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The conditions that help or hinder successful adjustment following a move : a critical incidents study Broughton, Brenda 1984

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THE CONDITIONS THAT HELP OR HINDER SUCCESSFUL ADJUSTMENT FOLLOWING A MOVE: A CRITICAL INCIDENTS STUDY By BRENDA BROUGHTON B.A. (HONS.) Simon Fraser University, 1974 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of Counselling Psychology) We accept this thesis as conforming tq_ the required standard The University of British Columbia August 1984 Brenda Broughton, 1984 In present ing t h i s thes is i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements fo r an advanced degree at the Un ivers i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L ib ra ry s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e fo r reference and study. I fu r ther agree that permission fo r extensive copying of t h i s t h e s i s fo r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by h i s or her representat i ves . I t i s understood that copying or p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s fo r f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my wr i t ten permiss ion . Department of COUNSELLING PSYCHOLOGY The Un ive rs i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 D a t e July 2 6 , 1 9 8 4 DE-6 (3/81) i i ABSTRACT This is an exploratory study using Flanagan's (1954) Critical Incident Technique to examine what conditions facilitate or hinder a successful adjustment following a move. The sample of 24 subjects, consisted of 12 well educated, middleclass suburban couples,' age 26 to 55, chosen for their experience in the area of moving. Individual interviews were tape recorded. A mean of 10.21 incidents were reported per subject. A total of 14 Basic Categories were formed. Reliability of the Basic Categories was suggested (.85). The importance of each category was suggested by the high proportion of subjects that reported in each (.25 < n < .71). These categories formed 5 Superordinate Categories. Preliminary evidence suggests 6 areas in which the spouse might affect their partner's adjustment following a move. A total of 54.88% of the incidents reported occurred within 6 weeks of the move. It is suggested that methods that facilitate successful adjustment be implemented. i i i TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ABSTRACT i i TABLE OF CONTENTS i i i LIST OF TABLES v ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS v i DEDICATION v i i CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION 1 Background of the Problem 1 Statement of the Problem and Purpose of the Study 5 Definition of Terms 6 Research Questions and Rationale 6 Delimitations of the Study 7 Justification of the Study 7 CHAPTER II. REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE 9 Moving, Change, and Stress 9 Moving and Changes in Affect 16 The Importance of Emotional Innoculation 18 The C r i t i c a l Incident Technique 24 C r i t i c a l Incident Procedure and Data Collection '.. 26 Analysis: Saturation and Comprehensiveness.... 30 Rel i a b i l i t y of the Collecting Procedure 30 Control of Categorization 31 Analysis of Contents of Training Literature... 32 The Importance of the Subcategories 32 Conclusion 33 CHAPTER III. METHODOLOGY 35 Subjects 35 Background of Subjects 36 The C r i t i c a l Incident Interview 37 The Interview 39 Procedure 40 iv Page CHAPTER IV. RESULTS 42 Basic Categories 42 Superordinate Categories and Basic Categories 43 Definition of Basic Categories 44 Reliability 52 Basic Categories Participation Rate 53 Degree of Initial Importance of the Basic Categories 56 Factors Regarding the Spouse 59 Time Frame 61 Results of Special Interest from the Biodemographic Questionnaire 63 CHAPTER V-. DISCUSSION 65 Statement of Findings 65 Limitations of the Study 71 Theoretical Implications 72 Practical Implications 76 Implications of Future Research 79 Summary 83 REFERENCES 8 4 APPENDICES A. Letter of Initial Contact 88 B. Bicdemographical Questionnaire 89 C. Consent Form 9 1 V LIST OF TABLES Page Table 1 Percentage Proportion of Subjects Represented in Each Basic Category 54 Table 2 The Mean Order of Subjects Reported Incidents Between Incident Number 1 to 5 in Each Category for Both Facilitating and Hindering Incidents 57 Table 3 Spouse Related Factors, the Frequencies and Percentage of Females (F) and Males (M) Reporting on What Their Partner Did that Facilitated or Hindered Adjustment Following the Move 60 Table 4 A Cumulative Frequency Distribution of the Length of Time After the Move the Incident Occurred 62 v i ACKNC1WLEIX5EMENTS I would l i k e to express my appreciation to Dr. Larry Cochran for his guidance, his constructive confrontation and his reassurances throughout the planning and implementation of this study. I would also like to give my deepest thanks to Dr. Cochran for his i n i t i a l enthusiasm and support for this topic, without which this research may never have been pursued. In addition, I would like to express my gratitude to Dr. Sharon Kahn and Dr. Marv Westwood for focusing and clar i f y i n g the scope of this study. As I proceeded their words caused me to rethink the focus of the present research on numerous occasions. I would like to acknowledge the contribution made by the twelve couples who participated and shared their own experiences in this area thoughtfully and freely. Finally, I would like to thank my parents, family and friends for their ongoing support, understanding and encouragement toward completing this^task. v i i DEDICATION This thesis i s dedicated to my husband, Michael Broughton, for his unending love, help and supportive attitude, and to my three children G i l l i a n , Tegan and Bronwen whose a b i l i t y to be independent and to contribute to the household in a loving and thoughtful manner freed my time to approach this task. My love to you, Michael, G i l l i a n , Tegan and Bronwen, for making i t possible for me to begin as well as complete this thesis. 1 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Background of the Problem: Moving, that i s , changing one's residence from one geographical location to another, is a common occurrence both within and between c i t i e s in society today (Packard, 1974; Toff ler, 1981). Although i t i s something most people experience in a lifetime, i t i s seldom viewed as a major l i f e transition (Holmes and Rahe, 1967, p.216; Packard, 1974; Toffler, 1981). By some, moving i s viewed as an exciting challenge; by others, i t is viewed as a loss. Interest in moving as an important transition in one's l i f e emerged after having had many clients in therapy who reported stress, a perceived loss of self, emptiness, loss of esteem and confidence, and marital and family distress, following a move. Examination of the client's personal history identified the period at the time of a move as marking the onset in changes in the client's perceptions of ' s e l f . A 45 year old male client came to counselling in c r i s i s ; six months after a move. He is married with 2 children. His presenting problem was work stress. He found he could not function to the level he had prior to this move and was surprised and distressed. 2 Although the company he worked for had paid for his move, they did not give him any extra time off to get "established" within the community. His wife experienced isolation, resulting in loneliness and stress, and she became very depressed. This client f e l t frantic to help his family feel "at home" in their new location. This led to poor job performance which compounded his stress to the point where he became dysfunctional at his workplace and, f i n a l l y , took a job demotion. Two years following a move within the same region, a 31 year old female workshop member, attending a Self Images-Women course, reported a general sense of, loss of self. She stated that she wanted to be l i k e she used to be prior to her move, confident and secure within herself. The workshop helped her feel "connected" with others for the f i r s t time in two years. She reported that this sense of connectedness increased her confidence. The low sense of self esteem that she had reportedly experienced and her chronic feeling of vulnerability led her to be short tempered and overly protective for herself and her two children. She had not expected to feel vulnerable or disconnected from her new community. She had had a fantasy that neighbours would knock on her door, introduce themselves and invite her out to their homes. Her passive and shy behaviour outside the home had a negative impact on her self-concept and resulted in angry and aggressive behaviour in the home. She began eating to f i l l her time and the inner emptiness she was experiencing. 3 Another female client, age 26, married with no children, came for career counselling 1 year after a move. She said that she had been thinking about leaving her husband. The reason for this decision was that he had been transferred again and she couldn't bear the thought of another move, even though i t was a move back east to where her family of origin resides. She stated that she f e l t a tremendous perceived loss of self and an emptiness. She had become too shy, unti l recently, to make contact and form new friendships in the community. She was just beginning to make contact at this time and feared a greater perceived loss of self after yet another move. She viewed the move as a sacrifice of ' s e l f and was considering sacrificing the marriage instead. Lastly, a 35 year old male workshop member attending Stress Management, reported that he had recently returned to Vancouver, Br i t i s h Columbia, to reduce his stress, after 1 year in Toronto, Ontario with his wife and 15 year old stepson. He had been promoted to a position in Toronto, but as a family they f e l t disconnected from the community and a l l 3 family members became seriously depressed after only 6 months. He subsequently requested that he be demoted back to Vancouver. He explained that he had been excited about the promotion, but they just didn't know how to plug into their new community and didn't realize the importance of that un t i l they were back i n Vancouver. He described them as being f u l l y functioning again. 4 He, himself, was an outgoing, forthright and personable individual. A l l of the above are middleclass persons and a l l have had some post secondary education. For each person they report a perceived loss of self esteem that they link to the time of their move. The women experienced a perceived personal loss of self while the men related their concern to their families. Our society places l i t t l e thought or emphasis on the process of moving. On the other hand, a client in her mid-30's reported that she had moved 29 times and, moveover, that she loves i t . Further examination revealed that she had developed c r i t e r i a about the kind, cost and location of the dwelling; building in something "special" as a reward; acknowledging that there w i l l be unexpected negative events; and developing a sequential time line for "plugging-in" to her community. This offered further rationale for examining c r i t e r i a that leads to enhancing or impeding a move. Alvin Toffler (1971) in his book 'Future Shock', states that, "If acceleration i s a new social force, transience is i t s psychological counterpart, and without an understanding of the role i t plays in contemporary human behaviour, a l l our theories of personality, a l l our psychology, must remain premodern" (p. 17). Toffler (1971) suggests that the newness and complexity created by transience, " strains our capacity to adapt and creates the danger of future shock." (p.46). 5 Holmes and Rahe (1967) also l i s t a move as a source of stress, capable of contributing to i l l n e s s . Statement of the Problem and Purpose of the Study: Moving, according to Alvin Toffler, is an event which w i l l occur increasingly in our lives as the pace of our lives increases. The question that arises here i s , "what are the conditions that would f a c i l i t a t e or hinder a successful adjustment following a move?" Answering this question may provide valuable information that w i l l help to f a c i l i t a t e or improve a person's perceived sense of self following a residential move. The purpose of this exploratory study is to identify the conditions that f a c i l i t a t e and those conditions that hinder "plugging-in" effectively following a move. This information w i l l be collected using Flanagan's C r i t i c a l Incident Technique, which allows for the subjects to give self reports as to what their experience was (Flanagan, 1954). It is particularly pertinent, at this time of increasing mobility in society, (Toffler, 1971) to examine what are the c r i t i c a l incidents following a move, reported by subjects, as helping or hindering plugging-in. In the past, this procedure has not been used to explore research in this area (Packard, 1974). Subjects were selected from persons who have moved and are members of a couple. Both members of the couple were subjects. 6 Definition of Terms: The most important terms used in this study have been given the following definitions: 1. Condition i s defined here as any event, idea, action or thought process that occurs to or for the individual subject. 2. Successful adjustment i s defined as a reported feeling of well being and feeling "at home", that provides for a sense of self rather than a loss of self. ^* Facilitates means helps to bring about or contributes to a positive outcome. 4. Hinders means contributes to a negative outcome or prevents or impedes a positive outcome. 5. Plugged-in refers to a comfortable association, relationship, or knowledge of the community as defined by the individual. 6. A move refers here to a residential move from one residence to another whether or not a change in geographical location or region is involved. A l l residential moves w i l l be considered; from a move within a neighbourhood to an intercontinental move. Research Questions and Rationale: Increasingly, people are questioning whether they should make a move, questioning the social and emotional costs, as well as the financial ones (Brett, 1982; Brady, 1969; Cooper, 1980). It is hoped that this research w i l l be helpful in formulating 7 guidelines for the potential mover to f a c i l i t a t e a successful adjustment. The present research addresses one major and two minor questions. The f i r s t of these research questions i s major; the second and third research questions are minor. Three research questions investigated in this study are: 1. Interaction of Conditions and Adjustment. What specific conditions f a c i l i t a t e or hinder a successful adjustment following a move? 2. Conditions Within the "Couple to Adjustment. What conditions does the spouse provide that affect the individual's adjustment following a move? 3. Time Frame. How long after a move do the c r i t i c a l incidents occur? rtelimitations__of the Study: The subjects for this study are a select group of middleclass, well educated residents of a suburban community. The research results w i l l be generalizable to only educated middleclass populations. Justification of the Study L i f e today is often a complex myriad of change. Divorce, job change, marriage, financial changes and moving are a few changes common to many in society today (Holmes and Rahe, 1967; Toffler, 1971; Packard, 1974). 8 Weiss (1976) refers to the concept of "situational distress". He defines i t as "... reactions that are so much the product of exposure to a particular situation that they are displayed by almost everyone in the situation" (p. 213). Moving i s viewed by, Toffler, as a situation that predictably creates stress. Weiss, states that after the 'crisi s ' , when the person i s emotionally numb, a transition state begins marked by uncertainty, the individual experiences confusion and attempts to rearrange their l i f e . I t is this last point that this research focuses on. That i s , rearranging l i f e after a move, so as not to lead to what, Weiss, refers to as a "deficit situation". This research explores what conditions lead to effectively rearranging l i f e after a move and what conditions hamper effectively. 9 CHAPTER II REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE There i s a dearth of research and literature in the area of moving even though, "...the average American moves about 14 times in his lifetime" (Schafer, 1978, p. 129). Taeuber, (1972) reports that geographic mobility affects 20% of the American population in a given year. In Canada, the last Census (1981) showed that approximately 57% of the population had changed residence at least once over a 5 year period beginning in 1976 (Statistics Canada, 1981). This review w i l l i n i t i a l l y examine a move as a l i f e stress, secondly, i t ' s impact on 'affect', and lastly, the necessity of 'emotional innoculation' in order to minimize stress following a move (Janis, 1958). Moving, Change, and Stress: Change and stress are frequently discussed topics in contemporary society. Change is commonly acknowledged as stressful (Holmes and Rahe, 1967; Toffler, 1971; Packard, 1974) and 'stress', i t s e l f is receiving wide interest (Castillo, 1980; Charlesworth, Murphy and Beutler, 1981; Cooper, 1980; Greenwood and Greenwood, 1979; Janis, 1958). Moving is a change that leads to stress (Cooper, 1980; Holmes and Rahe, 1967; Packard, 1974; Schafer, 1978; Toffler, 1971; Viscott, 1977). 10 Schafer (1978) points out that, "People often move to escape stress. Yet moving sometimes brings new stresses where few existed before. Moving may also intensify old stresses - stress within a marriage, for instance, may become worse" (Schafer, 1978, p. 130). Moving, according to Schafer (1978) is a "...vast collection of micro changes..." (p. 131) and is a stress producing l i f e change, especially for those people unaccustomed to change. These micro changes involve both expected and unexpected "events". Toffler (1971) comments in his book 'Future Shock', that when a person moves, everything changes at once. It is a flooding of future shock. Toffler's ideas developed out of two firm convictions. F i r s t l y , that there is a "disease of change". (Toffler, 1971, p. 2). Secondly, Toffler (1971) reflects: I gradually came to be appalled by how l i t t l e i s actually known about adaptivity, either by those who c a l l for and create vast changes in our society, or by those who supposedly prepare us to cope with those changes. Earnest intellectuals talk bravely about educating for change or preparing people for the future. But we know vi r t u a l l y nothing about how to do i t . In the most rapidly changing environment to which man has ever been exposed, we remain p i t i f u l l y ignorant of how the human animal copes (p. 2-3). 11 Toffler (1971) thoroughly addresses the issue of 'how men respond to change.' However, the more fundamental issue of what actually works to ease the effects of change is l e f t to be explored. While Toffler (1971) talks about the stress resulting from change as 'Future Shock', David Viscott (1977) refers to i t as 'separation anxiety 1. He states that i t is best managed by making plans that, " bridge over the uncertain. For example, when a family moves i t is a good idea to wrij;e ahead to the Chamber of Commerce to inquire about the new neighbourhood, i t ' s schools, churches, clubs and other resources. The idea is to become as familiar as possible with the new and try to establish continuity so the family can experience a sense of the familiar on arriving. It is like a traveler...each new detail he recognizes reinforces his sense of continuity. So, even though the experience of the country is new, i t is also familiar and reassuring. The objective is to balance the feelings of loss by making new gains, not avoiding painful loss" (p. 24). Schafer (1978) in his article on stress, distress, and growth, has identified 3 stages of stress from moving: 1. breaking old ties, that i s , uprooting; 2. The actual move -physical sickness often colors this stage; and 3. Settling in. During the settling in period, physical stress is great. "You feel like a stranger, apprehensive and alone." (p. 131). 12 Packard (1974) like Viscott' (1977) and Schafer (1978) points out that the feeling of 'anonymity' and 'loneliness' is reported consistently by subjects in his studies on the effects of moving on the family. Subjects, report an absence of a 'sense of connectedness1 with those outside the family. Other findings from his studies with middleclass educated subjects on moving are that there is a reliance cn the mate for emotional satisfaction which often breeds h o s t i l i t y . Alcoholism, i n f i d e l i t y , marital discord and divorce, unconnectedness, a lonely coldness, personality disorders, post-partum depression and heart attacks were also reported (Packard, 1974). Packard (1974) emphasizes that the individual requires a sense of community for the shaping of his own sense of identity, self-esteem, and well-being. Packard, notes that after a move, the husband w i l l be inducted into a new or carry on with his old job, "His wife and children, however,, are l i k e l y to feel considerably more uprooted by the move" (p. 142). After the wife has moved the things and found the local dry cleaner and bakery, Packard (1974) states, "... she typically begins feeling what some psychiatrists c a l l "psychological arrival"...others complain of a general "lost" feeling for a while" (p. 143). Pilowsky (1974) concludes in his study on the psychiatric aspects of stress that, " . . . i l l n e s s , whether predominantly physical or psychological, occur in clusters, usually following a 13 series of changes" (p. 128). As previously mentioned, moving i s regarded as involving a series of 'micro changes', as well as 'macro changes' (such as job change, mortgage change etc.). These changes can lead to distress accompanied by physical or psychological symptoms. Holmes and Rahe (1967) in their study examining the relationship of change to the onset of illness established that, "...a cluster of social events requiring change in ongoing l i f e adjustment is significantly associated with the time of illness onset" (p.213). The cluster consisted of 43 l i f e events that were empirically derived from c l i n i c a l experience. One of these l i f e events is moving, 'change of residence'. In this study, 394 subjects rated these 43 l i f e events according to the degree of readjustment necessary after the change had occurred. The f i n a l results designate moving a stress score of 20 out of a possible 100 points on the Social Readjustment Rating Questionnaire (SRRQ), that i s , moving was seen as a relatively low stress l i f e change. Subjects were asked to draw on their own experience as well as their knowledge of others' experiences. They were asked for their "opinion" about the value of each item with regard to the "general population" rather than rating each item relative to 14 their own experience. The sample was one of convenience, with no attempt made to establish the subjects' experience. However, subjects were required to make subjective judgements' in 2 areas that required experience. (1) Subjects were asked to, strive to give your opinion of the average degree of readjustment necessary for each event rather than the extreme" (Holmes and Rahe, 1967, p.213). The subjects then were required to "guess" what was the average experience of the population without shown experience in the area. This wording entices subjects to make judgments against their own experience, i f perceived as extreme, in favour of preestablished societal 'schools of thought'. Predictably then, unusual l i f e events would be scored as more stressful than common l i f e events, where societal norms might more often be that the individual 'should' be able to cope. This procedure, possibly, perpetuates ill-founded myths. (2) Subjects were asked to assign values to each item. The instructions were, "(If an event requires intense readjustment over a short time span, i t may approximate in value an event requiring less intense readjustment over a long period of time.) If the event i s equal in social readjustment to marriage, record the rjaimber 500 opposite the event" (Holmes and Rahe, 1967, 15 p. 213). Again, this task requires subjects to make complex and subjective decisions, but does not offer information to support any experience cn the part of the subjects. The Social Readjustment Rating Questionnaire (SRRQ) is effective in identifying stressful l i f e events, however, there is a danger in putting too much importance cn the stress value assigned. Therefore, the Holmes and Rahe (1967) study should only be used to indicate moving as a l i f e stress that can lead to illness, however, i t should not be used to evaluate the degree of stress that moving produces. The stress of a move can either act as a positive or negative force on an individual's physical and psychological well being. Schafer (1978) outlines two guiding principles to managing the stress of a move wisely. The f i r s t i s awareness. Understanding can aid in handling this stress. It can lead to coping responses that are constructive rather than destructive or irrelevant. Thus, awareness of i t ' s impact before a harmful coping response begins, is beneficial. Secondly, action guided by informed understanding - that is the necessary and sufficient combination required for handling stress well" (p. 144). Schafer, pinpoints the necessity to identify effective and ineffective ways of coping. 16 In, McGrath's (1970) study on stress, he focuses on the duration of stress, the setting and the coping process used by his subjects. His findings indicate that anticipatory plans; planning the response to certain demands when and i f they occur; is effective in coping with stress. A similar study conducted by Charlesworth, Murphy, and Beutler (1981) investigating stress management in nursing students focused on the duration, intensity of the stress, and the coping style employed by the students. The findings indicated that the 'external resources' or 'support systems' available to assist the individual in coping and the 'endurance' of the individual are both important factors to consider. McGrath (1970) found that both the 'physical environment' variables and the attitude and perceptions of the individual resulted in 'socicpsychological' stress effects. He, states that, "...fear of the cold as well as cold i t s e l f can produce undesirable effects..." (p. 28). Moving and Changes in Affect: In the case of moving, subjects consistently report a feeling of loneliness, of unconnectedness (Schafer, 1978; Packard, 1974; Katz, 1980). Thus, the physical act of moving can create a 17 feeling of loneliness that can be self perpetuating. Feelings of shyness can impede the person from reaching out to their new environment and the feeling of loneliness can become untested reality i f the person is too shy to meet others (Schafer, 1978; Toffler, 1971). Toffler (1971) states that, "Moving one's household, is cause for commiseration rather than congratulations" (p. 86). He quotes from, James S. Tyhurst, of the University of B r i t i s h Columbia (paper unpublished). Tyhurst, studied individuals following immigration. Tyhurst's findings suggest that there are 3 stages (from Toffler, 1971, p. 89). The f i r s t , is to get settled (find work, money, shelter). The second phase is when "...'psychological ar r i v a l ' , takes place. Characteristics of this are increasing anxiety and depression; increasing self-preoccupation, often with somatic preoccupations and somatic symptoms; general withdrawal from the society in contrast to previous activity; and some degree of h o s t i l i t y and suspicion. The sense of difference and helplessness becomes increasingly intense and the period is characterized by marked discomfort and turmoil. This period of more or less disturbance may last for one to several months" (Tyhurst from Toffler, 1971, p. 89). In the third phase, relative adjustment to the new 18 surroundings begins to occur or symptoms begin to intensify to the point where a break with reality can occur. Tyhurst, states that in extreme cases, "...the development of more severe disturbances are manifested by more intense disorders of mood, the development of abnormal mental content and breaks with reality" can occur (from Toffler, 1971, p. 89). Greenwood and Greenwood (1979) in their discussion on preventive measures and stress, state that, "You may also take certain measures to reduce your vulnerability and increase your resistance to those forms of stress which you know produce adverse effects for you" (p. 215). Authors agree (Weiford, 1974; Greenwood and Greenwood, 1979; Charlesworth et a l . , 1981) that change raises arousal levels, thus "increasing" stress, while predictability and uniformity tend to "lower" i t . Welford explains that when under too l i t t l e stress the organism is insensitive and inert, yet becomes tense and disorganized i f the stress level is too high. Many changes, as occur in a move, lead to increased stress which leads to tense and disorganized behavior. The Importance of Emotional Innoculation: Authors, agree that prediction of what is to come is helpful 19 in reducing stress (Charlesworth et a l . , 1981; Greenwood and Greenwood, 1971; Janis, 1958; McGrath, 1970; Schafer, 1978; Toffler, 1971; Viscott, 1977; Weiss, 1971; Welford, 1974;). Janis (1958) calls this prediction 'emotional innoculation'. The purpose is to make the individual aware of an impending c r i s i s or disaster well in advance of the f u l l confrontation of the actual occurrence of the event. Janis (1958) outlines three steps necessary to emotionally innoculate the individual facing change. F i r s t l y , to give r e a l i s t i c information in a way that undermines the individuals denial and makes them aware of their vulnerability. Secondly, to counteract feelings of helplessness, hopelessness and demoralization, by providing a balance between the arousal of anticipatory concerns cn the one hand and authoritative reassurance on the other hand. Lastly, to encourage the individual to devise their own plans for protecting their ' s e l f , thus preventing passivity and excessive reliance on the protective powers of authority figures or friends which may lead to subsequent feelings of disillusionment and resentment. Cooper (1980) discusses the effect of moving managers on the family. He points out that moving increases the level of stress placed on the relocated manager particularly in the relations 20 with their families (p. 37). He emphasizes that companies are not considering the families and many " women go on tranquillizers. He concludes, " have to give them (the wives) support" (Cooper, 1980, p. 38). The family stress i s reflected in the husbands poor work performance and stress symptoms. This was also the case in the anecdotal evidence in Chapter I. Men and women appear to have individual differences in the symptoms each sex reports following a move, that i s , 'loss of s e l f versus 'poor job performance'. Cooper (1980) states that there is no proof that i t is to anyone's advantage to move every 2 years. He ca l l s these managers "executive gypsies". He further states that this results in a "tranquillizer society" in order to dull the pain of the move. The Employee Relocation Council, Inc. (ERC), Washington, D.C., estimate the cost of an average family move at $30,000.00 (Cooper, 1980). This figure, serves to illu s t r a t e that moves are costly, not only psychologically and physically, but financially as well. In a study on emotional innoculation and post operative pain conducted by Egbert, Battit, Welch, and Bartlett (1964) 97 patients were divided into an experimental group and a control 21 group prior to elective intra-abdominal operations. The control group was not told about post operative pain by the anesthetist, whereas the experimental group was told, "...where they would feel pain, how severe i t would be and how long i t would last and reassured that having pain was normal after abdominal operations" (p.825). The subjects were also told what would be done about the pain, how pain was caused and taught how i t could be relieved by relaxing the muscles. They were told that relaxation may not be complete i n i t i a l l y , but medication was available. The patients' doctors and nurses - who were unaware of the study -recorded the use of morphine for both groups for the f i r s t 5 post operative days. The experimental group was reassured again after surgery that their pain was normal. The experimental group used less narcotics (p-=.00l) and were released an average of 2 7/10 days earlier than the control group. This study indicates the high degree of importance and the benefits of knowing what to expect in a situation as well as knowing what you can do about i t . Miller (1979) in her study with college students on coping with stressful events, concludes that, "...predictable aversive events should be chosen over unpredictable aversive events," (p. 151). Weiss (1971) studied the effect of punishing the coping response in rats in 2 separate studies. His findings indicate that responding when every response produces 'relevant' feedback 22 results in l i t t l e 'ulcerative' stress, while responding in the absence of relevant feedback results in considerable 'ulcerative' stress. Viscott (1977) points out, "Knowing you are going to lose something helps, and knowing what that something is helps more" (p. 20). Welford (1974) and Greenwood and Greenwood (1971) agree that prediction of what i s to come is helpful in reducing stress. 'Emotional innoculation', then, is fundamental to a successful adjustment following a move. Knowing what can help or hinder a move is central here. Social support, emotional innoculation - awareness and understanding of both the negative and positive events, as well as an awareness and understanding of the productive and unproductive interpretations - have a l l been pointed out by authors as c r i t i c a l in f a c i l i t a t i n g an effective "change" or, more specifically, a "successful adjustment" following a move (Cooper, 1980; Egbert et a l . , 1964; Greenwood and Greenwood, 1979; Janis, 1958; McGrath, 1970; Miller, 1979; Schafer, 1978; Toffler, 1971; Viscott, 1977; Weiss, 1971). Packard (1974) conducted a study where he asked 74 subjects who had recently moved, "...whether they had developed any ideas or strategies for making relocations into strange areas easy and pleasant for the family" (p. 147). Packard's, findings yield 4 ways to move effectively and 4 major problems that subjects 23 reported. The 4 suggested techniques were: 1. get to know the new area before you move; 2. for companies to have a "buddy system" for each family member; 3. home furnishings geared to movability; and 4. to develop techniques for maintaining a sense of continuity wherever you liv e in order to minimize the sense of upheaval. The 4 major problems reported were: 1. obtaining needed household and personal services; 2. overcoming mistrust of yourself as a stranger with others; 3. finding medical services; and 4. making new friends. Packard's (1974) subjects report that nothing could ease the 'pain' f e l t after a move except time, but Packard concludes, that the adjustment period varies between individuals because people are no longer gregarious toward newcomers. Other conditions that subjects reported as helpful were having children, moving during nice weather, getting to know neighbours, involvement with the church, or any other groups. Packard, emphasizes the importance that thinking of your present location as "home" has on your psychological health, (p. 196). In his study, Packard, solicited suggestions which may or may not have been actually tested by the subjects or simply ideas that the subjects had. That i s , the subjects were not required to have experienced these conditions themselves. In fact, some of the subjects responses may be a reaction to or against their own experience, but there is no way to know from the study 24 results. The information generated, then, has been pretested by-individual subjects and when a coping strategy - either effective or ineffective - presents i t s e l f repeatedly, a degree of r e l i a b i l i t y regarding this strategy i s suggested. The C r i t i c a l Incident Technique The research technique selected for this study was developed by John C. Flanagan and a variety of associates over a 10 year period beginning in the mid-40's. It is called the C r i t i c a l Incident Technique (Flanagan, 1954). The C r i t i c a l Incident Technique evolved, primarily, out of research done in the Aviation Psychology Program of the United States Army A i r Forces during World War II. Studies were conducted to examine the satisfactory and unsatisfactory execution of an assigned task. The c r i t i c a l incident procedure was used to determine what reported conditions led to the success or failure of these tasks. This procedure was found to be effective in obtaining information from individuals regarding their own or other people's performance. Flanagan (1954) defines an "incident" as "...any observable human activity that i s sufficiently complete in i t s e l f to permit inferences and predictions to be made about the person performing the act" (p. 327). An incident is viewed as " c r i t i c a l " i f i t makes a significant contribution, either positively or negatively to the event involved. In this case moving. The term 25 "significant" refers to any event that i s seen by the subjects as having an identifiable effect, again, either positively or negatively. This study acknowledges that one method of understanding what fac i l i t a t e s or hinders adjustment following a move is to ask subjects, who have experienced a move, what incidents were c r i t i c a l for them. According to Flanagan (1954) the C r i t i c a l Incident Technique u t i l i z e s , "...a set of procedures for collecting direct observations of human behaviour in such a way as to f a c i l i t a t e their potential usefulness in solving practical problems and developing broad psychological principles" (p. 327). This method then w i l l yield new practical information, helpful in making a successful move. The procedure used in this technique involves a system of collecting incidents of special significance that lead to the success or failure of carrying out an important task. These incidents are collected from observers who have some knowledge or expertise in the f i e l d being studied. The observers are asked systematic questions to ensure that the information observed or experiences given meet specific c r i t e r i a . Data are analyzed and " c r i t i c a l requirements" are then determined. A " c r i t i c a l requirement" is assessed as those conditions identified by observers in a significant number of instances as making a difference between the success or failure in carrying out an important task (Flanagan, 1954, p. 329). 26 C r i t i c a l Incidents IPrccedure and Data Collection Flanagan (1954) points out that the C r i t i c a l Incident Technique, "...does not consist of a single r i g i d set of rules governing such data collection" (p. 335). He states that each study requires a different set of rules, "modified" and "adapted" to meet the specific purpose of the research question involved. The subject is required to make only, "...simple types of judgements, reports from only qualified observers are included, and a l l observations are evaluated by the observer in terms of an agreed upon statement of the purpose of the activity" (Flanagan, 1954, p. 335). The data collected are subjective, however, there i s a tendency for several independent observers to make the same observations. This overlap in observers' reports creates objectivity within this method. To achieve the greatest objectivity, the characteristics of the desired incidents must be well defined and the observer must be competent in interpreting this definition with relation to the incident observed. The incidents are collected from the observers. There are no clear quidelines as to how many incidents are required, however, Flanagan, suggests 3 or 4 examples of each c r i t i c a l behavior. Flanagan (1954) cites the following 4 procedures for data collection: interviews, group interviews, questionaires and record forms (p. 342-43). The "interview" i s the method employed in this study. 27 After the collection of incidents, data are summarized and described in a manner that pinpoints the c r i t i c a l requirements and allows, inferences to be drawn from them. Flanagan (1954) discusses 3 primary problems involved in data analysis. They are identified and solutions to them are b r i e f l y discussed as follows (p. 344-45): 1. Frame of reference. The uses are the most important consideration in deciding upon which classification each incident f a l l s within. "The preferred categories w i l l be those believed to be most valuable in using the statement of requirements" (Flanagan, 1954, p. 344). 2. Category formulation. One solution to minimize subjectivity in this area is to have others review the tentative categories. The usual procedure for formation of categories i s composed of five steps: Step 1. Sort a small sample of incidents into piles related to the frame of reference selected. Step 2. Bri e f l y define these tentative categories and clas s i f y additional incidents into them. Step 3. Redefine and develop new categories. This process continues until a l l incidents have been cla s s i f i e d . Step 4. Large categories are subdivided and incidents that describe similar behaviour are placed in the same group. 28 Step 5. Definitions for a l l categories and major headings are reexamined in terms of the actual incidents classified under each. 3. General > behaviour It is important to consider how general an how specific the categories should be (generality-specificity) and to determine the optimal balance between generality-specificity for any given study. Practical consideration, such as what the finding w i l l be used for, are useful in determining this. Once created, the "categories require review to ensure that a balance, between category generality-specificity, remain. Lastly, when selecting category headings and in developing c r i t i c a l requirements at the desired level of generality-specificity, the following considerations are necessary (Flanagan, 1954, p. 345): 1. Headings * >and vvEequiEements must be clear-cut, logically organized and discernable with an easily remembered structure. 2. Titles require meanings in themselves without detailed definition, explanation or differentiation. 3. Headings for major areas and requirements should a l l be homogenous, parallel in content and structure; and neutral. 4. Headings must be a l l of the same type and importance. 5. Headings should f a c i l i t a t e findings being easily applied and maximally useful. 29 .6. The\ L i s t , of \ 'Headings needs to be comprehensive; covering a l l incidents having significant frequencies. In reporting results i t is important to emphasize , not only the limitations, but the value of the results. As part of the data analysis, the entire procedure as applied to this study must be reviewed to determine any bias which may exist. There are 4 steps in the overall C r i t i c a l Incidents Technique and each must be examined for bias that may have been introduced by the procedures adopted, before  interpreting the results (Flanagan, 1954, p. 345). They are: determination of the general aim; the specifications of observers, groups to be observed, and observations to be made; the data collection; and the data analysis. Anderson and Nilsson (1964) studied the r e l i a b i l i t y and validity of the C r i t i c a l Incident Technique. This technique was used to determine the job and training requirements of store managers in a Swedish grocery company. Interviews and questionaires were used to obtain 1800 c r i t i c a l incidents from the subjects. They studied r e l i a b i l i t y and validity concerning 5 different aspects of the C r i t i c a l Incident Technique. A discussion of these 5 aspects follows. 30 Analysis ^Saturation »and ^ Comprehensiveness Has this method been sufficiently thorough in collecting data from a l l behavioural units that the study is seeking to cover? In order to answer this question, Andersson and Nilsson, (1964) took 5% of the incidents reported by each subject and grouped these incidents together. They then took the next 5% of the incidents of each subject and grouped these incidents together. This process continued un t i l 20 groups of incidents were formed. These incidents were then cl a s s i f i e d . When 2/3 were classified, 95% of the total subcategories had appeared. Subcategories increased rapidly until 2/3 of data were collected. Only 5% of the subcategories emerged after this i time. This is a way of determining whether data collection had stopped too early or whether i t has been sufficient. It was decided that data collection was sufficent to identify the essential points of the job. Rel i a b i l i t y vpf vfrhe \GolleGting \P^oceduEe The r e l i a b i l i t y of the 2 collecting procedures used in this study (the interview and the questionaire) and the interviewer was examined for this study. There was a significant difference between the number of c r i t i c a l incidents provided by the interview and the questionaire, as determined by the Kolomogorov-Smirnov two-sample test. However, the rank 31 correlation between the sizes of the categories from each method was .85 (Andersson and Nilsson, 1964, p. 400). Thus, there was a strong correlation between the size of categories between these 2 methods. Rank correlations were calculated for the size of categories betwen materials collected by interviewers A-E. The correlations of interviewers D and E were very weak because they conducted significantly fewer interviews than did A-C. The result was that interviewers A-E correlation coefficients ranged from 56 to 86 while interviewers A-C correlation coefficients ranged from .81 to .86 (Andersson and Nilsson, 1964, p. 400). The structures of the materials collected by interviewers A-C were very similar as shown by the coefficients of concordance (A-C W=.89; and A-E W=.78) and the average correlation (A-C r = .83; A-E r „ = .72). SclV SaV GgntDQiVQ£ ^ GategQcization Twenty-four psychology students, working in pairs, were asked to sort 2 sets of 100 incidents, that had been randomly chosen from each area, into subcategories. The subcategory headings were supplied. There were 2 different groups of incidents from each area and each group would be classified independently, twice. Andersson and Nilsson, (1964) state that, "...There is a strong tendency to place the incident in 32 the same category" (p. 401). They concluded that the C r i t i c a l Incident Technique category system was "plausible" and "not too subjective." Analysis \of Contents \p£^TrainingvLiteratune This area focuses on whether the content of the data collected was valid, that i s , was i t pertaining to the important aspects of the work. The training literature was examined to explore whether or not important content would be revealed that had not shown up in the data analysis. They, conclude that this analysis did not reveal any new aspects and that the c r i t i c a l incident procedure had been thorough and thus was content valid. The vlmportanGe *of vthevSu&GategoEies This study examined whether or not the incidents collected were important to the work at hand. The average r e l i a b i l i t y coefficient calculated was .83 when 86 subcategories were rated on a 6 point scale from 0 (unimportant) to 5 (of the greatest importance to the store manager's work) (Andersson and Nilsson, .1964, p. 402). Andersson and Nilsson conclude that, based on the studies of these 5 aspects, the C r i t i c a l Incidents Technique is both reliable and valid. 33 Gonclusiom In the stress literature there are many, many coping techniques suggested for persons experiencing stress resulting from change. There is, however, l i t t l e research (other than Packard's study) done to date on the effective strategies to cope with a residential move, looking at the subjects own experience for a data base to discover what is and isn't effective. Authors have discussed (Toffler, 1971; Viscott, 1977), but few have researched (Packard, 1974). This thesis examines the conditions necessary to effectively cope and feel 'plugged-in' and 'connected' following a move. The major research question, "What specific conditions facilitate or hinder a successful adjustment following a move", is explored. Cooper (1980) suggests that there are differences between the husband and wife in their ability to become 'connected' and 'plugged-in'. This effects both members of the couple i f one is not successfully adjusting and eventually this effects the family as a whole, adversely. A minor question concerning what spouses do that helps or hinders a successful adjustment following a move is explored. Tyhurst (from Toffler, 1971) indicated that there may be a natural time line when, without outside intervention, a person will either become "relatively adjusted" or "not adjusted" (p.89). He suggests 1 to several months, while, Packard, 34 states that the time of adjustment varies for the individual with no upper limit. The self reports of clients and acquaintences, suggest up to several years. This discrepancy exists and i t is of interest to understand whether 'facilitating' conditions do reduce the length of time involved in feeling 'connected' and 'plugged-in', that i s , 'successfully adjusted' following a move. The question, "How long after the move do the c r i t i c a l incidents occur" is also minor in nature. The C r i t i c a l Incidents Technique, developed by John C. Flanagan (1954) was selected for this study. The C r i t i c a l Incident Technique f a c i l i t a t e s the subject sharing real experiences that are helpful in, "...their potential usefulness in solving practical problems and developing broad psychological principles" (p. 327). 35 CHAPTER I I I METHODOLOGY Subjects A total of 12 middleclass couples - 24 subjects in a l l - were selected from the population of the North Shore of Vancouver, Brit i s h Columbia. This population is comprised predominantly of people who have some post secondary education and are of middle or upper middleclass income. The sample was selected from contacts within this community. Letters of i n i t i a l contact (see Appendix A) were sent by mail and follow-up phone calls made to personally request participation in this study. Subjects were informed that the study to be conducted would explore the topic of moving, that approximately 1 hour of their time would be required for individual interviews, that participation i s voluntary and that interviews would be tape recorded. Demographic characteristics and other relevant information were collected for each member of the couple (see Appendix B). There were no limits on how long ago the subjects last move took place. The rationale, here, is that i t has not yet been established in the literature what length of time i t takes to successfully adjust following a move. Subjects consisted of only people who have moved during their 36 union as a couple and are, therefore, seen as "qualified observers," a point that is central to the C r i t i c a l incident Technique used in this study (Flanagan, 1954, p. 333). j BackgEound vot vSubjects Subjects ranged from 26 to 55 years of age. Occupations represented were professional, technical, executive, business person, homemaker, clerk, municipal worker, carpenter, a r t i s t , professional athlete, f l i g h t attendant, and restaurant hostess. Three quarters of the sample attended university oi: received special training. The average number of moves made per person during their adult l i f e was 8.04 moves, ranging from 3 to 15 moves per person. Two thirds of the sample made 7 or more moves. Three subjects reported having no children, 10 have pre-school, 10 have school age, and 1 has adult children. The origin of the sample was predominantly Canadian. Nine subjects had immigrated to Canada during their adult lives - 2 subjects are East Indian, 2 Swedish, and 5 are British. The last move made by the subjects in this study ranged from relocating within a city to an intercontinental move. One couple moved within a city, 5 couples moved within a metropolitan area, 4 couples moved between provinces, 1 between countries, and 1 moved between continents. (Four couples had previously moved between continents as couples.) The subjects' last move ranged 37 in distance from 3 km to 12,000 km. Five couples moved 3,000 km or more. The time of the move ranged from 4 weeks to 5 years ago. One third of the subjects report moving 3 or more years ago, while one quarter of the subjects moved within the last year. Five couples were planning their next move at the time of the study. Three months after the study, the two couples who were renters had made their expected move, while the houses of the 3 couples who were homeowners remained unsold. The total sample of couples consisted of 3 renters and 9 homeowners. One quarter of the sample were expecting a baby at the time of their last move. This sample offered a broad range of experience in the area of moving. It is representative of many of the motivations for moving. Moves were made because of desired intercity residential location changes, career changes, l i f e s t y l e changes and corporate moves. The vGcitiGal ^Incident interview In this study the C r i t i c a l Incident Technique was selected to help subjects identify, from their own experience, what helps or hinders a person feeling "at home," "Settled in" or "feeling themselves" following a residential move. Data were collected by means of individual interviews. These interviews were conducted by this research method. 38 The interviewer began each interview with a standard preamble which proceeds as follows: People sometimes report a sense of loss of self or of not feeling at home or settled in, following a residential move. Moving can be both stressful and enjoyable. Moving usually results in a major change. Some things seem to work better than others to achieve a desirable settling in following a move. The period of adjustment to your last move may or may not be over for you. By sharing your experiences so far you w i l l help identify positive and negative factors factors effecting a move. Please think back to specific incidents that helped or hindered you "feeling yourself" or achieving a "desirable settling in" following your last move. What I am interested in are concrete events rather than opinions or theories. The interview could now proceed. The interview involves a series of open-ended probing questions in order to explore f u l l y the subjects' experience. The interview was comprised of 3 parts. The questions for Part I and Part II are essentially the same. However, the questions in Part I a l l pertain to what "helps" adjustment, while the questions in Part II a l l pertain to what "hinders" adjustment following a move. In Parts I and II subjects were 39 asked to re c a l l 4 - 5 c r i t i c a l incidents. Part III requests information regarding the impact that the spouse had on the subjects adjustment following the last move. In Part III subjects w i l l be asked for 1 c r i t i c a l incident cnly, for both questions. * * * The Interview Part I and II: Interviewer: (Recall Request) Can you recall an incident that occur ed that helped/hindered your adjustment after your last move? That i s , an experience that helped/hindered you feeling "at home" or "like yourself" following your last move. Interviewer: (Criteria Check) Did that incident have the effect of altering or changing your behaviour or thinking over a period of time? How long did the effect of that incident last? (Context Question) If the subject answers yes,  above). What led up to this incident? What was said or what event occur ed, exactly, that was helpful/hindering for you. Interviewer: 40 Interviewer: Interviewer: (Explanation Question) What exactly happened that was so helpful/hindering i n this incident to your feeling "at home" or "like yourself" after this move? (Time Frame) How long after your last move did this incident occur? Part III Interviewer: Specify something about your spouse that affected your adjustment? Interviewer: What did your spouse do that helped you settle in after your last move? Interviewer: What did your spouse do that hindered you settling in after your last move? * * * Procedure Interview times were arranged with the subjects by telephone. The interviews took place in the subjects' residences. Couples were assigned back-to-back interview times to avoid any sharing of their experiences prior to participation in the study. Subjects were asked not to discuss the content of the study or their responses with other residents u n t i l after the data collection period was over. 41 The interviewer opened each interview with a standard preamble. The subjects were asked to sign a Consent Form (see Appendix C). This form reminded subjects that the information is confidential and that tapes would be erased after pertinent information was recorded onto index cards. It pointed out the volunteer status and that they could withdraw from the study at any time or omit any questions, without any penalty. The subjects were again informed that the interview would take approximately 1 hour. A l l interviews were audio-taped. C r i t i c a l incidents were transcribed br i e f l y onto index cards. Each subject was assigned a corresponding number for a l l data collected. Females were assigned odd numbers and males even numbers. Each couple was assigned sequential numbers beginning with the odd number (1, 2 or 3, 4). This simplified within and between sex, and within and between couple data analysis. Following the standard preamble subjects were asked to complete the Biodemographical Questionaire (see Appendix B). Questions were invited and answered at this time. The C r i t i c a l Incident Interview then began. 42 CHAPTER IV RESULTS In this c r i t i c a l incident study on what fa c i l i t a t e s or hinders a successful adjustment for couples following a residential move, the 24 subjects (12 couples) reported a total of 245 incidents - 127 f a c i l i t a t i n g and 118 hindering incidents. The average number of incidents reported per person was 10.21. The female subjects reported 127 incidents or 51.84% (66 f a c i l i t a t i n g , 61 hindering), while the male subjects reported 118 incidents or 41.16% (61 f a c i l i t a t i n g , 57 hindering). Two female subjects reported that nothing hindered their move. Both subjects had made an active decision to move based on personal c r i t e r i a . Both subjects moved back to a former location that they had previously loved and they were also familiar with what they had loved about i t . Bas i c Categor i es t The 245 incidents were sorted and reported into groups with common meaning until they formed basic categories. The basic categories contain a cluster of incidents that seem similar in meaning. Fourteen basic and 5 superordinate categories emerged. They are l i s t e d below. The Superordinate Categories are indicated with roman numerals and the Basic Categories are indicated with numbers 1 to 14. 43 Superordinate Categories and Basic Categories I. Appropriate Housing 1. Having an acceptable "permanent" residence. 2. Altering the hone to meet your needs. 3. Organizing the belongings. II. Appreciation of Surroundings 4. Adapting to weather conditions. 5. Enjoying the beauty and recreation. III. Freedom from Personal Stress 6. Coping with trauma and feelings at the time of the move. 7. Stabilizing finances. 8. Opportunity for personal freedom. IV. Relationships: New and Old 9. I n i t i a l welcoming by friends and neighbours. 10. Connecting with family and old friends. 11. Developing new friends and relationships with neighbours. V. Connectedness in the Community 12. Getting established in work and school. 13. Becoming oriented to ccsnmunity services. 14. Receiving support and experiencing belonging within the neighbourhood. 44 Definitian of Basic Categories The categories are bipolar. Each category is defined from the positive slant, but the negative is implied. Examples of both facilitating (F) and hindering (H) incidents are given for each category. 1. Having an acceptable "permanent" residence. Category 1 encompasses finding accommodation which can be called "home". This also includes a pride of ownership, a feeling of permanence, and whether the accommodation has the appropriate special features such as additional rooms, traffic noise, lot size, and commuting distance. F. Purchasing a family home, he felt that he was developing roots. F. Finding their condominium to rent the first day they looked. How quickly they got i t was helpful. "This is home." H. He doesn't like living on a 33 foot lot because he misses gardening and stays inside more now. H. Poor and temporary accommodation for the first four months. It was very confining accommodation. "If you don't feel at home, you don't really like yourself." 2. Altering the home to meet your needs. Finishing, decorating, renovating, landscaping, building or adding features to modify the dwelling to your specifications to create a "home". This category also includes adding a pet to create a home atmosphere. 45 F. "Deciding to change the home to the way we want i t and putting white paint on the black walls. It looked like our house and I began to feel at home." F. "Rolling out my new lawn, i t felt like my home." H. The interior of the house was a l l one colour and i t was associated with apartment living and temporariness. "I always decorated my own house and this hindered my nesting instinct." H. Her husband was sick and so the house and the nursery did not get finished. 3. Organizing the belongings. This category includes the arrival, unpacking or rental and the organizing of furniture and belongings, as well as the physical effort involved in packing the belongings. F. "Unloading boxes, hooking up the stereo, putting up the knick knacks and arranging the furniture. Listening to my music on my_ stereo, I felt at home." F. Arrival of personal possessions, the furniture, and toys for the children allowed her to organize and have the children's things around them. H. One month holiday left no time to organize the nursery before the new baby was born and this made her feel disoriented. H. The physical effort of the move left her with no strength or energy to organize the belongings. 46 4. Adapting to weather conditions. This category includes inclement weather, as well as personal safety from natural hazards within the area. F. When the good weather came she could get outside. F. The spring weather meant the house had sun in i t and she f e l t alive and like herself. H. After a storm when trees blew over she f e l t "not safe" in her environment. H. Rainy weather prevented her from getting outside. 5. Enjoying the beauty and recreation. The beauty and peacefulness of the natural setting as well as the a v a i l a b i l i t y of recreation in the area. F. Looking at the mountains and water she f e l t at peace. F. Being on the water in a kayak with a friend, she f e l t at peace with nature. H. The loss of trees after a storm resulted in "no grove of beauty anymore". 6. Coping with trauma and feelings at the time of the move. This category includes grieving the death of a family member, illness, and attitudes toward the move. F. His wife's attitude . "When she became excited about the move I relaxed. It's very important to me that my family enjoys where we are and then I can't think of a better reason to feel happy myself." 47 F. Seeing the rest of the family so happy in the new house. "Their joy at being here helped me become more positive." H. After the loss of a pregnancy, she f e l t "...vulnerable and closed down and unable to be outgoing and meeting new people." H. After the loss of her two sons in the previous location, this move confronted her with the real loss and grieving, because the boys did not move with them. 7. Stabilizing finances. This category includes income r e l i a b i l i t y and debt load stress. The incidents range from setting up a new business i n the recession or being house poor, to job and income security. F. He got a job that was permanent which added to h i s feeling of financial security. F. People welcoming his work back meant financial security because he had a job i f his pottery sold. H. Financial d i f f i c u l t i e s with his business created job uncertainty and financial insecurity. H. The cost of building the house was more than expected and i t l e f t them house poor. 8 . Opportunity for personal freedom. This category includes incidents where the major meaning was the issue of personal freedom. F. The general freedom of being able to do whatever he f e l t like doing in his "own" home rather than livi n g with his mother-in-law. 48 ) F. Freedom from the regulations i n Sweden meant personal freedom and r e l i e f knowing that you can make your own choices. H. The Workers Compensation Board Regulations "imposed by society" prevented him from starting a business and he f e l t restricted. H. The long distance to amenities meant that he was always driving his kids and consequently, had no time for himself. 9. I n i t i a l welcoming by friends and neighbours. The old fashioned i n i t i a l greetings either by friends upon arrival to a c i t y and/or a greeting from an unknown neighbour who has come to offer a welcome to the neighbourhood. F. A neighbour brought over a plate of peanut butter cookies and introduced herself which made him feel welcome in the neighbourhood. F. Seeing old friends at the airport when she arrived i n Vancouver was wonderful and i t was exciting being greeted by them. H. The neighbours did not come over and introduce themselves as she had expected. 10. Connecting with family and old friends. Reestablishing contacts with family and old friends following the move. 49 F. Entertaining old friends for the f i r s t time made her feel part of the house because the friends liked the house. "It was like christening the house." F. The f i r s t of her relatives came to v i s i t and loved Vancouver. It was reassuring that they would v i s i t the long distance. H. He moved from Toronto to Vancouver which was further away from his family in England. This meant he would see them less frequently. H. Having Christmas after this move was very lonely because she had no family contact. 11. Developing new friends and relationships with neighbours. Establishing new friends and new relationships with neighbours. F. Going to the Fireman's Ball in the local community centre everyone was friendly and warm and they met new people in the neighbourhood. F. "Having friends in the location that introduced us to other people who have become long term friends. I f e l t more secure that i t was a good move and i t would last." H. Friends asking them out to dinner and noticing that they had nothing in common, but they didn't know anyone else who they could be friends with. H. A neighbour parked a 24 foot t r a i l e r right next to their property line and this was unexpected and has created poor relations and anxiety about the neighbour. 50 12. Getting established in work and school. This category refers to the family plugging-in effectively at work and at school. It includes getting, keeping, and enjoying a job, a career, or establishing a business. F. She started to work again and f e l t more positive about herself, less isolated and more a part of the world. F. Getting a job and becoming an active member of the family again and gaining personal contacts in the community was meaningful to feeling at home. H. Her husband's unhappiness at his work place where he had expected something that did not occur, " . . . f e l t that we should never have made the move and that didn't make me feel at home at a l l . " H. The coach and general manager of the team at work were fired and he didn't know what was going on. 13. Becoming oriented to community services. Getting to know where the services, specialty and regular shops are located as well as finding the streets and back routes in the community. F. Being driven around the area and being shown the shopping areas and the backroads, "...the nitty g r i t t y of the area that you never know unless someone shows you." F. Finding the English products and newspapers that she was used to in the shops. Finding the right shops helped her to feel at home. 51 H. She was not able to find a playschool for her son to enter. "The anxiety about finding a school prevented me from feeling at home. When you are moving so many things are happening." H. S t i l l after three years she does not know where a good fis h store is and that prevents her from settling in completely. 14. Receiving support and experiencing belonging within the neighbourhood. In this category the 'meaning' that the incident holds for the individual is the feeling of being an insider, accepted, belonging, sharing values and being a trusted member of the community within the neighbourhood. F. At the community plant sale a neighbour allowed her to buy plants at the 'pre-sale' rate and she f e l t accepted, ".. . l i k e an insider with friends". F. Trees f e l l over in a storm and neighbours came by and offered assistance and checked to make sure he was O.K. He f e l t like he and his wife were cared about and accepted. ' H. The neighbour repeatedly told them that they were not allowed to park in front of their own house and she f e l t l i k e an outsider. H. His neighbours are p o l i t i c a l enemies (apparent by election signs) in the immediate neighbourhood and he f e l t different from them. 52 R e l i a b i l i t y Two different raters were used to determine the r e l i a b i l i t y of the basic categories. The two raters consisted of one woman and one man (not a couple) who are residents of the North Shore. Their ages were 35 and 34, respectively, and both have post secondary education. A sample of 50 helping and 30 hindering incidents from the 245 incidents were selected from across the basic categories for the raters to sort. The two raters achieved r e l i a b i l i t y scores of 70% and 85%. The lower r e l i a b i l i t y that the f i r s t rater achieved (70%), can be attributed to two causes; lack of thoroughness in sorting and substantial issues. There were 10 index card changes in the categories that incidents had been placed into, resulting from the f i r s t rater's categorization, however, 14 cards were miscategorized, apparently due to simply not reading the incident completely. The 245 c r i t i c a l incidents were then reviewed and the appropriate category changes were made. The second rater was responsible for 2 f i n a l changes in categorization, however, the other incidents were miscategorized due, either to a lack of understanding of the category descriptions, not reading the incidents completely, or a difference of opinion. The f i n a l interrater r e l i a b i l i t y of 85% indicates strong r e l i a b i l i t y . 53 Basic Categories Participation Rate The participation rate for the percentage of subjects represented in each basic category is reported in Table 1. Participation rate is one indication of the soundness of a category. It indicates the extent to which different pecple report the same kind of event as a f a c i l i t a t i o n or hindrance and is analogous to the use of inter subjective agreement by independent observers to achieve objectivity. Adjustment Following a Move 54 Table 1 Percentage Proportion of Subjects Category-Basic categories I. Appropriate Housing: 1. Having an acceptable "permanent" residence 2. Altering the home to meet your needs 3. Organizing the belongings II. Appreciation of Surroundings 4. Adapting to weather conditions 5. Enjoying the beauty and recreation III. Freedom from Personal Stress: 6. Coping witfrtrauma and feelings at the time of the move 7. Stabilizing finances 8. Opportunity for personal freedom IV. Relationships: Old and New: 9. I n i t i a l welcoming by friends and neighbours Represented in Each Basic Percentage Proportion For Each Basic Category % Subjects Represented 37.5 41.67 45.83 50.0 37.5 33.3 33.3 25.0 29.17 table continues Adjustment Following a Move 55 Basic Categories Percentage Proportion For Each Basic Category % Subjects Represented 10. Connecting with family and old friends 11. Developing new friends and relationships with neighbours V. Connectedness in the Q-jmmunity: 12. Getting established in work and school 13. Becoming oriented to community services 14. Receiving support and experiencing belonging within the neighbourhood 70.83 58.33 45.83 50.0 70.83 56 Degree of I n i t i a l Importance of the Basic Categories: The data were analyzed as an exploration to examine the degree of importance as suggested by the tendency to report the incident early in the c r i t i c a l incident interview. The assumption, here, is that importance i s indicated by which incident was reported f i r s t . Both f a c i l i t a t i n g and hindering incidents, reported in each category were analyzed according to how early the incident was reported in the study, that i s , was i t incident number 1, 2, 3, 4 or 5. Each incident was assigned a value equal to the numerical order in which i t was reported. The sum of incidents in each category and in each subcategories (f a c i l i t a t i n g and hindering) were totalled and divided by the frequency of incidents, yielding a mean incident number. Table 2 provides these values. 'The i n i t i a l welcoming by friends', item 9 was on average the earliest category of incident reported. The latest average incident to be reported was item 13, 'Becoming oriented to community services'. The separate averages suggest that finding a heme (item 1), i s an important f a c i l i t a t i n g incident. Adjustment Following a Move 57 Table 2. The Mean Order of Subjects Reported Incidents Between Incident Number 1 to 5 in Each Category for Both Facilitating and Hindering Incidents Mean Reported Incident Order (1-5) Basic Categories Facilitating Hindering Basic Superordinate Categories Categories I. Appropriate Housing: 2.73 1. Having an acceptable "permanent" residence 2.25* 3.14 2.67 2. Altering the home to meet your needs 2.43 2.9 2.69 3. Organizing the belongings 2.43 3.3 2.85 II. Appreciation of Surroundings: 2.76 4. Adapting to weather conditions 3.0 2.83 2.9 5. Enjoying the beauty and recreation 2.62 2.0* 2.57 III. Freedom from Personal Stress: 2»85 6. Coping with trauma and feelings at the time of the move 3.0 2.62 2.71 7. Stabilizing finances 4.0 2.55 2.77 8. Opportunity for personal freedom 3.29 3.0 3.2 IV. Relationships: Old and New: 2 « 8 5 9. I n i t i a l welcoming by friends and neighbours 2.36 2.0* 2.33* table continues Adjustment Following a Move 58 Mean Reported Incident Order (1-5) Basic Categories Facilitating Hindering Basic Superordinate Categories Categories 10. Connecting with family and old friends 2.78 3.06 2.96 11. Developing new friends and relationships with neighbours 2.56 3.83* 3.07 V. Connectedness in the Community: 3.39 12. Getting established in work and school 4.14* 2.93 3.33 13. Becoming oriented to community services 3.46 3.8* 3.56 14. Receiving support and experiencing belonging within the neighbourhood 3.57 3.36 3.49 * Early and late reporting noted with an asterisk. 59 Factors Regarding the Spouse: A total of 48 responses (29 f a c i l i t a t i n g , 19 hindering) was recorded for the question, "What did your spouse do that helped/hindered you to settle in after your last move?" Refer to Table 3 for the 6 factors which emerged from sorting this data. The 6 factors that emerged substantially overlap with the 14 basic categories derived from the subjects own c r i t i c a l incidents. This adds vali d i t y to those categories. Men often reported, "If my wife is happy, I'm happy." The result of category 1 gives some preliminary evidence that the wife's attitude i s important to how well the husband adjusts. Conversely, item 2 suggests that the wife would like support and help from her husband following a move. Wives also report that their spouse working on the house, as well as their spouse's financial s t a b i l i t y , affects their adjustment (items 3 and 6). Item 4, indicates that the husband's move is fac i l i t a t e d by his wife organizing the belongings. There i s a tendency for a positive attitude (item 1), support and help (item 2), and organizing the belongings (item 4) to be reported as being f a c i l i t a t i n g i f they are experienced by the spouse. On the other hand, there is a tendency to report financial s t a b i l i t y (item 6) and the spouses presence in the home (item 5) as hindering. These items tend to be reported i f they are not present whereas items 1, 2 and 4 have a tendency to be reported when they are present. Adjustment Following a Move 60 Table 3. Spouse Related Factors, Their Frequencies and Their Percentage of Females (F) And Males (M) Reporting on What Their Partner Did that Facilitated or Hindered Adjustment Following the Move Spouse N % of Responses Factors Facilitating Hindering Category Category Proportion F M Total F M Total Total Wives Husbands 1. Positive & negative feelings and attitudes at the time of the move 4 5 9 0 4 4 27.08 30.76 69.23 2. Support and help with tasks and feelings 8 2 10 0 1 1 22.91 72.73 27.27 3. Working on the house 2 1 3 3 1 4 14.58 71.42 28.57 4. Organizing the belongings 1 4 5 0 1 1 12.50 16.67 83.33 5. Away or not in the house 0 1 1 3 2 5 12.50 50.0 50.0 6. Financial stability 1 0 1 3 1 4 10.42 80.0 20.0 61 Time Frame: Data were collected regarding how long after the move the incident occurred. The results are reported in Table 4/ A total of 54.88% of the incidents occurred within the f i r s t 6 weeks, 77.64% of the incidents occurred within the f i r s t 6 months, and 87.40% of the incidents occurred within the f i r s t year of the move. The results presented in Table 4 would suggest that the events that occur in the i n i t i a l 6 month period are important to the adjustment that occurs following a move. A l l incidents in the basic category labelled ' I n i t i a l welcoming by friends and neighbours', occurred within the f i r s t 6 weeks. 'Connecting with family and old friends' (item 10), reported no new incidents after 9 months. This indicates that connecting with old relationships occurs in the i n i t i a l period following a move. The only category with a substantial proportion of incidents that occurred after 1 year was item 14, 'Receiving support and experiencing belonging within the neighbourhood'. A total of 44.44% of these incidents occurred within the 1 to 4 year period. This point i s important to note because belonging and support, (as suggested previously by the high percentage of subject responses, 70.83%, in that category) i s highly valued by the subjects, however, a sense of belonging and the experience of Adjustment Following a Move Table 4. A Cumulative (Cum) Frequency (f) Distribution of the Length of Time After the Move the Incident Occurred Length of Time Incidents From the Move f %f cum % f Before the Move 5 2.03 2.03 "Immediately" 90 36.59 38.62 2 to 6 weeks 40 16.26 54.88* 2 months 11 4.47 59.35 3 months 14 5.69 65.04 4 months 14 5.69 70.73 5 months 6 2.44 73.17 6 months 11 4.47 77.64* 9 months 11 4.47 82.11 1 year 13 5.28 87.40* 1 1/2 years 4 1.63 89.03 2 years 7 2.85 91.88 2 1/2 years 5 2.03 93.91 3 years 11 4.47 98.38 3 1/2 years 2 .81 99.19 4 years 2 .81 100.00 63 support appear to take longer to achieve than a l l other categories. One subject reports, "As the years go on I get settled in more and more. I thought that I was settled at f i r s t , but I just keep getting more and more settled." Results of Special Interest from the Biodemographic Questionnaire: Of the 24 subjects (12 couples), 19 report other changes of importance to them that occurred at the time of their last move. (73.68% of these subjects reported multiple changes at the time of this move.) The changes that were reported were not attitudinal, but were l i f e changes. The changes reported within each couple were substantially different. The order of reporting was also different. Nine out of the ten male subjects who reported changes, listed a work related  change f i r s t . One out of the nine female subjects who reported changes list e d a work related change f i r s t . Changes that were lis t e d f i r s t by the female subjects were changes with children, climate, renovation and "moving back". This would suggest that the same l i f e changes might represent a different degree of importance to different people. L i f e changes from a l l 5 superordinate categories were reported. When asked how at home subjects f e l t , 17 reported feeling completely "at home", while 7 reported feeling moderately "at home". The period of adjustment to this move was reported by 64 21 subjects. This period ranged from immediately up to 2 years to feel "at home", with 47.62% reporting feeling "at home" between 2 weeks and 1 year, and 28.57% reporting that i t took 1 to 2 years. Of importance i s that 23.81% reported adjustment occurring immediately. A l l of these subjects had previously lived in the same area of the North Shore of Vancouver, had found adjustment d i f f i c u l t elsewhere and had made a conscious choice to move back. These 5 subjects are the same 5 subjects that  reported no other changes at the time of the move. They had perhaps experienced perceived important changes in the move prior to this last move which had motivated their return. At the time of the last move 12 males and 3 females reported working f u l l time, 4 females reported working part-time and 5 females reported not working outside the home. Three of these 5 females were working at the time of the study and reported working as helping ease their adjustment. Despite 7 of the females being actively employed at the time of their last move, none reported work related changes. 65 CHAPTER V DISCUSSION Statement of Results The findings suggest some answers to the major research question, "What are the conditions that would f a c i l i t a t e or hinder successful adjustment following a move". The highlights from the results of this exploratory study are discussed. Fourteen bipolar Basic Categories emerged as the conditions which f a c i l i t a t e or hinder adjustment following a move. These categories are self explanatory and form categories of a move. Each category received considerable representation. This was indicated by the high proportion of subjects represented in each category (Table 1). From a total of 14 Basic Categories, 8 had  more than 40% of the subjects represented within that category (5 basic categories had 50% or more of the subjects represented). The lowest representation of subjects within the 14 categories was 25% (Table 1). Rel i a b i l i t y was tested. The sorting process of the f i r s t rater resulted in several category adjustments. The second rater achieved a r e l i a b i l i t y of .85. Rel i a b i l i t y of the data, then, was suggested. Five Superordinate Categories were designated in order to describe the clusters of similar meaning that were present 6 6 between the 14 Basic Categories. The two Superordinate Categories with the largest proportion of subjects represented were 'Connectedness in the Community' and 'Relationships: New and Old', respectively. These categories are similar to Maslow's Level 3, "Belonging, Love, and Social Activity", from his hierarchy of Needs Theory of Human Motivation (Maslow from Hoy and Miskel, 1982, p.140). The results suggest a possible tendency for the 5 Superordinate Categories to be hierarchical in nature (Table 2). That i s , the results suggest that the conditions in one Superordinate Category might need to the addressed before the subject addresses the conditions of the next Superordinate Category (Table 2). These 5 Superordinate Categories begin with the concreteness of establishing l i v i n g arrangements and move toward the more subjective experience of having relationships and experiencing belonging. Each Basic Category, however, involves concrete "everyday" incidents. These "ordinary", "down to earth", and seemingly "minor" everyday incidents are what has a major influence on the settling-in process. As Schafer (1978) outlines in his 2 Guiding Principles for coping with stress from a move, both awareness of the events that may occur, and what action can be taken are important. Thus, these 14 Basic Categories that have emerged are important for developing pathways to successful adjustment following a move. Awareness of what fa c i l i t a t e s or hinders i s also effective in 67 reducing the duration of the stress, through understanding and implementing the necessary action (McGrath, 1970; Charlesworth, Murphy, and Beutler, 1981). Several findings of interest emerged following close examination of the data. One of the surprises was the importance of the " i n i t i a l old fashioned welcoming" by friends or neighbours upon ar r i v a l in a new setting. Noticeable affect was demonstrated by the subjects as they reported these incidents. Their faces came alive with feelings and their voices spoke warmly of the positive incidents. This suggests to this researcher that these incidents were important to them. The Basic Category ' I n i t i a l welcoming by friends and neighbours' is shown, in Table 2, to be the earliest reported incident, on average, suggesting the i n i t i a l importance of this category. /Another finding of interest i s the need to not only find a residence, but to modify i t to meet needs, as well as to "organize" the belongings. This appears to increase familiarity bridging the old into the new, perhaps making at least one place feel right. There is some evidence, as shown by early reporting (Table 2), to support the notion that having '/Appropriate Housing', (Table 3) is the i n i t i a l step to settling-in. Other findings point to belongingness and familiarity as two important strivings within the settling-in process. Authors, discuss the subjective experience of loneliness, loss of self, and unconnectedness reported by subjects following a move 68 (Katz, 1980; Packard, 1974; Schafer, 1978; Tyhurst from Toffler, 1971, p.86). Thus, understandably, belongingness becomes an experience that movers strive for (Table 1). Authors, also emphasize that moving is stressful (Holmes and Rahe, 1967; Packard, 1974; Schafer, 1978), and that "predictability and uniformity" tend to lower this stress (Weiford, 1974; Greenwood and Greenwood, 1979: Charlesworth, et a l , 1981). The findings show some evidence that subjects were motivated toward 'predictability and uniformity'. The word subjects used to describe this was "familiarity". The importance of familiarity to the settlihg-in process is suggested by the results from the Biodemographic Questionnaire, (Appendix B, question 11(b)). The 5 subjects who reported feeling "at home"  immediately, were a l l subjects who had previously lived in the  area and were familiar with i t . One subject stated, "Because i t ' s familiar i t ' s pretty close to being home, and because i t ' s home, I feel good." Another subject addressing the lack of familiarity reflected with sadness, "I don't bump into people that I know". Perhaps some of the organization of belongings and the modification of the home is simply an attempt to recreate familiarity amid an environment of change. This author suggests then, that the increased amount of change that occurs during a move increases the need to become familiar with both surroundings and relationships. This might be achieved by plugging-in in ways 69 formerly experienced in the previous community. This process would involve an action plan for a l l 14 Basic Categories. Findings suggest that possibly once familiarity occurs then belongingness can be experienced (Table 2). The 2 Basic Categories with the highest proportion of subjects represented - 70.83% in each case - were 'Connecting with family and old friends' and 'Receiving support and experiencing belonging within the neighbourhood'. If a sense of belonging is derived from the familiarity within relationships and the community (Packard, 1974; Toffler, 1971; Charlesworth, et a l , 1981), then a period of time would pass before a sense of familiarity and, thus, belonging emerged in a new situation. The findings resulting from the question, "How long after the move did this incident occur?", suggest that 'Receiving support and experiencing belonging within the neighbourhood1, is one of the last conditions to be experienced prior to feeling settled-in. A sense of belonging seems to be important. One subject stated that, "It is better to have both positive and  negative feelings, than to feel alienated and detached about your neighbourhood or not to be conscious of l i v i n g in a neighbourhood, village, or anything and just to be able to say you l i v e in North Vancouver because i t ' s your postal address. A neighbourhood beats having no identity." Findings show some evidence (Table 3) that spouses require help and support from each other in the new situation following a 70 move. The familiarity between spouses is drawn upon. Packard's .(1974) study cn moving also indicates that there is a strong reliance between spouses for their sense of connectedness and well-being following a move. The results from Table 3, gives preliminary support to Packard's thesis that spouses rely on each other for support, help, and -encouragement during the settling-in process. This is shown by factors 1 and 2 (Table 3) - 'Positive and negative feelings and attitutdes at the time of the move', and 'Support and help with tasks and feelings'. As indicated by Charlesworth, et a l . (1981) and Janis (1958), external support - family, friends, neighbours, and spouses - i s very important at the time of the move, as is getting to know and be familiar with surroundings and community services toward the shaping of a sense of identity and well-being (Packard, 1974). The findings, regarding how long after the move, incidents  occurred, present evidence that is important to implement a positive settling-in program immediately, to most effectively settle-in following a move. Surprisingly, 87.40% of the reported incidents occurred within the f i r s t year, (although only 25% of the sample had moved within that period) 77.64% occurred within the f i r s t 6 months, and 54.88% occurred within the f i r s t 6 weeks. Despite the fact that 33% of the subjects moved 3 to 5 years prior to the study, less than 2% of the incidents were reported as having occurred during that time period.' The majority of the incidents associated with feeling "at heme" occurred within the f i r s t 6 weeks of the move. It is 71 recommended that active participation in the settling-in process should occur. If a person has not settled-in within the f i r s t year, the results suggest (Table 4) that active participation within the settling process is required or perhaps the housing and/or location does not meet their needs and relocation should be considered. Limitations of the Study The factors that limit the generalizability of these results are the size and composition of the sample used. The subjects were volunteers and formed a small, well educated and successful sample. Borg and Gall (1979) state that volunteers tend to be higher in intelligence and need for achievement than non-volunteers. This factor may influence the results of this study. The age of the sample ranged from 26 to 53. The sample did not include people in their early twenties or the pre and post retirement population. The sample was restricted to couples. No single persons, single parents, marital separations or persons involved in moving into an already established home, were included in this study. The sample was drawn from the North Shore of Vancouver, which is a particularly scenic area. Subjects would have a tendency to select for beauty and recreation in their environment and this could add disproportionate weight to the Basic Category, 'Beauty and Recreation'. 72 The subjects were selected for their experience in the area of moving in the hope that richer results would be yielded. This prevented the use of a random sample. The results, then, are potentially generalizable to an educated, middle class population of couples. In summary, because of the sample size, the results of this study must be regarded as exploratory in nature. Theoretical Implications In this section, 4 areas of major theoretical implications w i l l be discussed. The results of this exploratory study add to the body of research that presently exists in the area of moving. The 14 Basic Categories provide a concise and easily understood description of the incidents that affect successful adjustment following a move. These findings produced clear categories based cn the subjects "own experience" and are easily applied to practical planning. The importance of these categories is suggested through the repetition of incidents sorted into any 1 category. This provides the content v a l i d i t y that is not present in Packard's study (1974), in which he asked subjects for their "opinions", rather than their "own experiences" regarding what fa c i l i t a t e s or hinders a successful move. This study then went one step further. Although Packard's methodology differed from this study, the findings were in relative agreement (Packard, 1974, p.147). Packard's data resulted in a short l i s t of loosely defined 73 "suggestions" encompassing 4 categories, whereas this study-offers a comprehensive description of well defined categories that f a c i l i t a t e or hinder a move. These categories are based upon the meaning involved, however, the method each subject uses to approach resolution in these categories, may vary. This study, then, has created new theory, generalizable only to the population specified. The 5 Superordinate Categories that appear to be hierarchical in nature, are somewhat similar in meaning to Maslow's Hierarchy of Needs Level 2 and Level 3 (Hoy and Miskel, 1982, p. 140). There are 5 levels to Maslow's Hierarchy. Hoy and Miskel (1982) point out that according to Maslow, "...higher level needs become activated as lower-level needs become satisfied. Thus Maslow points out that a person lives by bread alone - when there is no bread. But when there is plenty of bread, other and higher needs emerge. They, in turn, dominate the person and, as they become satisfied, are displaced by new needs" (p.141). The f i r s t 3 Superordinate Categories - '/Appropriate Housing', 'Selecting a Location', and 'Freedom from Personal Stress' - are similar to Maslow's Needs Hierarchy at Level 2, Safety and  Security needs (Hey and Miskel, 1982, p. 140). These needs are "...derived from the desire for a peaceful, smoothly running, stable environment" (Hoy and Miskel, 1982, p.139). Level 2 of Maslow's Need Hierarchy includes the need for 'structure, order, law, limits and st a b i l i t y ' , 'protection against danger and "74 threat', and 'freedom from fear, anxiety and chaos' (Hoy and Miskel, 1982, p. 140). This level compares, relatively, in meaning with the f i r s t 3 Superordinate Categories. Level 3, Belonging, Love, and Social Activity, of Maslow's Needs Hierarchy includes 'satisfactory association with others', 'belonging to groups', and 'giving and receiving friendship and affection'. This level compares in meaning with the last 2 Superordinate Categories - 'Relationships: New and Old' and 'Connectedness in the Community'. The results of this study show some evidence to suggest that a feeling of belonging takes the longest period of time to establish within the 14 Basic Categories and that i t continues as an ongoing process. Hoy and Miskel (1982) indicate that "The successive emergence of higher needs is limited i f the lower-level needs are never completely satisfied; moreover, i f an individual cannot satisfy needs at a given level for any period of time, those needs again became potent motivators" (p. 141). Subject reports indicate that this might be true for how "at home" you feel at any given point. For example, i f the subject was undergoing 'personal stress', the energy that they invested in relationships and connectedness within the community would be diminished. Ironically, a 'lack of belonging' was then reported to be experienced, and the subject was then motivated to move again, "...because we no longer belong." An additional move can further aggravate, rather than solve the personal stress experienced (Holmes and Rahe, 1967). 75 Maslow, points out that, "...maladjustment stems from frustration of these needs." (from Hoy and Miskel, 1982, p.139) It is important, then, for the categories to be acknowledged in order to validate the human needs that occur during a move. The practical implications of the concept of 'emotional innoculation', (Janis, 1958) become evident and w i l l be discussed in the next section. The Holmes and Rahe (1967) Social Readjustment Rating Questionnaire indicates moving as a relatively unimportant l i f e stress compared with other l i f e events (p.216). Moving is assigned 20 out of a possible 100 points. Findings within this exploratory study suggest evidence which indicates that moving for this sample, is an important l i f e event. Subjects, on average, reported more incidents then they were asked for. During the interviews i t appeared that the topic of moving was intensely important to the subjects. This researcher brought a serious approach to the interviews, as well, which may have modified the subjects responses somewhat. Findings further suggest that moving affects basic human needs and the individual's level of functioning, as indicated by the interacticn between Maslow's Needs Hierarchy and the 5 Superordinate Categories. One subject reported that, "Lack of identity in a move; i t ' s searching for yourself because you l e f t that person behind, but you just don't take them with you. Even though I don't have the person I was 3 years ago, that's normal -but when you move i t ' s far more noticeable, cause that person 76 isn't around for people to remember. It's mourning, mourning your mirror reflection, the loss of self." The Holmes and Rahe Questionnaire (1967), perhaps requires further substantiation of i t ' s assigned stress values. It is important that people undergoing stress are presented with an accurate indication of the need for them to act upon the stress experienced, rather than to discount i t and, thus allow their stress to flourish resulting from inaction. David Visoott (1977) discusses the 'separation anxiety' that occurs as a result of a move. Viscott and other authors (Packard, 1974; Schafer, 1978; Tyhurst from Toffler, 1971, p.86) suggest that familiarizing yourself with your new surroundings and finding out what you are already familiar with in the new surroundings are both effective in reducing this anxiety. He points out, that the objective is not to avoid loss, but to make new gains to balance the losses. These 14 Basic Categories show some guidance regarding how to make new gains. Practical Implications The majority of Canadians made at least 1 move over a 5 year period, as reported in the latest census. (Statistics Canada, 1981) In this study, some subjects reported adjustment following a move taking 1 to 2 years. This represents a substantial portion of the time between the average move, to be spent feeling not "at home". It is important, then, to "emotionally innoculate" the individual facing a stress such as a move to 77 minimizing the settling-in period (Charlesworth, et a l . , 1981; Egbert, et a l . , 1964; Greenwood and Greenwood, 1971; Janis, 1958; McGrath, 1970; Nelford, 1974; Schafer, 1978; Toffler, 1971; Viscott, 1977; and Weiss, 1971). The findings of this study-provide a preliminary basis for 'emotional innoculation', that i s , the findings provide (1) r e a l i s t i c information that undermines denial and increases awarenss of their vulnerability as movers, (2) hope for a solution to the stresses, and (3) encouragement for the individual to develop their "own" action plan to help them plug-in (Janis, 1958). Authors, are in agreement that i t is essential that an active, rather than passive posture is assumed in coping with a move (Janis, 1958; McGrath, 1970; Schafer, 1978). The need for assertive action, rather than passive acceptance is a practical implication of this study. As stated, the i n i t i a l 6 weeks are c r i t i c a l in settling-in. Educating, to achieve awareness of the basic categories, however, is the f i r s t step toward setting an action plan that w i l l be effective. This differs from Packard's (1974) findings in his study on moving. His subjects reported that nothing could help to speed up the settling-in process. This belief encourages a passive stance which simply perpetuates the 'duration of the stress' thus increasing the stress experienced (Charlesworth, et a l . , 1981; McGrath, 1970). Charlesworth, et a l . , (1981) also emphasize the importance of reducing the 'intensity of stress'. Most subjects reported major 78 changes occurring at the same time as their move, such as, the birth of a new baby, job changes, an increase in the mortgage, i and changes in location, as well as changes in the support systems available to them. It is recommended that, where possible, subjects reduce the intensity of stress at the time of the move by reducing the number of changes made during the same time period - both macro and micro changes should be reduced (Holmes and Rahe, 1967). It also appears to be important to 'emotionally innoculate' the individual, in order to reduce their stress at the time of a move, by foreshadowing that moving is f u l l of surprises. That i s , expect the unexpected. Being house poor, a lack of friendliness in the neighbourhood, not selling a former residence, theft in the new location, noisy streets, and a poor job environment a l l represent stresses that were 'unexpected' by the subjects in this study. The 14 Basic and 5 Superordinate Categories offer a comprehensive guide to program planning to aid in effective adjustment following a move. Individuals, counsellors, workshop presenters, and corporations would be advised to take these categories into account when dealing with the issue of moving. This research has established a basis for creating programs. They act as guidelines for effective adjustment following a move. These guidelines may help to streamline the process for both individuals and companies and, for counsellors, shed some 79 new light on the 'process' of moving that takes place for the individual. In addition to these categories acting as guidelines, some practical considerations need to be highlighted. The timing of the move is important. The time of year that the move is made is an important consideration due to the weather, school changes, and how close i t is the Christmas ( i f no family is present). The economy - whether the move is made during a recession - as well as enlarging the family at the time of the move, require some consideration. Three of the 24 subjects reported that getting a job after moving helped ease their adjustments. Lastly, support systems are reported by, Charlesworth, et a l . , (1981) as c r i t i c a l to adjustment. The findings show that support is highly valued both from within the couple relationships (Table 3), and received support from the community at large (Table 1). Support, help, and encouragement may become particularly important within the couple when no other support exists in the new location (Table 3). Implications for Future Research Further studies are required to confirm the findings, from this exploratory study, using a larger sample with a more varied composition. It is important that studies conducted in the future look at the "ordinary, everyday events", that occur. The c r i t i c a l incidents in this study were ordinary and they mattered at lot to the individual subjects. 80 Future research is suggested to confirm the relative importance of the 14 Basic Categories. The need to develop a test to examine any possible interaction of Maslow's Needs Hierarchy, (Hoy and Miskel, 1982, p. 140) with the 5 Superordinate Categories is somewhat implied. Belonging within a neighbourhood was previously assumed to be present, however, in society today i t i s an 'issue' that appears to have importance to the majority of subjects (Table 1). The examination of this interaction could provide additional support for the premise that moving is a major change that affects basic human needs. Of further interest in future research is the development, presentation, and evaluation of a program on, "How to adjust effectively following a move." Research is recommended to further examine, (1) the experience of moving for the different members of the couple and how i t is the same or different within the couple, and (2) whether sex-typed reporting exists between the sexes, and i f so, the motivations behind i t . A phenomenological study is suggested in order to gather these experiences. One subject reported that although he is glad that he and his family have chosen a "permanent" location, this "immobility" locks him in within his career and creates some feelings of loss in him. He has not shared these feelings about his career with his wife because she is so glad to be developing roots and he doesn't want to change her positive attitude. Another male subject reported that he was somewhat disappointed because a l l 81 the available money was committed to the purchase of a home and this prevented him from investing in a business. /Although his wife made her needs known, he was reluctant to share the extent of his own needs. In both situations the feelings about the decision to settle were not being f u l l y shared within the couple because these subjects were being supportive to their spouse and f e l t that sharing their thoughts would not be helpful. These comments confirmed the importance of couples communication, while also raising the issue of what the similarities and differences of the moving experience are at the time of the move within the couple. Findings from the present study, show some evidence that the responses given cn the Biodemographic Questionnaire (Appendix B), to Question 12, "What, i f any, other changes occurred at the time of your last move?", were different within the couple. That i s , what was reported as a preceived change by the two members of the couple differed, although each member had gone through the same move. Communication to achieve understanding of each member of the couples' experience of moving is essential. Exploration of this sort is recommended within the counselling process, and may include couples communication counselling. Some preliminary evidence is suggested (Table 3) that there was a tendency in some categories, for subjects to report incidents more frequently across sex-typed boundaries. For example, the results in Table 3, indicate that 71.42% of the 82 'wives' report being effected by their spouse 'Working on the house', whereas, 83.33% of the 'husbands', report being effected by their spouse 'Organizing the belongings'. Vaughan and Fisher (1981) in their study of cross-sex modelling on children's sex-role attitudes and behaviours, state that, "Children learn their sex roles by observing differences between what males and females do and by observing or receiving reinforcement for the appropriateness of sex role behaviours" (p.253) Perhaps this particular sample has had, and continues to have, sex-typed modelling. Vaughan and Fisher (1981) found that cross-sex modelling did lead to an increase in androgynous behaviour. Moore and Nuttall (1981) report from their study on "Male Sex-Role Perceptions". Their findings indicate that females want males to be more 'instrumental' and 'less expressive', while males report their 'real' selves as being more expressive and needing to be more instrumental. The results reported in Table 3, regarding the factors that effect the spouse, suggest that possibly both females and males are expected by their spouses to be both instrumental and  expressive. The topic of androgyny versus sex-typed behaviour undergoes ongoing scrutiny within the f i e l d of research (Moore * and Nuttall, 1981; Lubinski, Tellegen and Butcher, 1981; and Vaughan and Fisher, 1981). Research examining moving with respect to androgyny versus sex-typed behaviour would further add important information to the overall understanding of the experience of moving. 83 Summary Fourteen Basic Categories emerged and were grouped into 5 Superordinate Categories. Each category received considerable representation from the subjects reporting. The 2 most important basic categories were 'Connecting with family and old friends' and 'Receiving support and experiencing belonging within the neighbourhood', as indicated by the high proportion of subjects reporting in these categories. The results suggest a tendency for the 5 categories to be hierarchical in nature. This hierarchy bears some similarity to Maslow's Hierarchy of Needs Theory of Human Motivation at Level 2 and Level 3 (Hoy and Miskel, 1982, p.140). The majority of incidents were reported within the f i r s t 6 weeks following the move. This suggests that an action plan toward a successful adjustment following a move is recommended, rather than assuming a passive posture. Findings suggest that 'belongingness' and 'familiarity' are important qualities to be achieved toward an effective adjustment and that belongingness may take longer to be achieved. This suggests that support and help from the spouses are important. This study is only generalizable to a well educated, middle class population of couples and findings must be interpreted as only exploratory in nature. Further research is required to confirm these findings. 84 REFERENCES America's new immobile society. Business Week, July 27, 1981, 58-62. Andersson, B., & Nilsson, S. Studies in the reliability and validity of the critical incident technique. Journal of  Applied Psychology, 1964, 48(6), 398-403. Borg, W.R., & Gall, M.D. Education Research: An Introduction (3rd ed.). New York: Longman, 1979, 176-202. r~ Brett, J.M. Job transfer and well-being. Journal of Applied  Psychology, 1982, 67(4), 450-463. Brody, E.B. Migration and adaptation: The nature of the problem. American Behavioural Scientist, 1969, 13, 5-13. Campbell, A. The Sense of Weil-Being in America. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1981. Castillo, J.M. Relationship of stressful l i f e events and adolescents employment. 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P s y c h o l o g i c a l S t r e s s . New York: Wiley, 1958. Johnson, J L. & Sarason, I . L i f e S t r e s s , depression and a n x i e t y : i n t e r n a l - e x t e r n a l c o n t r o l as a moderator v a r i a b l e . J o u r n a l  of Psychosomatic Research, 1978, 22, 205-208. Kat z , D.M. Moving experience: I n s u r e r s a c t t o ease r e l o c a t i o n traumas. N a t i o n a l Underwriter: L i f e and H e a l t h Insurance E d i t i o n , February 29, 1980, 84(1), 1; 18. K i r k , R.E. I n t r o d u c t o r y S t a t i s t i c s . Monterey, C a l i f o r n i a : Brooks/Cole P u b l i s h i n g Gampany, 1978, 27-30. Kroger, J . R e s i d e n t i a l m o b i l i t y and r e l a t i o n s h i p s d u r i n g adolescence. New Zealand J o u r n a l o f Ed u c a t i o n a l S t u d i e s , May 1980, 15(1), 69-80. L u b i n s k i , D., Tell e g e n , A., & Butcher, J.N. 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(Eds.), Coping and Health. New York and London: Plenum Press, 1979, 1-39. Packard, V. A Nation of Strangers. New York: Pocket Books, 1974. Pihl, R.O. & Caron, M. The relationship between geographic mobility, adjustment, and personality. Journal of C l i n i c a l  Psychology, January 1980, 36(1), 190-194. Pilowsky, I. Psychiatric aspects of stress. In Welford, A.T. (Ed.), Man Under Stress. New York-Toronto: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1974, 125-132. Publication Manual of the American Psychological Association. Third Edition. Menasha, Winsconsin: Banta Company/George Banta Company, Inc., 1983. Rablein, J.G. & Struening, E.L. L i f e events, stress and i l l n e s s . Science, December 3, 1976, 194, 1013-1020. Relocation: The price is...wrong? Management Review, December 1981, 70, 7. Schafer, W. Stress, Distress and Growth. Davis, California: Responsible Action, 1978, 125-143. S c h i l l , T., Toves, C , & Ramanaiah, H. Coping with loneliness and locus of control. Psychological Reports, December 1980, 47(3, Pt. 2), 1054. Schlossberg, N.K., T r o l l , L.E., & Reibowitz, Z. Perspectives on  Counselling Adults: Issues and S k i l l s . Monterey, California: Brooks/Cole Publishing Co., 1978, 14; 46-47. Statistics Canada. Mobility status. Census Report, 1981. Taeuber, C. Population trends in the 1960's. Science, 1972, 176, 773-777. Toffler, A. Future Shock. New York: Bantam Books, 1971. 87 Toves, C., S c h i l l , T., & Ramanaiah, N. Sex differences, internal external control, and vulnerability to l i f e stress. Psychological Reports, October 1981, 49(2), 508. Viscott, D. Risking. New York: Pocket Books, 1977, 1-50. Weisman, M.M., & Paykel, E.S. Moving and depression in women. Society, 1972, 9, 24-28. Weiss, J.M. Effects of punishing the coping response (conflict) on stress pathology in rats. Journal of Comparative  Physiological Psychology, 1971, 77, 14. Weiss, R.S. The fund of sociability. Trans-Action, July/August 1969. Welford, A.T. Stress and performance. In Welford, A.T. (Ed.), Man Under Stress. New York-Toronto: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1974, 1-13. Zippo, M. Employee relocation: It's a whole new b a l l game. Personnel, March 1980, 57, 70-73. 89 APPENDIX B BIODEMCGRAPAHICAL QUESTIONAIRE 1. Sex: M 2. Your present age: 20-25 26-30 31-35 36-40 41-45 46-50 51-55 56-60 61-65 66-70 3. What is the highest level of formal education that you have received? -4. Do you have children? Yes No 5. If yes, what are their ages? •  6. How long ago was your last move? 7. Approximately how many moves have you made in your adult life? 8. Approximately how many kilometre distance was your last move?_ ' 9. Did i t involve a move.... (Check off one) within a city. within a metropolitan area ______ from one city to another region to region between provinces between countries ' between continents 10. Number of years that you have resided in Canada? ••• What ethnic designation would you give yourself? 11. (a) Do you feel "at home" now following this move? (Check off one) completely moderately partially a bit not at a l l 90 (b) If you are feeling "at home", how long did i t take you to feel that way? Please specify an approximate time frame. • •  12. What, i f any, other changes occurred at the time of your last move? 13. Do you work outside the home? Yes Fulltime Parttime No 91 A P P E N D I X C C O N S E N T F O R M I , c o n s e n t t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n t h i s s t u d y i n v e s t i g a t i n g t h e C o n d i t i o n s T h a t F a c i l i t a t e a n d H i n d e r  S u c c e s s f u l A d j u s t m e n t F o l l o w i n g A M o v e . T h i s s t u d y i s c o n d u c t e d b y B r e n d a B r o u g h t o n , a M a s t e r ' s D e g r e e s t u d e n t i n C o u n s e l l i n g P s y c h o l o g y a t U . B . C . a n d s u p e r v i s e d b y D r . L a r r y C o c h r a n , F a c u l t y A d v i s o r . T h i s s t u d y w i l l e x a m i n e w h a t c o n d i t i o n s f a c i l i t a t e a n d w h a t c o n d i t i o n s h i n d e r a s u c c e s s f u l a d j u s t m e n t f o l l o w i n g a r e s i d e n t i a l m o v e . I n f o r m a t i o n w i l l b e t a p e r e c o r d e d d u r i n g t h e i n t e r v i e w . T h i s i n f o r m a t i o n w i l l b e p u t o n t o i n d e x c a r d s a t a l a t e r d a t e . R e c o r d i n g s w i l l b e e r a s e d a n d n o n a m e s w i l l b e u s e d i n o r d e r t o e n s u r e c o m p l e t e c o n f i d e n t i a l i t y . T h e s u b j e c t s i d e n t i t y w i l l r e m a i n c o n f i d e n t i a l . T h e t o t a l a m o u n t o f t i m e r e q u i r e d b y y o u i s s i x t y m i n u t e s . I f y o u h a v e a n y q u e s t i o n s o r c l a r i f i c a t i o n s c o n c e r n i n g t h e p r o c e d u r e s , I am a v a i l a b l e t o a n s w e r t h e m . Y o u h a v e t h e r i g h t t o r e f u s e t o p a r t i c i p a t e o r w i t h d r a w a t a n y t i m e w i t h o u t c o n s e q u e n c e s . P a r t i c i p a t i o n i s v o l u n t a r y . S i g n a t u r e 


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