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A history of the Okanagan : Indians and whites in the settlement era, 1860-1920 Thomson, Duncan Duane 1985

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A HISTORY OF THE OKANAGAN:INDIANS AND WHITES IN THE SETTLEMENT ERA,1860 — 1920ByDUNCAN DUANE THOMSONB.A. The University of British Columbia. 1965M.A Carleton University. 1969A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OFTHE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OFDOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHYTHE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES(Departrnent of History)We accept this thesis as con+orminqto the required standardTHE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIASeptember 1985D. Duane Thomson, 1985In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanceddegree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make itfreely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensivecopying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of mydepartment or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying orpublication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my writtenpermission.Department of S147The University of British Columbia1956 Main MallVancouver, CanadaV6T 1Y3Date / /DE-6( 3/8 1)88TRACTThis study’s primary -focus is on white settlement andIndian dispossession and marginalizatian. the theme beingdeveloped in the context of a comprehensive local historynumber a-f sub—themes are developed including the relationshipbetween political power and landholding, the changing role a-fchiefs in Indian society. the importance a-f the railway inconsolidating economic power, the connection betweentransportation and changing industrial activity and thesignificance a-f land tenure regimes in economic performance..fter an introduction and outline history the paper isorganized in three parts. The first deals with the institutionswhich supported settlers and were imposed upon Indians.. Thefour institutions examined are missionary activity as it relatedto Indians and the political, judicial and educationalstructures as they affected Indians and whites. The notablecharacteristic of these institutions is that the servicesdelivered to the two racial groups were markedly different, thatIndians never received the benefit of their support.. The secondsection considers the critical question of Indian access toresources, the conditions under which reserves were assigned andthen repeatedly altered, and the question a-f aboriginal rightsto the land The discrepancy in the terms in which whites andIndians could claim land and the insecurity o-f tenure of Indiansis documented.. The third section considers economic sectors:restricted rights in the political and judicial spheres werecontributing factors.Okanaqan society in the pre—Worid War I era is seen as aracist society, one in which a completely different set o-f rulesiihunting, fishing and gathering, mining. stockraising andagriculture. In the latter two industries, pursued by bothIndians and whites, the two communities are juxtaposed toobserve differences in their conduct of those industries. Thecritical elements determining different performance areidentified as the differing quantities of obtainable land, andthe land and water tenure regimes under which the participantsoperated although other factors such as increasingcapitalization, an oppressive Department of Indian ffairs.inadequate access to education and health services andiiiexisted for each race and in which social distance between racesincreased over time White settlers succeeded in building asociety with all the features o-f the modern world: well—developed transportation and communications, urban centres,supportive social service institutions, and an educated andprosperous population, in short, a harmonious and just societyBut this development occured at the expense of the Indianpopulation a society they could only be characterized as adependent, impoverished, diseased and illiterate people, proneto alcohol and appearing to lack in ambition White success wasbuilt upon Indian dispossession..TABLE OF CONTENTSI LLUSTRAT I CINSivVLIST OF TABLESChapterI-- - - vi1INTRODUCTIONII. AN OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE OKANAGAN111= THE EXTERNAL INSTITUTIONS-A. THE MISSIONARIESB. THE POLITICAL SYSTEM. - - -C. THE JUDICIAL SYSTEM - - -D EDUCATIONIV ACCESS TO LANDV. THE ECONOMIC SECTORSA. THE HUNTING. FISHING AND GATHERING ECONOMY.B.. THE MINING INDUSTRYC. STOCKRAISINGD FARMINGVI. CONCLUSIONFOOTNOTES163537627796111- 168- 169- 211- 245- 297- 334- 351BIBLIOGRAPHY 399VI LLUSTRAT I ONS1. The Position a-f G. W.. Cox Within the Structure a-fthe Colonial Government2. Quantities o-f Range Cattle Grazed Under Conditionsa-f Private Ownership and Common Resource Usage - - - 2701.. Okanagan Valley, 1900: Transportation and Settlement. 312.. District a-f the Immaculate Conception. 1860—1879 - 423. Sketch map u-f W 8. Co 1164. Head a-f Lake Indian Reserves, 1861—1920 1415 Inkamip Indian Reserves, 1861—1916 1456. Indian Reserves in the Okanaqan Agency. 1916 1567. Mining Areas in the Okanagan, 1857—1914 228S. Distribution of Livestock in the North Okanaqan, 1879. 277/7viLIST OF TABLES1. Population of Major Okanagan Towns.. 1910—1911 342. Yale Members in the Parliament of Canada.. 1871—1913 - 643. Yale Members in the LeQislative Assembly 1871—1913 - 654. Justices of the Peace in the Okanaan 795. Price o-f Provisions at Similkameen and Rock Creek..1860—1861 2196. MininQ Activity at Rock Creek 1888—1899 2297. Mininq Activity at Mission Creek., 1888—1894 2318. Mining Activity at Cherry Creeks 1886—1895 2329. Mining Activity in the Tulameen Region 1885—1894 - 23310. Mining Production Statisticsq Camp McKinney 24011.. Real and Personal Property of OkanaQan Stockmen1879 25412. Livestock Arrivals at New Westminster by Se-amer.1878 26013.. Population and Livestock in British Columbia..1881—1911 26314. Livestock Holdings of Okanagan Indian Bands.,1877 and 1879 27515. Occupations of Heads of Households. Okanagan Indians..1881 3011Chapter 1 INTRODUCTIONThe local historian has two primary responsibilities tofulfill in order to make his study useful and significant. Hemust, -first, attempt to understand and explain the economic,social and political development of his particular community andto show how different elements within that region of study arerelated to each other. He should present an integrated viewwhich traces the changing relationships o-f these elements witheach other over time. Secondly, the historian must place thelocal community in the larger context of national and worldhistory and assess the nature and strength of external forces.region such as the Okanagan. in the interior o-f BritishColumbia. did not develop in isolation but was one of many areasin the white settlement frontiers of the world which grew inresponse to global conditions. Various hypotheses have beendeveloped which attempt to explain the process of national orcommunity development and the ways in which external forcesimpinged upon local development. The critical questions raisedby those models therefore offer a challenge to the localhistorian which is two—fold: to capture the detail, colour andnature o-f his particular community and to assess the nature andstrength o-f external forces as they impinged upon the localscene. Presented in such a manner, local history can therebycontribute to one’s understanding of a particular community andthe process by which communities in the new world havedeveloped -Prior to the 1970s western Canadian scholars who examinedlocal communities typically did not do so from an historicalperspective. The most extensive studies emerged during the latel930s as part of the Canadian Frontiers of Settlement series andwere contemporary profiles o-f communities written bysociologists, geographers or economists. 1 They are static andlacking in any time or process perspective, although over timethey have become, for the historian, useful documents inthemselves. Until recently Canadian historians have largelyeschewed community studies and left the writing of local history‘7to amateur historians and genealociists Until the last decade,professional historians’ concerns were with broad nationaltopics. political, constitutional or economic history and withthe biographies of national figures. As late as 1969 3. M. S.Careless, in his presidential address to the Canadian HistoricalAssociation, found it necessary to deplore this concentration onnational topics.2 He observed that the experience ofregionalism had been, and continues to be, the prominent anddistinctive feature of Canadian national life; that Canada is acountry of many particular societies. He urged that historiansstudy smaller communities and examine regional patterns.Following this plea, although only partially because of it4 theacademic community has turned to more local topics.The shift in focus to the region and smaller communitieshas been promoted as well by the growing interest of contem—porary historians with social history. Canadian communitieshave been explored from a number of perspectives. Some havechosen local cases to use as examples a-f processes or structureswhich they think are in evidence more generally Others haveidentified types of cities or societies and invite comparisonswith other localities in order to test their-findings.Historical geographers have made an important contribution tothe study of the urban and rural Canadian past by examining thesocial landscape of particular areas. Cole Harris, forexample. has examined migration patterns, work and poverty inthe seigneury a-f Petit—Nation in a particularly well—craftedstudy.3 Peter Goheen, Jacob Spelt and Michael Doucet haveexamined Ontario cities and related patterns a-f residence andthe economic function of those centres.4 Various historianshave pursued single agency explanations for urban change. 3. MS. Careless, Alan Artibise, Max Foran and others have focussedon the role of the business elite in urban politics anddevelopment, sometimes to the exclusion of other agents a-fchange.5 Norbert Macdonald and Foran have portrayed the roleof the Canadian Pacific Railway (CPR) in the growth of Vancouverand Calgary respectively..6 Single industry studies have beenconducted by David Breen in analyzing the role a-f the petroleumindustry in Calgary’s development and by N. Gidney in assessingI.the role o-f coal and forest industries in Nanaimo’s growth..7Larry McCann credits Vancouver’s rise to prominence to itsability to capture the trade of a resource—rich hinterland.Snother group of historians., the most prominent of whom isMichael Katz, have examined such topics as social strati-f i—cation, inequality, immigration and transiency in the urbansetting..9 David Gagan has conducted similar quantitativestudies in a rural setting with his Peel County articles onrural transiency, indebtedness and inheritance systems. 10Dubbed historians of the working class, another historicalschool has recently concentrated on such questions as poverty(3. Fingard), real income and living conditions (M.. Piva and T.Copp) and control over conditions in the workplace (S. Kealey,C. Heron, I. McKay. B. Palmer).11 It is clear that the localcommunity has provided the natural basis from which to study abroad range of questions o-f interest to the contemporaryhistorian. Each historian mentioned has related hi theme.whether it be resource use, economic function, education or thecivic elite, to social changes which have been observed in theparticular community under study.While Canadian historians have made progress in analyzingthe factors which have contributed to community development inCanada, the results nonetheless have been piecemeal.. Singleagency studies illustrate but one or two dimensions of communitylife.. Vet, it is clear that many aspects of the life of acommunity are tightly interwoven. Only by examining theinterrelationships between, for example, land tenure, theoperation of agricultural enterprise, political power and theethnic and religious background of immigrants, can a community’sdevelopment be -fully understood. Few attempts have thus farbeen made by Canadian historians to write comprehensivecommunity histories although that would seem to be a naturalnext step in the direction which historians have beentravelling. Where such steps might most profitably lead issuggested in more developed literature elsewhere..Scholars in England particularly have made significantstrides which Canadian historians might emulate. Localhistorians concentrating largely on rural village communities4have contributed in a major way to the re—writing of nationalhistory. H. 3. Dyos wrote a seminal study in 1961 entitled- Hi s workhas been followed by David Jenkins’ The Agricultural Communitytbe gf_b_I byDavid Hey’s and by MargaretSpuf ford’s Contrasting Communities. 12 These historians haveprogressed beyond the stage a-f relating one or two variables, togiving insight into the causual nexus between a number offactors. They recognize that a new level of sophistication hasbeen reached, that nothing less than a fully integrated study a-Fa community of people is acceptable, and they argue thathistorians must write the “total history of villagecommunities”. This compelling concept offers a goal whichCanadian historians might profitably pursue.Other historiographies also offer insightful approaches.The process of European settlement, contact with aboriginalpeople1 the imposition of capitalism, economic development andcommunity building has not been limited to Canada or to NorthAmerica. A similar process has occurred in South Africa,Oceania and Latin America. Historians c-f Latin America andelsewhere have been active in attempting to comprehend andpresent these global forces and to assess their impact onparticular regions. Social scientists have created models whichpurport to explain the nature of these international forces andto assess and predict the type a-f accommodations which localareas must make to these external pressures. Two broadtheories, labelled the modernization theory and the dependencytheory, have emanated from scholars attempting to understand theThird World. the process a-f development and the phenomenon ofunderdevelopment. 13Attempting to explain the historical development a-f ThirdWorld economies, modernization theory was a product a-f war—timeand immediate post—war economic and socia—political developmentsin Latin America. The World War II period was one of relativeprosperity in the region as war—induced demand for resourcesprovided good markets for raw materials, and the economicdisruption a-f Europe and of oceanic transport stimulatedCimpart—substitution industries. Observers applauded andpromoted these changes., envisaging very positive results in thedirection o-f economic modernization and the development ofliberal democratic institutions. Modernization was seen as aprocess by which societies passed from traditional to modernsocieties, economically, socially and politically. Typologieswere established for these two ideal societies. Traditionalsocieties were characterized as having a static social andpolitical order —— a society cemented by a traditional worldview a network o-f overlapping, confining social relationshipsand the heavy hand of custom. Traditional societies wereeconomically static and could not significantly increaseproductivity to generate self—sustained economic growth.. Modernsocieties displayed very different characteristics such as rapideconomic change, social mobility and political democracy.Modern society was expressed as dynamic, rational and very mucha copy of western, industrial, liberal democracies.The process of change from traditional to modern was theabsorbing question. Social scientists from various disciplinescontributed to the examination of the processes at work.Economists examined the stages of economic growth as a societymoved to “take off1’ on a trajectory leading to industrialization.l4 Political scientists examined topics such asurbanization, literacy, the growth of mass media, politicalparticipation and expansion of government activities. 15nthropologists studied the peasant world and its progressivedestruction.16 Modernization was the frame of reference fromwhich a large number of social scientists worked.Modernization theory, however, is open to criticism, themost important arising from the model’s poor predictive record.It predicts movement toward a modern state which displays adegree of industrialization, a rising national income and anincreasingly equitable distribution of that income, socialmobility, democratic institutions and a low level of socialconflict. Yet, most jurisdictions in Latin America have notprogressed in this manner. The region has continued, despite aninterlude in the wartime and immediate post—war era, to becharacterized by resource—export economies, low nationalIL..6incomes, gross inequalities in wealth, racial tension, labourexploitation and authoritarian political regimes. A model thatpredic