examining my own involvement and commitment i n a programme informed by the background assumptions of c u l t u r a l brokerage. The information i n t h i s case study i s offered to provoke debate and reassessment by the stakeholders and, through extrapoloation, by those concerned with s i m i l a r problems and programmes. Page 5 I I . APPROACH: PROGRAMME EVALUATION The purpose of t h i s case study of the NYP i s to examine i n a thorough and purposeful manner the development and practices of a contemorary museum based educational programme. I t i s an exercise i n "formative" evaluation, studying an evolving programme, rather than "summative" evaluation, providing conclusive judgments on programme effectiveness and impact (Weiss 1972:17). The intent i s threefold: 1. to help inform p o l i c y decisions as the programme sponsors review t h e i r continuing support of the NYP and to serve as a basis for the ongoing development and refinement of the programme, 2. to provide information and assessments useful i n planning and esta b l i s h i n g s i m i l a r programmes i n other settings, and 3. to explore (within the d i s c i p l i n e of anthropology) the rela t e d t h e o r e t i c a l and methodological problems of c u l t u r a l brokerage and ethnographic authority. This i s a r e f l e x i v e study, analyzing a so c i o - c u l t u r a l programme within which I, the author, p a r t i c i p a t e d as a s t a f f member. Between 1977 and 1983, I was a student at MOA and had various s t a f f and project r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . In 1982, and again b r i e f l y i n 1987, I worked d i r e c t l y on the NYP as part of the management and i n s t r u c t i o n a l team. Following t h i s involvement, I assumed the position of researcher, using the methods of par t i c i p a n t observation to assemble the information for t h i s case study. The circumstances and a c t i v i t i e s of the NYP are described i n t h i s case study from the perspective of the key Page 6 stakeholders. The descriptions are based on my personal p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the project, complemented by extensive f i e l d observations, interviews and a thorough review of project records. Conclusions are drawn assessing the programme structure and treatments. This i s a p r a c t i c a l exercise, providing information to stimulate deeper questioning and debate about an ongoing programme i n an active i n s t i t u t i o n a l s e t t i n g . Programme evaluation as a specialized f i e l d of inquiry has a r e l a t i v e l y short history. Only within the past three decades has i t emerged, primarily as a response to i n t e n s i f i e d s o c i a l intervention p o l i c i e s and programmes. Michael Patton provides an i n c l u s i v e d e f i n i t i o n : Program evaluation i s undertaken to inform decisions, c l a r i f y options, reduce uncertainties, and provide information about programs and p o l i c i e s within contextual boundaries of time, place, values, and p o l i t i c s . [Patton 1986:14] The roots of programme evaluation are diverse. As Carol Weiss explains, "What distinguishes evaluation research i s not method or subject matter, but intent" (1972:6). Over time, the purpose and techniques of evaluation research have broadened, assuming a more i n t e g r a l role i n contemporary s o c i a l planning, accompained by a s h i f t i n research design from standardized and abstracted experimental models for the evaluation of programme treatments to contextual and reactive research i n continuing programme si t u a t i o n s . Since the l a t e 1970s, programme evaluation has gone through a process of "professionalization" with an emphasis on u t i l i t y , f e a s i b i l i t y , propriety and accuracy. Page 7 The n a t u r a l i s t i c orientation and r e f l e x i v e perspective of anthropology make ethnographic methods adaptable and serviceable for programme evaluation, and, i n fact, these methods have gradually been incorporated into evaluation research, at l e a s t into the non-experimental formats. Methodological g u a l i t i e s s i g n i f i c a n t i n t h i s r elationship are summarized under four issues. F i r s t , anthropology i s grounded i n n a t u r a l i s t i c study of ongoing s o c i a l r e a l i t i e s rather than experimental models of research. Second, anthropology i s founded on empirical research featuring participant observation. The t h i r d issue concerns the nature of comparison and judgment i n anthropology which promotes a s i t u a t i o n a l l y responsive orientation. And the fourth issue considers the process of generalization. As the f i e l d of programme evaluation matured, the methods and perspectives of anthropology have gained recognition and respect. Evaluation research provides both an appropriate occupational pursuit f o r anthropologists and a responsible operational attitude toward p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n s o c i a l action programmes. A. PROFESSIONALIZATION OF PROGRAMME EVALUATION The 1960s and 1970s were turbulant times for the s o c i a l sciences i n North America. This era of l i b e r a l s o c i a l reforms brought high expectations. In Canada and the United States, t h i s e f f o r t combined massive federal expenditures with a conspicuous use of expertise i n the s o c i a l sciences to develop and maintain action programmes i n education, health and welfare. Page 8 Patton characterizes program evaluation p r i o r to the 1960s as eith e r a "charity orientation" based on assessing s t a f f s i n c e r i t y or "pure pork barrel p o l i t i c s " based on a p o l i t i c a l head count of opponents and proponents (1986:18). In the 1960s, large-scale government sponsored s o c i a l action programmes required project accountability, and administrators turned to state-of-the-art methodologies—rigorous experimental designs, quantitative data and detailed s t a t i s t i c a l analysis. C r i t e r i a for judging evaluation research were v i r t u a l l y the same as judging basic academic research i n the conventional s o c i a l and behavioural s c i e n c e s — v a l i d i t y , r e l i a b i l i t y , measurability and g e n e r a l i z a b i l i t y . Then i n the 1970s, disappointing r e s u l t s of s o c i a l intervention programmes c o l l i d e d with economic problems. I t had become obvious that the infusion of funds alone was unable to solve complex human and s o c i a l problems. Useful evaluation information was recognized as a s i g n i f i c a n t element i n the implementation and ongoing effectiveness of action programmes. This marked a time of evaluating evaluation. In other words, evaluators, along with programme planners and s t a f f , were being made accountable. Previously evaluators had c l e a r l y defined r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s l i m i t e d to research and sometimes publ i c a t i o n of the findings. The lament was often heard among s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s that research r e s u l t s were not used. Both on the national and the l o c a l scale, the application of s o c i a l science knowledge and methodology i s expected to have b e n e f i c i a l e f f e c t s : improve decision Page 9 making, lead to the planning of better programs, and so serve program participants i n more relevant, more b e n e f i c i a l , and more e f f i c i e n t ways. The production of objective evidence i s seen as a way to reduce the p o l i t i c k i n g , the s e l f - s e r v i n g maneuvers, and the log-r o l l i n g that commonly attend decision making at every l e v e l from the Congress to the l o c a l school. Data w i l l replace favors and other p o l i t i c a l negotiations, so that the most r a t i o n a l decisions w i l l be reached. In these terms, the history of evaluation research to date has been disppointing. Few examples can be c i t e d of important contributions to p o l i c y and program. Part of the reason l i e s i n the remarkable resistance of organizations to unwanted information—and unwanted change. [Weiss 1972:3] The underlying tone of t h i s quote suggests that evaluators work under an authority greater than the pragmatic r e a l i t i e s of s p e c i f i c programmes. The problem, however, went beyond "unwanted" information and change. Evaluation users required understandable information, relevant to the decision making process within which they participated. Patton describes the net e f f e c t of t h i s s i t u a t i o n as a u t i l i z a t i o n c r i s i s , observing, "Just as by the l a t e 1960s we had discovered that poverty would not go away as e a s i l y as we had hoped, so the v i s i o n s of government based on r a t i o n a l decision making undergirded by s c i e n t i f i c t ruth were beginning to fade" (1986:23). By the mid 1970s, the f i e l d of programme evaluation had reached a stage which Madaus, Stufflebeam and Scriven (1983) describe as "professionalization." As part of t h i s , a j o i n t committee was formed with representatives from twelve professional organizations to set out standards of excellence i n evaluation research. After years of d e l i b e r a t i o n and preparation, these were published i n 1981. The standards were Page 10 based on four q u a l i t i e s : u t i l i t y , f e a s i b i l i t y , propriety and accuracy, i n that p a r t i c u l a r order. This means that evaluation professionals, accountable to t h e i r colleagues, make c r i t i c a l judgments about the commissions they accept and carry out. The f i r s t consideration i s the potential for use of the findings, how and by whom. Second i s the p r a c t i c a l i t y of conducting the study including cost effectiveness and p o l i t i c a l climate. Third i s an assessment of whether or not the study can be conducted i n a f a i r and e t h i c a l manner. And f i n a l l y , questions of t e c h n i c a l adequacy are addressed. The u t i l i t y c r i t e r i o n frames t h e i r assessment of r e a l i z i n g the remaining standards, and the accuracy c r i t e r i o n does not have an independent status but rather must be judged i n terms of providing useful information e f f e c t i v e l y and f a i r l y . Referring to the work of Thomas Kuhn, Patton states, "It i s not an exaggeration, i n my opinion, to characterize the s h i f t i n perspective represented by the new standards as 'a s c i e n t i f i c revolution'" (1986:25). This s h i f t i s i l l u s t r a t e d i n the launching of a new journal i n 1979, Knowledge: Creation, Diffusion. U t i l i z a t i o n with Carol Weiss, Donald T. Campbell and others eminent i n the f i e l d of programme evaluation on the e d i t o r i a l board. The editors looked to an i l l u s t r i o u s i n t e l l e c t u a l heritage and accepted a formidable s o c i a l mission (Rich 1979). As the pendulum of respect swung from pure (abstract) toward applied (situational) science, a d i s t i n c t professional i d e n t i t y emerged for programme evaluators. I n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y but with a shared intent, they endeavoured to Page 11 make the knowledge and methods of s o c i a l science relevant to the needs of society. Anthropologists have contributed to t h i s e f f o r t from t h e i r grounded study of continuing s o c i a l r e a l i t i e s and, more recently, from t h e i r r e f l e x i v e inquiry into the process of s o c i o - c u l t u r a l research. B. ANTHROPOLOGY AND PROGRAMME EVALUATION Anthropological theory and methods provide resources f o r the development of a h o l i s t i c approach to programme evaluation which i s n a t u r a l i s t i c and responsive. This work must be manageable and convincing. There are several major issues to be reviewed about the nature of an anthropologically based in v e s t i g a t i o n for purposes of programme evaluation. F i r s t i s the question of n a t u r a l i s t i c versus experimental study design, addressing where and when programme evaluation can e f f e c t i v e l y be conducted. Second i s the empirical basis for generating understandings, considering what information appropriately serves as substance for an evaluation. The t h i r d issue looks at comparison and judgment to examine how a programme can be evaluated. And the fourth issue i s generalization, considering the broader process of generating authoritative understandings. 1. N a t u r a l i s t i c versus Experimental Study Design Anthropological discourse i s often apologetic about the s c i e n t i f i c merit of the t r a d i t i o n a l ethnographic methodologies, allowing experimental models of s o c i a l research to e s t a b l i s h the standards for v a l i d i t y , r e l i a b i l i t y , measurability and Page 12 g e n e r a l i z a b i l i t y . This position has been discussed i n terms of a dichotomy between "science" and "art" (see Pelto and Pelto 1978:177-229 and Koppelman 1983:349) suggesting q u a n t i f i a b l e o b j e c t i v i t y on the one hand and subjective i n t e r p r e t a t i o n on the other. However, s c i e n t i f i c inquiry i s not defined by c o n t r o l l e d experiments. There are notable examples of t h i s i n the natural sciences where research objectives and study questions of d i s c i p l i n e s such as astronomy, geology and meteorology are not well served by experimental methods. A s i m i l a r d i v i s i o n between experimental and non-experimental study orientations occurs i n evaluation research. Experimental studies abstract programme elements to examine them under c o n t r o l l e d conditions. In contrast, n a t u r a l i s t i c studies are conducted within the working context of the actual programmes. Gerald Britan explains that i n the r e a l l i f e s i t u a t i o n of s o c i a l action programmes, goals and intended r e s u l t s are r a r e l y e x p l i c i t and unanimously held by a l l p a r t i e s . Programme treatments are usually multifacetted, eliminating the p o s s i b i l i t y of i d e n t i f y i n g s p e c i f i c cause-effect r e l a t i o n s h i p s or using an experimental model with quantifiable measurements. Britan explains: Contextual evaluation treats action programs as ongoing s o c i a l r e a l i t i e s by d i r e c t l y studying t h e i r everyday a c t i v i t i e s . Goals, treatments, and r e s u l t s therefore evolve from continuing interactions among program pa r t i c i p a n t s . By understanding these processes, a contextual evaluation attempts to explain how a program has developed, what i t does, and how i t can be a l t e r e d . [Britan 1978b:230] Page 13 A c r i t i c a l questioning of the appropriateness and usefulness of experimental models for programme evaluation has developed. During the p r o l i f e r a t i o n of evaluation research i n the l a t e 1960s and 1970s, the experimental model of academic research set expectations requiring testable hypotheses based on e x p l i c i t programme goals (see Gordon and Morse 1975, and Weiss 1972). Limiting background assumptions about the nature of s o c i a l intervention and p o l i c y formation required standardized measurements for accountability. Evaluation practices were expected to provide "hard" evidence of programme outcomes and predict treatment r e p l i c a b i l i t y . The r e s u l t s were necessarily abstracted and disappointing: Quantitative impact studies cannot cope with t h i s messy r e a l i t y , so t h e i r apparently s c i e n t i f i c findings are achieved either by ignoring complexity or by canceling i t out with s t a t i s t i c a l "correctives." As a consequence, the abstracted, s t a t i s t i c a l pictures painted by such studies might bear only a f a i n t resemblance to l i v e d r e a l i t y . Given t h i s , i t i s no wonder that d i r e c t service workers often see l i t t l e good coming from evaluations, nor i s i t surprising that the r e s u l t s of such research r a r e l y are used to inform program operations. [Loseke 1989:220] Alan Peshkin characterizes quantitative study as reduction, suggesting that "qualitative methods are notably suited for grasping the complexity of the phenomena we investigate" (1988:416). Contextual, n a t u r a l i s t i c studies based i n anthropological theory and methods "are e s p e c i a l l y important i n providing a basis for policy decisions involving improvements and changes i n continuing program settings" (Britan 1978a:126). Evaluation research modelled a f t e r anthropological methods Page 14 supports penetrating questions with f l e x i b l e study designs. Ethnographic research allows hypotheses and study designs to be developed i n the process of research. One of the methodological strengths of anthropology i s that researchers are generally f l e x i b l e enough to discover new areas of information not forseen i n t h e i r o r i g i n a l research plans. This i s part of the constructive holism of the d i s c i p l i n e . [Pelto and Pelto 1978:240; i t a l i c s i n o r i g i n a l ] Ethnographic methods provided a welcomed counterpoint to conventional experimental evaluation. The term "ethnographic evaluator" emerged i n the 1970s, primarily i n the f i e l d of educational research. David Fetterman explains the committed and grounded ori e n t a t i o n most often associated with an ethnographic approach: [As ethnographic evaluators, we] have the capacity and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to shape the destiny of our work. They have made conscious decision to p a r t i c i p a t e i n the s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l arena. Ethnographic evaluators are i n t e g r a l l y involved i n describing, designing, and p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n the process of change.... Ethnographic evaluators conduct t h e i r research h o l i s t i c a l l y , nonjudgmentally, and contextually. [Fetterman 1986:13] Fetterman uses the concept of " c u l t u r a l broker" to describe the work of ethnographic evaluators, emphasizing the need to communicate across d i s c i p l i n a r y boundaries. Anthropologists have planted deep roots i n the s o i l of educational evaluation.... They have offered evaluators a new paradigm, a new way of looking at educational innovations, and new methods of data c o l l e c t i o n and analysis. Moreover, they have diffused a c u l t u r a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of behaviors and events i n educational research. [Fetterman 1986:21] Ethnography brought to the f i e l d of programme evaluation a h o l i s t i c , grounded perspective dedicated to the study of ongoing Page 15 s o c i a l r e a l i t i e s with an appreciation for the dynamics of culture change and the impact of intervention. Robert L. Wolf (1980:41) concludes that n a t u r a l i s t i c evaluation i s aimed at understanding the meaning of experience within a p a r t i c u l a r context which recognizes the " m u l t i p l i c i t y " of perspectives and the " r a t i o n a l i t y " of systematic information gathering and usage Within t h i s broad orientation, pragmatic considerations e s t a b l i s h manageable evaluation studies. A t y p i c a l study consists of four major operational phases: negotiation, issue identification, in-depth investigation, and analysis and presentation. [Wolf 1980:42; i t a l i c s i n o r i g i n a l ] N a t u r a l i s t i c and contextual research can and should be f l e x i b l e not only i n responding to diverse needs and study opportunities but also i n incorporating a range of research techniques including, where appropriate and useful, experimental and quantitative methods as part of the repertoire for systematic and h o l i s t i c probing for deeper understanding. The study focus nonetheless, remains the naturally occurring events, a c t i v i t i e s behaviours and systems rather than standardized abstractions. 2. Empirically Based Research Exploring further the connections between anthropology and programme evaluation, i t i s important to recognize that the primary mode of ethnographic investigation i s pa r t i c i p a n t observation emphasizing descriptive data. As a research method ethnography takes the ordinary a c t i v i t y of p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n s o c i a l l i f e and sets out various techniques for making i t a Page 16 directed and systematic a c t i v i t y . Information i s based on ex p e r i e n t i a l learning, questioning impressions, tracking r e l a t i o n s h i p s , regularly checking and monitoring the consistency and patterning of f i e l d observations. Research tools f o r conducting participant observation are chosen to meet the constraints and p o s s i b i l i t i e s of the p a r t i c u l a r s i t u a t i o n . They include extensive f i e l d notes, interviews, surveys, co l l a b o r a t i o n with key informants, l i f e h i s t o r i e s , a r c h i v a l research, myth analysis, even psychological measurements, photography, and sound and image recording. Unlike the s i t u a t i o n i n the laboratory sciences, research tools i n anthropology involve r e l a t i v e l y l i t t l e i n the way of hardware and gadgetry but require great s e n s i t i v i t y and self-awareness on the part of the investigator. The fieldworker i s the p r i n c i p a l research instrument... [Pelto and Pelto 1978:67] Data gathering i s a selective process which r e f l e c t s the t r a i n i n g and orientation of the researchers. Generally speaking, Patton admonishes against u n r e a l i s t i c expectations: Too often evaluators and decision makers behave as i f there i s some body of data out there that has only to be c o l l e c t e d i n order to reveal what i t a l l means, whether or not i t works, and whether or not the program i s e f f e c t i v e . [Patton 1986:246] Ethnographic evaluators sort through the complexities of ongoing s o c i a l r e a l i t i e s to develop orderly descriptions based on f i r s t hand observation and p a r t i c i p a t i o n . The content of the ethnographic data c o l l e c t i o n process can be better understood by constrasting emic and e t i c approaches (Pelto and Pelto 1978:54-66). An e t i c approach studies Page 17 observable a c t i v i t i e s and patterns of behaviour, assuming they can be enumerated and adequately described with u n i v e r s a l l y v a l i d terminology. This approach provides concrete descriptions of physical occurances. In contrast, the emic approach emphasizes meaning and patterns of l o g i c which require an i n s i d e r ' s point of view,. The cognitive process making sense of occurances and d i r e c t i n g behaviour assumes explanatory importance. Pelto and Pelto point out that most anthropologists "operate with a b a s i c a l l y emic perspective" (1978:245). But these are not exclusive approaches. An i l l u s t r a t i o n of the melding of e t i c and emic approaches i s provided by Wolf i n his review of n a t u r a l i s t i c museum evaluation research, " I t i s imperative, however, to supplement behavioral observation with v i s i t o r interviews so as to f u l l y understand what motivations and l e v e l s of i n t e r e s t contribute to a person's actions" (1980:44). The object of investigation guides the s e l e c t i o n of s p e c i f i c units of observation balancing e t i c and emic approaches to develop a data base for h o l i s t i c analysis. 3. Comparison and Judgment In programme evaluation, data must be coordinated and analyzed i n a convincing manner to provide a basis f o r assessments and recommendations. Analysis i n conventional evaluation research becomes convincing through the use of comparison. In experimental evaluation t e s t i n g goal achievement, formal comparison i s i n t e r n a l with pre- and post-t e s t s and external with standardized measurement t o o l s . Page 18 Variables are regulated to be held constant, and treatment effectiveness i s demonstrated by the use of control groups f o r e x p l i c i t comparison. The basic assumption i s that, when conditions are repeated, the e f f e c t w i l l be predictable within degrees of p r o b a b i l i t y . This experimental methodology minimizes researcher judgment, providing "hard" evidence. But many subjective decisions on content and appropriateness are made i n sele c t i n g and administering the measurement t o o l s . There are techni c a l l i m i t a t i o n s on what can and cannot be q u a n t i t a t i v e l y compared, and i n r e a l l i f e situations i t may not be possible to use control groups. Rethinking the purpose and constraints of programme evaluation has led to a c a l l for s i t u a t i o n a l responsiveness. Judgments about the r e l a t i v e p r a c t i c a l i t y of a p a r t i c u l a r evaluation process or evaluation finding can only be made with reference to a p a r t i c u l a r s i t u a t i o n involving s p e c i f i c people, a s p e c i f i c program, and s p e c i f i c constraints. The standards of evaluation are not absolute behavioral guidelines. They require adaptation and interp r e t a t i o n i n the context of s p e c i f i c circumstances and constraints. ...This constitutes a major s h i f t i n perspective from evaluation judged by a single, standard, and universal set of c r i t e r i a (methodological r i g o r as defined by the hypothetico-deductive paradigm) to s i t u a t i o n a l evaluation i n which judgment c r i t e r i a are multiple, f l e x i b l e , and diverse. [Patton 1982:300; parentheses i n o r i g i n a l ] Patton uses the phrase "active-reactive-adaptive evaluators" to describe those professionals who are meeting the new challenges. As a research t r a d i t i o n which respects l o c a l i n t e g r i t y , and by extension s i t u a t i o n a l d i s t i n c t i v e n e s s , ethnography o f f e r s an al t e r n a t i v e to formal comparison through an emphasis on h o l i s t i c Page 19 analysis. Elements and parts are studied and explained i n r e l a t i o n s h i p to the t o t a l s i t u a t i o n , building an integrated p i c t u r e . Appropriately, the focus of investigation for ethnographic evaluators i s the s t r u c t u r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of programmes, studying the interplay of defined s o c i a l problems, programme goals, treatments and outcomes. An ethnographic evaluator who grounds his or her research questions and variables i n f i e l d experience, and aims at the deep rather than the surface structure of communication and behavior, w i l l be able to provide a r i c h e r picture and more accurate appraisal of the s o c i o c u l t u r a l system under study. [Fetterman 1986:217] An i l l u s t r a t i o n of focussing on s t r u c t u r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i s provided i n the way programme participants are conceived and studied. Ethnographic evaluators attempt to incorporate i n t o t h e i r research and analysis the m u l t i p l i c i t y of i n s i d e r s ' perspectives. However, as Patton (1986:71) warns, programme evaluation cannot be allowed to degenerate into personnel evaluation. Staff organization and procedures for personnel evaluation are often basic issues i n programme evaluation with long term p o l i c y implications. The object of study remains, nonetheless, s t r u c t u r a l , not routine management considerations of aptitude and performance i n i n d i v i d u a l p a r t i c i p a n t s . Appropriately, ethnographic evaluators search for patterns and re l a t i o n s h i p s to develop an integrated understanding of programme development and p o t e n t i a l . An example of h o l i s t i c evaluation can be found i n the study of corporate (more broadly referred to as organizational) Page 20 culture by Daniel Denison (1990). He sets out four basic perspectives which frame the judgment of effectiveness. The models i l l u s t r a t e the "inherent paradox" i n assessing the success of organizations which are composed of a mix of stakeholders and constituents. The models emphasize i n t e r n a l dynamics or response to the external environment i n eith e r a proactive or reactive manner. F i r s t i s the "natural systems model" which "must be evaluated with respect to the equilibrium and elaboration of the system i t s e l f " (1990:36). Second i s the "goal attainment model" which i s also referred to as the r a t i o n a l systems model where "organizations are perceived as contrived, instrumental, and purposeful" (Ibid.). This model i s widely used i n conventional programme evaluation promoting summative studies. Third i s the "decision process model" where indicators of effectiveness use the information processing and decision making c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of organizations. And the fourth model judges organizational effectiveness i n terms of reactive a b i l i t y , studying resource dependence and broader patterns i n the external environment. Denison generates an integrating framework for his own work (1990:15): change & f l e x i b i l i t y s t a b i l i t y & d i r e c t i o n external ADAPTABILITY MISSION Internal f l e x i b i l i t y Meaning External focus Direction i n t e r n a l INVOLVEMENT CONSISTENCY Informal processes Normative integration Formal structure P r e d i c t a b i l i t y Denison stresses the need for balancing competing demands, Page 21 concluding, "thi s framework assumes that an e f f e c t i v e culture must provide a l l of these elements" (Ibid.). Extending the debates and dilemmas developed i n t h i s chapter, Denison writes: The culture perspective has focused on the basic values, b e l i e f s , and assumptions that are present i n organizations, the patterns of behavior that r e s u l t from these shared meanings, and the symbols that express the l i n k s between assumptions, values, and behavior to an organization's members. The focus on organizational culture has, i n contrast to climate research [a socio-psychological research perspective focussing on the i n d i v i d u a l l e v e l ] , been more q u a l i t a t i v e and idiographic i n approach, and has employed methods that have been predominantly c l i n i c a l , ethnographic, and anthropological. [Denison 1990:27; explanation added] Denison's framework for assessing organizational effectiveness i s used i n Chapter Ten as part of the evaluation of the NYP. In addition, the concept of organizational culture provides a way of understanding the i n s t i t u t i o n a l s etting within which the NYP developed. In ethnography, judgment i n h o l i s t i c analysis turns to c r i t e r i a and standards set within the c u l t u r a l or s i t u a t i o n a l e n t i t y , favoring Denison's "natural systems model." Fetterman explains the process and the position of the researcher: The ethnographic evaluator describes what i s going on and then makes a g u a l i t a t i v e leap beyond description to the e x p l i c i t appraisal and assessment of the c u l t u r a l system i n terms of i t s own c u l t u r a l norms. As an ethnographer and an ethnographic evaluator, I have found e x p l i c i t assessment to be a more honest and useful approach to the study of human beings. ...Holding back one's assessments upsets a d e l i c a t e balance of r e c i p r o c i t y and mutual expectations. [Fetterman 1986:24] The onus for coordinating and analyzing data i n a useful manner f a l l s to the ethnographic evaluator who i s responsible f o r Page 22 f a c i l i t a t i n g and guiding judgments on impact and p o t e n t i a l with a sense of fairness and balance. It i s important to note that n a t u r a l i s t i c evaluation reports outline areas of consideration i n a s p i r i t of suggestion.... The process seeks to provide a r i c h description of what works and why. The insights and decisions provoked through consideration of these suggestions can help to illuminate possible options. [Wolf 1980:43] Wolf describes a debriefing process where stakeholders are involved i n developing feasible recommendations. "When studies produce insight that can be translated into action, that action w i l l occur naturally" (1980:45). Fetterman counsels, "Ethnographic evaluators l i k e a l l evaluators must recognize that they are only cogs i n the larger system of p o l i c y decision making" (1986:220). He goes on to suggest that the mission i s r e a l l y to serve as "a more e f f e c t i v e change agent" (I d i d . ) . Formats for ordering and organizing evaluation data are developed to f a c i l i t a t e assessment of problems and issues with an expectation of implementation. While evaluation research by d e f i n i t i o n i s concerned with s p e c i f i c , bounded programmes and s o c i a l action problems, there remains the issue of achieving broader si g n i f i c a n c e and relevance. 4. Generalization The three issues discussed i n the preceding sections have outlined the merits of n a t u r a l i s t i c research based on empirical study which i s s i t u a t i o n a l l y responsive both i n terms of research design and interpretation. Then there i s the problem of generalization, r e l a t i n g dedicated studies to broader Page 23 understandings. Based on an assumption of "the u n i v e r s a l i t y and importance of experiential understanding," Robert Stake promotes " n a t u r a l i s t i c generalization" (1983:284). He explains the concept i n the foreword to a l a t e r publication: I have t r i e d to emphasize the uniqueness of t h i s case more than i t s generality.... Believing that each reader w i l l generalize to s i t e s and circumstances about which I know l i t t l e , I have t r i e d to provide great d e t a i l about p a r t i c u l a r s that f a c i l i t a t e those reader-made generalizations. [Stake 1986:x] Stake states that while n a t u r a l i s t i c generalizations "lead re g u l a r l y to expectation" guiding action, "they have not yet passed the empirical and l o g i c a l tests that characterize formal (scholarly, s c i e n t i f i c ) generalizations" (1983:282; parenthesis i n o r i g i n a l ) . In a similar vein, Patton suggests "extrapolation," r e f e r r i n g "to the l o g i c a l , creative process of thinking about what s p e c i f i c findings mean for other s i t u a t i o n s rather than the s t a t i s t i c a l process of generalizing from a sample to a larger population" (1986:235). Reflecting a more conventional approach to theory building, Britan describes the r o l e of contextual evaluation research: More important for anthropologists, such evaluation research provides a p r a c t i c a l t e s t i n g ground for anthropological theory. Action programs, a f t e r a l l , are r e a l world experiments i n s o c i a l change. [Britan 1978a:126] Generalizations range i n authority from common sense to t h e o r e t i c a l , incorporating various means to generate support and e s t a b l i s h expectations. Generalizations r e s u l t from a delicate interplay between Page 24 inductive observation and deductive reasoning. A generally accepted modern view of s c i e n t i f i c procedure holds that e f f e c t i v e theory construction depends on both inductive and deductive procedures. That i s , s o l i d foundations for s c i e n t i f i c propositions often depend on a painstaking accumulation of, and generalization from, basic observations of the r e a l world; but, just as often, t h e o r e t i c a l systems provide the frame of reference and basic assumptions i n terms of which relevant hypothesis-t e s t i n g observations can be pursued. In any case, a random gathering of facts cannot by i t s e l f r e s u l t i n an increase of s c i e n t i f i c understanding. [Pelto and Pelto 1978:15; i t a l i c s i n o r i g i n a l ] There are no magic recipes for achieving a respected p o s i t i o n ; however, two q u a l i t i e s stand out i n the successful formulation of generalizations. F i r s t , the work must be systematic. Neither a random gathering of facts nor a pointless t e s t i n g of hypotheses w i l l f a c i l i t a t e generalization or even useful extrapolation. And second, the process of generalization i s not an i s o l a t e d operation but requires e f f e c t i v e communication based on publication, c r i t i c a l review and other mechanisms for sharing studies. As Thomas Kuhn observes, " S c i e n t i f i c knowledge, l i k e language, i s i n t r i n s i c a l l y the common property of a group or else nothing at a l l " (1970:210). Accepting generalizations i n t o a authoritative body of knowledge i s ultimately a group a c t i v i t y , more e f f e c t i v e l y handled with the "corrective mechanism" of a r e f l e x i v e perspective. Michael Ames makes a d i r e c t appeal. This brings me to my f i n a l point: a c a l l f o r a more r e f l e x i v e s t y l e of anthropology — the anthropology of ourselves — as a useful complement to the established externalized and other-directed perspectives. By a l l means we should continue to apply our methods to others; but i n addition, we should give more attention to our backyard. Page 25 This perspective w i l l serve as a useful corrective mechanism, making us more e f f i c i e n t i n what we do as well as more sensitive about how we do i t . [Ames 1979:23] Contemporary s e n s i b i l i t i e s among s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s c a l l f o r a r e f l e x i v e as well as a progressive attitude i n t h e i r work, cognizant of t h e i r purpose and how i t i s accomplished. In summary, anthropologists are well suited to meet the c r i t e r i a f or contemporary professional programme evaluation as set f o r t h by the Joint Committee on Standards for Educational Evaluation (1981). " U t i l i t y , " confirmed i n accepting s p e c i f i c commissions, flows d i r e c t l y from the commitment of grounded pa r t i c i p a n t observation and the emerging attitude of s o c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . " F e a s i b i l i t y " comes from f l e x i b l e and adaptable methodologies and s e n s i t i v i t y to group organization, standards and resources. "Propriety" i s addressed i n the basic e t h i c a l code of the d i s c i p l i n e . And "accuracy" i s based on empirical study conducted i n a systematic manner with h o l i s t i c analysis, open to review by peers, stakeholders and other interested p a r t i e s . Anthropologists tend to be skeptical of d e f i n i t i v e answers and prescribed solutions. Anthropologists contribute a way of understanding group behaviour and the human condition which respects the dynamics of s p e c i f i c situations and the unique equations underlying programme p o l i c i e s and implementation. Lofty expectations have to be translated i n t o actual studies meeting a variety of constraints and p o s s i b i l i t i e s . Page 26 C. THE PROCESS OF EVALUATING THE NATIVE YOUTH PROJECT This case study of the NYP i s an exercise i n n a t u r a l i s t i c programme evaluation based on r e f l e x i v e p a r t i c i p a n t observation. The operational phases roughly correspond to those put forward by Wolf (1980:41): negotiation, issue i d e n t i f i c a t i o n , in-depth i n v e s t i g a t i o n , and analysis and presentation. It was not a neat, l i n e a r process, however, but a study which u t i l i z e d the methodological strength of anthropology, i d e n t i f i e d by Pelto and Pelto (1978:240), where discovery can occur during the course of the study, a l t e r i n g and r e f i n i n g the o r i g i n a l research plan. The i n i t i a l negotiation was not for a consultant's contract but for a thesis topic with the di r e c t o r of MOA serving as advisor. At that time, MOA had administered the NYP for ten years and I had supervised the project for the 1982 summer programme and assisted during the 1987 summer programme. The negotiations focussed on questions of programme significance and c l a s s i f i c a t i o n . The NYP was an innovative museum programme designed to enhance educational opportunities for and about the F i r s t Nations. The longevity and consistency of the programme argued that the fundamental concept and procedures developed i n the project held i n t e r e s t i n g lessons and i n s i g h t s . The project provided a r i c h setting for ethnographic f i e l d work int o a contemporary s o c i a l action programme. The work was to be a case study with detailed description based on participant observation which would organize information needed by MOA and the NIYAS as they reviewed t h e i r sponsorship of the project. As the research Page 27 proceeded, requirements for programme evaluation and the implications of r e f l e x i v e study gained importance and influenced the scope and perspective of the work. The information for t h i s case study was c o l l e c t e d i n the natural s e t t i n g of the project by observing and recording a c t i v i t i e s and relationships i n order to assess the strategies and structure of the programme. This has balanced e t i c and emic approaches, watching and questioning the proceedings, discussing the project with the participants, examining project records and a r c h i v a l sources, and by a c t i v e l y taking a part i n the management of the project. My own service to the NYP included the p o s i t i o n of project supervisor i n the summer of 1982 when Madeline Rowan, the founding curator, was on a leave of absence, and substituting as project manager for part of the summer of 1987. In 1988, I began systematic research on the NYP as a basis for t h i s t h e s i s . My commitment to the NYP has been both as an active participant and as a researcher, making t h i s a t r u l y r e f l e x i v e exercise. Over the years, I have worked with the o r i g i n a t i n g curator, three of the nine project managers, 20 of the 59 project members, and the MOA supervising s t a f f . I have also been acquainted with three other project managers and several other project members. In 1982, I coordinated p a y r o l l and other administrative a c t i v i t i e s with NIYAS. From t h i s d i r e c t involvement, personal relationships e x i s t which both inform my understanding and r e s t r i c t my explanations. The research value i n my position i s in-depth f a m i l i a r i t y with the Page 28 programme and the stakeholders. The drawback i s heightened s u b j e c t i v i t y . I i d e n t i f y with the successes and f a i l u r e s of the NYP and have an i n c l i n a t i o n to serve as apologist. To further explain my orientation, I am a teacher by t r a i n i n g with varied experience i n conventional classrooms and supplementary educational programmes. While I have always questioned conservative mainstream educational p o l i c i e s and p r a c t i c e s , I accept the process of education and i n t e l l e c t u a l development as the promise for i n d i v i d u a l and s o c i a l f u l f i l l m e n t and improvement. My objective i n preparing t h i s case study of the NYP f i t s the description of n a t u r a l i s t i c evaluation provided by Wolf (1980:43) — to outline with r i c h description "areas of consideration i n a s p i r i t of suggestion" for purposes of stimulating insights and debates. To accomplish t h i s , the observations have been thorough, covering a l l aspects of the programme, questioning and reconsidering information to r e f i n e explanations and presentations. This case study of the NYP describes the or i g i n s and development of the programme, focussing on the key stakeholders and t h e i r experiences, expectations and r e l a t i o n s h i p s . I t follows the circumstances and s e n s i b i l i t i e s surrounding the project as the participants and conditions for operating the programme changed over time. H o l i s t i c and n a t u r a l i s t i c evaluation, as an operational attitude i n s o c i a l action programmes, e n t a i l s not only the c o l l e c t i o n and manipulation of data, but also a penetrating consideration of the background Page 29 assumptions which inform the programme. The various stakeholders brought diverse perspectives and expectations to the NYP. As a r e f l e x i v e study, t h i s case study emphasizes the motivations of the o r i g i n a t i n g curator and the supporting s t a f f at MOA, of which I was a part. Chapter Three considers c u l t u r a l brokerage as a background asssumption i n anthropology, e s p e c i a l l y i n applied work. Anthropologists, h i s t o r i c a l l y s p e c i a l i z i n g i n the study of dependent peoples, have often been moved to serve as representatives and advocates to f a c i l i t a t e c r o s s - c u l t u r a l understanding and s o c i a l planning. This or i e n t a t i o n to serve as " c u l t u r a l brokers" has remained as anthropologists moved into the study of contemporary society, f o r example, informing the role of ethnographic evaluators. Fetterman i d e n t i f i e d so strongly with t h i s orientation that he dedicated his 1986 publication on educational evaluation, edited with Mary Ann Pitman, "To our families and to pioneers and c u l t u r a l brokers i n every f i e l d " (1986:7). The general orien t a t i o n to c u l t u r a l brokerage i n anthropology was given an operational base within the organizational culture of MOA through the work of Harry and Audrey Hawthorn, along with t h e i r students and associates. This i s considered i n Chapter Four, s e t t i n g the stage for the development of the Native Youth Project. Page 30 I I I . FRAMEWORK: CULTURAL BROKERAGE At one l e v e l , anthropology i s an i n t e l l e c t u a l endeavour, an act of scholarship recording and interpreting a category of phenomena. Perhaps because the f i e l d draws so c l o s e l y on the l i v e s of r e a l people, t h i s act of scholarship often assumes, with varying degrees of commitment, an applied o r i e n t a t i o n . The l i t e r a t u r e on applied anthropology i s extensive, covering d e f i n i t i o n s , t h e o r e t i c a l debates, e t h i c a l issues and professional prospects. For a good bibliography, see Erve Chambers' 1985 publication Applied Anthropology: A P r a c t i c a l Guide. A dominant theme, i m p l i c i t i n the discussions i f not e x p l i c i t l y elaborated, i s anthropologist as c u l t u r a l broker. Applied anthropologists have often described themselves as c u l t u r a l brokers, maintaining that t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s involve some kind of transfer of knowledge, s k i l l , or service between d i s t i n c t cultures. The idea of c u l t u r a l brokerage i s often tinged with a sense of advocacy for the economically marginal and least powerful members of society. [Chambers 1985:26] In t h e i r c a r e f u l analysis of anthropological methodology, Pelto and Pelto suggest that at some point, most f i e l d researchers assume the ro l e of c u l t u r a l broker. The near-ubiquity of the culture broker r o l e among anthropologists, whether i n applied projects or i n supposedly nonapplied research, arises from a core methodological feature of anthropology. Almost a l l anthropologists operate with a b a s i c a l l y emic perspective i n c e r t a i n aspects of f i e l d work. However e t i c the f i n a l product i s intended to be, most fieldworkers look at peoples' lifeways from an insider's point of view and come to i d e n t i f y with the l o c a l people i n a vari e t y of ways. This hallmark of the ethnographic e n t e r p r i s e . . . i s so taken for granted by many nonanthropologists that i t i s sometimes thought to be the major raison d'etre of anthropology. [Pelto and Pelto 1978:245-46] Page 31 This framework of brokerage, e n t a i l i n g an agent or agency negotiating for and between c u l t u r a l l y defined p a r t i e s , i s useful i n understanding the formation and development of the Native Youth Project. This chapter b r i e f l y traces the h i s t o r i c a l development of the p r a c t i c a l application of anthropology, the background assumptions and the responses engendered. The r o l e of the c u l t u r a l broker assumed i t s mission within the i n t e l l e c t u a l m i l i e u of h i s t o r i c periods. The evolutionary expectations of the l a t e nineteenth century were checked at the turn of the century by the grounded functionalism of Malinowski. Anthropologists as c u l t u r a l brokers served as informants and then representatives i n an e f f o r t to make colonialism more palatable. A deeper sense of advocacy developed with an appreciation for the problems of massive s o c i a l change following World War I, leading to a global perspective following World War II when c u l t u r a l brokers served as f a c i l i t a t o r s i n development programmes. The 1960s and 1970s were marked with a s p i r i t of "reinventing anthropology" spurred on by skepticism within the d i s c i p l i n e and activism within indigenous communities. There was an overt c a l l for s o c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and with i t , an enlarged mission for c u l t u r a l brokers to serve as analysts and mediators. By the 1980s, a movement developed focussing on c r i t i c a l review of ethnographic authority i n Western anthropology exemplified i n the work of James C l i f f o r d (1988). Page 32 Throughout the history of the d i s c i p l i n e , there has been a d i a l e c t i c played out between nomothetic and idiographic orientations with the c u l t u r a l brokers simultaneously engrossed i n humanity and community. The d i f f i c u l t y i n t h i s p o s i t i o n can be read into Hymes discussion of the use of anthropology. The opportunity, then, i s t h i s : to employ our ethnographic t r a d i t i o n of work, and such ethnological in s i g h t as informs i t , i n the study of the emergence of c u l t u r a l form i n concrete settings and i n r e l a t i o n to a world society. [Hymes 1974:35] Ethnography stresses an insider's perspective and encourages p r a c t i t i o n e r s to speak with c u l t u r a l authority. Advocacy, in e v i t a b l y tinged with paternalism, has been a dominant feature. This background framework of c u l t u r a l brokerage, mediating between c u l t u r a l e n t i t i e s , provides a way of understanding the motivation for many anthropological e f f o r t s . Assumptions of c u l t u r a l brokerage p e r s i s t , addressing new opportunities. Suggesting a "postcultural" age from the vantage point of the l a t e twentieth century ( C l i f f o r d 1988:95), changing c l i e n t r e l a t i o n s h i p s and d i f f e r e n t forms of authority become evident. Building on the strengths of the ethnographic t r a d i t i o n , the p o s i t i o n of c u l t u r a l brokerage r e f l e c t s the s e n s i b i l i t i e s of the time, responding to contemporary challenges and c r i t i c i s m s with conservative and reformative intentions. The work continues. In the application of anthropological understandings, c u l t u r a l brokers inform r e a l programmes which become part of actual l i v e s . Page 33 A. FOUNDATION FOR THE PRACTICAL A P P L I C A T I O N OF ANTHROPOLOGY A n t h r o p o l o g y a s a d i s c i p l i n e e merged i n t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y . O v e r t h r e e c e n t u r i e s o f " d i s c o v e r y " ( e x p l o r a t i o n a n d c o l o n i s a t i o n ) h a d o p e n e d v a s t new t e r r i t o r i e s t o s c h o l a r l y d e s c r i p t i o n a n d e x p l a n a t i o n . The new d i s c i p l i n e e n j o y e d a w o r l d o f e x o t i c , s e e m i n g l y p r i s t i n e c u l t u r e s , r e c o r d e d b y e x p l o r e r s , t r a d e r s a n d m i s s i o n a r i e s . By t h e l a t t e r h a l f o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , e l a b o r a t e t y p o l o g i e s h a d b e e n d e l i n e a t e d c o u c h e d i n a n i d e a o f p r o g r e s s a n d i n j e c t e d w i t h a h e a v y d o s e o f r a c i a l d e t e r m i n i s m ( H a r r i s 1968). An e v o l u t i o n a r y p e r s p e c t i v e came t o d o m i n a t e s o c i a l t h e o r y w h i c h f r a m e d e x p l a n a t i o n s a n d e s t a b l i s h e d a d m i n i s t r a t i v e e x p e c t a t i o n s i n t h e c o l o n i e s . C r u d e l y i n t e r p r e t e d , i f t r i b a l g r o u p s d i d s u r v i v e , " p r i m i t i v e " p r a c t i c e s w o u l d be e l i m i n a t e d a s p r o g r e s s t o w a r d a s t a t e o f c i v i l i z a t i o n was a c c e l e r a t e d . E.B. T y l o r s u m m a r i z e d , "Thus, a c t i v e a t o n c e i n a i d i n g p r o g r e s s a n d i n r e m o v i n g h i n d r a n c e , t h e s c i e n c e o f c u l t u r e i s e s s e n t i a l l y a r e f o r m e r ' s s c i e n c e " (1970:538-9; o r i g i n a l 1871). I n r e a l i t y , t h e r o l e o f c u l t u r a l b r o k e r was p l a y e d p r i m a r i l y a s i n f o r m a n t r a t h e r t h a n r e f o r m e r . F o r t h e m o s t p a r t , a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s c o u l d o n l y o f f e r a d m i n i s t r a t o r s a n d m i s s i o n a r i e s some i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t i n d i g e n o u s c u s t o m s b a s e d on t h e i r a c c u m u l a t e d r e f e r e n c e s . By t h e t u r n o f t h e c e n t u r y , t h e m e t h o d o f a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l r e s e a r c h h a d c h a n g e d . From a m a n i p u l a t i o n o f s e c o n d a n d t h i r d h a n d a c c o u n t s , a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s e n d e a v o u r e d t o s y s t e m a t i z e a n d r e f i n e e t h n o g r a p h i c r e s e a r c h , m o v i n g i n t o t h e f i e l d t o c o l l e c t P a g e 34 t h e i r own data through surveys and texts, and l a t e r , to conduct extended research based on participant observation. A new r e l a t i o n s h i p between scholar and subject developed. As James C l i f f o r d explains, t h i s t r a n s i t i o n was underscored by an a l t e r e d conceptualization of culture i t s e l f . In the mid-nineteenth century to say that the i n d i v i d u a l was bound up i n culture meant something quite d i f f e r e n t from what i t does now. "Culture" referred to a single evolutionary process. The European bourgeois i d e a l of autonomous i n d i v i d u a l i t y was widely believed to be the natural outcome of a long development, a process that, although theatened by various disruptions, was assumed to be the basic, progressive movement of humanity. By the turn of the century, however, evo l u t i o n i s t confidence began to f a l t e r , and a new ethnographic conception of culture became possible. The word began to be used i n the p l u r a l , suggesting a world of separate, d i s t i n c t i v e , and equally meaningful ways of l i f e . The i d e a l of an autonomous, cu l t i v a t e d subject could appear as a l o c a l project, not a telos for a l l humankind. [ C l i f f o r d 1988:92-93] In B r i t a i n , a f u n c t i o n a l i s t approach to understanding s o c i a l phenomena emerged, promoting a s c i e n t i f i c method through grounded empiricism which shunned the amateurism of armchair the o r i z i n g . Societies were studied as integrated wholes where i n s t i t u t i o n s and attitudes could not be altered without a f f e c t i n g the t o t a l culture. Bronislaw Malinowski used a b i o l o g i c a l metaphor where t r a d i t i o n served the community as a form of c o l l e c t i v e adaptation to i t s environment. Byproducts of t h i s approach to s o c i a l science have been a working assumption of gradualism, avoiding any r a d i c a l change that might compromise the i n t e g r i t y of the community, and an e t h i c a l stand which i s i n e v i t a b l y drawn to a position of c u l t u r a l r e l a t i v i s m . The net e f f e c t within the d i s c i p l i n e has been to assume a p o s i t i o n of Page 35 conservator of c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n s . The f i n a l product of f i e l d research tended to be a reconstruction of a p r i s t i n e society sketched i n terms of an "ethnographic present." Ethnographic authority was based on intense, emic directed, observation of the community l i f e focussed on p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s . (For an analysis of participant observation as an ethnographic innovation, see C l i f f o r d 1 9 8 8 : 2 9 - 3 2 . ) Respecting and promoting the i n t e g r i t y of the community, the c u l t u r a l broker served as representative and spokesperson for dependent groups (Chambers 1 9 8 5 : 2 8 ) . This academic position of an "ethnographic present" was a r t i f i c i a l . The p r i s t i n e i n t e g r i t y of the indigenous communities had already been disrupted. Kenelm Burridge ( 1 9 7 3 : 2 0 7 ) i s c r i t i c a l of anthropologists such as Malinowski f o r t h e i r i n a b i l i t y to provide a model of the " t o t a l s i t u a t i o n . " In Argonauts of the Western P a c i f i c , o r i g i n a l l y published i n 1 9 2 2 , Malinowski wrote from the perspective of the Trobrianders with a professional, academic authority, but omitted reference to the missionaries and administrators who had been active on the islands for many years. Nineteenth century assumptions about a grand s o c i a l evolution were challenged by concrete and sympathetic f i e l d observations i n the f i r s t three decades of the twentieth century without a means for r e c o n c i l i n g these two extreme positions. To r e j e c t a single progressive or entropic metanarrative i s not to deny the existence of pervasive global processes unevenly at work.... Indeed, modern Page 36 ethnographic h i s t o r i e s are perhaps condemned to o s c i l l a t e between two metanarratives: one of homogenization, the other of emergence; one of loss, the other of invention. [ C l i f f o r d 1988:17] Following World War I, the processes of modernization and i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n were f e l t throughout the world. F i e l d observations could no longer discount the impact. By the l a t e 1920s, Malinowski came to promote an attitude toward s o c i a l research which he c a l l e d " p r a c t i c a l anthropology." He explained the purpose of the International I n s t i t u t e of Afr i c a n Languages and Cultures as bridging the gap between t h e o r e t i c a l knowledge and p r a c t i c a l application. A new branch of anthropology must sooner or l a t e r be started: the anthropology of the changing Native. Nowadays, when we are intensely interested, through some new anthropological theories, i n problems of contact and d i f f u s i o n , i t seems incredible that hardly any exhaustive studies have been undertaken on the question of how European influence i s being diffused into native communities. The anthropology of the changing savage would indeed throw an extremely important l i g h t upon the th e o r e t i c a l problem of the contact of cultures, transmission of ideas and customs, i n short, on the whole problem of d i f f u s i o n . This anthropology would obviously be of the highest importance to the p r a c t i c a l man i n the colonies. [Malinowski, 1929:36] Malinowski's " p r a c t i c a l anthropology" focussed on "the facts and processes...leaving to statesmen (and journalists) the f i n a l decision of how to apply the r e s u l t s " (1929:23; parentheses i n o r i g i n a l ) . The r e a l i t i e s of c o l o n i a l contact could not be denied and had to be acknowledged within the d i s c i p l i n e ' s production. Page 37 By the 1930s, research attention s h i f t e d i n anthropology from salvage ethnography to include the processes of s o c i a l change and acculturation. In 1935, a committee was struck by the S o c i a l Science Research Council i n the United States to study the implications of the term "acculturation." A memorandum for the study of acculturation was published the next year with the following d e f i n i t i o n . "Acculturation comprehends those phenomena which r e s u l t when groups of individuals having d i f f e r e n t cultures come into continuous first-hand contact, with subsequent changes i n the o r i g i n a l c u l t u r a l patterns of either or both groups." (NOTE: Under t h i s d e f i n i t i o n , acculturation i s to be distinguished from culture-change, of which i t i s but one aspect, and assimilation, which i s at times a phase of acculturation. It i s also to be d i f f e r e n t i a t e d from diffusion, which, while occurring i n a l l instances of acculturation, i s not only a phenomenon which frequently takes place without the occurence of the type of contact between peoples sp e c i f i e d i n the d e f i n i t i o n given above, but also constitutes only one aspect of the process of acculturation.) rAmerican Anthropologist, New Series Volume 38, 1936, pages 149-50; parenthesis i n o r i g i n a l ] Three decades l a t e r , Edward Spicer made t h i s observation. ...the term "acculturation" and i t s derivatives remain somewhat ambiguous. A persistent usage gives i t the meaning of c u l t u r a l assimilation, or replacement of one set of c u l t u r a l t r a i t s by another, as i n references to indi v i d u a l s i n contact situations as more or less "acculturated"... [Spicer 1968:21] From the study of nonliterate peoples, the f i e l d of anthropology grew to include peasant socie t i e s by the 1940s. Interest also developed i n the worldwide process of urbanization. With t h i s s h i f t of t h e o r e t i c a l i n t e r e s t and subject orientation, the r o l e of c u l t u r a l broker had to be redefined. Page 38 B. A QUESTIONING OF AUTHORITY As nations recovered from World War I I , a renewed expectation of modern progress surfaced among Western i n t e l l e c t u a l s with a universal concept of i n d i v i d u a l worth and human r i g h t s . The European c o l o n i a l order was d i s s i p a t i n g as the power to govern was r e d i s t r i b u t e d . The rate of global modernization accelerated with "development" an accepted and valued state of a f f a i r s . Anthropologists were being drawn int o programmes of directed s o c i o - c u l t u r a l change. Much of the ethnographic inte r e s t grew out of a recognition of the e f f e c t s of unintentional and well-intended intervention. This i s i l l u s t r a t e d by Lauriston Sharp's 1952 a r t i c l e describing the impact of s t e e l axes on a group of Australian aboriginals. E d i t o r i a l comment accompaning the reprinting of t h i s a r t i c l e i n the 197 3 publication To See Ourselves; Anthropology and Modern  So c i a l Issues sets out the professional and moral r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of anthropologists, as well as a n a l y t i c a l background assumptions. Those who have the temerity to give d i r e c t i o n to the l i v e s of others have much to learn from Lauriston Sharp's a r t i c l e . Here i s a c l a s s i c example of a well-intended, seemingly minor intervention which produced shock waves so intense that an entire s o c i a l system verged on d i s i n t e g r a t i o n . . . . The account supports our point that intervention imposes the obligation to anticipate the consequences of one's actions. [Weaver et a l . 1973:457] The legacy of a f u n c t i o n a l i s t understanding i s apparent. Many anthropologists i n c l i n e d to applied work assumed a more pronounced sense of advocacy, a c t i v e l y representing the Page 39 i n t e r e s t s of those seen as unable to e f f e c t i v e l y advance t h e i r own cause during an era of sweeping s o c i a l adjustment. The r o l e of f a c i l i t a t o r had come to characterize the s e n s i b i l i t i e s and assumptions informing the c u l t u r a l broker. As Chambers explains, "The f a c i l i t a t o r ' s a c t i v i t i e s are based on an assumption that c e r t a i n peoples are not f u l l y able to negotiate with a dominant society" (1985:29). Later, the 1960s heralded a time of new energy within indigenous communities seeking r i g h t s , recognition and self-determination. Residual c o l o n i a l assumptions based i n a p a t e r n a l i s t i c attitude toward indigenous groups were being scrutinized by subjects and by scholars. In his book Applied Anthropology, published i n the l a t e 1960s, George Foster i d e n t i f i e d three p r i n c i p a l f o c i i n applied research. His description provides a model of c u l t u r a l brokerage during t h i s period. F i r s t was the target or c l i e n t group. Second, the innovating organization whose object of concern was the target group. The innovating organization usually determined the general area of research, sponsored the research, had proprietary rights to the research r e s u l t s and used the r e s u l t s i n planning and operations. And t h i r d was the s e t t i n g i n which these two systems came together. Well-intended as these research e f f o r t s may have been, Foster noted d i f f i c u l t i e s i n the r e l a t i o n s h i p between anthropologists and the personnel of the innovating organizations, the programme planners, administrators and technical experts. Foster suggested that " d i f f e r i n g goals and forms of ego g r a t i f i c a t i o n Page 40 characterize the two groups" (1969:x), and proceeded to set out points for establishing a s a t i s f a c t o r y working r e l a t i o n s h i p , most of which question the conventional wisdom of objective, s c i e n t i f i c observer. Before an anthropologist accepts an applied assignment he should make sure he knows what i s expected of him and what the conditions of the proposed work w i l l be. Only i f he i s i n basic sympathy with the goals of the organization, and can work for i t e n t h u s i a s t i c a l l y and without reservation, can he accept an assignment honestly. [Foster 1969:160] Anthropologists found themselves i n the uncomfortable p o s i t i o n of sympathizing with the target group, working for the innovating organization, a l l while espousing the ideals and standards of Western academic knowledge. A c t i v e l y assuming the role of c u l t u r a l broker with a tendency toward advocacy brings to the forefront problems of n e u t r a l i t y and accountability. Anthropological allegiance tends to look to higher order considerations, to knowledge, to science, to the i n t e g r i t y of l o c a l culture. Commenting on professional ethics i n applied work, Chambers l i s t s the various r o l e r e lationships, concluding, "...applied anthropologists are also working for society as a whole" (1985:217; emphasis i n o r i g i n a l ) . The implications of l o f t y allegiance are apparent i n both pure and applied studies. Vine Deloria, J r . , a Sioux and author of Custer Died for Your Sins, rather b i t t e r l y r e c a l l s the impact of anthropologists on t h e i r reservations. The dynamics within the d i s c i p l i n e dictated the research conducted i n the f i e l d . Deloria graphically describes the "anthropological wars" Page 41 which t e s t "whether t h i s school or that school can long endure. The b a t t l e f i e l d s , unfortunately, are the l i v e s of Indian people" (1973:132; o r i g i n a l 1969). The fundamental thesis of the anthropologist i s that people are objects for observation.... The mass production of useless knowledge by anthropologists attempting to capture r e a l Indians i n a network of theories has contributed substantially to the i n v i s i b i l i t y of Indian people today. [Deloria 1973:132; o r i g i n a l 1969] The problem compounds i t s e l f . Many Indians, i n fact, have come to parrot the ideas of anthropologists, because i t appears that they know everything about Indian communities. Thus, many ideas that pass for Indian thinking are i n r e a l i t y theories o r i g i n a l l y advanced by anthropologists and echoed by Indian people i n an attempt to communicate the r e a l s i t u a t i o n . [Ibid.] Abstract theories create abstract action.... By concentrating on great abstractions, anthropologists have unintentionally removed many young Indians from the world of r e a l problems to the lands of make-believe. [Ibid.:134] Indians must be redefined i n terms that white men w i l l accept, even i f that means re-Indianizing them according to the white man's idea of what they were l i k e i n the past and should l o g i c a l l y become i n the future. [Ibid.:135] I t becomes a question of p r i o r i t i e s , research p r i o r i t i e s , programming p r i o r i t i e s , funding p r i o r i t i e s . Deloria asks, "Why should t r i b e s have to compete with scholars for funds, when t h e i r scholarly productions are so useless and i r r e l e v a n t to l i f e ? " (Ibid.:136). Maintaining ethnographic authority i n the wake of indigenous a c t i v i t i s m and skepticism within the d i s c i p l i n e required an adjustment of anthropological s t y l e . C l i f f o r d explains that "before the late nineteenth century the ethnographer and the anthropologist, the describer-translator of Page 42 custom and the builder of general theories about humanity, were d i s t i n c t " (1988:28). By the twentieth century, the authority of the Western anthropology came to be consolidated i n the " f i e l d t h e o r i s t , " establishing an image for the d i s c i p l i n e which l a s t e d for over a half century. The current c r i s i s — o r better, d i s p e r s i o n — o f ethnographic authority makes i t possible to mark of f a rough period, bounded by the years 1900 and 1960, during which a new conception of f i e l d research established i t s e l f as the norm for European and American anthropology. [ C l i f f o r d 1988:24] By the 1960s and 1970s, anthropology was being self-consciously s c r u t i n i z e d , as seen i n the publication of Reinventing Anthropology. This book i s for people for whom "the way things are" i s not reason enough for the way things are, who f i n d fundamental questions pertinent and i n need of personal answer, those for whom security, prosperity, and s e l f -i n t e r e s t are not s u f f i c i e n t reasons for choices they make; who think that i f an o f f i c i a l "study of man" does not answer to the needs of men, i t ought to be changed; who ask of anthropology what they ask of themselves — responsiveness, c r i t i c a l awareness, e t h i c a l concern, human relevance, a clea r connection between what i s to be done and the interests of mankind. Prosperity, a f t e r a l l , i s not necessarily a sign of a profession's i n t e l l e c t u a l health. The present appearances of anthropology may be deceptive.... There i s a certai n t r a d i t i o n , a ce r t a i n ethos, yes, and i t informs our concern, or we would not speak of reinventing anthropology rather than of abandoning i t . [Hymes 1974:7; i t a l i c s i n o r i g i n a l ] The questioning s o c i a l conscience i s r e i t e r a t e d when Hymes concludes, "By vir t u e of i t s subject matter, anthropology i s unavoidably a p o l i t i c a l and e t h i c a l d i s c i p l i n e , not merely an empirical specialty" (Ibid.:48). Chambers (1985:26-33) describes the rol e of c u l t u r a l broker as changing from mere Page 43 f a c i l i t a t o r to a more completely involved p o s i t i o n as analyst and mediator. However, Michael Ames observes that applied anthropologists were s t i l l studying groups external to themselves as in d i v i d u a l s . My perception of applied anthropology i s that i t has changed i t s attitudes over the years, from a p o s i t i o n of ne u t r a l i t y and empiricism to one giving more emphasis to active involvement, p o l i t i c a l conciousness, and s o c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , but that i t has not undergone any fundamental change i n what i s to be studied. With modest exceptions, applied anthropology continues to be applied mostly to others external to one's own academic reference group. [Ames 1979:23] The next step was to develop a r e f l e x i v e anthropology, and Ames suggests "we [anthropologists] should give more attention to our backyard" (Ibid.). This case study of the Native Youth Project i s a description and evaluation of a museum based education programme analyzed within a framework of c u l t u r a l brokerage. I t goes beyond participant observation, assuming a more r e f l e x i v e approach since the focus i s an anthropological programme i n which I, the author, was personally engaged. The nature of ethnography had changed. "With expanded communication and i n t e r c u l t u r a l influence, people i n t e r p r e t others, and themselves, i n a bewildering d i v e r s i t y of idioms" ( C l i f f o r d 1988:22). C l i f f o r d considers a "postcultural" s i t u a t i o n to i l l u s t r a t e "the condition of uncertainty" within which he wrote i n the la t e 1980s: I think we are seeing signs that the p r i v i l e g e given to natural languages and, as i t were, natural cultures, i s dis s o l v i n g . These objects and epistemoligical grounds are now appearing as constructs, achieved f i c t i o n s , containing and domesticating heteroglossia. In a world with too many Page 44 voices speaking a l l at once, a world where syncretism and parodic invention are becoming the r u l e , not the exception, an urban, multinational world of i n s t i t u t i o n a l transience -- where American clothes made i n Korea are worn by young people i n Russia, where everyone's "roots" are i n some degree cut — i n such a world i t becomes increasingly d i f f i c u l t to attach human i d e n t i t y and meaning to a coherent "culture" or "language." [ C l i f f o r d 1988:95] The f e r o c i t y of the interplay i n the metanarratives of homogenization and emergence had become disconcerting. C u l t u r a l groups and boundaries were simultaneously d i s i n t e g r a t i n g and reforming. While elements of c u l t u r a l difference were apparent, the parties i n the negotiation were often splintered and amorphous i n the upheavals of restructuring s o c i a l l i f e . Throughout, various techniques have been incorporated to maintain ethnographic authority, but fundamental problems remain. ...the a b i l i t y of the fieldworker to inhabit indigenous minds i s always i n doubt. Indeed t h i s i s a permanent, unresolved problem of ethnographic method. Ethnographers have generally refrained from ascribing b e l i e f s , f e e l i n g s , and thoughts to i n d i v i d u a l s . They have not, however, hesitated to ascribe subjective states to cultures.... Ethnographies abound i n unattributed sentences such as "The s p i r i t s return to the v i l l a g e at night," descriptions of b e l i e f s i n which the writer assumes i n e f f e c t the voice of culture. [ C l i f f o r d 1988:47-48] Once again, anthropologists were c a l l e d upon to j u s t i f y t h e i r emic orientation to the study, description and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of s o c i a l groups. This problem i s inherent i n the commitments of the c u l t u r a l broker. C l i f f o r d concludes his discussion of ethnographic authority with t h i s observation. The modes of authority reviewed h e r e — e x p e r i e n t i a l , i n t e r p r e t i v e , d i a l o g i c a l , polyphonic—are available to a l l writers of ethnographic texts, Western and non-Western. None i s obsolete, none pure: there i s room for invention Page 45 within each paradigm. We have seen how new approaches tend to rediscover discarded practices. [ C l i f f o r d 1988:53-54] The 1980s had been marked by a dispersion of ethnographic i n t e r p r e t a t i o n beyond the d i s c i p l i n e of anthropology within the dynamics of c u l t u r a l "homogenization and emergence." As c u l t u r a l brokers, anthropologists had to reconsider t h e i r r o l e as the "voice of culture" and, with a r e f l e x i v e attitude, they began to examine the methods used to maintain a p o s i t i o n of ethnographic authority. A new term found application, "empowerment." The methods and understandings of anthropology were to be c a l l e d upon to address the requirements of c l i e n t groups t r u l y from t h e i r perspective, at t h e i r d i r e c t i o n , and i n a s p i r i t of consultation. Different p o l i t i c a l forces were at work, and the power structure was less obvious. Connecting threads run through the history of c u l t u r a l brokerage i n anthropology tying t h i s discussion to an analysis of the Native Youth Project. The ongoing d i a l e c t i c between the universal and the p a r t i c u l a r , humanity and community, was apparent i n the tension between the a n t i c i p a t i o n of a s s i m i l a t i o n and the conservation of c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n s . A connecting thread was the enterprise of ethnography i t s e l f , based on an emic approach with an assumption of c u l t u r a l authority. A dominant feature of c u l t u r a l brokerage, the sense of advocacy, was evident. This has ine v i t a b l y been characterized by a p a t e r n a l i s t i c attitude i n the past, which, i n l a t e r years of the NYP, was c a l l e d into question, perhaps to be replaced with a Page 46 sense of consultancy for purposes of empowerment. C u l t u r a l brokerage has been a s i g n i f i c a n t part of the organizational culture at MOA. The structure and mission of MOA was rooted i n the work of Harry and Audrey Hawthorn. They arrived i n the l a t e 1940s with s o l i d anthropological credentials. Indigenous cultures were conceived i n terms of an "ethnographic present," p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the c o l l e c t i o n and documentation of a r t i f a c t s . There was a counterpoint to t h i s p o s i tion. Harry Hawthorn had been drawn into anthropology by f i r s t hand observation of the impact of s o c i a l change on indigenous communities i n New Zealand, completing his Ph.D. thesis on the subject of acculturation under the supervision of Malinowski. During his i career, he developed an approach which he termed "Useful Anthropology." The Hawthorns were teachers and mentors of Madeline Rowan, founding curator of the NYP. Her perspective was that of f a c i l i t a t o r with e x p l i c i t intentions of directed s o c i a l change i n the area of academic achievement among the people of the Northwest Coast. Rowan had a pronounced sense of advocacy and worked from a confident position of ethnographic authority. She a c t i v e l y promoted an "Indian" i d e n t i t y as part of the programme treatment. Indeed, t h i s met some of the expectations of the c l i e n t group, the Native Indian Youth Advisory Society, but was l a t e r to be challenged by programme part i c i p a n t s (Brass, 1990). Rowan l e f t the project i n 1986, which marked a t r a n s i t i o n stage as new forms of c u l t u r a l brokerage emerged at MOA. Responsibility for planning and Page 47 coordinating the NYP was progressively passed on to the project managers who were members of the F i r s t Nations. The structure and expectations for the programme had been set and were c a r e f u l l y monitored by the museum organization, but there was scope for the project managers to adjust the content and practices to address t h e i r own understandings. The following chapters, devoted to the description of the various stakeholders i n the NYP, elaborate on t h e i r experiences and expectations within a framework of c u l t u r a l brokerage. Page 48 IV. THE LEGACY OF HARRY AND AUDREY HAWTHORN In 1947, Harry and Audrey Hawthorn arrived at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia (UBC). Over the next three decades t h e i r influence was substantial as anthropology at UBC developed under t h e i r guidance into an academic department and the ethnographic c o l l e c t i o n s into a serious museum for the study and presentation of material culture. Their approach to anthropology was p r a c t i c a l , immediately involving themselves i n d a i l y l i v e s and concerns of the people of the Northwest Coast. Harry Hawthorn c a l l e d his approach "Useful Anthropology." As he explained, "I came into anthropology because I needed to use i t " (1976:176). Early i n his career, Harry Hawthorn became grounded i n the contemporary r e a l i t i e s of subordinated cultures. Audrey Hawthorn focussed her work on salvaging and presenting the ethnographic record of the indigeneous groups as i l l u s t r a t e d through t h e i r material culture. The Hawthorns, and the students and colleagues they attracted around them, established the purpose and the i n s t i t u t i o n a l culture of MOA. Harry and Audrey Hawthorn served, within the ethnographic t r a d i t i o n , as c u l t u r a l brokers promoting the resurgence and appreciation of Northwest Coast art and more r a t i o n a l s o c i a l planning for the F i r s t Nations. Their influence was r e f l e c t e d , amongst other things, i n the development of the Native Youth Project. A. "USEFUL ANTHROPOLOGY" In 1934, Harry Hawthorn graduated from the University of Page 49 New Zealand with a masters of science. He spent several years teaching mathematics i n country schools including Maori communities. Harry Hawthorn writes i n humble, fervent tones about t h i s experience. I found a book on Maori culture and discussed i t f a i r l y systematically with one of the elders. ...I began with a s o l i d ethnography and have remained somewhat empi r i c a l l y oriented ever since. But even my reading of the s o l i d ethnography f a i l e d to provide the answers to questions which puzzled me about learning or some other matters, on bonds to the land, on how people chose to spend t h e i r money and on what has since been c a l l e d development. [Hawthorn 1976:177] Harry Hawthorn elected to continue his education i n anthropology, completing his Ph.D. thesis (1944) on Moari acculturation at Yale University under the supervision of Bronislaw Malinowski. In 1947, he accepted the f i r s t appointment i n anthropology at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia. From the beginning of his tenure at UBC, Harry Hawthorn successfully combined his academic career with applied research, involving students and teams of scholars i n t h i s work. In 1948, he directed genealogical work i n preparation for government extension of old age pensions to include the F i r s t Nations. That year, he also worked with the B r i t i s h Columbia Indian Arts and Welfare Society to organize a conference on aboriginal welfare issues. The records of that conference present a f u l l and moving statement of the s i t u a t i o n of the Indian people i n B r i t i s h Columbia, and provided the foundation for much l a t e r work by the University and other bodies. [ I n g l i s 1976:3] Page 50 Harry Hawthorn made a point of v i s i t i n g reserves and becoming acquainted with F i r s t Nations organizations, forming a network of contacts. In 1949, Harry Hawthorn received a commission from the attorney-general to study the Doukhobour problem to a l l e v i a t e c o n f l i c t s a r i s i n g from acts of c i v i l disobedience. This was followed by two major studies of contemporary conditions of the F i r s t Nations which he co-directed. In 1955, The Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia; A Survey of So c i a l and Economic Conditions; A Report to the Minister of Citizenship and Immigration was published at UBC i n three volumes. The research team brought varied experience to the e f f o r t and aimed the public a t i o n of t h e i r report to a diverse audience. In the c o l l e c t i o n and analysis of fact the research group worked c l o s e l y as a team although our t r a i n i n g lay i n d i f f e r e n t d i s c i p l i n e s , each with i t s customary vocabulary and ideas.... From the inception of the Project we have aimed at providing findings of use to Indians, to administrators and l e g i s l a t o r s and others outside of our s p e c i a l i s t f i e l d s . [Hawthorn et a l 1955:30] A Survey of the Contemporary Indians of Canada: A Report on Economic. P o l i t i c a l , Educational Needs and P o l i c i e s was published by Indian A f f a i r s Branch i n Ottawa with Volume I released i n 1966 and Volume II i n 1967. Impact of the 1966-67 survey was mixed. Looking back at the experience, Harry Hawthorn explains the objectives. One of the intentions of our study was to analyse the sit u a t i o n of the Indians and show how they might approach t h e i r goals, another was to make an ethnography of government i n r e l a t i o n to the Indians. I t i s an over-s i m p l i f i c a t i o n and b a s i c a l l y f a l s e to say that anthropology i s a c o l o n i a l subject, but i t i s true that the masters have been less studied than the slaves, the people with power Page 51 less than those without. We set out to show how government operated, and trusted that the Indians as well as others reading the report would be strengthened with knowledge of procedures and p o s s i b i l i t i e s . [Hawthorn 1976:178-79] The 1966-67 survey played v i r t u a l l y no part i n the formation of the 1969 Indian Policy put forward by the Trudeau government. Hawthorn (1976:179) i d e n t i f i e d some reasons for the f a i l u r e of the report to influence government p o l i c y : r e a d a b i l i t y of the report, i n a b i l i t y to foresee changes i n the government regarding r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for framing a new policy, and lack of clout to generate i n t e r e s t i n the report by the po l i c y makers. However, S a l l y Weaver concludes her analysis of the survey with the observation that policy-relevant research i s needed, noting the importance of the p o l i t i c a l medium i n d e l i v e r i n g the "message of s o c i a l science." As a research e f f o r t providing relevant information, she states: "The Hawthorn-Tremblay Report was indeed 'useful' to native people, the Indian Department and the d i s c i p l i n e of anthropology" (1976:86). Useful Anthropology b a s i c a l l y refers to a s s i s t i n g the people anthropologists want to help. "However, times change and what was once useful may not be so today. ...there are no laws or p r i n c i p l e s of Useful Anthropology other than those of common sense, though the facts which must be known and employed are legion" (Hawthorn 1976:179). Hawthorn provides t h i s advice regarding accepting government or agency sponsorship. It i s always necessary to i n s i s t that one's work be published, something I have always done. In that way i t can be judged, by one's peers and by others, for accuracy i n fact and i n conclusion. I t also becomes avail a b l e f o r a l l to read, and i s not lim i t e d to the service of any Page 52 group. An agreement to publish f r e e l y requires a s e l f -assured sponsor. But publication i s not enough to ensure that a l l can use anthropological findings equally. ...as Dr. Weaver has suggested i n her paper, the weight of facts alone may not be enough to bring about p o l i c y changes. Facts do not carry influence on t h e i r own. [Hawthorn 1976:183] Along with publication of studies, Hawthorn (1976:184) suggests that anthropological work can be more e f f e c t i v e by working d i r e c t l y for the target population and by organizing community consultative committees. The major d i f f i c u l t y i s to make our work e f f e c t i v e and ensure that i t cannot be overlooked. How can we work as scholars and yet be i n f l u e n t i a l p o l i t i c a l l y ? Clear communication w i l l help but we must look at the ways we have followed and seek to improve them. [Hawthorn 1976:185] Hawthorn's commitment went beyond that of the detached academic observer to consider the ramifications of research and the p o t e n t i a l value and use of the information generated to those from whom i t was gathered. B. THE PLACE OF A PEOPLE'S HERITAGE Harry Hawthorn recognized ethnographic work on a people's history and arts as important "Useful Anthropology". I repeat that I do not see Useful Anthropology as being confined to that which shows how to increase wages, crops, health, l i t e r a c y and p o l i t i c a l power.... ...Useful Anthropology has many facets and forms: among them, basic ethnography for people who do not know what t h e i r culture was i n the recent past; ethno-history for the reconstruction or the recording of the longer development; grammars, vocabularies, texts and w r i t i n g systems for languages which are s t i l l used; the recording and understanding of the a r t s . I would not decry the usefulness of any of our enquiries which record and aim at understanding cultures. [Hawthorn 1976:184-5] Page 53 Harry Hawthorn o f f i c i a l l y served as curator, then d i r e c t o r of the University of B r i t i s h Columbia Museum of Anthropology (MOA) for about 25 years. His wife, Audrey Hawthorn had received her masters i n anthropology at Columbia University, "where she had gained from Ralph Linton a strong appreciation of the importance of material culture i n the study of human society" ( I n g l i s 1975:2). Harry Hawthorn and Audrey Engel met and married at Yale University where they worked together at the I n s t i t u t e of Human Relations on George Murdock's Cross-Cultural Survey. From the beginning of t h e i r tenure at UBC, the Hawthorns secured funding for a c q u i s i t i o n and restoration work which incorporated members of the F i r s t Nations. Ames (1986) points out another implication of t h i s e f f o r t i n his chapter on "How Anthropologists Help to Fabricate the Cultures They Study," using the "renaissance" of Northwest Coast art as reference. These museums [ B r i t i s h Columbia P r o v i n c i a l Museum, MOA and Vancouver Centennial Museum] provided or arranged a number of major commissions which helped to es t a b l i s h the legitimacy of contemporary carvers. Probably the single most important event was i n 1949 when Audrey and Harry Hawthorn of the UBC Museum of Anthropology commissioned Kwagiutl carvers E l l e n Neel and Mungo Martin to restore some of the poles at the university. This commission established Martin as a fu l l t i m e carver and informant i n residence, f i r s t for two years at UBC and subsequently f o r ten years at the Pr o v i n c i a l Museum with Wilson Duff. I t demonstrated p u b l i c l y that an honourable l i v i n g could be made by producing high qu a l i t y carvings for White people and t h e i r museums. (It i s int e r e s t i n g to note at t h i s point...that Duff's successor at the B r i t i s h Columbia P r o v i n c i a l Museum, Peter Macnair, has since endeavoured to demonstrate that carvers can now also make an honourable l i v i n g by carving once again for Indians.) [Ames 1986:53; parentheses i n o r i g i n a l ] Page 54 Audrey Hawthorn places t h e i r museum work into the context of the s o c i a l change which was taking place on the Northwest Coast following World War I I . With the encouragement of Dr. N.A.M. MacKenzie, President of the University, we set out to save l o c a l materials. Harry Hawthorn became Curator, then Director as I began to work f u l l time. We arrived at a c r u c i a l moment i n Northwest Coast l i f e . A half century had elapsed since the f u l l flowering of the cultures, and changing s o c i a l and economic conditions l e f t many Indian families uncertain as to what to do with family heirlooms no longer i n use. With funds given by Dr. H.R. MacMillan, i t became possible to accept family c o l l e c t i o n s the owners wanted to o f f e r to the Museum. At the same time we acquired a series of massive carvings from Kwakiutl owners who were no longer l i v i n g i n the large frame houses with t h e i r family crest carvings and furn i t u r e . We commissioned Mungo Martin, a master carver of a previous generation, to supervise the repair and restoration of the 19 large carvings. He proved to be a powerful influence i n the Museum's history. A man of high rank of Fort Rupert, at 70 he was a l e r t , wise, and very concerned with the future of his people. He had a profound knowledge of t r a d i t i o n a l ceremony and of the rela t e d objects, t h e i r use, and proper ownership. He saw the Museum as the safe and proper place to put the objects, with records taken by our students on t h e i r meaning and history. From t h i s beginning, over the next 15 years, we received v i s i t s from Indian families who arrived with trunks of masks, t e x t i l e s and d a i l y u t e n s i l s . From the f i r s t , our students i n the Department of Anthropology were involved, through t h e i r own in t e r e s t , i n the unpacking and documentation of these materials, and i n s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s with our v i s i t o r s . Indian carvers from then on became a part of our departmental and museum l i f e , and many photographic and other essays were produced by museum students, avid for information and for accurate recording. As the department expanded, Harry Hawthorn helped to r a i s e funds for several expeditions, involving both University members and Pr o v i n c i a l Museum s t a f f . [Hawthorn 1975:95] Audrey Hawthorn worked d i l i g e n t l y on the museum c o l l e c t i o n s , becoming the sa l a r i e d curator i n 1956. That year she, along with J.A. Morris, organized People of the Potlatch. a major ex h i b i t i o n of Northwest Coast art at the Vancouver Art Gallery. Page 55 Other accomplishments to her c r e d i t i n conserving and promoting the material culture of the Northwest Coast include a major publication on Kwakiutl art (Hawthorn 1967, republished 1979) and the 1969-70 exhibition at Man and His World i n Montreal. She i n i t i a t e d museum studies at UBC and played a ce n t r a l r o l e i n the planning and r e a l i z a t i o n of the new museum f a c i l i t i e s . Regarding the new museum, Harry Hawthorn comments, "...we intend to communicate to the general public as f u l l y as to the scholarly" (1976:182). There were some innovative features i n the new f a c i l i t i e s at MOA which supported and advanced the i n s t i t u t i o n a l culture. V i s i b l e Storage (see Ames 1977 and 1986 Chapter 6, and Halpin 1976) gave public access to the entir e c o l l e c t i o n with a supporting documentation system that provided a l l a v ailable information on the objects. Museum v i s i t o r s were considered students, active learners not mere spectators. The main g a l l e r i e s presented fine examples of Northwest Coast material culture as objects of art, to be studied as accomplishments i n terms of design and craftsmanship. The architecture i s stunning, balancing monumental forms with gestures of intimacy. It stands as a landmark with an int e r n a t i o n a l reputation. Soon a f t e r the new museum opened i n the mid 1970s, the Hawthorns r e t i r e d . Their i n t e r e s t continued, and t h e i r periodic v i s i t s provided a reminder to MOA s t a f f , students and volunteers of the origins and commitment of the i n s t i t u t i o n . Page 56 C. BACKGROUND ASSUMPTIONS OF CULTURAL BROKERAGE The careers of Harry and Audrey Hawthorn f i t the d e f i n i t i o n of c u l t u r a l broker as presented by Erve Chambers (1985). They negotiated and f a c i l i t a t e d the transfer of knowledge, s k i l l and service between d i s t i n c t cultures. Their approach to anthropology both r e f l e c t e d the i n t e l l e c t u a l and s o c i a l m i l i e u of t h e i r time and anticipated s e n s i b i l i t i e s that were to emerge i n l a t e r periods. Their mission was derived from the need to understand and a s s i s t indigenous people i n an arduous process of s o c i a l change. Between the two world wars, indigenous populations were s i g n i f i c a n t l y increasing a f t e r many decades of decline (see Hawthorn 1944). Harry Hawthorn's applied research generally followed George Foster's model (1969). The research projects Hawthorn co-directed were commissioned by government agencies for purposes of analyzing target groups and, with diplomacy, he paid attention to the setting i n which the two systems came together. His grounded, p r a c t i c a l approach to ethnography seemed to r e s i s t the questioning d i s o r i e n t a t i o n of "reinventing anthropology" (Hymes 1974) i n the 1960s and 1970s. His sense of s o c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y was active, forming a fundamental element i n "Useful Anthropology." Work was to be open to scrutiny through publication and public presentation with an intent to be i n f l u e n t i a l . While the subject matter was external to t h e i r own l i v e s and d i s c i p l i n e (Ames 1979), an emerging r e f l e x i v e attitude i s apparent as Hawthorn writes, "we Page 57 must look at the ways we have followed and seek to improve them" (1976:185). The Hawthorns, through t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s , i n i t i a t e d the development of an organizational culture at MOA within which i s embedded a d i s p o s i t i o n of c u l t u r a l brokerage. The term "organizational culture" i s used i n t h i s case study to r e f e r to "the s o c i a l inheritance, the set of customs, attitudes and b e l i e f s acquired as a member of a s o c i a l group," to borrow a d e f i n i t i o n (Hawthorn et a l 1955:39), that characterizes MOA and established a working environment within which the Native Youth Project operated. As Daniel Denison (1990:175) explained, "Thus, an organization's culture may be as a code, a l o g i c , and a system of structured behaviors and meaning that have stood the te s t of time and serve as a c o l l e c t i v e guide to future adaptation and s u r v i v a l . " Qualities the Hawthorn's brought to t h i s process are outlined below. 1. C r e d i b i l i t y and Prestige The Hawthorns worked out of a firmly established academic base with respected, nonpartisan credentials allowing them to b u i l d support from government, private sponsors, people of the F i r s t Nations and the general public. While an assumption of academic n e u t r a l i t y has received c r i t i c a l examination i n the past two decades, the setting of the university museum s t i l l provides c r e d i b i l i t y and prestige with the public and government agencies, and MOA continues to serve as an authority base for those who endeavour to function as c u l t u r a l brokers. Page 58 2. Empirical and P r a c t i c a l Harry Hawthorn avoided what Deloria (1973:132) referre d to as "t h e o r e t i c a l wars", concentrating instead on examining sit u a t i o n s empirically within an i n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y framework. He b u i l t on the work and s e n s i b i l i t i e s of his formidable teachers, including Malinowski and Murdock, with a f u n c t i o n a l i s t o r i e n t a t i o n grounded i n n a t u r a l i s t i c ethnographic observation. Hawthorn's problem orientation was rooted i n his early experience. His preoccupation was s o c i a l change, and he had no i l l u s i o n s about the d i f f i c u l t process of adjustment. Even today, the work emanating from MOA i s not characterized by allegiance to p a r t i c u l a r t h e o r e t i c a l schools. Research i n t e r e s t s tend to be grounded i n experience and p r a c t i c a l needs. The study of material culture, which anchors the museum, t r a d i t i o n a l l y has been low l e v e l t h e o r e t i c a l a c t i v i t y , and, under the guidance of Audrey Hawthorn, assumed an ori e n t a t i o n of conserving indigeneous c u l t u r a l expressions. However, the climate of exploration and dedication encouraged by the work of the Hawthorns has permitted modifications and v a r i a t i o n s . A r e f l e x i v e approach developed at MOA, that i s , the anthropological study of the museum enterprise i t s e l f and i t s r e l a t i o n s h i p to the profession of anthropology (see Ames 1986). The ethnographic t r a d i t i o n has remained strong at MOA with an expressed concern for the insider's point of view, leading, f o r example, to the study of and support for F i r s t Nations c u l t u r a l movements (see Ames and Haagen 1987). Page 59 3. Assimilation/Conservation For the Hawthorns, the grand d i a l e c t i c was played out i n the pressures between F i r s t Nations assimilation i n t o contemporary society and conservation of community t r a d i t i o n s . This was evident i n Harry Hawthorn's early study of Moari acculturation. In the realm of i n d i v i d u a l adjustment to the changing i n s t i t u t i o n s of family and community, the p r i n c i p l e s of the new school p o l i c y seem to have more promise. The parents have demanded that the c h i l d be f i t t e d for European - New Zealand while retaining his s o l i d a r i t y with the family and the community; at the same time the educators have intended the school to solve the complex problems of Maori acculturation by speedy and complete a s s i m i l a t i o n . [Hawthorn 1944:127] While s e n s i b i l i t i e s about intervention i n the process of acculturation changed over time, the basic problem and desired r e s o l u t i o n remained. It i s r e a l l y the r i s i n g generation which w i l l e i t h e r take or shun the steps necessary for the emancipation of the Indian. They w i l l make t h i s decision...to the extent we have taught them to understand the nature and operation of the broader society and handed them the tools f o r t h e i r emancipation. This philosophy must be the basis of any new Indian school p o l i c y . This function of education i s a l l the more important to the Indians i n that i t prepares them for and d i r e c t s them towards autonomy. [Hawthorn 1967:173] Recommendations i n the commissioned studies were directed at how target groups, the F i r s t Nations, could become better integrated i n t o the wider Canadian society (Hawthorn et a l 1955:32-33) i n compliance with the laws of the nation and p r o v i n c i a l structures (Ibid.,1019-20). The process of acculturation was understood as i r r e v e r s i b l e , but the effects were to be tempered so as to proceed gradually, addressing the needs of the F i r s t Nations Page 60 (Ibid.,37). By the 1970s, assimilation ceased to be a topic that was considered d i r e c t l y . Nonetheless, the s o c i a l r e a l i t i e s and underlying assumptions of the d i a l e c t i c informed the formation of the NYP ( see Chapters Five and S i x ) . For Harry Hawthorn, the emphasis had s h i f t e d i n the 1970s to a discussion of "Useful Anthropology" and a greater concern for the i n s i d e r ' s perspective. Times have changed i n other ways also. Many of the people i n the s o c i e t i e s we have o r d i n a r i l y studied are openly h o s t i l e to anthropologists. Perhaps one reason i s that we have raised expectation that we have not met. Another i s that ever-present ethnic c o n f l i c t has taken new turns and an anthropologist offers an easy target. Ethnic c o n f l i c t i s not new and has possibly not even increased i f i t s inner as well as outer forms are taken into account. (The topic of the paper I wrote for t h i s meeting was ethnic c o n f l i c t i n Canada. In i t I held that ethnic c o n f l i c t was coterminous with difference, where ethnic difference was accompanied by some d i s p a r i t y i n power and possessions, as i t always i s . ) To anthropologists, whose subject began with the study of dominated peoples of the Americans, A f r i c a and Asia by western scholars, the new element i s the freedom with which resentment i s expressed and directed at him. This merely sharpens issues already present, the usefulness of our work, and the communication of what we do. We can properly regard the current freedom to show h o s t i l i t y as one measure of success of a cause we have believed i n . People who once f e l t impelled to wear a mask of d o c i l i t y have achieved greater independence and s e l f -determination, including the determination of when and how they s h a l l be studied. [Hawthorn 1976:180; parentheses i n o r i g i n a l ] The necessity to function successfully i n contemporary society remained. Attitudes toward and mechanisms for accomplishing t h i s objective had changed. 4. C u l t u r a l Identity Culture as s o c i a l inheritance i s translated into c u l t u r a l Page 61 i d e n t i t y by i n d i v i d u a l s . The process i s not simple, including such factors as how others, members and non-members of the a f f i l i a t e d group, perceive and respond to the i n d i v i d u a l . This becomes a s i g n i f i c a n t problem for c u l t u r a l brokers working with v i s i b l e minorities designing appropriate programme treatments. In the 1960s, the survey directed by Harry Hawthorn analyzed the emerging self-awareness i n the F i r s t Nations. On the one hand, there are marked differences between the various Canadian t r i b e s i n t h i s matter of ethnic i d e n t i f i c a t i o n . . . . In some cases even, the young openly r e j e c t t r a d i t i o n a l customs and express admiration for everything that i s not Indian. ...Although the desire to i d e n t i f y with an aboriginal society and remain Indian i s s t i l l strong, the elements of t h i s i d e n t i f i c a t i o n are often vague and even contradictory. A second aspect of the Indians' self-image i s a r e s u l t of t h e i r p osition of i n f e r i o r i t y and dependence i n r e l a t i o n to the Whites.... For a l l that, the Indian looks up to the Whites.... In short t h i s i s the source of the dual nature of the Indian's i d e n t i t y . In the formation of his own image, he combines indiscrimately elements taken from two widely d i f f e r e n t cultures. As a r e s u l t of t h i s c o n f l i c t i n g s i t u a t i o n , i t i s hardly surprising that his self-image i s ambiguous. [Hawthorn 1967:162-63] While description of the contemporary s i t u a t i o n assumed a t r a n s i t i o n a l and disoriented quality, each group was recognized as d i s t i n c t i v e with i t s own "values and patterns of character" (Hawthorn et a l 1955:7 and 39). For each, there was an ethnographic past to be reconstructed accurately and honoured, giving back to people t h e i r history (Hawthorn 1976:184). On the Northwest Coast, MOA was conceived as a haven f o r those concerned with preserving c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n s . Following the commissioning of Mungo Martin, Audrey Hawthorn explains that Page 62 "Indian carvers from then on became a part of our department and museum l i f e . . . " (1975:95). During the Hawthorns tenure at MOA, the i n s i d e r ' s point of view was respected using informants such as Mungo Martin and his wife Abayah. Already i n his seventies, Mungo Martin was keenly aware of the great changes brought by the years, and was anxious to record what he knew of the culture i n which he had grown up, and i n which he had seen the changes come. While he was at the museum he helped to i d e n t i f y and describe the materials as they came i n . . . . ...Being a f u l l participant i n the ceremonial system, he recognized many in d i v i d u a l pieces and i d e n t i f i e d almost a l l of them with assurance. He gave both the Kwakiutl name and a tr a n s l a t i o n , based on his cl e a r comprehension of the use and background of the piece. He was concerned that his words should not be wasted. "Write that down, now," he often said, and then, "Say i t back," u n t i l he was s a t i s f i e d that the tr a n s c r i p t i o n was reasonably correct. [Hawthorn 1979:viii] Audrey Hawthorn's publication Kwakiutl Art (1979, o r i g i n a l 1967) i s b a s i c a l l y presented i n terms of an "ethnographic present" with an authoritative s t y l e of writing and formating, r i c h i n desc r i p t i o n . I t should be noted that the Hawthorns did t h e i r work with scholarly attention and conviction. Nevertheless, dilemmas i n c u l t u r a l interpretation are evident. Their culture concept assumes a s t a t i c and comprehensive qu a l i t y , thereby explaining self-image among the F i r s t Nations as a s i t u a t i o n of c o n f l i c t i n g forces from "two widely d i f f e r e n t cultures" (Hawthorn 1967:162). This fueled conclusions about the process of s o c i a l i z a t i o n and the function of education. We might emphasize, i n passing, that the teaching i n the Indian and integrated schools should be designed to prepare students for the exercise of a trade or profession and to adapt them to the White society. An Indian's a b i l i t y to f i n d a job i s a r e s u l t not only of his education Page 63 by also of his l e v e l of acculturation. [Hawthorn 1967:168] The NYP was founded on t h i s s t a t i c understanding of Northwest Coast culture, an idea that subsequently was challenged by some of the NYP project managers and members (see Brass 1990). A revised approach emerged at MOA during the 1980s, though s t i l l respecting the importance of the insider's point of view. There are many voices, many s t o r i e s . They do not add up to one consistent view, nor should they, because they represent d i f f e r e n t people with d i f f e r e n t i n t e r e s t s and experiences. We nevertheless need to l i s t e n . The a r t i c u l a t i o n of native points of view may serve to remind us that outsiders do not have the f i n a l word. I t i s the continuing i n t e r a c t i o n between these various perspectives that i s important. I do not believe that the University of B r i t i s h Columbia Museum of Anthropology, for example, should attempt to present the "native point of view", which i t could never do properly anyway, whether by reconstructed contextualist exhibits or by other means. I t i s more important for a museum to concentrate on what i t can do best, which i s to present i t s own point of view as a professional i n s t i t u t i o n , recognizing the l i m i t a t i o n s that implies, and to work i n partnership with the museums and c u l t u r a l organizations of the "native" or indigenous peoples. A museum i s only one volume i n an encyclopedia of culture that i s always i n the process of being written. No one museum can say i t a l l , nor should i t pretend that i t can. [Ames 1986:47] The a r t i c u l a t i o n of s o c i a l inheritance thus becomes the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the c u l t u r a l groups, and museum anthropologists avoid the role of representatives providing ethnographic interpretation and authorization. In conclusion, perhaps the most important legacy from Harry Hawthorn i s the basic assumption that anthropology should be useful, and that i t can and should serve target populations. Chambers (1985:14) points out that the t r a d i t i o n a l a ttitude within the d i s c i p l i n e took knowledge to be inherently u s e f u l , Page 64 but others held the conviction that knowledge "must d e l i b e r a t e l y be made useful" (emphasis i n o r i g i n a l ) . Harry Hawthorn crossed that l i n e , envisioning the professional appropriateness of playing a more complete r o l e , a role which unavoidably assumes the r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of c u l t u r a l broker. Audrey Hawthorn played a more conventional r o l e . Preparing the documentation and presentation of the material culture of the Northwest Coast, she served as conservator of c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n s . They both enjoy esteemed positions as educators, having established anthropology and museology as substantial academic programmes at UBC. In Anthropology and Sociology departments throughout Canada and beyond, Harry Hawthorn's students are s t r i v i n g to put into practice not only the knowledge they have acquired under his guidance, but also the p r i n c i p l e s of teaching they learned i n his classes.... Most of us would blush to admit how many of his aphorisms, insights and techniques we now claim as our own. I cannot speak at f i r s t hand of Audrey's teaching, but her own students can, and do, attest to i t s virtues from p o s i t i o n i n museums through [ s i c ] the Commonwealth and the United States. I know that I speak for a l l of t h e i r students and colleagues, past and present, i n expressing to Harry and Audrey Hawthorn our respect, admiration, gratitude and a f f e c t i o n . [In g l i s 1975:8] The organizational culture the Hawthorns i n i t i a t e d at MOA has evolved and accomodated changing i n t e l l e c t u a l and s o c i a l conditions over the years. This organizational culture i s also expressed i n the physical setting created for the display of the ethnographic c o l l e c t i o n s : The proximity of these new works to the old a r t i f a c t s gathered behind the wall of glass makes very c l e a r the museum's most important message: t r i b a l works are part of an ongoing, dynamic t r a d i t i o n . The museum displays i t s works of "art" as part of an inventive process, not as Page 65 treasures salvaged from a vanished past. [ C l i f f o r d 1990:10] By the 1960s and 1970s, the F i r s t Nations of Canada were gaining a greater public voice, demanding the r i g h t to guide t h e i r own destiny as d i s t i n c t groups. Powers were being reclaimed from bureaucrats and other mainstream representatives. Brenda Taylor i s an example of the kind of a c t i v i s t who emerged during t h i s period to represent and work for F i r s t Nations causes. She focussed her energies on making the public school system ( i n Vancouver) more relevant for aboriginal youth. Taylor also was instrumental i n creating the Native Youth Project i n col l a b o r a t i o n with Madeline Rowan, a student of the Hawthorns and curator at MOA. The orientation of "Useful Anthropology" combined with F i r s t Nations i n i t i a t i v e and new forms of government support to develop the programme. The next two chapters recount the emergence of the Native Youth Project through the a c t i v i t i e s of Taylor and Rowan. Page 66 V. BRENDA TAYLOR AND THE NATIVE INDIAN YOUTH ADVISORY SOCIETY The next two chapters piece together the founding of the Native Youth Project. The programme resulted from the conjunction of two systems, each represented by an a r t i c u l a t e and determined educator. On the one hand was the urban based community of F i r s t Nations people struggling to break a dependency re l a t i o n s h i p with the federal government which had been entrenched for over a century. Brenda Taylor was prominent i n t h i s movement, and d i r e c t l y responsible for est a b l i s h i n g and d i r e c t i n g the Native Indian Youth Advisory Society (NIYAS). On the other hand was the museum community serving as c u l t u r a l brokers, attempting to bridge the gap between the mainstream society and the aboriginal population. As reviewed i n the previous chapter, MOA under the leadership of the Hawthorns had become a centre for c u l t u r a l preservation and research i n t o problems of s o c i a l change and development among the F i r s t Nations. Madeline Rowan became a curator at MOA i n the mid 197 0s. She was responsible for the educational programming and had a s p e c i a l i n t e r e s t i n improving academic achievement among the aboriginal people of the Northwest Coast. By examining the work of these two educators, one representing NIYAS and the other representing MOA, both the formation of the NYP and the context for the development of the programme can be better understood. The terms "Native" and "Native Indian" are often used i n these two chapters because they were the terms used i n the discussions and writing of these two key stakeholders i n the Page 67 NYP. Basic information for t h i s chapter was provided by Taylor i n two long interview sessions which were recorded i n June 1989. A. CHANGING APPROACH TO EDUCATION AMONG THE FIRST NATIONS The process of urbanization among the F i r s t Nations of B r i t i s h Columbia i n the past three decades goes beyond a simple migration to the c i t i e s (see Hawthorn et a l . 1955; Hawthorn 1966, 1967). P r e h i s t o r i c a l l y , the people of the Northwest Coast maintained strong economic and p o l i t i c a l r elationships up and down the coast which became even more elaborate with the introduction of European fur trade, agriculture and f i s h i n g industry. Population growth, economic pressures, government p o l i c i e s and l i f e s t y l e choices led to increasing r e l o c a t i o n as members of the F i r s t Nations established residence i n urban centres following World War I I . I l l u s t r a t i n g the economic conditions, the Hawthorn-directed Survey of the Contemporary Indians of Canada i n the 1960s analyzed the causes of prosperity and poverty on reserves. Thus we have found that such primary resource-based modes of l i v e l i h o o d as trapping, f i s h i n g and farming exert a negative influence on Indian prosperity. This influence i s contrasted to the great contribution to prosperity made by steady wage and s a l a r i e d employment off the reserve.... While an increasing number people already work and l i v e away from the reserves, the reserves are not vanishing. [Hawthorn 1966:7] Active networks of relationships throughout the province remain, enhanced by modern communication and transportation. The r e l o c a t i o n of primary residences to urban centres meant changes Page 68 i n s o c i a l patterns with new influences on the family and the r a i s i n g of children. A l l of t h i s was accompanied by al t e r e d forms of funding for F i r s t Nations programmes. This b r i e f background description completely side steps the complex issues of status/non-status and p o l i t i c a l power within the F i r s t Nations. Regarding the restructuring of t r i b a l organization, Hawthorn had noted i n his study of acculturation i n New Zealand, "With the r i s e of the smaller s o c i a l units and the decay of the larger ones, has come a much greater pan-Maori unity" (1944:19). As described i n the Hawthorn-directed survey, the Canadian s i t u a t i o n i n the 1960s was marked by the emergence of a "new self-awareness prevalent i n Indian communities" which found expression " i n an ambiguous ethnic i d e n t i f i c a t i o n " (Hawthorn 1967:161). The s h i f t i n g population base for the F i r s t Nations i n B r i t i s h Columbia created both problems and opportunities for a r e v i t a l i z e d leadership with new parameters for p o l i t i c a l action. In the 1960s, hard questions were asked by an increasingly sophisticated leadership among the F i r s t Nations. Concerns and objectives were being translated into slogans and programmes. The career of Brenda Taylor serves to i l l u s t r a t e the challenges and responses i n the area of education. In 1971, when both of her daughters had entered school, Taylor went looking f o r employment that would inter e s t her. On the advice of her brother-in-law, A l v i n McKay, an administrator with the University of B r i t i s h Columbia Indian Education Resources Page 69 Centre, Taylor entered the summer t r a i n i n g course for home-school coordinators given by Art More and the l a t e Robert S t e r l i n g . At the end of the summer, the Indian Education Resource Centre was h i r i n g coordinators for the Boarding Home Programme which operated out of the federal Indian A f f a i r s o f f i c e . This programme worked with F i r s t Nations students coming from reserves to attend high school i n urban areas. As coordinator, Taylor was responsible for 70 to 80 students i n Vancouver and North Vancouver, guiding t h e i r placement and adjustment from the moment she met them at the a i r p o r t . I t was v i r t u a l l y a 24 hour r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . Looking back on t h i s experience, she i s amazed that the coordinators could cope with the work load. In September of 1973, t h i s programme was turned over to the i n d i v i d u a l bands as part of a p o l i c y to place control of education d i r e c t l y i n the hands of the F i r s t Nations. Taylor became the counsellor for students from her home reserve, B e l l a B e l l a . Work with the Boarding Home Programme served as Taylor's professional introduction to the active and often disturbing l i f e of F i r s t Nations youth i n the urban environment. In 1974, Taylor became a Native Indian Home-School Worker with the Vancouver School Board. The home-school programme was a response to requests from the Vancouver Indian Centre, the Musequeam Band and other F i r s t Nations organizations to address education problems i n the c i t y . Taylor was one of three workers who were hired i n the f i r s t year of the programme, and f o r over a decade and a half she used t h i s p osition as the base f o r her Page 70 many endeavours on behalf of F i r s t Nations youth. Taylor emphasizes her commitment to work i n t h i s area. I r e a l l y wanted to work with Native youth. I could see that there were so many concerns and issues that people had when i t came to urban Indian education. And I guess one of the things I wanted was to see what I could do to help, to a s s i s t , to esta b l i s h programmes, to improve Indian education for urban Indian students. [Taylor interview, June 1989] One of the major problems was the school drop out rate, a rate s i g n i f i c a n t l y higher for members of the F i r s t Nations. Taylor laments, "So few of our Indian students graduate from high school" (Ibid.). In the mid 1970s, an ad hoc advisory committee was formed to study t h i s problem and to consider the sp e c i a l needs of F i r s t Nations students. The committee consisted of school personnel, Native Indian Home-School Workers, u n i v e r s i t y professors and F i r s t Nations representatives from the community. Through the i n i t i a t i v e of t h i s committee, Dr. Joe Handley wrote the proposal for Kum Tuks, the f i r s t a l t e r n a t i v e school programme i n Vancouver for F i r s t Nations students. This was an innovative programme and implementation required shrewd educational planning to meet i d e n t i f i a b l e needs, diplomacy to maintain support within the F i r s t Nations community, and p o l i t i c a l savvy to convince the Vancouver School Board to sponsor the programme. Taylor speaks with pride about t h i s e f f o r t and other projects she promoted i n the early years of her career to stimulate p o s i t i v e educational experiences for F i r s t Nations students. Another r e a l l y exciting thing that happened i n 1975, the Page 71 Vancouver Indian Centre contacted the Toronto Indian Centre to have a student exchange programme, and we received funding f e d e r a l l y . Three chaperons took, I believe, 16 students to Toronto for a week or nine days. So we flew to Toronto, stayed at the Indian Centre which was an experience and a h a l f . . . . And then we flew to Edmonton and took the t r a i n back to Vancouver. [Taylor interview, June 1989] Another project was the Britannia Native Teen Club which was active between 1976 and 1979. During those years, as a member of United Native Nations Local 108, Taylor successfully applied for funding for a summer Native youth leadership t r a i n i n g and recreation programme at Britannia Community Centre. High school students received two weeks t r a i n i n g , and then led a summer recrea t i o n a l programme for elementary students from a l l over Vancouver. In 1977, Taylor was involved with an ad hoc committee to save the Native Education Centre. With the help of Member of Parliament Art Lee, committee members negotiated with Indian A f f a i r s . "He was r e a l l y one of the f i r s t p o l i t i c i a n s that I had been involved with to seek funding for Native programmes. It was through his assistance lobbying f o r funds for the Native Education Centre that i t did stay open" (Taylor interview, June 1989). Art Lee was not reelected. Taylor explains the p o l i t i c a l dynamics, "...we went to John Fraser to a s s i s t us i n the area of lobbying for money, and he has r e a l l y been very supportive of the needs of urban Indians and urban Indian education and Native youth... We go where we have to go" (Taylor interview, June 1989). The committee evolved i n t o the Urban Native Indian Education Society which now governs the Page 72 Native Education Centre. A core of dedicated i n d i v i d u a l s worked to achieve pragmatic objectives through the f l u i d structure and leadership patterns of ad hoc committees. They developed the a b i l i t y to understand and u t i l i z e p o l i t i c a l forces, bureaucratic systems, even the media as resources for t h e i r cause. B. ESTABLISHING THE NATIVE INDIAN YOUTH ADVISORY SOCIETY By the f a l l of 1977, Taylor and her co-workers f e l t there was a need for a Native Indian Youth Advisory Committee which would meet on a regular basis, s i m i l a r i n organization to the one involved with the Kum Tuks programme. Taylor explains t h e i r challenge: "How we could work together, how we could network, when i t came to the needs and concerns we had, and the issues, of Native youth" (Taylor interview, June 1989). One of the f i r s t a c t i v i t i e s the group undertook was the Cu l t u r a l Enrichment Workers programme. The Native Indian Youth Advisory Committee secured funding from the Secretary of State and the Ministry of Education for the 1978 p i l o t project, and the Vancouver School Board continued the programme af t e r the f i r s t year. For a couple of summers, the committee arranged funding to hir e Native Indian C u l t u r a l Enrichment Workers for a Native studies curriculum project at Britannia with high school students. This proved "very e x c i t i n g because i t gave d i f f e r e n t kinds of s k i l l s to students who were involved i n i t " (Taylor interview, June 1989). In 1983, the committee acquired o f f i c i a l status as a non-Page 73 p r o f i t society, and became the Native Indian Youth Advisory Society (NIYAS). For many years, Taylor served as president of NIYAS. The objectives of the society are outlined as follows: a) to promote leadership t r a i n i n g , learning experience and meaningful d i r e c t i o n for Native youth and Native People. b) to improve the qual i t y of educational services to Native youth and Native People. c) to develop s o c i a l , c u l t u r a l and recreation programs for Native children and fam i l i e s . d) to improve the qual i t y of l i f e for Native peoples i n Vancouver. e) to promote the t o t a l community's understanding and appreciation of Native people and t h e i r c u l t u r a l [ s i c ] . f) to encourage f u l l e r p a r t i c i p a t i o n of people of Native ancestry i n educational and community a f f a i r s . g) to promote the creation of better understanding within Indian groups and between Indian and non-Indian groups and c i t i z e n s for the general benefits of Native people. [NIYAS 1989] The following explanation was provided as background for the work of the society. B r i t i s h Columbia has the highest proportion of native people l i v i n g off reserves..•. By 1980, there were approximately 25,000 people of native descent l i v i n g i n Vancouver; Over 50% of these were 19 or younger. These figures have increased since that time.... Poverty, alcoholism, suicide and c u l t u r a l a l i e n a t i o n are both cause and ef f e c t of the current h i s t o r i c a l forces a f f e c t i n g native youth. D i f f i c u l t i e s with the school system are expressed i n a highly disproportionate drop-out nTct't'S • • • • That native youth f i n d so l i t t l e value or motivation i n mainstream schooling r e s u l t s i n al i e n a t i o n from the system of support which are channeled through the schools, such as provision of medical t e s t i n g and r e f e r r a l , monitoring of abuse, and counselling. Even for those students who remain i n school, such services are seldom perceived to meet t h e i r needs. Thus, the needs of both drop-outs and students tend to be poorly served. Youth unemployment i n the lower mainland i s very high. I t i s estimated to be three to four times higher among Native Youth. Petty crime and suicide are common Page 74 responses to the perception of a closed s o c i a l and economic system. [NIYAS 1989; underlining i n o r i g i n a l ] The society operated on a project by project basis, s e l e c t i n g or developing ideas or movements which f i t t h e i r objectives. Funding was secured primarily from government sources through an active grantsmanship e f f o r t on Taylor's part. Matching p o t e n t i a l funding sources with selected NIYAS a c t i v i t i e s was accomplished with extensive networking and contacts. Programmes sponsored by the society have included summer recreational programmes, heritage awareness programmes, counselling, and F i r s t Nations youth conferences. A high p r o f i l e programme for NIYAS has been S p i r i t Song Native Indian Theatre Company which started i n 1981. Two years before, Taylor supported young F i r s t Nations actors auditioning for a t h e a t r i c a l production by Campbell Smith. They were not selected, but the play about teenagers was so well received that i t toured i n Europe the second summer. Taylor asked Smith to e s t a b l i s h a F i r s t Nations youth theatre which he d i d the following summer. With obvious pride, Taylor explains that the students, a l l i n high school, came up with the name " S p i r i t Song" during the f i r s t summer. "That's kind of neat. I t ' s kind of a neat name too" (Taylor interview, June 1989). The theatre programme i s inspired by aboriginal images. The natural elements of drama was interwoven in t o the f a b r i c of the f i r s t peoples s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l society. From these powerful t h e a t r i c a l roots S p i r i t Song through i t s Theatre Arts Program i s r e c a l l i n g those aboriginal dramatic talents and blending them with standard theatre practice. [NIYAS - S p i r i t Song brochure] Page 75 During the school year 1987-88, S p i r i t Song, i n cooperation with the King Edward Campus of Vancouver Community College, offered a c e r t i f i c a t e programme i n F i r s t Nations theatre arts studies. In 1989, Taylor explained NIYAS p r i o r i t i e s as funding to continue t h i s programme, to hire an administrator for the theatre company and to produce new plays. Taylor expresses p a r t i c u l a r pride i n the conferences that NIYAS has organized. Well, we f e l t i t was r e a l l y important that we s e n s i t i z e teachers to the needs of urban Indians and urban Indian education. So we had the f i r s t conference i n , I believe, 1977, December or maybe i t was November.... One hundred attended workshops at Britannia Centre with resource people dealing with the issues concerning the education of urban and migrating Indians, that i s what we c a l l e d i t . And i n 1979, the follow up of that conference, where we received funding, and i t was c a l l e d Urban Con I I . And at that conference there were over 200 people i n attendance. ...and from that we decided to have a j o i n t Native Indian/ M u l t i c u l t u r a l conference.... From that conference, i t was decided that we should take a look at an Indigeneous Education Conference. And I was not the coordinator of that conference. I t was Verna Kirkness and Howard Gray. That was the conference they held at UBC i n 1987, June of 1987. F i f t e e n hundred from throughout the world attended. I was on the planning committee for that. And since, we have had our l a s t one which i s the Native Youth Conference [May 1989].... I t was r e a l l y great to have such a conference. They came from a l l over Canada, the t e r r i t o r i e s , as well as northwest United States. And what was r e a l l y neat about i t was that probably two thirds of a l l participants were high school students. And so i t was important for us to have Native youth students involved on the planning committee. They picked the type of workshops that they wanted. And then they were very involved at the conference as volunteers.... It was very demanding, but we'll probably have another one. [Taylor interview, June 1989] The Native Youth Conference i n May 1989 was sponsored by NIYAS, Page 76 the Professional Native Women's Association and the UBC Museum of Anthropology (MOA). The role of MOA a s s i s t i n g i n the organization and hosting of F i r s t Nations conferences and other programmes i s discussed i n Chapter Nine. The draft NIYAS funding s o l i c i t a t i o n statement concludes with these thoughts. NIYAS IS A LEGITIMATE ESTABLISHED COMMUNITY SERVICE with a record of accomplishment and demonstrated administrative competence which has been a source of pride to the o f f - reserve native community i n Vancouver since 1977.... NOW IS THE TIME TO FINALLY RECOGNIZE AND SUPPORT THIS  ESSENTIAL SERVICE PROVIDED TO THE OFF-RESERVE NATIVE  COMMUNITY. [NIYAS 1989; underlining i n o r i g i n a l ] Two points are i l l u s t r a t e d i n t h i s appeal. F i r s t , as NIYAS matured, i t had to reassure potential funders about i t s credentials and authority. And second, i t had to expand i t s funding base i n order to maintain i t s a c t i v i t i e s . With quiet determination, Taylor states, " U n t i l we get the funding we need i n place, you know, I won't be happy" (Taylor interview, June 1989) . C. NIYAS CO-SPONSORSHIP OF THE NATIVE YOUTH PROJECT During the 1977-78 leadership t r a i n i n g and recreation programmes at Britannia, contact was made between Taylor and Madeline Rowan, education curator at MOA. It was during that period that Madeline had approached us to see i f she could do, I guess, Native c u l t u r a l workshops with students involved with the summer programme at Britannia. And so I said to her, rather than have you come up and do t h i s , why don't we consider t r a i n i n g Native Indian high school students to do t h i s work. And so from Page 77 that came about the j o i n t sponsorship of the programme. [Taylor interview, June 1989] From the f i r s t , Taylor was impressed with Rowan's enthusiasm. Conveying obvious respect, Taylor states, "Madeline was so gung ho" (Taylor interview, June 1989). A working r e l a t i o n s h i p developed which l e f t programme planning and supervision i n the hands of museum s t a f f guided by Rowan. More and more administrative r e s p o n s i b i l i t y was also assumed by MOA s t a f f . For the f i r s t four years, Taylor took part i n the h i r i n g each summer. Taylor i s quick to point out others who have worked on behalf of the NYP through NIYAS, such as Evans Stewart, Rose Point and Rita Barnes. The Musqueam Band has also had an ongoing i n t e r e s t i n the project, e s p e c i a l l y the second year when Glen Guerin and a group of students from Musqueam worked with the project. By the l a t e 1980s, NIYAS involvement i n the NYP was primarily as sponsor of funding applications. The a p p l i c a t i o n for summer 1989 i l l u s t r a t e s both Taylor's commitment and s t y l e . Tracking the progress of Employment and Immigration Canada grant applications for the summer t r a i n i n g programme, Taylor was h o r r i f i e d to discover that the NYP was not being considered as a "Native" application because i t was j o i n t l y sponsored with MOA, a non-Native organization. Nobody t o l d me that they weren't going to honour anything l i k e that any more, but then I'm not on the D i s t r i c t Advisory Board, because when I was on there, I knew about the changes as they came up. Quite surprised me when we found out that they would not fund i t under the Native programmes. And a f t e r discussions, they said they would fund i t i f i t were done by a Native organization. And so Page 78 we had to, for the f i r s t time, take o f f the co-sponsorship, although i t s t i l l i s , r i g h t , i t ' s not on paper. And I think that has a l o t to do with saying that they want s e l f government.... I know some of the members of the D i s t r i c t Advisory Board when I was s i t t i n g on there f e l t very strongly that they did not want non-Native sponsors for anything as far as funding was concerned. [Taylor interview, June 1989] The NYP did receive funding that year and the following year through NIYAS. This arrangement t i e d MOA more c l o s e l y to the bookkeeping and management practices of NIYAS. For some time, Rowan, and then the dire c t o r of MOA, served on the NIYAS Board of Directors. With the change i n funding arrangements, a MOA s t a f f member was asked to a s s i s t i n organizing and monitoring the bookkeeping. The work was done on a volunteer basis. This proved to be a d i f f i c u l t s i t u a t i o n and contributed to the decision i n l a t e 1990 not to seek funding for the NYP i n the usual manner from Employment and Immigration Canada, but to a l t e r the programme so that i t could be handled through MOA c o n t r o l l e d funding sources. A couple of terms stand out i n the NYP descriptions and funding a p p l i c a t i o n s — " h e r i t a g e " and "leadership." Taylor explained the meaning of the terms. When you apply for funding, you have to use the r i g h t jargon to prove the uniqueness of whatever i t i s you are going a f t e r , right? And so that i s probably why that was thrown i n . But you know, i t was r e a l l y important f o r us to have that c u l t u r a l component, Native c u l t u r a l component. I don't want to say taught to the kids. They were taught about i t by Madeline, and a f t e r given the knowledge, they turned around and used i t i n presentations. Leadership, I think that i s r e a l l y important. The young people are the future leaders of the Native people. And I think i t i s r e a l l y important to t r y to give them the Page 79 opportunity to s t a r t looking at employment, at what w i l l be preparing them for the future, preparing them to be able to know how to compete for work, to further t h e i r education, whatever. Because without any of, without those, you know, people just don't, won't, r e a l l y get anywhere. [Taylor interview, June 1989] Taylor's respect for the students' response to the NYP had grown during the course of the programme. "I was r e a l l y amazed how much they learned.... It was very impressive for me that i t had gone so f a r " and that the students had gained "so much more confidence" (Taylor interview, June 1989). Considering the future of the NYP, Taylor would encourage more p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n conferences, e s p e c i a l l y anthropology conferences, where the project members would give workshops. "And also to t r a v e l to indigenous countries" (Ibid.). The 1990 World Indigenous Conference i n New Zealand was offered as a possible example. The partnership with MOA s t i l l held a t t r a c t i v e p o s s i b i l i t i e s . Taylor could envision additional funding proposals to provide NYP members with advanced t r a i n i n g and work experience i n various departments at the museum. D. COPING WITH THE URBANIZATION OF FIRST NATIONS YOUTH Educational programming for the F i r s t Nations was experiencing major reorientation when Taylor entered the f i e l d i n the early 1970s. As people of the F i r s t Nations moved o f f the reserves, the Department of Indian A f f a i r s no longer had r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for routine s o c i a l services. New strategies and funding sources were required to address escalating s o c i a l Page 80 problems within the urban based F i r s t Nations community. From the 1960s, the educational a c t i v i t i e s to address these problems had been characterized by a search for new approaches with the active p a r t i c i p a t i o n of F i r s t Nations leaders. Training and educational programming developed which were more responsive to immediate needs, such as employment and group pride, rather than to formal needs such as accreditation. With p o l i t i c a l savvy and determination, alternative systems evolved, adapted and gained support. Some of the alternative educational systems, such as s a t e l l i t e high schools and the Native Indian Teacher Education Program at UBC, were recognized and functioned within the mainstream structure. Other F i r s t Nations educational organizations remained independent, nonetheless constituted to meet requirements for government funding, such as the Native Education Centre and NIYAS. Summarizing developments i n the f i e l d of education i n the 1970s and 1980s, a shadow structure of a l t e r n a t i v e systems evolved to muster resources for F i r s t Nations youth. The structure of ad hoc committees summoned the commitment and talents necessary to accomplish d i f f i c u l t tasks. Networking and grantsmanship characterized t h i s movement. Accountability within t h i s shadow structure was not formalized but functioned more on a basis of entrepreneurship leaving questions about the d i s t r i b u t i o n of benefits and the o v e r a l l effectiveness. A s t r i k i n g feature of t h i s s i t u a t i o n was the e f f o r t to reclaim authority and i n i t i a t i v e by F i r s t Nations leaders. This trend was apparent i n p o l i t i c a l c o n t r o l , such as Page 81 the D i s t r i c t Advisory Board for government funding a l l o c a t i o n s , i n conferences designed to a r t i c u l a t e and b u i l d support for the F i r s t Nations point of view, and i n the int e r p r e t a t i o n of c u l t u r a l heritage (Ames 1987). Taylor was deeply involved i n t h i s educational movement. She had dedicated her career to F i r s t Nations youth. The objectives and expectations which motivated Taylor provide a basis for understanding the dynamics of the s i t u a t i o n . While many of the problems were obvious, c l a r i f y i n g the context could be quite complex. Cultural i d e n t i t y per se could be problematic. From my perspective anyway, i f you are part Native, there's no way anybody can say that you're not Indian.... But so much depends on the person too. ...over the years i n my work, there have been Native people who have moved to the c i t y that didn't want to be involved with Native programmes. They didn't want to have s p e c i f i c programmes for t h e i r kids. Mainly because, they said, we moved o f f the reserve, we moved into the urban area and we want to be treated l i k e everybody else. So go away and don't bother us. And I respect that, i f that i s t h e i r f e e l i n g , I don't see, you know, why people should push themselves onto f a m i l i e s . Because i f I f e l t something strongly myself and people t r i e d to come to me, r i g h t , and I didn't agree with whatever, I would l e t them know. So I think i t i s important to l e t Native people make t h e i r decisions on what i t i s they want out of l i f e . [Taylor interview, June 1989] Taylor balanced a respect for i n d i v i d u a l choice with a conviction about special status for the F i r s t Nations, reminiscent of the " c i t i z e n plus" approach (Hawthorn 1966, 1967). I believe Native has to be kept separate and not considered as a m u l t i c u l t u r a l group, because I think we are unique as indigenous people of North America. [Taylor interview, June 1989] Page 82 Taylor expressed optimism about maintaining indigenous culture and language, and even spoke of self-government. For her, F i r s t Nations heritage studies are an important element i n re t a i n i n g c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y , and serve as an in d i c a t i o n of community v i t a l i t y . I r e a l l y think that people i n B r i t i s h Columbia are r e a l l y fortunate, Native people, that they are able to t r y to keep t h e i r culture and t h e i r history. It i s r e a l l y , for me, great to see Native people having Indian d i c t i o n a r i e s and having Indian stories i n t h e i r language being taught i n schools. It was almost l o s t , and i t i s r e a l l y great seeing a l l of that coming back. And I think the Native Youth Conference and other conferences that we have had [are great]. [Taylor interview, June 1989] Membership i n the urban Native community has le v e l s of complication — personal choice, ancestry and upbringing. While there i s a great deal of d i v e r s i t y among the F i r s t Nations, there i s also a recognition of shared values and appropriate behaviour. A fundamental commitment to and support from family characterizes Taylor's description of F i r s t Nations values. ...at least where I have come from, family i s r e a l l y important. And that i s also a part of what was i n s t i l l e d i n us when we were young i s you look out for your brother and your s i s t e r and your cousins. You respect your aunts and uncles and elders and that. And that i s r e a l l y important, at least for me. I r e a l l y have a hugh family, sometimes I can't keep track... And now I have a grandson, and that i s so important to my l i f e . [Taylor interview] Taylor's experience coping with the urbanization of F i r s t Nations youth had led her to i d e n t i f y three major problems to be addressed — school drop out, employment and discrimination. To me, though, I think being Native there i s no two ways about i t , there i s discrimination out there. And people are not going to l i k e you and not think much of you because of your race. And I think i t i s r e a l l y important to l e t Page 83 Native children at an early age when they can understand what i s going on, to l e t them know they are going to come across people that are r a c i s t s . And to prepare themselves. And I think one r e a l l y needs that i f they are going to survive. And I think that was one thing I r e a l l y appreciated with my mother, my father, they taught us, es p e c i a l l y my mum, even before we could speak English, you know. Like when we went to r e s i d e n t i a l school, we couldn't speak English because a l l we spoke was Indian at home. But, I thought i t was r e a l l y so important i n ones l i f e , and I remembered i t . I have done that with my chi l d r e n , you know when they were small, I did the same to them. And when I work with Indian students with my work, when they get upset about people that are cruel to them because they are Native, I t r y so hard to help them to say that you have to expect t h i s and t a l k to them about i t . And I always l i k e to say, well you are not the only ones because you are Native. Because there are a l o t of other people out there who get discriminated against too because of who they are, l i k e the Chinese, the Japanese, the East Indian, the Jew, whatever, r i g h t . I t i s not only Native. I t r y to always point that out.... But I think i t i s r e a l l y important f o r one to f e e l proud of themselves. You have to to deal with the r e a l l i f e out there. [Taylor interview, June 1989] For Taylor, discrimination had to be recognized for what i t was. Individuals must f e e l proud of themselves i n order to cope successfully with e f f e c t s of racism. The acknowledgement of discrimination was juxtaposed to the conviction of sp e c i a l status. With t h i s background understanding, the problems of academic achievement and economic security were a r t i c u l a t e d . Taylor's career i l l u s t r a t e s the way i n which the F i r s t Nations community has addressed the challenges of an urbanized l i f e , b uilding on some inherent values and adopting various s u r v i v i a l strategies. The mission, however, i s formidable. The objectives and expectations put forward by Taylor and NIYAS are summarized i n four categories. 1. Improve the qual i t y of educational experience for F i r s t Page 84 Nations students. This includes extracurricular programmes and a c t i v i t i e s as well as more e f f e c t i v e academic t r a i n i n g . In addition, t h i s requires health and welfare support services. At the Native Youth Conference i n 1989, a speaker referred to education as "our new buffalo." Later, at the c l o s i n g banquet, t h i s phrase was turned into a slogan by a F i r s t Nations law student summarizing a prevalent hope for reclaiming authority and control over t h e i r future. 2. Provide employment opportunities. This means a measure of f i n a n c i a l independence for F i r s t Nations students, and serves as preparation, along with improved academic t r a i n i n g , for successfully competing i n the future job market. This makes employment/training programmes such as the NYP p a r t i c u l a r l y a t t r a c t i v e . 3. Develop leadership t r a i n i n g and experiences. As Taylor explains, they are the future leaders of the F i r s t Nations. E f f e c t i v e leadership i s necessary for the continuing administration of F i r s t Nations programmes and preserves the option of self-determination and self-government. To do t h i s , Taylor incorporates students into the organizing committees where they can p a r t i c i p a t e i n the planning and decision making. Early i n the project, Taylor i n s i s t e d that project managers fo r the NYP be from the F i r s t Nations. 4. Confront discrimination. Taylor worked to give the general public opportunities to see F i r s t Nations youth i n p o s i t i v e ways. A stated objective of NIYAS was "to promote the t o t a l Page 85 community's understanding and appreciation of Native people" (NIYAS 1989). Complementing the public awareness e f f o r t s was development of a confident c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y . This was b u i l t on the conviction that F i r s t Nations youth can deal more e f f e c t i v e l y with consequences of racism i f they have a secure pride i n t h e i r own heritage. Association with MOA was advantageous for r e a l i z i n g aspects of these objectives, and i n the course of the project, many expectations held by Brenda Taylor and NIYAS were f u l f i l l e d . The other half of the story of the founding of the NYP i s described i n the next chapter through the work and aspirations of Madeline Rowan, MOA curator responsible for the museum's educational programming. Page 86 V I . MADELINE BRONSDON ROWAN AND MUSEUM EDUCATION PROGRAMMING Brenda Taylor devoted her career to the sur v i v a l of F i r s t Nations people i n the urban environment. Madeline Rowan, as a museum educator, provided mechanisms to support t h i s endeavour with the objective, i n the case of the NYP, of helping young people become more p r o f i c i e n t i n the educational and employment practices of the dominant culture. Rowan, the project o r i g i n a t o r serving as c u l t u r a l broker, not only instructed youth of the F i r s t Nations i n the academic s k i l l s of research, w r i t i n g and public speaking, and i n the conventional work ethics of contemporary Canadian society, she also designed presentations of the indigenous cultures of the Northwest Coast for the general public. Building a posit i v e i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with t h e i r F i r s t Nations heritage was considered to be an important part of the programme treatment for project p a r t i c i p a n t s . This chapter describes the formation of the project and the development of i t s structure and strategies. A. MOA CURATORIAL BACKGROUND FOR THE NATIVE YOUTH PROJECT Curators at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia Museum of Anthropology (MOA) valued a special r e l a t i o n s h i p with the F i r s t Nations of the Northwest Coast. Over the years, s t a f f has been a c t i v e l y involved i n applied research and programming with and for the F i r s t Nations. In the 1960s and 1970s, the r e l a t i o n s h i p was modified as indigeous communities asserted greater independence. Page 87 With the growing inter e s t on many Reserves to b u i l d museums, there have been increasing numbers of requests for information, photographic material, as i n d i v i d u a l bands begin to i n i t i a t e c u l t u r a l programs on t h e i r reserves. [MOA Special Grant Application July 1974, page 21] MOA s t a f f also sought to make "a contribution toward the reawakening in t e r e s t among urban Indian people i n learning about t h e i r own t r a d i t i o n s " (Ibid.:22). Rowan was i n i t i a t e d i n t o the MOA organizational culture as a student. Her work was heavily influenced by Audrey Hawthorn who acknowledges her assistance i n the record keeping and preparation for Kwakiutl Art (1979:xi). Rowan explained the pos i t i o n of MOA. Since i t s beginning i n the la t e 1940s t h i s museum has encouraged and been committed to the involvement of native Indian people i n i t s research and i t s programming. [Rowan 1987a:6] Rowan received her M.A. i n Anthropology from UBC i n 1966. Her studies were varied, including p o l i t i c a l and economic anthropology along with museology. Following graduation, her orie n t a t i o n steadily moved to consider anthropology as part of a general l i b e r a l arts education, and she worked i n non-academic programmes and public schools as well as teaching u n i v e r s i t y courses. A p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t was the presentation of the F i r s t Nations i n the elementary school s o c i a l studies curriculum. Rowan was fascinated with the poten t i a l for developing new educational techniques for museums based on v i s u a l information and hands on a c t i v i t i e s . Her in t e r e s t s included educational programming for the F i r s t Nations. Anything which can de-mystify learning, spark c u r i o u s i t y , and bring the s a t i s f a c t i o n and t h r i l l of success i n the education of the young i s desirable. So many Indian youth Page 88 face almost unimaginable obstacles to achieving these things. Museums hold part of the key i n remedying t h i s s i t u a t i o n . We are the forum i n which new ideas about education can f l o u r i s h . Let us hope we decide to use the authority, resources, and powers we possess. [Rowan 1987b:35] In 1975, as MOA was preparing for i t s move to the new b u i l d i n g , Rowan received her f u l l - t i m e appointment as museum curator responsible for educational programming and department l e c t u r e r . Rowan resigned from UBC and the NYP i n 1986, r e l o c a t i n g i n southern C a l i f o r n i a upon the retirement of her husband. The success of the NYP was c l o s e l y t i e d to Rowan personally, demonstrating the importance of dedicated leadership i n e s t a b l i s h i n g programmes. With an enthusiatic f l a i r , d e f i n i t e convictions and bold determination, she confidently promoted the projects with which she was associated. Rowan always had more demands on her time than she could s a t i s f y . This might be true of a l l curators, but i t was p a r t i c u l a r l y apparent with Rowan. This influenced her organizational s t y l e and management techniques, and had an impact on the development of the NYP. Her professional r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s for 1977-78 included, i n addition to her half time teaching load i n the Department of Anthropology, curating an exhibit c a l l e d "Dress and Identity," coordinating MOA school programmes and teacher workshops, supervising special workshops, l i a i s o n with the Faculty of Education and Native Indian Teacher Education Programme, p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the B r i t i s h Columbia Museums Association Education Committee, and, i n various stages of development, an Page 89 educational video programme, the Touchables C o l l e c t i o n with a spec i a l programme for the bl i n d , and a Native Indian youth leadership t r a i n i n g workshop with Britannia Centre, an east Vancouver community centre. The l a t t e r evolved into the NYP. In a memorandum dated 27 November 1978, Rowan explained the two le v e l s of the Britannia project. ...one i s the provision of programmes r e l a t i n g to Indian culture for young children, the other i s the development of experience among the adolescent Youth Leaders so that they can #1 a s s i s t us with programmes #2 gain s k i l l s which w i l l be useful to them l a t e r #3 learn enough that they can begin to i n i t i a t e programmes with t h i s and other museu'ms. [NYP f i l e s ] The plan for the ensuing year (1979) was to hold t r a i n i n g sessions i n the spring for F i r s t Nations teenagers, and then, with t h e i r assistance, organize programmes for childr e n during the summer. This was to be a jo i n t project between MOA and the community centre, i n i t i a l l y using f a c i l i t i e s and resources at the museum, but eventually operating the programme independently through the community centre. At that point, MOA s t a f f could turn t h e i r attention to developing programmes with other community centres. In a l l cases, programmes would be developed appropriately for the p a r t i c u l a r needs of each community centre. These ideas were fundamentally modified before the NYP was implemented. Rowan was pushing the scope of educational programming at MOA beyond t r a d i t i o n a l academic and museum services. This had implications for MOA p o l i c i e s and commitment of resources. Page 90 By t h i s time, MOA had been operating i n the new bu i l d i n g for two years, and i t i s important to understand the sense of purpose and conviction which permeated the work of the s t a f f at that time. An attitude of experimentation accompanied a l l aspects of operation, t r a i n i n g and programming. The V i s i b l e Storage G a l l e r i e s made the back rooms of the museum accessible to everyone. This, however, was as controversial as i t was innovative (see Ames 1977, 1981, and 1986, Chapter 6; Halpin 1976 and 1978). A new understanding about the in t e r p r e t a t i o n of c o l l e c t i o n s was steadily developing. The unedited, often embarrassing, a r t i f a c t data sheets were made available to researchers and public a l i k e . Video programmes were being developed for more general orientation and in t e r p r e t a t i o n . The problem of information was conceived i n a new way. "Visual l i t e r a c y " was promoted which stressed thorough, c r i t i c a l observation of objects themselves, minimizing reliance on l a b e l l i n g . Scripted guided tours were discouraged as the s t a f f contemplated ways of changing v i s i t o r s from passive spectators in t o active students (Halpin 1976). Further, the e t h i c a l issues of museology weighed heavily on the curators. Rowan summarized the issue of interpretation i n the introduction for the dr a f t of a project manual. The guiding p r i n c i p l e of the Native Youth Project at U.B.C.'s Museum of Anthropology i s that museums which are custodians of native Indian a r t i f a c t s have a moral obliga t i o n to involve Native youth i n t h e i r educational and public programming. To take t h i s challenge i s to catapult museums int o a new area - contemporary Indian culture. Projects l i k e the Page 91 N.Y.P. bring native Indians and t h e i r culture, both past and present, out of the realm of museum research, conservation, and stewardship, and place them squarely i n the forefront of museum interpretation. [Rowan 1987b:1] This statement was made at the apex of a long process of project development and r e f l e c t s evolving s e n s i b i l i t i e s at MOA. Over the years, several elements had come together to generate the NYP: 1. a curator dedicated to broadening the educational s i g n i f i c a n c e of museum based anthropology, 2. an organizational culture that encouraged work with the F i r s t Nations of B r i t i s h Columbia, 3. a questioning of conventional museum i n t e r p r e t a t i o n and presentation, and 4. the support and collaboration of the Native Indian Youth Advisory Society and, i n p a r t i c u l a r , i t s president Brenda Taylor. B. ESTABLISHING THE NATIVE YOUTH PROJECT Along with her other a c t i v i t i e s i n 1978, Rowan organized a c r a f t workshop for the Musqueam Indian Band summer day camp. Rowan points to t h i s experience as the i n s p i r a t i o n for the NYP. The workshop was conducted with Hilary Stewart, a well respected author and lecturer who specializes i n the t r a d i t i o n a l culture of the Northwest Coast. The summer workshop focussed on the coastal f l o r a , e s p e c i a l l y the indigenous uses of the cedar tree. I t was a hands-on workshop where participants learned basic techniques for working with the wood and bark of the cedar t r e e . Rowan explains the children's reaction. The children were supervised by Musqueam teenagers, and i t rapidly became cle a r to us that these young people Page 92 knew as l i t t l e about how t h e i r ancestors had u t i l i z e d the l o c a l environment as did t h e i r young charges. We decided to design a programme for these older students, one i n which they would not only learn about t r a d i t i o n a l c o a s t a l Indian culture but would also be trained to share t h i s information with museum v i s i t o r s . [Rowan 1987a:2] The Project changed and matured through the 1980s, but the indigenous uses of cedar with hands on experimentation remained at the core of the content with the objective of t r a i n i n g teenagers to teach others about t r a d i t i o n a l , l a t e r expanded to also include contemporary, culture of the Northwest Coast. The i n i t i a l content theme of cedar proved very successful for several reasons. F i r s t , i t relates to the l o c a l environment so material resources are available, and the topic builds on common knowledge and a shared inte r e s t with the community at large. Second, expertise was available from both the F i r s t Nations and the academic world. At that time, Wally Henry had an active programme on t r a d i t i o n a l cedar bark craftsmanship at the Coqualeetza Education Training Centre. In 1983, Hi l a r y Stewart guest curated a major exhibit at MOA, followed the next year by the publication of her book, Cedar: Tree of L i f e to the Northwest Coast Indians. This served as a basic reference for the NYP. Third, cedar provides opportunities for hands-on a c t i v i t i e s ranging from c o l l e c t i n g bark i n the forest to processing the raw material into mats, cordage and other items. These a c t i v i t i e s served as a foundation for study and research which made i t d i f f e r e n t from school i n s t r u c t i o n and allowed members to then speak from personal experience during t h e i r museum presentations. Page 93 Learning to handle materials and a r t i f a c t s r e l a t e d to t r a d i t i o n a l technologies early i n t h e i r t r a i n i n g also makes a strong impression. It deepens student respect f o r the ingenuity and s k i l l of t h e i r ancestors, and consolidates t h e i r sense of themselves as conveyors of t h i s knowledge. [Rowan 1987b:7] Fourth, technology i s a non-threatening aspect of culture which can be discussed i n a straightforward manner. And f i f t h , Rowan explained, "the remarkably r i c h repertoire of a r t i f a c t s which used cedar i n t h e i r construction leads into every aspect of Northwest Coast Indian culture. Thus the educational p o t e n t i a l of the subject i s enormous" (Ibid.:7-8). Rowan advised others contemplating s i m i l a r projects to "begin with one good theme and do i t very well, but always stretch both the s t a f f and the students to develop and refi n e t h i s and new themes when the opportunities a r i s e " (1987b:7). Inspired by mission and theme, Rowan sought support through the Native Indian Youth Advisory Committee. By mid February 1979, plans were i n place for the "Native Youth Heritage and Leadership Training Project." The f i r s t year of the project was developed and operated i n conjunction with Beverly MacPherson, education coordinator at the Centennial Museum (l a t e r the Vancouver Museum). The two museums organized the t r a i n i n g and public presentations. The Native Indian Youth Advisory Committee under the d i r e c t i o n of Brenda Taylor i n a f f i l i a t i o n with the Britannia Native Teen Club administered the project, including funding and h i r i n g the student workers. Through Taylor, a grant was secured from the Canadian Department of the Page 94 Secretary of State along with additional funding from the B r i t i s h Columbia P r o v i n c i a l Ministry of Labour. By character, Rowan was a determined promoter with a singular attitude toward funding: ...budget r e s t r i c t i o n s should not be allowed to l i m i t our imagination and our v i s i o n . We always chafed under the l i m i t s set by our grants, but we never l e t t h i s deter us i n planning and achieving more ambitious goals. [Rowan 1987b:9] Rowan's enthusiasm and museum based resources combined with Taylor's p o l i t i c a l understanding and community based resources to i n i t i a t e the NYP. Following a meeting of the three p r i n c i p l e organizers, the basic programme for the summer of 1979 was sketched out i n a l e t t e r from Rowan to Taylor on 21 February 1979 (NYP f i l e s and records) which served as the basis for the funding a p p l i c a t i o n s . The programme was planned i n several stages to accommodate 18 to 20 teenagers of F i r s t Nations ancestry. The f i r s t step would be the c o l l e c t i o n and preparation of cedar materials at two weekend workshops i n May to be led by Stewart and Rowan. C o l l e c t i o n of cedar bark, roots and withes would take place at the UBC Research Forest i n Haney and preparation would be done at MOA. The nine weeks of f u l l - t i m e summer work for the teenagers would s t a r t on June 25th with an intensive week long workshop making objects from the various parts of the cedar tree which would be used l a t e r i n public presentations. This would be held at MOA and organized by Rowan and Stewart, drawing on the expertise of Page 95 various F i r s t Nations resource people. The second week would be spent at the Centennial Museum supervised by MacPherson. There were two objectives for t h i s week. F i r s t , the teenagers would receive basic orientation and t r a i n i n g ranging from museum education to the handling of a r t i f a c t s . Second, they would be introduced to the B e l l a Coola educational programme. With t h i s background, the teenagers would begin the t h i r d week working on s p e c i f i c a c t i v i t i e s . Four choices were av a i l a b l e . Not more than six teenagers would stay on at the Centennial Museum as "student docents" working on the B e l l a Coola programme to be involved with a l l aspects of researching, preparing, promoting, presenting and reporting. At MOA, the teenagers would prepare a short public presentation on the t r a d i t i o n a l uses of the cedar tree to be given i n the l a t t e r / part of July and August on a scheduled basis. These presentations would use the material prepared i n the e a r l i e r workshops and selected a r t i f a c t s from the MOA Touchable C o l l e c t i o n . Project T-shirts proclaimed t h e i r p o s i t i o n , "UBC Museum of Anthropology Trainee." There were two other a c t i v i t i e s . The project members were to develop a resource l i s t on contemporary Northwest Coast arts and c r a f t s including a bibliography of ethnographic l i t e r a t u r e . This work was to be j o i n t l y supervised through the p a r t i c i p a t i n g museums. This a c t i v i t y was expanded into a handbook for young people including interviews with prominent members of the F i r s t Nations and representatives of community organizations. The fourth a c t i v i t y Page 96 was an i l l u s t r a t e d report on the cedar workshops held i n May and June. This was to provide documentation useful for future programme development. In the l e t t e r of 21 February 1979, Rowan made i t c l e a r that she would be taking a year's leave of absence from the university beginning i n la t e July. At that time, the extension curator would take over supervision of the project at MOA. In the f i r s t summer of the NYP, the group was smaller than proposed with twelve participants, six at the Centennial Museum focussing on the B e l l a Coola and six at MOA working on the t r a d i t i o n a l uses of the cedar tree. In addition, the trainees at MOA prepared a report t i t l e d "Learning a L i t t l e More about Coastal Indians Past and Present" which included interviews with eight F i r s t Nations organizations, and the student docents at the Centennial Museum prepared i n d i v i d u a l reports on various t o p i c s . The expectations were high which resulted i n some f r u s t r a t i o n and even exasperation. As w i l l be described i n the following section, the teenage project members lacked organizational a b i l i t y and the experience to i n i t i a t e and carry out tasks on t h e i r own. Continual guidance and supervision were required. The Centennial Museum did not continue i t s involvement with the NYP after the summer of 1979. The approach at MOA proved more sa t i s f a c t o r y , and the group concluded the summer with a memorandum to the dir e c t o r of MOA proposing that presentations continue through the winter. Letters of i n t e r e s t from f i v e of the six participants were attached. Although on Page 97 leave by t h i s time, Rowan promoted the project with the d i r e c t o r of MOA. Funding from the Canadian Department of the Secretary of State was secured, and the NYP winter programme was i n i t i a t e d . Much of the p r a c t i c a l work the f i r s t summer, guiding study e f f o r t s and preparing reports, was done under the supervision of the museum secretary drawing on her own background of classroom teaching. This support by MOA s t a f f has proved to be a c r u c i a l element i n the story of the NYP, and i s considered i n Chapter Nine. Rowan served as an active spokesperson for MOA education programmes, building a p o s i t i v e public image and reputation. In June 1978, The Indian Voice did a major picture story on the Britannia children's workshops at MOA with the bold headline "CHILDREN LEARN ABOUT THEIR HERITAGE." UBC newspapers r e g u l a r l y covered the NYP, and i t made int e r e s t i n g copy for l o c a l newspapers often with accompanying pictures of members and the a r t i f a c t s . A story headline i n The Vancouver Sun i n A p r i l 1980 read, "Students revive a native c r a f t . " The a r t i c l e highlighted the Sunday NYP presentations at MOA. Maybe someone i s thinking, "So what?" F a i r question. It i s improbable that cedar bark s k i r t s w i l l come back in t o fashion, and even cedar bent boxes may have only a l i m i t e d market. But for the culture to survive i t i s important that someone at least knows how to do those things, someone within that culture. And i t i s important to the rest of us, too. The f a c t i s that the red cedar tree and the people who made such resourceful use of i t , are part of our culture; part of what makes l i v i n g i n coastal B.C. a d i f f e r e n t sensation from l i v i n g anywhere else. [Hal Ober, The Vancouver Sun, 21 A p r i l 1980] Page 98 O v e r t h e y e a r s , t h e p r o j e c t was f e a t u r e d i n s t o r i e s a n d i n t e r v i e w s o n r a d i o a n d t e l e v i s i o n . Rowan h a s r e p o r t e d o n t h e p r o j e c t a t c o n f e r e n c e s a n d i n museum p u b l i c a t i o n s . The p r o j e c t members t h e m s e l v e s h a v e made s e v e r a l a p p e a r a n c e s a t c o n f e r e n c e s . F r o m t h e b e g i n n i n g a n d t h r o u g h a l l t h e c h a n g e s a n d a d j u s t m e n t s , Rowan m a i n t a i n e d t h a t t h e p r o j e c t members a r e t h e " s t a r s , " a n d t h u s p r o m o t e d t h e p r o j e c t on t h e i r b e h a l f . I n t u r n , t h e p r o j e c t members h a v e r e c o g n i z e d h e r d e d i c a t e d s u p p o r t f o r them. T h e y r e l a t e s t o r i e s o f how s h e w o u l d f i g h t f o r t h e p r o j e c t , a n d some t u r n e d t o h e r f o r i n d i v i d u a l g u i d a n c e . To many p r o j e c t members, Rowan p e r s o n i f i e d t h e s t a n d a r d s a n d e x p e c t a t i o n s f o r t h e p r o j e c t , t h e museum a n d a c a d e m i c l i f e g e n e r a l l y . M a n a g e r s a n d MOA s t a f f may h a v e a t t i m e s d i s p a i r e d o f t h e amount o f w o r k r e q u i r e d a n d t h e i n e v i t a b l e c o m m o t i o n , b u t t h e m i s s i o n was k e p t a l i v e a n d t h e l a s t i n g i m p r e s s i o n i s one o f a c c o m p l i s h m e n t a n d s a t i s f a c t i o n . C. DEVELOPMENT OF THE NATIVE YOUTH PROJECT U n d e r t a k i n g s u c h a p r o j e c t e n t a i l s o v e r c o m i n g many p r o b l e m s a n d c o n c e r n s . L o o k i n g b a c k a t t h e p r o j e c t , Rowan i d e n t i f i e d a c o u p l e o f s i g n i f i c a n t c h a n g e s : 1. g r a d u a l l y t h e o r i e n t a t i o n became more a c a d e m i c , s h i f t i n g " f r o m c r a f t s a n d t e c h n o l o g y t o a more d e s c r i p t i v e a n d h i s t o r i c a l e m p h a s i s " (1987a:5), a n d 2. t h e s e l e c t i o n p r o c e s s became more r i g o r o u s w i t h d e m a n d i n g a p p l i c a t i o n a n d i n t e r v i e w p r o c e d u r e s f o r p r o s p e c t i v e members ( I b i d . ) . T h e s e c h a n g e s r e f l e c t t h e p r o g r e s s i v e r e c o g n i t i o n o f Page 99 the NYP as a museum education programme, therefore requiring compliance with established academic standards and using appropriate kinds of information formats. Correct i n t e r p r e t a t i o n and adequate presentation are prime considerations for curators. Early i n the project, the outlook for achieving such a programme was guarded. In a paper for a professional conference, Rowan and an early project manager expressed deep d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with the lack of academic s k i l l s , p a r t i c u l a r l y reading. Most of the students are not readers and i n fact view reading as rather odious. This not only hampers the development of the project, but more importantly, also hampers t h e i r development. One can only learn so much about a culture from r e p l i c a t i n g i t s technological achievements. Students tend to stay within the comfortable confines of what they know about how objects were made and used: they cannot venture far into t h e i r s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l , and ceremonial functions because they simply do not have t h i s knowledge or understanding. Even t h e i r own i n t e r e s t i n t h e i r culture and the assistance of devoted museum personnel have not been s u f f i c i e n t to motivate them to learn to read i n order to learn more.... The project i s defined by our native co-sponsor as one which w i l l help students develop s k i l l s necessary to compete i n the job market. Good work habits, such as punctuality, record keeping, and taking r e s p o n s i b i l i t y are expected of them. We assume that i n time we would also see signs of them understanding the benefits of being able to read and write better English - perceived as job s k i l l s i f not as academic or i n t e l l e c t u a l s k i l l s , and of expanding t h e i r ideas of educational and professional goals. We have so far seen l i t t l e evidence of t h i s . [Rowan and Mcintosh 1982:5-6] By changing the purpose of the job to focus on the public presentations, the selection and preparation of members changed accordingly. Rowan observed, "We are therefore e s p e c i a l l y concerned that these Indian students are trained.to do well, and Page 100 w i l l represent well themselves, Indian people and the museum" (1987a:6). This i s a p a r t i c u l a r l y time consuming e f f o r t which became more demanding with experience: Because of t h e i r youth they need personal attention and c a r e f u l supervision.... So we t r a i n the students as well as we can i n the time available, regularly asking them to write tests i n order to make sure they know t h e i r information and counselling them i n public speaking techniques. [Rowan 1987a:6] The s h i f t to an academic emphasis was apparent i n a suggested name change. Students have shown that they understand the educational merits of the project. In 1986 the students thought the project should be re-named the Native Indian Youth Summer Education Project, and over the years they have always protested being c a l l e d "kids". "We are students!" they maintain. [ Rowan 1987b:34] The presentations became more elaborate and polished. The t r a i n i n g process was more systematic and prescribed. Throughout the development of the cedar presentation and other content themes, Rowan and Stewart conceptualized t r a d i t i o n a l Northwest Coast culture i n terms of a v e r i f i e d but s t a t i c past. For example, in d i v i d u a l elders were recognized as expert informants and c i t e d as confirmation, either through personal contact or by reference to established ethnographers such as Franz Boas. This approach stands i n contrast to v e r i f i c a t i o n and approval by contemporary community organizations, a method used l a t e r by F i r s t Nations project managers. Furthermore, there was an assumption of a si n g l e , authentic practice about which correct information was to be assembled and disseminated. The academic authority as the Page 101 baseline for the knowledge used i n the project became a point of tension i n l a t e r years. The NYP was "squarely i n the forefront of museum interpretation," Rowan wrote (1987b:1), and i t was during the early years of the programme, but the information was s t i l l based on conventional museum ethnography. This t r a d i t i o n a l i nterpretation has subsequently been challenged both from within and outside of anthropology: The r e l a t i o n s between museums and Indians are changing, however. Indian people, increasingly concerned about the preservation and recovery of t h e i r natural resources as they dwindle, are recognizing as well the importance of t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l lands and c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n s as resources for t h e i r future as Indians. They are therefore, while c a l l i n g for the return of t h e i r lands, also claiming back from anthropologists and others, t h e i r own h i s t o r i e s so that they may exert more control over how t h e i r cultures are presented to themselves and to others. [Ames 1987a:14] This process of reclaiming history was also evident i n the NYP, as i s discussed i n the following chapters. Rowan's work, while a n t i c i p a t i n g t h i s change, predated the t r a n s i t i o n . Four presentations i n addition to "Traditional Uses of the Cedar Tree" were developed which included "Potlatch: Past and Present," "Traditional and Contemporary Indian Fishing" and "Introduction to Totem Poles i n the Museum's C o l l e c t i o n s . " Another presentation was a botanical walk on the museum grounds. Over the years, the basic method for creating programmes was modified. In 1979, members working on cedar were expected to conduct t h e i r own research and develop the public presentation, using the workshops by Stewart as a model. The presentations were to be a demonstration of t h e i r own e f f o r t s with spinoff Page 102 value for t h e i r personal school work. Es p e c i a l l y for Rowan, t h i s was an in t e n t i o n a l pedagogical decision very much i n keeping with the underlying MOA attitude toward students and museum presentation. As was evident i n MacPherson's recommendation, t h i s approach posed serious d i f f i c u l t i e s . She wrote, "The problems of intensive research and scholarly w r i t i n g were beyond the c a p a b i l i t i e s of many of the students and s t a f f time for e d i t i n g was enormous" (NYP Records 1979). At MOA, the expectation for members to develop t h e i r own presentations based on personal research continued for many years. Early on, however, s c r i p t s began to develop, f i r s t i n outline form. Eventually there were detailed s c r i p t s for a l l of the presentations. These are continually revised making both authorship and references d i f f i c u l t to trace. Much of the information for the cedar s c r i p t came from the work of Stewart. Her book Indian Fishing: Early Methods on the Northwest Coast was a primary resource for the f i s h i n g presentation, along with the work of an early project research assistant whose thesis i n anthropology was on Northwest Coast f i s h i n g . In 1983, an e x h i b i t i o n c a l l e d "The Copper that Came from Heaven," j o i n t l y curated by U'mista Cultural Centre of A l e r t Bay, the Nuyumbalees Society of Cape Mudge, the B r i t i s h Columbia P r o v i n c i a l Museum and MOA, served as the i n s p i r a t i o n for the potlatch s c r i p t . For a while, the project used a two projector s l i d e show assembled by two Anthropology 431 (Museum Studies) students on Mungo Martin's potlatch held at the p r o v i n c i a l museum i n V i c t o r i a . Page 103 The guided walk through the Great Hall was based p r i m a r i l y on the MOA publication Totem Poles: An I l l u s t r a t e d Guide by Marjorie Halpin. Rowan has offered t h i s information: In many instances you w i l l develop your presentation s c r i p t s before the students j o i n the project. But t h i s w i l l not always be possible. During the f i r s t year of the N.Y.P. we developed the s c r i p t as we gathered cedar materials from the forest and learned how to use them i n workshops with Hilary Stewart and Wally Henry, a craftsman who had made cedar bark clothing i n a spe c i a l research project of the Indian Mission Friendship Centre. Cedar was a natural subject for e l i c i t i n g the students' assistance i n writing our f i r s t s c r i p t . We did t h i s i n a very straightforward way, using the large newsprint pad mentioned e a r l i e r . Each morning we reviewed what we had done the day before and selected a r t i f a c t s and materials to i l l u s t r a t e our a c t i v i t i e s . The students made many of these. Together we sought the clea r e s t and most concise explanations we could, and I committed these to our large pad. Thus the s c r i p t was written. It was slow work at times but the students were at the centre of t h i s creative exercise, correcting each other, shouting approval, and most important, using t h e i r new knowledge. The mood was enthusiastic and excited.... There have been other occasions when we have e f f e c t i v e l y used our senior students to develop t r a i n i n g materials for new students or to write an outline for a new s c r i p t . Students were asked to read about a s p e c i f i c subject and then look at the c o l l e c t i o n s , applying t h e i r information to write an introduction to the t o p i c . Our s c r i p t on totem poles was developed i n a s i m i l a r way. A senior student i d e n t i f i e d d i f f e r e n t types of totem poles based on a book written by one of our curators, Dr. Marjorie Halpin, and then wrote a report, complete with i l l u s t r a t i o n s photocopied from the book, for the other students. Twice I walked through the g a l l e r i e s with her, discussing examples, correcting errors, and c l a r i f y i n g information. What she wrote was c l e a r and i n language which the other students understood. In addition her research s k i l l s improved, she gained additional confidence about a new and complex topic, and she achieved a somewhat more p r i v i l e g e d , and legitimate, role within the project. [Rowan 1987b:22-23] More commonly, instead of conducting research to create a presentation, members of the NYP studied background material as Page 104 well as the s c r i p t s i n order to be thoroughly prepared to handle the presentations and a wide variety of questions from audiences. The s c r i p t s were not to be memorized verbatim, but rather were to be used them as a st a r t i n g point for making successful and accurate public presentations. The s c r i p t s were i n e v i t a b l y memorized and presentations were often made with c r i b notes. The task for the members, while more c l e a r l y defined with the use of s c r i p t s , was s t i l l enormous. Their e f f o r t s won the respect of MOA s t a f f each summer as the members successfully addressed v i s i t o r s from a l l over the world, peers, family, and, perhaps most d i f f i c u l t , F i r s t Nations commmunities. As Rowan explained, "Bestowing the status and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of museum interpreters on these students shows that you believe they can meet your expectations and standards" (1987b:21). Quality presentations were achieved by having high standards and f i r m l y o f f e r i n g constructive c r i t i c i s m . The following i n s t r u c t i o n s from the dra f t for a project manual give insights into the process as implemented by Rowan. Rehearsals should always stress the re l a t i o n s h i p between the a r t i f a c t , the information about i t , and the audience. C l a r i t y and accuracy are the two car d i n a l dimensions of t h i s t r i a d . Constantly stressing themes throughout i n s t r u c t i o n , study, rehearsals, and c r i t i c i s m of student presentations heightens t h e i r understanding of what we expect, a s s i s t s them i n correcting flaws, and encourages them to set and maintain high standards. Some of these themes are: Accuracy of information Do not "fake" i t , and do not be a f r a i d to say you do not know. Many experts disagree Page 105 Handle a l l a r t i f a c t s with care Be professional i n a l l you do on some points, and you are not expected to become instant experts on the culture you are studying. This applies even i f the a r t i f a c t i s a r e p l i c a that you or some other student made. How you handle them a f f e c t s how the audience perceives and handles theml They should be treated r e s p e c t f u l l y since they represent Indian c u l t u r e . Dress and act as i f you were a permanent member of the museum s t a f f . Be p o l i t e and attentive always to v i s i t o r s If there were no v i s i t o r s , there would be no project. They have paid to enter and want to see and hear you. Give them the information you knowl Speak c l e a r l y and loudly during presentations Remember you represent Indian people and the museum [Rowan 1987b:30] Don't make your audience s t r a i n to hear you. You have a public responsi-b i l i t y to do a good job. Handouts on methods of presentation were prepared and c i r c u l a t e d stressing various public speaking attributes such as looking at the audience and showing enthusiasm and confidence, and providing d e f i n i t i o n s for key terms. " C r i t s " have become a routine part of the tr a i n i n g process. Rowan has related some st o r i e s which i l l u s t r a t e the c u r a t o r i a l i n t e r e s t i n q u a l i t y of presentations. The project w i l l also in e v i t a b l y provide an opportunity for the expression of i d i o s y n c r a t i c q u a l i t i e s . Page 106 These can be amusing and alarming. For example, we once overheard Stephen during his guided walk of the museum's totem poles asked the question "Why are some poles t a l l and some short?" (a question answered by the t a l k he had just given, i n f a c t l ) He did not blink behind his glasses but c h e e r f u l l y responded "Do you remember I said that s t o r i e s went with the poles? Well, the shorter s t o r i e s went with the shorter poles, and the longer stories went with the t a l l e r onesl" Although the audience seemed s a t i s f i e d , we passed on our d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n , amid gales of laughter from other students, to Stephen. On another occasion we r e a l i z e d that Janice's presentation - a r t i c u l a t e and professional reminded us of something we could not i d e n t i f y . One day her boss from the previous summer v i s i t e d the project. He sold knife sets at exhibitions and f a i r s throughout North America, and i t was the fairground "hustle" s t y l e we had detected i n Janice 1 [1987b:32; parentheses i n o r i g i n a l ; names f i c t i o u s ] The i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of c o l l e c t i o n s and q u a l i t y of presentations were c a r e f u l l y monitored. As the content became more academic and the presentations more polished, the second s i g n i f i c a n t change noted by Rowan developed accordingly. The h i r i n g procedure became more thorough and rigorous. For the f i r s t four years, the NYP was administrated through the Native Indian Youth Advisory Committee which advertized the jobs and arranged the interviews. Applicants submitted resumes and were interviewed at Britannia Community Centre by representatives from the Committee and MOA, usually Taylor and Rowan. In 1983, MOA took over project administration and the interviewing procedures. By 1984, an interview schedule had been developed with 21 questions, most having several parts, which increased to 27 by 1986, Rowan's l a s t year as programme curator. In addition to a resume, applicants i n 1984 were to submit a statement on why they were Page 107 seeking the position and a couple l e t t e r s of recommendation. By 1986, two assignments had been added: a review of an NYP presentation, and a report on one or two a r t i f a c t s displayed i n the museum. These were to be completed within a single v i s i t and submitted at the admission's desk upon leaving. Interviews contained the following topics. In 1984, the f i r s t three questions were about school performance and the tenth question explored academic s k i l l s with regard to job expectations. This question was edited s l i g h t l y and has become the f i r s t question asked. 1. The work involves study, research, observation, written work and weekly t e s t i n g . W i l l you w i l l i n g l y do t h i s ? A d a i l y journal i s to be kept as well as a f i n a l report at the end of summer. W i l l you w i l l i n g l y complete these tasks? [NYP Records, Interview Schedule, 1988] Other questions i n the interview covered s k i l l s , i n t e r e s t s , career plans, previous job experience, with the bulk of the questions concerning job expectations and summer plans. In 1984, there also was a question about F i r s t Nations i d e n t i t y . 7. What do you know about native Indian culture? Are you interested i n " " " ? How do you show t h i s interest? [NYP Records, Interview Schedule, 1984] This had been somewhat elaborated by 1986 with "Do you belong to any organization related to Indian culture?" A question about status had also been added along with a "tough question" which both tested performance potential and attitudes about F i r s t Nations i d e n t i t y . Tough question: After the students give t h e i r presentations, the audience tend to move to the stage to Page 108 ask questions. Some questions that are asked don't even r e l a t e to the presentations. What would you say i f a person asks you t h i s : "I heard that many native people i n B.C. have a problem with alcohol." What would you say to thi s ? [NYP Records, Interview Schedule, 1986] In 1989, the F i r s t Nations project manager reviewed the interview questions with s t a f f at the UBC F i r s t Nations House of Learning. A few changes were made, but the "tough question" remained. On the other hand, a former NYP member (Brass 1990:6) c a l l e d t h i s tough question "demeaning and ignorant." Experience had c l e a r l y demonstrated the necessity of sel e c t i n g members who were q u a l i f i e d to handle the work successfully. There w i l l always be extenuating circumstances which w i l l make you hire students who you think w i l l benefit from the project. Just make sure t h e i r presence benefits the project as we l l l These are d i f f i c u l t decisions but remember that the supervisor and manager w i l l have to l i v e with t h e i r conseguences, not to mention the other students. The q u a l i t y of your project may suffer i f you take too many r i s k s or play s o c i a l worker with your job applicants. Try to ensure the students make a workable group, pick the best you can, t e l l them what you expect from them, and then unapologetically get on with your project. [Rowan 1987b:18] Rowan's indomitable optimism shines through as she r e f l e c t e d on the "unsuitable" students who had been hired. From the vantage point of 1987, she wrote, "we have always learned something from our mistakes" (Ibid.:16; emphasis i n o r i g i n a l ) . In r e a l i t y , the h i r i n g practices developed aft e r much anguish and soul searching. In a paper presented to the Canadian Ethnology Society Annual Meeting i n 1982, Rowan and the project manager from the previous summer described, with uncharacteristic Page 109 disappointment, problems i n the project. Despite the fact that the students are enthusiatic about the project, proud to be hired, and eloquent on how much they have learned and how important i t i s to learn about t h e i r culture, t h i s i s not, for the most part, expressed i n day-to-day work habits.... Some of t h i s i s teenage behaviour, and some of i t i s , as our native colleagues have pointed out, perhaps a function of native students working for non-native "bosses". The advice we receive from these colleagues i s c l e a r : those who do not abide by the rules should be f i r e d . Our experience i s that t h i s i s easier said than done, but we know they are right and we are wrong. The students and others who have observed them are cl e a r about the benefits gained from the project. Therefore i t often becomes more important to help them s t i c k with the project for whatever advantages they might gain i n the long term. Also one does not l i k e to contribute to the pattern of f a i l u r e many have experienced at school. [Rowan and Mcintosh 1982:6-7] Nonetheless, a po l i c y regarding the dismissal of members was put into place by the summer of 1982 based on a system of three warnings. Lateness was the most frequently c i t e d offense, but other nonsupportive and disruptive types of behaviour also received warnings. This was c l e a r l y explained to applicants during t h e i r interviews. There were r e l a t i v e l y few dismissals. From the beginning of the NYP, Rowan had had others a s s i s t i n g her with the d a i l y work. Along with guest speakers, there were anthropology graduate students and MOA s t a f f . When Rowan went on leave for the school year 1979-80, the extension curator and museum secretary took over supervising the project. Ever since the winter of 1979, funding has also been secured f o r project managers. By 1982, the position of project manager was defined as a t r a i n i n g position to be f i l l e d by a UBC student of F i r s t Nations ancestry. Rowan offered t h i s advice about h i r i n g . Page 110 Managers should be for two consecutive years i f possible, since they bring valuable experience and insights to t h e i r second year. At the University of B r i t i s h Columbia there are two discretionary programmes i n Education and Law f o r native Indian students and we have drawn managers from both of them.... Make sure you hire the best person you can f o r t h i s p o s i t i o n , and, i d e a l l y , someone who does not have to be trained to do everything that your project requires. We have asked applicants to have experience i n eithe r museums, education, or i n dealing with teenagers. Recently we have asked them to attend the B r i t i s h Columbia Museum's Association summer intern seminar as part of t h e i r t r a i n i n g . This worked well, and gave the manager an introduction to museum p r i n c i p l e s , handling and storing a r t i f a c t s , cataloguing, and other aspects of museum work. But the manager must also be able to assume authority over six students, handle many tasks alone when necessary, and set and maintain standards i n face of occasional student complaints and resistance. [Rowan 1987b:15] Other suggested requirements for the position included an in t e r e s t i n and willingness to learn more about Northwest Coast culture, a sense of humour and adaptability. " I t helps to remember that t h i s p osition i s a t r a i n i n g opportunity also, and l i k e everyone else managers grow and improve on the job" (1987b:16). Rowan considered the relat i o n s h i p between supervising curator and project manager a partnership with a f a i r l y c l e a r d i v i s i o n of duties and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . Together, supervisor and manager set the "educational goals and methods of achieving them" (1987b:12) with the supervisor providing educational and museum experience and the manager p r a c t i c a l experience and routine cont r o l . Rowan noted, "The character of the project should r e f l e c t the a b i l i t i e s and talents of the manager" (1987b:12). Other shared tasks included working out the schedule, setting standards, and keeping records. The supervising curator was responsible for the external support and Page 111 MOA resources. The project manager maintained the d a i l y routine i n t e r a c t i n g d i r e c t l y with the project members. Rowan concluded, "Supervisor and manager should present a united front to the students on a l l important issues" (1987b:13). The t r a i n i n g process changed with experience, the s h i f t i n g academic emphasis, and altered project s t a f f i n g . Rowan's pedagogical approach, however, l e f t an i n d e l i b l e mark. Maintaining a balance between formality and informality i s de l i c a t e , but erring to the side of the former i s , i n our experience, a good idea. The project i s a serious educational endeavour, giving these young Indians a sense of purpose and of themselves which i s e n t i r e l y new.... [Rowan 1987b:19] Rowan's t r a i n i n g methods stressed t i g h t l y scheduled routines, t r i a l and te s t i n g , and prompt c r i t i c i s m of work. There was also an expectation of group process. Everyone should be responsible for the successful completion of tasks, and prepared to assume an appropriate part of the burden. Such an understanding also diminishes the "nagging" into which supervisor and manager can predictably s l i d e . Formalizing the delegation of tasks i n a f a i r and sensible way leaves students no excuse for not doing them. The students w i l l see and appreciate the l o g i c of such a system, and w i l l soon adapt i t to work for them. [Rowan 1987b:20] Rowan's supervisory s t y l e was to make assignments and delegate tasks. During the f i r s t summer programme, Rowan would set out tasks i n a memorandum to the group with assigned deadlines. For example, on 5 August 1979 Rowan c i r c u l a t e d a memorandum explaining the work to be done before the end of the project on August 24th with a reward for accomplishing the tasks, " If we can complete a l l of t h i s , we w i l l plan our Cape Mudge t r i p f o r Page 112 August 17" (emphasis i n o r i g i n a l ) . 1. S c r i p t of Cedar Tree Presentation; A l l the newsprint panels of information on the wall must be typed, double-spaced, for our f i n a l report. The work should be divided so that each t y p i s t has one f u l l panel. Deadline: August 9th I w i l l take these home and edit them for re-typing i f necessary. 2. Mounted miniature panels of cedar tree presentation. This w i l l be done on sheets of heavy paper which can be put, with the s c r i p t , i n a looseleaf binder which I w i l l get t h i s week. A l l the panels you have used should be duplicated, although the most important ones are the withes, roots, bark (2 kinds) and wood ones. Small samples and drawings should i l l u s t r a t e these panels, which should look l i k e the large ones you have been using i n your presentations. Deadline: August 13 with a l l labels i n p e n c i l u n t i l I e d i t pages, please1 [1979 NYP Records; underlining i n o r i g i n a l ] The memorandum continued, covering several other matters. Rowan had just begun a leave of absence from UBC at that time, and d a i l y supervisory r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for the NYP was being shared by the extension curator and the secretary at MOA. The project members were expected to work independently, which, as noted e a r l i e r , proved u n r e a l i s t i c . Nonetheless, t h i s memorandum from Rowan i l l u s t r a t e s her supervisory s t y l e which continued with the project managers i n subsequent years. I t also i l l u s t r a t e s assumptions about basic working relationships and standards which developed an organizational structure for the NYP. Group e f f o r t i n preparing and conducting the public presentations focussed the purpose of the project and developed commitment. Rowan emphasized the importance of the f i r s t two weeks of Page 113 the project i n terms of establishing d i s c i p l i n e and preparing members for t h e i r job r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . This period i s absolutely c r u c i a l for the success of  your project. I t sets the tone for the entire summer and  should be planned with great care and i n every d e t a i l . I f you have doubts about a student's a b i l i t y or commitment these should be erased or confirmed during t h i s time. The students w i l l do t h e i r f i r s t short presentations i n front of a "real audience" and f e e l the r e s u l t i n g power and ex h i l e r a t i o n . They w i l l also f e e l the psychological " l e t down" that often occurs the day a f t e r t h e i r f i r s t r e a l l y successful presentation, when they r e a l i z e they have only passed one hurdle, and they s t i l l have a great deal more to learn! In face of a l l these up's and down's [ s i c ] , keep your eye firmly on the project goals, your information c l e a r , straightforward, and well-organized, and your supervision and teaching focussed on i n d i v i d u a l progress. Also, remind yourself and your students that the subjects they are studying are complex and d i f f i c u l t , and although they can't know everything i n one summer, they must learn as much as they can. [Rowan 1987b:21; underlining i n o r i g i n a l ] As indicated i n the discussion of s c r i p t development, the project did not begin with e x p l i c i t assignments. Members were expected to conduct t h e i r own research to better understand technologies for working with cedar and to prepare t h e i r public presentations. Parts of the early approach remained, but the lessons had become quite s p e c i f i c by 1986. The structuring of time had also changed. Following i s the t r a i n i n g schedule f o r the f i r s t two weeks l a i d out by Rowan i n 1987 for the d r a f t project manual. Day 1 F i e l d t r i p to UBC Research Forest to c o l l e c t cedar materials. Return to MOA to s t r i p o f f outer bark from inner bark, roots and withes. [Note: Bark i s now stripped i n the forest before the sap begins to dry which also eliminates bulk i n transportation and trash at MOA.] Day 2 Formal introduction to MOA and project procedures, Page 114 f a c i l i t i e s and p a y r o l l . 1 hour Workshop with Hilary Stewart on cedar wood. 3 hours Learning to Look workshop. 1.5 hours [This was developed by Rowan for teachers and i s based on the p r i n c i p l e s of "visual learning."] Distribute study questions for test on cedar wood and reference book Sea and Cedar by Lois McConkey. rSea and Cedar i s an introduction to the culture of the Northwest Coast Indians written for the Grade Four s o c i a l studies curriculum.] Film "Mungo Martin Making a Box" 30 minutes Discussion 15 minutes Journal entries 15 minutes Day 3 Workshop with Stewart on cedar bark. 3 hours Tour of MOA g a l l e r i e s 1-1.5 hours Show books, a r t i c l e s and pamphlets used as references, "touchable" a r t i f a c t s , and other study materials. Distribute study questions for te s t on cedar bark. Study time on cedar wood and bark. 2 hours Journal entries 15 minutes Day 4 Workshop with Stewart on withes and roots. 3 hours Distribute study questions for te s t on cedar withes and roots and Seafaring Warriors of the North P a c i f i c . [This i s a basic reference book, more advanced than Sea and Cedar.] Study time. 2 hours Write te s t on wood and Sea and Cedar. 30 minutes Demonstration of Cedar presentation by two senior students. 30 minutes Select 5 minutes of Cedar presentation for each student to rehearse for f i r s t public appearance. Journal entries 15 minutes Day 5 Study time for remaining parts of cedar. 1.5 hours Write test on cedar bark. 30 minutes Rehearse 5 minute segments with a r t i f a c t s and a l l other presentation materials. 2 hours Film "Potlatch - A S t r i c t Law Bids Us Dance" and discussion. 1.5 hours Journal entries 15 minutes Day 6 Test on roots and withes and Seafaring Warriors of the North P a c i f i c . 30 minutes Rehearse 5 minute segments for senior students. 1 hour Backstage tour of MOA work areas and labs with s t a f f technician and/or conservator. 1-1.5 hours More rehearsing of 5 minute segments. Afternoon - public presentations of programmes by senior students with 5 minute segments by junior students. Page 115 Journal entries 15 minutes Day 7 Add another 5 minute segment to presentation and rehearse for afternoon presentation. A l l members prepared to read introduction to s l i d e s . 2 hours Use "Discovery Sheets" i n MOA V i s i b l e Storage G a l l e r i e s for cedar a r t i f a c t s . 1 hour Present 10 minute segments of Cedar programme i n the public presentations. 1 hour Watch "Potlatch" f i l m again and the presentation of the Potlatch programme by the senior members. Begin to rehearse 5 minute segments of Potlatch. 2 hours Distribute study questions for Potlatch t e s t . Journal entries 15 minutes Day 8 Student interviews (10-15 minutes each) to discuss i n d i v i d u a l progress and any problems. Rehearsal schedule now complicated and must be supervised c a r e f u l l y so that students learn and perform quickly and well. Two new students should be able to do complete Cedar presentation alone. Journal entries 15 minutes Day 9 Half day v i s i t to c i t y museum viewing c o l l e c t i o n s relevant to Cedar and Potlatch presentations, discussing display techniques, perhaps meeting a curator to answer any questions from members. Distribute study questions i n advance. Afternoon public presentations, rehearsals and study. Test on potlatch. 30 minutes Journal entries 15 minutes Day 10 Test on c i t y museum. 30 minutes View MOA video Introduction to Totem Poles. Discuss and d i s t r i b u t e study questions for t e s t . 1 hour Watch Totem Pole public presentation by senior members. Select 5 minute segments of t h i s programme to rehearse. Distribute study questions for totem pole t e s t . 1 hour Journal entries 15 minutes [Based on Rowan 1987b, Appendix F] The programme treatment was overly ambitious, and led to f r u s t r a t i o n . On the other hand, the accomplishments were sub s t a n t i a l . Training and study a c t i v i t i e s continued throughout the summer, and by the second week scheduled public Page 116 presentations also became a dominant part of the d a i l y routine. Over the years, basic funding for the project covered wages for members and project managers, and honoraria for workshop leaders and some guest speakers. F a c i l i t i e s , support services and project supervision were provided by MOA. Later i n the project, MOA also supplemented the wages of the project manager. Early on, special study t r i p s were added. Members raised funds themselves for t h i s t r a v e l . This usually included a day t r i p to the B r i t i s h Columbia P r o v i n c i a l Museum i n V i c t o r i a (now the Royal B r i t i s h Columbia Museum), and a t r i p to F i r s t Nations c u l t u r a l centres and community museums l a s t i n g several days. A couple of years, Rowan organized two t r i p s . The t r i p s combined study along with presentations to diverse groups. Rowan considered these t r i p s rewarding adventures but not holidays. The sense of educational d i s c i p l i n e was evident. Students can d r i f t into rather casual behaviour on study t r i p s . T r a v e l l i n g i n a van, with the "bosses" at the front discussing schedules and study questions, encourages them to snooze or plug i n t h e i r walkmans, disappearing in t o the land of high decibel music. We have found assigning some work for portions of t r a v e l time has been u s e f u l . Students study small segments of information, rehearse with each other, and benefit from the time spent t h i s way, although they w i l l complain at f i r s t , n a turally enough. [1987b:30] Beginning i n 1981, t r a v e l was made possible by fund r a i s i n g salmon barbeques on the grounds of MOA. I n i t i a t e d by Rowan and f u e l l e d by her optimism and determination, t h i s a c t i v i t y i s discussed from the perspective of managers, members and MOA s t a f f i n subsequent chapters. The o v e r a l l impression of the NYP Page 117 as envisioned and orchestrated by Rowan was one of multiple a c t i v i t i e s , r i c h v a r i a t i o n and enormous energy. D. DIGNITY AND KNOWLEDGE In her paper to the World Conference for Indigenous Peoples' Education i n the summer of 1987, Rowan l i s t e d three basic reasons for the success of the NYP: 1. the students are paid and treated as young adult museum s t a f f members capable of studying and giving public presentations 2. "empowered" with knowledge, they quickly gain that s a t i s f a c t i o n (and t h r i l l ) of being the performers for an attentive and appreciative audience 3. what they are learning i s related to t h e i r Indian i d e n t i t y . [Rowan 1987a:13-14; parenthesis i n o r i g i n a l ] Point number one, the NYP provided jobs for high school students which meant both r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and recognition. As an established university based i n s t i t u t i o n , MOA held high standards for the work. On the other hand, MOA has a small s t a f f with casual and supportive interpersonal r e l a t i o n s h i p s . For Rowan, the project members were museum trainees hired to do a job which they were expected to do well and thus to be successful within the work culture of museum. However, providing jobs was a secondary objective for Rowan. ...although o f f e r i n g students employment i s the way i n which the museum has secured them, as i t were, for the term of the project, the s t a f f ' s goals are primarily educational. This difference i n perspective i s one of the fundamental dilemmas of the project. If i t i s not understood and handled c l e a r l y from the beginning i t can cause unnecessary f r u s t r a t i o n , misunderstanding, and disappointment. The students have, af t e r a l l , "contracted" Page 118 to be trained as museum guides and le c t u r e r s . [Rowan 1987b:5] The second reason for project success i d e n t i f i e d by Rowan, empowering with knowledge, held potential when i t worked i n tandem with the dignity inherent with holding a job and serving as a s t a f f member. Knowledge as used by Rowan meant academic t r a i n i n g . Learning under the project conditions took on a d i f f e r e n t meaning from the par t i c i p a n t s ' school experience. I t was a job with a s p e c i f i c purpose of making public presentations where the individ u a l s were so obviously accountable f o r q u a l i t y and personally rewarded for t h e i r e f f o r t s . Rowan recognized a kind of dilemma i n the academic expectations. High-minded educational goals of museum s t a f f can sometimes lead to problems as well. This i s usually because one has u n r e a l i s t i c ideas about what can be accomplished by a summer project and what the project's impact w i l l be on the students. It i s l i k e l y that you w i l l deepen your students' understanding and appreciation of Indian culture, raise t h e i r awareness of professional standards i n public speaking and public r e l a t i o n s , and introduce them to some basic museum p r i n c i p l e s and techniques. But you w i l l not reformulate t h e i r characters, revolutionize t h e i r perceptions of the world, or reorganize t h e i r plans for the future. Some of t h i s w i l l occur, of course, but to expect i t to occur i s both f o o l i s h and condescending. Once one recognizes t h i s , everything becomes easier, and one can take the small and larger s a t i s f a c t i o n s as they come with pleasure and del i g h t . [Rowan 1987b:6; underlining i n o r i g i n a l ] Regardless, Rowan's own expectations remained high, as she reported to the World Conference for Indigenous People's Education> "If other native students could experience some of the achievements discussed here, i t i s quite l i k e l y they would more often perform better at school, complete t h e i r education, Page 1 1 9 and perhaps go on for further t r a i n i n g " (1987a:ll). Rowan proposed that the project should serve as a model for school programming. Credit academic programmes could be established which provide museum-based study and public presentations which re l a t e to and reinforce subjects studied i n the normal curriculum. There could be a natural development of N.Y.P. topics into studies of biology, history, geography, p o l i t i c s , economics, and a r t . The formula should remain the same - study and performance - but the audiences could vary widely. [Rowan 1987a:ll] Indeed, the hallmark of the NYP was the mutually r e i n f o r c i n g a c t i v i t i e s of "study and performance." Moving on to the t h i r d reason for project success, Rowan l i s t e d learning related to p a r t i c i p a n t s ' c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y . In 1982, she explained her reasoning on t h i s matter: The project has been a success for the students, the museum, and the public. Central to t h i s success i s i t s unique character - young Indians are the stars of the show. Their presence brings a special and undeniable v i t a l i t y to these presentations where museum v i s i t o r s , usually f o r the f i r s t time, encounter Indians. Questions and associations normally not crossing v i s i t o r s ' minds a r i s e just because  the modern r e a l i t y of Indain people i s brought home to them. They begin to understand the countless changes i n t r a d i t i o n a l culture Indians have had to endure, how f a r removed from t h e i r ancestral customs many students are, and how d i f f i c u l t i t can be to straddle both contemporary Indian culture and that of the dominant society. Placing these teenagers before an audience i s therefore r i s k y . W i l l they be able to answer d i f f i c u l t questions? How w i l l they respond to remarks and questions which are i n s e n s i t i v e , unthinking, and ignorant? Is i t f a i r to expose them to these kinds of pressures? Inevitably there w i l l be some unpleasant v i s i t o r s during presentations, but usually the sessions are l i v e l y and i n t e r e s t i n g . By t h e i r own admission, students benefit from having to deal with such v i s i t o r s - they develop more resources and r e s i l i e n c e . They also begin to see issues i n the wider h i s t o r i c a l and c u l t u r a l context we stress i n t h e i r education. And t h i s can be an additional advantage Page 120 when applied i n t h e i r high school or college t r a i n i n g . The N.Y.P. offers v i s i t o r s the rare opportunity to meet the descendants of those who made and used the objects they f i n d so fascinating. It gives native youth the opportunity to explore and understand t h e i r own heritage, to reclaim t h e i r ancestral a r t i f a c t s from the past, and to breathe l i f e into them for themselves and the p u b l i c . [Rowan 1987b:3-4; underlining i n o r i g i n a l ] Early i n the project, leadership t r a i n i n g was held as a prime, i f somewhat elusive, objective. As Rowan stated, "Our ultimate aim was to t r a i n them so that they could work i n the Museum and then develop t h e i r own programmes on reserves, i n day camps and community centres" (1982:1). At that time, Rowan was very aware of c u l t u r a l differences. The separation of youngsters and teenagers a f t e r the o r i g i n a l summer workshop at Musqueam was explained as an e f f o r t "to make our programme more e f f i c i e n t and s e n s i t i v e to the leardership patterns which existed" ( I b i d . ) . Project problems were explained i n c u l t u r a l terms. For anyone who has worked with native people i n non-native i n s t i t u t i o n a l settings, or even i n native ones such as band councils and community development committees, much of what we have said here i s not new. In such s i t u a t i o n s the r e a l c u l t u r a l gap between native and non-native people becomes obvious. We have learned a great deal from t h i s project. A next step i s to place our experience and growing understanding i n the wider context of studies of programmes such as Headstart and others, which were designed for the educationally disadvantaged. There are two problems which are central to t h i s project and others of a s i m i l a r nature: f i r s t , to understand better the c u l t u r a l gap just mentioned and, second, to adopt teaching methods which release the p o t e n t i a l that students possess. I t i s c l e a r to us that such projects are worth the e f f o r t despite the i n e v i t a b l e f r u s t r a t i o n . [Rowan and Mcintosh 1982:7] As has been discussed, these i n i t i a l objectives for remedial t r a i n i n g i n mainstream education and employment practices were Page 121 set aside with the recognition that participants had to have basic s k i l l s i n order to successfully carry out the job tasks. The project was slowly redefined as museum public programming with a conventional academic orientation. Selective h i r i n g lessened f r u s t r a t i o n s considerably and brought with i t a new understanding of the project's role with regard to the members' c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y . The function of the project s h i f t e d from i n t r a c u l t u r a l leadership t r a i n i n g and remedial education to i n t e r c u l t u r a l communications programming. The project members served as representatives of t h e i r hereditary culture, a l b e i t i n a generalized form of F i r s t Nations culture rather than i n personalized forms. The expectations were d i f f e r e n t , and the programming was more conducive to the project's se t t i n g i n a public museum. The members' obligation to be a r t i c u l a t e i n an i n t e r c u l t u r a l forum gave additional purpose to the study of contemporary F i r s t Nations issues. Rowan t i e d the three reasons for project success together i n t h i s statement of goals. The main goals are to give the students more knowledge and deeper understanding of t r a d i t i o n a l Indian culture and of the a r t i f a c t s o r i g i n a t i n g i n t h i s culture, and to teach them how to present t h i s information to v i s i t o r s . We also want to improve the students' reading and writing s k i l l s , and to help them develop more pride and confidence about being Indian. As the project developed we found that the f i r s t and fourth of these goals in e v i t a b l y led us to include more information about contemporary Indian l i f e i n both t r a i n i n g and i n presentations. Students needed t h i s information to answer more adequately v i s i t o r s ' questions, and we also considered the contemporary scene a legitimate part of the museum's concern. [Rowan 1987b:21] Rowan was an energetic and inventive curator and museum educator who worked within an established i n s t i t u t i o n dedicated Page 122 to upholding and advancing the i n t e l l e c t u a l values of the dominant culture. As a centre for the study of other cultures, there existed at MOA a special concern for the problems encountered by members of minority groups. The path to success was conceived i n terms of dignity and knowledge, both q u a l i t i e s being d i r e c t l y f a c i l i t a t e d i n the NYP. Rowan's experiment was intended to give F i r s t Nations youth a prominent, respected place i n the public presentation of indigenous culture, but the information base was conventional museum ethnography. Under Rowan's guidance, the interpretation mechanisms developed i n the NYP d i d not "free Indians from t h e i r ethnological fate" (Ames 1987a). Participants i n the NYP were encouraged to speak i n the f i r s t person when r e f e r r i n g to the F i r s t Nations, but t h i s c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y was based primarily on an academic understanding of t r a d i t i o n a l l i f e . As the NYP evolved, i t became more oriented to museum public programming and less to remedial s k i l l development to improve academic and employment p o t e n t i a l . I t became an enrichment programme for promising F i r s t Nations youth. Throughout, dignity was an important element i n the programme treatment. The t r a i n i n g prepared pa r t i c i p a n t s to become "stars" of the public presentations. Their accomplishments were respected. They were accepted i n t o the MOA i n s t i t u t i o n a l culture as "museum trainees." Rowan's leadership set the s t y l e , the standards and the expectations. Rowan (1987a:14) i d e n t i f i e s the NYP as the educational undertaking which brought her the most pride and pleasure. Page 123 F i n a l l y , the sa t i s f a c t i o n s accruing to museum s t a f f supervising such a project are substantial. A l l days w i l l not be good days, students w i l l under pressure sometimes l e t you down, occasionally badly. But as a whole the N.Y.P. i s enormously rewarding. The students represent the native community, and the museum well. Poised, confident, addressing a large audience, and handling questions with increasing ease, maturity, and knowledge, these Indian teenagers become an asset to any c u l t u r a l i n s t i t u t i o n . [Rowan 1987b:4] Rowan expresses a rewarding sense of accomplishment for the achievements of the NYP and for the potential t h i s approach o f f e r s museum programming and education generally. Rowan's enthusiasm masks d i f f i c u l t i e s encountered as overly o p t i m i s t i c expectations led to frustrations i n the r e a l i z a t i o n of overly ambitious plans. Rowan understood anthropology as a useful d i s c i p l i n e and served as a conventional c u l t u r a l broker, designing a programme to promote c r o s s - c u l t u r a l understanding and to advance the educational and career opportunities for members of the F i r s t Nations. She assumed ethnographic authority i n encouraging an "Indian" i d e n t i t y and i n developing presentations on t r a d i t i o n a l Northwest Coast cultures. On the other hand, Rowan espoused the fundamental assumptions of acculturation as she d i l i g e n t l y worked to f a c i l i t a t e s o c i a l adjustment through educational programming for the F i r s t Nations. Returning to MOA i n the f a l l of 1989, Rowan gave a lecture on the NYP. She concluded by suggesting what she would have done i f she had continued with the project. Rowan envisioned a four year programme, the addi t i o n a l two years during college would have focussed on Page 124 western c i v i l i z a t i o n . "They [ F i r s t Nations students] of a l l people deserve the very best education we have to o f f e r " (MOA lecture, 6 November 1989). I l l u s t r a t i n g the objective by r e f e r r i n g to an accomplished F i r s t Nations a r t i s t , Rowan commented, "He feels at home i n both worlds" (Ibid.). A f t e r Rowan l e f t MOA i n la t e 1986, the NYP continued to evolve i n keeping with the changing s e n s i b i l i t i e s at the museum. There were attempts to move beyond conventional ethnographic authority to a deeper, collaborative questioning and exploration of the roots of contemporary F i r s t Nations people and issues. R e s p o n s i b i l i t y for operating the NYP, under the guidance of MOA s t a f f supervisors, was progressively passed to F i r s t Nations project managers. Their role and influence on the NYP i s described i n the following chapter which outlines the d a i l y routines of the NYP and a r t i c u l a t e s changing understandings of c u l t u r a l brokerage at MOA. Page 125 VII. PROJECT MANAGERS The community and i n s t i t u t i o n a l base for the Native Youth Project has been described i n the preceding chapters. To f i l l out the picture with information about the operation of the programme, three categories of stakeholders, project managers, project members and museum s t a f f , are considered i n the following chapters. This chapter examines the project managers who were responsible for the routine a c t i v i t i e s of the project. The development of and expectations for t h i s p o s i t i o n were reviewed i n the previous chapter o u t l i n i n g the basic structure of the project. Experience during the f i r s t summer of the NYP demonstrated the need for regular management assistance. The po s i t i o n of project manager was created to f i l l t h i s need. Conceived as an extension of the t r a i n i n g manadate at MOA, i t provided s k i l l development opportunities for u n i v e r s i t y students. Following Rowan's departure from the NYP i n 1986, t h i s p o s i t i o n assumed broader management r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . This change r e f l e c t e d and contributed to altered understandings about the place of the NYP i n museum programming and the nature of c u l t u r a l brokerage at MOA. Beyond basic course work, university l i f e o f f e r s students a v a r i e t y of part-time and summer job opportunities. These positions are often considered t r a i n i n g positions, but at MOA, they also keep many of the programmes functioning. Inherently, t h i s means programme s t a f f i n g i s i n a constant state of f l u x . This, however, can contribute v i t a l i t y , and, for the most part, Page 126 i t has done so at MOA where the system i s thoroughly integrated in t o the operation of the museum. Most of the student positions at MOA are f i l l e d by museology and anthropology students. For the p o s i t i o n of project manager of the NYP, students of F i r s t Nations ancestry were recruited, with one exception i n the ear l y 1980s. By the end of the 1980s, there had been eight project managers with diverse backgrounds and i n t e r e s t s . Four of the f i r s t f i v e project managers were i n the Native Indian Teacher Education Programme (NITEP). D i f f i c u l t y f i l l i n g the p o s i t i o n with NITEP members developed when the NYP project managers started work i n May due to schedule c o n f l i c t s . The education students had to complete t h e i r practicums i n May. Candidates for the pos i t i o n were then drawn from the Native Indian Student Union (NISU), and have included a law student and a fi n e arts student. When h i r i n g for t h i s position, information was c i r c u l a t e d primarily by word of mouth among the students. The outgoing project managers took an active i n t e r e s t i n r e c r u i t i n g an acceptable candidate for the pos i t i o n . When a student decided to apply, other F i r s t Nations students tended to respect t h i s , leaving a single candidate for the po s i t i o n . Most of the students who have served as project managers would be c l a s s i f i e d as mature students having had a variety of work experiences p r i o r to attending UBC. The project managers have had active t i e s with F i r s t Nations organizations and t h e i r home communities representing bands a l l along the coast and into the i n t e r i o r of B r i t i s h Columbia (see the appendix). Page 127 A. PRACTICAL ROUTINES AND SCHEDULES The po s i t i o n of project manager was created the second summer and became essential to the organization of the project. While i n many ways the early years were an exhi l a r a t i n g time of designing strategies and enjoying the excitement of well received public presentations, there was frequently exasperation backstage maintaining the schedules and coordinating the various p e r s o n a l i t i e s . The position of project manager developed to handle the d a i l y routines. They consequently have born the brunt of the frustrations and tensions, and have i n v a r i a b l y done so with personal dedication. A comment i n the f i r s t project manager's f i n a l report i s t y p i c a l : "For myself, I learned at le a s t as much as they [the members] and benefited i n many ways, not the lea s t of which was my joy i n watching them perform" (NYP Report for summer 1980:7). In the 1988 f i n a l report, the project manager described her position. Funding guidelines require that the Project Manager be a student attending UBC. It i s preferable that the candidate for t h i s p osition be i n the faculty of education, i d e a l l y with some teaching experience as the p o s i t i o n requires much planning, preparation, i n s t r u c t i o n and supervision. F a m i l i a r i t y with Native culture or museum work i s an asset. The 1988 summer Project Manager had three years of teaching experience including both the elementary and high school l e v e l s . Northwest Coast Indian culture had been studied i n university courses such as "Ethnography of the Northwest Coast", "Contemporary Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia" and "Native Proples of Canada". Courses such as these helped to provide much of the background knowledge that was necessary for the planning and i n s t r u c t i o n of the t r a i n i n g program for the Native Youth Project. I t i s important that the Project Manager enjoy working with teenagers and the public. The Project Manager enrolled i n a three day in t e r n Page 128 seminar which introduced the general structure and organization of museums. The course provided an introduction to museum p r i n c i p l e s , conservation of a r t i f a c t s , exhibits, public r e l a t i o n s and archives. The course proved to [be] extremely b e n e f i c i a l as i t helped to provide a new perspective to one who i s not f a m i l i a r with museums. [NYP Records, 1988 F i n a l Report] Most project managers also served as winter programme coordinators. In addition, anthropology and museum students also served as winter programme coordinators and research a s s i s t a n t s . These jobs were part-time, and most were f i l l e d by non-Native students. Their role i n maintaining the NYP i s considered i n Chapter Nine on the support structure provided by the museum. Each summer started with high expectations, seasoned with some trepidation. A primary concern was planning and scheduling a c t i v i t i e s . The f i r s t project manager described the process as follows: ...I began to write down t r i p s and guest speakers to help f u l f i l l my objectives. After a l l t h i s was done, [we] sat down and began to write our schedule. We completed the f i r s t week to the best of our a b i l i t y . The month of August, we played by ear. Whatever needed to be done we did. [NYP Summer Report 1980:1] In the beginning, very l i t t l e preparation time was provided f o r the project managers p r i o r to the st a r t of the summer t r a i n i n g programme for the NYP members. Project managers d i d not pa r t i c i p a t e i n the organizational planning and h i r i n g which was done before the st a r t i n g dates of t h e i r employment. This was one of the many project practices that was adjusted with experience. The following recommendations by an early project Page 129 manager i l l u s t r a t e some of the d i f f i c u l t i e s . I think the project manager should be hired for a minimum of three days before (not necessarily immediately before), and three days a f t e r , the project time. The project supervisor should be available before the project and the two should discuss guidelines and philosophies f o r the project, loose scheduling, and prepare the room and material. There should also be a long meeting with the student supervisors, asking t h e i r suggestions, discussing and c l a r i f y i n g t h e i r r o l e s , f i l l i n g them i n on plans. Meetings with the student supervisors should continue throughout the program, as should meetings between the project manager and curator.... After the program, time i s needed to clean and store objects, and write reports. This job involves extra time commitment and expense, and although obviously, I do extra work because I want to, and because I am interested, acknowledgment of the exta work by paying for the additional days would be appreciated. [NYP Records -Thoughts on the Native Youth Project, Summer 1981:4; parentheses i n o r i g i n a l ] At that time, project personnel, t i t l e s and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s were slowly evolving. After the departure of Rowan as supervising curator i n 1986, the project manager had e x p l i c i t planning and h i r i n g r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and therefore started f u l l -time employment nearly two months before the t r a i n i n g programme began. Early i n the project, the procedures and schedule were co n t r o l l e d by the objectives of the o r i g i n a t i n g curator who continually assessed the p o s s i b i l i t i e s available and provided d i r e c t i o n s accordingly. The net e f f e c t was a loosely structured schedule of a c t i v i t i e s . A project manager explained the r a t i o n a l e for t h i s approach and the problems i t addressed. I agree that for t h i s type of project i t i s e s s e n t i a l to keep planning very loose i n order to take advantage of opportunities which come up, and to follow the i n d i v i d u a l i n t e r e s t s and talents of the students. Due to the Page 130 students' low l e v e l of enthusiasm and i n i t i a t i v e , I think i t important to f a c i l i t a t e and encourage anything which seems to appeal to t h e i r i n t e r e s t s , even i f i t does not f i t i n with our i n i t i a l plans for the project or with the schedule. [NYP Records - Thoughts on the Native Youth Program 1981:4] However, i n consultation with the project managers, Rowan's response to the unanticipated problem of l a c k l u s t e r member p a r t i c i p a t i o n was to make the scheduling f u l l e r and more structured, as discussed i n the preceeding chapter. In 1985, the project manager's f i r s t recommendation simply stated, "The project t r a i n i n g should be more structured, so that students progress i s c l e a r l y shown" (NYP Records, Summer 1985 F i n a l Report, Appendix I ) . Based on several years of experience, Rowan placed primary emphasis on the f i r s t two weeks for intense t r a i n i n g (see Chapter S i x ) , and the project managers d i l e g e n t l y planned and implemented t h i s period. A project manager described the process. The preparing of the t r a i n i n g schedule was much the same as preparing a teacher's planned daybook of a c t i v i t i e s . This detailed planning i s important to ensure that the content i s being covered and that the students are a l l o t t e d the necessary time to learn the material. A large calendar of events was made and posted i n the study room o u t l i n i n g special a c t i v i t i e s of the project. Six new students had eight weeks to learn four presentations. This was a very ambitious schedule to be follwed... High expectations set early and maintained helped to set a tone that encouraged the students to work hard at t h e i r studies. A set schedule of presentation t r a i n i n g dates d i d much to promote good study habits as the tasks set were demanding.... The t r a i n i n g programme consisted of reading resource material, viewing films and videos, l i s t e n i n g to guest lectures and p r a c t i s i n g presentations d a i l y . . . . In the previous 1987 Summer Programme, each student was given a binder for information concerning the project and the Page 131 presentations. This same format was adopted for the 1988 summer program except that they would become permanent t r a i n i n g manuals. These t r a i n i n g manuals organize material and provide important reference material r e a d i l y f o r each student. Guest lecturers are very important to a successful t r a i n i n g program.... Some of the guest l e c t u r e r s ' material rel a t e d d i r e c t l y to the content of the presentations and others related [to] issues concerning Native Indians today. [NYP Records, 1988 F i n a l Report] This project manager was trained i n conventional classroom techniques, and applied her experience, and a l o t of personal energy and organizational a b i l i t y , to the r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of the p o s i t i o n . Another d i f f i c u l t y became apparent as the the t r a i n i n g schedule became more and more ambitious. I t simply was not possible to complete a l l the desired lessons and a c t i v i t i e s i n the a l l o t t e d time. Indeed, the focus of the NYP became t r a i n i n g for public presentations. One project manager f l a t l y recommended, "trying to produce the material for new programmes during the t r a i n i n g should be avoided" (NYP Records, Summer 1985 F i n a l Report, Appendix I ) . The project managers attempted to set a reasonable pace as they determined the tasks to be addressed, but they had to constantly reorganize the schedule to compensate for interruptions, u n r e a l i s t i c expectations and unforeseen study opportunities. The summer t r a i n i n g programme started with a day t r i p to the UBC Research Forest i n Haney for c o l l e c t i n g cedar bark, roots and withes. Often the f i r s t cedar bark c o l l e c t i n g experience for the project manager has been a t r i p to the f o r e s t the previous month when supplies for the t r a i n i n g workshops and Page 132 presentations were secured. For t h i s reason, the project manager would arrange for others with the appropriate expertise to accompany the group. MOA s t a f f was given p r i o r n o t i f i c a t i o n of these c o l l e c t i n g t r i p s , and two or more usually joined the work party providing quiet support and assistance. Most years representatives from other F i r s t Nations organizations or museums took t h i s opportunity to get materials for t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r projects. This t r i p tested the leadership a b i l i t y of the project manager and provided insights into the summer to come by revealing the e s p r i t de corps and i n d i v i d u a l i d i o s y n c r a s i e s . Transportation, tools, proper clothing, mosquito repellent, lunches — gathering and cleaning cedar bark i s demanding work and i f the group wasn't properly prepared, i t would become arduous. After a hour and a half drive from the museum, s t a f f at the research forest assigned a stand of cedar slated for logging, and the dusty t r i p up the mountain was made. A bear cub, deer or rabbit might scoot across the road contributing a sense of wilderness for t h i s b a s i c a l l y urban group. In l a t e r years, for e s t r y s t a f f did not provided an escort, leaving i t up to the group to f i n d the stand and i d e n t i f y appropriate cedar trees which could be a disconcerting process. Sometimes project managers would draw on memories of family outings or s t o r i e s from t h e i r home communities to inform t h e i r handling of t h i s a c t i v i t y . Respect for the bounty provided by nature was an important element i l l u s t r a t e d i n the public presentation on the Page 133 t r a d i t i o n a l uses of cedar with a prayer recorded by Franz Boas from his fieldwork with the Kwagiutl. On one occasion, the project manager, whose origins were not coastal B r i t i s h Columbia, used her own family prayer, although they gathered other materials from the forest, not cedar bark. The removal of a s t r i p of bark was demonstrated, often by a senior member, and then groups of two or three dispersed to continue the work. The t r i p was an opportunity for senior project members to display t h e i r knowledge, and i n the s t i l l of the forest while cleaning bark, they would provide instructions and share s t o r i e s of the previous years. The lore of the project was passed from generation to generation. Returning to the museum i n the l a t e afternoon, the bark would be unwrapped and l a i d out to dry to avoid an awful moldy mess. The group gathered i n the project room, and the project manager used what l i t t l e time remained i n the o f f i c i a l work day to discuss the forest experience and i n i t i a t e the practice of keeping i n d i v i d u a l journals. There were job related d e t a i l s to attend to: r e f e r r a l s l i p s from Employment Canada, p a y r o l l procedures and income tax forms. T y p i c a l l y , day number two of the t r a i n i n g would s t a r t with a welcome by the dir e c t o r of museum and a thorough review of administrative procedures and p o l i c i e s for the project. Then there were tours of MOA g a l l e r i e s and backrooms, meeting s t a f f along the way. Preparation for making presentations would begin i n earnest with the assignment of reference materials, study questions and films. Each new project member was assigned a Page 134 p a r t i c u l a r segment of a presentation to learn. In l a t e r years, a project manager revised the procedures by giving i n d i v i d u a l assignments covering a l l the s c r i p t s , scheduled so that i d e a l l y each member would know a l l of the presentations by the end of the summer. This replaced a group process of sequentially studying the various subjects and presentation s c r i p t s . On day three, presentation rehearsals started along with a f u l l schedule of guest lectures, cedar workshops, and other a c t i v i t i e s . Day three i n 1988 also brought the f i r s t major i n t e r r u p t i o n to the t r a i n i n g schedule. The Peace Train Project, f o r t y f i v e students from Russia and Quebec making a goodwill journey across Canada, scheduled a v i s i t to the museum. The project manager had planned the occasion upon request from the Centre f o r Peaceful Endeavors i n Montreal. The members of the NYP were to host the group. Senior members would do the cedar and potlatch presentations. New members were asked to volunteer to address the group as they arrived and bid them farewell with small souvenirs. The NYP members would also prepare and serve refreshments. The t r a i n was l a t e a r r i v i n g i n Vancouver. Messages were received, not noon but two o'clock, now three, maybe three t h i r t y . The programme for the afternoon was revised accordingly. The t e l e v i s i o n news cameraman grew impatient, but remained pleasant. F i n a l l y the group arrived, very much the weary t r a v e l l e r s . Surprises, the Russian students r e a l l y weren't that fluent i n English. The leaders of the Peace Train Page 135 group asked i f t h e i r interpreter could please translate the presentation. This was d e f i n i t e l y a new experience even for the senior NYP members. They graciously helped the i n t e r p r e t e r f i n d a Russian phrase for "potlatch" and pronounce Bakbakwainooksiwae. Translation broke the pace of the presentation, but the senior members c a r r i e d i t o f f confidently and with a nice sense of humour. The snap of the beak on the Hamatsa mask spoke an international language. A member of the Peace Train group had planned to give a taiko (Japanese drum) performance i n the Great Hall necessitating yet another programme change. Nearly a f u l l day of preparation and waiting resulted i n a whirlwind v i s i t of perhaps an hour. MOA has a worldwide reputation, and special v i s i t o r s are r e g u l a r l y hosted by the s t a f f . When the excitement was f i n a l l y over, the project manager expressed an o v e r a l l f e e l i n g of r e l i e f and a l i n g e r i n g sense of pride and s a t i s f a c t i o n . The schedule for the r e s t of the week had to be adjusted to compensate for the work not done t h i s day. Day four usually concentrated on rehearsal, background study and more rehearsal. Only eight working days remained before the f i r s t public presentations. But there are many other things to attend to as well including research and discussion on contemporary F i r s t Nations issues and concerns. The project members had to be well prepared not only for the actual presentations, but for the question period which followed. The video "Journey to Strength" on current F i r s t Nations programmes Page 136 provided background information and generated l i v e l y discussion. The members explored t h e i r a b i l i t y to deal with stereotypes and to explain current issues. Their i n t e r e s t was sparked by programmes such as indigenous language taught with the a i d of computers i n the Okanagan. The project manager prompted the group, "What can we do to help other Native people?" By Friday, the pressure mounted as the project manager considered the work set aside during the course of the f i r s t week. During the coming week time would have to be devoted to promotion and preparation for the fund r a i s i n g barbeque and r a f f l e with only two weeks remaining. And three or four guest speakers had been scheduled. In 1988, there were t h i r t e e n guest speakers i n a l l . Seven were F i r s t Nations speakers on subjects including land claims and aboriginal f i s h i n g r i g h t s , band administration, t r a d i t i o n a l oratory, history of education f o r the F i r s t Nations, and Northwest Coast ceremonialism. Three speakers were on s t a f f at MOA. Project managers must d i s c r e e t l y d i r e c t p o l i t e f ormalities according to the p a r t i c u l a r status of each guest, and they must serve as sensitive moderators to draw out relevant information. Throughout the t r a i n i n g period, the senior project members exert subtle pressure. They know the routines and have developed t h e i r own s t y l e of work and presentation under the guidance of the previous project s t a f f . The current project manager may not r e a l i z e that the senior members judge rather harshly the current approach and methods against standards established for them during t h e i r own Page 137 t r a i n i n g . Each summer, the NYP took over a classroom next to the recep t i o n i s t ' s desk at MOA. The project manager set up the space as o f f i c e , l i b r a r y , seminar room, storeroom and workshop. An easel with a large pad of newsprint was always present for posting d a i l y schedules and recording s i g n i f i c a n t points from guest lectures, films and other lessons. Pounding cedar bark to make cordage, mats and other sample pieces had been designated an outdoor a c t i v i t y early i n the history of the project. Quiet steps i n processing bark, however, were done i n the room and generated quantities of debris. A frequent occurrence was the project manager entering the room, throwing hands i n the a i r , and fir m l y commanding a thorough cleaning, p a r t i c u l a r l y i f a guest speaker was due momentarily. There seemed to be a strong r e l a t i o n s h i p between physical order and productive attention. Most of the objects i n the museum's "Touchable C o l l e c t i o n " would be housed i n two locked t r o l l e y s which remained i n the project room during the summer. The objects, referred to as a r t i f a c t s , were used i n the presentations and served a c e n t r a l r o l e i n study and rehearsals. How to handle, store and maintain these objects were basic lessons the group had to learn. Managing a c o l l e c t i o n was new for most of the project managers. For outreach presentations, proper procedures had to be followed for taking the objects out of the museum including paperwork and packing. The project manager instructed the members i n the care and handling of the a r t i f a c t s . The most obvious t e s t came when Page 138 members assisted and monitored audiences handling the objects following presentations. This required a balance between v i g i l a n c e and encouragement. Beyond the project room, there were many resources av a i l a b l e to the NYP at MOA. There was administrative support and a wide var i e t y of contacts. And there was expertise -ethnography, archaeology, public r e l a t i o n s , conservation. Help was there and the museum s t a f f w i l l i n g l y gave time, but the project managers had to survey the p o s s i b i l i t i e s and request assistance. P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the weekly s t a f f meetings f a c i l i t a t e d t h i s . Nonetheless, the onus was on the project managers to a c t i v e l y pursue help. The r e l a t i o n s h i p between project manager and s t a f f changed a f t e r Rowan's resignation. In general, the position of project manager required i n d i v i d u a l i n i t i a t i v e and determination to plan, manage and promote the summer programme. In every aspect of the project, the project managers had to d i r e c t the members as they developed and exercised the proper s o c i a l grace and group s e n s i t i v i t y , a l l made more obvious when teenagers were introduced into the sophisticated s e t t i n g of a u n i v e r s i t y museum. This required diligence and d i s c r e t i o n . The students are constantly improving t h e i r interpersonal s k i l l s as they must learn how to deal with the public e f f e c t i v e l y both within and outside the Museum. They learn how to be patient and understanding at times when i t may be d i f f i c u l t to do so. They also learn appropriate behavior for greeting and thanking guest l e c t u r e r s . [NYP Records, 1988 F i n a l Report] Group d i s c i p l i n e placed a constant demand on the project Page 139 managers who were responsible for the members behaviour at a l l times and i n diverse situations. This was a heavy burden. In the beginning, c r a f t s were stressed i n the NYP, and each member was expected to produce not only samples to t e s t methods and materials, but also finished objects. Some of the pieces i n the "Touchable C o l l e c t i o n , " which are regularly used i n public presentations, were made by project members. A s s i s t i n g , encouraging, c a j o l i n g and f i n a l l y threatening, the c r a f t work proved to be some of the most f r u s t r a t i n g time for the project managers. There were several reasons for t h i s . The members usually had grand ideas and minimal s k i l l s , a recipe for dismay which was r a r e l y compensated by perseverance. This problem also revealed the interests of the project managers who usually had l i m i t e d c r a f t a b i l i t y , and guest expertise was available only sporadically. Furthermore, the equipment and work space for c r a f t s was makeshift and inadequate. A l l around, the dedication, concentration and patience to develop a proper attitude of craftsmanship was not present. Craft work i s very time and energy consuming, so while i t remained important to study the materials and become fa m i l i a r with t h e i r s p e c i a l properties, members were not expected to produce presentation objects. Each member made study samples, and i f g i f t e d members expressed an i n t e r e s t , they would be encouraged to further develop t h e i r a b i l i t i e s . P e r i o d i c a l l y presentations were made which included a hands on twine making exercise, but o v e r a l l the project s h i f t e d away from a c r a f t s orientation. This s h i f t of Page 140 emphasis helped lessen pressure on the project managers. By the t h i r d week, a d a i l y routine had more or less been established. The routine was centred on organizing, preparing and d e l i v e r i n g the presentations with the underlying concern of making a good impression on diverse audiences. This a c t i v i t y , however, gave purpose and d i r e c t i o n to the work and provided genuine rewards. In 1988, there were four presentations to be learned ranging from f i f t e e n minutes to a half hour i n length which kept the new members very busy. Presentations were made Tuesday through Friday at the museum. Tuesday was the free day, drawing the largest attendance, e s p e c i a l l y when i t rained. The Theatre Gallery, holding about 100, could be f i l l e d on these days. Special presentations at the museum included c h i l d r e n from schools and day camps, when s t o r y t e l l i n g or a hands on a c t i v i t y such as making cedar bark twine might be featured, conventions of professional associations, and even groups of the b l i n d . The standard presentations were adjusted for these occasions, and for outreach presentations, to meet the constraints of each s i t u a t i o n — group i n t e r e s t s , ages, f a c i l i t i e s , a v a i l a b i l i t y of a r t i f a c t s and number of p a r t i c i p a n t s . The project manager reported that 95 presentations were given during the summer of 1988 with an estimated attendance of 3225. Even when the presentation routine had been set for the summer, other r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s kept the schedule f u l l and f l u i d . The senior members as well as the new members had to be kept Page 141 a c t i v e l y involved and productive. Overseeing special assignments could be taxing for the project manager when there was so much to be done to meet the basic schedule. Having the senior members work independently was desired, but the purpose and tasks had to be very c l e a r . The work had to be monitored even when there was sincere inte r e s t and the very best intentions on the part of the members. Mondays and mornings, MOA was closed allowing time for day t r i p s , guest speakers and catching up. Of course, there were many maintenance chores such as caring for the objects used i n the presentations. There were larger undertakings such as study t r i p s and special events, and outreach presentations to be scheduled, planned, confirmed and executed. And there was a nagging pressure to upgrade the presentations and develop new ones. In 1989, the project manager guided the re v i s i o n of the f i s h i n g presentation, working with the elders of the Coqualeetza centre who approved the information and the use of photographs taken on a group study t r i p to t h e i r f i s h camp on the Fraser River. This i n i t i a t i v e was appreciated by the MOA supervising s t a f f . I t was a concrete example of sharing ethnographic authority and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n with those represented i n the presentation. The commitment of the project managers extended beyond o f f i c i a l hours of work. They took a personal inte r e s t i n the project members, spending s o c i a l time together. The del i c a t e balance between f r i e n d and supervisor varied, but the mix was always present. The objectives and a c t i v i t i e s of the NYP were ambitious, and the Page 142 project managers forged ahead on the assumption that the expectations were achievable. B. REALITIES OF DISCIPLINE AND MOTIVATION From the s t a r t , the group e f f o r t to produce e f f e c t i v e public presentations was respected. However, expectations regarding work habits, i n i t i a t i v e and organizational a b i l i t i e s of the project members were not r e a l i z e d . It was assumed that the members would be quite s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t i n carrying out assigned tasks, research and preparation work. When t h i s assumption proved unfounded, a plan to use experienced senior members as student supervisors was put into place with disappointing r e s u l t s . These student supervisors did not show the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y or i n i t i a t i v e to take on more challenging projects. Instead, although they did help the others i n learning the presentation, they tended to use t h e i r s e n i o r i t y to show of f , as power i n personality struggles, and as an i n d i c a t i o n that they knew everything and thus did not have to work. Instead of taking charge for the project manager, they needed as much or more supervision as the others. [NYP Records - Thoughts on the Native Youth Program Summer 1981:3] When the use of senior members i n supervisory roles proved counterproductive, the position of project manager became more c l e a r l y defined. The project manager describes the s i t u a t i o n . It i s essential that a f u l l time project manager spend a l l her time with the students (in addition to part time of the project supervisor). These students require more supervision than would be expected. At times we l e f t too much up to the students: they could not accept the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , nor could they organize a whole project. They needed someone to break down the steps of a task for them, and t e l l them concretely what to do and the order i n Page 143 which to do i t . In the future I think the project manager should spend more time i n the room with the students, and working on the same projects as them. The students expressed a f e e l i n g that supervisors were not aware of how hard they worked, and that supervisors instructed them to do tasks they had not done, and therefore did not r e a l i z e the d i f f i c u l t y of. Being i n the room would make i t easier to monitor exactly what i s taking place. It would also indicate an i n t e r e s t i n the students and t h e i r work, which I think the students would appreciate. However, these students l i k e d to be i s o l a t e d (to work behind closed doors) and would often leave the room i f the project manager was working i n there. [NYP Records - Thoughts on the Native Youth Program Summer 1981:2; parentheses i n o r i g i n a l ] A l a t e r project manager provides t h i s recommendation: "The project manager should not t r y to become 'friends' with the students but he/she should become an in s t r u c t o r , leader, boss (this i s always a d i f f i c u l t dilemma)" (NYP Records - Summer 1985 F i n a l Report, Appendix I; parentheses i n o r i g i n a l ) . Senior members remained an important element i n the t r a i n i n g process, but they did not have an e x p l i c i t supervisory function. Project managers spent most of t h e i r time with the members, often doing t h e i r own work i n the project room to maintain a productive atmosphere, and c a r e f u l l y established the routines and monitored progress. Rules and regulations evolved rather slowly, avoided at f i r s t assuming the group would regulate i t s own a f f a i r s . In response to unacceptable behaviour, rules tended to be made ad hoc, as observed by an early project manager. We should c a r e f u l l y think through any "rules" we set down, and be f u l l y prepared to implement them. It i s not good for the students to see us not keeping our word, not enforcing rules we make, and allowing some to get away with something other students are abiding to. I think i t makes them less w i l l i n g to pay attention to us. [NYP Records -Page 144 Thoughts on the Native Youth Program Summer 1981:1] Some rules evolved from the way the project was conceptualized. Job t r a i n i n g was a d e f i n i t e element i n the project, thus working set hours and being on time received p a r t i c u l a r attention. Various methods were used to monitor t h i s behaviour such as time sheets. Problems i n attendance and tardiness eventually l e d to the three warning system for dismissal of project members which was i n i t i a t e d by early project managers. After eleven years, a long l i s t of dos and don'ts had developed which were c a r e f u l l y reviewed at the beginning of each summer programme. They ranged from p o l i c y on using telephones, typewriters and photocopier to the personal use of portable recorders with headsets and posters on the walls of the project room. MOA s t a f f contributed to the rules along with the project managers, but i t was primarily the project manager who used them to esta b l i s h an acceptable working environment and who enforced them i n a manner that not only was f a i r , but was perceived to be f a i r by the members. Formal standards and e x p l i c i t rules of conduct were i n e v i t a b l e , but they remained f l e x i b l e enough to allow project managers to develop t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l managerial s t y l e s . Problems of d i s c i p l i n e and motivation also lessened with the adoption of more rigorous h i r i n g practices. There were a couple of reasons for t h i s . F i r s t , the selection was based on more complete information which d i r e c t l y related to q u a l i t i e s necessary to be successful i n the project. And second, project standards were established by the thoroughness of the Page 145 a p p l i c a t i o n and interview process, so new members started the summer t r a i n i n g with more r e a l i s t i c expectations. A f t e r Rowan's resignation, the project managers took the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of r e c r u i t i n g members very seriously, and, with the help of MOA s t a f f , d i s t r i b u t e d f l y e r s and application information to school d i s t r i c t s throughout the Lower Mainland, and to a l t e r n a t i v e schools, F i r s t Nations organizations and band o f f i c e s . B u ilding on the assignments and interview questions developed when Rowan was the supervising curator, recent project managers, i n consultation with MOA supervising s t a f f , have added questions and a c t i v i t i e s . In 1988, the project manager added a written assignment to be completed by the applicant following the interview, answering the question, "Why should people use museums?" This assignment was made for the e x p l i c i t purpose of determining writing proficiency and gauging the applicant's a b i l i t y to understand and complete a new task. In 1989, the project manager reviewed the application procedures and interview questions with s t a f f at the UBC F i r s t Nations House of Learning. Some minor changes were made based on t h e i r suggestions. The project manager contacted a l l references provided by the applicants, a practice considered to be invaluable. The selection team was made up of project manager and MOA s t a f f supervisors. Respecting the e f f o r t put forward by a l l the applicants, the project manager contacted each by telephone, followed by a l e t t e r , explaining the outcome of t h e i r interview. Page 146 To make sure the summer was off to a f l y i n g s t a r t i n 1988, the project manager arranged a meeting of the new group of project members a couple of weeks p r i o r to the s t a r t of the t r a i n i n g programme. This would provide an opportunity to meet before the program started as well as sta r t the fund-raising e f f o r t s . Each student received a number of r a f f l e t i c k e t s to s e l l to ra i s e funds for the Summer Study T r i p . In addition, each new student received a s c r i p t package to read over before the summer project commenced. The handing out of the s c r i p t s p r i o r to the actual t r a i n i n g proved very b e n e f i c i a l as i t allowed the students to f a m i l i a r i z e themselves with the program content. Students were also instructed to apply for t h e i r s o c i a l insurance numbers immediately. Students under the age of sixteen are required to bring l e t t e r s of permission from t h e i r parents or guardians stating the student had permission to work for the Museum. [NYP Records, 1988 F i n a l Report] The members had po s i t i v e memories of t h i s meeting, e s p e c i a l l y the good snacks and fresh f r u i t . The stage was set for a productive summer. Over the years, many procedures and practices have developed and been handed down providing e f f e c t i v e ways of coping with problems of d i s c i p l i n e and motivation. Nonetheless, each year i s d i f f e r e n t , a blend of diverse p e r s o n a l i t i e s , experiences and i n t e r e s t s . C. TESTING POTENTIAL The NYP became a forum which allowed unive r s i t y students from the F i r s t Nations to test the potential of museum based a c t i v i t i e s and t h e i r own a b i l i t y to plan and manage a c u l t u r a l programme. As Rowan observed, each year the project should r e f l e c t the s k i l l s and interests of the project manager. The Page 147 r o l e of the project manager went beyond planning and monitoring routine work. They brought t h e i r own visions of p o s s i b i l i t i e s which were fed by t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r experiences and the goals they had set for t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l l i v e s . With the influence of the project managers, the conceptualization of the indigenous Northwest Coast culture was altered to be treated as an ongoing t r a d i t i o n , a l b e i t a t r a d i t i o n which had weathered sweeping disruption of s o c i a l , economic and p o l i t i c a l patterns i n the past 200 years. The NYP had progressively developed a deeper i n t e r e s t i n the contemporary F i r s t Nations community. As a project manager explains, "The expanding and updating of ex i s t i n g presentations i s necessary i n order to help provide a balanced perspective of both t r a d i t i o n a l and contemporary native l i f e " (NYP Records, F i n a l Report Summer 1988). From the beginning of the project, i t had been a j o i n t e f f o r t with the F i r s t Nations through Brenda Taylor and the Native Indian Youth Advisory Society. Although primarily involved i n sponsoring the application for funding the NYP, there were c e r t a i n expectations held by NIYAS: improved academic achievement, youth employment, leadership t r a i n i n g and experience, and confronting discrimination (see Chapter F i v e ) . I t was l e f t to Rowan to develop mechanisms to address these expectations. The project managers provided more concrete representation of the F i r s t Nations i n the NYP. Most of the project managers had made personal commitments to service i n the F i r s t Nations, and thus, they provided invaluable contacts which Page 148 became an important resource i n planning and shaping the summer's a c t i v i t i e s . This summer, the Native Youth Project was able to e s t a b l i s h new contacts i n the native communities on the coast of northern B r i t i s h Columbia and the Queen Charlotte Islands. This contact f u l f i l l s an important goal of the Museum as i t creates d i r e c t l i n k s between the Museum and native communities. [NYP Records, F i n a l Report Summer 1988] This project manager also served i n an o f f i c i a l capacity as MOA l i a i s o n with the F i r s t Nations community, a practice which became a part of the job description. It was p a r t i c u l a r l y important because there were no members of the F i r s t Nations on the permanent s t a f f at MOA. The most common reaction t h i s project manager received from the F i r s t Nations was that the Great H a l l was "old and dead" (personal communication). She wanted to f i n d ways of making the museum a v i t a l i n s t i t u t i o n f o r the people of the F i r s t Nations. Continuing the NYP report, she explains that the primary goal of the project was "very successfully met" as members "gain a competence and pride i n presenting t h e i r culture and themselves to native and non-native audiences" (NYP Records, F i n a l Report Summer 1988). The t r a i n i n g tasks set before each student are demanding and rigorous but they accept the tasks r e a d i l y as each, student knows they represent native people to the p u b l i c . This i s a task not taken l i g h t l y as they s t r i v e to improve themselves and the image of t h e i r culture. [NYP Records, F i n a l Report 1988] The challenge of i n t e r c u l t u r a l communication weighed on the project managers, and they imparted a p o s i t i v e sense of purpose and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to the members. Under Rowan's guidance, an "Indian" i d e n t i t y had been Page 149 adopted which generalized the indigenous culture of the Northwest Coast and accentuated a common o r i g i n for a l l F i r s t Nations. In 1989, t h i s type c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y came to be d i r e c t l y questioned by the project manager who respected the i n t e g r i t y of s p e c i f i c groups and rejected personal association with heritage not r e a l l y ones own. An example of recognizing s p e c i f i c t r a d i t i o n s was provided by t h i s project manager when she revised the f i s h i n g presentation with the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the elders at Coqualeetza giving them e x p l i c i t c r e d i t . Ongoing, active s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n s had been recognized i n the NYP i n other ways. In 1987, the project manager organized a Naming Ceremony and a presentation to the annual general assembly of the United Native Nations. The Naming Ceremony brought a Nuu-cha-nulth observance to the museum, hosted by the family with the assistance of members of the NYP. While these a c t i v i t i e s were i n i t i a t e d by the project manager and planned and implemented with the cooperation of MOA s t a f f , they are described from the perspective of the project members i n the following chapter. The t r a i n i n g and experience provided to the project managers through the NYP has extended beyond MOA. A couple of the project managers have gone on to plan s i m i l a r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n programmes for young people, one with the National Museum of C i v i l i z a t i o n i n Hull and the other with a reserve i n B r i t i s h Columbia. In summary, i t was through the project managers that the i n t e g r i t y of the museum was able to coexist with the i n t e g r i t y Page 150 of F i r s t Nations knowledge and c u l t u r a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n as s e n s i b i l i t i e s about ethnographic authority and c u l t u r a l brokerage began to change i n the l a t e 1980s. The grand d i a l e c t i c of assimilation and conservation, homogenization and emergence (see Chapters Three and Four) had not been resolved, but more searching questions were being asked. Within a programme structure conceived and directed by Rowan as the o r i g i n a t i n g curator, the project managers maintained the d a i l y routines, r e f i n i n g the procedures and practices as the programme evolved. Afte r the departure of Rowan from the NYP, the project managers assumed more r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for managing the programme, bringing to t h e i r work an insider's perspective. The purpose of t h i s extensive e f f o r t was to provide a programme for F i r s t Nations teenagers. Their experience i s described i n the next chapter. Page 151 VIII. PROJECT MEMBERS Constructive in t e r a c t i o n with people of the F i r s t Nations, t h e i r organizations and bands has been part of the continuing commitment MOA. In turn, the Native Youth Project was accepted by many i n the F i r s t Nations as an a t t r a c t i v e t r a i n i n g opportunity with creditable presentations on the indigeous culture of the Northwest Coast. There was another side to t h i s . An early project manager, a non-Native anthropology graduate student, r e c a l l e d the c r i t i c i s m she received from fellow students who categorized the NYP as "teaching Indians to be Indians" (personal communication). Rowan i n i t i a t e d an experiment i n F i r s t Nations involvement i n the presentation of MOA c o l l e c t i o n s with educational and job t r a i n i n g for the p a r t i c i p a n t s . As discussed i n Chapter Six, the background assumptions were rooted i n an ideology of acculturation. The question of c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y and pride i n heritage were important throughout the project as major concerns of the co-sponsoring organization, the Native Indian Youth Advisory Society, to deal with the e f f e c t s of racism and discrimination, and as a part of the programme treatment and public presentations developed under Rowan's guidance. In the process of acculturation, the e f f e c t s of "homogenization" were juxtaposed by "emergence" ( C l i f f o r d 1988:17), and, i n the NYP, a generalized F i r s t Nations i d e n t i t y was c u l t i v a t e d . Content and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n were based on the academic authority of conventional ethnographies and ethnographic techniques. Later Page 152 project managers began to adjust the experiment, b u i l d i n g a contemporary insider's point of view. The grand d i a l e c t i c of c u l t u r a l homogenization and emergence was played out more subtly for the project members. Perhaps, as one former member (Brass 1990:2) suggests, because of apathy and ignorance. He goes on to c a l l for a programme focussed on empowerment, transforming a self-centred attitude into searching s o c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , b u i l d i n g a c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y with deep, i n d i v i d u a l meaning for F i r s t Nations students. The role and approach for c u l t u r a l brokers was being c r i t i c a l l y reviewed by F i r s t Nations managers and project members. This chapter describes the central stakeholders i n the NYP, the F i r s t Nations teenagers, for whom the programme was organized. Between 1979 and 1989, f i f t y nine high school students served i n the NYP as members. Table VTII-1 sets out the pattern of p a r t i c i p a t i o n . The number of parti c i p a n t s each summer ranged from f i v e to twelve. Four members did not serve a f u l l term. Nineteen went on to become "senior" members continuing for a second, t h i r d and, i n one case, fourth year. Twenty four members were male and t h i r t y f i v e female. Project record keeping was inconsistent, and what information i s ava i l a b l e can be found i n the appendix. While the family o r i g i n s of most of the students were coastal B r i t i s h Columbia, there were several from the i n t e r i o r , four of Cree ancestry and one of Iroquois ancestry. Several students from other programmes attended workshops and t r a i n i n g sessions with the Page 153 project members for short periods. They have not been included i n the l i s t of members. TABLE VIII-1 Numbers of Participants i n the Native Youth Project by Year and Terms Served Year/Gender/Terms served i n NYP <1 1 2 3 4 Total number each year 1979 M 5 12 F 7 1980 M 3 4 12 F 1 3 1 1981 M 2 7 F 2 1 1 1982 M 4 1 9 F 2 1 1 1983 M 3 6 F 2 1 1984 M 2 2 7 F 3 1985 M 3 6 F 2 1 1986 M 2 1 8 F 4 1 1987 M 1 1 5 F 1 2 1988 M 1 8 F 1 5 1 1989 M 2 7 F 2 3 Total 6* 55 19 6 1 87 * Two of these members served f u l l terms other years. Total number of in d i v i d u a l members through 1989 was 59. See the appendix for further information about the members of the Native Youth Project. Page 154 Not only was each year d i f f e r e n t , but members responded i n a va r i e t y of ways to the experience offered. With t h i s i n mind, a descr i p t i o n of the basic cycle of membership i s i l l u s t r a t e d with i n d i v i d u a l accounts. A. APPLICATION AND SELECTION There were a range of reasons why students applied f o r the NYP. Sometimes the high school student was seeking employment. Often i t was an elder, school counsellor or s o c i a l worker who directed the student into a p o t e n t i a l l y productive summer a c t i v i t y . As the reputation of the NYP grew, more people were aware of the annual recruitment of members. However, project s t a f f experienced deep disappointment when many of those making i n q u i r i e s f a i l e d to attend the orientation session and submit applications. Undoubtedly, the i n s t i t u t i o n a l s e t t i n g and commitment required by the programme deterred many from following through with t h e i r applications. One member r e c a l l e d going to her school counsellor for permission to miss an exam i n order to attend a potlatch. His comment was, "You're not Native, are you?" Having discovered her o r i g i n s , he suggested that she apply for the project. Most applicants were new to the job market, and therefore had to prepare a resume, arrange for l e t t e r s of reference and compose a l e t t e r of i n t e r e s t for the f i r s t time. In reviewing the l e t t e r s of in t e r e s t on f i l e from successful applicants, a l l mentioned some aspect of F i r s t Nations culture, most expressing a desire to Page 155 learn more and a few o f f e r i n g t h e i r expertise. Two t h i r d s spoke about F i r s t Nations culture i n the f i r s t person, "our cul t u r e " or "my heritage," and the remainder use the t h i r d person, "they." It i s int e r e s t i n g to note that i n recent years, the project presentations have consciously s h i f t e d from t h i r d person to f i r s t person. About half of the application l e t t e r s mentioned a desire to teach others about the F i r s t Nations, or to develop s k i l l s of working with people including public speaking, or to work i n the museum as a special place. A t h i r d of the l e t t e r s referred to the need for a job or work experience. Only a f i f t h of the application l e t t e r s mention any in t e r e s t i n future work with F i r s t Nations programmes. For the f i r s t four years, interviews were held at Brita n n i a Community Centre. In some ways, 1982 was a turning point. Five of the nine members hired that year had had previous experience with the project, and some of them were getting s t a l e and bored. A p o l i c y was formed l i m i t i n g p a r t i c i p a t i o n to two years. The only exception to t h i s p o l i c y was made i n 1988 when junior members from the previous year were not able to continue with the project (see Table VTII-1). By the mid 1980s, even returning NYP members had to go through the f u l l a p p l i c a t i o n procedure which included reviewing an NYP public presentation at the museum p r i o r to the interview. These procedures generally gave applicants a p r a c t i c a l understanding of the programme. The interview and h i r i n g practices are described i n the project structure outlined i n Chapter Six. Project members a l l had Page 156 personal t a l e s about t h e i r interviews and how they learned about being accepted. The h i r i n g procedures had a l a s t i n g impression. The NYP served F i r s t Nations teenagers i n the urban centre of Vancouver, but the following p r o f i l e shows the varied backgrounds of members. The vast majority of applicants selected had been directed to the NYP through the public schools. About a f i f t h have been referred through band o f f i c e s . Perhaps a half dozen came through the e f f o r t s of t h e i r s o c i a l workers, and another half dozen had parents attending the University of B r i t i s h Columbia (UBC). Over a t h i r d of the members were status members of the F i r s t Nations, and nearly a t h i r d had l i v e d on reserves at some point. A few members made applications to o f f i c i a l l y e s t a b l i s h t h e i r status. One member applied not only for his own c l a s s i f i c a t i o n as status but also for his s i b l i n g s as a r e s u l t of commitment nurtured through the project. Possibly a f i f t h of the members could be considered as having c u l t u r a l l y and p o l i t i c a l l y i n f l u e n t i a l families i n the F i r s t Nations. B. RESEARCH AND TRAINING The terms "research" and "training" were basic i n the NYP vocabulary. At a conference workshop, a project member described the process. We studied many books, and we took notes on a l o t of films and videos which we saw. We v i s i t e d f i v e other museums, and we had guest speakers come i n and t a l k to us about various topics. And our f i r s t day of the job, a l l the Native Youth Project went to the research forest and we Page 157 c o l l e c t e d our own cedar bark. We cleaned the bark, and we made our own cedar products. Every member of the project also kept a journal on our feelings about s p e c i f i c events and special things that may have happened.... And not only did the group research the content, but we also had discussions and quizzes to make sure that we knew a l l our material and that we understood what was being said i n the presentations. Eventually, a f t e r studying and researching, we a l l began to be trained on presenting i t s e l f . We were helped on speaking loudly, c l e a r l y , with confidence. And we were shown how to present ourselves i n a d i g n i f i e d , mature manner. We a l l helped one another on our presenting, and, as a part of t h i s t r a i n i n g , we had c r i t i q u e s and short talks and discussions on the p o s i t i v e and negative sides of our manner i n front of an audience. We learned the s k i l l s of presenting as well as the content of the presentations. When we f i r s t gave our presentation, the f i r s t time, we were a l l r e a l l y very nervous.... But afterwards, i t f e l t r e a l l y good because you had so many po s i t i v e comments from a l o t of people, and people ask you questions, and they just t a l k to you. It was r e a l l y nice. [1989 presentation at conference workshop] Research focussed on preparation for the public presentations. In addition to lectures, readings and discussions, i t included experimenting with the materials, e s p e c i a l l y cedar, and handling a r t i f a c t s . This was intended to give the members an intimate connection with t r a d i t i o n a l technology, an expectation which appeared to be r e a l i z e d for most members. When the cedar was s p l i t , most smelled the wood, f e l t i t c a r e f u l l y and t r i e d to sand i t with the dried dogfish skin. When a r t i f a c t s were handed around the group, they were examined c a r e f u l l y and any moveable or removeable parts t r i e d . When asked what research material was most useful, the response i n unison was H i l a r y Stewart's book, Cedar. There was some hesitati o n accepting a non-Native as authority, but Stewart's very thorough workshops served as the basis for much of the knowledge the member used. Page 158 Group discussions provided valuable learning and t e s t i n g s i t u a t i o n s . In the l a t e r years of the project, contemporary issues were as important as topics about t r a d i t i o n a l l i f e . Films, videos, guest speakers and f i e l d t r i p s were used to stimulate discussion. Discussions, however, were very unpredictable. Some became animated, others were l i f e l e s s . On a f i e l d t r i p to a museum, the project manager expressed her dismay at the lack of apparent i n t e r e s t , stating she was "embarrassed" that they were not asking questions. On another occasion, the speaker was so tedious that, the project manager confessed l a t e r , she unobtrusively prompted a couple of members to ask questions. Attitudes and opinions often emerged during discussions. A member, who did not complete the f u l l summer programme, i n i t i a l l y made rather romantic references to bringing back the "old culture," and at another time, i n a discussion about land claims issues, suggested she could s e t t l e for $100 m i l l i o n . Later, the tone of her questions and comments became more serious. On a f i e l d t r i p to the Musqueam Reserve, she asked the chief how people of the F i r s t Nations could become involved i n band a f f a i r s and the le g a l problems which had been discussed. Another member suggested to a guest discussing land claims issues that t h i s would be the l a s t generation to s i t down and t a l k to o f f i c i a l s ; the next generation would f i g h t . The guest calmly responded that i t was a good p o s s i b i l i t y , q u a l i f y i n g t h i s with the observation that the F i r s t Nations are desparate to esta b l i s h an economic base. The senior members Page 159 often established the expectations for guests and workshops with t a l e s from the previous summer and the stories passed on to them. This could be warm, i f sometimes seemingly irreverent, f o r example a guest who was aff e c t i o n a t e l y referred to as "Elmer Fudd," or i t could be reserved, almost suspicious. A t r a d i t i o n of project etiquette developed over the years. The project manager introduced each member stating t h e i r band a f f l i a t i o n s , and guests were offered tea or coffee. At the end of the session, guests were rather formally thanked and, when possible, i n v i t e d to the salmon barbeque or other project event by a member assigned the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . Guests and others who assisted the project were sent thank you notes. The members were quite serious about these tasks, although they usually consumed f a r more time than anticipated. Many of the guests were from the F i r s t Nations, and a special ambience developed where they assumed the role of elders. A usual pattern between guests from the F i r s t Nations and project members was to i d e n t i f y common origi n s i n a v i l l a g e or family connections. Project members made themselves at home i n the museum. The f i r s t step was adding t h e i r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y teenage touches to the project room primarily i n the form of posters and notes on the boards. The intimate scale of the museum allowed the members of the NYP wide access and personal contact with a range of a c t i v i t i e s and special projects. This was a t y p i c a l comment by a project member. I know p r a c t i c a l l y everybody i n here.... I t i s a l l Page 160 i n t e r e s t i n g . During the summer, i t ' s l i k e a big family here. Everybody knew each other. [personal communication] This comment was made when describing how t h i s member would s l i p down to the labs and t a l k to the s t a f f , even though he knew project members weren't supposed to be there without permission. I t , of course, was a matter of judgment, and he used f a i r l y good judgment. With a few members, f r a t e r n i z i n g with the s t a f f became a problem. The s t a f f remained pat i e n t l y f r i e n d l y with project members, even under sometimes t r y i n g circumstances. The job t r a i n i n g aspect of the project introduced high school students to regular work hours, the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of representing an established museum, the paperwork of employment, and money management. Pay day was d e f i n i t e l y important, and there was invariably confusion on the f i r s t pay cheque due to "red tape." Attitudes toward money varied, as i l l u s t r a t e d i n the granting of advances which was done occasionally f o r reasons of hardship. A few members proved to be unworthy of t h i s t r u s t creating d i f f i c u l t i e s for the administrators and generally bad fe e l i n g s . Some members experienced pressure from t h e i r f a m i l i e s to share t h e i r earnings, a new problem for them i f t h i s p o s i t i o n was t h e i r f i r s t job. Often the members used t h e i r earnings f o r prized items, such as a leather jacket or a pa i r of boots. The project f i l l e d one of the Native Indian Youth Advisory Society (NIYAS) objectives i n providing gainful employment for the members. The members accepted the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of being museum Page 161 employees. One sign of t h i s was t h e i r attention to time. Maintaining the museum reputation prompted members to i n s i s t on s t a r t i n g presentations at the scheduled time. This led to tension for outreach presentations when host organizations were more casual about s t a r t i n g on time. Another way members demonstrated t h e i r sense of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to MOA was t h e i r conscientious way of dealing with the media and t h e i r c r i t i c a l evaluation of news reports. On the other hand, they thoroughly enjoyed the recognition. In Prince Rupert, the group received front page coverage with a photo of a member proudly wearing the ceremonial head piece from the MOA Touchable C o l l e c t i o n with a prominent image of James Dean on the T - s h i r t she was wearing. The exposure pleased them immensely and the symbolic juxtaposition of t r a d i t i o n a l Northwest Coast and contemporary mainstream was an accepted part of t h e i r r e a l i t y . However, the members found the content and tone of a subsequent a r t i c l e disappointing because the reporter i n s i s t e d on questioning which c u l t u r a l group on the coast was "best," which the members considered stupid and i r r e v e l a n t , and characterized the presentations as including "commentary where the teenagers frequently begin explanations with the words, 'We used to....'" (The Daily News. Prince Rupert, B.C., August 17, 1988, page 6). The members disapproved of the emphasis on the past, on bygone t r a d i t i o n s . The NYP research and t r a i n i n g "was intense and i t worked: within two months we were speaking l i k e professionals" (Brass 1990:7). This project member, looking back on his Page 162 experience i n the project, suggests that more e f f o r t be put i n t o stimulating contemporary s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l awareness to a c t i v e l y confront discrimination. C. PRESENTATIONS Most project members firmly held the p o s i t i o n that t h e i r public presentations changed impressions and b u i l t understanding. People have t h i s stereotype Indian that i s drunk and a l l that. And i f you s t a r t introducing them to the potlatch and [other t r a d i t i o n s ] , i t just changes t h e i r view of an Indian. [personal communication] They were also aware that i t was t h e i r presence as F i r s t Nations youth which played a s i g n i f i c a n t part i n the effectiveness of the presentations. A member came into the project room a l l excited a f t e r conducting a guided totem pole walk to report that one of the v i s i t o r s said i t was much more impressive hearing about the pieces from a "Native Indian" rather than from an anthropologist. The v i s i t o r had suggested that project members give t h e i r t r i b a l a f f i l i a t i o n as part of t h e i r introduction. The member thought t h i s was a great suggestion, and went on to explain the meaning of her own name to the C a r r i e r people. This p a r t i c u l a r project member did not make i t through the e n t i r e summer t r a i n i n g programme, but her enthusiasm and pride at moments l i k e t h i s were genuine. One determined comment by a project member while t r a v e l l i n g to make a presentation at a band community centre was, "I'm so glad we're doing t h i s . I t w i l l Page 163 show the elders what young people can do" (personal communication). On several occasions, members borrowed materials and s l i d e s to make special presentations on t h e i r own to a class or to a youth group. The objective of teaching others about the F i r s t Nations was accepted confidently by most members. To s c r i p t or not to s c r i p t , that was the big question. With a broad range of a b i l i t i e s , i n terests and i n c l i n a t i o n s , s c r i p t s were developed to f a c i l i t a t e good presentations by a l l project members. Script or no s c r i p t , members usually modelled t h e i r own presentation on the s t y l e and content of senior members, and i t quickly became entrenched. This factor was more instrumental i n determining the presentations given by members than personal experimentation and research. Some members were very r i g i d about p a r t i c u l a r d e t a i l s , both i n terms of how they perceived the effectiveness of the presentation and accuracy of information. Sometime i n the mid 1980s, there was a s i g n i f i c a n t s h i f t i n the presentations changing from t h i r d person and past tense to f i r s t person. In the early days of the project, there was a pronounced separation of past and present, using phrases such as, "In those days, they would have...." and "How they made these...." The changing approach had influence beyond the s c r i p t e d presentations. A project member i n the l a t e 1980s c r i t i c i z e d studies of the F i r s t Nations i n the school curriculum, pointing out that they were taught i n the past tense. By the late 1980s, most of the members i d e n t i f i e d on a Page 164 personal l e v e l with the indigenous t r a d i t i o n s and made a point of using the f i r s t person. On many occasions when rewriting s c r i p t s , they would be asked i f they wanted to use the f i r s t person and t h e i r p o s i t i v e response was firm, mystified that another form of expression would be considered. A further refinement on t h i s approach gained approval i n 1989 which respected the i n t e g r i t y of s p e c i f i c groups and the actual personal heritage of in d i v i d u a l NYP members, re j e c t i n g the generalized f i r s t person usage for Northwest Coast cul t u r e . Presentations were adjusted for special groups and a va r i e t y of outreach sit u a t i o n s . For example, a hands on a c t i v i t y with cedar bark might be included for day camps. Returning from a presentation at a summer l i b r a r y programme f o r young children, where the members had featured Northwest Coast myths and s t o r i e s , the senior member reported that the new member had made a wonderful Tsonoqua (Wild Woman of the Woods), mimicking the sounds and motions of the creature. The s t a f f supervisor who accompanied them confessed that i t had brought tears to her eyes. The members developed s k i l l i n the presentations, but there remained an unresolved tension between the use of s c r i p t s to standardize the presentations, and the use of s c r i p t s as a study t o o l and presentation guide to be personalized by each project member. MOA s t a f f expected the l a t t e r , but i n practice, the former prevailed. Speaking s k i l l s developed beyond the scheduled public presentations. Project members were c a l l e d upon to greet and thank guests, and to make Page 165 formal and casual statements at events such as the fund r a i s i n g barbeques and conferences. The confidence and maturity shown on occasions such as these invariably impressed MOA s t a f f and the families and friends of the project members. " C r i t " was another conspicuous word i n the NYP vocabulary. Over the years, a practice evolved where everyone p a r t i c i p a t e d i n reviewing the i n d i v i d u a l presentations. Constructive c r i t i c i s m was stressed. The objective had two sides, provide feedback to members on t h e i r presentations and develop greater awareness i n members regarding public speaking q u a l i t i e s and techniques. Typical comments included, "You have to slow down. Some of your words are coming out too f a s t . " "You sounded a l i t t l e bored. Make an e f f o r t to sound interested." "Try not to read the s c r i p t . Refer to i t only when you have to." "Make i t a more personal thing." "You were standing nice and t a l l . " "Showing improvement. Good eye contact." "The plank i s bent, not bended." "Don't hide your face when you show the a r t i f a c t s . " This was c a r r i e d out i n a supportive climate with p o s i t i v e r e s u l t s . As one member reports, "As well, I learned to accept c r i t i c i s m i n a mature manner and learn from my mistakes" (Brass 1990:6). This technique contributed to the s p i r i t of teamwork. Presentations focussed the purpose of the project and established the routine. The presentation schedule attempted to d i s t r i b u t e the work load f a i r l y . A team e f f o r t was e s s e n t i a l and a sense of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y was evident. The two members Page 166 assigned to make a p a r t i c u l a r presentation snapped to attention about 15 minutes p r i o r to the scheduled s t a r t , often with assistance from other members. The a r t i f a c t t r o l l e y s , s l i d e s and s c r i p t were checked. One member usually volunteered to make the announcement over the museum public address system. Good morning, ladies and gentlemen. In 10 minutes the students of the Native Youth Project w i l l give an i l l u s t r a t e d lecture on Northwest Coast Indian Culture: T r a d i t i o n a l Uses of the Cedar Tree. This w i l l be held i n the Theatre Gallery of the museum at 12 o'clock. Thank you. Sometimes there were improvisations, intended or otherwise. The announcement was repeated at the 5 minute point and, i f the audience was too small, at the beginning of the presentation. In the Theatre Gallery, the sound system was turned on and tested, the screen was lowered, and the a r t i f a c t s were l a i d out. There was an a i r of authority and control about using the equipment and spaces i n the museum. L i t t l e adjustments frequently had to be made, an a r t i f a c t had been misplaced or a s l i d e would get stuck or the usual l i g h t s would not turn on. The members would quickly come to each others a i d . A l i t t l e episode i l l u s t r a t e d t h i s . On the guided totem pole walk, with representatives of the government funding agency present, a new member asked the audience i f anyone could i d e n t i f y an animal figure on a totem pole; no response. Another new member sensed the presenter's consternation and cheerfully suggested, "Bear." The presentation continued smoothly. For the project organizers, t h i s provided one of those heartwarming moments Page 167 i n d i c a t i n g concern and a b i l i t y i n the members. As i n any work s i t u a t i o n , there were swings of mood and enthusiasm, but the l a s t i n g impression for supervising s t a f f was one of pride and respect for the e f f o r t made by the project members. While the presentations could become very rehearsed and formal, the members displayed extemporaneous s k i l l during the question period drawing on personal experience and group discussion. A member explained the purpose of the NYP "to educate the public, to provide them with an outlet for asking questions" (personal communication). They used the audience questions and comments to gauge the success of t h e i r presentations. Describing the accomplishments of the summer, a member stated, "When somebody asks me a question or questions on Native culture, I am able to answer them with no h e s i t a t i o n and not f e e l i n g embarrassed" ( f i n a l report). Audience questions seemed to spur members on to learn more about F i r s t Nations issues and culture. "Sometimes people want to know..." prefaced suggestions for study subjects. They also experienced opinionated museum v i s i t o r s , but most learned to handle t h i s very graciously. These incidents provided the basis for much of the project humour. An example was the comment overheard when s e l l i n g r a f f l e t i c k e t s i n the museum, mother to son, "See the jewellery they used to wear." Or the v i s i t o r ' s comment about the canoe b a i l e r , "Wouldn't i t make a wonderful centrepiece." Or the t o u r i s t from B r i t a i n who refused to believe that contemporary Northwest Coast people didn't l i v e i n longhouses. Page 168 "She was a c t u a l l y t e l l i n g us that we l i v e there.... I a c t u a l l y don't run into very many rude people. You see more rude people on TV" (personal communication). Once, at an outreach presentation, a woman from the l o c a l band emphatically warned the group that they were dealing with dangerous things and e v i l s p i r i t s by describing Northwest Coast t r a d i t i o n s and handling the a r t i f a c t s . There was l i t t l e the members could say and they just l i s t e n e d q u i e t l y , l a t e r asking the project manager fo r explanations. Not only did the members generally serve as representatives for the F i r s t Nations, but increasingly they spoke from personal experience. A v i s i t o r imagining what i t would be l i k e to attend a potlatch received an animated des c r i p t i o n , concluding, "Really neat to watchl" Asked about S a l i s h potlatching, the v i s i t o r was passed on to a S a l i s h member of the group for more information. Summarizing the most frequently asked questions, the group reported, "Why was the potlatch banned?" "Where are the washrooms?" "How do you get to the Haida House?" and "Was cedar bark clothing itchy?" Along with answering questions, a f t e r presentations audiences were i n v i t e d to the front to handle the a r t i f a c t s . "Cedar" and "Potlatch" have the largest c o l l e c t i o n s and regularly 40% to 60% of the audience moved forward to ask questions and inspect the objects. This was a popular feature of the presentations i n the museum sett i n g where objects are under glass or protected with "Please Do Not Touch" signs. Page 169 D. FUND RAISING EVENTS AND ACTIVITIES The summer programmes for the NYP tended to be overly ambitious. The annual fund r a i s i n g salmon barbeque became a popular t r a d i t i o n , but i t disrupted the schedule of t r a i n i n g and presentations. The following comment shows not only the f r u s t r a t i o n with a f u l l schedule, but also the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f e l t by senior members for the progress of new members. This time l a s t year, we knew everything. And that's because t h i s summer we didn't have any time. We had to go up to Prince George, and we had the Naming Ceremony, and you know, we just didn't have enough time. There were too many things scheduled, we couldn't push them as much as we were pushed. [personal communication] In the l a t e r years, r a f f l e s were held i n conjunction with the barbeque, a combination which i n 1988 helped make the t r i p to Prince Rupert and the Queen Charlotte Islands possible. Carvers and printmakers from the F i r s t Nations supported the NYP over the years by i n s t r u c t i n g and a s s i s t i n g the members and by donating work for these r a f f l e s . This was an extension of the p o s i t i o n F i r s t Nations carvers had at MOA (see Chapter Four), and also r e f l e c t e d the personal contacts of the project managers. For the project members, the biggest problems they could i d e n t i f y on the morning following the barbeque i n 1988 were an unsuccessful salad, s t a r t i n g the salmon e a r l i e r (42 salmon had been barbequed), and keeping the reserved t i c k e t s i n order. The memories were more about the i n t e r e s t i n g t o u r i s t s from Spain who staged t h e i r pictures with project members. Handsome young men always received special attention. The Page 170 S p i r i t Song (the Native Indian Youth Advisory Society t h e a t r i c a l group) performance had gone well, e s p e c i a l l y since they had had only three weeks of rehearsal. But the project manager stressed to the group that i t a l l went well because everyone pitched i n , including the museum s t a f f . At least 25 experienced people had volunteered to make i t a successful occasion. The previous summer, the salmon barbeque had been combined with a Naming Ceremony. For the project members, t h i s meant many t r i p s to F i r s t Nations organizations to extend formal i n v i t a t i o n s as well as the usual d i s t r i b u t i o n of posters and f l y e r s . It also meant preparation of dozens of cedar bark head bands and a g i f t f o r the person receiving her "baby name." The event was i n s p i r i n g and successful. I t was held on the evening when MOA was open with free admission, and was well attended by the general p u b l i c . A v i s i t o r from Quebec, who attended by chance, was so moved that he offered a song. He was an accomplished singer, providing a memorable addition to the occasion. Co-hosting t h i s event was a p r a c t i c a l lesson i n the formalities of Northwest Coast ceremonial l i f e for the project members. Unfortunately, organizing these events l e f t l i t t l e time for research and t r a i n i n g . For a l l the extra work and inconvenience, the annual salmon barbegue did b u i l d group commitment and developed programme awareness and l o y a l t y from the larger community of the museum and project associates. It served as a time for f a m i l i e s of project members to share t h e i r museum experience. Most families of project members were very supportive. These events Page 171 provided many project s t o r i e s . E. STUDY TRIPS AND CONFERENCES The purpose for holding fund r a i s i n g events was to support study t r i p s to F i r s t Nations c u l t u r a l centres, community museums and the B r i t i s h Columbia P r o v i n c i a l Museum (Royal B r i t i s h Columbia Museum). For many project members, these t r i p s provided l a s t i n g memories. Went to places that I never thought of...Neah Bay, that museum there was, oh, just outstanding. Looking at 5000 year old nets, g i l l nets. It sort of l i k e sparked my imagination, you know, my roots...who am I?" [personal communication]. The importance was further expressed i n t h i s comment, " I t i s a l l words u n t i l you go out and meet the elders and carvers" (from an NYP group discussion). These were project a c t i v i t i e s which Brenda Taylor encouraged, and l a t e r project managers took a spe c i a l i n t e r e s t i n i t . However, the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r f i e l d t r i p s weighed heavily on MOA supervising s t a f f . Over the years, there were a variety of overnight study t r i p s . A couple were made to Neah Bay i n Washington and several to Vancouver Island, one included A l e r t Bay. There was a study t r i p to Prince Rupert and the Queen Charlotte Islands, with funding assistance from a F i r s t Nations organization and discounts from the a i r l i n e . Over the years, there were several workshops at conferences held i n Vancouver, and the group t r a v e l l e d to Port Townsend, Washington i n 1988 and i n 1989 to St. Johns, Newfoundland with a stopover at the Royal Ontario Museum i n Toronto to attend conferences and Page 172 make presentations. Each study t r i p was d i f f e r e n t . The schedule of presentations was expanded as opportunities arose. The balance between free time and planned a c t i v i t i e s was d e l i c a t e and a continuing topic of concern for the members. Most of the project members were very gregarious, quickly gaining attention, es p e c i a l l y i n small towns. For example, a f t e r s t r i k i n g up a conversation with two young skateboarders at the i c e cream parlor one evening, they showed up for the presentations at the l o c a l museum the next afternoon. Later the e n t i r e group ended up touring the seiner belonging to the father of one of the boys. On f i e l d t r i p s , when the group would l i v e and work i n close proximity for several days, patience and consideration was reguired on everyone's part — choice of food, choice and volume of music, choice of a c t i v i t i e s . Some members complained about curfews and other r e s t r i c t i o n s , and there were d e f i n i t e mood swings i n the group. Generally, however, the members r e a l i z e d they represented MOA and conducted themselves accordingly. Doing a good job was important to the members. Recommendations from members following one study t r i p included: 1. proper packing materials for the Touchable C o l l e c t i o n , 2. more hot dogs and marshmallows, 3. scheduling i n practice time, 4. maintaining a good balance between recreation and work avoiding study questions i n the van, and 5. more p u b l i c i t y information provided to host organizations including posters and brochures (from NYP group discussion). Reciprocally, the NYP has hosted groups at the museum from F i r s t Nations c u l t u r a l Page 173 centres and organizations. The members spoke p o s i t i v e l y about these exchanges. In 1987, the project manager made arrangements for the group to attend the United Native Nations (UNN) Annual General Assembly i n Prince George. The project manager was unable to make the t r i p , so I accompanied the f i v e project members. We t r a v e l l e d on the UNN chartered bus from Vancouver, and the a r t i f a c t s were transportated i n a UNN supply truck. The assembly was held on the grounds of a boarding school. For four days, the thousand plus delegates were housed at the school, primarily i n tents, and fed i n the school c a f e t e r i a . Months l a t e r , when asked about t h e i r most outstanding memory of a presentation, the group answered quickly and i n unison, "Prince George." The cedar and potlatch presentations were combined and modified, c a r e f u l l y selecting and packing a r t i f a c t s for the t r i p . For two of the members, i t was the f i r s t time they were to make public presentations. Teamwork and group support on occasions l i k e t h i s were very important. Setting up for outreach presentations always required some ingenuity. On t h i s occasion, s l i d e s were used for the introduction, but the assigned room had a large skylight. Soon a couple of members had rounded up help, climbing onto the roof to put a t a r p a u l i n over the skylight. As the project members gave more thought to the presentation, i t became less routine. They would be describing F i r s t Nations t r a d i t i o n s to dedicated members of the F i r s t Nations. During rehearsals i n the afternoon, one of the Page 174 new members had a severe attack of stage f r i g h t . The senior members went to work relaxing her and building up her confidence. She did a fine job of her part of the presentation. The senior member following her mentioned that i t had been her f i r s t public presentation, and the new member received a gracious, warm round of applause. She absolutely glowed. The audience response made t h i s presentation very memorable for the project members. After we did the programmes, people were coming up and saying, "Oh, I remember my grandfather doing that, my grandmother doing t h i s . " "Oh, I remember t h i s , but I never knew what i t was used fo r . " [personal communication] The members basked i n compliments, a l l the more s i g n i f i c a n t because they came from people of the F i r s t Nations. The next day, the members placed i n v i t a t i o n s to the Naming Ceremony and barbeque on the tables i n the assembly h a l l . At t h i s point, a very disconcerting controversy erupted. A couple of UNN members took exception to a private ceremony being held i n a public, non-Native museum, and further, being used as a fund r a i s i n g event. One of those putting forward a complaint from the f l o o r of the assembly was a lawyer from the same band as the family that was hosting the Naming Ceremony. The project members were stunned. The i n v i t a t i o n for the NYP p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the UNN meetings had been extended through the president and v i c e -president who came to the assistance of the project members. The vice-president immediately met with the project members to discuss the s i t u a t i o n and possible options. Acting as mediator, Page 175 the vice-president arranged a meeting between the offended UNN members and the NYP members. After a very frank discussion between urban teenagers and prominent F i r s t Nations representatives, a truce was reached, more or less agreeing to disagree about the appropriateness of holding a Naming Ceremony i n a public museum. It had been c l a r i f i e d that the barbeque was the fund r a i s e r and not the Naming Ceremony. Following the meeting, the project members gathered as much to console one another as to t r y to make sense of what was happening. The emotional swing from the e l a t i o n of the successful presentation the previous day to the devastation of the controversy was consuming. One of the senior project members decided that he would have to give a public response from the f l o o r of the assembly. Solemnly the group moved back to the h a l l , and a message was sent up to the presiding o f f i c e r requesting permission to speak to the assembly. Less than a half an hour l a t e r , before the assembly recessed for lunch, the project member was recognized. His statement was b r i e f and to the point, apologizing for having offended anyone, but defending the i n t e g r i t y of the event and reissuing an i n v i t a t i o n to a l l . A c o l l e c t i o n was taken as had been arranged by the project manager which was duly presented at the Naming Ceremony a couple of weeks l a t e r by UNN o f f i c i a l s . Immediately upon hearing about the controversy, the host of the Naming Ceremony sent a p o l i t e but firm l e t t e r of explanation to the offended band member, statin g that a family had the r i g h t to hold a naming ceremony at Page 176 a place of t h e i r own choosing, f u l l y expecting a proper apology i n return for the embarrassing episode his action had caused. F. SENIOR MEMBERS Nineteen of the f i f t y nine high school students who have pa r t i c i p a t e d i n the project have returned for two or more years. There were a variety of reasons why nearly two t h i r d s d i d not continue. A few didn't make i t through the r i g o r s of a f u l l summer t r a i n i n g . Only three members dropped out during t h e i r i n i t i a l t r a i n i n g year, and one returned to successfully complete the t r a i n i n g a couple of years l a t e r . Others barely made i t through. Interest, aptitude and commitment a l l took t h e i r t o l l . I t was often surprising which new members accepted the challenge and thrived on the teamwork, and which ones didn't. Perhaps one out of every eight members could be considered f a i l u r e s i n terms of the programme objectives as t h e i r personal problems overwhelmed the p o s s i b i l i t i e s provided by the project. This was sad to watch, for other members and management. The group in v a r i a b l y offered support. An i l l u s t r a t i o n of mixed r e s u l t s can be seen i n the area of substance abuse. While one new member returned to dependency, another refrained and persevered with the project successfully. Other personal problems included family traumas, chronic l i s t l e s s n e s s or hyperactivity, or egocentric tendencies. The majority of members served successful for one season and moved on to new endeavours. After 1982, the maximum term of membership was set at two Page 177 years based on observations by the project manager that t h i r d year members were e a s i l y bored when reviewing information and made t h e i r presentations i n a rote and often le t h a r g i c manner. A two year term remained the po l i c y which was set aside only when none of the new members were w i l l i n g or able to continue for a second year i n the project. By the mid 1980s, even the returning project members had to go through a l l the ap p l i c a t i o n procedures, facing questions such as, "What do you expect to accomplish t h i s year?" They also were encouraged to give advice based on t h e i r experience the previous year. Returning project members played an important role i n the organization. They assumed an honoured position of "senior" members with a sense of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , although t h i s was b a s i c a l l y an informal arrangement. Senior members assisted i n setting up and preparing materials for guests or workshops. Often they coached new members i n d i v i d u a l l y and conducted demonstrations for the group. A potlatch presentation t r a i n i n g session serves as an example. Taking over an hour, the senior members went through the presentation step by step for the new members, embellishing as they went along based on personal experiences and favourite s t o r i e s about the a r t i f a c t s . An important part of the potlatch presentation was demonstrating the masks, referred to by the members as "modelling." In t h i s p a r t i c u l a r t r a i n i n g session, the senior members f e l t a new member was not paying attention and t o l d her to "wake up." At another point, a senior member showed anger when he thought a new member was making fun of his Page 178 s t y l e . Far more c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the re l a t i o n s h i p between senior members and new members was awe and mimicry. Communication between members had a teenage flavour, such as when the movement of the Bukwas mask was likened to Stevie Wonder. Organizers of the project f e l t under pressure to provide new learning experiences for senior members. About the t h i r d week int o the summer programme, a meeting would usually be held with senior members to prepare a schedule for them, attempting to draw on t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l interests and the needs of the project. One summer, a senior member active i n the Kwakiutl community planned to contribute information about contemporary potlatching, and another senior member was interested i n upgrading the f i s h i n g presentation. Work started with the best of intentions, but i n the end, neither of the s c r i p t s was ac t u a l l y revised i n any way. Independent work tended to be l e f t i n an exasperatingly incomplete state. Various fund r a i s i n g ideas were suggested by members over the years, such as producing cedar bark pieces for sale i n the museum g i f t shop. This was never t r i e d . During the early years of the project, a contract from the F i e l d Museum i n Chicago was accepted to make touchable cedar bark pieces for t h e i r education programmes. Prodding the senior students to complete t h i s work went on f o r months, which was f i n a l l y done the following summer during the t r a i n i n g programme. That summer, a pectin s h e l l r a t t l e was commissioned for the education programme at the Vancouver Page 179 Museum. However, use of these r a t t l e s i n presentations was discontinued at the request of Sa l i s h elders, out of respect f o r the sacred nature of t h e i r use. Much of what senior members contributed to the project and the kind of r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s they assumed were related to l e v e l of maturity. Expectations were high. A favourable assessment of a project manager by a member read, "He always kept us on track and also pushed" (NYP student a p p l i c a t i o n ) . Throughout, there were reminders that the members were indeed teenagers. The most welcomed counterpoint to any problem was watching the development of gracious and confident young people, competently and r e l i a b l y handling project routines and presentations i n the museum and i n diverse outreach s i t u a t i o n s . The senior members provided the model and the intimate guidance for the new members. G. AFTER THE NATIVE YOUTH PROJECT This case study of the NYP has concentrated on the programme's or i g i n s , development and operating structure. There i s only l i m i t e d information about the members a f t e r they l e f t the project to address conventional questions about programme outcomes. Methodological problems i n formulating conclusive observations about programme ef f e c t s have been discussed i n Chapter Two. There are, nonetheless, some indicators about the impact of the NYP on the l i v e s of the project members. Most project members seem to have proceeded without a dramatically al t e r e d course. Perhaps i t should simply be said that the Page 180 project helped keep most of the members on course during t h e i r teenage years, providing a support group, encouraging a broader perspective, r e i n f o r c i n g p o s i t i v e s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l values, and introducing new options. There was evidence of an awakened c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y i n most members. Following the summer programme, a new member arranged to v i s i t her grandmother, a t r i p she had never i n i t i a t e d before. She had vague memories of family s t o r i e s and now she wanted to know more. Another member matter of f a c t l y described how she l i v e d on a reserve much of her l i f e , but knew l i t t l e about t r a d i t i o n a l ways. Now she could t a l k with her father, a prominent member of the band, and learn more from him. A v i s i t i n g UBC law student of F i r s t Nations ancestry who heard t h i s explanation remarked a couple of times during the afternoon how moved she was to see the project members proud and confident about t h e i r heritage. But the NYP could not overcome deep seeded s o c i a l problems. There were signs of f r u s t r a t i o n and alienation present i n some members, the ultimate case being the suicide of a senior member several years a f t e r leaving the project. She had worked hard i n the NYP, taking on additional r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s , and would have been considered a model member. Past members, p a r t i c u l a r l y senior members, can be emphatic about the e f f e c t s of p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the project. The more I stayed here and worked, the more I learned, the more I changed. I was considered mature when I came here, and I matured even more. Now I have an idea about what to do. I want to go to university now. Take anthropology... [personal communication] Page 181 This member selected high school courses so he could meet college entrance requirements. "Plus, I f i n d that I have better grades now. I got three A's my l a s t term. My only weak spot i s algebra" (Ibid.). On several occasions, t h i s member ref e r r e d to the project as having "saved" him, an expression used i n conversations by a couple of other members as well . Undoubtedly, the project opened a d i f f e r e n t world to him which he thoroughly enjoyed, although he had noted on his o r i g i n a l a p p l i c a t i o n that he expected to attend college. The NYP i n t h i s case provided an opportunity for r e a l i z i n g some of his p o t e n t i a l . At least four members have gone on to college, one majoring i n anthropology. He received a fellowship to study at the Smithsonian Ins t i t u t e i n Washington, D.C. Four or f i v e project members have worked on other NIYAS programmes, such as S p i r i t Song and the youth conferences. For a couple of winters, a sp e c i a l outreach programme for elementary schools was conducted through MOA using members of the NYP. An i n t e r p r e t a t i o n programme at the new Canadian Museum of C i v i l i z a t i o n (CMC) was developed by an NYP project manager and s t a f f were recruited from senior members for a couple of summers. These are tangible r e s u l t s of p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the NYP. An i n d i c a t i o n of the impact of the project, at l e a s t f o r one person, was a university essay c r i t i q u i n g the project (Brass 1990). This was written by the former member majoring anthropology, who also supervised the CMC project one summer and Page 182 received the Smithsonian fellowship. His primary concern, expressed i n t h i s c r i t i q u e , i s to r e d i r e c t the project from a public service programme at MOA to "empowerment" for the F i r s t Nations students. C a l l i n g on museums to e f f e c t i v e l y perform t h e i r duty as " s o c i e t a l educators," he wants to challenge the apathy he experienced i n university classrooms and society generally. He c r i t i c i z e s Rowan for the "consistent, free, and u n c r i t i c a l use of the ambiguous t i t l e 'Indians'" (Ibid.:14) which was used i n developing a generalized c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y i n the programme treatment. Like Taylor (see Chapter F i v e ) , he wants to confront discrimination and racism, but he wants to go beyond an abstract pride to b u i l d an active commitment to the F i r s t Nations based on personal heritage, relevant hi s t o r y and penetrating s o c i a l commentary. More intense demands were being made on the role of c u l t u r a l brokerage at MOA. One winter a lengthy exchange of notes took place between project members, posting messages on the wall of the project o f f i c e . The messages from active and past members tended to be somewhat sentimental, "don't forget me," "please c a l l . " This unsigned, open l e t t e r seems to be an appropriate conclusion to the chapter on NYP members. Memories of a not so distant past f i l l s t h i s shallow soul. Remembering the long beaches, the crashing sea. People coming together, to work as one. More than just co-workers, we were a l l changed by each other. Grown wiser and mature we leave each other as other goals beckon us. This i s of course us...the Native Youth Project. Remember the good times, cherish the friendships. Page 183 I s h a l l always remember everyone, everything and the feelings that dwelled within me. Thank you for a l l your understanding and friendship...I'11 remember a l l of you. The NYP had demonstrated some effectiveness i n getting teenagers to responsibly handle creditable public presentations i n a sophisticated museum. In the process, the NYP exposed members to a wide range of associated a c t i v i t i e s , events and i n d i v i d u a l s . This experience appears to have had a personal impact on the l i v e s of many of the project members. Thus far i n t h i s case study, roots of the NYP have been i d e n t i f i e d i n the organizational culture at MOA and i n the e f f o r t s of the F i r s t Nations to address contemporary education problems. The formation and structure of the programme have been described i n work of the or i g i n a t i n g curator Madeline Rowan. The operating routines and d i s c i p l i n e i n the programme were outlined i n the discussion of the project managers who, as members of the F i r s t Nations, served as community contacts and redirected the NYP following the resignation of Rowan from the project i n 1986. And t h i s chapter presented the membership cy c l e . Each of these stakeholders had been motivated to some extent by concerns and expectations involving cross c u l t u r a l understanding and planning, and each received some s a t i s f a c t i o n i n the r e a l i z a t i o n of the NYP. The next chapter considers the s e t t i n g within which the programme was conducted (the i n s t i t u t i o n a l base for c u l t u r a l brokerage) analyzing the resources and support system that made the project possible. Page 184 IX. MOA STAFF AND PROJECT RESOURCES The investment required to sustain the Native Youth Project was hidden for the most part. The Native Indian Youth Advisory Society (NIYAS) contributed influence to secure the government summer work/study grant, but t h i s funding covered only the wages of the students with a small t r a i n i n g budget, and not the cost of developing and maintaining the project. This chapter considers the i n s t i t u t i o n a l base that supported the project, analyzing the contribution made by the museum. Much has already been presented about MOA i n the preceeding chapters. In the la t e 1940s, Harry and Audrey Hawthorn established the museum as a centre for the study of Northwest Coast material culture with the active p a r t i c i p a t i o n of F i r s t Nations elders and carvers. Harry Hawthorn i n s t i l l e d an attitude of "Useful Anthropology" which had a broad d e f i n i t i o n encouraging research to a s s i s t minority groups i n t h e i r struggle for a meaningful place i n Canadian society. In 1976, the museum was relocated to a buil d i n g s p e c i f i c a l l y designed to display the massive Northwest Coast sculptures as works of art and to house the c o l l e c t i o n s i n " v i s i b l e storage" g a l l e r i e s making the materials and rela t e d data available to scholars and general public a l i k e . The s t a f f at MOA explored new ideas about the inter p r e t a t i o n of c o l l e c t i o n s attempting to treat v i s i t o r s as students rather than spectators. MOA gained a respected international reputation and became a regional landmark. The organizational mission of MOA has four component parts. Page 185 1. MOA i s an academic unit of the University of B r i t i s h Columbia engaged i n teaching, research and experimentation. 2. MOA i s an anthropology i n s t i t u t i o n "with a commitment to learn the point of view of others and, i n doing so, promoting respect for the differences between cultures" (MOA Report on A c t i v i t i e s , August 1986). 3. MOA i s a professional museum maintaining appropriate standards i n the c o l l e c t i o n , preservation and display of c u l t u r a l objects. 4. MOA i s a public service i n s t i t u t i o n "with an o b l i g a t i o n to share scholarly knowledge" (Ibid.). The o f f i c i a l mission i s summarized i n the preamble to the MOA "Professional Guidelines." Purpose of the Museum of Anthropology The UBC Museum of Anthropology from i t s inception i n 1947 set as i t s goals the development of useful c o l l e c t i o n s so as to promote research, the t r a i n i n g of students, public education, and i n t e r e s t . As an anthropology museum i t has always been concerned with the study and portrayal of human achievements from around the world as a means of furthering understanding of other cultures. As a museum based i n B r i t i s h Columbia i t has always a c t i v e l y p a r t i c i p a t e d i n the preservation of t r a d i t i o n a l B.C. Indian heritage, i n the promotion of contemporary Indian arts and c r a f t s , and i n the interpretation of the d i f f e r e n t cultures represented i n the B.C. population. As a university museum i t has always been committed to combining research, teaching, and experimentation with public service. [MOA Professional Guidelines, August 1982] A b r i e f description of MOA and review of a c t i v i t i e s for the year ending March 31, 1987 i s offered to put the NYP into perspective. MOA i s a r e l a t i v e l y small museum with a f u l l - t i m e s t a f f of less than twenty including s i x j o i n t appointments with the UBC Department of Anthropology and Sociology. In addition, there are part-time student employees, research associates, Page 186 interns (28 i n 1986 plus 17 volunteer student i n t e r n s ) , various grant programmes including the NYP, Volunteer Associates (72 i n 1986 contributing 7,439 hours) and Shop Volunteers (20 i n 1986 contributing 3,985 hours), and, of course, other u n i v e r s i t y students. Thirteen courses were taught by the MOA d i r e c t o r and s t a f f during the year ending i n March 1987, with an ad d i t i o n a l 22 anthropology courses and 17 other UBC department courses using MOA f a c i l i t i e s . There were 17 students using the c o l l e c t i o n s for t h e i r research, and other students working on independent academic studies with the MOA di r e c t o r and s t a f f . Six other colleges used MOA f a c i l i t i e s that year. MOA s t a f f , as usual, were c a l l e d on extensively to provide a v a r i e t y of professional services to other i n s t i t u t i o n s . MOA o f f e r s school programmes. In 1986, nine d i f f e r e n t programmes were av a i l a b l e which served 411 groups for a t o t a l attendance of 11,890. Education k i t s were c i r c u l a t e d i n schools. Public programming at MOA included lecture series, Sunday programmes and sp e c i a l events, plus receptions, exhibit openings and barbegues. During the year, there had been ten temporary exhibits and three student exhibits, along with completion of some contract work for EXPO 86. In the year ending March 1987, attendance at MOA was 161,558, up 52% from the previous year due to EXPO 86. Security, custodial services and maintenance at MOA are provided and administrated through the university system. In 1986, there were grant programmes at MOA t o t a l i n g just under $250,000. The NYP received $15,516 for the summer t r a i n i n g programme from Page 187 Challenge 86, Employment and Immigration Canada, and $1,160 for the winter programme from the Secretary of State. In other words, NYP represented less than 7% of the programme funding received i n 1986. Other programmes that year also served the F i r s t Nations, such as the Correctional Services Outreach and the Vancouver Indian History Project. This was a f a i r l y t y p i c a l year, the one anomaly being increased g a l l e r y attendance due to EXPO 86. MOA i s a public i n s t i t u t i o n dedicated to advancing knowledge with more diverse audiences than would normally be expected for a university museum. A. PROJECT ADMINISTRATION Rowan enjoyed a great deal of autonomy i n developing and managing the NYP. In the mid 1970s, Michael Ames was appointed d i r e c t o r of MOA, succeeding Harry Hawthorn. As an undergraduate at UBC, Ames had participated on the research teams organized by Harry Hawthorn, and he had worked i n the museum laboratories under Audrey Hawthorn. Ames' administrative s t y l e had a d i r e c t impact on the development of the NYP. Curators, s t a f f and even students at the museum were given the freedom to pursue t h e i r own i n t e r e s t s i n consultation with the d i r e c t o r . MOA s t a f f a c t i v e l y sought funding for a wide variety of projects which operated f a i r l y independently. Because the s t a f f i s small, everyone could attend weekly s t a f f meetings where information was shared and schedules coordinated. In most cases, a balance was struck between group approval and support for the various Page 188 undertakings, and autonomous project development. Standards, nonetheless, were maintained, enforced by professional consensus and a mutual recognition of i n d i v i d u a l areas of expertise, with the overriding authority of the d i r e c t o r . Those i n i t i a t i n g and running special projects were answerable to the d i r e c t o r regarding the f e a s i b i l i t y and the impact of t h e i r work. This authority was recognized even by the members of the NYP who would make inquires about whether or not the d i r e c t o r would read t h e i r f i n a l reports. Rowan was the administrator for the NYP, working with the cooperation and assistance of MOA s t a f f . Her approach to t h i s r e s p o n s i b i l i t y was characterized more by missionary zeal than by p r a c t i c a l organizational s k i l l . The e f f e c t of t h i s was apparent i n the development of the programme structure and treatments (see Chapter S i x ) , and i n the r e l a t i o n s h i p s with the various stakeholders. When Rowan resigned from UBC i n late 1986, the NYP was not taken over by another curator. Project supervision passed to MOA administrative s t a f f . As a university museum, MOA a t t r a c t s highly q u a l i f i e d s t a f f . The programme assistant, i n cooperation with the administrative assistant, assumed r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for the NYP. Both have degrees i n anthropology with museum t r a i n i n g , and the programme assistant has a professional degree i n education. The NYP had become a regular feature of MOA public services. Early i n the project, Rowan fought vigorously to r a l l y support for the NYP within MOA. Each year questions of funding Page 189 and l o g i s t i c s made i t seem unlikely that the project would continue, and each year the problems would be resolved or otherwise set aside. A memorandum exchange between Ames and Rowan i n the f a l l of 1984 i s representative. Rowan asked that the museum supplement the wages of the project manager. If t h i s was not possible, the current project manager would have to seek more l u c r a t i v e employment. Rowan contined, "...and I, a f t e r t r a i n i n g her thus f a r , would f e e l t e r r i b l y burdened to t r a i n another new person next summer" (NYP Records, memorandum dated 17 October 1984; emphasis i n o r i g i n a l ) . Ames r e p l i e d : Why does not the government agency, which funds NYP, fund i t adequately? If i t does not, why should we continue with the project? Nickeling and diming our projects i s very exhausting for everyone.... Also, I sympathise with the task of having to t r a i n someone every year. But we are a t r a i n i n g i n s t i t u t i o n , and should therefore assume that much of our time w i l l be spent t r a i n i n g people. [NYP Records, memorandum dated 19 October 1984; emphasis i n o r i g i n a l ] An administrative strategy to provide reasonable employment f o r uni v e r s i t y students was arranged by combining positions. For example, one winter funding and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s for outreach presentations i n elementary schools was combined with supervision of Sunday NYP presentations to create adequate part-time employment for the project manager. In 1988, project manager and F i r s t Nations l i a i s o n were combined, an arrangement which benefited both positions. Over the years, funding remained the biggest administrative concern. Programme content and organizational structure were treated as a subset, areas of development for Rowan to resolve as part of her c u r a t o r i a l Page 190 experiment. Only a f t e r Rowan's departure from the project were philosophical and treatment issues openly s c r u t i n i z e d i n terms of MOA p r i o r i t i e s and evolving s e n s i b i l i t i e s . Basic funding for the NYP came from employment i n i t i a t i v e grants which covered wages for members, part of the wages of the project manager, and a lim i t e d budget for t r a i n i n g expenses. Funding for the winter programme from the Secretary of State or foundations also covered only basic wages of project members and manager. Additional funds were required for study t r i p s and many other expenses. Corporate sponsorships were considered, and one summer early i n the project history, when programme su r v i v a l was threatened, funding from Labatt Breweries was accepted. Upon further consideration, MOA and NIYAS representatives decided t h i s was an inappropriate funding source, and only small donations for the summer study t r i p s were sought from the private sector a f t e r t h i s experience. Much of the project overhead for f a c i l i t i e s and services was simply absorbed into the general MOA operating budget. In the l a t e 1980s, MOA administrative s t a f f organized a substantial endowment fund for work with F i r s t Nations youth and educational programmes. Funding for the NYP could be requested from t h i s endowment fund. In 1989, funds were allocated from t h i s source to revise the presentation s c r i p t and purchase addi t i o n a l objects for the Touchable C o l l e c t i o n to upgrade the f i s h i n g presentation. This was prompted by an i n v i t a t i o n to the NYP from Interpretation Canada to make a special presentation at Page 191 t h e i r national conference i n St. John's Newfoundland. The endowment fund serves as evidence of the museum's continuing commitment to programming for young people. The NYP gradually was accepted by MOA s t a f f as a regular part of the museum's programming. The project advanced to some degree the p o l i c y to involve the F i r s t Nations i n the interpretation of the c o l l e c t i o n s . The s t y l e of presentation used i n the NYP was consistent with a trend encouraging performance i n museums to contribute v i t a l i t y . The project members proved to be good ambassadors for MOA, a f f e c t i o n a t e l y referred to as "the t r a v e l l i n g road show." However, t h i s acceptance of the NYP within MOA was not based on c r i t i c a l review. The NYP had simply become a t r a d i t i o n at MOA. B. THE MUSEUM SUPPORT SYSTEM Even though MOA i s r e l a t i v e l y small without r i g i d departmentalization, there are several d i s t i n c t groups within the organization. There are curators, administrative and te c h n i c a l s t a f f , students and volunteers. There are also a v a r i e t y of individuals who work on contracts or s p e c i a l grants through MOA, including F i r s t Nations carvers. The intimate scale of MOA allowed the participants i n the NYP to i n t e r a c t with a l l of these groups. Their professional expertise and assistance was not only available to the NYP, but e s s e n t i a l to the project operation. MOA s t a f f p a r t i c i p a t e d i n the orie n t a t i o n and t r a i n i n g of the project members and manager. Page 192 Professional guidance was present i n subtle and d i r e c t ways to maintain MOA standards. Staff regularly made observations, and offered constructive c r i t i c i s m and advice. On the other hand, NYP supervisors expressed doubt that most MOA s t a f f would even notice i f the project were discontinued. While MOA s t a f f w i l l i n g l y contributed t h e i r expertise to the project, the NYP did not d i r e c t l y a s s i s t them i n f u l f i l l i n g t h e i r own r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . The NYP was part of the community service provided by MOA. Professional s t a f f at MOA worked with many programmes for the F i r s t Nations. By the la t e 1980s, archaeology excavations were organized with the l o c a l bands, including interpretation programmes. MOA s t a f f a ssisted the Musqueam band with several projects, including a t r a i n i n g programme i n preparation for the eventual establishment t h e i r own c u l t u r a l centre with a c o l l e c t i o n . Internship programmes, conferences and lecture series are regularly organized with the F i r s t Nations. An NYP supervisor points out that s t a f f were better prepared to coordinate these programmes because of the intense experience with the NYP (Fenger interview, A p r i l 1990). Overall, the NYP was part of a longstanding pattern of programming with the F i r s t Nations at MOA. A p r o f i l e of the operational support used by the NYP describes the significance of locating the project i n an anthropology museum. The i n s t i t u t i o n a l base that MOA provided for the NYP started with administrative support. Afte r the few years, funding applications and budgets were e s s e n t i a l l y Page 193 prepared by MOA administrative s t a f f even when the processing took place through NIYAS. Bookkeeping including p a y r o l l was transferred to MOA i n 1983 and handled through the u n i v e r s i t y system. In 1989, bookkeeping reverted to NIYAS due to funding s t i p u l a t i o n s but was done with assistance from MOA s t a f f . MOA was responsible for funding the winter programme, any supporting grants for university student assistants, and other fund r a i s i n g e f f o r t s such the barbeques, r a f f l e s and private sector sponsorships and donations. In addition to f i n a n c i a l services, MOA provided the f u l l range of project operational requirements for the NYP including receptionist, secretary, the physical space and f a c i l i t i e s , equipment and supplies. MOA administrative s t a f f over the years f i l l e d i n when Rowan took leaves of absence. The very f i r s t year of the project, the extension curator stepped i n as supervisor with the bulk of the actual work with the NYP members being handled by the secretary based on her t r a i n i n g as a classroom teacher. None of the administrative costs, including the c u r a t o r i a l and organizational planning done by Rowan, were charged to the NYP. There were other professional services available at MOA. MOA s t a f f i n the ethnology and archaeology labs, the archives and the conservation lab a l l contributed to the t r a i n i n g , development and maintenance of the NYP programme. Technical support was u t i l i z e d for audio-visual equipment and sp e c i a l requirements, such as tools for working with cedar. Public programming assistance was necessary for the fund r a i s i n g Page 194 barbeques and special events such as the Naming Ceremony. MOA public r e l a t i o n s coordinated promotion of the project, presentations and special events. Even graphics assistance was a v a i l a b l e . For example, project signage for the lobby prepared by NYP members was found unacceptable by the MOA designer. Assistance was then offered to the group to solve the problem with the appropriate qu a l i t y . The project members sometimes questioned these procedures, but i t became part of the t r a i n i n g process. None of t h i s professional time was charged to the project. In addition to support from permanent s t a f f , the NYP received useful assistance from a variety of i n d i v i d u a l s who held temporary jobs or had other contractual arrangements with the museum. In the early 1980s, summer research grants for anthropology students working at MOA were s p e c i f i c a l l y written to include assistance i n developing and supervising the NYP. In 1982, a summer intern from Ontario was assigned to the project f o r 14 hours a week. She worked on assembling background material for the cedar presentation, a necessary task at that time because Stewart's book on cedar had not yet been published. As the intern became fa m i l i a r with the project, she decided that the members would benefit from preparing personal genealogies. This e f f o r t proved disappointing, but her supportive presence during the summer was important to the operation and development of the project. More t y p i c a l l y , summer interns assisted with s p e c i f i c tasks. For example, conservation interns helped Page 195 members reorganize and repair a r t i f a c t s i n the Touchable C o l l e c t i o n . Summer interns i n public programming and public r e l a t i o n s assisted i n organizing the annual fund r a i s i n g barbeque. Special programmes taking place at the museum often provide opportunities for the NYP. In 1982, project members pa r t i c i p a t e d i n the videotaping of carvers using t r a d i t i o n a l t o o l s . As a r e c i p r o c a l gesture, the video production crew recorded the NYP presentations which proved to be a valuable study t o o l . The NYP had some int e r a c t i o n with the volunteer programmes at MOA. The Museum Shop Volunteers provided books for the NYP l i b r a r y and r a f f l e prizes. The Volunteer Associates were regular supporters of the salmon barbeques, some making additi o n a l donations for the NYP study t r i p s . But there was also a point of c o n f l i c t between volunteers and project members. The Touchable C o l l e c t i o n was used by both the volunteer school programmes and the NYP. Each group was highly c r i t i c a l of how the other maintained the a r t i f a c t s and the storage t r o l l e y s . Some volunteers went further, expressing disapproval of the NYP presentations, convinced the approach, qua l i t y and consistency of t h e i r own educational programmes were superior. Project managers were informed about the need to maintain good working r e l a t i o n s with the volunteers. Generally, however, the a t t i t u d e and commitment of those attracted to work at MOA can be characterized as pitching i n when needed. This was repeatedly demonstrated with the NYP. As a trend, i n i t i a l assumptions that project participants would work independently proved unfounded, Page 196 and MOA s t a f f and associate support grew. Continuing a policy i n i t i a t e d by the Hawthorns, carvers often have work i n progress at the museum. MOA has come to serve as a contact point i n a F i r s t Nations network, p a r t i c u l a r l y for a r t i s t s . Carvers would explain t h e i r work to the NYP, and the group would informally follow the process through the summer. The carvers were usually a t t r a c t i v e and engaging, gaining the admiration of the group. In addition to serving as role models, they i n s t i l l e d a firsthand appreciation for craftsmanship, e s p e c i a l l y i n the making and using of t o o l s . In 1988-89, MOA managed a project to construct and i n s t a l l s i x t r a d i t i o n a l Northwest Coast cedar houses i n the Grand H a l l of the new Canadian Museum of C i v i l i z a t i o n i n H u l l . The NYP was given a thorough explanation of the work by the project coordinator and then they tracked the progress with i n t e r e s t . Some carvers have had special areas of experience and expertise. One described Northwest Coast canoes to the NYP based on his carving experience and canoe projects. Another explained Northwest Coast representations and craftmanship i n the context of F i r s t Nations ceremonialism. Yet another carver took an in t e r e s t i n NYP practices, meeting with project s t a f f to discuss a wide range of operational d e t a i l s . Carvers have also supported the NYP by donating r a f f l e p r i z e s . In addition to carvers, the NYP interacted with a variety of special internships and t r a i n i n g programmes at MOA organized i n conjunction with F i r s t Nations groups. Page 197 Two themes emerge from a consideration of the support system supplied by MOA. F i r s t , MOA served as a meeting ground where contacts and work with the F i r s t Nations could f l o u r i s h . MOA provided support and resources for exploration of the arts and t r a d i t i o n s of the Northwest Coast. And second, MOA provided an i n s t i t u t i o n a l base for independent projects, contributing extensive administrative and professional services for the NYP. The investment required to sustain the NYP was s u b s t a n t i a l . Was a l l t h i s support system necessary to sustain the NYP? Perhaps the f u l l complement was not necessary, but the NYP as a s p e c i f i c case i n point would not have developed without i t . C. CHANGING ATTITUDES TOWARD CULTURAL BROKERAGE The support rendered the NYP at MOA was buoyed by a l a r g e l y unstated p o l i c y and a cohesive organizational culture. The mission of MOA, and the associated organizational culture, had evolved under the guidance of the Hawthorns as described i n Chapter Four. Under the leadership of Ames, as MOA d i r e c t o r , i t was further modified and a r t i c u l a t e d . Connecting threads t i e d the t r a n s i t i o n s together. The enterprise of ethnography with an emic approach remained c e n t r a l , even though s e n s i b i l i t i e s changed about c u l t u r a l authority. The s p i r i t of c u l t u r a l brokerage was strong, respecting and bridging group di f f e r e n c e s . However, the nature of advocacy was being adjusted from what was subsequently seen to be a r e l a t i v e l y " p a t e r n a l i s t i c " representation to a perspective of collaborative consultation. Page 198 The d i a l e c t i c of assimilation and c u l t u r a l conservation, homogenization and c u l t u r a l emergence, had been set aside. C u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y was understood more as an i n d i v i d u a l problem. The organizational culture at MOA was secured with an overriding p r a c t i c a l and empirical orientation. In his work as d i r e c t o r and professor, Ames (1979) promoted a r e f l e x i v e approach to the study of anthropology and to the operation of ethnographic museums. This included reevaluating the re l a t i o n s h i p between museums and the F i r s t Nations. Ames has numerous publications dealing with these issues (1987a, 1987b, 1986, 1981a). He admonishes anthropologists and museologists to consider the ramifications as people of the F i r s t Nations take control of t h e i r own h i s t o r i e s : ' It challenges the very foundations of anthropology and museums, including e s p e c i a l l y the b e l i e f s i n the p r i n c i p l e of s c i e n t i f i c freedom and the v a l i d i t y of knowledge derived from s c i e n t i f i c research, and the right s assumed by anthropologists and t h e i r museums to represent other cultures. [Ames 1987b:17] Ames views t h i s as an int e r e s t i n g and important challenge. Far from being r e s t r i c t i v e , t h i s i s understood as having the pot e n t i a l of a stimulus for a " r e v i t a l i z e d " anthropology (Ibid.:24). In the 1980s, r e f l e x i v e anthropology became a s i g n i f i c a n t i n t e l l e c t u a l perspective at MOA informing the work of the s t a f f i n subtle and often overt ways, exemplified i n t h i s case study of the NYP. The NYP should be understood from t h i s and the preceeding chapters to have developed out of a complex set of circumstances Page 199 with a v a r i e t y of individuals contributing to i t s organization and condition. In a l l aspects, the NYP bears the imprint of a cumulative process. The project continued to change and adapt as new management practices were put into place and new i n d i v i d u a l s became involved. After 1986, when Rowan l e f t the project, two s i g n i f i c a n t changes took place which speak to the changing attitude of c u l t u r a l brokerage. F i r s t , the NYP s h i f t e d from a c u r a t o r i a l project to a regularly scheduled MOA programme coordinated by MOA administrative s t a f f , who were trained i n anthropology and museology. And second, organization and content r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s for the NYP were progressively passed to members of the F i r s t Nations. The f i r s t change was a p r a c t i c a l arrangement to maintain a programme which had become a MOA t r a d i t i o n . The supervising s t a f f , nonetheless, was f u l l y committed to maintaining and improving the project, but they had to proceed r e a l i s t i c a l l y . Their objective was to use the time and resources available to the project to the best advantage. I t should be noted that the MOA administrative s t a f f who assumed supervision of the NYP volunteered extra hours beyond t h e i r paid positions to t h i s project and other NIYAS programmes. Overseeing the NYP became a matter of accepting circumstances and r e s t r i c t i o n s , and tapping into available resources. Paraphrasing a discussion with supervising s t a f f , those with problems must assume the search for solutions (Fenger interview A p r i l 1990). Af t e r Rowan's resignation, the position of project manager Page 200 became central to the success of the NYP. The character of the project was set each summer by the manager. The continuity provided by a supervising curator had been replaced with exploratory change provided by decision making project managers from the F i r s t Nations. The primary concern for the MOA supervisors became the recruitment of well q u a l i f i e d candidates for the pos i t i o n of project manager. They looked for someone with a " v i s i o n , " focussed and thorough, someone who had a "spark" and r e a l experience working with teenagers (Fenger interview 1990). Supervision then entailed orienting the project managers to the resources provided by MOA and the procedures and routines of the NYP. The MOA supervisors provided access to the museum support system necessary to run the project, and they monitored and advised the project managers as the work proceeded. The project managers were able to carry out the work independently a f t e r establishing goals and standards with the s t a f f . Day plans were considered e s s e n t i a l with an o v e r a l l schedule of work and a c t i v i t i e s . The supervising s t a f f understood t h e i r r e s p o n s i b i l i t y as "integrating" the project managers into the museum and "empowering" them to plan and implement the summer programme (Fenger interview A p r i l 1990). The NYP had changed from a f a i r l y impetuous series of lessons, assignments and a c t i v i t i e s , to a methodical programme, t r a i n i n g for public presentations. With the change of administration emphasizing the project managers, practices had Page 201 to be adjusted to meet the new conditions. Contrasting project a c t i v i t i e s i n 1988 and 1989 i l l u s t r a t e s the impact of i n d i v i d u a l project managers. For years the salmon barbeque was used for fund r a i s i n g . In 1988, i t was combined with a r a f f l e i n a major e f f o r t to finance a study t r i p to northern B r i t i s h Columbia. By 1989, other funding sources had been put i n place lessening the need for such an event. But more importantly, the supervising s t a f f and project manager had become convinced that the benefits from the barbeque did not j u s t i f y the costs i n terms of time, disruption to the t r a i n i n g programme, and inconvenience to the ent i r e MOA s t a f f . Furthermore, serving hundreds of safe meals with makeshift equipment and volunteer help was considered an unreasonable r i s k . Other options for fund r a i s i n g events generating community awareness were possible. In 1989, the project manager elected not to organize a salmon barbeque or other major fund r a i s i n g a c t i v i t y . Instead, the NYP members prepared a supper for t h e i r families at the end of the summer, where individ u a l s who had assisted the NYP during the t r a i n i n g programme were recognized. The supervising s t a f f c a r e f u l l y s c r u t i n i z e d plans for study t r i p s , making many of the necessary arrangements. In 1988, a ten day study t r i p was made to the home of the project manager - Prince Rupert, Port Simpson and the Queen Charlotte Islands. In 1989, senior members of the NYP made a keynote presentation at a heritage i n t e r p r e t a t i o n conference i n St. John's, Newfoundland with a stopover i n Toronto for a presentation at the Royal Ontario Museum. Page 202 The s t a f f was f l e x i b l e , believing that the NYP should change to meet the needs of the F i r s t Nations. One way i n which t h i s was addressed was s h i f t i n g organizational and content r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to the project manager. S h i f t i n g organizational r e s p o n s i b i l i t y was a b a s i c a l l y p r a c t i c a l matter as i l l u s t r a t e d above. S h i f t i n g content r e s p o n s i b i l i t y brought out deeper issues of c u l t u r a l authority and the role of c u l t u r a l brokerage. Supervising s t a f f were aware of an underlying discontent with the c u l t u r a l interpretation offered i n the NYP presentations, and i n the museum generally. For the supervising s t a f f , adjustments i n c u l t u r a l interpretation did not in v a l i d a t e the place and purpose of museums. If individuals or groups ph i l o s o p h i c a l l y disapproved of museums as public i n s i t i t u t i o n s , those in d i v i d u a l s should not use museums (Fenger interview A p r i l 1990). In other words, the supervising s t a f f attempted to use the ava i l a b l e resources to the f u l l e s t , but they understood and accepted the inherent l i m i t a t i o n s , setting t h e i r objectives accordingly. MOA was just one centre for c u l t u r a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . NYP supervising s t a f f expressed the po s i t i o n that i t was the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of individuals and groups within the F i r s t Nations to present t h e i r own interpretations. Regardless, MOA s t a f f consciously played the ro l e of c u l t u r a l broker providing a forum and support for c u l t u r a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . They participated i n other NIYAS programmes, making the museum f a c i l i t i e s available for various events. Over the years, MOA s t a f f gained experience concerning the observance Page 203 of proper f o r m a l i t i e s . For example, elders from the Musqueam Band are regularly i n v i t e d to begin F i r s t Nations events with a dedication. The supervising s t a f f paid close attention to the concerns and suggestions of the F i r s t Nations community, which they weighed against t h e i r own understandings and professional r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s i n attempting to achieve a reasonable p o s i t i o n . MOA s t a f f were sensitive to issues such as the terminology used for the indigenous peoples of Canada. Opinion on t h i s was not unanimous, but i n the late 1980s had generally s h i f t e d to " F i r s t Nations" or " F i r s t C i t i z e n s . " Another example was c r i t i c i s m regarding the use of Edward Curtis photographs. Sometimes solutions were p r a c t i c a l . It was simply a matter of f i n d i n g substitutes. MOA s t a f f assumed the stewardship of a public i n s t i t u t i o n and, as such, attempted to maintain a balanced, nonpartisan p o s i t i o n . A f t e r Rowan's departure from the NYP, there was a s h i f t i n or i e n t a t i o n and expectations. The perspective became fa r more s i t u a t i o n a l and pragmatic, informed by i n t e l l e c t u a l questioning of assumptions and practices. A r e f l e x i v e attitude toward ethnographic authority replaced conventional academic authority. As c u l t u r a l brokers, allegiance and accountability balanced the professional standards of anthropologists and museologists with the desire not only to a s s i s t , but to f u l l y respect the i n t e g r i t y of the F i r s t Nations. MOA s t a f f supervising the NYP d e l i b e r a t e l y attempted to stay i n the background, providing support and technical assistance, "empowering" the Page 204 representatives of the F i r s t Nations to r e a l i z e t h e i r "visions" as project manager (Fenger interview A p r i l 1990). As the s t a f f explained, MOA support was there "to keep the NYP on track," to keep i t going. The project managers were "the switchmen" who were to determine which track i t followed (Ibid.). In 1989, the project manager reinforced the importance of community v a l i d a t i o n as she revised the f i s h i n g s c r i p t with the cooperation of the Cooqualeetza elders. MOA s t a f f learned d i f f e r e n t lessons from the various project managers. The success of the NYP became dependent on the commitment and s k i l l s of the i n d i v i d u a l project managers, which did vary from year to year. Staff would act and react to goals and a b i l i t i e s of the project managers i n a " d i a l e c t i c " process (Fenger interview A p r i l 1990). With s h i f t i n g s e n s i b i l i t i e s , the non-Native supervising s t a f f expressed reluctance to represent a project for and about the F i r s t Nations. To date, MOA has been an i n s t i t u t i o n of the dominant Western society exclusively c o n t r o l l e d by members of that culture. The s t a f f at MOA r e g u l a r l y have searched for mechanisms to e s t a b l i s h c o l l a b o r a t i v e relationships with the F i r s t Nations of the Northwest Coast. This chapter sets out the hidden investment required to develop and sustain the NYP, one programme r e f l e c t i n g t h i s i n s t i t u t i o n a l orientation. Page 205 X . REVIEWING THE NATIVE YOUTH PROJECT In t h i s case study, the Native Youth Project has been described as an organization of stakeholders which assumed i t s own unique system of t r a d i t i o n s , norms, values and assumptions, modifying project practices based on experience and external circumstances. Further, t h i s programme developed within the context of the University of B r i t i s h Columbia Museum of Anthropology (MOA), r e f l e c t i n g and responding to i t s organizational culture which was informed by background assumptions of c u l t u r a l brokerage. The NYP was i n i t i a t e d i n 1979 as an innovative museum education programme and operated throughout the 1980s. The programme began as a j o i n t project. The NYP addressed problems i d e n t i f i e d and promoted through the Native Indian Youth Advisory Society (NIYAS), and was developed through the c u r a t o r i a l commitment and resources of MOA. This museum project was conceived as a s o c i a l intervention programme to improve academic achievement, increase employment p o t e n t i a l and i n s t i l l c u l t u r a l pride among urban teenagers from the F i r s t Nations. While the project extended ordinary museum educational programming, the o r i g i n a l content and objectives were informed by conventional academic ethnography and mainstream pedagogy. The NYP changed over time i n response to modified objectives, a l t e r e d s e n s i b i l i t i e s and administrative restructuring. This case study uses the a c t i v i t i e s and experiences of the key stakeholders to focus the descriptions, i l l u s t r a t i n g the elements which came together to est a b l i s h and maintain t h i s Page 206 programme. Examining the needs and aspirations of the stakeholders serves as a basis for reviewing the impact of the programme and understanding trends. The information i s provided to f a c i l i t a t e formative (Weiss 1972) programme evaluation using q u a l i t a t i v e methods of participant observation. This study i s also a r e f l e x i v e exercise i n applied anthropology. While anthropology u t i l i z e s participant observation as an e x p e r i e n t i a l methodology to develop an indepth understanding of the i n s i d e r ' s perspective, anthropologists t r a d i t i o n a l l y study others, not t h e i r own personal a c t i v i t i e s and commitments. This case study of the NYP attempts to analyze i n a thorough and useful manner an education programme i n which I served on the management and i n s t r u c t i o n a l team. As such, I worked within the framework of c u l t u r a l brokerage and have had to r a t i o n a l i z e my own involvement and intentions. Observations and assessments of the NYP are offered " i n a s p i r i t of suggestion" (Wolf 1980:43) to provoke debate and reassessment by the stakeholders and, through extrapolation, by those concerned with s i m i l a r problems and programmes. A. CULTURAL BROKERAGE AND THE FORMATION OF THE NYP The NYP was fostered within the organizational culture of MOA where the attitudes and values of c u l t u r a l brokerage were prevalent. In his work on applied anthropology, Erve Chambers explains that p r a c t i t i o n e r s often describe themselves as c u l t u r a l brokers, maintaining that t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s involve some Page 207 kind of transfer of knowledge, s k i l l , or service between d i s t i n c t cultures" (Chambers 1985:26). E x p l i c i t use of the term " c u l t u r a l broker" can be found i n writings on ethnography as a methodology (Pelto and Pelto 1978:245-46) and applied anthropology (Chambers 1985:26-34; Fetterman and Pitman 1986:7, 15 and Chapter 2). As c u l t u r a l brokers, applied anthropologists assume a v a r i e t y of roles i n r e l a t i o n to the people with whom they work. Anthropology i s not unique i n t h i s respect. The broker role i s central to the a c t i v i t i e s of most professions.... The anthropologist's professional r o l e c a l l s for a brokerage between cultures, or at l e a s t between the divergent values and d i s t i n c t l i f e opportunities of recognizable groups or constituencies of people. The complementary roles of analyst and mediator represent a maturation of the ways i n which anthropologists have responded to opportunities to p a r t i c i p a t e i n decision-making a c t i v i t i e s . [Chambers 1985:33] The i m p l i c i t use of ideas of c u l t u r a l brokerage i s pervasive i n anthropology. As such, i n the l a t e twentieth century, anthropology came to be c r i t i q u e d within the d i s c i p l i n e not only as an "empirical specialty" but also "unavoidably a p o l i t i c a l and e t h i c a l d i s c i p l i n e " (Hymes 1974:7). Advocacy for indigenous peoples or "populations at r i s k " characterized c u l t u r a l brokerage. By the turn of the century, anthropologists assumed the r o l e of representatives, attempting to make colonialism more palatable. Later they became f a c i l i t a t o r s , working to make the administration of dependent populations more e f f e c t i v e and introducing p o s s i b i l i t i e s for socio-economic development. The attitude of anthropologists was invariably p a t e r n a l i s t i c . A trend adjusting the expression of power relationships between Page 208 aboriginal peoples and anthropologists emerged i n the 1960s and 1970s. By the 1980s, the F i r s t Nations were a c t i v e l y reclaiming authority over the presentation of t h e i r cultures, holding expectations of collaboration and empowerment i n t h e i r dealings with anthropologists. The history and nature of c u l t u r a l brokerage are discussed i n Chapter Three. At MOA, a public i n s t i t u t i o n dedicated to ethnographic research and education, one way i n which t h i s orientation became evident was i n the sponsorship of research and programmes for and about the F i r s t Nations such as the NYP. Cultural brokerage provides a way of understanding the i n s t i t u t i o n a l foundation for the NYP and trends i n the development of the programme. The organizational culture at MOA matured under the leadership of Harry Hawthorn who arrived at UBC i n 1947 and served as museum curator and d i r e c t o r for three decades. The s i g n i f i c a n c e of organizational culture has been studied by Daniel Denison who provides t h i s explanation based on his work i n the f i e l d of business administration: Thus, an organization's culture may be as a code, a l o g i c , and a system of structured behaviors and meaning that have stood the test of time and serve as a c o l l e c t i v e guide to future adaptation and s u r v i v a l . This d e f i n i t i o n helps to explain why cultures can be abstract and mystical, yet concrete and immediate; impossible to change, yet r a p i d l y changing; complex and i n t r i c a t e , yet grounded i n very basic values; and occasionally i r r e l e v a n t to business issues, yet always central to an organizations strategy and effectiveness. This d e f i n i t i o n also explains why culture must be studied as both a cause and an e f f e c t . [Denison 1990:175-76] The work and teaching of Hawthorn guided the growth and Page 209 development of MOA with a sense of purpose that went beyond ordinary museum ethnography to "Useful Anthropology." This approach r e f l e c t e d his f i r s t hand experience with the dilemmas and d i f f i c u l t i e s of s o c i a l change among indigenous populations. The work of Harry Hawthorn was extended and modified by the material culture studies of Audrey Hawthorn, conserving the t r a d i t i o n a l culture of the Northwest Coast and l e g i t i m i z i n g the work of contemporary carvers, and by the e f f o r t s of students and scholars who were drawn to MOA. The legacy of the Hawthorns as i t impacted on the structure and mission of MOA i s considered i n Chapter Four. The organizational culture at MOA has been characterized by professional consensus, building and defending the museum as a respected, nonpartisan i n s t i t u t i o n . Research i n t e r e s t s have tended to be grounded i n experience and p r a c t i c a l needs, encouraging s t a f f to pursue a wide var i e t y of community oriented projects. Public awareness increased, supported by a conviction to make museum c o l l e c t i o n s , archives and other resources generally accessible. There was an element of experiment i n the NYP as curators at MOA attempted to change the place of museum v i s i t o r s from spectators to students and endeavoured to involve the F i r s t Nations i n the interpretation of t h e i r c u l t u r a l a r t i f a c t s . A trend adjusting the power relationships between anthropologists and the F i r s t Nations had already begun when the NYP was i n i t i a t e d . The project was a collaborative e f f o r t between Taylor, representing the NIYAS, and Rowan,' representing MOA. Page 210 This collaboration, however, l e f t development of the c u l t u r a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n and programme treatment to the d i s c r e t i o n of Rowan, informed by standard educational methods and expectations. The i n i t i a l experiment of the NYP dealt more with s t y l e of museum presentation than the content. The NYP used academically sanctioned knowledge presented i n a manner expected of a mainstream museum with an international reputation. On the other hand, the introduction of F i r s t Nations youth in t o MOA programming was a r a d i c a l departure and even brought disapproval from volunteer museum docents who were comfortable with conventional forms of museum interpretation and presentation. The nature of c u l t u r a l brokerage as expressed i n the NYP assumed an aura of paternalism which was apparent i n the programme objectives and content. This quality was openly c r i t i c i z e d by some project participants i n the late 1980s, following Rowan's departure from the project. The r o l e of c u l t u r a l broker was set by the operative concept of culture. A d i a l e c t i c tension was evident i n the formation of the NYP between the apparent i n e v i t a b i l i t y of acculturation and the desire to a f f i r m a pride i n c u l t u r a l heritage for v i s i b l e minorities. This tension assumed d e f i n i t e form with the use of an organic concept of culture as n a t u r a l l y occurring s o c i a l e n t i t i e s . Rowan was part of a school of thought which accepted cultures as f a i r l y s t a t i c products, most often romanticized i n an "ethnographic present." Michael Ames provides an i l l u s t r a t i o n of the sacrosanct q u a l i t y which Page 211 accompanied use of t h i s concept of culture i n public presentations: The dinosaurs, aborigines, and pioneers depicted i n exhibits are a l l t y p i c a l l y presented as noble creatures who i n the distant past struggled h e r o i c a l l y but (except f o r the pioneer European s e t t l e r s of the New World) ultimately unsuccessfully against the brute forces of nature. Rarely w i l l a museum exhibit imply a c r i t i c i s m of the past or the present, though admittedly i t i s fashionable i n North American museums to present a muted c r i t i c i s m of European pioneers for destroying the t r a d i t i o n a l cultures of native American Indians. But North American museums would never dare to subject native Indians themselves, or the contemporary establishment, to objective scrutiny or c r i t i c a l assessment. Native people are sacred to museum ethnologists, and are consequently removed from v i r t u a l l y a l l c r i t i c a l comment. [Ames 1986:80] I n i t i a l l y , the NYP s c r i p t s presented the people of the Northwest Coast i n terms of a noble "ethnographic present" and caveats r e f e r r i n g to continuing c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n s could not mask t h i s approach. Project members were being prepared for success i n the contemporary mainstream society as pride i n heritage was advanced through a dissociated "Indian" c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y . The b l u r r i n g and i s o l a t i o n of F i r s t Nations cultures i n a noble past was pointedly c r i t i c i z e d by a former project member during h i s anthropology studies at UBC (Brass 1990:14-16). The current trend i s to use a concept of culture as process, revealing groups i n terms of l i v i n g , a l b e i t evolving, cultures, respecting the i n t e g r i t y of s p e c i f i c communities and the unique c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y of i n d i v i d u a l s . The role of c u l t u r a l broker assumed an appropriate function. At MOA, the role became more pronounced as educators, guiding and supporting p r a c t i c a l and i n t e l l e c t u a l development, less as authoritative intermediaries. MOA s t a f f Page 212 described t h e i r work i n terms of "empowerment," a s s i s t i n g members of the F i r s t Nations i n the representation and presentation of t h e i r own cultures. The d i a l e c t i c tension persisted, however, as the metanarratives of c u l t u r a l homogenization and emergence ( C l i f f o r d 1988:17) continued to be played out. B. NATIVE YOUTH PROJECT STRUCTURE AND STAKEHOLDERS The structure of the NYP i s revealed i n the i n t e r a c t i o n of the key stakeholders. Motivations and objectives are understood within a framework of c u l t u r a l brokerage. This review of the impact and p o t e n t i a l of the NYP i s organized under three t o p i c s , analyzing the needs, experiences and aspirations of various stakeholders. 1. Cultural Collaboration considerd the changing power relationships and altered d e f i n i t i o n s of empowerment i n the t r a n s i t i o n from the project founders, Rowan and Taylor, to coordination of the NYP by the project managers; 2. Project Resources surveys the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of MOA s t a f f , changing project administration and evolving s e n s i b i l i t i e s at the museum. 3. Project Objectives reviews the programme from the perspective of the r e c i p i e n t s , the project members. 1. C u l t u r a l Collaboration The NYP was an experiment i n c u l t u r a l brokerage at MOA, extending conventional ideas of museum educational programming to incorporate remedial academic t r a i n i n g and F i r s t Nations c u l t u r a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . Brenda Taylor, a Native Indian Home-Page 213 School Worker with the Vancouver School Board, had i d e n t i f i e d pressing s o c i a l and economic problems among urban F i r s t Nations youth and a c t i v e l y sought assistance from various agencies and programmes. From Taylor's perspective, young people of the F i r s t Nations had to develop survival s k i l l s necessary for success i n the urban environment, and they had to receive an appropriate share of the s o c i a l resources due t h e i r unique p o s i t i o n as the indigenous people. Taylor was instrumental i n the formation of NIYAS, which set for i t s e l f four primary objectives: 1. improve the qual i t y of educational experience f o r F i r s t Nations students, 2. provide employment opportunities, 3. develop leadership p o t e n t i a l , and 4. confront discrimination which entailed pride i n heritage. Taylor and NIYAS are discussed i n Chapter Five. Taylor's focus was on the successful s o c i a l adjustment of F i r s t Nations youth i n contemporary Canadian society, and she shared that objective with Madeline Rowan. As MOA education curator, Rowan believed that museum resources could e f f e c t i v e l y augment school based education to improve the academic chances for students of F i r s t Nations ancestry. At that time, MOA s t a f f were also exploring new ideas about the nature of museum public education and the authority to int e r p r e t c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n s . Rowan and the formation of the NYP are considered i n Chapter Six. Part of the NYP programme treatment was the development of a po s i t i v e c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y . Rowan's work was informed by conventional ethnographic authority and an assumption of acculturation. Her pedagogical methods and Page 214 expected outcomes were firmly fixed i n the t r a d i t i o n s of the dominant Western society. The NYP was conceived as a programme of directed s o c i o - c u l t u r a l change with MOA serving as the agency. The nature of the NYP was altered a f t e r a few years of operation. By the early 1980s, emphasis had s h i f t e d from remedial academic t r a i n i n g to e f f e c t i v e presentations for museum v i s i t o r s and community groups. Procedures and standards fo r s e l e c t i n g members changed accordingly, drawing on students who were able to demonstrate an aptitude for reading, writing and public speaking. As a youth work/study programme, the NYP provided a substantial t r a i n i n g experience, s t i l l serving the objectives set by NIYAS, but the purpose of the project had changed. One of Rowan's expectations was to bring F i r s t Nations youth into the process of c u l t u r a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i n the museum se t t i n g . However, the NYP t r a i n i n g emphasized t r a d i t i o n a l Northwest Coast culture based on established academic sources for ethnographic information. The NYP introduced a new presentation s t y l e to the museum without freeing the F i r s t Nations from t h e i r "ethnological fate" (Ames 1987a). Rowan as the c u l t u r a l broker retained the position of a r b i t r a t o r with ultimate ethnographic authority. Early i n the development of the NYP, the need for dedicated management of project routines and a c t i v i t i e s was i d e n t i f i e d as a basic operational requirement. This r e s p o n s i b i l i t y was given to u n i v e r s i t y students hired as project managers. The p o s i t i o n of project manager i s discussed i n Chapter Seven. By 1982, at Page 215 the urging of Taylor representing NIYAS as the co-sponsoring organization, t h i s was designated a t r a i n i n g p o s i t i o n to be f i l l e d by F i r s t Nations university students. However, Taylor and NIYAS were for the most part passive co-sponsors of the project, leaving the development and administration of the NYP to the d i s c r e t i o n of Rowan and MOA s t a f f . The project managers became the active representatives of the F i r s t Nations, contributing insights and contacts. In 1986, Rowan resigned from the university, and the NYP was not transferred to another curator. By t h i s time, the NYP had become a t r a d i t i o n at the museum, and i t was ca r r i e d on by MOA administrative s t a f f who served as project supervisors. Progressively the F i r s t Nations project managers (who were also trainees i n museum education) were given greater r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for planning and implementation. From the beginning, the pos i t i o n of project manager had provided an opportunity for F i r s t Nations u n i v e r s i t y students to te s t t h e i r potential for c u l t u r a l programming with teenagers u t i l i z i n g the resources available at an established anthropology museum. There were obvious constraints on t h i s p o s i t i o n due to the substantial work load and l i m i t e d time. The project managers did introduce some new elements of c u l t u r a l c o l l a b o r a t i o n , for example, the Naming Ceremony co-hosted by the NYP i n the summer of 1987 and the r e v i s i o n of the f i s h i n g s c r i p t with the Coqualeetza elders i n 1989. By the l a t e 1980s, c e r t a i n assumptions and practices came to be questioned. MOA supervising s t a f f stepped back to reassess the ro l e and approach Page 216 of c u l t u r a l brokerage. MOA supervising s t a f f expressed reluctance to personally represent a project for and about the F i r s t Nations. They described t h e i r work with the NYP as "empowering" the project managers to successfully conduct the project. Rowan had used the word "empower" to describe the e f f e c t d i g n i t y and knowledge would have i n the l i v e s of project members, but the knowledge she referred to was based i n conventional ethnography and mainstream academic pedagogy. In the l a t e 1980s, the position of the NYP project manager was combined with MOA F i r s t Nations l i a i s o n , emphasizing changing r e l a t i o n s h i p s . These arrangements continued the trend of cooperative planning and provided part of an interim solution to col l a b o r a t i v e programming with the F i r s t Nations. The NYP was a s o c i a l intervention programme designed to help make people of the F i r s t Nations competitive i n the mainstream society. I t developed within an orientation of "useful" anthropology and with the professional conviction that museum resources could help mediate c u l t u r a l differences. The NYP continued to evolve, t e s t i n g the capacity of MOA to serve as an agency of c u l t u r a l brokerage meeting expanded F i r s t Nations expectations for empowerment. 2. Project Resources Central to the development of the NYP was i t s l o c a t i o n at MOA, which c a l l s into question how transferable the programme would be to other situations. MOA served as a meeting ground where a vari e t y of independent projects were nurtured. The Page 217 resources made available to the NYP through MOA are discussed i n Chapter Nine. The MOA o f f i c i a l statement of purpose concludes, "As a uni v e r s i t y museum i t has always been committed to combining research, teaching, and experimentation with public service" (MOA Professional Guidelines, August 1982) . The NYP started as a curator's research project and became a reg u l a r l y scheduled museum programme. Using 1986 as a f a i r l y t y p i c a l year, the NYP accounted for less than 7% of the funding received for s p e c i a l grant programmes at MOA. In the o v e r a l l picture of a c t i v i t i e s , programmes, exhibitions and academic studies, the NYP represented a very small part of the annual work commitment at MOA. The NYP was only one way MOA s t a f f worked with the F i r s t Nations, which also included interpretation programmes, museum t r a i n i n g , carving projects, conferences and lecture s e r i e s . On the other hand, the NYP enjoyed a very v i s i b l e presence at MOA each summer, intera c t i n g with almost a l l of the s t a f f at some point i n the t r a i n i n g process. The NYP provided sustained and meaningful contact with members of the F i r s t Nations developing within MOA greater s e n s i t i v i t y to contemporary r e a l i t i e s . As a programme, the NYP achieved a substantial p r o f i l e . The project received media coverage, and annually the NYP would make over a hundred museum and community presentations with attendance t o t a l l i n g well over 3,000. This was possible because the project was sponsored by MOA. While MOA s t a f f w i l l i n g contributed expertise and assistance to the NYP, the project did not d i r e c t l y advance t h e i r own work and Page 218 r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . The NYP f i t within the mandate and mission of MOA, which was confirmed i n the formation of the endowment fund to advance F i r s t Nations educational programmes, but there were many worthy projects and programmes competing for l i m i t e d s t a f f time, energy and resources. The most serious weakness of the NYP was the hidden investment required of MOA to develop and maintain the programme. An accurate accounting of the cost to MOA would be d i f f i c u l t to make, requiring cost estimates for project development and management, f a c i l i t i e s , equipment, administration and s t a f f cooperation, and benefit estimates f o r NYP p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n MOA v i s i t o r services. I n i t i a l planning f o r the NYP o p t i m i s t i c a l l y assumed that project members would work independently. Experience showed that close guidance was required i n maintaining study and presentation routines. Elements of the NYP or scaled down versions of the project could be adapted to other settings, but the NYP as a s p e c i f i c case i n point i s a product of the p a r t i c u l a r commitment to public service and variety of resources available at MOA. MOA provided a stimulating and supportive environment for the NYP. As a r e l a t i v e l y small university museum, there i s an intimate scale with diverse expertise and a wide range of museum a c t i v i t i e s and academic work. NYP participants were accepted as museum trainees and gained f a m i l i a r i t y with the work at MOA through both formal and casual contact with s t a f f , students and research associates. Museums o f f e r out-of-the-ordinary study and employment opportunities. Working with material culture Page 219 provided an a t t r a c t i v e alternative to conventional classroom learning, and the Touchable C o l l e c t i o n gave the presentations an engaging q u a l i t y and public appeal. Museum v i s i t o r s were regula r l y available for presentations, and were receptive to explorations into c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n s . MOA i s a rather unique centre for the study of Northwest Coast art and t r a d i t i o n s , serving as a hub i n a network of F i r s t Nations carvers and other researchers. While MOA did not o f f e r students a formal continuation to the NYP programme, some employment and advanced t r a i n i n g opportunities were opened for project members through contacts made as project participants. The development of the NYP was characterized by MOA s t a f f embracing opportunities and stretching resources to meet the obligations incurred. This pattern i s not uncommon for projects driven by personal conviction, a qua l i t y Rowan brought to the NYP. Adequate funding was a regular problem. Strategies were devised for overcoming d i f f i c u l t i e s , such as combining jobs to generate reasonable wages for project managers. Funding from the private sector required c a r e f u l scrutiny and had not provided appropriate p o s s i b i l i t i e s for the NYP. While upgrading was an ongoing concern, the NYP had assembled the basic systems and materials necessary for a f u l l y operational programme. Procedures and practices were established. Furthermore, the project had a good reputation within the urban F i r s t Nations community and the general public. The NYP was the r e s u l t of a cumulative process, and i t had the strength of reputable Page 220 momentum. The programme, however, was ambitious and required an exceptional e f f o r t from members, managers and supervisors. Improving the content of the presentations, advancing co l l a b o r a t i v e forms of interpretation and adjusting t r a i n i n g methods to r e f l e c t altered ideas of "empowerment" were f o r the most part unrealized aspirations. The work was so extensive that many routine matters were handled i n an incomplete manner. Record keeping was a low p r i o r i t y , for instance, o f f e r i n g only l i m i t e d information on project participants without a system f o r maintaining contact with participants a f t e r they l e f t the programme. Within the project, members and managers prepared reports at the end of each summer programme and discussed problems and accomplishments. However, external review procedures were in c i d e n t a l to administrative, funding and scheduling matters. Systematic assessments of the NYP were not conducted either as part of the working r e l a t i o n s h i p between the co-sponsoring organizations or as a monitoring mechanism by MOA. Concerns and questions became more apparent with the administrative restructuring which accompanied the change from a c u r a t o r i a l project to a public service programme i n 1986. Over the next few years, there were adjustments i n resource commitments for the project. A f t e r 1986, project administration evolved from Rowan's c u r a t o r i a l authority to supervisory control by the MOA programme assis t a n t , who served on the NIYAS Board of Directors, working with the MOA administrative assistant. An altered set of values Page 221 and expectations informed the administration of the NYP, but the project s t i l l enjoyed professional d i r e c t i o n and attention to standards and planning. MOA supervising s t a f f held that the museum offered one forum for c u l t u r a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , and that members of the F i r s t Nations had a r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for advancing t h e i r own i n t e r p r e t a t i o n and creating t h e i r own forums. MOA supervisors described t h e i r r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s to the NYP as r e c r u i t i n g project managers from the F i r s t Nations, preparing them to handle the project and u t i l i z e MOA resources, and then a s s i s t i n g and monitoring programme implementation. Programme content and q u a l i t y became dependent on the commitment and s k i l l of the i n d i v i d u a l project managers, which varied from year to year. F l e x i b i l i t y was the key ingredient for the MOA supervisors, determining the soundness of planning by project managers to sanction more elaborate a c t i v i t i e s , such as a study t r i p to Prince Rupert and the Queen Charlotte Islands i n 1988, or to maintain a minimal schedule of t r a i n i n g and presentations. The programme was s i m p l i f i e d where possible, such as eliminating the fund r a i s i n g salmon barbeque. The NYP was progressively scaled down to f i t the resources available at MOA i n keeping with the professional standards and e t h i c a l requirements of the public i n s t i t u t i o n . An important factor which made the NYP unique was indeed the i n s t i t u t i o n a l base provided by MOA. Along with f a c i l i t i e s , administration and operational forum, the museum provided continuity and professional expertise. Page 222 3. Project Objectives The rationale for the NYP was informed by three basic assumptions: f i r s t , that holding a job with regular wages i n an o f f i c i a l and d i s c i p l i n e d environment would foster appropriate work attitudes and e s t a b l i s h personal career goals for F i r s t Nations youth, and second, that applying academic s k i l l s i n the performance of an actual job would encourage the project members to continue t h e i r education. The t h i r d assumption was that a p o s i t i v e c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y could be developed from a focussed exploration of the indigenous cultures of the Northwest Coast. These assumptions proved to have merit, as the project provided notable opportunities e s p e c i a l l y for those p a r t i c i p a n t s who had an academic aptitude. The a c t i v i t i e s and reactions of project members i n the NYP are discussed i n Chapter Eight. The museum presentations served as monitored reinforcement i n developing research and public speaking s k i l l s , including a method of c r i t i q u i n g which encouraged s e l f appraisal and improvement. The programme treatment centred on a self-image as teachers. Members were trained to present information about Northwest Coast t r a d i t i o n s to museum v i s i t o r s and community groups. This technique b u i l t confidence and a sense of accomplishment. The schedule of public presentations gave purpose to the work routines. Over the years, the project increased the emphasis on q u a l i t y museum presentations. This proved e f f e c t i v e as a job focus, but diverted attention from other aspects of personal growth for members, such as remedial academic t r a i n i n g , c u l t u r a l Page 223 exploration and contemporary F i r s t Nations studies. The need for polished public performances oriented the research and study, and information was approached more as a problem of explanation, preparing for questions from the public, rather than a problem i n forming a position for personal action. The backgrounds and expectations of the project members were varied. Many needed employment and most were at le a s t curious about the museum, the aboriginal peoples of the Northwest Coast and t h e i r own c u l t u r a l heritage. Whether or not the NYP caused an awakening i n the members i s a moot point. The NYP d i d provide expanded opportunities, challenges and rewards, to which almost a l l of the members responded with determination to do t h e i r jobs as presenters well. The NYP programme treatment developed substantial s k i l l s i n the project members and managers, most notably, teamwork, study habits and public speaking a b i l i t y which were required to meet the job r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . These s k i l l s had application to a l l types of a c t i v i t i e s , and were appropriate for success i n the mainstream Canadian society. Using conventional academic and employment standards, the o r i g i n a l programme treatment was developed with an assumption of acculturation. A project member r e f l e c t s on the benefits he derived as a member of the NYP. What did the summer program teach me? I learned much about the Northwest Coast cultures - both the distant and recent past. I learned how to speak confidently i n front of a large public audience, a s k i l l which i s s t i l l very useful and enjoyable today. As well, I learned to accept c r i t i c i s m i n a mature manner and learn from my mistakes. I improved my study habits as a student. In short, I gained Page 224 confidence and self-esteem. As ambiguous as i t sounds, I was taught to be proud of my "Indian" i d e n t i t y . The program was b e n e f i c i a l for me and I believe for a majority of my young co-workers. [Brass 1990:6] Summing up his experience i n the NYP, he nonetheless points out, "I t would not be too harsh a generalization to say that at the time I went through the NYP i t f u l f i l l e d the Museum's needs more than i t d i d the F i r s t Nations student's needs" ( i b i d : 7 ) . This former member began to question the value of the project from his perspective as an anthropology student at UBC. My concern for the program as both a student and supervisor i s what value does the program have for the 'Native Indian' student beyond learning some in t e r e s t i n g or, as some might say, 'quaint' h i s t o r i c a l facts, a few extra summer d o l l a r s and a new s k i l l ? Does the program empower them with knowledge beyond i t s use within a museum? [Brass 1990:5] In t h i s paper, he describes the proper role of museums as "tools of s o c i a l awareness" and his objectives for the NYP as "empowerment" to overcome apathy and ignorance. He didn't want tough t r a i n i n g questions i n preparation for explaining alcoholism i n the F i r s t Nations to museum v i s i t o r s . He didn't want a generalized 'Indian' i d e n t i t y . He wanted tough F i r s t Nations history squarely addressing issues such as discrimination, taught so as to generate a strong sense of s o c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . "Learning how to s p l i t planks from cedar logs as relevant as i t i s to the cedar presentation sags i n importance to issues of racism and job discrimination" (Brass 1990:12). This c r i t i q u e of the NYP views c u l t u r a l brokerage as a form of paternalism, indeed "teaching Indians to be Indians" u t i l i z i n g a noble and s t a t i c concept of the culture. The Page 225 missing observation i n t h i s former member's c r i t i q u e of the NYP i s the motivation and reinforcement which the members derived from the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of making the museum presentations. The rationale for developing the NYP, while modified by experience, remained v a l i d at the end of the 1980s. P r a c t i c a l administration of the programme had confirmed and c l a r i f i e d the objectives: 1. academic enrichment for F i r s t Nations high school students, 2. d i s c i p l i n e d employment, and 3. enhanced F i r s t Nations c u l t u r a l awareness for the project members, the general public and special i n t e r e s t groups. Altered attitudes and s e n s i b i l i t i e s had influenced t r a i n i n g procedures and presentations. The p o s s i b i l i t i e s of collaborative c u l t u r a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n had been introduced. The objectives which informed the NYP had been achieved to some degree. Judgments had to be made assessing whether the investment had been j u s t i f i e d by the r e s u l t s . In eleven years, f i f t y nine F i r s t Nations teenagers were associated with the NYP. Nineteen became senior members, demonstrating notable competence and confidence. Almost a l l of the members displayed some commitment to the objectives of the project and some pos i t i v e response to the opportunities offered, even those members who did not serve an ent i r e term. Did an average of f i v e and a t h i r d trainees per summer warrant the costs? A t y p i c a l question asked of programme evaluators by funding agencies helps i n t h i s assessment: Were al t e r n a t i v e programmes available which s a t i s f i e d the needs of F i r s t Nations teenagers? Options were li m i t e d . Some employment Page 226 opportunities were provided through work grants to upgrade f a c i l i t i e s on reserves or to s t a f f summer recreational or community service programmes. S p i r i t Song provided a F i r s t Nations theatre experience, and NIYAS and other F i r s t Nations organizations sponsored periodic conferences. Closest to the objectives and experience offered by the NYP were c u l t u r a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n programmes associated with archaeological excavations. The NYP occupied a speci a l i z e d niche as a work/study project operating within a univer s i t y museum, providing r e a l opportunities for members to develop p o t e n t i a l i n areas r a r e l y recognized i n teenage employment s i t u a t i o n s . C. ASSESSMENT OF EFFECTIVENESS This case study has been presented as an e f f o r t i n programme evaluation, suggesting that i t i s an important a c t i v i t y for those p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n s o c i a l action programmes. An overview of programme evaluation i s provided i n Chapter Two. The thorough descriptions included i n t h i s study are intended to help inform p o l i c y decisions and the ongoing operation of the NYP, and to a s s i s t those planning s i m i l a r programmes. The assessments outlined below provide a basis for judging the success of the NYP and i d e n t i f y i n g some of the factors contributing to i t . They are offered to stimulate debate and reassessment by interested part i e s . Based i n the f i e l d of business administration, Daniel Denison (1990) developed a framework for r e l a t i n g corporate culture to organizational Page 227 effectiveness (see Chapter Two). Building on his analysis, the NYP i s assessed, summarized i n point form, using the four elements of t h i s model. Denison concludes that together these elements serve as an indicator of effectiveness, balancing competing demands from the various stakeholders and constituencies. The NYP displayed the following q u a l i t i e s . 1. Mission explores the purpose and d i r e c t i o n of the programme. a. Work/study project for F i r s t Nations teenagers as museum trainees providing interpretation services and thereby giving the NYP a raison d'etre. b. Basic objectives had shared meaning for the project founders representing NIYAS and MOA: 1) . Improve qual i t y educational experience/increase academic achievement 2) . Employment opportunity/career preparation 3) . Leadership training/communication s k i l l development 4) . Confront discrimination/pride i n c u l t u r a l heritage. c. Underlying purpose of "empowerment" assumed d i f f e r e n t meanings for the project stakeholders and constituents. ASSESSMENT: I n i t i a l l y , the mission for the NYP was a c t i v e l y promoted by the project founders and became meaningful to the various stakeholders. This mission continued to give purpose to the participants and could be translated into goal directed behaviour. The mission became less focussed with the Page 228 administrative restructuring, leaving the future d i r e c t i o n of the project vaguely a r t i c u l a t e d . This condition was evident i n the d i f f e r i n g meanings and expectations expressed i n the use of the term "empowerment." 2. Consistency looks at s t a b i l i t y with the development of shared values and norms. a. Public presentations focussed members' r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s and t i e d them to a c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y as representatives of the F i r s t Nations. b. Selection procedures evolved which not only tested for candidate potential but also set out basic programme expectations. c. Training procedures developed which prepared members to handle job requirements and b u i l t an e s p r i t de corps. d. Emphasis on technology as a c u l t u r a l achievement provided a tangible study base and a r t i f a c t s had audience appeal. e. "Senior" members provided role models and i n i t i a t e d new members into the procedures, expectations and norms of the programme. f. D i s c i p l i n a r y p o l i c i e s were a r t i c u l a t e d i n a system of three warnings. g. As museum trainees, NYP members were expected to meet professional standards which was expressed i n concrete ways, such as caring for a r t i f a c t s and equipment, and s t a r t i n g presentations on time. Page 229 ASSESSMENT: Although there were i n d i v i d u a l disappointments and deviations, the NYP had developed p r e d i c t a b i l i t y and normative integration due to a structured programme treatment and mechanisms for the s o c i a l i z a t i o n of new members. These r e f l e c t e d standards valued i n the mainstream society, thus operationalizing objectives to improve academic achievement and career p o t e n t i a l . The main strength of the NYP was i n t e r n a l consistency which c l o s e l y related the o r i g i n a l programme objectives to actual p o l i c i e s and practices. 3. Involvement considers the informal processes and formal structure of p a r t i c i p a t i o n . a. The q u a l i t y of programme implementation became dependent on the s t y l e and commitment of the project managers. b. The project manager had scope for innovation within the basic procedures and routines of the NYP. c. In r e a l i t y , the programme t r a i n i n g and a c t i v i t i e s were very ambitious leaving the project managers and members pressed to meet the basic schedule. d. NYP members enjoyed casual and formal access to MOA s t a f f and resources due to the size and layout of the museum and the organizational culture which stressed a public service orientation. e. Members were encouraged to speak from t h e i r own experience which was used extensively i n answering audience questions following presentations. f. The practice of " c r i t s " involved the whole group i n Page 230 maintaining standards and established an expectation of i n d i v i d u a l improvement. ASSESSMENT: Involvement considers the NYP's i n t e r n a l mechanisms for adaptation and change, placing prime importance on p a r t i c i p a n t contributions. The project was dedicated to personal growth and had numerous ways of promoting and recognizing i n d i v i d u a l accomplishments. However, the organizational process i t s e l f was r e l a t i v e l y fixed, leading to high ratings for consistency, but c a l l i n g into question future development of the programme, es p e c i a l l y with leadership dependent on managers hired for short terms and i n d i r e c t guidance MOA supervising s t a f f . 4. Adaptability reviews the forces of change and the organizational responses. a. The NYP functioned within the e x i s t i n g structure and organizational culture of MOA which insulated the project from many external forces, including funding sources, audiences and F i r s t Nations groups. b. Within t h i s dependency arrangement, a precise understanding of project costs was not possible due to the broad support provided by MOA. c. While project participants regularly submitted reports and were encouraged to c r i t i q u e the NYP, there was no formal or systematic review process. d. The basic mission and practices of the NYP seemed r e s i l i e n t enough to survive the administrative Page 231 t r a n s i t i o n and some reduction i n a c t i v i t i e s . e. The i n i t i a l focus on remedial academic t r a i n i n g was adjusted to make the project viable and take advantage of p o s s i b i l i t i e s offered by a museum based programme. f. Internal management structures developed to more r e a l i s t i c a l l y handle supervisory requirements for work with teenagers. g. Methods for involving members of the F i r s t Nations i n the interpretation and presentation of t h e i r c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n s and a r t i f a c t s were being altered i n response to changing s e n s i b i l i t i e s i n t e r n a l l y and external expectations. ASSESSMENT: Adaptability requires that an organization has mechanisms for responding to i n t e r n a l and external forces and for incorporating new ideas. The NYP had demonstrated a c a p a b i l i t y for adapting to changing circumstances, and had done so because of a shared commitment to the basic mission and approach, and because of the p a r t i c u l a r organizational culture at the host i n s t i t u t i o n . The b e l i e f i n the mission provided a basis for s t a b i l i t y and reactive group response. However, the mission, and the p o l i c i e s and practices i t informed, showed signs of becoming entrenched, l i m i t i n g the poten t i a l within the NYP to review directions as a successful proactive organization. D. STATEMENT OF CONCLUSION AND CONTRIBUTION This case study of the Native Youth Project i s a r e f l e x i v e Page 232 exercise making sense of a museum based project o r i g i n a l l y planned as a s o c i a l intervention programme. The study explores some fundamental questions about the purpose and place of anthropology, e s p e c i a l l y i n i t s applied forms. The background assumptions informing the work of anthropologists have been explained i n terms of the role of c u l t u r a l brokerage. This r o l e has been shown to r e f l e c t the p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l milieu within which i t operates, adapting to changing s e n s i b i l i t i e s and p o l i t i c a l forces. This perspective has been i l l u s t r a t e d i n the development of the NYP within the context of the organizational culture and i n s t i t u t i o n a l resources at MOA. Through t h i s r e f l e x i v e study, I have come to accept that I was attracted to MOA because the museum programmes s a t i s f i e d some of my i n t e r e s t s and expectations, and the philosophical orientation manifest i n i t s operations was compatible with my own worldview. I have served i n several capacities at MOA including that of student, and through t h i s association, my sense of purpose and ethics have been honed within the organizational culture. This case study attempts to t e l l the story of the NYP honestly, though informed by my own involvement, ever aware of the various stakeholders. Their anticipated reactions and disappointments have been a constant t e s t of the appropriateness and usefulness, indeed the v a l i d i t y , of the information being presented. As an early project supervisor, I accepted the o r i g i n a l mission of the NYP and w i l l i n g worked to make the project a success. However, I also f e l t some personal hesi t a t i o n . The immediacy of Page 233 designing and implementing a programme for another c u l t u r a l group forces one to c l a r i f y background assumptions and assume r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for consequences of the work. I have now come to understand the i n i t i a l motivation for the project (which informed the content and treatment i n the project) as an autho r i t a t i v e form of c u l t u r a l brokerage. Personally, I welcomed the t r a n s i t i o n towards forms of c u l t u r a l brokerage emphasizing fundamental, programmatic collaboration. The nature of ethnographic authority and the scope of "empowerment" as a guideline for c u l t u r a l brokerage continue to evolve. Truly r e f l e x i v e anthropology, studying ones own a c t i v i t i e s and commitments, has the potential of serving as a cor r e c t i v e mechanism, "increasing both r a t i o n a l i t y and s e n s i t i v i t y " (Ames 1979:24). The contribution of t h i s case study has been as a "formative programme evaluation," organizing the information to f a c i l i t a t e p o l i c y review and ongoing development of the NYP by programme sponsors and stakeholders, and to a s s i s t those contemplating and planning s i m i l a r programmes. The assessments have been offered i n a s p i r i t of suggestion, to focus discussions and provoke debates. This case study provides a contemporary example of the inters e c t i o n of aboriginal ways and public i n s t i t u t i o n s . It exposes underlying intentions to incorporate aboriginal peoples into the mainstream Canadian culture where achievement i s judged i n conventional s o c i a l and economic terms. While the NYP was designed to s o c i a l i z e F i r s t Page 234 Nations youth into the academic and career patterns of the dominant society, hosting the programme had an impact on MOA. T r a d i t i o n a l l y , museums served as the caretakers for c u l t u r a l a r t i f a c t s and a rchival materials, part of movement known i n the early part of t h i s century as "salvage ethnography." While fascinated with aboriginal l i f e ways and concerned about forces of s o c i a l change, there has also been i m p l i c i t c r i t i c i s m of contemporary conditions among the F i r s t Nations. This a t t i t u d e can be seen i n programmes such as the NYP. Indeed, the i n i t i a l i n s p i r a t i o n for the project was two pronged, to improve academic achievement among F i r s t Nations youth and to i n s t r u c t them i n t h e i r own c u l t u r a l history. From a position of overt paternalism with a background assumption of acculturation and a c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y enobled i n a dissociated, heroic past, the NYP developed into a forum for the active p a r t i c i p a t i o n of members of the F i r s t Nations i n the museum. While the basic pedagogic approach and educational objectives for the project were of Western o r i g i n , elders and leaders of the F i r s t Nations were used i n the t r a i n i n g procedures. This was consistent with the common practice i n the museum of using elders for elaboration and v e r i f i c a t i o n of published information, r e i n f o r c i n g conventional academic ethnography. As project managers from the F i r s t Nations assumed greater r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for planning the NYP i n the l a t e 1980s, aboriginal s e n s i t i v i t i e s gained prominence. The managers and members tended to return to the ongoing o r a l t r a d i t i o n s of s p e c i f i c communities, recognizing the Page 235 authority of the elders as primary sources of information. Although the d i s c i p l i n e and standards for the NYP continued to be set by the professional requirements of the un i v e r s i t y museum, the managers and students brought to the museum sustained and purposeful involvement with members of the F i r s t Nations, thus helping to create a more thorough and d i r e c t appreciation for contemporary conditions and a basis for constructive i n t e r a c t i o n with t h e i r organizations. In turn, MOA provided a place where members of the F i r s t Nations could explore t h e i r own i d e n t i t y v i s - a - v i s public i n s t i t u t i o n s and the dominant culture, a r e l a t i v e l y safe place where they could give expression to t h e i r emerging consciousness. The educational environment at MOA encouraged a c r i t i c a l perspective as managers and members tested the potential of anthropology as course of study and the museum as public i n s t i t u t i o n . The concept of the NYP was i n fact a r a d i c a l departure f o r museums, introducing F i r s t Nations teenagers into i n t e r p r e t i v e programming. The project had a considerable impact on MOA, but only l i m i t e d response from other museums. After a couple of summers, for example, the programme at the Canadian Museum of C i v i l i z a t i o n , modelled d i r e c t l y on the NYP with basic s t a f f i n g by former project participants, seemed to flounder. Why has the idea succeeded at MOA but not transferred successfully to other major museums? Lack of funding was one reason advanced. The NYP was not merely a t r a i n i n g programme for g a l l e r y docents, as the CMC apparently assumed. I t was a more complex operation, Page 236 combining an educational commitment to F i r s t Nations teenagers with new forms of c u l t u r a l interpretation and representation. In order to successfully transfer the programme to other i n s t i t u t i o n a l settings, the deeper structure and mission of the NYP would have to be understood and adapted to function within the organizational culture and available resources of the host i n s t i t u t i o n , and the i n s t i t u t i o n i t s e l f would have to adjust or create an id e o l o g i c a l "space" for the students. Madeline Rowan t r i e d for several years to persuade community museums i n B r i t i s h Columbia to adopt programmes similar to the NYP, but without success. Lack of f i n a n c i a l resources and experience dealing with F i r s t Nations were the usual reasons given. Over the years the most p o s i t i v e i n t e r e s t i n the NYP as a model for programming came from F i r s t Nations organizations, though only a few of them a c t u a l l y took steps to i n s t i t u t e comparable programmes. Why a programme can be a reasonable success at one i n s t i t u t i o n but not trans f e r to others i s a topic for further research. Page 237 BIBLIOGRAPHY Ames, Michael M. 1977 " V i s i b l e Storage and Public Documentation," Curator, Volume 20, Number 1, pp. 65-79. 1979 "Applied Anthropology i n Our Backyard," P r a c t i c i n g Anthropology, Volume 2, Number 1, pp. 7 and 23-24. 1981a "Museum Anthropologists and the Arts of Acculturation on the Northwest Coast," BC Studies, Volume 49, Spring, pp. 3-14. 1981b "Preservation and Access: A Report on an Experiment i n V i s i b l e Storage," Canadian Museums Association Gazette, Summer-Fall, pp. 22-33. 1986 Museums, the Public and Anthropology. 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Burridge, Kenelm 1973 Encountering Aborigines A Case Study: Anthropology and the Australian Aboriginal. New York: Pergamon Press. Page 238 Campbell, Donald T. 1981 "Comment: Another Perspective on a Scholarly Career," S c i e n t i f i c Inquiry and the Social Sciences. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass Publishers. Campbell, Donald T. and J u l i a n C. Stanley 1963 Experimental and Quasi-Experimental Designs f o r Research. Boston: Houghton M i f f l i n Company. Chambers, Erve 1985 Applied Anthropology: A P r a c t i c a l Guide. Englewood C l i f f s , New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc. C l i f f o r d , James 1988 The Predicament of Culture: Twentieth-Century Ethnography, Literature, and Art. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. 1991 "Four Northwest Coast Museums: Travel Reflections," Exhibiting Cultures: the Poetics and P o l i t i c s of  Museum Display. Ivan Karp and Steven Lavine, eds. Washington: Smithsonian I n s t i t u t i o n Press, pp. 212-254. 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Page 239 Foster, George M. 1969 Applied Anthropology. Company. Boston: L i t t l e , Brown and Foster, George M. and Robert V. Kemper (eds) 1974 Anthropologists i n C i t i e s . Boston: L i t t l e , Brown and Company. Glaser, Edward M., Harold H. Abelson and Kathalee N. Garrison 1983 Putting Knowledge to Use: F a c i l i t a t i n g the D i f f u s i o n of Knowledge and the Implementation of Planned Change, San Francisco: Jossey-Bass Publishers. Halpin, Marjorie M. 1976 "A New Kind of Ethnographic Museum i n Canada," Z e i t s c h r i f t fur Ethnologie Band 10, Heft 2, pp. 304-308. 1978 1981 "The Twelve Thousand Year Gap: Archaeology in British Columbia and First Peoples: Indian Cultures in British Columbia, a review," Canadian Museums Association Gazette, Volume 11, Number 1, pp. 40-48. Totem Poles: An I l l u s t r a t e d Guide. Vancouver: University of B r i t i s h Columbia Press. Harris, Marvin 1968 The Rise of Anthropological Theory. Y. Crowell Company. Hawthorn, Audrey New York: Thomas 1975 1979 (1967) "A History of the Museum of Anthropology, University of B r i t i s h Columbia," Papers_in Honour of Harry  Hawthorn, edited by Vernon C. Se r l and Herbert C. Taylor, J r . Bellingham, Washington: Western Washington State College, pp. 94-99. Kwakiutl Art. Vancouver: Douglas & Mclntyre. Hawthorn, Harry 1944 1966-1967 The Maori: A Study i n Acculturation. Memoir Series of the American Anthropological Association, Number 64. Director and Editor. A Survey of the Contemporary  Indians of Canada: A Report on Economic. P o l i t i c a l ,  Educational Needs and P o l i c i e s . Ottawa: Indian A f f a i r s Branch. Volume I and I I . 1976 "Recollections of a Talk Given at the Banquet of the Annual Meeting of the Canadian Ethnological Society," The History of Canadian Anthropology. Proceedings Page 240 Number 3, Canadian Ethnology Society, pp. 173-185. Hawthorn, H.B., C.S. Belshaw, S.M. Jamieson 1955 The Indians of B r i t i s h Columbia: A survey of S o c i a l and Economic Conditions: A Report to the Minister of  Citizenship and Immigration (three volumes). Vancouver: The University of B r i t i s h Columbia Press. Hymes, D e l l (editor) 1974 Reinventing Anthropology. New York: Vintage Books. (1969) I n g l i s , G.B. 1975 "Harry and Audrey Hawthorn: An Appreciation," Papers  i n Honour of Harry Hawthorn, edited by Vernon C. S e r l and Herbert C. Taylor, J r . Bellingham, Washington: Western Washington State College, pp. 1-9. The Joint Committee on Standards for Educational Evaluation 1981 Standards for Evaluations of Educational Programs, Projects and Materials. New York:McGraw-Hill Book Company. Koppelman, Kent L. 1983 "The Explication Model: An Anthropological Approach (1979) to Program Evaluation," Madaus, Scriven and Stufflebeam, eds., Evaluation Models: Viewpoints on  Eduational and Human Services Evaluation. Boston: Kluwer-Nijhoff Publishing, pp. 349-355. Kuhn, Thomas S 1970 The Structure of S c i e n t i f i c Revolutions. Chicago: The (1962) University of Chicago Press. Loseke, Donileen R. 1989 "Evaluation Research and the Practice of So c i a l Services: A Case for Qualitative Methodology," Journal of Contemporary Ethnography, Volume 18, Number 2, pp. 202-223. McCarty, T.L. 1987 "The Rough Rock Demonstration School: A Case History with Implications for Educational Evaluation," Human  Organization, Volume 46, Number 2, pp. 103-112. Malinowski, Bronislaw 1929 " P r a c t i c a l Anthropology," A f r i c a Volume 2, pp. 22-38. 1945 Dynamics of Culture Change: An Inquiry into Race Relations i n A f r i c a . New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press. Page 241 1969 Argonauts of the Western P a c i f i c ; An Account of Native (1922) Enterprise and Adventure i n the Archipelagoes of Melanesian New Guinea. New York: E.P. Dutton. Native Indian Youth Advisory Society 1989 Draft of funding s o l i c i t a t i o n statement of objectives and purpose, and S p i r i t Song brochure. Native Youth Project 1979 to Project Reports and f i l e s at the University of B r i t i s h 1989 Columbia Museum of Anthropology. Patton, Michael Quinn 1981 Creative Evaluation. Publications. Beverly H i l l s : Sage 1982 P r a c t i c a l Evaluation. Publications. Beverly H i l l s : Sage 1986 Utilization-Focused Evaluation. Publications. Beverly H i l l s : Sage Pelto, P e r t t i J . and Gretel H. Pelto 1978 Anthropological Research: The Structure of Inquiry. (1970) Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Peshkin, Alan 1988 "Understanding Complexity: A G i f t of Qu a l i t a t i v e Inquiry," Anthropology and Education Quarterly, Volume 19, Number 4, pp. 416-424. Redfield, Robert, Ralph Linton and M e l v i l l e Herskovits 1936 "Memorandum for the Study of Acculturation," American Anthropologist, New Series, Volume 38, pp. 149-152. Rich, Robert F. 1979 "The Pursuit of Knowledge," Knowledge: Creation,  Diffusion, U t i l i z a t i o n . Volume 1, Number 1. Beverly H i l l s : Sage Publications, pp. 6-30. Rowan, Madeline Bronsdon n.d. "Learning to Look with Teachers." Draft of a r t i c l e f or B.C. Museums Association Museum Round-up. Unpublished manuscript at UBC Museum of Anthropology. 1987a "Native Indian Youth In Museums: Success i n Education at the U.B.C. Museum of Anthropology." Paper given at the World Conference: Indigenous Peoples' Education. Vancouver, June 1987. Unpublished manuscript at UBC Museum of Anthropology. Page 242 1987b Draft manuscript for Native Youth Project Manual. Unpublished manuscript at UBC Museum of Anthropology. Rowan, Madeline Bronsdon and Jean Mcintosh 1982 "Museum Applications of Anthropology: The Native Youth Project at the U.B.C. Museum of Anthropology." Draft of a r t i c l e for B.C. Museums Association Museum  Round-up. Unpublished manuscript at the UBC Museum of Anthropology. Sharp, Lauriston 1952 "Steel Axes for Stone-Age Australians," Human Organization, Volume 11, Number 2. Spicer, Edward H. 1968 "Acculturation," International Encyclopedia of Soci a l Sciences, Volume 1, pp. 21-27. Stake, Robert E. 1983 "The Case Study Method i n Social Inquiry." In Madaus, (1978) Scriven and Stufflebeam, editors, Evaluation Models: Viewpoints on Eduational and Human Services  Evaluation. Boston: Kluwer-Nijhoff Publishing. Pp. 279-286. 1986 Quieting Reform: Social Science and Soc i a l Action i n an Urban Youth Program. Urbana, I l l i n o i s : University of I l l i n o i s Press. Stewart, Hilary 1977 1984 Indian Fishing: Early Methods on the Northwest Coast. Vancouver: J.J. Douglas. Cedar: Tree of L i f e to the Northwest Coast Indians. Vancouver: Douglas and Mclntyre. Suchman, Edward A 1972 "Action for What? A Critique of Evaluation Research." In Carol H. Weiss, editor, Evaluating Action Programs. Boston: A l l y n & Bacon. Pp. 42-84. Taylor, Brenda 1989 Recorded interviews i n June 1989. Tylor, Edward Burnett 1970 Religion i n Primitive Culture. Gloucester, (1871) Massachusetts: Peter Smith. Page 243 Weaver, S a l l y M. 1976 "The Role of Social Science i n Formulating Canadian Indian Pol i c y : A Preliminary History of the Hawthorn-Tremblay Report," Canadian Ethnology Society Proceedings, Number 3, pp. 50-97. 1981 Making Canadian Indian Policy: The Hidden Agenda, 1968-7. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Weaver, Thomas (editor) 1973 To See Ourselves: Anthropology and Modern S o c i a l Issues. Glenview, I l l i n o i s : Scott, Foresman and Company. Weiss, Carol H. 1972 Evaluation Research: Methods for Assessing Program Effectiveness. Englewood C l i f f s , New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc. Wilson, Stephen 1977 "The Use of Ethnographic Techniques i n Educational Research," Review of Educational Research, Winter 1977, Volume 47, Number 1, pp. 245-265. Wolf, Robert L. 1980 "A N a t u r a l i s t i c View of Evaluation," Museum News, July/August 1980, pp. 39-45. Page 244 APPENDIX NATIVE YOUTH PROJECT MEMBERS AND MANAGERS A l l of the participants i n the NYP deserve to be acknowledged for each l e f t a mark on the development of the programme. This case study i s b u i l t on my own involvement with the NYP which spans eight years. It i s d i f f i c u l t to properly recognize a l l those who have contributed to the descriptions, understandings and explanations contained herein. During the NYP summer programme i n 1988, my p a r t i c i p a t i o n centred on recording the project a c t i v i t i e s and r e l a t i o n s h i p s . A s p e c i a l thank you for the support offered by the project manager, Debbie Jeffrey, the members, Don Bain, Dena Klashinsky, Shelan Kuypers, Dayna Mussell, Lara Mussell, Marina Prince, Desiree Sparrow and L o r i Speck, and the museum s t a f f supervisors, Anne-Marie Fenger and Moya Waters. They were a l l curious about the process and w i l l i n g to endure the questioning and note taking. My work with the NYP the previous summer, 1987, had convinced me that the project was a worthy subject for a t h e s i s . Deeply moving memories of the f i e l d t r i p to the United Native Nations Annual General Assembly i n Prince George w i l l be with me forever. The senior members, Don Bain, Eileen Joe and L o r i Speck, were dedicated and caring, and the new members, Sadie Morris and Vernon Mulvahill, exemplified the hopes and exasperations inherent i n a youth work/study project. That summer, G l o r i a George, the project manager, and Dolly Watts organized a t r a d i t i o n a l Naming Ceremony to be held at the museum co-hosted by the NYP. This event stands out as a highlight and a turning point i n the history of the NYP. Marcia Crosby became the project manager i n 1989, and I am indebted to her for the fresh insight and d i f f e r e n t perspective she brought to the project, as well as the personal i n t e r e s t she showed i n t h i s t h e s i s . Greg Brass, a former NYP member, returned to MOA as a UBC Anthropology student, and provided valuable insights as he a r t i c u l a t e d his own experiences. Looking back to my f i r s t experience with the NYP i n 1982, the group established my commitment to the programme. Problems and p o s s i b i l i t i e s were analyzed and action planned with the supervising curator, Madeline Bronsdon Rowan, the project manager, S y l v i a Boucher and museum intern, Deborah Doxtator. The members are remembered aff e c t i o n a t e l y for t h e i r e f f o r t s , achievements and disappointments: Denise Boudreau, P h i l i p Boudreau, Barney Edwards, Trudy Grant, Harriet Isnardy, Ron (Mura) Joseph, Vivian Mearns, Norman Point and Moses Woods. Hiring, p a y r o l l and other administrative a c t i v i t i e s were d i r e c t l y handled with the Native Indian Youth Advisory Society that year, building an appreciation and respect for Brenda Taylor and the organization she had been instrumental i n e s t a b l i s h i n g . Page 245 Following i s basic information about the NYP p a r t i c i p a n t s . This summary i s based on project records which are not complete. Name Ethnic Division B i r t h year/Education 1979 Barnes, Dawn +Campbell, Angela Coast S a l i s h +Edwards, L e s l i e Gladstone, Bernadine H i l l , Sheila I s b i s t e r , Curtis +Joseph, Ron (Mura) Point, Aaron Coast Sal i s h +Point, Norman Coast S a l i s h Point, Ricky Coast S a l i s h Robertson, Geraldine Taylor, Cindy Kwakiutl 1980 Project Manager: Hanuse, Teresa Coast S a l i s h Boudreau, Denise +Campbell, Angela Campbell, Eddie Campbell, Lorna Campbell, Rhonda +George, A l v i n I s b i s t e r , Curtis *+Isnardy, Harriet +Joseph, Ron (Mura) Morton, Paul Point, Aaron Point, Norman Coast S a l i s h Coast S a l i s h Coast S a l i s h 1981 Project Manager: Mcintosh, Jean not F i r s t Nations UBC Anth. post-grad +Boudreau, Denise +Campbell, Angela +Grant, Trudy +Guerin, Kim Joseph, Ron (Mura) +Point, Norman +Spathelfer, Jackie Coast S a l i s h Coast S a l i s h Coast S a l i s h Page 246 1982 Project Manager: Boucher, S y l v i a I n t e r i o r S a l i s h UBC Education NITEP Boudreau, Denise "Boudreau, P h i l i p ''Edwards, Barney Coast S a l i s h Grant, Trudy Isnardy, Harriet "Joseph, Ron (Mura) Mearns, Vivian Point, Norman "Woods, Moses Coast S a l i s h Coast S a l i s h 1983 Project Manager: Boucher, S y l v i a +Grant, Anita +Mearns, Vivian +Nyce, Harry +Paull, Edmund +Smith, Rodney +West, Alexandrea Interi o r S a l i s h 7 Tsimshian Coast S a l i s h Tsimshian Coast Sali s h Kwakiutl Coast S a l i s h UBC Education NITEP b. 1967 b. 71966 b. 1965 b. 71965 b. 1965 1984 Project Manager: Saunders, Barb 7 B e l l a Coola UBC Education/Arts NITEP ACasey, Rosanna Graydon, Timi Joseph, Roman (Mura) Lawson, Kimberly Nyce, Harry Smith, Rodney T r o t t i e r , Jason Coast Sali s h Kwakiutl b. 1967 b. 71965 1985 Project Manager: T a i t , Larry E. Brass, Greg Graydon, Timi Holmes, Debbie Martin, Johnna Sawan, Shannon Sparrow, Willard Tsimshian Cree Coast S a l i s h Interior S a l i s h Iroquois Cree Coast S a l i s h UBC Education NITEP b. 1968 college b. 1967 b. 1967 college b. 1970 b. 1970 b. 1968 Page 247 1986 Project Manager: T a i t , Larry E. +Bain, Don Bourke, Dominic +Brass, Greg +Holmesf Debbie +Jeffrey, Monica +Joe, Eileen McLean, Marquita +Speck, L o r i Tsimshian Carr i e r Interior Salish/C Cree Interior S a l i s h Tsimshian Coast S a l i s h Tsimshian Kwakiutl UBC Education NITEP b. 1971 college b. 1968 b. 1968 college b. 1967 college b. 1969 b. 1971 college b. 1969 b. 1971 1987 Project Manager: George, G l o r i a Tsimshian Law George, Margaret (winter session) +Bain, Don Carr i e r b. 1971 college +Joe, Ei l e e n Coast S a l i s h b. 1971 college +Morris, Sadie Nuuchanulth b. 1970 Mu l v a h i l l , Vernon Cree b. ?1971 +Speck, L o r i Kwakiutl b. 1971 1988 Project Manager: Je f f r e y , Debbie +Bain, Don Tsimshian Carrier +Klashinsky, Dena Kwakiutl/Coast S a l i s h b. 1974 UBC Education post-grad b. 1971 college +Kuypers, Shelan Mussell, Dayna +Mussell, Lara "Prince, Marina +Sparrow, Desiree Speck, L o r i Haida b. 1970 Coast Sal i s h b. 1974 Coast Sal i s h b. 1974 Carri e r b. 1971 Coast Salish/Haida b. 71974 1989 Project Manager: Crosby, Marcia Haida/Tsimshian UBC Fine Arts +Klashinsky, Dena Kwakiutl/Coast S a l i s h b. 1974 Mussell, Lara Coast Sal i s h b. 1974 +Sparrow, Desiree Coast Salish/Haida b. 71974 (and four new members) + Also pa r t i c i p a t e d i n the winter programme. " Pa r t i c i p a t e d for only part of the summer programme. Page 248 

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