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Victorian missionaries in Meiji Japan : the Shiba Sect, 1873-1900 Powles, Cyril Hamilton 1968-12-31

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VICTORIAN MISSIONARIES IN MEIJI JAPAN:  TBE SH2BA SECT 1873 - 3-900  by Hamilton  Cyril  Powles  B.A., McGill University, 19^0 A.M. S Harvard University, i960 S.T.B., University of Trinity College, 195^  A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department  of HISTORY  We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard  TIE UNIVERSITY (fo BRITISH COLUMBIA September, 1963  In p r e s e n t i n g this thesis in partial f u l f i l m e n t of the r e q u i r e m e n t s  for an advanced d e g r e e at the U n i v e r s i t y of British C o l u m b i a ,  I agree  that the Library shal 1 m a k e it freely, avai Table, for r e f e r e n c e arid  Study.  I further a g r e e that permi ss i on for extens ive copyi ng of this.  thesis for s c h o l a r l y p u r p o s e s m a y b e granted by the Head of m y  Department or b y hils r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s .  It is u n d e r s t o o d that copying:  or p u b l i c a t i o n of this thesis for financial gain shal I not b e a l l o w e d  without my written  permission.  D e p a r t m e n t of The U n i v e r s i t y of British V a n c o u v e r 8 , Canada  Dat.e  Columbia  /September 23, 1968  ii  VICTORIAN MISSIONARIES IN MEIJI JAPAN: THE SHIBA  SECT  1873 - 1900 Abstract  The influence of American culture on the modernisation of Japan has become a recognized subject for  investigation.  British cultural influence was also an important factor, especially in the later nineteenth century, but has received less attention.  This holds particularly true for thfe study  of Christianity and Christian missions.  It is generally  understood that Christianity contributed to the formation of the intellectual tradition of the Mei,ji era.  Yet all  studies, both in Japan and in the West, treat Christianity as identical w i t h Amarlcan Protestantism.  It is the thesis  of this study that another type of Christianity, which came from England, also existed in Meiji Japan. society v?as less dialectical.  Its relation to  Where American  challenged, Anglicanism affirmed traditional  Protestantism institutions.  Although never attaining the public recognition given the American type, Anglicanism furnished an early example of a group which recognized and practised cultural and intellectual pluralism.  It is therefore important for the  understanding of modern Japanese society.  The examination  of tlois tradition also provides an insight into the general differences between the British and American approaches to Japanese culture.  H i  This investigation follows the careers and writings of three early Anglican missionaries w h o lived in Japan between 1873 and 1900*  Their writings have been related to  the main social and intellectual currents of their day. Where possible their family background, education and attitudes have been compared with other leaders in the church and in secular affairs.  E a c h missionary w a s found to  represent a particular aspect of upper and upper-middle English life.  class  Their views and the ways in which they related  to the culture of Melji Japan were seen to express certain general English ways of relating to foreign cultures. The missionaries 1 views on three important areas of Meiji s o c i e t y — e d u c a t i o n , politics and the E m p e r o r - s y s t e m pointed to certain clear, though tentative,  conclusions.  Anglicanism w a s part of the general ideology of the old English land-owners whose dominant position In society w a s being taken over at this time by the industrial middle class. As a ruling class it was naturally opposed to sudden change. Its view of culture was broadly humanistic, and this humanism was reinforced by the Anglo-catholic theology of the missionaries .  Social and theological factors combined to produce a  generally affirmative attitude toward certain foreign cultures w i t h which the missionaries came in close contact. In Japan the missionaries identified with the institutions of their adopted land.  The aristocratic society of  their own land was passing away, but something approxi-  mately like it still existed in Japan.  The leaders of Heij  society trusted the Englishmen for their conservatism, while lower-class Japanese felt safe with them because of  their  paternalistic sense  of  responsibility.  Consequently,  although the Englishmen still maintained their personal identity as foreigners, they felt secure enough to affirm  the Japanese way of life,. Finally, the corporate and organic nature of the missionaries • thinking led to the formation of a church in which Englishmen and Japanese could w o r k together.  VJithin  the framework of a hierarchical relationship Anglicanism became a basis for coexistence between individuals of two distinct cultures.  In the process of w o r k together, the  British missionaries and their Japanese colleagues associated creatively with one another in a way that w a s quite distinct from the American pattern,  mmmmdxxiv  TABLE OF CONTENTS Page NOTE ON REFERENCES  vlli  CHAPTER I II  Introduction:  . . . . . .  Late Nineteenth-Century Japan in Transition . . . . . . . . A. B. C. D.  Ill  the Shiba Sect  1 19  Japan Looks West. Restoration and Modernization: I870-I900. Christianity and social change. Religion in Japanese society and the eult of the Emperor.  British Missionaries Approach Japan . . .  67  A. B. C.  1 8 7 3 — a fruitful year. Englishmen view Japan. British society and the Church of England. D. British missionaries view the • Japanese.  IV  The Tory Church and Missionary Exploration: Alexander Croft Shaw A. B. C. D. E.  V  B. C. D. E.  113  High Anglicanism in crisis. British society and foreign missions. A Canadian in London. Life outside the concession. The birth of the Shiba Sect.  Eccentric Scholarship and Liberal Education: Arthur Lloyd A.  . . .  From Shiba to Mita: missionaries and educators. The graduate as a public figure. Colonies and missions. Liberal Anglicanism and secular culture. Buddhism: the affirmation of Japanese culture.  161  vi CHAPTER VI  Page The Failure of Institutions: Edward Bickersteth . . . . . . . . . . . . A. B. C. D.  VII  B. C. D.  242  Meiji educational policy and the mission school. The Anglican pattern: working in secular schools. Missionaries and treaty revision. The limited nature of political action.  Anglicans and the Meiji State A. B. C. D.  IX  The Nippon Seikokai: a limited affirmation of autonomy. < Liberal traditionalism: a via media. University missions: gentleman scholars at work.. . . . . . University missions and Saint Andrew 1 s Mission.  British Missionaries and Japanese Society . A.  VIII  204  Christianity and nationalism. Anglican missionaries and the Meiji constitution. State church and state Shinto. The Shiba Sect and the Emperor system.  The Shiba Sect in 1900 A. B. C. D.  275  308  . . .  Christianity accommodates to Japanese society. Japanese Anglicanism. British Japanism. The paradox of affirmation  BIBLIOGRAPHY . . .  0 o  337  APPEJIDICES I. II. III. IV.  Glossary of Japanese names and  terms.  . . . . . .  . *  •. •. •. .  Selected bibliography of published works by members of the Shiba Sect.  . .  Extracts from the contemporary press. . . Graphs and tables showing comparative increase in members: Seikokai and other Protestant groups.  viii Note on References Correspondence is cited by using the name (or initials) of the writer, the person addressed, and finally, the date. For instance, Poole-CMS, 8 / 6 / 8 5 means "Poole to the Church Missionary Society, June 8, 1885." All correspondence, unless specified, is from the archives of either CMS or SPG. In the case of CMS it will be from Letters Received, J/01 (Japan); if SPG, from D-MSS (Japan). (See Bibliography). Frequently used names and titles have been abbreviated as follows: ACS  Alexander Croft Shaw.  AL  Arthur Lloyd*  CCM  The Canadian Church Magazine and Missionary News.  CMI  The Church Missionary  Intelligencer.  CMS  The Church Missionary  Society.  Cary  Otis Cary, A History of Christianity in Japan, vol. II.  EB  Edward Bickersteth.  FEQ  The Far Eastern Quarterly (now the Journal of Asian Studies)  FYZ  Fukuzawa Yuklchi zenshu [Complete Works of Fukuzawa Yuklchi J.  KBKS  Kindal bungaku kenkyu sosho [Studies in Modern Literature Series], vol. XII.  Life  S. Bickersteth, Life and Letters of Edward Bickersteth.  MF  The Mission Field.  MN  Monumenta  NS  Nichiyo soshl [Sunday Journal].  Nipponica.  ix  SK  Shingaku no .koe [Voice of Theology].  SPG  The Society for the Propagation of the Gospel >in Foreign Parts.  TASJ  Transactions of the Asiatic Society of JaparH  All translations from Japanese not otherwise attributed are by the writer. A glossary of Japanese names and terms not found in standard English dictionaries is found in Appendix I.  CHAPTER I V  INTRODUCTION There is a growing interest on the part of historians in the study of missionary records.  At one time scholars  regarded such records as useful only for church, or mission, history.  Now it is seen that they tell u s much about the  encounter in the nineteenth century between an expanding European culture and the lands which were forced to accept the white m a n . 1  Even when mission records have been used  scholars in the West have been preoccupied with colonial or semi-colonial areas like Africa, India and Indonesia.  This  has resulted in a narrowing of focus s missions studied within colonial lands inevitably became associated w i t h the economic and political activities of the imperialist cultures to which they belonged. The history of missions in Japan furnishes an opportunity to observe cultural interaction without most of the complications Introduced by colonialism.  Japan In the nine-  teenth century did everything in its power to escape economic and political tutelage and succeeded to a remarkable degree in achieving its objective.  The determination to remain free  1  G . ICitson Clark, The Making of Victorian England (London, 1 9 6 3 p p . 21-23, has pointed to the realization that they are also an important new source for social historians of England.  X  2  from outside domination extended to every area of her life. As a result Western missionaries, for instance, associated with their converts on a basis of greater equality than in any other land.  In some cases missionaries were even forced  2  to play a role subordinate to indigenous leaders.  Because  Japanese remained free from external control the scholar was able to see Christianity as an element in the modernization of thought rather than as an ideology of domination.  It was an  idea which could be freely accepted on its merits without fear of retribution by an outside ruling power. Japanese scholars have long been aware of the significance of Christianity in their modern history, but the subject has only lately begun to interest the Western student. Moreover, because Japanese scholars have had easy access to the records in their own country, they have tended to present the story largely in terms of their own countrymen who accepted the new ideas.  They have been unable to pay sufficient  attention to the people who brought them, or even to understand accurately the ideas themselves.  Whereas recent studies of  Christianity in China or Africa have made full use of American and British mission records, there are as yet few works which have done the same for Japan. One reason for this neglect is that the majority of contemporary studies—both Western and Japanese—have been 2  J . p. Howes, "Japanese Christians and American Missionaries, " in Marius Jansen ed., Changing Japanese Attitudes Toward Modernization (Princeton, 1964), p. 360.  3 primarily interested in problems of economic and political modernization.  Where they have examined the cultural element  they have concentrated almost exclusively on the influence of New England Puritanism.  Following Max Weber, they have  made much of the Calvinist emphasis on activism and ascetic otherworldliness as.central concepts for understanding modernization. It is the concern of this essay to show that another type of Christianity of a quieter sort has also been at work in Japan.  Where American Protestantism worked dlalectically,  challenging traditional Japanese institutions, it also produced reaction (tenko) and compromise.  Anglicanism, coming  from a society where the church was part of the establishment, avoided conflict with the state. paternalistic.  Its attitudes were  It sought to produce good Christians who  would also be good citizens.  But this gentlemanly and  often easy-going approach in its affirmation of Japanese society failed to take cognizance of the latent conflict between its own cosmopolitanism and the particularity of traditional Japanese culture.  As it developed in the late  nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Anglicanism combined social conservatism with an autonomous and at •3 •^In Japan the pioneering studies of Sumiya Mikio have done much to establish this orientation. In the U. S., R. N. Bellah has made use of Weberian ideas to produce an analysis of Japanese society based on the sociology of Talcott Parsons.  4 times exceedingly "Japanese" kind of faith which appealed to people who held positions of responsibility In their own society.  It is significant that Saint Andrew's Church, Shiba--  the subject of this study—boasted among its adherents at one time or another people as different in outlook as Ozaki Yukio, the father of parliamentary democracy, Inomata Kozo, a leader in the left-wing faction of the Socialist Party, Koizumi Shinzo, the tutor of the Crown Prince, and Mrs. Shidachi, a daughter of the noted Meiji educator, Fukuzawa Yukichl. For the historian of culture the study of Japanese Anglicanism is Important because it tells something about the nature of cultural contact between Englishmen and Japanese.  The influence of British missionaries was not con-  fined to the congregations which they built up.  The late  nineteenth century was a time of increasing, though uncertain, friendship between Great Britain and Japan.  A common policy  of opposition to Russia led to changes in the unequal treaties between the two countries and ultimately to the AngloJapanese Alliance of 1902.  Other factors besides politics  influenced these developments.  The friendship between Great  Britain and Japan also found support in the national sentiment, if we may use the term, of the two peoples.  Neither  government could disregard the existence of such sentiments, although they may not have decisively influenced the final decision.  5 The investigation of these sentiments constitutes a second concern of this study.  The British missionaries in  Japan had a good deal to do with building up public opinion. They wrote letters to the press, both in their own country and in Japan. of society.  They associated with Japanese at many levels Above all they were a presence, a microcosm of  British culture, which existed in Japan to be observed by the man in the street.  He could never hope to cross the ocean  but nevertheless felt that he knew what Englishmen were like because he had seen "the noble man Cholmondeley" treating the 4 boys at Asakusa on a Sunday afternoon. The investigation of so broad a subject Involves great difficulties.  That is why I have chosen to  use a sampling of missionary attitudes as represented by three leaders of English Christianity in Japan between 1870 and 1900.  Whether or not the choice of these men was  wise will depend on a number of considerations.  Did they  represent the British missionary movement In Japan? really represent their fellow Englishmen? thought or did historically  Did they  Was what they  significant?  The second question can be answered most quickly. Englishmen resident in Japan at that time can be divided into three groups, each with its own point of view. diplomats, businessmen, and missionaries.  zr  .  There were  A fourth group,  See the amusing description of L. B. Cholmondeley, one of the Shiba men, given by the popular newspaper, Yorozu Choho, and translated in the Japan Times of November 17, 1914, Appendix III.  6  foreign employees of Japanese concerns such as engineers and teachers, can really be subsumed within those of one or another of the first three.  Strictly speaking, then, the  missionaries can be said to represent only one of the three groups.  A balanced picture would have to await studies of  all three and their characteristic styles of life. There are good reasons for picking the missionaries out first.  For one thing there were more of them, and. for  the most part they stayed in the country longer than either businessmen or diplomats.  They spoke the language, while  their work carried them out of the treaty-ports and concessions where, until 1899* foreigners were compelled to reside.  Unlike the diplomats they had no national interests  to uphold.  This does not mean that they were totally dis-  interested—far from it. Christianity. businessmen.  They were "selling" a commodity,  In this regard they were at one with the But the humanitarian nature of their own parti-  cular commodity allowed them to be somewhat more sensitive to the point of view of the Japanese people.  As a number of  the missionaries were university graduates— often with distinguished achievements—they had been trained to generalize ' from their observations.  Admittedly much of their writing  was preoccupied with organisational matters. said about Japan was read by a wide public,  But what they Church publi-  cations were more generally read even in late Victorian England than they are in the twentieth century.  Finally,  the successful operation of their enterprise increasingly  7 pushed them to study the language, customs and beliefs of the country.  The missionaries, together with the diplomats,  were the pioneers in those fields until their place was taken by trained grammarians and social scientists.  In all  these ways they qualify as the most easily accessible and articulate representatives of their countrymen at that time resident in Japan. The first question--whether the missionaries who worked together at Saint Andrew's, Shiba, could claim to reflect the attitudes of all British missionaries in J a p a n raises certain difficulties.  The Shiba  missionaries  represented the Church of England, to which the majority of Englishmen belonged.  A significant minority in Great Britain  belonged to the Roman Catholic Church and to various Nonconformist denominations, but during the nineteenth century few of them went to Japan.  The Catholic missionaries at  that time nearly all came from France while the only nonAnglican Protestants—apart  from the A m e r i c a n s — w e r e a hand-  ful of Scottish Presbyterians who remained in the country only briefly. The difficulties arise because Anglicanism is not a uniform system of belief.  itself  During the nineteenth  century in particular two parties, the Anglo-catholics and the Evangelicals, were attempting to lead the church in opposite directions.  In Japan two missionary  reflected these divisions.  societies  Moreover there were  numerous  other variations which arose from individual differences of temperament, theological interpretation, and social background.  How then does the Shlba mission qualify to represent such diversity? The Shlba men were missionaries of the Society for  the Propagation of the Gospel (SPG).  The other British  mission in Japan was the Church Missionary Society (CMS). This letter organization belonged to the Evangelical, or Protestant, wing of the Church of England.  As such, its  members possessed a fairly uniform theological outlook which was basically similar to that of the American missionaries. Thus while CMS missionaries stood nationally within the •  English tradition, they could also be aligned theologically with the Americans.- The very diversity of theological and social background within SPG qualified it best to represent the broad range of English Anglicanism.  CMS was uniform  theologically, but SPG accepted candidates with every type  of outlook. Actually the Shiba men were closest to the High, or Catholic, wing of the Church of England.  I have chosen  three of them in particular to represent the English missionary community for several reasons.  Each of thera In his own  way was an important man and a leader who set his own stamp on Japanese Anglicanism.  Two of them made contributions to  Japanese society for which they are still remembered by historians.  Each of them was also a leader, though admittedly  a minor one, in the foreign community of Tokyo.  Each stood  for a distinct form of the social and intellectual points of  9 view current in English society at the end of the nineteenth century.  Their reaction to Japan thus reflected a number  of ways in which Englishmen of the period thought and acted. These three men did not make up the total membership of the Shiba Sect, but they were its founders.  The Canadian  Alexander Croft Shaw was the first SPG missionary to arrive in Japan. mission. munity.  He remained throughout his life a leader in the He was also the father figure in the Shiba comThe other two worked closely with him, although  they arrived over a decade later than he did.  Arthur Lloyd  was a Cambridge don who had been born in India, while Edward Bickersteth was an outstanding ecclesiastical administrator.  By 1900 there were a dozen other Canadian  and British missionaries associated with them. It is more difficult to define the Japanese membership of the Sect.  I have therefore confined myself to mentioning  three of the earliest leaders, Tajimi Juro, Imai Toshimichi and Yamada Sukejiro.  By the end of the nineteenth century  there were at least three or four others in the inner circle. But by that time the influence of the group reached far beyond the Shiba compound. The Shiba Sect The term "Shiba Sect" is a translation of the Japanese Shiba-ha.  It refers to one of the dominant streams of tradition  10 within the Nippon Seikokai.  The Seikokai is an autonomous  Japanese church, founded in 188? by British and American missionaries and their converts.  It belongs to the tradition  known ao Anglican or Episcopal, both of which descend from the Church of England.  In the case of the Americans,  Scottish Episcopalianism has also exercised, a decisive influence.  The Seikokai developed out of w o r k begun by the  American G. M. Williams in 1859 at Nagasaki.  Williams was  joined by other American Episcopal missionaries and also by members of the two British missionary societies, the CMS and the SPG.  Anglican missionaries from Canada began to J  appear in Japan from 1889.  Thus the Seikokai is descended  -from a variety of national and theological traditions. this respect it differs from other Protestant  In  denominations  in Japan whose background is almost exclusively American and evangelical. Even after the founding of the Seikokai the national and theological distinctions did not immediately disappear. The Western missionaries received their salaries from abroad and were bound by the regulations of the society which had sent them, even though they might obey the orders of a bishop of the local church.  In order to avoid conflict between the  different traditions from Britain and America, the new church divided itself into a number of jurisdictional regions, each under a particular missionary society.  The leaders w h o  planned this division looked upon it as a: temporary measure. It 'was to have been replaced by a permanent diocesan  structure  11 as soon as the infant church became economically supporting.  self-  But the divisions persisted, long after the  jurisdictions of the Western missionary societies were withdrawn. A further factor, contributed by Japanese  society,  helped to perpetuate distinctions based on European traditions.  For centuries the people of Japan have looked upon  the relations of personal authority and obedience  character-  istic of the East Asian family system as the most natural form of social organization.  Such relations, carried through  from the early period of clan society, appear in modern times as basic forms within the structure of political party, industrial enterprise; or academic Institution.  They  may involve actual family ties of kinship, marriage or adoption, but these ties are usually secondary, being means to building the group rather than actually constituting it. Such groups are variously described according to their context, but two common terms are "ha," or "batsu".  The latter  terra, of course, is already well known in the West through its use to describe the great financial concerns, len own as zalbatsu, which dominated Japan prior to the second World War. It was this cultural factor which combined with the distinctions imported from the West to keep alive the diverse traditions within the Seikokai.  A man was known to  belong to "Belkoku mission ha': (American Mission Group), or to "Shi emu esu ha" (CMS Group), for no better reason  12 than that one of those missions might have worked formerly in the part of the country where he became a Christian. Because missionaries had established a certain tradition, the convert was expected to remain loyal to it. The Shiba-ha differed in its origin.  It grew out of  the SPG tradition but, as the name implies, it was particularly associated with the Tokyo mission-station at Shiba founded by A. C. Shaw in 1878.  SPG missionaries also  founded stations at other points in Tokyo, and in Kobe, but they do not seem to have left a lasting impression.  It  was the decisive influence of Shaw and the group of Englishmen and Japanese which gathered around him that the Shiba-ha from the broader traditions.  distinguished  The attitudes  developed in this group produced a self-conscious style of life which became one of the dominating influences in moulding the character of the Nippon Seikokai.  The attitudes  remain today, long after the other traditions have blended and lost their  distinctiveness.  The fundamental concepts associated with the term ha make it difficult to translate.  Its various meanings  include "cult," "group," "school," and "sect." it can further mean "party" or "faction."  In compounds  When used with  reference to religious groups, its nearest English equivalent is "denomination" or "sect." But the word "sect" Itself admits of no single accepted definition.  The Oxford English Dictionary gives nine main  meanings.^  The one which most nearly approximates  to the present use is "A religious following," closer than the other modern use, "A separate  It is organized  body or denomination," which implies structural from the parent church.  separation  The ha need not be structurally  separate, and certainly the Shiba-ha was not.  This  broader meaning is used in English in such terms as the Clapham Sect.  This was the name given to a group  of prominent businessmen and politicians who were associated with the parish church at Clapham, near London, at the end of the eighteenth century.  They professed  an evangelical piety and became active in foreign missions and social reform while remaining within the Established Church, exercising a profound influence upon it.  Although the name "sect" was originally applied  to the Clapham group in ridicule, no such pejorative associations attach to the Shiba Sect.  It is rather  for the distinctive style of life which it developed  ^London, 1933, I X , 360-361.  14  that the Shiba Sect is of interest to students of the Meiji period today.  Meiji Era and Meiji Restoration .  Japanese normally identify dates by the use of calendrical periods known as nengo.  The imperial court  was responsible for deciding when to declare a new era and what to call it.  In modern times the Japanese  adopted the practice of identifying the period with the reign of a particular emperor.  Thus the era of Meijl--  literally, "enlightened r u l e " — b e g a n with the accession of the young Mutsuhito in 1868 and continued until his death in 1912.  The emperor is never called by his  personal name in Japan, but is called Meijl tenno", "the Meijl Emperor," or if identification is unnecessary, simply Tenno" heika, "His Majesty, the Emperor." The term Meijl Restoration is here used to denote certain political events which formed a crucial stage in the modernization of Japan.  The process  of modernization began, as in the West, far back in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.  But it  gained impetus in the mid-nineteenth century in response to the demands of Western nations for trade and diplomatic  relations.  In their determiatlon to preserve their  country from outside domination the rulers of Japan reorganized their own society and adopted much that had hitherto been foreign to their tradition. The term Restoration strictly describes only the events which surrounded the opening years of the Meijl Era. But these events continued to Influence the history of the entire reign, indo. 1 of all Japan's modern period.  The  Restoration began as a movement of young samurai, mostly from the western domains of Satsuma, Choshu, Tosa and Hi zen, to wrest control of the E m p e r o r — a n d therefore, of the national g o v e r n m e n t — f r o m the Tokugawa Shogunate.  But what  had begun as a palace revolution with nationalist aims was forced to embark on a thoroughgoing programme of modernization in order to consolidate itself.  Consequently the  expression "Meiji Era" in Japanese minds possesses many of the same associations that "Victorian" has for Westerners. It refers to the time when Japan emerged as a modern nation. On January 3,  1868, the young leaders opened the  Meiji Era when they proclaimed the resumption of direct rule by the Emperor, whom they moved from Kyoto to a new capital in Tokyo.  In spite of armed resistance which continued  sporadically until 1877 they began to centralize the political structure of the nation by the abolition of feudal forms of government and the organization of modern systems  16  of administration, education and production.  In this  process the new rulers were challenged "by political resistance within the country and by economic and diplomatic pressure from without.  In response to the domestic challenge  they worked out a minimal system of representative government which they granted to the people in the name of the Emperor. The promulgation of the Meiji Constitution in 1889 and the opening of the first Imperial Diet (parliament) of 1890 marked the political birth of Japan as a modern nation.  The  victory.over China in 1895 heralded its emergence as a strong military state.  Western industrial techniques had been  harnessed to the martial spirit of the Japanese people.  This  growing power of Japan helped'it—-first among Asian nations— to achieve equal status with the powers of the West.  Trea-  ties which allowed special status to foreign nationals were revised in 1894.  By 1899, when the new treaties came into  force, Japan had won acceptance as a partner in the modern community of empires. Method and Scope The Introductory nature of this essay has largely determined the method used.  Since this is a revision of  certain hypotheses which have influenced the understanding of modernization in Japan, elements from several fields, notably the church, contemporary ideas and social movements, and politics have been combined,  I could have used any  number of methods to carry out the synthesis.  Possible tech-  niques included a study in depth which used one or another of the social sciences, local history or biography.  But  the paucity of available material in any one of these alone would have unduly limited the possible conclusions that might have come from them. At first I sought for material which would provide new insights into the nature of nineteenth-century contact between Japan and the West.  The archives of the United  Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in London proved to have just such resources.  The files of the Church Mission  ary Society, the Anglican Church of Canada, and the National Council, Nippon Selkokai, furnished further valuable material I then attempted to evolve a method which would allow for more than a simple cataloguing of these sources: one which would show not only where the material was but would also give some idea of the new topics raised. From this process I evolved.what I call a sketchbook technique.  The main lines of a given area are blocked out  in preparation for further study.  Questions are raised and  directions outlined for further development. But because of its very breadth and lack of definite conclusions the use of the sketchbook method also implies certain limitations in the scope of the treatment.  For Instance, I do not stop to  define basic concepts such as culture or cultural influence, modernization, plurality, or dialectic and affirmation.  18  trusting that the context will give these terms sufficient meanings Although this study deals with people, it bypasses the fascinations of biography in favour of a more partial, contextual treatment.  Individuals possess historical signi-  ficance in relation to various movements and influences in the society of their day.  At this stage I am more interested  in such details about Shaw, Bickersteth and Lloyd than in creating a word portrait of them. I have therefore treated them here as types of Victorian Englishman rather than as individuals.  >  Such treatment may end up by producing caricatures of these men rather than clear portraits.  It may be said that  there is no such thing as a typical Victorian, just as there are exceptions to the kind of American who is conjured up here.  Such objections, even though justified, miss the point  of my method.  Types are necessary to obtain contrasts.  The  three Shiba missionaries stood for certain tendencies inherent in the English culture of their day.  In a similar way, Ameri-  cans like Janes, Davis and Clark revealed attitudes which were common to the post-puritan society of their country.0 Because the Americans are already being studied by others I have neglected them in order to spend more time with the less known Englishmen who made their own distinctive contribution to their adopted land.  '^Howes, "Japanese Christians," p. 3^0.  CHAPTER II LATE NINETEENTH-CENTURY JAPAN IN TRANSITION A,  Japan looks west The geographical, economic, political and cultural  factors which allowed Japan to modernise without losing its national identity or political autonomy have been analysed at great length.3*  Here it is Intended simply t o point to  certain elements which will help to give meaning to the investigation which follows. Any study of Japanese relations with the West cannot p . avoid recognizing th6 significance of geography.  The same  isolation which, In the seventh and twelfth centuries, enabled Japan to escape domination by China, also saved her from the European powers In the nineteenth.  Japan and  Britain were at opposite ends of the earth from each other. Japan's closest neighbour across the Pacific was America, and.the United States was a s yet uninterested in political 3- -: - •- • E.g., The Princeton series which began with Marius  Jansen ed., Changing Japanese Attitudes Toward Modernization (Princeton,  ---—-  •  2  •  •  1  '-  R . S. Scalaplno, "Environmental and Foreign Contributions" in R. E . Ward and D . A. Rustow ed., Political Modernization in Japan and Turkey (Princeton, 19&4), 64-90: F T W T  19  20 empire.  So Japan retained freedom to manoeuvre.  Geography alone could not have saved Japan from domination if she had not also been a relatively poor country.  The British commercial interests in India and  China were aware, through Dutch reports, that there was little profit to be gained from trade with Japan.  So through  much of the nineteenth century they were content to let the United States take the initiative in diplomacy.^  The  Japanese theiaselves had developed a culture which was largely the result of an economy of survival. interpreted as simplicity.,  Scarcity was  Man was part of his environment,  not over and above it as in the West.  Rice culture and the  struggle for land together emphasised the importance of group organization.  Transcendent values were subordinated t o the u  demands of practical necessity. Because Japan never developed a basic ideology or orthodoxy of her own she remained free to make use of a r* number of theoretical answers to human problems.^ "The Japanese have a taste and talent ,. .  for Eclecticism,"  . i ..••'., .. J VJ. G . Bsasley, Great Britain and the Ooening of Japan 1834-1858 (London, 1951),' PP. 48-4$. — ^Nlshitani Kelji, "Nihon nl okeru dentoteki shukyo ishilci" [The Traditional Religious Consciousness of Japan] in Takeda Kiyoko ed.. Shlsoshl no hoho to taisho [Methods and Objectives in the History of Thought] (Tokyo, 196l), 241-270: pp. 244-245. %aruyama.Masao, Nihon no shlso [Japanese Thought], (Tokyo, 1961), pp. 8-10, 14-15.  f> observed an early missionary commentator.  Other observers  have noted a certain hodge-podge character in the rush to catch up with the European powers at the time of the Restor7  ation.1  In the same spirit of eclecticism ancient Japan  used Buddhism and Chinese political theory to modernize herself in the early period of unification.  Neo-Confucianism  and technical knowledge from abroad were likewise used to strengthen the feudal structure of the country under the Tokugawa shogunate.  But to none of these systems did the  Japanese attach any transcendental, or ultimate, value.  To  the outsider there seemed at times to be a lack of seriousness in the way that aesthetic and moral, religious and political questions were examined and debated.  In any case  by the eighteenth century Japanese society tolerated a degree of intellectual plurality which the western nations were not to achieve for another hundred years.  The flexibility  of mind reflected by this variety belied the somewhat rigid facade of orthodoxy thrown up by the Tokugawa regime. When that government crumbled, intellectuals and politicians alike 6  E. W. Syle, "A Forecast Concerning Japan" in CMI,  XIV (1889), p. 464.  '  — "  ^Kato Shuichi, "Nihonjln no seikaizo" [The Japanese Image of the World] in Kindai Nihon shlsoshi koza [Lectures on the History of Modern Japanese Thought J, vol, VIII (Tokyo, 1961), 225-282: p. 242.  22  were freed to experiment with increased creativity. If there was anything to which the Japanese attached abiding worth, it was to hierarchical relationships. Political relations occupied a high place in their scale of values.  In common with the Chinese, they venerated their  ancestors.  But immediate family loyalties tended to be drawn  into the framework of veneration for the superior beings known as kami.  This word has been translated in modern times  as "god" or "gods".  But in reality it means anything or  anyone in nature or in human affairs who may merit submission. The service of the kami and politics were one: matsurigoto. Again, the word in modern Japanese means a religious observance, but in ancient times it also meant "to conduct the affairs of state."  Thus, traditionally, Japanese did  not distinguish between religion and politics.  Even with  the gradual appearance of functional differentiation in society this identification was slow to disappear.  For  instance under the centralized feudalism of the Tokugawa shogunate, the code of Bushido—the way of the samurai— required that duty to one's family (piety) take second place to duty to one's lord (loyalty).  Chinese Confucianism had  exalted filial piety as the keystone of all virtues.  Japan  gave lip-service to this belief, but in fact they taught  23 that political loyalty was an even higher demand. It was this reservoir of political energy which the leaders of the Meiji Restoration were able to tap.  When  loyalty to feudal lord was transmuted into loyalty to emperor, patriotism was born.  This preeminence of the poli-  tical in the Japanese hierarchy of virtues was a puzzling fact to the early European observers of the Restoration, "The absorption and pre-occupation of the whole popular mind with political .questions has . . . militated against religious enquiry," wrote one of them when the Meiji Constitution was p r o m u l g a t e d T o d a y  it can be seen that it was .  this very preoccupation which helped the Japanese to modernise so rapidly.  T o a far greater extent than many other pre-  modern societies they were able instinctively to subordinate private or communal interests to the attainment of public goals.  In fact it seemed that there was an intuitive  realisation that the preservation of their own existence depended on two conditions: the willingness to pull together and the readiness to scrap old means in favour of new if the situation appeared to demand it. The ability to change in order to preserve national identity was well illustrated by an incident which took place  8  r . N. Bellah, "Values and Social Change in Modern japan" in Studies on Modernization of Japan {Tokyo, 1962), 13-56;  p. 9  W T  EB-SFG,  13/1/90.  24 at the beginning of the eighteenth century.  After nearly a  hundred years of seclusion from contact with the outside world the Japanese felt little threat of an invasion. there was internal crisis,, changed.  But  The nature of the shogunate ted  The authority of a personal dictator had given  place to rule by a developed bureaucracy.  The following  question now seemed important: could stable government be maintained solely by traditional means?  Might it not prove  advantageous to make use of foreign knowledge which was available but forbidden?  In its fear of foreign influence  the shogunate had ruled that no literature from western sources might be read in Japan.  But if a distinction were  to be laid down between religious or metaphysical, and secular or technical, knowledge, might It not be safe to use the latter kind for the upholding of what w a s truly Japanese? The earliest m o d e m example of this distinction between that which appertained to Japan's s o u l — w a k o n - - a n d that which was merely a technique w h i c h could safely be imported from a b r o a d — y o z a l — o c c u r r e d  in 1708.  A Jesuit priest,  Sidotti, had been arrested after attempting t o enter the country secretly.  He w a s brought to E d o s the modern Tokyo,  and was there examined by the shogunal official and Confucian  scholar, Aral Hakuseki*  In the course of his interrogation  Halaiseki was confronted with a whole new view of western learning made irresistible because it could be approached as pure technical efficiency.  He concluded, "One cannot deny  25 that such subjects as astronomy and geography, or even the lesser techniques and crafts of [Western learning] have a right TO  to be called scholarly achievements. 1  As an upholder of  Confucian orthodoxy and an official advisor to the government* Kakuseki-was not free to affirm the spiritual foundations of Western thought.  He appears to have pondered its meaning  with surprising sympathy.  But'his published opinion con-  cluded that no spiritual benefit could be expected from a culture which was, after all, barbarian. 11 By setting up a dichotomy between techniques and the spiritual values of the society which uses them, Halcuseki was able to do two things.  First, he was able to reaffirm  the traditional values of Japanese culture.  But he also  broke down contemporary objections to all foreign knowledge. In this way he was able to open the minds of his countrymen and prepare them to adopt modern technological learning in the service of their country, There is some doubt as to how far the principle of wakon yosal was capable of allowing for a thorough 10  — Seiyo kibun [A Record of Western Things] auoted in Eblsawa Arimichl, famban gal-cuto n o teenkyu [A Study of Jesuit Scholarship in Japan] ( k rokyo7 195^), p : 1 3 4 . I b i d , , p. 363. "I thought that perhaps the doctrine of the existence of a Creator may not be false." But "Roman learning is accustomed to deal only w i t h matter and mechanics, and . . . is not acquainted with things above matter. 1 ' Transl. 11  by W. B. "Wright, "The Capture and Captivity of Pere Glovan  Batista Sidotti" in TASJ, 1st series, IX (Mar. 8, 1881),  156-172: p. 166.  26  modernization of knowledge.  12  True, it became the basis for  the rise of the rangaku, Dutch learning, which is generally regarded as the precursor of scientific studies in Japan. But as long as the rangaku scholars concentrated on buttressing shogunal government, the range of their explorations remained limited.  They rarely progressed beyond a level of  technical curiosity to achieve a truly rational approach to knowledge itself.  The officials were not free to become  scientists until movements arose which challenged the pretensions of the Shogunate to be custodians of the Japanese soul* In the nineteenth century the external threat to Japan's autonomy once more began to concern its leaders. There was a notable increase of foreign shipping in Japanese waters.  The rape of China by the Western powers caused men  to be anxious lest a like fate should overtake their own land.  External pressure made the internal crisis more acute.  The shogunate was now seen to be secondary to the ancestral way of life.  At this stage the scholars were concerned with  the best methods for the defence of their country against foreign aggression, even though it might mean adopting the spirit of science, as well as its techniques.  Sakuma Shozan,  the gunnery expert and amatetSr scientist, extended the vrakon  •JO  Numata Western Studies p. 5. See also Europe (London,  a.  Jiro, Bakumatsu yogaku shi [A History of at the Close of the Shogunate] (Tokyo, 1951)> Donald Keene, The Japanese Discovery of 1952), pp. 98-101,  yosai principle to read "western techniques and eastern m o r a l i t y . N o longer were the two areas thought of as a dichotomy; they were now seen to be in combination. combination would prove to be highly unstable.  The  But much that  was new in the thought of modern Japan was to emerge out of this tenuous association. The leaders of the I-Ieiji Restoration inherited the tradition of the late Tokugawa experimenters.  They were as  determined as any Japanese never to relinquish fahat was essential in the Japanese character.  The fundamentally tradi-  tional mode of their thought is implicit in the term "Restoration!1 itself.  They worked with and through a con-  servative bureaucracy which they had in the main taken over from the shogunate.  They were less concerned to establish a  new way of life than to accumulate the tools with which to make their country strong and rich.  '  Their impatience and  concern for quality led to frequent changes which influenced later observers to judge them unsystematic and superficial. But they were always careful to control the channels through which knowledge of western techniques entered the country. For instance, in the early phases of modernization it became •j o "°"Seiyo no gijutsu to toyo no dotoku." Carmen Blackerj The Japanese Enlightenment (Cambridge, 1964), pp. 21-22. 14  G» B. Sansom, The Western World and Japan (London & New York, 1950), pp. 385, 424-425.  28 necessary to invite a great many foreign experts, not only to advise in the "building of new communication systems and industrial installations, "but also to operate them until Indigenous personnel could be trained.  Such experts were  always kept In an employee (yatol) relation to the government.  Mo foreign-controlled departments of the civil service,  as In China under the late Manchu Empire, were ever permitted to develop.  v  Even so, this attempt at control broke down in at least three ways.  First, the laisses-faire theories which  increasingly conditioned western diplomacy in the nineteenth century made it difficult for Japan t o keep the altogether free of foreign influence.  country  The foreign  powers  believed they had a divine right to access for business and Christianity throughout the w o r l d .  At first diplomats w e r e  willing to recognise traditional Japanese prejudices against Christianity.  But they were unable t o stand for long against  the pressure of public opinion in their own  countries.  Behind the outcry over the Japanese persecution  of the hidden  Christians at Uragami lay concealed the desire to have the  official prohibition of Christianity lifted so that  M. Rohan, "Lighthouses and the Yatoi Experience of R . H. Brunton" MN, XX-1 (1965), P P . 64-80; J. M. Strachan, in MF, 1881, p. lfBT "^See, for instance, Charles MacFarlane, (Hartford, 1856), p. 100.  Japan  29 missionaries would be free to propagate their religion. Later on, agitation by missionaries for treaty revision reflected a similar motivation. Secondly, traditional ideas were challenged from within the country itself.  The phllosophes of the Japanese  enlightenment, Pukusawa Yukichi and his friends, campaigned for education in habits of individual autonomy.  Such new  habits naturally challenged concepts of status in a society that had until recently esteemed hex*editary rank so highly• The democratic ideas of the party movement appeared to face the body politic with individualistic anarchy.  The widening  gap between conservative bureaucrats and forward-looking intellectuals resulted in a breakdown of communication between the two groups.  Finally, because of the ad hoc  nature of early modernisation, even the leaders often revealed uncertainty about the meaning of the national identity.  Ypsal were plentiful, but where and what was the  wakon which they were meant to nourish? This uncertainty was reflected in a basic duality, or ambivalence, in the character of Japan's approach to the West.  At the close of the Shogunate, • -,1oi iiVniiniBiiwgand •kaikoku in mm • miwimparties *  had vied for leadership.  Both parties agreed on the necessity  for defending their country's independence against the threat of foreign domination.  But the ,Joi group had stressed  internal reform to the exclusion of foreign means. name came from their cry, "Expel the barbariani"  Their  The  30 kaikoku men, on the other hand, had advocated the opening of the country to foreign Intercourse in order to make it strong. The swing between these two ways of looking at the West was Tf to characterize Japan well into the twentieth century, ' B.  Restoration and modernizationt  1870-1900  The ambivalence latent in Japan's approach to the West can be well documented by reference to the period covered in this study.  The Interaction between nationalism and cosmo-  politan opinion during the Meiji era was often seen, particularly by missionary writers, as a simple temporal sequence In ifhich a period of interest In foreign things was followed by one of nationalist reaction.  But the actual process was  much more complex than such a scheme would imply.  Ideas  that were conservative and liberal, modes of action which were traditional and modern all coexisted, often within the consciousness of a single Individual. the situation was even more mixed.  In society as a whole,  True, the balance shifted  from time to time so that one pole or another appeared to be emphasized.  But there was always an exception to prove the  rule. The theory of bi-polarity provides a useful key for understanding the situation between 1870 and 1887. ^Kato, "Nihonjln," pp. 230-231.  This  period is generally known as the Age of Enlightenment, Burmael kalka.  It is described as a time of openness to  western culture.  The period, it is maintained, may have  begun gradually but it increased to a climax of pro-western fervour in the mid-eighties, only to be followed by a nationalist reaction whose beginning was marked by the failure of treaty negotiations in 1887. true.  This view Is, of course, partly  Fukuzawa's book Things Western, published in 1866,  sold 250,000 copies within a few years.  Another best-seller  of the period, Nakamura's translation of Smiles1 Self Help, appeared in 1871.  Western-style education also began in  1871 with the establishment of the Ministry of Education. The Gregorian calendar was adopted on January 1, 1873. The following February notice-boards prohibiting Christianity, which had stood in all public places for over two hundred years, were removed.  1873 was also notable as the year which  gave its name to the first society of intellectuals, the Meirokusha.  The members of this group expliclty rejected  the old wakofl,yozal dichotomy, stating that "It is incorrect to distinguish East from West on the score of ethics and science." -/ By the eighties "The erase for western learning  18  ' Kuyama Yasushi ed., Kindsi Hihon to Kirisutokyo [Christianity and Modern Japan] (Tokyo, 1956), pp. 35-3£>j Blacker, Enlightenment, pp. 7-8. •^Nakamura Keiu, quoted In ibid., p. 31. See also ICosaka Masaakl ed., Japanese bought In the Heijl Era, trans. David Abosch (Tokyo, 1958), PP. 1-2.  32 had spread like wildfire and it was a time when even the girls in the drinking-houses had to slip in a foreign word or two when they chatted with the customers.  In every part  of Tokyo could be seen the signs of the instructors in Western studies.  The band of those who made their living by »20  teaching poor English was increasing daily." The shallow nature of westernization during this period was well understood by sensitive observers.  The  epithets they used to describe it were "superficial," pi "frivolous,"under construction," and so forth.  The  people of early Meiji possessed little insight into the living—and therefore complex—nature of western civilization The West was looked on as a box of tools out of which might be borrowed various objects according to one's fancy or need. But because it was objectified in this manner, western culture could also be seen as a threat against which the country or the individual, must strengthen itself.  The two poles,  "from which" and "against," were complementary.2 The same ambivalence was noticeable in the government1 attitude to Christianity.  The western faith had to be  Contemp See also Sansom, Western World9 pp. 378-385. 21  Kato, "Nihonjin," p. 242. 22 Sansom, Western World, p. 385.  33 tolerated in order to maintain friendly relations with the "Christian" powers.  But Christianity 1 s historic connection  with subversion at home meant that the rulers could not afford po  to grant it complete toleration.  J  Among intellectuals, too,  the attraction of things western was mixed with apprehension lest Europeanization might lead to the loss of national identity.  The early liberals—Fukuzawa Yukichi, Nishlmura  Shigeki, Kato Hiroyuki—at first proclaimed the need for independence and self-reliance.  But before long they gave up  hope because the people seemed incapable of learning the new lessons.  Consequently they turned to support the top-down  legislation of the government.  They could do so because  liberal and traditional ideas had always been at war within their own persons. The tension which had been set up by the conflicting demands of tradition and modernization, of eastern and western manners, often gave rise to spectacular incidents. Not only did public opinion change suddenly.  Individuals  who had been ardent exponents of westernization, or of "progressive" ideas, might exhibit a sudden "re-conversion" to the ways of their ancestors. 23  Ssch was the case of Tokutomi  Cary, pp. 82-84. . oh ' ' ' _ Sumiya Mikio, Kindal nlhon no keisei to klrisutokyo [Christianity and the Formation of Modern Japan], rev. ed. (Tokyo, 1962), p. 52, n. 7.  34 Iichiro (Soho), a noted political journalist of the late nineteenth century.  Having studied at Doshisha, a Christian  university, he founded the journal Kokumin no tomo (The People's Companion) in 1887.  Until 1895 he was one of the  most famous supporters of the democratic movement in Japan and his paper was read by thousands.  But on the outbreak of  the Sino-Japanese War Soho broke completely with the liberal movement.  He spent the rest of a long life as an ardent  nationalist, dying in 1957.  This type of sudden reversion  occurred so frequently during the history of Japan's modernization that sociologists attached special  significance  to it, giving it a technical name, tenko. 2 ^ Perhaps the atmosphere of the period of Enlightenment can be a little better understood by seeing what had become of the stream of opinion, known as joi,  which had earlier  advocated expulsion of the western barbarian from Japan. Some of the more extreme exponents, it is true, continued to commit acts of lawless violence.  Assassination as a mode  of political action never quite died out in Japan.  But for  the majority overt xenophobia was being transmuted into new forms.  It was one of the factors behind the growth of the  new nationalism.  This nationalism permeated the movement for  parliamentary government and people's rights, a fact which explains the tendency toward aggressive expansion that has 2  5shiso no kagaku kenkyukal ed,, Tenko [Reversion]. 3 vols. (Tokyo, 1959-1960). For Soho, see Kosaka, Thought,  PP. 184-186j 201-209; 362.  ~~—~~~  always puzzled foreign observers of the democratic movement. As a missionary observer noted in 1880, the writing of nationalistic articles and campaigns urging people to "buy Japanese" had become substitutes for violence, which was now pfi largely limited to the soshi bullies. But though it might have sublimated its feelings of aggression by participating in the agitation for democracy, the movement for popular rights always contained within itself the possibility of tenko to nationalism.  Nakae Chomin, a hero of the left-  wing democrats, could still say of the Emperor, "The Son of Heaven . . .  is exalted high above the people of this  country . . . . He is Just like the God of the Christians.1,27 This polarity of conservative nationalism and cosmopolitanism was reflected and symbolized by two conflicting views of modernization which emerged In the eighties and nineties.  They were represented approximately by the  bureaucrats on the one hand, and by the new class of critical intellectuals on the other.  For the bureaucrats moderni-  zation was to be a reformation (lshin) without revolution. Its symbol was the restoration of imperial rule.  26  Many of  Strachan in MF, 1881, p. 211. 27 —" Helmin no mesamashi [The Awakening of the Common Man] (I890), quoted in Takeda Kiyoko, "Tennosei shiso no keisei" [The Formation of Ideas concerning the Emperorsystem] , in Iwanami nihon rekishi [Iwanami History of Japan], XVT (Tokyo, 1962), 267-311: p. 287.  36  them had teen trained in the service of the old shogunate. Their natural bent was conservative and authoritarian.  And  they passed on to their successors that habit of mind.2® Consequently, the importation of foreign material and technique was to be governed by strictly limited goals. In line with the popular slogan fukoku kyohei, "a wealthy nation and a strong soldiery," the bureaucrats were chiefly interested In fostering institutions which would help the country to achieve these twin goals.  They seem to have  established a hierarchy of value among the countries from which the materials were to be imported.  Germany was  considered best because its institutions were most authoritarian.  Britain was good because its attitudes were utili-  tarian, but its institutions were less authoritarian. America was geographically closest and its materials most readily available,29 but its republican democracy and Puritan Christianity repelled thoughtful Japanese. The conservative modernizers probably saw that national rights and individual rights, national Independence and the autonomy of the individual, had to go hand in hand. But the urgency which they felt to strengthen the nation, together with their authoritarian habits, led them "to  D. M. Earl, Emperor and Nation in Japan (Seattle, 1964), p. 6. Sansom,"Irestern World, pp. 424-425. 29  Kato, "Nihonjin," p. 252.  expand the rights of the state to the sacrifice of the rights of the people."^ 0  This explains the ruthless way in which  they attempted to suppress the democratic movement.  It also  explains why they exhibited a certain flexibility of policy whenever the strength of the opposition demanded it.  In  doing so they showed themselves to be inheritors of the classical Japanese tradition of a ruling class, giving way in order to preserve.  This policy laid them open to the  accusation of opportunism, but they were not blind reactionaries ,->" Where the bureaucrats saw modernization mainly in material and institutional terms, the intellectuals were more interested in questions of personal autonomy.  Moderni-  zation for them meant release from the restrictions of tradition and the achievement of full individuality.  Most  of them belonged outside the administration and were freer to criticize its shortcomings.  They were also outsiders in  a more profound, spiritual, sense.  The government was  dominated by leaders who had belonged to two of the former feudal domains of Choshu and Satsuma.  Possibilities for  public promotion were slight for individuals who did not come  •3°Ibid., p. 254. Although Fukusawa never formally sided with the bureaucrats, whom he professed to despise, his record showed him to have been on the side of the conservative moderniEers. Sumiya, Kindai, p. 69. •^Scalapino, "Contributions," p. 66.  from that part of the country.  Many of those who had been  left out became journalists, politicians and in general social critics.  By the nineties additional factors had  deepened the intellectuals1 sense of alienation from the society of their day.  The abolition of the samurai class,  from which most of them came, in 1876 left them in a position of social insecurity.  Their training in the new educational  system made them aware of problems beyond the capabilities of the new bureaucrats.  Having lost their accustomed place  in the established hierarchy, they were made more conscious of themselves as individuals.^2 The change in the nature of the intellectuals' interests was visible in their relation to political movements.  During the late seventies and eighties they had  been involved in the local agitation which surrounded the beginning of the democratic party movement»  With the  achievement of parliamentary government in 1890, many of them withdrew from active participation in politics.  But  they maintained a critical interest, acting as commentators in the press or taking part In specific campaigns. the meantime a new generation had appeared.  In  Its members  concerned themselves more specifically with nonTatsuo Arima, "Uchimura Kanzo: A Study of the Post-Melji Japanese Intelligentsia," in Papers on Japan (Vol. 1) (Cambridge, Mass., 1 9 6 1 ) , 130-188: p. 138.  39 political questions of aesthetics or p e r s o n a l i t y . - ^  Follow-  ing the Sino-Japanese War the intellectual who had. reverted to nationalism emerged.  Thus the intellectual world "became  diversified into social radicals, nationalists, aesthetes,  and those "interested in individuals without any social or political preoccupation.  '  All of these groups possessed  in common two characteristics.  They stood apart or against  the society of their day as it was developing.  But they were  also tied to it by their own attitude of nationalism.-5-^ Although they opposed the bureaucrats in many ways they were one w i t h them in their desire to see Japan a great and independent country. One area where bureaucrats, intellectuals and people were able to join in common activity was in the campaign for revision of the treaties with the western powers.  Known in  Japanese as "unequal treaties," the agreements which had been made with the old Shogunate allowed many advantages to the foreigner which were resented as elements of colonialism by the politically conscious classes.  Such provisions as  extra-territorial rights in the Treaty Ports and a tax  ^ K o s a k a , Thought, P . 198. Oil -J Tatsuo Arirna, "Uchimura Eanso," unpublished prize thesis (Harvard, 1957), p. x.  OC  «T. F. Howes, "Japan's Enigmas the Young uchimura Kanso" unpublished doctoral thesis (Columbia, 1965), op. 6-8. •  40 structure which allowed special advantages to foreign businessmen were seen as symbols of Japan's inability to deal with the West on a footing of equality.  As long as the nation  was materially weak and a strong public opinion did not exist at home, the bureaucrats were forced to adopt an attitude of deference to the more powerful states.  The arrogance  of their stand toward China and Korea acted as compensation for their feelings of impotence in the face of the Western nations.-  But in the grass-roots nationalism which had  grown along with the democratic movement the government discovered an unexpected ally.  In rejecting the compromise  measures devised by the foreign minister "Qkuma and his fellow-bureaucrats in 1889 the people were able to show the foreign powers directly that a new age had arrived.  The  opposition expressed in the rapidly growing vernacular press was quoted in the London papers as evidence of a need for 37 change.  Thus even before the Japanese achieved equality in  diplomatic relations with the foreign powers in 1894 the nation considered itself ready to be treated as a great and modern power.  It needed only the victory over  China the following year to bring the fact home to the world.  36  ,m , Inoue Kiyoshi, Joyaku kaisei [Treaty Revision] (Tokyo, 1961), pp. 30-31. 37  , ^ . ?ee, for Instance, The Times (London), leaders (editorials) for February 20, 1889 and March 7, 1889.  41  C.  Christianity and social change  The exact nature of the part played by Christianity in the modernisation of Japan continues to be a matter for discussion by scholars.  To those primarily interested in  the growth of modern political and economic structures, its significance is incidental.  Because the Christian Church  became the property of a cla^s of intellectuals who had partially lost contact with their own society, its influence upon other parts of Meiji Japan remained slight.  Even among  intellectuals it ceased to exercise a decisive effect after the first decade of the twentieth century.  For this reason  many western historians have been inclined to treat Christian influence in the nineteenth century, along with Its earlier phase in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, as an Isolated episode without much lasting significance. Such a conclusion misses one important aspect of the ideological role which Christianity has played.  Quite  apart from whatever success missionaries may have achieved in building up a Christian movement, Japanese attitudes to Christianity have provided a kind of indicator of the readiness of society to welcome or reject social change. Japanese thought has historically demonstrated an astonishing capacity for absorbing a variety of different, and often B. Sansom, Japan, A Short Cultural History (London & New York, 1944), p. 506. Richard Storry, A History of Modern Japan (London, i960), does not even mention Christianity in the modern period.  42 conflicting, ideas from abroad.  In the process of doing so  it has seldom been compelled itself to change fundamentally. But of all these ideas only C h r i s t i a n i t y — a n d its related Western ideology, M a r x i s m — h a s really challenged the basic assumptions of the indigenous way of life.-'-'  Consequently,  Japanese attitudes to this faith, particularly during periods of social change and experiment, have provided a clue to the willingness of leaders of opinion to reexamine or change the basic structure of their own society. This ideological role of Christianity can be traced back over two hundred and fifty years of Japanese history. It was first demonstrated by the decision of the Tokugawa Shoguns early in the seventeenth century to ban Catholicism. The polity of the Tokugawa Shogunate was based on a series of complex relations between the central and local feudal domains.  In order to maintain stability it was necessary  to keep these relations in equilibrium so that no change in the balance of economic forces or of social classes might pose a threat to the continuation of shogunal rule. Christianity posed such a threat.  Hot only had it given  the great domains of Western Japan a foreign political orientation which was a potential challenge to the Tokugawa h e g e m o n y , 4 0 It also threatened to upset traditional notions  -'Maruyama, Shiso, pp. 14-15.  40c„ R. Boxer, The Christian Century in Japan,  1549-1650 (Berkeley and London, 1951), PP. 310-314.  43 of claes and the family, of the meaning of human life and  the status of women,  Thus the idea, actively propagated by  the Tolcugawa government, that Christianity was an "evil sect" (jashumon),  symbolized their fear of anything that might '-'41'  disturb the status quo. ' *  When the rofficial Confucian scholar,  Kayashl Kazan,  in the middle of the seventeenth century attacked the heterodox teacher, ICumazawa Banzan. he did so by calling him a "crypto-ChristIan" (Yaso no h e m p o ) . ^  Actually, Banzan,  as a Confucian, w a s equally contemptuous of Christianity and Buddhism, calling them both foreign foolishness.  It  was his individualistic interpretation of Confucian teaching which Kazan saw as a danger to the official ideology.  This  he implied was equivalent In Its effect to Christianity. Fifty years later Aral Hakuseki, himself an official Confucianist,  was  able t o adopt  from that taken by Kumazawa.  a  stand  which  differed  little  The difference seems to have  been that the Shogunate now felt secure from outside attack.  ^ E b l s a w a Arimichi, Klndai nihon bunka no tan;jp [The Birth of Modern Japanese Culture] (.Tokyo, ch. 3. For the way in which propaganda was carried out, see the same author 1 s Namban, pp. 259-269.  ^^EixLsawa, Namban, p. 270 igaku wataonon, trans. G. Fisher as "Certain Questions regarding the Great Learning," in TASJ, 2nd series, X V I (1936), 259-356- p. 323. See also Eblsawa, Namban, pp.  270-272.  44  It was seeking new ways of making itself even stronger within the country.  So Hakuseki was able to point to the profit  which might be derived from the study of Western technology.^  The "Dutch scholars" of the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, who first studied Western science in Japan-, soon went beyond the wakon yozai dichotomy devised by Hakuseki.  Using the Dutch as a screen, they became versed in the  Chinese works of the Jesuit missionary-scientists.  In this  way they were able to absorb the empirical spirit of Renaissance Europe which carried them forward past the formal rationalism of their Confucian upbringing.  This effort to  gain a closer acquaintance with the spirit of Western culture explains the somewhat bizarre references to be found in many of their works.  For instance the historical scheme of the  nineteenth-century nationalist scholar, Sato Nobuhiro, begins with an account of creation straight out of Genesis,  Un complete with Adam and Eve.  The same interest in the  "spirit of western science" drove the associate of Sakuma Shozan,  Watanabe h/T "Kazan, to translate from Dutch a  life of Christ.  Thus, for forward-looking  intellectuals  at least, dread of the evil sect had been overcome by curiosity about a powerful new way of life.  But the dread  Ibid., pp. 272-281. 45  Ibld., pp. 332-335.  ^ 6 Ibld., pp. 346-347) Sanson Western World, pp. 259-2C>t>.  45 lingered on in the guise of popular superstition for many .years® The ambiguity of the Maiji government leaders1 attitude to Christianity indicated their unreadiness for basic 'change.  Some of their most powerful representatives were  present in Nagasaki when the hidden Catholics of ffrakarni were rounded up and exiled to northern Japan in 1871.^7  The  inconsistency revealed by their support of the persecution has led one distinguished western historian to remark that "The reason for this action is not c l e a r . Y e t  Kido»s  remark to Sir Harry Partes, the British minister, revealed the fact that he was operating on an assumption which v?as as old as the persecution policy itself.  She Japanese  government, he insisted, did not persecute for "private religious opinions," but only for taking "the religion of foreigners, Christianity, and [making] it a cloak for dangerous conspiracy."^ A similar ambiguity was revealed in the attitude taken by the same men at the time that the public notice boards proclaiming the prohibition of Christianity were removed in 1873. j0  In spite of protestations to the contrary from  Shigenobu, Inoue Kaoru, and Kido KSin. Sansom. 4W( ibid.» p. 390. ' 48  Ibld.  ^interview with Parkes in the Times* Feb. 12. 1872. r quoted in CMI, VIII (1872), p. 79. ' » ^°The order read in part, "Since the matter of the proclamation prohibiting Christianity is well known,they shall henceforth be removed." Sumlya, Kindai. p. jo.  46 various quarters, this ambiguity continued throughout the period under study.  Both the Meiji Constitution of 1889 and  the Imperial Rescript on Education which was issued the following year assumed an established status for the Shinto religion (Kolcka Shinto).  Thus the freedom of religion which  was proclaimed in the Constitution was at best partial.  But  clarification of this fact would have been detrimental to the negotiations for treaty revision which were being carried on with the western powers at the time.  Therefore official  quarters were discreetly silent during the controversy which raged over religion and education during the nineties. With treaty revision successfully accomplished in 1899 the government felt secure.  The Ministry of Education issued  its Order No. 12 prohibiting religious instruction in accredited schools on August 3, the following day.-' It seems fairly clear that the Meiji leaders were resolved not to allow Christianity to become a divisive factor in public affairs.  As a "private religious opinion"  they had no objections to it.  If it appeared that it would  support social order and personal morality they would even be willing to give it limited recognition.  In fact their  actions reveal that they did not quite know what to make of it.  The traditional Japanese approach to life, its concept  53-d.- m. Brown, Nationalism in Japan (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1953), P. 137. For a discussion of the religious Implications of both constitution and rescript, ibid.', pp". 114-118.  47  of wakon, was essentially unique, concrete and local.  It  could be compared with other cultures or ways of life.  It  could even develop by taking elements of other cultures into itself.  But the Christian claim to universality and  finality was wholly alien to its way of thinking.  The  idea of belief in one God who was true for Japanese and European alike corresponded to nothing in their own experience. Throughout the last quarter of the nineteenth century Christianity was looked upon by certain persons as an alternate ideology to Shinto to assist in the unification and modernization of the nation.  Buddhism and Chinese cul-  ture in general had played this role in the unification of ancient Japan.  The Tokugawas had used Chu Hsi Confucianism  to provide a sanction for their status society.  But by the  time of the Restoration the Shinto National Learning— actually a compound of Confucianism with traditional myths— was the only body of ideas which appeared to give wholehearted support to the goals of the Emperor's party.  To  educated men, in particular those who looked to the West for scientific knowledge, many of the Shinto ideas seemed hopelessly primitive.  Thus they toyed with the idea of  52 The writer is indebted to Dr. Shuichi Kato for this observation. See also Maruyama, Shiso, p. 21. For a somewhat different interpretation, see Nishitani. "Nihon." pp. 241-253.  48  treating Christianity in much the same \my that Prince Shotoku in the seventh century had treated Buddhism.  Among  the leading members of the Meirokusha, Nakamura Keiu, the translator of Mill and Smiles, and Tsuda Sen, a specialist in agriculture, became Christians.  Mori Arlnori, the pro-  American Minister of Education, was assassinated for appearing to be pro-Christian. The meiaber of this group who throughout his life most faithfully mirrored the fluctuations of Japanese opinion was Fukusawa Yukichi.  During the height of pro-western feeling  in the eighties he proposed with apparent cynicism that Japan adopt a Christian dress uniform. publicly opposed such a policy.  But for most of his life he As a utilitarian and an  agnostic, he saw little value in any religion.  Yet in his  private life he maintained friendly relations with a number of missionaries, the most intimate among them with the family of Alexander Croft S h a w . ^  Pukuzawa's stand was closely  related to the one taken by other members of the establishment who had early concluded that Christianity exercised too limited an appeal for the general public to be of practical use.  In  the end their decision to opt for Shinto resulted more from political opportunism than conviction.  As a contemporary  British observer noted, "There can be little doubt . . . that  jr-o  -^Ishikawa Kammei, Pukuzawa Yukichi den [Biography of Fukuzawa Yukichi], 4 vols. (.Tokyo, 1 9 3 2 - 1 9 3 3 ) , " IV, pp. 60-64.  49  the authorities in their attitude towards religion have invariably been guided by political expediency, rather than by religious motives. Throughout the Meiji period Christianity gained its most active supporters as an ideology of opposition.  The  earliest converts had been samurai who belonged either to the old shogunal party, or else to clans which had been left out of the new government.  In this respect they resembled  the leaders of the democratic movement who had left the government in 1873 over a dispute concerning the invasion 55  of Korea.  It was therefore natural that the two movements  should be closely associated.  Later on, when many intel-  lectuals became disappointed with the compromises into which the democratic leaders entered with the government, they looked to Christianity as a means to self-fulfilment.  Thus  a number of the outstanding writers and poets of the eighteen eighties and nineties either were Christians or passed through a Christian phase. 5I1  1922),  Having become disillusioned with .  J. H. Gubbins, The Making of Modern Japan (London, p. i4o„  -^Sumiya, Kindai, pp. 52-56; Nobutaka Ike, The Beginnings of Political Democracy In Japan (Baltimore, 1950), mentions Christianity only in passing and ignores completely the connection mentioned here. Pp. 87-105; 111-123. 56  ^ For a discussion of literature and Christianity, see Kuyama, Kindai, pp. 147-167.  50  political action, they saw modernization as consisting in the development of individual personality.  Toward the beginning  of the twentieth century Christianity enjoyed a brief renaissance of political influence with the socialist movement.  But by that time the majority of Christian leaders  had made their peace with the establishment and the agitators found themselves forced out of the church. The rise of nationalism in the late eighties and nineties intensified the drift toward polarization which Christianity as an ideology of opposition had begun to reflect.  During the  Enlightenment, leaders had been willing to consider the western faith as one of a number of possible alternatives open to the new society.  At that stage it was still being rejected in  the popular mind as an evil supersitition.57  The sympathies  of the people lay with that vague complex of traditional social relations known as the kokutai which had developed over the long period of Japan's seclusion. Kokutai has been translated variously as "national polity," and "the spirit of the nation."  Although basically  a social rather than a religious concept, it came to develop overtones of faith through its connection with the cult of the Emperor.  As national self-consciousness began to develop  the ideas associated with kokutai appeared to provide an 57 At the height of the pro-western period, campaigns against Christianity, known as Yaso-taljl, were regularly carried on. Gary, pp. 177-180*.  ideology for the popular mind.  Its appeal was all the greater  because It was less alien and more compatible with traditional modes of thought than the newer theories from abroad.  It  was therefore natural that the government should increasingly have encouraged the spread of kokutai ideas as a welcome antidote to the radicalism of the opposition.  The connection  of certain Christians with the democratic movement led the more extreme nationalists to look upon Christianity as representative of all the alien and subversive ideas that were coming into the country from abroad.  The emphasis of  other Christians on individual autonomy and self-fulfilment also seemed to demonstrate that Its teachings conflicted with the organic harmony of the traditional family virtues. This polarization was not only reflected in the social and political realms.  It made itself felt in a growing  tension within individuals, leading to revulsions of feeling, kp,  or even to s u i c i d e . Y e t it is characteristic of the complexity of the problem that the society was even then willing to tolerate a Christianity which knew its place. Fukuzawa and other members of the establishment were always willing to accept certain Christians, notably Anglicans and Unitarians, because they did not conform to the pattern of opposition •58  exhibited by the American Puritan tradition.  For the significance of the suicide of Kitamura Tokoku, see Kosaka, Thought, pp. 2 6 9 - 2 8 8 .  52  When the latter finally ceased to be critical of the traditional ideology,  it  too was accepted into the religious  life of the new nation. D.  Religion in Japanese society and the cult of the Emperor  Japanese leaders in the Meiji era may have found it difficult to understand the nature of western Christianity. But it was equally difficult for western missionaries and other foreign observers to grasp the peculiar character and function of religion in Japan.  Americans and Europeans were  inheritors of over a thousand years during which the culture known as Christendom had arisen.  During that time no reli-  gious system or institution other than Christian had been able to maintain a significant existence in their world. Even after the Reformation, when Christendom began to split into conflicting denominations and secular thought appeared, the values of Europe remained common to all.  In the nine-  teenth century there might be "infidels,11 "agnostics," or "heretics," but all remained certain that their common morality was based on Christian teaching. Apart from this tradition of a single orthodoxy, westerners, whether Christians or secular humanists, possessed -^W, E. Houghton, The Victorian Frame of Mind (New Haven & London, 1957), ChTlO, pp. 21b~222 and passim. Mill, George Eliot, Huxley, Newman and many others reflected this common attitude.  a number of other features In common.  For one thing they  took for granted the concept of transcendence.  Whether by  affirmation or denial, they recognized that human life was governed by an interplay, or tension, between two levels or areas which were separate and distinct: the temporal and the eternal, the secular and the religious, the church and the state.  For most, this dualism presented itself as an  assumption that the demands of conscience ought to be considered as transcending the realm of social custom or law. Thus most Europeans or Americans would make private commitment the touchstone of belief.  Public adherence—Paris vaut  M e n une messe—might be permissible for certain reasons, fin but it was what a man really believed that counted. In all these respects the Japanese religious tradition was directly contrary to the European.  Japan, during  its thousand years and more of recorded history, had entertained many orthodoxies.  The primitive tribal cult had given  way after the sixth and seventh centuries to Buddhism from China.  The new society which arose at that time used  Confucian ethics and principles of government to modernise itself. By the twelfth century Japanese Buddhism had developed its own indigenous forms which became the dominant modes of expression for feudal society. 60  The new feudalism  Bellah, "Values," pp. 18-20. The Huguenot prince, Henri of Navarre, is reputed to have said "Paris is well worth a Mass" when he abjured Protestantism in 1572.  54 of the Tokugawa Shogunate adopted neo-Confucian ethics as its ideology, relegating Buddhism to the position of an opiate for the people.  In the eighteenth century, the aesthetic  nationalism villich called itself Shinto made its appearance. Schools of utilitarians and proto-scientists added their voices in increasing profusion.  Thus by the time of the Meiji  Restoration there was no one religion, sect or school to which the name Japanese could be applied. There was nothing in the Japanese religious tradition which corresponded exactly to the Christian concept of 61 transcendence.  The individual was not thought of as  standing over against reality, as in the Western tradition, but rather he participated directly in the world of nature and society.  As one Japanese scholar has expressed it, "It  is not that we apprehend by our intellect a level of being' beyond  'things'.  !  true  It is rather that, as we partici-  pate at the level of things as they are real, before 62 our eyes, we become aware of things in their reality." Because this was so, Japanese society never developed a prophetic tradition like that of the Judaeo-Christian heritage.  Its Middle Ages did not have a Church which  stood over against the political order and judged its 6l 62  I b i d . , pp. 32-38.  Nishitani, original.  "Nihon," p. 245.  Italics in the  go  institutions by reference to a transcendent Will of God.  J  Consequently, religious adherence vias primariljr a matter of public and corporate duty.  In the ancient cult,  a person belonged automatically to the shrine of the community into which he was either born or adopted.  This con-  cept , common to all tribal religions, did not disappear with later developments In Japanese society.  In modern times  it was reaffirmed by the Tokugawa policy of registering all 64  families with one or another Buddhist temple,  But Its  firmest foundation rested on the characteristic assumption that public duty (ko) took precedence over private inclination (shi).  Actually no real distinction was made between the  two, or if it was it was assumed that "Private affairs . . . always involved something shady and . . . akin, or even equivalent, to evil.  In this situation the individual protected  himself psychologically, either by persuading himself that his private interests coincided with the public good, or else by making a formal distinction between principle (tatemae) and g-a J  An interesting illustration is provided by the difference in meaning of two words which describe a similar concept. "Sincerity" in English means primarily "honesty" or "integrity." The corresponding word "magokoro" in Japanese means "faithful" or "devoted." The English word applies primarily to the internal integrity of the individual, while the Japanese stresses the individual's state of integration with his community. B. Sansom, A History of Japan 1615-1867 (London,  1964), p. 42. '  •  6«v  ~  ^Masao Maruyama, Thought and Behaviour in Modern Japanese Politics (London, 1953j, p. 7.  56 66  inmost feeling (nalshln).  As a result, it was extremely  rare for anyone to presume that his individual will,or conscience, could he made the basis for a direct criticism of society,,  Such a person would logically lay himself open,  as did Kumazawa Banzan, to the accusation of being a "cryptoChristian." It was startling to a Christian how even the most exclusive follower of a Japanese sect could affirm the 67 principle of plurality in belief and practice,  1  Motoori  Norlnaga, the great Shinto nationalist and literary historian of the eighteenth century, was a fervent critic of Confucianism and Buddhism, both of which he considered to be alien teachings.  Yet even he was able to say, "If a matter can  best be resolved by Confucianism, let it be resolved by Confucianism, If Buddhism fits best, then let it be solved by Buddhism. These are all Shinto [the way of the gods] 68 for the time."  A disciple of Norlnaga was even more intoler-  ant than his master, yet did not hesitate to make use of Christian teachings to fill out his Shinto cosmology.g o* They : ~ - • Kindai •• - Kamishima Jiro, Nihon no selshln ko&o [Structures of Thought in Modern Japan] (Tokyo, 1961 jT pp. 73-75.  66™  See above, fn. 6. ^Suzuya tomonroku, quoted in Maruyama, Shiso, p. 21. For Norinaga, see R. Tsunoda, W. T. de Bary, and Donald Keene ed., Sources of Japanese Tradition (New York, 1958), pp. 508-510j 520-542. story.  ^^Hirata Atsutane (1776-1843) used the Genesis creation Eblsawa, Namban, pp. 410-422.  57  were able to do so because of what a modern scholar has called the capacity of the Indigenous tradition to Include many heterogeneous ideas and teachings in an "infinite embrace." "Shinto," he writes, "like an absurdly elongated cloth bag, has filled up the content of its teachings by syncretizing with whatever religion happened to be most powerful at any given period."  This trait, he concludes, is not .just true  of the religion alone, but is an expression "in concentrated form of the 'tradition' of the Japanese way of thinking. In other words, the multiplicity of religions in Japanese society was more apparent than real.  It reflected  the Eastern ability to tolerate a variety of interpretations of truth.  But it was most characteristically Japanese in  its functionalism.  Thus Shinto was the name given both to  the national cult and to religious techniques associated with agriculture, or with birth and procreation.  Confucianism  was for morality and government: Buddhism for a belief in life after death, or for aesthetic sensibility.  But hidden  within each lay a unique approach to life, an indigenous faith, which comprehended them all.  It has been called  Shinto, but that is too formal a term for it, too much like a religious system.  Other names come closer.  Yamato  damashii, the soul of Japan, or its Sinicized form, wakon, is perhaps the best description.  There is a vagueness  70 - pp. 20-21. 1 Maruyama, ' Shiso,  and  58  elasticity in the concept which fits the description that has been given.  A further term to which we have also already  referred is kokutai, the national polity or social expression of the Japanese soul.  These concepts were used in varying  form by Confucianists, Buddhists, and Utilitarians alike throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.  They  attained a sinister connotation by their association with militarism in the twentieth.  It was to some form of them that  the intellectual "reverted" when the burden of the West became too much for him. To "Westerners, It was difficult to understand how far these were religious concepts and how far they were social 71 or ethical.  Their difficulty resulted from their own  cultural baggage.  The European tradition needs to make  some distinction between secular and religious.  For the  Japanese It sufficed that within the concepts was contained the ultimate description of their national identity.  This  identity was social and ethical In that It comprised the relations of the people living together under the aegis of the Imperial Family.  It was also religious because it consti-  tuted a value-system which was capable of providing meaning, coherence and continuity to the society.72 Like other Sansom, Western World, p. 482. 2  7 Bellah, "Religion and Progress in Modern Asia," in R. N. Bellah ed., Religion and Progress in Modern Asia (New York & London, 1965), PP. 170-173.  59  religions it could be rationalized in many ways, but in itself it was beyond rationality.  Its basic nature was indi-  cated by the commitment of the people to it. The concept of the kokutai reveals in its structure just the sort of amalgam of political conservatism, social solidarity and religious faith which illustrates this point. In its most modern form it did not gain widespread acceptance before the beginning of the twentieth century.  But Its  roots stretched back beyond to the secluded Japan of the Shogunate, and Its ideas conditioned the thinking of social theorists throughout the nineteenth century.,J  Like the  tradition which produced it, the concepts employed In the kokutai are vague and difficult to define. They are so allembracing that they can be used at once for quite conflicting purposes.  The expression hakko ichiu—"the eight corners of  the world under one roof"—is an instance.  During most of  Japan's modern history the idea was used almost exclusively as a shibboleth of nationalism. messianic fanaticism.  It radiated overtones of  It meant the inclusion of all the  world by conquest within the unique and powerful household of the Yamato emperor. 73  It denoted racial superiority and  For a convenient summary, see J. K. Fairbank, E.O. Reischauer and A. M. Craig, East Asia, The Modern Transformation (Boston, 1965), PP. 531-538. The English version of the authoritative Japanese government exposition is R. K. Hall ed., Kokutai no hongi, Cardinal Principles of the National En tit:/ of Japan, by J. 0. Gauntlett (Cambridge, Mass., 1949). ~ "  60  colonial exploitation.  Yet in spite of all that, for those  who wished to do so the Idea could also be interpreted to mean "the universal brotherhood of all men. The most rational aspect of the kokutai owed its origins to the Confucian morality of family and nation which had become current during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.  But the Meiji reformers were forced  to simplify it to fit the changed conditions of a growing new nation.  Tokugawa society had possessed a complex structure  which expressed itself in a great variety of terms denoting gradations of status and responsibility.  There had been a  kind of natural lav; theory to provide metaphysical justification.  In its modern form all this was stripped down to a  few basic points: loyalty to the emperor and to those In authority; obedience and service to parents: harmony between classes, and the idea of the emperor as the keystone of the social structure.  7'n  The concept of the "family state'1 which emerged was summarized in the famous Imperial Rescript on Education of 1890.  This document was distributed to all schools in the  country and was read periodically in a setting of great solemnity.  Combined with the customary morality of family  and community which already existed, it proved to be a Maruyama, Shi so, pp. 34-35* rjfr  '-^Fairbank, Reischauer & Craig, p. 537.  powerful tool for forging national solidarity.  Yet it  cannot be forgotten that the concept of social structure which It set forth was already obsolescent as society became  increasingly urban and Industrial. rational custom to shore it up.  It needed more than  The religious interpreta-  tion of the family, never completely distinguished from morality, provided this support.  As one exponent understood  it, "The family is a continual religious service for the ancestors. • 76 world."  The family head . . . represents them in this This idea of the family was essentially Chinese  and could be as divisive of the larger society as it was cohesive within its own limits.  Kokutai thought solved  this problem by looking for its spiritual axis to the common ancestry of the nation In the imperial line.  All  Japan was to be a single racial and spiritual family. In China loyalty to the family, ko, and loyalty to the ruler, chu, had been in conflict.  But in Japan loyalty to  the state and filial piety came to be seen as a single virtue, for "loyalty is the source of all good. It is possible to distinguish Confucian family spirituality from Shinto mythology in the kokutai, but only for purposes of analysis.  The two are closely fused In  ^Hosumi Yatsuka, quoted in ibid., p. 534. 77  p. 114.  Yamada Sukejiro, Sakae [Glory], II (Tokyo, 1940),  62  Japanese thought.  The modern architects of the Constitution  ana the .Rescript on Education never attempted to separate them.  One of these architects was Motoda Eifu, the Confucian  tutor of the Meiji Emperor.  Considered today to have been  the seminal mind behind the Constitution and the chief author of the Rescript, he steadfastly withstood all attempts to "Europeanise" the idea of the monarchy and state.  For him  the imperial line was sul generis and literally descended from the gods.  It could not be described with words which  corresponded to institutions outside Japan.  Other drafts  of the Constitution had used the regular Japanese translation for the western word, "emperor," kotei.  Motoda insisted on  substituting the title tenno, "heavenly emperor."^ This incident Illustrates how the religious nature of the kokutai came to be summed up in the mystique of the Emperor cult. When Ito Hirobumi and Inoue Kaoru began to prepare the drafts of Japan's first constitution during the early eighties, they turned away from British models to the more authoritarian principles of the German state.  But  even their German advisors were disturbed at the reasons of the Japanese for omitting a description of the Emperor's powers from the body of the document.  They felt that the  constitution's preamble "went beyond history to mythology by using such terms as 'from the creation of the earth,' 71"8" Take da, Tennosei, „ pp. 267-268.  63  and allowed for Irresponsibility by stating that the H 7° emperor 'reigns but does not rule.'  1  ^  Phrases such as  "coeval with heaven and earth," or "a single lineage for ten thousand generations," abound in the language of the kokutai. They came from the Shinto mythology which formed the first part of the earliest -Japanese chronicles.  In a modern consti-  tution they Introduced an element of irrationality which was to have ominous consequences for the future of the nation. The Meiji reformers saw in kokutai ideas, with their mixture of history, law and mythology, a way of interpresting to popular minds the German historicist theory of the organic state which they had chosen to be the basis of the first constitution.  Even the idea of using religion to form Ro its  unifying principle might be said to have been borrowed. At a solemn meeting of the Privy Council in the presence of the Emperor in 1888, Ito presented his draft.  In the  course of his remarks he commented that Japan was the first nation in the East to have a constitution.  It differed  from the West where all nations had produced constitutions in the process of a long history of political activity. continued, 79  P. 74.  Ibid., p. 278.  Ro Ibid., p. 280.  Scalapino, "Contributions,"  He  Accordingly, at this time when our constitution is being formed, it is first necessary to seek for a unifying principle [literally, "an axle," kijiku] for our nation . . . If we were to delegate political power to the blind disputation of the people without such a principle, government would become disordered and the nation would be ruined .... In Europe the beginnings of constitutional rule go back for over 1000 years; and not only are the people well versed in this system, but religion forms a common principle which deeply permeates men's hearts and unifies them. But in our country religion . . . is weak. There is not one that could serve as a unifying principle for the nation. Buddhism today has fallen into decline. Shinto is based on the precepts of our forefathers. It communicates these precepts to us, yet as a religion it has little power to move men's hearts. Only the Imperial House can become the unifying principle for our country Thus the Emperor system was to take the place in the modernization of Japan that Christianity had occupied for a thousand years of history in the West. At the time that the Constitution was being drafted, Ito's was not the only Interpretation of the Emperor's role. Liberal thinkers like Fukuzawa Yukichl and the leaders of the democratic party movement favoured patterns based on British constitutionalism, or even the social contract Op  theories of the French republicans.  But such ideas, popular  as they were with intellectuals, could not stand against the official, "mythic" approach.  The ruling oligarchy used, the  Quoted in Maruyama, Shiso, p. 29. Fairbank, Heischauer & Craig, pp. 532-533, contains a different translation. RP  Blacker, Enlightenment, pp. 118-119, 123-124; Take da, Tennosel, 'pp.' 283-284.'  new religion as an ideological screen to control the people while many of them adopted for themselves the attitude that the Imperial power was indeed constitutionally  limited.^  They were able to do so effectively because the religion itself was not new—only the way of using it.  It was made  up of "traditional Japanese feelings about the state, the community, and the family; and these could scarcely have been drawn together and turned into political purposes if they had not been deep-seated and sincere. Few westerners in Meiji actually saw or came to grips with the religious side of the Emperor cult. or two.  There were one  For instance, Basil Hall Chamberlain expressed  concern by writing a pamphlet entitled "The Invention of a Or  New Religion."  0  The missionaries saw their task to be the  conversion of the Japanese from "pagan" or "heathen" religions. These they interpreted, in terms of their western experience, as the Shinto religion, or the Buddhist religion. Because these historic faiths appeared to be in decline they decided that the Japanese were being lured away from belief, as were their own compatriots, by scientific agnosticism Takeda, Tennosel, p. 280. 84 Sansom, Western World, p. 482. 85 See Maki Kenji, Kindai ni okeru selyo.jin no nlhon rekishikan [Western Views of Japanese History in Modern Times J (.Tokyo, 1951), P. 82. "Invention" was republished as part of the entry, "Bushido," in the 6th ed. of Things Japanese (Tokyo, 1939). ~~—  66  ("Infidelity") or by the fascinations of trade and 86 political action. '  They did not realise that religion in  Japan was not an institutional, or even theological, structure at all but was rather a 87 'Value-system" which centred about family and emperor,  1  How Christianity came  to terms with that system would in the end determine its future in the new nation.  Cary, p. 143. Also ACS in MF (1874), P. 71,* EB in ibid. (1391), p. 209, 87tBe11ah, "Values," p. 30,  CHAPTER III BRITISH MISSIONARIES APPROACH JAPAN A. 1873—A fruitful year The year in which Alexander Croft Shaw, the founder of the Shiba Sect, arrived in Tokyo was a fruitful and significant year in the histories of both Great Britain and Japan. Era.  In Japan it is known as the sixth year of the Meiji  A number of incidents reflected the growing pace at  which political restoration was being transformed into social modernization.  On January 1st the nation adopted the  Gregorian calendar in place of the old Chinese methods of counting time.  In February the government gave the order to  remove the notice boards which had denigrated Christianity as an evil sect.  In July Mori Arinori, recently returned  from the United States, helped to found the Melrokusha, the first association of self-conscious intellectuals in the country.  In September of that same year the great mission  headed by Prince Iwakura Tomomi arrived home after an absence of two years in the United States and Europe. In England 1873 marked the peak of a long period of industrial expansion which had begun at least as far back A. 1 as the fifties.  In following years there were rumblings  1  A. E. Musson, "British Industrial Growth 1 8 7 3 - 9 6 : a Balanced View, Economic History Review. XVTI (1964), p. 398 67  68 of crisis in agriculture and finance, but industry and wealth had come to stay, and with them a growth in social criticism.  Reform legislation, the development of trade  unions and the rise of a professional civil service, all reflected the gradual emergence of the broader forms of government which were to take the place of the old oligarchic control by the landed interests.  Among  intellectuals  the dogmatic assurance and optimism of the High Victorians was beginning to give way to a new spirit of doubt and anxiety.  But middle-class British society was still more  interested in an expanding commerce and in the revival of Christianity which had begun around 1859.  It xras these twin  movements of expansion which provided the background for the arrival of the first Anglican missionaries in Japan. The growth of interest in Japan is illustrated by the fact that more missionaries came from abroad to Japan in 1873 than in any previous year.  Guldo Verbeck, the con-  temporary historian of the missionary movement, noted in his survey of the year, "The year 1873 . . .  is remarkable  for having witnessed the arrival of by far the largest number of missionaries that ever came to Japan in any one year, either before or after."  It was nearly  as many as  had arrived in the past 14 years put together: "16 married missionaries, 7 single female, and 6 single male missionaries,  making a total of 29." the United States.  2  The majority were, of course, from  But five men from England and the first  missionaries from Canada all arrived in the latter part of that year. There were a number of reasons for this sudden  increase.  A general advance in communications made it easier for people to travel.  Both the Suez Canal and the first transcontinental  railway across America had been completed in 1869.  Tele-  graphic communication between Europe and America had begun in 1866.  In 1870 India and the Par East were connected to  the network of cables.^  By 1873 American society had become  stabilized following the disruptions of the Civil War. Even in distant Britain, interest in Japan had grown perceptibly.  Sir Harry Parkes, the able and energetic  Minister Plenipotentiary, had been home in England at the beginning of 1872, when he was interviewed at length by the the Times.  His remarks were the subject of widespread comit  ment in other journals.  Articles published by popular  magazines which hitherto had largely ignored the subject o  "History of Protestant Missions in Japan," Proceedings of the General Conference of the ProtestariF Missionaries of Japan tYokohama, ), pp. 5b-57. Tlfereafter" OsateHconference.)  o 1961),  C.J.H. Hayes, A Generation of Materialism (New York,  pp. 88-91.  ^The Times, Feb. 12, 1872. (1872), PP. t>5-79.  Comments in CMI, VIII  70 reflected this rise in Interest.  Blackwood's Magazine for  September 1872 called attention to "this sudden.revolution of thought and feeling, more wonderful even than the political „K revolution which has occurred. The Edinburgh Review hoped that Japan would be mature enough to change her institutions  6  gradually, rather than by violent upheaval. Not•only was there an increase in the quantity of writing about Japan.  Attitudes changed from the customary  posture of exotic fantasy to a more direct and realistic assessment.  The works of the sixties—Alcock's Capital of  the Tycoon, or Smith 1 s Ten Weeks in J a p a n — s t i l l basically represented the opinions of onlookers denied direct access to the subject of their observations. 7  Behind the changed  tone in the seventies lay the first-hand reporting that was beginning to come in from men on the spot.  There was now a  small but significant number of observers who could communicate directly with the Japanese.  George Ensor, the first  CMS missionary to Japan, wrote a series of letters home during P his short stay in the country between 1869 and I873.  ^Comment in CMI, IX (l873)> P. 18. entitled "Japan", CXII, 369-388.  The article was  • 6 CXXXVI (July 1872), p. 138. 7 'Thomas Baty, "The Literary Introduction of Japan to Europe" in MN, vols. ¥11, VIII, & IX (Tokyo, 1951-1953), VIII, PP. 25, 33-3^. Rutherford Alcock, The Capital of the Tycoon, 2 vols. (London, 1863); George Smith, Ten Weeks in Japan (London, l86l), 8 C M S Letters 1870-1873; CMI, vols. VIII & IX.  Although couched in the jargon of Victorian Evangelical piety, they were scholarly in tone and covered many aspects of Japan1s history, religions and politics.  Japanese words were  spelt correctly and the sources noted showed careful study. Ensor only converted two men to Christianity during his entire term, hut one of them was an intelligent, though erratic, Buddhist priest who appears to have guided his master well*9 Between 1868 and 1872 news of the persecution of "hidden Catholics" near Nagasaki aroused widespread reactions 10  in Europe and America.  w  From 1862 on, thousands of  Japanese, who had secretly practised Christianity for two centuries during which the religion was forbidden, had cautiously made themselves known to French missionaries. The government rounded up about four thousand of them, imprisoned them and transported many to the north of the country. dents.  Ensor had been an eyewitness of some of these inci-  His observations were typical of foreign views,  although as an Evangelical Protestant he was inclined to 9  Cary, p. 72. Wright to SPG, 21/12/73 & 24/9/74. The man was Kojima, or Futagawa, Itto. Sumiya, Kindai, pp. 10-12. 10  Sansom, Western World, pp. 390-391. Ian Shevill, Aspects of British Missionary Activity in Japan, 18681894, unpublished doctoral thesis (London, n. d.), pp. 4751, is valuable because based on direct examination of Foreign Office documents. Also I«l. Pa ske-Smith, Japanese Traditions of Christianity (Kobe & London, 1931), op. 113-125.  72  blame the "idolatry" of the Catholics for part of their 11  plight.  Nevertheless, citizens of both Catholic and  Protestant nations were shocked at what they considered to be a case of barbaric intolerance in a country which was beginning to show signs of enlightenment. . Both missionaries and diplomats joined to rally opinion at home, while the foreign representatives protested to the Japanese government in the strongest terms.  In 1872 Parkes was able to report that "He  had . . . been authorized by her Majesty's Government not to hesitate to remonstrate with the Japanese Government in cases of unkind and intolerant treatment of Native Christians. He was aware that other 1 pforeign ministers had also received similar Instructions." Finally, both the British and the American general public were made directly aware of the existence of the new power through the visit of the Iwakura Mission to their countries between 1871 and 1873.  This event was important,  not only to the West but to Japan.^  Seventy to eighty  Japanese, many of whom belonged to the top ranks of the ruling class, spent over two years abroad, observing all aspects of :  11 -  CMI,  Till,  • ,  117; Gary, pp.  71,  92-94.  IP  * Times interview, quoted in CMI, VIII, 78.  13  Kato, "Nihonjin," 234-236. Included were Kldo, Oltubo and Ito, three of the leaders of the Restoration, plus three of the great daimyo, or feudal rulers, and their retinues.  73 western government and society.  Their leader "belonged to  the ancient hereditary aristocracy of Kyoto.  The delegation  was entertained, not only in the principal capitals of Europe and America, "but also in many smaller cities, and their presence there provoked the liveliest interest on the part of the populace.  The abolition of the notice-boards pro-  hibiting Christianity resulted from the vigorous represents14 tions made in all the countries which they visited. Because of the conviction in the popular mind that the blessings of civilization were directly related to Christianity, Englishmen on the whole were anxious to see missionaries go to Japan.  The feeling of Britons interested  in the Par East at the time was expressed in an Editorial published in the China Mall for March 4th, 1873.  After  explaining that Japan was about to open its doors to civilization and to Christianity, it urged the Church of England to take advantage of the situation.  "What ought the action  of the Christian, and especially the English church be to this notable occasion? . . .  She [the Church of England3  is rich beyond comparison with other churches, rich in this world's possessions, rich in men, rich in learning. she poor in zeal."  Nor is  Although there is "scanty evidence of  her ardour in [Japan]," the article continued, she must be willing to act.  Otherwise Christianity will be brought into  "^Cary, pp. 80-81.  ill favour "by a set of ignorant fanatics" representing the American sects.15 ^ The slighting comparison with the Americans is significant.  British and American commercial interests were  engaged in competition in China and were beginning to extend their rivalry to Japan.  The reference to fanatics also  reveals the assumption that Anglicans would be more moderate in their approach to the new country and would therefore have greater success.  It also infers that Church of England men  were socially more acceptable. that recurred repeatedly.  All of these were themes  The British in the Far East felt  that they approached Japan in a spirit which was different to the attitudes expressed by other countries. prepared to accept the new nation as a partner.  They were And they  hoped that they themselves would be accepted on that basis. When the English missionaries finally reached Japan they discovered that the Americans were well ahead of them. Protestant missionaries from the United States had first come to the country in 1859.  Ten years later, when the  first Englishman arrived, he found some seventeen Americans had preceded him.1^  Even more important than the number was the  15  0.uoted in Shevill, "Aspects," p. 53. Such opinion was not universal: Paul A. Cohen, China and Christianity (Cambridge, Mass., 1963), PP. 193-19b. Osaka Conference, p. 184*.  75  extent of their preparedness.  The American J. G. Hepburn  had published his great Japanese-English and EnglishJapanese Dictionary in 1867. 17  All of the Americans, though  hindered by government restrictions against proselytization, had been able to acquire a working knowledge of the language and customs.  It took Ensor a further five years to equip  himself, by which time illness had forced him to return home.  It was 1878 before there existed in Japan a body of  British missionaries who were technically qualified to begin work. The reasons for this lag are not difficult to discover. Japan was marginal to British interests in the Orient.18 For Americans it was on the main route to China and therefore an important way-station.  Among Englishmen it appealed  only to certain specialized groups.  To missionaries and  businessmen Japan constituted a new frontier which challenged them.  As early as 1852, a popular English book on Japan  appealed for active intervention in opening up the country to commerce and Christianity.  "We must not  be outstripped in the East even by the Americans," it cried.  "The instincts of nature, the natural law, stronger  than all others, will impel mankind to invade and break up such excluding systems as those which obtain in Japan."19 17  Ibid., p.  18  Beasley, Great Britain, pp. 48-49.  19  MacFarlane, Japan, pp. 108,- 100 & 197.  Officers of the Royal Navy in 1845 had formed the Loochoo Naval Mission and sent a medical missionary, B. J. Bettelheim, to Naha in the hope that he would be able from there to proceed on to Japan.  But the mission ended in failure ten years  later.20 One reason why Englishmen did not go earlier to Japan was the negative stand taken by their own government. Experience in China had taught the Foreign Office that missionaries complicated negotiations with foreign powers. Sir Rutherford Alcock, the first British minister to Japan, was an active supporter of the Church Missionary Society.  But this fact did not prevent him when he was  transferred to China from trenchant criticism of the uncompromising adventurousness of the Protestant missionaries 21  he found there.  Regardless of Chinese hostility, they had  pressed into the interior, provoking incidents which sometimes resulted in their murder. Such actions made it hard for the two governments to conclude mutually acceptable trade agreements.  The British government had no desire to  see this explosive situation repeated in Japan.  Thus, when  the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel reserved £2000 po • • „ Cary, pp. 18 & 35. on  Cohen, China, pp. 194-199. For Alcock and CMS, see Eugene Stock, History of the Church Missionary Society, 3 vols. (London, 1899), II, 591, 600j III, 92.'  77  to send a man to Japan in l86l they were dissuaded from doing so by the Foreign Minister, Lord John Russell. 22  Between  i860 and 1*862 a series of political assassinations In and around Tokyo reflected the instability of a rapidly changing order.  The death of a missionary might have upset an already  delicate state of affairs. Within a few years the situation had changed.  The  British Naval Mission transferred its funds to CMS after closing down operations in Okinawa.  Anonymous donations to  the same society in 1866 made it possible to plan a mission, with the result that Ensor set out for Japan in 1869, followed by another missionary in 1871. five more Anglicans followed.  Within two years  Though ill health compelled  Ensor to return home in 1873, by the end of the same year there were six men representing the Church of England in Japan. This number increased yearly until, in 1900, there were over a hundred Anglicans living in every part of the country.  These missionaries formed one of the most stable  groups of foreign residents in Japan.  Both diplomats and  businessmen, by the nature of their occupations, tended to come and go.  But the interests of the missionaries forced  them to learn the language and customs of the country.  It  was to their advantage to remain for as long a period as possible. If they happened as well to be intelligent observers Herbert Moore, The Christian Faith in Japan (London, 1904), p. 59. ~~ :  their comments should provide valuable  insights.  Unfortunately, most of them were interested only in the limited aspects of their own professional occupation.  But  there were a few whose observations ranged beyond those limits.  What they had to say about Meiji Japan and how they  looked at a culture which was strikingly different to their own; how their own point of view changed with their experience in Japan:  a study of such material can furnish profit-  able insights on a subject with which they w e r e — w h e t h e r they knew it or n o t — i n t i m a t e l y B.  concerned.  Englishmen view Japan During the second half of the nineteenth century  Britain's political and financial commitments in Japan were considerable—a  fact which in recent years has been obscured  by American influence since 1945.  Particularly during the  earlier stages of the Restoration, Britain occupied a special place in Japanese minds due to her status as the greatest world power of the day.  The pragmatic character of British  thought possessed a strong appeal for the leaders of the Enlightenment.  Among politicians this Anglophile tradition  later gave way to a more radical, republican approach to reform.  But pro-British sentiments remained as a "liberal"  wing of conservative bureaucratic thought.  They emerged,  following the Pacific War, in the kind of attitude represented by the most durable of the post-war prime  79  ministers, Yoshida Shigeru. Fear was a strong feature of Japan's earliest consciousness that Great Britain was a powerful force in international politics.  Rumours of the Opium Wars in China,  skilfully elaborated by the Dutch, convinced the Shogunate 23 that Britain planned to attack their own country. J Thxs fear of aggression was used by the American minister, Townsend Harris, as a useful lever in his later negotiations with the oh  Japanese. ' But fear and admiration are closely related emotions, especially in a status-conscious society.  The  exhibition of British naval pov/er at the bombardment of Kagoshima in 1863 did much to shift the policies of the Restoration forces from their initial stance of negative isolationism. The imperial goals of the British complemented Japanese ambitions in Korea and Formosa.  Japanese diplomacy  had gained important advantages at an early stage when England was at war with Russia.  The desire to keep Russian  ships out of Japanese ports during the Crimean War had turned 2  \ t . G. Beasley, Select Documents on Japanese Foreign Policy 1853-1868 (London & New York, 1955), PP. 4, 7i Great oh  M. E. Cosenza ed., The Complete Journal of Townsend Harris (Tokyo, 1959), PP. 4857^95 J Beasley, Select, p. 161. 2  5e. 0. Reischauer, Japan Past and Present, 3rd ed. (Tokyo, 1964), p. 116.  80  the British envoy, Sir uohn Stirling, from exclusive interest  of in China to conclude the first treaty with Japan.  The  community of interest became even more evident as imperialist policies grew stronger in the seventies and eighties. The growing political and military power of Japan, together with the British need of an ally who could offset Russian advances in northeastern Asia, gained equality for the young nation in the negotiations for treaty-revision which took place between 1884 and 1894.27  British cooperation  in turn freed Japan to pursue her path of conquest on the continent. On a more personal plane, the interest taken by the British minister, Sir Harry Parkes, in the ambitions of the Satsuma-Choshu coalition resulted in a unique position of PR  advantage for Britain following the Restoration.  Parkes1  personal interest in turn resulted from important economic commitments already undertaken by British businessmen in Western Japan.  The activities of the firm of Glover and  Company of Nagasaki furnish a good example.  Glover helped  ^Beasley, Great Britain, p. 9; Inoue, Joy aim, p. 6. 2  7lnoue, Joy a icu, pp. 184-192. pft co Ishii Takashi, Meiji lshin no kokusaitekl kankyo [The International Background of the Meiji Restoration^ rev. ed. (Tokyo, 1 9 6 6 ) , pp. 492-93; 513-22. M. Paske-Smith, Western Barbarians in Japan and Formosa (Kobe, 1930) pp. 152 & 169'. James Murdoch & Isoh Yarriagata, A History of Japan, III (London, 1926), p. J60. ' 1  81  first in the Industrialization of the fief of Hizen and later supplied Choshu with a warship and rifles so that they  could  2Q  resist the Shogunate.  Traders like Glover worked with the  British consul at Nagasaki to cement the early relations out of which later goodwill developed. Following the Restoration, British Influence continued to be strong.  Englishmen assisted in the building of a  modern communications system.  Great Britain was the only 30  nation to which Japan turned for financial assistance. All through the Meiji period, although American interests increased steadily, British commercial commitments remained the heaviest of all foreign concerns.  An English visitor  as late as l88l remarked of the businessmen in the port city of Yokohamat  "The Americans . . . equal ail the others put  together except the British: ooand these are three times as numerous as the A m e r i c a n s . I n probably  Kobe the proportion would  have been even higher.  -•'Ishil, Meljl, pp. 466, 518, 530; Paske-Smith, Barbarians, pp. 156, 181; Fairbanlc, Reischauer & Craig, East Asia, p. 223. 30  Ibid., p. 234.  ^ x In 1882, 1200 out of 2650 foreign residents were British; in 1890, 1400 out of 3260. F. C. Jones, Extraterritoriality in Japan (New Kaven & London, 1931), p. 92. 32  Strachan in MP, 1881, pp. 279-280.  Japanese intellectuals during the seventies and eighties showed an interest in British thought which parallelled the practical commitments of that country.  English  Utilitarianism was one of the dominant interests among the members of the Meirokusha, who were responsible for introducing the works of Mill and Spencer during the seventies. British political theory also constituted one important stream in the early democratic movement as the father of parliamentary government, Ozaki Yukio, has attested in his reminiscences.  Even among the leaders of the left wing  of the party movement, whose inspiration was largely French, the writings of Baba Tatsui were first based on British 34 „ moaels.-'' The moderate democratic party, the Kalshlnto, self-consciously pointed to British liberalism for its inspiration, while intellectuals connected with the same party were responsible for starting a vogue for the political novels of Disraeli and Lytton during the mid-eighties By the end of the eighties, Japanese political thought had developed its own goals and methods.  The bureaucratic  leaders of this period tended to respect German ideas more J  Gakudo kaikoroku [Reminiscences of Gakudo (Ozaki)5], 2 vols. (Tokyo, 1951), I, PP. 26-27. Sansom, Western World, pp. 4l7-4l8. Baba in 1876 wrote The Treaty between Japan and England (in English) to bring the unequal treaties to the attention of English statesmen. Inoue, Joyaku, p. 63. J  -^Kosaka, Thought, op. 195-198; Sansom, Western World, PP. 397-398.  than British, because of their authoritarian and organic emphasis.  Hie radical intellectuals looked to American and  European thinkers for guidance.  Henry George and Ferdinand  Lasalle displaced Mill and Smiles.  Yet well on into the  twentieth, century British ideas constituted an important second rank of influence.  The Imperial Navy, whose officers  were descended from the earlier Satsuma admirers of British sea power, sailed under confirmed A n g l o p h i l e s A n d insofar as the conservative upper classes sought culture abroad, they looked to England. Possibly most important of all was the general esteem accorded English culture by the petty intelligentsia. School teachers, local officials, or Independent farmers lived close to the common people to 'whom they were often related by ties of kinship.  Thus they were in the best posi-  tion to influence the ideas of ordinary Japanese.  The American  Congregational missionary, D. C. Greene, told in IS93 of meeting a farmer's son in the hill country of Gumma Prefecture. The boy was reading the poetical books of. the Bible, and had also read Tennyson's "Enoch Arden."  A school teacher in the  same region had read Carlyle's Heroes and Hero Worship, and "one or more of his biographies, besides considerable of the writings of Lord Macaulay."  Green comments, "I do not  Fairbank, Reischauer & Craig, East Asia, p. 237;  Relochauer, Japan, p. 116.  84  maintain that these students were in a position to gain all from their books that one of us might gain, but their minds were nevertheless busied with English t h o u g h t . 3 7 In contrast to the extent of British involvement In Japan, the distant • island country still occupied a marginal position in the thinking of most late Victorian Englishmen at home.  India, or even China, were the countries about  which they thought when the Orient was mentioned.  This  marginality of Japan to the total concerns of Empire explains why the general public in Britain still considered the country exotic even though many of their fellows were well informed. As early as 1872, clear and expertly written articles had begun to appear in the major journals.  The world of art was  beginning to be excited about pottery and prints. late as  I885  But as  Gilbert and Sullivan still reflected the  popular view when they composed the Mikado."'0 Nevertheless in the latter decades of the nineteenth century both specialists and the general public were beginning to understand Japan better.  When Alexander Shaw  landed at Yokohama in 1873, he knew little about the country in which he planned to work.  But when Edward Bickersteth  37i. Hitter, A History of Protestant Missions In Japan, (Tokyo, 1 8 9 8 ) , pp. 262-263. For the petty intellectual, see Maruyama, Thought and Behaviour, pp. 57-65. 38„  Earl Miner, The Japanese Tradition In British and American Literature (Princeton, 195«), pr>. 55-57.  arrived, some thirteen years later, he revealed a fairly detailed and accurate grasp of its history and customs.  In  the Interval detailed information had become available through the efforts of various experts.  This information was gaining  circulation beyond the confines of specialized groups through the medium of a number of different organs, not least of which were the magazines of the missionary societies. Because of their special interest in opening up a new field of activity, the missionary societies had been among the earliest agencies to popularize such ideas.  Five years  after Perry's historic voyage to Japan, the Religious Tract Society of London published a small work entitled Japan Opened.  It consisted of extracts from the official narrative  of the Perry expedition and was evidently designed for use as missionary propaganda.  7  The forces of commerce,  diplomacy and evangelism frequently converged in the nineteenth century European advance into foreign countries. There may have been tensions on the field between the different interests.  Still everyone took for granted that  all would cooperate in the discovery of new frontiers for the blessings of western civilization.  The degree of  cooperation varied from country to country.  French  diplomacy worked closely with its missionaries.^0  1859.  39 • Introduction, p. x.  A second edition appeared in  4o> Cohen, China, pp. 200-224.  Americans emphasized a cleavage between church and state. The British commingled the two methods. Three important sources contributed to the increase in both technical and general knowledge concerning Japan between 1870 and 1900.  The first was a small but dis-  tinguished group of diplomats, scholars and journalists who resided there during all or part of these years.  Many of  them had been chosen and trained by the British minister, Harry Parkes.  Parkes stressed the importance of learning the in  language for all his consuls.  In the course of his  eighteen years in Japan he gathered about him a brilliant staff of men whose names stand in the front rank of early foreign scholarship. '  Close to the diplomats were the  resident scholars and journalists, foremost among whom was Basil Hall Chamberlain.  He was the son of a British admiral  and the grandson of one of the founders of the Loochoo mission of 1845.  In 1885 Mori Arinori appointed him pro-  fessor of Japanese language and literature at Tokyo Imperial University, an astounding distinction for a foreigner.^ * S. Lane-Poole & F. V. Dickins, Life of Sir Parry Parkes, H (London, 1894), pp. 170 & 2537" 42 Adams, Aston, Gubbins, Hall, McClatohie, Mitford, Slebold and Satow were all early scholars of Japanese studies who started with Parkes. Jones, Extraterritoriality, : P. 95. ~ 43 B. H. Chamberlain, Things Japanese, 6th ed. (London & Kobe, 1939), Preface, pp. xi-xiv, Maki, Kindal, p. 81, points out that the craze for everything Western was at its height in 1885.  87  Both Aston and he worked on grammars of the language while their translations of Japanese literature formed the first introduction of vie stern readers to that rich store.  He  first published his encyclopaedic guide to Japan, Things Japanese, in 1890; it went into six editions, the last complete version of which appeared in 1939 The missionaries formed a second important group. The names of Batchelor, Dening, Griffis, Hepburn and Lloyd rank with the diplomat-scholars as trail blazers. Sir Ernest Satow, who himself had been responsible for a great deal of the preliminary work in Japanese grammar, once wrote that  15  the pioneers . . . in the making of Japanese-  English dictionaries were three American missionaries, Mr. Ligglns, Dr. Hepburn and Dr. Samuel B r o w n e . H e p b u r n f s dictionary formed the foundation of all modern works, while his method of Romanizing Japanese became standard for English-speaking countries.  Griffis' two-volume work, The  Mikado's Empire, first appeared in 1876.  Thereafter it  xvent into many editions and was for a long time the most 46  widely read introduction to Japan. 44  Um  Chamberlain, p. viii.  '-'"Christian Missions," p. 127. 46 ' Baty, "introduction," VIII, p. 28; Akira iriye, "Minds Across the Pacific'. Japan in American Writing ( 1 8 5 3 1 8 8 3 ) , " in Papers on Japan (Vol. 1) (Cambridge, Mass., 1 9 6 1 ) , pp. 1-41: 2FT~ "  The scholarly work of the missionaries was one reason why Edward Bickersteth was better informed about Japan than Alexander Shaw.**-7 A spate of travel literature dealing with Japan supplied a third source of knowledge * The popularity of this genre was tremendous.  For example, Henry M. Field's  From Egypt to Japan, which first appeared in 1877, went into 48  thirteen editions.  One of the most accurate observers was  a remarkable woman, Isabella Bird (Mrs. J. F. Bishop), who travelled for six months on foot and on horseback up and down Japan at a time when few foreigners were permitted into the interior.  Her two volume x*ork, Unbeaten Tracks in  Japan, was first published by Murray in 1880 and rapidly iiQ became a best-seller. Mrs. Bishop came to know and admire the members of the Shiba mission and contributed generously to their work*  ro  How far knowledge of Japan progressed within the space of a few years may be seen by comparing the literature of the sixties with articles which were published less than ten years later.  The first modern introduction of  Japan to the West was Alcock's Capital of the Tycoon, which ^7EB-father, 16/3/86, in Life, p. 150. ^8Iriye, "Minds," pp. 22 & 29n. ^Baty, "Introduction," VIII, p. 38. 5  °Llfe, pp. 241 & 376.  appeared in 1863.  Before that time almost everything had  been based on seventeenth- and eighteenth-century sources. Alcock had been trained as a doctor prior to his appointment KT  as a diplomat.  Skills In observation which he had derived  from both science and politics helped him to produce a detailed and readable account of three years1 residence in Japan.  Yet this account still reflected an isolation  similar to that which appeared in the writings of his American predecessor, Tovmsend Harris.  The most outstand-  ing symptom of this was a certain neurotic inability to accept statements from Japanese sources at face value. His work also reflects the lingering stereotype of Japan as a kind of survival of the Middle Ages.^  For the romantic  Victorian, already In love with his own dream of Medieval Europe, this stereotype constituted one of the main attractions of the newly discovered country.  A Mr. W.  Surges, writing about the Japanese court at the International Exhibition of 1862, exclaimed in bliss, "Truly the Japanese Court is the real medieval court of the Exhibition."^ -^Baty, "Introduction," p. 32 notes that two famous earlier observers, Kaempfer and von Siebold, had also been doctors. ^Capital, II, pp. 69, 104. For Harris, see W. E. Griffis. Townsend Harris in Japan (Boston, HoughtonMifflin, 1896), p. 155. " -^Capital, I, 44o, 4325 II, 348.  ^ T h e Gentleman's Magazine, July, 1862, qu. in Miner, Tradition, p. 29.  The craze for wood-block prints and blue china xvhich swept over England in the seventies further emphasized this love KK  of the ancient and exotic.^ The articles which appeared in English magazines in response to public interest created by the Iwakura Mission in 1872 exhibited quite a different spirit.  The Edinburgh  Review in July, 1872, criticized an American publication for its overly rosy view of the Restoration.  It buttressed its  judgements by references to the Japan Weekly Mail and other on-the-spot observers.5^  More realistic treatment replaced  the isolation and romanticism of the former period.  A  similar realism distinguished an article in Blackwood's Magazine a few months later.^ By the nineties, Japan was regularly referred to as the Great Britain of the Orient, which indicated a new level of acceptance in English minds.  A writer in Blackwood's  for December, 1894, referred to the "immense number of articles" about Japan then in circulation.^8  Now, though,  55  1957),  William Gaunt, The Aesthetic Adventure (London, p. 78. Miner, Tradition, pp. 53-55. 56  "Reform in Japan," a review of The Japanese in America by Charles Lanman, vol. CXXXVi (duly, 1872), PP. 2W-2"69.  57n  Japan," CXII (September, 1 8 7 2 ) , pp. 369-388.  "The Position of Japan," in vol. CLVI, pp. 878888: p. 878. The quotation refers to newspaper reports, generally unfavorable to Japan, on treaty-revision and the Sino-Japanese War. 58  91 Japan was justified not for its medievalism, but for its modernity: its volume of trade and national wealth were rising and its education was seen to be practically on a par with that of Great Britain.  Even in war, the author noted  with approval, the island country was following a European path.*^ From Alcock on, two themes run through all British literature on Japan.  The first was the idea that moderni-  zation is not in itself necessarily all good.  Alcock was  disturbed by the inroads made by Western merchants and missionaries into a society which he considered every bit as 60 good as Europe.  The Edinburgh Reviex? similarly thought  that American writers, in voicing all out approval, coloured what they saw in 63Japan according to their own aspirations for the country.  The second theme was related.  Moderni-  zation will be better if it is gradual.  The Edinburgh  Review expressed this theme as follows:  "We can only hope  that Japanese statesmen will . . . steadily refuse to be hurried recklessly on to uproot everything that is ancient and to plant to their place without preparation or adaptation the institutions of other countries . . . " 62 These twin 59  Ibid., p. 883.  6o  Capital, I, 198, 450;  61  "Reform," p. 138.  62  Ibid.  II, 348, 364.  See also Iriye, "Minds," pp. 27, 32.  themes also colour the writings of the missionaries.  They  formed part of the basis of the British approach to Japanese culture. C.  British society and the  Church of England  The missionaries—at least at first—shared many of the general attitudes of the British people toward Japan. Their ideas were further moulded by their heritage as churchmen and as members of the upper strata of English society.  The three clergymen who are the objects of this  study all belonged to the established Church of England. This church claimed descent from the Catholic Church which had been planted in English soil over a thousand years previously by missionaries from the Mediterranean world. During the disturbances which surrounded the Protestant Reformation in the sixteenth century, the English church had repudiated the claim to temporal jurisdiction of the Roman Pope, and had transferred this political authority to the king.  It therefore differed from the Protestantism of  the continent of Europe in that it claimed no clear break from Catholicism in matters of faith and church order. But Its denial of Papal authority had pushed it into the Protestant camp, from which it received certain decisive influences. tant to note.  This mixed nature of Anglicanism Is imporIt meant that its members resembled Catholics  in some ways and Protestants in others; as a result both  93 • 63 viewed the Anglicans with suspicion. ^  •  The term "established" meant that the Church of England was looked upon by the state as the church of the whole English people. king, who must be a member.  Its temporal head was the It enjoyed special privileges,  such as the authority to collect tithes, or church taxes. Its bishops, though formally elected by the church, were in fact appointed by the state.  Protestants viewed  this arrangement with disfavour from the first.  In the  seventeenth century many "Puritans" felt themselves forced to dissociate themselves from the Establishment, thereby becoming Dissenters, or Nonconformists. Theological differences reflected a corresponding change in class relations,  Many members of the urban middle  classes became Dissenters, while the country gentry and farmers tended to side with the Established Church. Social interests influenced both the theological and the political orientation of Englishmen. In the nineteenth century the Church of England was far from homogeneous, whether in its theological outlook or in the class connections of its membership. It "We have a Calvinistic creed, a Popish liturgy, and an Arminlan clergy," the statesman Pitt is reputed to have said. Prior, Life of Burke (1790), Ch. 10.  via a divided theologically into High ("Catholic"), Low ("evangelical") ana  Broad ("liberal") parties.  Each  represented interpretations of doctrine which were often in conflict with one another. was changing rapidly.  The class structure of England  These changes also affected the nature  of the church. It is difficult to obtain a clear and accurate picture of the class relations of British Christianity in the nineteenth century.  Sociologists with the help of statistical  studies are just beginning to examine the subject, so that 64 the historian must still be content with approximations. A religious census, conducted in 1851? showed that less than half of the population of England and Wales attended church on one particular Sunday.  J  There are a number 01 reasons  for this startling insight into an age which has been • •usually . 66 thought of as having been more religious than most. Probably most important was the fact that few inhabitants of the large new working-class communities habitually went '67 • •. to church. For them "Church was for toffs." 6  \>avid Martin, A Sociology of English Religion (London, 1967)» p. 7. 65iatson Clark, Making, 149. For analysis of this survey see W.S.F. Pickering, "The Religious Census of 1851--a useless exoeriment?" British Journal of Sociology 18.• (1967),  PP". 3 8 2 - 4 0 7 .  66Kitson Clark, Making, p. 147.  67K. S. Inglis, Churches and the Working Classes in Victorian England (London & Toronto, 19^3), PP. 57, 323.  The report of a survey of London conducted by Charles Booth In the nineties gives some idea of the complex nature of the problem.  In general Anglicans belonged to the upper  and middle classes, while Nonconformists came from the middle classes.  But the same middle classes also included  many Evangelical Anglicans, the wing of the Established Church closest to Protestantism.  There was also a complex  stratification of Nonconformity within the middle classes, with such sects as the Unitarians and Quakers enjoying an 68  elite position. Individuals often shifted from church to church. according to their place in the class structure.  Thus the  father of the famous Liberal Prime Minister, William Ewart Gladstone, had begun life as a Presbyterian.  But as  he advanced in the soelal scale, he became an Anglican and a Tory.^  Even within the Established Church, shifts in social  status were often reflected in the "churchmanshlp," or party allegiance, of an individual.  For instance, when Gladstone's  father became an Anglican, he fitted most naturally Into the Low wing which was nearest to his former Presbyterianism. His son, having attended Oxford at the time of the Tractarian revival, was influenced by the High Church ideas of his ftP,  Martin, Sociology, pp. 29-33s Kitson Clark, Making, p. 159.• °9philip Magnus, Gladstone (London, 1963), P. 1.  aristocratic fellow undergraduates.  He retained this personal  connection throughout his life, even after leaving the Tory Party.  The noted anti-slavery leader, William Wilberforce,  came from a family of merchants in the north of England. During his most active period as a politician he was associated with the group of Whig bankers and businessmen len own popularly as the Clapham Sect, all of whom were enthusiastic Evangelicals.  Two of his sons, however, became leaders in the High  Church party.  One of them, Samuel, became Bishop of Oxford 70  in 1845 and sat in the House of Lords. In general, the strength of the Church of England during the nineteenth century lay in the rural districts of the Home Counties where society was still more stable and organic in its relationships.  Two of the outstanding High  Churchmen of the Victorian period, John Keble and Edward Pusey, belonged to the landed gentry.  One of the subjects  of this study, Edward Bickersteth, also came from a distinguished family of country gentlemen.  The other two,  Alexander Shaw and Arthur Lloyd, belonged to army families. As the army and the Church were the two most common professions for the younger sons of landed households, their 71  way of .Life was much the same. *  70 ' Cornish, English Church, p. 37. 71 ' F.M.L. Thompson, English Landed Society in the Nineteenth Century (London, 15b3), p. 2bJ.  97 At the beginning of the century, these agrarian interests had controlled British Society.  They held the  largest number of seats in Parliament.  The professions  and the civil service were largely recruited from among their sons.  They set the tone of life at the ancient uni-  versities of Oxford and Cambridge.  They saw themselves as  a responsible elite to whom God had committed the care of the nation.  They distrusted democracy because they believed  the common people unfitted to rule. In 1870, the landed gentry still formed a majority in Parliament.  But now they ruled  !,  by grace of the middle  classes, , . . whose power to thrust them aside was already in existence even if it as yet lay dormant and unused."^ The two great facts of the nineteenth century, population growth and industrial expansion, had created a new situation. The growth of cities and factories both made necessary a new type of technical knowledge.  The new professional  administrator was beginning to take the place of the old  7k gentleman amateur with his generalized knowledge.'  The  Reform Act in 1884 extended the franchise and weakened the hold of the gentry on Parliament.  Universities and the  civil service were becoming more accessible to those who lbid., pp. 16-17j Kltson Clark, Making, pp. 42-48.  "^Thompson, Landed, p. 278. ^Ibid., p. 287.  98  possessed the ability to qualify through the examinations . In spite of these changes, the ethos of the landed interests did not lose its appeal.  Though deprived of direct  power the gentry still supplied the trappings of power. Titles, estates, public schools, the universities, the Established Church, all were channels through which the middle classes had to pass in order to be publicly recognized as members of the ruling elite.  By  I89O  It Is clear to later  students that money, not land, was the basis of power.  Even  then, "the little world of the country house continued serenely on its patriarchal ways until in the twentieth century it was abruptly shattered by death duties, surtax, servant shortage, unionized farmers, and the break-up of - . »76 estates. '••  Extensive reform also altered the shape of the Established Church during the nineteenth century.  Its struc-  ture and organization had changed little since the seventeenth century.  In the meantime the population shifts brought about  by the Industrial Revolution had left it almost completely out of touch with the urban centres. from within and without.  Reform proceeded both  The ecclesiastical reform bills  which Parliament began to debate from 1832 on all carried  75e. l. Woodward, The Age of Reform, 2nd ed. (.Oxford, 1962), pp. 491, 622. ^ T h o m p s o n , Landed, p. 185; see also p. 299-  99  measures to reduce the cost of the Establishment.  Even  before that the church itself had begun to strengthen the foundations of its spiritual and material autonomy.> Revised clerical salaries abolished the glaring inequalities that had existed.  The appearance of many new church buildings  represented a belated attempt to accommodate the new urban populations.  The abolition of religious tests for parlia-  ment and the universities meant that the Church of England could no longer claim these places as its exclusive preserve. Although still the Established Church, by the eighties it xvas xfell on the road to becoming in actual fact one of several denominations associated with English society.77 The changes in thought which accompanied these shifts of classes and institutions are well known.  The scientific  and evolutionary agnosticism of Mill, Spencer and Huxley had shocked Anglican orthodoxy in the sixties.  But by the  eighties even churchmen largely accepted the scientific interpretation of the natural world.  Both science and  Christianity were now being challenged by an even more sceptical aestheticism. These currents and eddies in the V? or Id of ideas do not seem greatly to have troubled the bulk of the nation. Even those who never went to church considered themselves in some sense Christian and Protestant. Religion  77  Woodward, Reform, pp. 503-525.  78 was part of being an Englishman. Despite the criticisms of the free thinkers, the 70 1  seventies were years of religious enthusiasm. ^  The Evangeli-  cal revival of the eighteenth century had arisen in the old Church of the countryside.  The second revival, which took  place approximately between 1859 and 1875? turned men's eyes to the cities. vation Army. religion.  Out of it grew such movements as the SalThe universities reflected this revival of  University missions were founded in the slums of  London and the industrial Midlands to take religion to the workers.  Simultaneously, there was an Increase of interest  in work overseas.  Missions at home and abroad formed a two-  pronged attack on unbelief throughout the world. The increase in missionary fervour *^as directly related to the new defensive position of the church in society.. Anglicanism was no longer the ideology of a stable ruling class. . The gentry had survived by drawing the new classes into Its own style of life.  The Church of England, too, by  becoming a denomination, found itself in a freer relation to society and to its members.  It could now extend beyond  the confines of the state whose patronage had formerly imprisoned it.  Movements like the Lambeth Conference  began to draw together Anglicans from outside the British Isles to debate a strategy based on belief rather than 78  Kitson Clark, Making, p. 148.  79  Ibid.,  pp. 188-189.  101 nationality.  As long as the Church of England had been  regarded as "the realm turned Christian," it had felt no need to propagate itself.  Church and community had been  coterminous: membership in each was automatic.  Now the old  community was breaking up and the church found Itself challenged by other free organizations to grow or die. Nevertheless the church did not yet find itself as much on the periphery of society in the late nineteenth century as it tended to be in the twentieth.  John Stuart  Mill and Thomas Huxley belonged to the same learned  societies  as the theologians Frederick Den is on Maurice and Samuel 80 Wilberforce.  In Tokyo diplomats like Alcock, Parkes and  Satow, scholars and journalists like Chamberlain and Brinkley, all rubbed shoulders with the missionaries and supported their work.  Social duty and religious allegiance still  reinforced each other.  Those who served abroad, x«ihether  diplomats, scholars or clergymen, usually all came from the same social class, shared a common university  experience  and looked at the world in a similar way. D.  British missionaries view the Japanese British missionaries in Japan possessed the same  general outlook as any educated Victorian.  80  In common with  M. St. J. Packs, The Life of John Stuart Mill (London, 195^), pp. 82-85: William Irvine, Apes, Angels, and Victorians (New York, 1955), pp. 4-6, 251.  other Englishmen In Japan their letters reflected the way in which these assumptions governed their approach to the country.  The nature and requirements of their work even gave  them a certain advantage over their fellow Westerners as students of its culture. As sources of information, the missionary writings reveal certain limitations.  They rarely contain general  observations or analytical descriptions of Japanese society. For the most part the missionaries wrote for business or personal reasons.  Their interests were usually professional  and institutional rather than scholarly, so that they talked more about matters of church organization than about persons or cultures.  Their closest associates were usually their  fellow foreigners.  In extreme cases, as certain Japanese  critics have noted, they treated the people of the land almost as though they were "objects of evangelism" rather 81 than human persons.  For the historian these limitations  are not necessarily a disadvantage.  A more accurate  impression can sometimes be culled from chance remarks which reveal unconscious assumptions than from carefully thoughtout descriptions.  81  J. F. Howes, "Japanese Protestant Stereotypes and the Role of the Missionary," Japan Christian Quarterly, XXXIII (Summer, 1967), 1-10: p. 3.  The limited vision revealed by many missionaries was connected with a second characteristic.  Few of them felt  any great compulsion to prepare themselves for work in a  82 certain area.  This attitude resulted In part from the  Victorian idea that a general education would fit a man to tackle any kind of problem. 83  When the CMS sent their first  missionary, George Ensor, to Japan in 1869, they spoke glibly about "the comparative facility with which the language can be acquired."  He had been a Scholar of Queen 1 s  College, Cambridge, which was all the preparation he needed.8** A sense of cultural superiority which resulted from the technical Qc advances of the West reinforced this comfortable optimism.  The British had taught the Japanese how to  use lighthouses, steamships and railways. well teach them Christianity.  They could equally  In fact, some of those who -  had begun as technical advisors did end up as missionaries. For instance, S. H. Pole was employed by the Japanese government between 1873-76 in the building of the new railway. He returned to Japan as a missionary of the CMS in 1883. But probably stronger than any of these sentiments was the  82  A general characteristic of the 19th century missionary movement. See Cairns, Prelude, pp. 162-167. 83 Houghton, Victorian, pp. 141-143. 84 Shevill, "Aspects," p. 38. 85 -'Houghton, Victorian• p. 111. 86 Plummer-SPG, 18/11/76.  104  sense of messianic assurance with which most missionaries set out on their careers. The missionary was "an adherent of a cause commanded by God and backed by divine assurance. He needed no further preparation. _ Because of such assumptions the missionaries were at first unf itted to understand the culture of the country in which they worked.  To their credit It must be admitted that  many of them saw this weakness and tried to remedy it. Ensor quickly realized his own unpreparedness.  Ke wrote  that the language "combines all the difficulties of Chinese with those peculiar to itself."88  He further affirmed that  Englishmen must understand the social situation In Japan If they were to evangelize it.  Accordingly he set out to produce  a scholarly set of studies on religion and politics which turned out to be his main contribution to the cause. The first representative of the SPG, Alexander Shaw, arrived in Japan equally unprepared.  But three years later  he was writing home urging his office to compose "a reference book . . . containing information concerning such distant and little known mission stations as this."  He appended to  his letter a series of notes on climate, clothing, where to purchase supplies, and other useful facts. He warned against candidates studying Japanese in England, lest they fall into 8  ^Cairns, Prelude, p. 154.  oo  P. 39.  Ensor-CMS, 13/9/70.  See also Shevill, "Asoects,"  bad habits.  He provided a bibliography of the new grammars  and dictionaries by Hepburn, Aston and Satow.  And finally,  he urged that Buddhism be studied, recommending books by St. Hllaire and Max Muller.80 ^ Thus by the time his successors arrived on the field they were much better prepared.  Even so, a Canadian mission-  ary who wrote as late as 1894 was still bemoaning the "Inexperience and ignorance of missionaries" as one of the main barriers to communication.  "Every missionary," he  wrote, " . . . reaches the shores of Japan with scarcely an idea" of its language, history, geography and customs.90 This criticism in itself reflected a recognition that knowledge of culture was important.  Some missionaries never  achieved even the desire to study the culture, being content with the bare minimum of language necessary for their preaching.  Some of them, even in the twentieth century,  remained unable after as much as forty years of residence to understand an address given by an educated Japanese*-The members of the Shiba Sect were all agreed that it was important to understand the culture of Japan. Because they concerned themselves primarily with institutional organization they could not give first place to  study.  But they took an intelligent interest in questions of  b9  ACS-SPG, 9/10/76.  90  J. G. Waller, "Obstacles In the Mission Field," CCM, VIII (1394), p. 3.  106  language, custom, religion and politics, going beyond the bare minimum needed for their work.  By the chance comments  scattered through their writings, they"exhibited a fairly coherent attitude toward Japan. In common with most foreigners, the missionaries11 feelings for Japan were ambivalent.  They admired its energy,  initiative and independence. One of them in 1881 commended the government's determination to replace its foreign advisors as soon as possible and pointed to Chinese lack of independence as the result of an opposite policy.91  They frequently con-  trasted Japanese progressiveness and Chinese decadence and considered the war between the two countries justified because Japan would be able to bring the benefits of civilization to Korea, a country which China had neglected.92 Japanese independence of spirit was also contrasted with a lack of the same spirit in India.93 As representatives of a royalist church, the Englishmen tended to admire the solid aristocratic virtues of the Japanese.  They approved of the government's determination  to limit the degree of democratic participation in legis,  q4  latlon to a social elite.-'  They praised the qualities of  91  Strachan, MF l88l, pp. 178, 210.  92  EB-SPG, 15/1/95.  See also "The Position of Japan,"  Blackwood's, Dec., 1894, pp. 878-881. 93  EB-father in Life, p. 165.  9  ^ACS In MF 1891, P. 214."  patriotism and chivalry which they saw as a preparation for Christianity. •J  At the same time the missionaries found that even the virtues which they admired were not flawless.  The drive for  national independence could easily turn to xenophobia. "National prejudice,wrote one of them, " . . . most marked in China [exists] . . . in a slightly less degree . . . in Japan.The  feeling was not limited to non-believers, but  caused Christian converts to want to set up a Church "which shall be distinctly Japanese.""^  All the missionaries were  disturbed by the propensity for what they called "lying and licentiousness.:i  Among the earlier writers, this view was  simply stated as a regrettable fact, an inconsistency similar to the barbaric treatment of prisoners and criminals.  Later  on,.some attempt was made to understand the reasons for Its prevalence.  Lying came from the emphasis on superficial  politeness, while licentiousness was connected with the low oR  regard in which women were held.y U Probably the most common missionary comment on the Japanese concerned their obsession with political action, social advancement and the making of -wealth.  Japanese his-  torians use the expression, risshln shusse—getting on and 95  Ensor in CMI 1899, p. 66.1. 9%aller, "Obstacles," VII, 249: Strachan In MF 1381, p. 211. 97ACS in MF 1886, pp. 271-272; Foss-SPG, 31/12/81; Poole-SPG, 22/127H3. 9^1'Jaller, "Obstacles," VII, p. 250, quoting Niijima Jo.  succeeding in l i f e — t o describe the prevalent popular spirit of Meiji society.  There Is no doubt that this spirit com-  municated itself to the foreign onlookers.  Time and time  again, remarks about it appear in their letters.  They saw It  as the main reason for their own lack of success: "People's minds are so absorbed with political change and with striving after wealth ana position that religion is altogether overlooked." 99  But it also explained the general  decline in the indigenous faiths.  "The love of the people  of Nagano for Buddhism," wrote Waller, "reaches only to their purses, never to their hearts. 1 , 1 0 0 In general there was little hostility In the writing of the SPG missionaries toward Japanese religions. were seen as "pagan" but not necessarily as evil.  They One  remarkably sympathetic article on Shinto stressed its lack of idolatry and concentration on purification. 1 0 1  The  Japanese religions were seen as a preparation for Christian-  102 ity.  Missionaries were urged to study Buddhism: "What  can we expect of missionaries who in a Buddhist land are quite ignorant of Buddhism?" asked one of their number. 1 0 2  It was  no wonder, then, that one of these men, Arthur Lloyd, became •^•"Ibld., 248: ACS in MF, 1889, p. 328; EB-SPG, 13/1/90. 10  °"Obstacles," VII, 163.  101  C C M II (1888), p. 132. 2Q2 u  Herbert Moore, Christian Faith, p. 42.  103waller, "Obstacles," VIII, p. 7.  the first foreigner to make a serious study of that faith as it had developed, in Japan.  It was almost a matter of regret  to the missionaries that religious faith seemed to be declining before the onslaughts of modern thought.  Early in his  career Shaw wrote home, "The battle lies no more, I believe, between Christianity and heathenism, but between Christianity and infidelity.  So here, as at home, the fight goes on."10^  Shaw1s American Protestant colleagues would have agreed with this judgement.105  But there were many other ~  opinions to which they might have taken exception.  The  British and Americans looked at foreign cultures with different eyes.  In Africa it has been noted that there was  "the Livingstone way and the Stanley way" with the natives.106 The American Stanley was brutally direct in his approach, while the Scotsman Livingstone preferred slower, more conciliatory and Indirect methods.  Americans tended to see  foreign cultures in simplistic terms as new frontiers to be exploited.  They judged them to be good or bad depending on  whether or not they were seen to be progressing toward a more modern, or democratic, goal. 107  But the Englishmen looked on  the same cultures as a sacred trust where power was to be 1 04  ACS In MF 1374, p. 71; EB-Searle, 31/3/86 in Life,  p. 158. 105  J. T. Gulick in Gary, PP. 143-144.  106  Cairns, Prelude, p. 44.  107  Iriye, "Minds," p. 22.  110  used only in a context of moral purposes108 This "basic difference in approach was reflected, mutatis mutandis, in the views of British and American missionaries In Japan.  The Englishmen belonged to a status  society which had enjoyed a long history. tion and the things of the past.  They loved tradi-  They loved Japan for laying  hold on the very things that were disappearing in their own country.  The Americans, on the other hand, were still in  conscious rebellion against that old society. forward to the building of a new world.  They looked  So they saw the  battle for a new order in Japan as a good thing.  The  Englishmen were aristocrats, or at least gentlemen.  They  thought in terms of chivalry,, and of relations with inferiors 1 no and subordinates in terms of responsibility.  They saw  less that was wrong in the old feudal values of Japanese society.  The Americans valued equality and brotherhood.  Their teachings appealed to the very people who were attempting to break out of the traditional way of life into a new, less status-conscious, society. It is no wonder, then, that the Americans should have seen the new Japan, with its striving toward democratic institutions, in a favorable light.  William Elliot Griffis,  the missionary historian and biographer, expressed it thus: lo8  Cairns, Prelude, p.- 45.  1Q9  Ibid., p. 36  Ill "The n o b l e s t t r a i t  in the J a p a n e s e  character  is h i s  willing-  n e s s t o c h a n g e f o r t h e b e t t e r w h e n he d i s c o v e r s h i s w r o n g inferiority."  110  The British were equally admirers  Japan's push toward  civilization.  But  t h e y did not  or  of see  the  ill p r o c e s s a s one of u n a l l o y e d mistrust revolutionary had  seemed valuable  perfection.  change which would  In t h e p a s t .  They tended imperil much  that  They were thus freer  than  were the Americans to admire the older elements tional culture: the v i r t u e s old a r t s a n a r e l i g i o u s  to  of the  tradi-  of o b e d i e n c e a n d p a t r i o t i s m ,  the  practices.  One f i n a l d i f f e r e n c e : played  so l a r g e a r o l e  tended  to distrust all human  the Puritan tradition w h i c h  in t h e d e v e l o p m e n t institutions,  of American including  had  society culturej  it d r e w a c l e a r d i s t i n c t i o n b e t w e e n t h e e l e c t a n d  the  depraved  depraved  and  individuals. acceptance  considered  society t o be filled w i t h  The B r i t i s h tradition,  of P r o t e s t a n t  ideas,  optimistic humanism which catholiclsm.  110 Review  inherited  g e n t r y and m a n i f e s t e d  assumptions  of its  still retained  partial  m u c h of  from  This humanism was particularly  older, land-holding unconscious  it h a d  in s p i t e  the  medieval  strong among  Itself  in  the  the  of t h e A n g l i c a n m i s s i o n a r i e s .  They  "The R e c e n t R e v o l u t i o n s in J a p a n , " N o r t h A m e r i c a n ( A p r i l , 1875), q u o t e d In I r l y e , " M i n d s , " p . 24l  111  lbid., p. 27.  viewed Japanese traditional society and its institutions as. something of value In and for themselves.  They could  accept the culture of .their adopted land without feeling the need for radical change,  CHAPTER IV THE TORY CHURCH AND MISSIONARY EXPLORATION: ALEXANDER CROFT SHAW A.  High Anglicanism In crisis In 1877 Alexander Croft Shaw began the work at Shiba  in the city of Tokyo out of which developed the Shiba Sect. Unlike other missionaries of his day, he did not found a school, give public lectures, or preach in the streets. Instead, he built a replica of the little brick Gothic churches which were springing up all over England at that time.  He imported stained glass for the windows from France  at great cost and dressed his Japanese choir in flowing white surplices.  His reason for this somewhat unorthodox  approach was characteristic.  "I wish to make every possible  distinction between my services and those of the Dissenters. Dissent . . .  is going to be in Japan the sorest hindrance  to Christianity." Two aspects of this statement are worth noting.  The  most obvious distinction that Shaw was making was social and political.  Church, spelt with a capital C, meant the  Established Church of England.  ^ACS-SPG, 11/7/79.  113  Dissent denoted those  Protestant denominations which did not conform to the Establishment.  The use of the word "Dissent" itself, quite  proper for the eighteenth century, by the late nineteenth century had a distinctly derogatory ring.  It smacked of  snobbery: that is, it reflected a clash of values between those whose way of life had been shaped by landed Interests and a group of men who were "in trade." The statement also revealed a theological bias.  In  this case "Church" represented the Church of England as a historic branch of the universal, or catholic, church: descended from Christ through the apostles.  Dissent now  stood for those churches of the Reformation which had disregarded the catholicity of Christianity by breaking away from its historic structure.  As most of the members of the  Shiba Sect agreed with Shaw on both of these judgements, it would be helpful to examine their significance in greater detail. 3 The British missionaries who helped to found the Shiba Sect all belonged to the High Church tradition in the Church of England, though some of them may not consciously have associated themselves with it. of High Churchman.  For there were many shades  There were Tory churchmen, descended  from the Caroline divines of the seventeenth century, who  ^Woodward, Reform, p. 502 fn. 3  See, for instance, AL-SPG, 10/10/85.  115 combined a catholic devotion with strong loyalty to Throne and Establishment.  Their catholicism arose from a love of  the Church's traditional faith and practice rather than the attractions of Roman papalism.  Such leaders of the Oxford  Movement as the poet John Keble and the theologian E. B. Pusey, though history may call them reformers, were conservatives by birth and temperament, and belonged to this class. Then there were converts from the Evangelical persuasion who brought with them a strain of deep personal piety.  William  Ewart Gladstone, the great Liberal prime minister, and John Henry Newman, the most brilliant thinker of the Oxford Movement, might be classed in this category.  Some High  Churchmen even had "Broad," or liberal, sympathies.  That  is, they combined traditionalism in church practice with interest in modern currents of thought.  The antiquarian  E. L. Cutts, with whom Shaw once worked in London, belonged to this group, as did R. W . Church, one of the founders of the popular church paper, The Guardian.  Finally, towards  the end of the nineteenth century, there emerged the Liberal Catholics.  These were High Church men who attempted to  express their beliefs in a form compatible with modern scientific and philosophical schools of thought.  Their theo-  logical modernism was often coupled with a certain degree of socialism which ranged from the mild humanitarian ideas of Charles Gore and Scott Holland to the Marxian romanticism of Conrad Noel.-  116 In spite of the great variety of their views,  it is  still possible to point out certain common features which justify the use of a single name for the High Church movement.  High Churchmen possessed a common ethos which was  partially derived from their training at the two ancient universities of Oxford and Cambridge.  Their outlook, as  befitted gentlemen, tended to be aristocratic, and humanitarian.  paternalistic  They had travelled a good deal on the  European continent and were conscious of contemporary trends, particularly in politics, art and literature. In addition to a common social background High Churchmen possessed a theological point of view which distinguished them from both Broad and Low Anglicans.  Low  C h u r c h m e n — w h i c h included the E v a n g e l i c a l s — w e r e the most Protestant party within the Church of England.  They treasured  the Reformation heritage with its emphasis on individual conversion, faith and ethical decision.  "Broad Church" was  not really a party at all but was rather a label applied to individuals who adopted a liberal approach to the Intellectual and scientific trends in the secular society of their day.  It Included many diverse figures such as the  poet Tennyson and the educator Thomas Arnold.  High Church-  men all stressed a "Catholic" theology--corporate,  sacramental  and church-centred—which affirmed the continuity of their faith with the English Church of pre-Reformation days. preference for quiet spiritual nurture over spectacular  Their  conversion issued from a humanism which is "broadly termed Arminian.  That is, it ascribed positive value to human  nature and institutions in contrast to the Calvinism of evangelical Protestantism, which taught the depravity of man and all social institutions„ The High Church tradition underwent a remarkable renaissance during the second quarter of the nineteenth century.  At the time of the Irish Temporalities Bill of  1833, Tory churchmen, many of them Oxford dons, resisted what they considered to be unjustifiable tampering with religious Interests by the Whig state.  The beginning of the Oxford  Movement, as this renaissance came to be known, is usually dated from a sermon entitled  "National Apostacy," preached at  Oxford by John Keble on July 14, 1833.  In his sermon Keble  attacked what he considered "meddling" in ecclesiastical affairs by legislators and called for resistance.  Actually,  though, the Oxford Movement involved much more than a political conflict between Church and State.  It was concerned  with the total reformation of church life, though it first concentrated on a search for a principle of ecclesiastical authority which would allow the Church to be free of the state in spiritual matters.  In a series of Tracts for the Times—which also gave the movement its early name, "Tractarian"—the reformers appealed to the historic traditions of the universal Church, more especially to the order of bishops as  78  its supreme rulers.  By doing so they proclaimed the indepen-  dence of the Church of England from domination in spiritual affairs by the Crown.  Thus a movement which had started  out as a conservative reaction developed revolutionary implications because it judged both Church and State as they existed and demanded change.^ This coupling of cultural and theological conservatism with resistance had a long history in Anglicanism.  It went  back at least as far as the royal ism. of Archbishop Laud and the Anglican (Caroline) Divines of the seventeenth century who had supported the Stuart monarchy against the Puritans. Following the Restoration their successors resisted the accession of William III to the English throne, preferring exile to breaking their oath of allegiance to James II.  The  same tradition is traceable in the independence asserted by John Wesley, the founder of Methodism, against the Whig establishment of the Hanover regime.  Resistance could, in  fact, be termed a characteristic of High Anglicanism.  ^Desmond Bowen, The Idea of the Victorian Church (Montreal, 1 9 6 8 ) , pp. 6-T, 41-52. 5Owen Chadwick, The Mind of the Oxford Movement (London, i 9 6 0 ) , p. 14. ^E. R. Fairweather, The Oxford Movement (New York, 19645, pp. 4-8. See also Bowen, Idea, pp. 120-121.  The Anglo-catholic revival, as the Oxford Movement was also later called, proved to be more than a reform movement within the institutional Church of England.  By the  middle of the nineteenth century it represented one of the two main religious influences on the life of the British people.  Roughly speaking, it was identified with Tory reform  much as the Evangelicals and Nonconformists were behind the Whigs.  Its influence is visible in the lives of leaders  like Gladstone.  On a more popular level, its connection  with political and social life can be seen in a weekly paper like the Guardian.  This journal was founded in London in  1846 "to advocate the settlement of great political questions as the groundwork of Progress."  It supported "Sir  Robert Peel, Lord John Russell and the League."  It  included well-written criticisms of music and the arts, as well as religious and political comments.  Later, in the  nineties, when members of the Shiba Sect were carrying on controversies in its columns, the masthead was more specific. It now represented "the ground taken by the High Church party on matters religious and political."  But this greater  clarity of purpose also revealed that the Church's influence had become more limited.  By the second quarter of the  twentieth century the paper's range had shrunk even further.  7 Magnus, Gladstone, pp. 12, 122n. This fact explains why Gladstone was never at ease with doctrinaire radicals like John Bright.  120  It was now "the authoritative newspaper of the Church of England," giving "firsthand information on all subjects affecting the interests of the Church."  It finally suspended  q  publication at the end of 1951. Actually, this progressive dwindling of the Guardian's interests symbolized the crisis within the movement which the paper represented.  The High Church party stood for a  sincere effort on the part of the British conservative humanist tradition to find a religious answer to the problems of modernization.  It was hampered by its roots in the  landed interests—a declining force—and it was never really able to shake off the inner contradiction between its cultural conservatism and its social and intellectual liberalism.  The crisis became acute as the encounter'with  science progressed.  With the publication in 1889 of the  collection of essays entitled Lux Mundl the High Church movement split into conservative and liberal wings.^  The  liberals were the predecessors of twentieth-century Anglican humanism as represented by Archbishop William Temple and the economist R. H. Tawney.  But the attraction of  conservative Anglo-catholicism did not at once disappear.  Its  emphasis on formal ritual and beauty in worship, together S  T?or policv and dates, see Newspaper Press Directory, vols. 1847, 1851,"1890, & 1952 (London), ad loc. For cultural influence, Bowen, Idea, pp. 82, 163-104. 9cornish, English Church, pp. 359-362.  with the undoubted dedication of its practicioners, appealed strongly to the heart.  It supplied the motive power for  settlement work In the industrial slums.  A variety of late  Victorians such as the artist and critic William Morris, the elder Arnold Toynbee, the youthful G. K. Chesterton and Lord Hugh Cecil were all influenced at critical periods in their careers by these aspects of the High Church movement. But by the end of the nineteenth century it no longer exercised the political power it had enjoyed in the days of Robert Peel and Samuel Wilberforce. The Ideas of nineteenth-century Anglo~catholicism provided a common bond between the English members of the Shiba Sect. form nature.  Each one represented some facet of its multiShaw•a temperament and training inclined him  to the conservative or High-Church wing.  Lloyd was a  catholic by personal conviction, but his sympathies x*ere Broad.  Bickersteth belonged to the liberal branch of the  later stages of the movement.  All emphasized the corporate,  sacramental and humanistic aspects of Christian teaching. All stressed scholarship.  All were gentlemen in an age  when the landed interests from which the gentry sprang were ceasing to play a decisive part in the fortunes of their own society.  For them their mission to Japan implied the ful-  filment of a dream that had not come to pass in England.: the founding of a Church which should become the conscience  122 10  of a nation. B.  British society and foreign missions  The Catholic, or High Church, party was not the only, or by any means the most powerful, party within the Church 11 of England.  The great overseas expansion of Anglicanism  in the nineteenth century had been mainly influenced by the Evangelical revival of the previous century.  A movement  which stressed individual commitment and personal moral discipline, Evangelicalism had exercised a profound influence on the leaders of the rising middle class and the Whig aristocracy.  Bankers and parliamentarians like Zachary  Macaulay and William Wilberforce; or leaders in education like Charles Simeon of Cambridge; all were in strategic positions to guide the society of their day.  The Evangelical  movement, in common with its more refractory sister movement, the Methodists, had joined in the common revival of pietism which arose first in northern Europe at the close of the seventeenth century.  It was pietism, supported by the general  commercial expansion of western society, xvhich12 gave the strongest impetus to the modern missionary movement.~ 10  AL~SPG, 23/2/87.  II  For parties in the Church of England, see Woodward, Reform, pp. 503-521. ip  K. S. Latourette, A History of the Expansion of Christianity. 7 vols. (New York and London, 1937-19£l-5j,  123 The chief organ of evangelical Anglicanism was the Church Missionary Society (CMS), founded in London on April 12th, 1799.  The dominant influence behind this  society was the group of laymen known as the Clapham Sect. The group included Wilberforce and Macaulay as well as Henry Thornton, the financier, Charles Grant of the East India Company, and the lawyer James Stephen. 1 3  In keeping  with its close business connections, CMS reflected the strong conviction of free-enterprise economics.  It  claimed the right to go wherever the Gospel called.  It  recognized no earthly authority beyond itself, whether of 14  church or state.  From the beginning, CMS was a party venture.  That  is, it represented exclusively the theology of the Evangelical movement, and designed its organization to that end.  Its missionaries, whether or not they had  already received theological training, were expected to enter the C-MS training school at Islington.  This meant  that the members possessed a strong sense of identity and of community with one another.  It also allowed the Society  to take candidates who were not university graduates and to 13  Stock, History, I, pp. 41-43. For the Clapham Sect, see E. M. Howse, Saints in Politics: the "Clapham Sect" and the Growth of Freedom, (London and Toronto, 1952}. li,L  Stock, History, I, p. 65. Businessmen predominated on the governing board: Ibid., pp. 69-70.  give them a training course to fit them for foreign service. Indeed, many of the early CMS missionaries to Japan arrived on the field as laymen who had previously been clerks, or employees in small businesses.  They preached a simple Gospel  of personal conversion which matched their own experience in lay life.  Their attachment was to their own Society, rather  than to the Church, which many of them considered  corrupt.  The independence of the Society was further guaranteed by strict rules for the conduct of business by missionaries abroad.  There the main governing body was the Conference of  missionaries, presided over by a senior Field Representative. Directives from headquarters were distributed by this representative, who was also responsible for seeing that detailed minutes of the Conference were sent back. Paradoxically, this concern for freedom of action led to a certain rigidity in many matters.  When a central eccles-  iastical organization was being planned in Japan, it was the strong party character of CMS which provided the biggest  "16 stumbling block to union.  Nevertheless, the business back-  ground of its members made for comparative efficiency in such matters as salaries, furloughs and medical  ^see Archives. l6  services.  "Minutes and Reports of Conferences," CMS  S h e v i l l , "Aspects," pp. 223-227. Bickersteth criticized CMS for sending out "pages of regulations for native Churches." Life, p. 165.  12 5 One illustration will suffice to show the extent of the missionary commitments of CMS when it opened its Japan mission in 1369. missions.  That year it spent 6144,198 on foreign  In terms of mid-twentieth century salaries and  cost of living, the amount "would be close to 6300,000, or a million dollars.  CMS missionaries were working in Canada,  the West Indies, East and West Africa, Australia, New  17 Zealand, the Middle East, India and China.  Nothing could present a greater contrast to the tightly knit CMS than its elder sister, the Society for the  of the Gospel in Foreign Parts (SPG).  Propagation  Founded In 1701, its  background w a s aristocratic and mercantilist.  In common w i t h  the usage of the day, it had been granted a Royal Charter by William III.  The preamble stated that the object of the new  society w a s to provide "Learned and Orthodox Ministers to instruct  Our said Loveing Subjects (In many of our Plantacons,  Colonies and Factories beyond the Seas) in the Principles of  -i p true r e l i g i o n . T h e evangelism.  primary purpose of SPG was not  It was rather pastoral caret to minister to  emigrant Britons in the Crown-sponsored colonies of America and the Indies.  But this very concern for the colonials  included by implication a further, missionary function.  17  Centenary  l8  In a  Volume of 0. M. S. (London, 1902), p. 717.  C. F. Pascoe, Two Hundred Years of the S.P.G., 2 vols, (London, 1901), I* 932.  sermon preached at the first anniversary of its founding, the Dean of Lincoln stressed this dual role:  "In the first  place to settle the state of religion as vie 11 as may he amongst our own people."  And secondly, "then to proceed  in the best methods they can towards the conversion of the natives. During the nineteenth century SPG steadily expanded its missionary activities under the twin stimuli of the Evangelical revival and the expansion of British interests. Its own representatives stoutly maintained that this missionary function had been of equal importance from  20 the beginning.  But because most SPG men had formerly  worked in areas colonized by Britain, their ministry was popularly considered to be primarily to the colonists. In pre-revolutionary New England, for instance, certain clergy felt a call to evangelize the Indians.  In those  cases conflicts arose which even resulted in the colonists' petitioning for the recall of a minister whom they considered to have been delinquent.  By the middle of the  nineteenth century many SPG men were exclusively engaged in missionary work.  But the remnants of the earlier tradition  may be seen in the greater willingness of the SPG missionaries to spend time on xvork with members of the English  127  community. SPG and CMS differed in their theological positions. As a society which represented the Established Church, SPG disavowed any particular party connection.  But the very  existence of CMS meant that Evangelicals were drawn off into that society.  Thus it was natural that the new energy con-  tributed by the Oxford Movement should have strengthened SPG.  Financial support for SPG increased greatly as the  movement gained momentum.  During the eighteenth century,  annual subscriptions to SPG for missionary work had never exceeded £850.  In 1833 these had risen to £8,956, and by  1853 they amounted to 1)36,843.21  Prominent High Churchmen  such as Bishop Wllberforce and Mr. Gladstone were among its  leaders. In spite of its general High Church orientation there was a good variety of viewpoint among SPG missionaries.  In  Japan, for example, when a substitute was being considered to take Shaw's place during his first home leave in 1883, the name of Hugh Foss of Kobe was proposed.  But Shaw  objected because Foss was "a Low Churchman.  . . . I t would  be impossible for me to work with men whose views on Church 22 affairs are so different to my own."  Foss's position may  have seemed low to the High Church Shiba men, but there were 21 22  Shevill,  "Aspects," p. 32.  A C S - S P G , 29/12/82. Wright - SPG, 3/1/80.  See also ACS-SPG,5/7/82, and  few militant Evangelicals in  SPG-.23  When It came to administration, SPG lacked the efficiency of CMS.  Perhaps this was due to the aristocratic  origins of the older society.  In the nineteenth century the  secretariat was still showing a fine cavalier disregard for finance and regulations.  When Shaw wished to marry, SPG at  first refused to pay the fare of his fiancee to Japan.24 Because it was assumed that recipients would have private means, salaries were low. he was put on half pay.  When a missionary went on furlough, Such practices put a great strain  on anyone who depended on his salary for his entire income. In comparison to the system of home leave every seven years adopted by most evangelical missions, SPG furloughs were irregular.  Shaw returned home only twice during his entire  thirty years in Japan.  For a man working In English-  speaking North America this practice would not have been a hardship.  But for someone living in an entirely different  culture like Japan it resulted in nervous and physical fatigue.  23  p. 116. 24  H. P. Thompson, Into All Landa (London, 1951),  SPG-ACS, 4/6/75• 25 ^Bickersteth spent his own money freely for trips home and other activities. Shaw and Lloyd, who had no private income, suffered. ACS - SPG, 5/7/82, 4/7/83, 4/1/94; AL-SPG, 15/5/86.  4657  Unimaginative administration and financial parsimony were problems related to SPG's budget which was smaller than that of CMS.  By 1870 a mere=I70-80,000 per annum was  being spent on missionary projects. ments were widespread.  Yet overseas commit-  They ranged from Canada and the  United States to West Africa, Australia, India, South Africa, the British West Indies, Borneo, China, Singapore,  Mauritius,  Melanesia and Madagascar. British missionary societies reflected the tendency of Englishmen to form voluntary associations for specific purposes.  Neither SPG nor CMS enjoyed the official  sponsorship of the Church of England.  They were only two  among hundreds of semi-private societies founded after the late seventeenth century for the Improvement of manners and conditions of life.  Even the missionary movement had other  organs in addition to the CMS and the SPG.  Individuals  founded societies according to their interests; they included such particular groups as the Universities Mission to Central Africa and the Church of England Zenana Mission. Individuals even went at their own expense.  They included well-born women  like Hannah Riddell who with many others had followed the example of Florence Nightingale.  2S  In 1895 Miss Riddell began  P a s c o e , Two Hundred, II, 831. also Shevill, "Aspects," p. "32.  For estimates, see  the work among lepers in Kyushu which has won a lasting place for her in the annals of social welfare in Japan. Pluralism in ideology parallelled this pluralism In practice.  Protestant missionary organizations usually  included only one theological point of view.  Even when non-  denominational, they shared the common beliefs of evangelical  pietism.  The Church of England had to account for deep  theological differences within its own ranks.  The catholic  churchmanship of SRI and the evangelical piety of CMS gave  rise to conflicts of purpose and method which continually complicated work on the field. theological tension.  Social differences reinforced  Throughout the nineteenth century the  men of SPG continued to be recruited from the universities and the upper middle classes.  CMS, on the other hand, in  accepting non-graduates, reflected its lower-middle class connections.  The great pioneer student of Ainu life in  Japan, John Batchelor of CMS, encountered stiff opposition from the Shiba men when he applied to Bickersteth for 27 ordination.  "He was not a graduate," wrote Shaw. '  man came out under SPG, but soon transferred to CMS.  Another  He  had come from a country parish whose connections were with the older society but found himself happier among people 28 who did not worry about his grammar. 27 28  ACS-SPG, 16/7/89.  T h e man was A. C. Chappell, a pioneer in the education of the blind In Gifu, Central Japan. Chappell-SPG, 6/12/87; SPG-AL, 6/1/83; ACS-SPG, 16/7/89; EB-SPG, 13/1/90.  131  One final comparison.  Since SPG had begun as an auxi-  liary to the church. It presupposed loyalty to the regional authority, whether ecclesiastical or secular. This characteristic helped SPG missionaries adjust to local society more easily than their colleagues of the CMS.  Since CMS  had begun as a quasi-monastic society with its own system of authority and discipline, individuals and groups within this tradition could aet dynamically in a fluid situation. But in the strongly conservative Japanese society with its own young church they encountered more difficulty in "fitting in," than the missionaries of the SPG. C.  A Canadian in London  In 1871 natives of the Melanesian island of Nukapu ritually murdered the young Anglican missionary bishop, John Coleridge Pateeson, in restitution for five fellow islanders who had been kidnapped by white traders,  In  memory of this romantic and popular hero a great meeting was 2Q held at the Albert Hall In London on December 20, 1872. The speaker at that time was Samuel Wilberforce, now Bishop of Winchester, the foremost ecclesiastical orator of his 2  'Cornlsh, English Church, pp. 415-419. Patteson's biography was written, in 2 volumes, by the popular novelist, Charlotte Yonge (London, Macmillan's, 1874).  day.  Both of the major missionary societies reaped a harvest  of volunteers from among those who had attended the memorial. One of thera was a young Canadian who had come to study in London, Alexander Croft Shaw,30 Personal temperament, family background and education all fitted Shaw to represent the High Church tradition in Japan.  "Don't be original," the Tractarian leader John  Keble is reputed to have advised a friend.3  Nothing could  have suited Shaw's shy, cautious nature better.  Yet, just  as the Oxford Movement had started out to preserve, but went on to change, the status quo, so Shaw's careful conservatism proved to be the source of a new approach to Japan and its culture. Alexander Croft Shaw, says an article in a Japanese encyclopedia, "was born in Toronto, Canada „ . . of an aristo-  •ap  eratic Scottish family."-"  The combination of distinguished  ^ Pascoe, Two Hundred, II, 717. The writer Is Indebted to Shaw's son, Dr. H^D.'M.'Shax*, and to his grand-daughter, Mrs. J. M. Grandy, for information throughout. ^"Probably Newman: Chadwick, Mind, p. 36. Mrs. Humphrey Ward, in her widely read novel Robert Elsmere (Bk. ii, eh. 16) had an Anglican bishop say,1 "''Place before your eyes two precepts, and only two. One is Preach the Gospel; and the other is, Put down enthusiasm . . . . The Church of England in a nutshell." ^ Kawade Takeo, ed. Nihon rekishi daijlten [Japan Historical Encyclopedia] 20 vols. (Tokyo, 1056-60), X, 155s art» "Shaw. Alexander C:loft [sic] 1846-1902.''  lineage with colonial birth seems to have become o decisive factor in the formation of his personality.  Shaw was born  on June 26, 1846, the eldest son of Major Alex Shaw and his wife Grace MacQueen.  The men of the- Shaw family had been  fighting clansmen, then professional soldiers, for many •so  generations.  Alexander's great-grandfather was Aeneas  Shaw, who had fought with Rogers' Rangers during the American War of Independence.  In 1791 he came to York (Toronto)  with the first lieutenant-governor of Upper Canada, John Graves Simcoe, and rose to become Adjutant-General of militia during the War of l8l2.JT  Members of the family also  served as soldiers during the Rebellion of 1837 and the youthful Alexander's father had seen action in the Fenian Raids of 1866.  A street in Toronto still bears the family  name.. Because his heart had been affected by rheumatic fever in childhood, Alexander Shaw did not become a soldier.  He  chose the Church instead, an equally honorable profession for a gentleman.  In 1867 he was awarded a first-class B. A.  in Theology by Trinity University, Toronto and received his Master's degree two years later.  Trinity had been founded  •^Norman Shaw, History of the Clan Shaw (London, n.d.), PP. 34-36, 39. 3  \bid., pp. 37-38; Mary Quayle Inn Is ed., Mrs. Simcoe's Diary, pp. 52-53, 93-99.  in 1852 by the Tory bishop of Toronto, John Strachan, to uphold the principles of Church and Throne against the University of Toronto, which was fast becoming a secular institution.  By the middle of the century the younger  «K college was well known for its Tractarian associations.J Following a brief period as a parish priest in Canada, Shaw crossed the Atlantic to London.  There he worked under  the noted antiquarian, E. L. Cutts, vicar of Holy Trinity, Haverstock Hill.  Cutts, too, was a High Churchman, albeit a  man of liberal sympathies.  He wrote prolifically: two of  his books on Church History were later translated by Arthur Lloyd Into Japanese for the benefit of the theological •37 students at Shiba.' It was while Shaw was studying under Cutts that the Albert Hall meeting took place.  A photograph taken at that  time shows the young priest as a handsome and romantic Victorian.  Dark curly hair and a moustache ring a pale face  in which glowing eyes hint at fires burning deep within. Later pictures, more common in Japan, show the hair and fteed ed., A History of the University of Trinity College Toronto 1852-1952 (Toronto, 1952), pp. 22, 24, 37-^9. For TractarlarUsmat Trinity, see J. S. Moir, "The Correspondence of Bishop Strachan and John Henry Newman," Canadian Journal of Theology, III, P» 219. •^Dictionary of National Biography (Supplement, 1901), p. 460. The~~writer is indebted to Prof. Owen Chadwlck of Cambridge University for further information. 37  AL-SFG, 25/4/90.  135  and whiskers gone; the face drawn and lined with 111 health and hard work; the long upper lip suggesting a touch of dourness.  But the dark, glowing eyes remain.  Shaw's High Church convictions stressed obedience. The SPG was opening work in both China and Japan at that time and they had appealed for two volunteers for each mission.  Shaw first chose China.  When one of the Japan  candidates was suddenly forced to resign, SPG appealed to Shaw to fill the vacancy and he immediately agreed.  Thus  it was almost by chanoe that the founder of the Shiba Sect came to Tokyo.-* In the summer of 1873 Shaw set out for Japan, accompanied by his colleague in the mission, William Ball Wright. The two of them journeyed by the newly opened railway across the northern United States, visiting family and friends along the way.  They finally reached Yokohama on September 25th.  There they were met by the Reverend E. W. Syle, chaplain to the foreign community, with whom they stayed until they could find more permanent  lodgings.  Soon after their arrival the two young missionaries were Invited to an interview «ith the redoubtable Sir Harry Parkes, Her Majesty's Minister in Tokyo. The diplomat was then at the height of his career 38SPG Annual Report,!872, p. 85; Pascoe, History,  II, 717 frT. 39  '  """"  Wright-SPG, 6/10/73, 30/10/73.  136  as a pioneer of British imperialist policies in the Orient. Yet he seems never to have grudged the missionaries an opportunity to discuss their problems. The image of him which their correspondence reflects suggests a prudent and friendly—though not uncritical—counsellor.  Parkes began  the interview with a criticism of the Protestant missionary methods because they scattered themselves too thinly throughout the port cities of Japan.  He advised Shaw and  Wright to concentrate on Tokyo both because it was the new political capital and because business and education were increasingly moving there.  Secondly, he counselled them  if possible to avoid living in the foreign concessions, where free contact with the Japanese would be difficult.  True to  his word, he had his staff find rooms for them in a Buddhist temple, Daishoji, in the Mita district of central Tokyo.**0 Shaiv never forgot Parkes' advice.  Concentration in Tokyo  and life outside the concession thereafter became the two basic tenets of his missionary strategy. By the end of the year the two missionaries were well settled into their new life. letter to the home office.  Wright described it in a  "We . . . get up at 6:30 and have  morning prayer at 7, breakfast at 7'30.  At 8 I have a man  coming to read St. Mark's Gospel in English, and at 8:30 another reads St. John in vernacular . . . . At 10 my  ^°Ibid.  137  teacher comes and stays till 12. . . . At 1 p.m. we dine, from 2 to 4 I work at the writing, and at 6 we have Evening Prayer."„4l The strict routine described in this account, together with the use of the first person plural, both conjure up an image of community life, run on semi-monastic lines. Living with Shaw and Wright were three young Americans of similar Tractarian persuasion.  A sixth member was the  Japanese priest of the temple himself.  But the experiment  was too romantic to be realistic and it hardly outlasted the year.  Like most missionaries, even "catholic" ones,  they were all notorious individualists.  Their love for  group discipline could not overcome temperamental and cultural differences. At the same time, the letter reveals two things. First, the SPG men from the beginning resolved to work on lines that would emphasize a group, rather than an individual, approach.  Second, it shows that the founders  of the Shiba Sect instinctively respected Japanese culture. Wright continues In his letter: The Bozu of our temple is a very intelligent young man aged 28 . . . and has been getting me occasionally to give him a few lessons in English. One day we had a conversation about orayer. I expressed ray surprise that he should think God would like such prayers as  ^Wright-SPG, 21/12/73 .  138  his,--Sanskrit words repeated over and over again without knowing their meaning, accompanied by the beat of a drum. He resiled by a tatoyeba (a parable): "If a little snow falls, it soon meltsj but if a great deal keeps falling, a large heap is raised • • • • So if i say the prayer once or twice, Butsu forgets it; but if I keep on praying, . . . a great heap Is raised", and Butsu cannot help seeing them." Thev are very fond of parables and illustrations.42 Wright1s words reveal a lack of aggressiveness, or even ' of defensiveness, toward the Buddhists which was rare among his fellow missionaries.  Yet it reflects his basic point of  view which allowed others to have their say.  Such affirm-  ation of the other man's right to his own opinion appeared regularly in the -writings of the Shiba men. ^  For one of  them—Arthur Lloyd—it provided the foundation for a lifelong study of Japanese culture. One source of this accepting attitude Is the humanism of the Shiba men, which they shared with others of their class In England.  Along with Wright, Blckersteth, and many  other SPG missionaries, Shaw was an aristocrat.  His  ancestors were Loyalists to the British Crown who had left the United States.  He disliked Dissent for its social  connotations and his conservatism showed up in an equal distaste for modern ideas.  His favorite term for modernism  42 Ibid. IM "*-\3ee, for instance, Shaw in HF,l8S0, pp. 159-161: Herbert Moore, The Christian Faith in Japan (London, 1904), p. 42.  was "Infidelity." 4 4  He chose brick Gothic for his church  in a land which preferred wood as a building material.  He  was also a confirmed political conservative and a monarchist. The growth of democratic ideas in Japan alarmed him. 45 Finally, as befitted an aristocrat, he looked upon his Japanese converts and colleagues with paternal solicitude. He adopted the young samurai, Imai Toshimichi, into his family, and he resisted, all attempts to cut off financial support from his young church before he felt it was able to stand on its own feet. Nevertheless, Shaw's social conservatism did not control all his Ideas.  He affirmed the evolutionary hypo-  thesis at a time when many of his colleagues fought for a literal interpretation of the Bible.  46  His dislike of  Dissent did not prevent him from recognizing worth in others. "Mr. Aston the translator at the Legation . . . Is a Unitarian but a devout man," he remarked to a friend one 47  aay. '  Thus Shaw's conservatism did not result in a dis-  like of all that was new or different. 44 45  Cn certain political  ACS~SPG, 22/10/73.  ACS~SPG ? 18/1/80j MF 1890, p. 329.  46 ACS-SPG, 18/1/eO. For the background of this controversy, see R. S. Schwantes, "Christianity ana Science: a Conflict of Ideas in Keijl Japan," Far Eastern Quarterly XII (February 1953), PP. 123-132. ^ — 4,r  ACS~SPG 18/1/80.  and theological questions he had made up his mind, but his conservatism rested upon the secure conviction of an aristocrat rather than the anxious insecurity of an aspiring nouveau-rlche.  He knew his own culture to be the greatest  in the world., both in Its material and in its spiritual achievements. Shaw added to his aristocratic humanism a streak of independence derived from his colonial upbringing. Family tradition says that at some period in his life he had been made a blood-brother in an Iroquois Indian tribe. Chronic 111 health never seems to have prevented him from enjoying outdoor life.  On one long hike across the Usui  pass in central Japan he discovered Karulzawa, the upland valley which he helped to develop into one of Japan's fOreIS .©, most resorts.  It was doubtless his independence which led  him to live outside the foreign concession at a time when to do so Involved difficulty and even personal danger. Because of this decision he later identified with the Japanese community to a much greater degree than most Westerners, of his day.  ^'uKawade, Daljlten, X, 155J C. G. Knott, "Note3 on the Summer Climate of" Karulzawa,TASJ, 1st series, XIX (1891), 565-577: P. 565.  D.  Life outside the concession  THE DEPARTURE OF MR, SHAW Mr. and Mrs. Shaw and their party departed by train on the 19th of last month at 2:20 p.m. from Shimbashi Station. It was a deeply moving experience. A crowd of over five hundred persons was at the station to see them off. Included among the church members and other ladles and gentlemen—both foreign and Japanese—were the venerable Mr. Fukuzawa Yuklchi, Dr. Toyama [President of the Imperial University3, and Mr. Tomita, former governor of the Tokyo Metropolis. It was Indeed striking evidence of the longstanding influence exercised by the Archdeacon and his wife in this city.49 In 1894 patriotic feelings were running high in Japan.  Public opinion had forced the government to attempt  a much more thoroughgoing revision of the foreign treaties than its leaders had at first contemplated. was on the eve of war with China.  The country  Some anti-foreign  bullies had recently roughed up Shaw himself on the street and thereby had touched off a minor international incident.*' Yet the above report reflects none of this atmosphere. A chance reader might conclude that some distinguished educational advisor from Great Britain had returned home, for both Mr. Fulcuzawa and Mr. Toyama were leaders in the field of higher education.  To a Japanese reader the names men-  tioned would indicate that the Shews possessed a wide  V. 51 (February 1, 1894), p. 18. 5  °Wihon p;aiko bunsho [Japanese Diplomatic Documents] (Tokyo, from'1^36), XXVll-1-ix. Kajima Morinosuke, Nlchl-ei gs-Ucoslr* [History of Anglo-Japanese Diplomatic Relations J Tto£/o7 1959), PP. 143-146. MF 1894, p. 78.  142  Influence in Tokyo society. Actually, Shaw had been surprised and deeply moved by the warmth of his send-off.  "An amount of affection has  been shown me both by the English Community and the Japanese that has astonished and overwhelmed me," he wrote home on the day before his departure.  There had been a reception  by the British Charge d'affaires and Japanese dignitaries "from Ministers of State downwards, have joined in expressions of regret at my leaving,"51  He had arrived unnoticed  at Yokohama over twenty years earlier as a simple missionary, but now he was a public figure. In 1889 he had been invited to the promulgation ceremonies for the Meiji constitution, "and afterwards received from Count Ito, the framer of it, a beautifully printed copy, which I greatly value."52  The following year  he "was one of the few foreigners privileged to be present" at the opening of the first session of the Diet on October 28th.53  Earlier that same year, when his health broke down,  the Japan Mail Steamship Company (Nippon Yusen) had sent him, together with Mrs. Shaw, on a free cruise to "the Sandwich Islands [Hawaii]" and back.5^  51  In 1895 he "received a formal  ACS-SPG, 18/1/94.  52  ACS in MF 1890, p. 329.  ^ 3 ACS in MF 1891, P. 214. 5  V S - S P G , 19/3/90; NS, 1-5 (April 1,  1S90),  p. 14.  letter of thanks from the Japanese Government . . . for my services to the country 'in one of the most critical periods of her history.'"55  And finally, when he died at the early  age of 56 in 1902, his widow received a special donation from the Emperor:  "a remarkable acknowledgement . . . in  token of his appreciation of the Archdeacon's labours in respect of education. There  are several reasons why Shaw achieved such fame  at a time of declining foreign influence.  The most obvious  was his lifelong connection with the British Legation. Although his office of chaplain was purely honorary, he was obviously held In esteem by his compatriots.  The sharpness  of the Legation's reaction to news of the assault on him had a personal, as well as a political, side.  The status-  conscious Japanese, whose ancestors had marked the way the Portuguese merchants honoured the Jesuit missionaries, recognized Shaw for his connections. At the same time Shaw's popularity rested on more solid foundations than mere social status.  His contributions  to education and social welfare in the growing new city of Tokyo had made him well known.  They explain the presence  at the station of a former mayor of the city and the president 55  ACS-SPG, 17/9/95; NS, V-77 (April 1, 1 8 9 5 ) , pp. 2930: "The Japanese Government on August 2nd last sent by the hand of its Minister to Great Britain, Viscount Kato, a formal letter of thanks." 56  Foss-SPG, 26/3/02; see also Shuho, V-3 (March 3, 1902), pp. 1-2; MF 1902, p. 236.  14*'.  of the university.  Several times, when disastrous fires and  earthquakes swept the city, Shaw had rallied the foreign community to provide clothing and financial aid. 57  He had worked  with Toyama to help found a school for the daughters of wealthy citizens.  Perhaps the fact that he had been"invited  to cooperate in that scheme implied the most important ' reason for his fame.  He was one of a small circle of  foreigners who had been accepted by Japanese society as a person who "understood Japan."58  The term is used generally  of anyone with whom the Japanese feel at eas&„ case it meant even more.  But in Shaw's  He had been accepted by members of  the Mel jl ruling class as a conservative modernizer whose methods would not endanger their own goals for the new society.  '  . •  The lifelong friendship which existed between Shaw and the noted educator and journalist, Fukuzawa Yukichi., furnishes the best documented example of this acceptance. When Fukuzawa went to Shimbashi to see Shaw off in 1894, the two men had been friends for twenty years.  It is probable  that the Englishman owed much of his success in Japan to this association.  Fukuzawa represented, more than any one  individual, the image of modernization as it was conceived by  57  ACS-S(PG, 4/10/80. II, 724 g. 58  See also Pascoe, Two Hundred,  Kawade, Daijiten, X, p. 155. . See also obituaries in Appendix III.  the average urban Japanese at the end of the nineteenth 59 century.  Unlike the democratic leaders of the Jiyuto,  who inclined to the French revolutionary tradition of natural rights, Fukuzawa was a confirmed Anglophile.60 In later life despair at the weakness of popular support led him to cooperate with the government's policy of modernization from above.  But his writings, his educational  activities at Keio, the university he founded, and the editorial policy of his newspaper, the Ji,-ji shimpo, were all dedicated to teaching "the Japanese people the value of science and the spirit of independence."6l  He was per-  sonally convinced that modernization must begin from below, through a change in social relations at the individual level. Like many great public figures, Fukuzawa's private life did not always accord with his writings.  His sturdy  traditional relations with his wife and children have disappointed some readers of his tract on women, Shin onna daigaku.62  ••MtMlR&SMkMaMIBMBMIM*  His friendship with the Shaw family also reflected  such an inconsistency.  "  Except for a brief period in the  eighties, when he had publicly advocated its adoption for 59  Sansom, Western World, p. 427. So widely were his writings read that all popular works of information about the West came to be known as Fukuzawa-books. Blacker, Enlightenment, p. 27. 6  °Ozaki, Kalkoroku, pp. 26-27.  6l  Sumiya, Kindai, p. 52n.  62  Blacker, Enlightenment, p. 157, fn. 44.  prudential reasons, Fukuzawa had always opposed Christianity.  Yet almost a decade earlier, in the spring of 1874,  he had invited Shaw to live in his household and tutor his 64 two older sons.  By the following year Shaw was also  teaching "moral, . . . really Christian, science" to the students at Keio.65  Before long he had a full-blown study  group going, from which emerged his first converts.  Among  the latter was the youthful Ozaki Yukio, the future father of parliamentary government.  Ozaki, whose Christian connections  are little known, in old age confessed that he had been converted because he was 66 not strong-willed enough to resist the Archdeacon's charm. By the end of 1876, Shaw's missionary activities occupied most of his time.  But his friendship with the  Fukuzawas did not end with his move to Shiba.-  It seems  5-3  •Ibid., p. 58. Cary, p. 157, makes the following acute remark: "Caring little for religion itself, Mr. Fukuzawa in questions connected with it seems to have been almost as much a follower as a leader of public opinion." ftU  ACS-SPG, 14/5/74. FYZ, XVII, 170.  '  :  '  .  •  '  •  •  Japanese text of the agreement in  65  ACS-SPG, 30/8/75. Actually Fukuzawa often used missionaries In his school—because they cost little? Ishikawa, Fukuzawa, IV, 60-64. ^Letter from the Rev. P. I. Hosogai of Sendai. The date of Ozaki's baptism in Nihon Seikokai rekishi hensan iinkai hen, Nihon SeikSkai hyakunenshl [Centennial History of the Nihon SeikokalJ (.Tokyo, 1959), PP. 59-60. Hereafter cited as Matsudaira, Hyakunen shi.  clear that Fukuzawa advised him on the purchase of the property.  And scattered references to the association con-,  tinue throughout Fukuzawa>s letters.  In May, 1886, a letter  from Mrs. Fukuzawa to her son, studying in America, mentions that "the children have gone to Shaw-san's to p l a y . " 6 7 Fukuzawa's biographer relates an incident which shows the depth of Shaw's training in things Japanese.  The builder  of the new mission house in Shiba had failed to complete it on the promised day.  So Shaw, the Scotsman, was about to  insist on the payment of a fine.  An argument ensued and  Fukuzawa was drawn in as go-between.  His plain-spoken  admonition to Shaw is worth a full quotation: It is common for a Japanese carpenter to be one or two days later than the time stated in the contract. To censure him for that, as you (omae-san) are doing, would be to insist on having things done foreign style down to the last dot. If that's the way you think you are going to do missionary work in Japan, you'll be greatly mistaken. Once you are in Japan, you must take care to study the manners and customs of the Japanese and try not to act contrary to them. That Is the only way you will be able to devise proper methods for propagating your faith.68 Actually, Shaiv was more often criticized for his methods by his foreign colleagues than by the Japanese. They considered his decision to "live with the Japanese" unconventional,to say the least. grounds.  67  He defended it on two  First, It would be good for his language study to  F Y Z , XVIII, 34. Other letters in XX, 135, 138. ro Ishikawa, Fukuzawa, IV, 6l.  be in a Japanese home. ^ difficulty of Japanese.  Shaw had no illusions about the He criticised the laxity of his  fellow-missionaries when they could not speak it: "Through your ignorance of the language you are likely to make many dangerous theological errors in your attempted explanations." For many years he took care not to be without an interpreter in any situation where such misunderstanding might arise.70 There was a second, and even more important, reason why Shaw went to live with the Fukuzawas. remain outside the foreign concession.  It enabled him to  Under the terms of  the original treaties all Westerners, unless employed by the government or by individual Japanese, had to reside in certain assigned districts of the treaty-ports.  This allowed the  government easy control of their movements.  But the principle  of extra-territoriality, upon which the foreign powers insisted, made these concessions extremely unpopular with the Japanese.  As nationalistic feeling grew, it became more  and more difficult for Westerners and Japanese to mix naturally 71 within their confines. Shaw understood this and disliked the concessions intensely.  He criticized his colleagues for  their willingness to live in them and would himself adopt 69  ACS-SPG, 30/8/75; 14/5/74.  °ACS-SPG, 21/2/74: 26/3/78. As late as 1890, when he had to give an important public lecture, Imai acted as his interpreter. NS, 1-2 (Nov. 1, 1 8 9 0 ) , p. 5 . 7  71  EB-SPG,  29/6/86,  18/12/88.  almost any stratagem in order to stay outside.72 When the requirements of Shaw's work forced him to move away from Keio, the local authorities objected to his construction of a house at Shiba.  "This difficulty was over-  come," he wrote home, "by the kindness of Sir Harry Parkes, who represented to the Foreign Department at Yedo that I was really Chaplain to the Legation, having—for the last two years single-handed—conducted the since I was in Yedo."73  This purely honorary status continued  for the rest of his life.  It led to the building up of an  English congregation at St. distinguished figures.  English service ever  Andrew's which included many  Parkes himself was chairman of the  church committee, as was Hugh Fraser, a later Minister. In 1883 a valedictory address was signed, among others, by Basil Hall Chamberlain, the scholar of Japanese literature jk  and Captain Brinkley, the journalist and historian.'  Their  association extended beyond the limits of the church as Shaw 72  ACS-SPG, 13/7/78, 9/5/85. In 1892 he wrote of the Bluff in Yokohama, "A hopeless place for mission work . . . where no Japanese is allowed to live." ACS-SPG, 5 / 6 / 9 2 . Other members of the Sect echoed his prejudice. "There are more suicides and murders (in proportion to the numbers) among Yokohama 1s foreign population in a year than at Monte Carlo." J. G. Waller In CCM, VII, p. 234. 73 7  ACS-SPG,  5/5/77;  mf 1877,  P. 423.  \j. K. Sansbury, A History of Saint Andrew's Church, Tokyo (English Congregation) 1«79-193*9 (.Tokyo, 1939), PP. 3 and 5 .  was also an early member of the Asiatic Society of Japan which these men had helped to found.'5 • The same independence which characterized Shaw's resolution to live outside the concession also marked his relations with the foreign community.  When he started to  build his brick church, the foreigners wished to subscribe to the building fund.  But Shaw at first refused.  "An  objection is often felt by the English," he noted, "to worship in the same building as the natives."  He did not wish them  to think that the new building would be theirs, if this would hinder its free use for work with Japanese.  The foreign  congregation subscribed anyway, on his terms, "in recognition of my service to them."'  When the church—designed by de  Boinville, an English architect employed by the Japanese government—was dedicated on June  1879, Shaw duly repeated  that the generous contributions from the foreign community did not denote control.  "My Church is a mission church."77  Shaw's mature independence which did not repudiate all association with his compatriots but affirmed his identification with the Japanese was not shared by many missionaries  75  '-^Shaw's name appears in the annual list of members from 1873 until 1895, when he was elected a life member along with Brinkley, Cary, Chamberlain and Griffis. 76 77  ACS-SPG, 27/9/78.  ACS-SPG, 11/7/79.  of his time.  Most of them hoped for a revision of the  foreign treaties so that they would be free to travel around the country., but they seemed to be quite content to base themselves in the concessions.  The location of their  churches, on the Bluff in Yokohama, at Tsukiji in Tokyo and Kawaguchi in Osaka, reflected this attitude.  But Shaw,  perhaps because of his colonial heritage, hated the foreign concessions.  Certainly Canadians were among the first .  missionaries to venture beyond the treaty ports and into the  78 interior.  In  any  case, living outside the con-  cession became the first clear mark of the Shiba Sect.  It  symbolized their affirmation of Japanese culture. E.  The birth of the Shiba Sect A chance remark in the official history of the SPG  throws some light on the beginnings of Alexander Shaw's missionary methods.  "Mr. Shaw was almost the only . . .  missionary [in 1877] who had not opened a  school.The  statement shows that from the first Shaw was an individualist who refused to follow the well tried methods of his contemporaries.  Instead, almost involuntarily, he devised  a strategy which was to distinguish his a p p r o a c h — a n d  the  ^ C a n a d i a n Methodists first worked at Numazu in 1877; Cary, pp. 127, 140. A Canadian Anglican, Waller, was first to go to Fukushima in the Tohoku, and to Nagano. 79  Pascoe, Two Hundred, II, 719.  action of those who followed him--from the conventional missionary policies of his time.  It was the result of this  approach that would later be known as the Shiba Sect. From the time of his move to the Fukuzawa household it became apparent that Shaw preferred to work alone.  At  first h6 excused himself to:his fellow Westerners on the grounds that he could learn Japanese faster in this way. But before long his colleagues recognized that this was 80  Shaw's way of working and they sometimes resented it. Shaw's individualism did not extend to his relations with' the Japanese.  As early as 1875 he was collaborating with  his language teacher, Tajimi Juro ("Senosaki"), in writing "apologies 31 for Christianity (in answer to numerous attacks on it)." ~  Parkes thought them good enough to have them  published. All missionaries had "native helpers" upon whom they depended for their written work.  These men, some of them  able scholars, usually stood in an inferior employee-relation 82 to the missionary. Official annals rarely mentioned them. 8  °Wright-SPG 15/V79; Hopper-SPG, 9/4/84.  8l  ACS-SPG, 3 0 / 8 / 7 5 . Op For instance, Okuno Masatsuna and Matsuyama Takayoshi were both well educated scholars who played an Important part in the first translation of the Bible. Ebisawa Arimlchi, Nihon no selsho [The Bible in Japan] (Tokyo, 1964), pp . 122, 1 5 0 - 1 5 2 , lbl-lb"2. For this characteristic in other missionaries, see Cairns, Prelude, pp. 114-115.  Such was not the case with Shaw's helpers.  The name of his  teacher, Tajimi, appears In correspondence as early as 1875. Both Shaw and Wright appreciated their assistants and, following their conversion to Christianity, began to think of having them ordained.83 gradual advance up  As Anglicans, this would mean a  a chain of "orders," with the missionary  a superior in the hierarchy for some time to come.  Such a  practice differed from general Protestant usage In two ways. As an ordained man, the Japanese would be a colleague, not merely an employee.  Also the hierarchical nature of Anglican  orders meant that there was an organic relation between westerner and Japanese which did not exist in the looser scheme of, say, a Congregational ministry.  In the latter  case, the attainment of equality through ordination often meant the severance of a relationship which had become unbearable.  Thus among Protestants, westerner and Japanese  each formed a congregation, separate and equal.84 Shaw added to this institutional type of relationship.  structure a new  In 1888 he wrote about one of his  disciples, "Imai Toshimichi John," "I in a manner adopted him when he was quite a little fellow, and he lived in my household for years.  I have now given him to the Church, and  God has given me this great comfort, that if I have done 83  ACS-SPG, V 8 /76j Wright-SPG, 1 2 / 9 / 7 5 j O Ii Howes, "Japanese Christians," p. 359.  30/5/79.  154  nothing else than train Imai my life would not have been for t|85 naught."  There Is no doubt that Imai reciprocated these  sentiments.  In a letter written in 1894 to Shaw, who was in  England, he signed himself "your son, John."86  To sonshlp  in the faith—a European pattern—Shaw had added adoption, a dlstincitvely Japanese method of consolidating relations.87 Thus was formed the nucleus of the Shiba Sect:  a family-type  community, open enough to be capable of gathering in others to swell its ranks, but also presenting to the outside an impression of unity which even amounted to exclusiveness. It Is only possible to speculate about the reasons why Shaw should have adopted this method. Nothing in his writings helps to explain them. intuitively.  He seems to have embraced the plan  Perhaps the clannishness of his highland Scots  background had something to do with it.  His shyness, which  made it difficult for him to work with his peers from the West, might be another reason.  Certainly, taking boys into  a missionary household was nothing new.  Gregory the Great  in the sixth century had taken young Anglo-Saxons into his household.  The Jesuits did the same with their dojuku,  high-born Japanese youths, in the sixteenth century.  Closer  to Shaw's own time, Bishop Patteson of Melanesia took young people from the islands to be trained at mission stations.88 85ACS-SPG, 29/6/88. 86 Quoted in MF 1894, p. 5. 87 See Beardsley, In Hall and Beardsley, Twelve Doors. PP. 80-84. — * 8 ®Cornish, English Church, p. 4l7.  The idea was inherent in British institutions as far apart as apprenticeship and the public school.  The new element  was the attitude which the young Japanese brought to the relationship, and the way in which Shaw affirmed it.  At a  time when others concentrated on founding institutions on a Western pattern, he steadily affirmed, "These young men are really my chief hope."®9 The ha, however, is something more than an adoptive family relationship.  It is a loose social organization,  grouped about a leader or teacher, who stands in a paternal relation to the group.  Its model is the feudal household,  in which live not only children, but also servants and retainers.  On this model, then, if Shaw was the teacher-  father, Tajimi was the chief retainer (karo).  It was Tajimi  who was Shaw's first business-manager and spokesman, as well as his language teacher.90  When the youthful Imai decided  to move from the quarters of the Nuraata Fief in 1875, he first lived with Tajimi.  Only after Shaw had constructed  more spacious quarters for himself at Shiba in 1876 did he join the missionary's household.91 With the building of the Shiba mission station, the membership of the Sect began to grow. 89  The Seikyosha, a  ACS-SPG, 29/6/88. °ACS-SPG, 28/12/76; Matsudaira, Hyakunen-shi, p. 127. qi „ Imai Toshimichi, Shinjin no ko-oj God's Call and Man's Response](Tokyo, 1925), P. 3. 9  156  residence for young students, was built in 1879. directed It under Shaw's close supervision.  Tajimi  Where his  colleague, Wright, viewed the Institution as an embryo seminary, QP Shaw emphasized Its community life.  He took pains to see  that no one, not even a missionary, who did not agree with his way of doing things should be allowed to influence Its style. Shaw's jealousy for his community extended to his fellovj- SPG missionaries.  When going on furlough, he wrote  concerning a successor, "I do not want Hopper, who is single and a low churchman."  Since even the popular Hugh Foss would  not do either, it appeared that Shaw preferred to have a complete outsider who would simply carry out his instructions while he was away.  J  Needless to say, his colleagues resented  this exclusion, one of them writing In biting tones about "the Scandal of a divided S.P.G. work . . . in Tokio.1,94  ait  these were his contemporaries, and the men who came later, seeing the fruits of the vrork, were quite willing to fall in with Shaw's methods. Naturally, this acceptance of Shaw's personal leadership 92  Wright-SPG, 30/5/79; AL-SPG, 23/2/87; Pascoe, II, 721. For the date of the first Seikyosha, Imai, Shinjin, p. 3; Matsudaira Itaro, "Seikokai shingakuin shi" LHistory of the Central Theological College],. SK, III-l (June 1956), P. 7. 93  ACS-SPG, 5/7/82, 29/12/82. qij. Hopper-SPG, 9/k/Qk. Verbeck commented sadly that the SPG missionaries had not sent either delegates or reports to the Missionary Conference in Osaka in 1883. Osaka Conference, p. 162*.  did not mean the same thing for foreigners and Japanese. Most of the latter were his own converts, whereas the missionaries found themselves appointed to Shiba because it had become, through in Tokyo.  Shaw's efforts, the centre of work  It is not easy to discern the precise reasons why  Shaw should have accepted some missionaries into the fellowship of the Sect and rejected others. factor, but not the sole one.  Churchmanship was a  He seems to have avoided  Wright, who was a High Churchman, and he certainly rejected Hopper and Poss because they were Low.-^  But he accepted  96 the American Bishop Williams, a Low Churchman.  Neither  Bickersteth nor Lloyd was a consistent High Churchman, but they were Included.  Shaw accepted individual members of the  Saint Andrew's Q7Community, although he objected to their organization. The only clear criterion common to all these cases was whether or not the individual recognized Shaw's personal leadership, missionary strategy and judgement on things Japanese.  Certainly all were willing to live outside the  concession, many of them in the Shiba compound.  All agreed  on the necessity of a concentrated, church-centered  strategy  and rejected the public, mass approach to evangelism characteristic of the evangelicals.  They recognized Shaw's  95  ACS~SPC-, 7/5/75, 29/12/82.  96  ACS-SPG, 1/7/78; Wright-SPG, 7/1/79, 30/9/79.  97  ACS-SPG,  15/12/93.  leadership because he had been longest in Japan.  He exer-  cized charismatic rather than formal power. Under Shaw's guidance, the Shiba Sect developed a dual chain of succession, or personal leadership.  When Shaw died,  his place as missionary leader was taken by the head of the St. Andrew's Community, Armine King.  But within King's  lifetime, the real leadership devolved onto the Japanese.98 Imai inherited Shaw's mantle and passed it on to a series of personal disciples.  The present rector of St, Andrews is QQ  a son of Imai Toshimlchi.  There is no doubt that, of the  two traditions, it was the Japanese that was the more durable.  Its growth was indigenous and natural.  Once it  had grown beyond its personal ties with its founder, it had only slight need of foreign help. To Westerners, Shaw's method seemed exotic.  As an  early observer noted, it was "somewhat different from that hitherto followed by English missionaries in Japan."100 Even his admirers found it difficult to play a subordinate part for long.  Bickersteth's office as a bishop freed him  from the beginning, but he was astute enough to recognize Shaw's leadership by making him Archdeacon of Tokyo.  Lloyd  98 After 1900, foreigners remained at St. Andrew's chiefly as chaplains to the English congregation. Sansbury, St. Andrew's, pp. 18^38. -^Matsudaira, Hyakunen-shi, p. 234. 1 0 0  m,  1875,  p. 357.  soon departed for the university campus.  Most of the others  found some means of escape* Though Shaw's paternalism annoyed his fellow missionaries, it reinforced traditional Japanese attitudes. recognized this.  He  "I endeavour to hind as many to the work  as possible by giving them little offices. . . .  In this way  they are led to feel that they are really living and working members of the Church, and to take a greater interest in its extension."101  Many expatriate Britons in positions of  authority showed similar benevolent attitudes toward "the natives."  The policy of indirect rule devised by Shaw's  contemporaries in the African and Indian colonial services reflected a comparable frame of mind. the Shiba experiment distinctive. independence.  But two features made  One was  Shaw's own gentle  Because he opted firmly, even at the risk of  misunderstanding, for identification with the Japanese work, he successfully fended off foreign leadership.  Saint  Andrew's became one of the first Anglican churches to have an autonomous, indigenous ministry when Imai was appointed 102  pastor in 1894 with two younger Japanese to assist him. Finally, because Shaw's paternalism approximated the family pattern of Japanese social relations, his converts 101  ACS-SPG, 8/7/76.  102  Imai, Shin;]in, p. 5. "This church has produced five bishops—Sasaki Shinji, Onishi Kensuke, Makita Makoto, Ueda Kazuyoshi and Nosse Hidetoshi—as well as many other clergy from among its members." Matsudaira, Hyakunen shi, P. 234.  l6o  could make It their own.  They have maintained their  traditional relationship with him since his death through ceremonial visits to his grave in the Aoyama Cemetery in central Tokyo.  They were able, in a sense, to adopt him  into the family system, building around his benevolent authority a familiar complex of personal ties.  It was this  embryonic structure which grew and developed into the Shiba Sect.  CHAPTER V  ECCENTRIC SCHOLARSHIP AND LIBERAL EDUCATION: ARTHUR LLOYD A.  Prom Shiba to Mita: missionaries and educators  There is an old photograph of the faculty of the Keio Gijuku University, taken in 1897 and used as the frontispiece to volume XVIII of the Complete Works of Fukuzawa Yukichi.  In it, seated next to the founder in a  place of honour, is a round-faced, smiling Westerner, very ' Victorian In bushy moustache and side-whiskers.  This is  Arthur Lloyd. Lloyd is recognized today in Japan, along with Murray and Verbeck and a few others, as one of the pioneers who helped the country develop a modern educational system. His students remember him as a rosy-cheeked, roly-poly Englishman of tremendous energy who often worked 18 hours a day, but was unfailingly good-natured and interested in their problems.  That he was also an Anglican missionary  who developed an original approach to Japanese culture has not hitherto been equally recognized.  Lloyd began his  life in Japan as a member of the Shiba Sect.  He arrived  with his family in the summer of 1884 to take the place of  16.1  V/. B. Wright, who had resigned. time.  12  Shaw was in England at the  He had opposed the appointment because he had heard p  from a friend in Liverpool that Lloyd was "unsuitable. No two men could have been more different. arrived in Japan an untried colonial.  Shaw had  Lloyd had given up a  successful career in the British establishment as a scholar. He had been a Fellow and Dean of Peterhouse, Cambridge's oldest college, and held concurrently several well-paid s i n e c u r e s . I n contrast to Shaw's cautiousness, Lloyd exuded a self-confidence which bordered on foolhardiness. Shaw endured ill health for most of his life.  Lloyd's  robust energy was famous, both among his colleagues and the Japanese.^  Lloyd's bubbling humour appeared the direct  opposite of Shaw 1 s dour Scots temperament.  Shaw was a  theological conservative who was continually disturbed by Lloyd's liberalism.  Shaw published almost nothing, whereas  a bibliography of Lloyd's works covers ten two-column fi pages of Japanese print. 1  SPG-Poole, 18/7/84; AL-SPG, 16/8/84. Date of arrival was August 13, 1884. For student reminiscences, see KBKS, pp. 291-292. 2  ACS-SPG, 21/4/84.  3  MF, 1884, p. 196.  ^ACS-SPG, 28/9/88; KBKS, pp. 291-292. 5  See, for instance, ACS-SPG, 12/3/84, 5/5/84.  6KBKS,  PP.  252-260,  293.  Nevertheless, the two men got on surprisingly vie 11 together.  They had certain things in common.  Shaw, was the son of a professional soldier.  Lloyd, like He was born  in Simla on April 10, 1852, where his father served in the Indian army, having attained the rank of Major-general at the time of his son's birth.  Both men inherited from their back-  ground an aristocratic temperament.  In spite of divergent  intellectual interests both were strongly committed to the rigorous personal piety of the Oxford Movement. It is not surprising, then, that Shaw's Initial opposition to Lloyd's appointment should have turned to approval when they met.  "I think my informant at Liverpool must 7  have been mistaken," he wrote upon his return to Japan. The immediate reasons are not far to seek. Shaw arrived, Lloyd was busily engaged  By the time  consolidating  Wright's work at Kyobashi and Shimosa with the Shiba  8  station.  Shaw had always considered Wright's judgement poor  because he scattered his efforts too widely, so this was a point in Lloyd's favour.  Lloyd also adhered to Shiba  strategy by living outside the concession from the first. Within a month of his arrival he wrote home that he had found housing "through the kindness of Mr. Tsuda, a Native Christian belonging to the Methodist body."  7  ACS-SPG, 28/11/84.  8  AL-SPG,  26/3/85.  His home was  164 in Azabu, "a very nice suburb of Tokio, quite in the country." 9  "Mr. Tsuda" was Tsuda .Sen, one of the original  members of the Meirokusha. Lloyd's activities soon took him beyond the bounds of the Shiba compound.  Before leaving for Japan, he had  incurred certain debts which he was unable to pay out of his salary.  In order to help with repayment, he requested per-  mission to take a position as an English teacher in a Japanese s c h o o l . 1 0  Many missionaries had already been  employed by the government as teachers.  The names of  Verbeck, Griffis and Syle are well known.  But Lloyd at first  encountered some opposition from his church authorities. The newly appointed English bishop to Japan did not think it "seemly" that a Churchman--read English g e n t l e m a n — s h o u l d work for pay in a native institution.  "Two former clergymen  of the Church of England, a Dr. Somers  . . . and Mr. Dening  [are doing so] and for the honour of the Church before the 11 Japanese, I would not have another,"  That both of these men  had left the Church did not help matters. Shaw and his Japanese colleagues supported Lloyd, and at the beginning of January they detailed two men to help  9  p. 246.  AL-SPG, 26/9/84.  For Tsuda identification, see KBKS,  10  K B K S , p. 245j AL-SPG in Dossier envelope  11  Poole-SPG,  22/1/85.  "L".  him set up a private school.  12  But before the month had  ended he had also been invited to teach at Keio.  "I have  amalgamated," he writes, "with a large Native school in the immediate neighbourhood . . . my school becoming a sort of •jo  Modern Language Department of Mr. Fukuzawa's."  J  Within six  months of his arrival in the country, Lloyd was teaching in five different schools.  He had also begun to preach in  Japanese "sufficiently well to be understood," though he admitted "I do not get much time for study.  Even the  bishop who Had.opposed him was forced grudgingly to admit that he had been wrong. ^ By the following year, Fukuzawa had appointed Lloyd to be head of the English department and had built him "a 16 large European house" on the campus at Mita. no doubt that the venture was a success.  There was  Keio was Japan's  top school of English and the boom for things western was at its peak. to Lloyd. 12  The new position opened up new possibilities  He conceived the idea of a Teaching Mission, to -  Shimada, Wright's old teacher, and lida Eijiro.  ALSPG, 1/1/85. 13 1  AL-SPG, 21/1/85; FYZ XVII, 768.  ^AL-SPG, 1/1/85; 21/1/85; 26/3/85.  The schools were  Keio,_Tokyo University Medical School, Tokyo Naval Hospital, Seikyosha, and his own school at Azabu. AL-SPG, 10/6/85; MP 1885, P. 212. 15  Poole~SPG, 8/6/85.  i6  AL-SPG, 16/3/86; 1/9/86.  FYZ XVIII, 99, l4o.  be made up of young Englishmen whom he would introduce into the higher schools of Japan.  There they would have a chance  to influence for Christianity the lives of countless young Japanese. The idea began when Lloyd rallied a band of local Anglican volunteers to teach at Keio in order to prevent the English department from being "invaded by Methodists." "I don't want to let the Dissenters have it all their own way, you know," he wrote. 1 7  A school principal from  England who was visiting Tokyo, gave the men "six weeks of most valuable assistance . . . [and] friendly criticisms," Soon Lloyd was importing teachers from England.  By 1887  there were six men at Keio and candidates introduced by Lloyd were teaching in government schools in Nagoya, Gifu and Wakayama.  The Ji,1i Shlmpo, Fukuzawa «s paper, opened a registry  of vacant positions for which Lloyd was to find teachers. Lloyd's delight was unbounded.  "We have the moulding of the  nation's education in our hands," he wrote. 1 8 Lloyd's optimism was short-lived. cluded real success.  Two factors pre-  Although 1887 marks the climax of pro-  western feeling in Japan, it also saw the first real upsurge of modern nationalism. 19  This sentiment naturally made  17  M F 1887, PP. 33-38j AL-SPG, 10/10/85, 1/2/87.  I8  AL-SPG, 23/2/87.  19 •^Brown, Nationalism, p. 112.  itself felt most quickly among students.  Although its  influence did not immediately harm Lloyd's work, it became more and more difficult to be a missionary and a teacher at once.  Early in 1890 he wrote, "The anti-foreign feeling  amongst the budding politicians of Japan is growing at a great pace.  Don't be surprised if you hear of a row.  Living  as I do amongst the students I see a good deal of it, more than most people do." 20  other signs of the rise of national-  ist sentiment were more subtle.  Fukuzawa now favoured the  Unitarians, whose ideas seemed more amenable to a "Japanese" interpretation.  In IS89 he appointed three of their number  to Keio over Lloyd's head. teristic good humour.  Lloyd accepted them with charac-  "My Unitarian colleagues are nice  educated men, with all the vigour of new brooms," he reported to headquarters.21 Nationalism was not the only factor to militate against Lloyd's scheme.  His wife's health, which had been  bad when they arrived In Japan, took a turn for the worse. Her tubercular condition demanded a drier climate than Japan could provide.  So when Trinity University, Toronto,  invited him to go there to teach classics he accepted. Both  20  AL-SPG, 26/5/90.  21.  ? Z t h f c o n " e c t l o n between Unltarianism and nationalism see Schwantes, "Christianity versus Science," p! 318.' appointments, Cary, p. 200j Ritter, History.  his wife's illness and the Increased difficulty of working -  at Keio contributed to his decision to leave Japan.  22  Between 1890 and 1893 Lloyd taught at Trinity, Shaw's old college.  The Provost of Trinity at the time was  C.W.E. Body, a classmate of Bickersteth's at Cambridge and an enthusiastic supporter of foreign missions.  The two men  combined efforts to acquaint the student body with the work in Japan.  In 1893 Lloyd's wife died, leaving him with three  young children.  Though he had just been appointed headmaster  of the boys' school associated with Trinity, he immediately began to make plans to return to Japan. was back at the old post at Keio.  Within the year he  Fukuzawa thought so highly  of him that he paid him a monthly salary of ¥250, a magnificent sum for the times.  Lloyd lost no time in finding a  new mother for his children.  Mary von Fallot, the widow of  a German engineer, had been a colleague at Keio from the time of his first term there and she proved to be a fitting 2ps  mate to him in all his varied pursuits.  J  During Lloyd's absence in Canada the missionary situation at Keio had changed.  After he left Tokyo, the  Teaching Mission had lapsed into its individual parts.  Lloyd  was too erratic to be a good organizer and it soon became evident that the scheme had depended on his personal efforts 22  AL-SPG, 26/5/90.  23  p. 23.  KBKS, p. 247; AL-SPG, 17/8/93.  For Body, see Life,  to sustain it.  The government had taken full charge of  employment in its own schools.  Lloyd himself no longer  appeared convinced of the value of such a Mission. Certainly his colleagues at Shiba considered his project a failure. "I in common, I am sure, with the members of the University Mission here," wrote Shaw, "consider much too favourable an account of his work in Japan [has been given]. The effect 2k of what work he did has been very little." There is more than a trace of pique evident in these words.  Lloyd's pro-  ject had received more publicity than Shaw's own unspectacular vrork. But the judgement also mirrored the general opinion of Lloyd's missionary contemporaries.  The Teaching Mission had  not made enough converts. Granted that few actual converts were made, Lloyd's experiment still indicated a fresh attitude to the question of cultural contact.  Lloyd did not care whether the members  of his Mission were aggressive evangelists or not.  In one  of the letters he wrote to England appealing for men he made this quite clear. ^  It was this very fact which laid  him open to criticism from his more professionally minded colleagues.  He allowed his men to do nothing more than be  English Christians, living and associating with Japanese, Pit ACS-SPG, 12/2/91. 25  See also EB-SPG, 16/4/90.  AL-SPG, 23/2/87. Even after the Mission lapsed^ St. Andrew's continued to supply English teachers to Keio well on into the twentieth century.  170 and of course doing their duty as teachers. B.  The graduate as a public figure  Arthur Lloyd's personal reputation as a scholar and an English gentleman was not diminished by the fallure of his Teaching Mission. Tokyo grew steadily.  His success in the academic world of He ended his days at the peak of the  Japanese university hierarchy as a lecturer at the Imperial University.  One clue to his achievement was the status which  he enjoyed as a scholar.  Fukuzawa, in writing to a friend,  mentioned that "Lloyd is the only real scholar (gakusha) among the six or seven foreigners teaching English here." Another clue was his cosmopolitan sociability which contrasted with the somewhat narrow interests of many misslon27 aries.  He was at ease in at least three modern languages  besides English.  His interests ranged broadly over the  fields of literature, history and philosophy, as well as religion. Assuredly Lloyd's equable and inquisitive temperament formed the basis of his broad ranging scholarship.  But the  training which he had received at Cambridge should not be underestimated. The capacity of a university education to broaden the outlook of the English clergyman has often been noted. 26 27  FYE XVIII, 99.  Howes, "Japanese Christians," p. 3^2.  One famous study of Victorian England points out that, "The Clergyman was rarely an instructed theologian, but he was not a seminarist.  The scholar growing up among men destined for 28  a public career took some tincture of public interests . . . " Most SPG men were "graduates."  That is, they usually  had a Cambridge or Oxford B.A. or M.A. which was often a combined degree in Arts and Theology.  The old charter of the  Society had stipulated that its missionaries be "learned and ..29 , Orthodox Ministers, ^ It was therefore the policy of the SPG to send only men who had a university training to the foreign field.  The English members of the Shiba Sect  recognized and approved of this custom.  Shaw objected to  Bickersteth's ordaining of certain lay missionaries because they were not graduates.  Bickersteth himself continually  emphasized that men who came to Japan should have degrees. The stress laid on the degree did not simply reflect a love of academic excellence.  CMS, which was an organization  with middle-class origins, did not lay as much store by it. Oxford and Cambridge in the nineteenth century were, much more than in the twentieth, a training ground for the sons of the gentry.  Even when the middle classes invaded the  colleges, as they had done by Lloyd's time, they took on the accents and customs which they found already prevailing 28 G. M. Young, Victorian England; (London, 1964), p. 96, 29  Portrait of an Age  Pascoe, Two Hundred Years, II, 932.  there.  To have attended public school and university was  "one way to become a gentleman."30 Between 1850 and 1890 various reforms at Oxford and Cambridge mirrored the shifts in power within society at • large.  A higher proportion of middle class students were  enrolling.  The curriculum was "modernized" to include the  natural and social sciences, law and history.  Non-sectarian  universities, founded In London and Manchester, marked a 32 differentiation In goals between landed ana urban interests. The fact that the majority of SPG missionaries In Japan were graduates of Oxford or Cambridge meant that they reflected the ethos, still dominant In their time, of the land-owning :  classes;  '  The status consciousness characteristic of this ethos is often visible in the writings of the Shlba men. 1 Shaw, Lloyd and Biekersteth all frequently <stressed the 0 0 social distinction between graduates and others."0  In laying  down qualifications for candidates, Biekersteth wrote, "They 30 Kitson Clark, Making, pp. 255 & 260. Hester Jenkins and D. C. Jones" "Social Class of Cambridge University Alumni of the 18th and 19th Centuries," The British Journal of Sociology, I (1950), 93-116: pp. 114-116: Jenkins and Jones, p. 114. C. A. Anderson & Miriam Schnaper, School and Society in England (Washington, 1952), p.6. 32  Woodward, Age, pp. 491-493.  33  See, for instance, ACS-SPG, 16/7/89; AL-SPG. 30/4/87; EB-SPG, 19/12/87.  173  should be taken from the gentle walks of life  ....  manners are a real missionary .power in Japan. . . . people of different ranks do not permanently or for any length of time . . . c o a l e s c e . A n o t h e r member of the group, writing about the efforts to train an indigenous ministry, mentions the difficulty of getting "the stamp of student who is fitted by character and social standing to become an effioc cient clergyman,* On the whole the preoccupation with status was a subconscious assumption, rather than an explicit requirement. The Shiba missionaries fully understood the importance of a trained intellect for Meiji Japan.  Bickersteth, in his  letters home, never tired of making this point.  "We need  thoroughly educated clergy conversant with . . . modern modes of thought, . . . able to deal intelligently with the numerous difficulties which arise in a country which has suddenly been called to enter on an entirely new phase of its exis-hence.'0  More than other mission fields, Japan was vitally  interested in the intellectual currents of modern western society.  A man who was not conversant with the latest con-  troversies in German philosophy or British scientific and social theory could not hope to gain a hearing from an educated inquirer. ^4 J  /-  Life, p. 236.  35  L . B. Cholmondeley in Ritter, History, p. 298.  36  EB-SPG,  14/12/87.  174  British higher education was well fitted to produce the type of man who could respond to such a situation.  It  was founded on a training in which study of the Greek and Latin classics formed the principal part of the curriculum. Twent ie th-century reaction to the narrowness of these studies has tended to stress the negative aspects of a classical education: its emphasis on rote learning; its lack of interest in scientific and historical inquiry, or its Quixotic preference for the gentleman amateur over the technically trained professional.  Such criticisms are valid,  hut they neglect the benefits of a classical training. Classical education at its best developed disciplined, responsible leaders.  The dedication of time and effort;  precision in the use of words; recognition of an outlook and culture remote from immediate experience: all these and more became habits which remained throughout a man' s life. Broadly speaking, the type of personality produced was more important than the content of the learning.  This could  lead to an outlook verging on anti-intellectualism, a frame of mind which has been noted in some Victorians.  1  But it  could also produce a broadly humanistic culture, the kind of "right knowing and right doing" which had been advocated  •37  p. 119.  For instance, Charles Kingsley in Houghton, Victorian,  175  by Matthew Arnold.38  Its objective was of course the  rearing of public servants.  The theory was that a bureau-  cracy of professional technicians needed to be supervised by gentleman amateurs who could coordinate each speciality with the general requirements of the realm.  On the  intellectual plane it was the object of the university to train the amateur scholar.  The era of specialization  was just beginning at Oxford and Cambridge.  The standard  was still the Renaissance Man, a scholar who could tacklfe any problem as though it were an assignment in sight translation.  One could still be a theologian and a  botanist at once, or a politician and a student of Homer. It was this environment which produced the great early scholars of Japanese studies:  Aston, Satow and Chamberlain,  Murdoch and Eliot, and "the last of the great amateurs," G. B. Sansom. University education moulded a type of person whose traits have often been described.  They can be summarized  3  Raymond Williams, Culture and Society (London, i963)» p. 134; Asa Briggs, Victorian People (London, 19^5), P. 168. 39  Por Instance, Hort in H. G. Wood, Belief and Unbelief since 1850 (Cambridge, 1955), P. 44; Magnus, Gladstone, pp. 122125. Thomas Arnold at Oriel learned that "the study of the classics could be used as an introduction to the study of living problems." Woodward, Age, p. 474. ^°Marius Jansen, Donald Keene and Arthur Wright, "Sir George Sansom: An Appreciation," in JAS XXIV: 4 (August, 1965), P. 561.  briefly as they appeared in the Shiba missionaries.  Per-  haps the most obvious feature was self-confidence.  To what  extent it was already in the missionaries' heritage as Victorians, or as members of a class of leaders, is of course difficult to determine.  Among missionaries It was  reinforced by the latent messianism of the movement to which they belonged.  Their education, by its very limited scope, In gave them a sense of achievement. If they could master Virgil and Homer by hard work, Sanskrit and Japanese should yield in similar fashion. Such was Lloyd's approach to ': languages: tackle them and they're yours.42 Bickersteths letters reveal an equal confidence in his ability to understand the mind of modern Japan.  Having read Guido Verbeck  on the ship, he arrived in Nagasaki with a detailed 43 analysis.  J  The only one who did not show a similar assurance was Shaw.  His temperament was cautious and his training  colonial.  But he represented a second characteristic of  the university mind:  reserve, or dislike of ostentation.  He criticized the Evangelicals strongly for their public ^Houghton, Victorian, pp. 138-154, gives a more detailed analysis. ho  AL-SPG, 1/1/85. Lloyd claimed to speak French, German and English, as well as Japanese, and to read Greek, Latin, Hebrew, Pali and Sanskrit. AL-SPG, 4/4/83, in Dossier envelope "L". 43  Life, p. 150.  preaching and aggressive proselytizing.  He coupled his  dislike of religious training in mission schools•with this reserve.  For, in common with other English intellectuals in  the university tradition, he believed that Intimate and pre2j.iL cious thoughts ought not to be exposed to public gaze. This same reserve lay behind the willingness of both Lloyd and Bickersteth'to encourage English men and women to work in Japanese schools without expecting them to be active evangelists.  In a sense, reserve was the mark of an ultimate  self-confidence which required no demonstration to prove itself. A third way in which university life had left its mark on the English missionaries showed in their disciplined habits and lifelong love of study.  Many missionaries were  so overwhelmed by the activities and practical requirements of their new life that they did little reading.  But Wright  and Shaw began life with a timetable in which study, work and recreation all found a place.  Wright translated  Dlognetus lj-5into classical Chinese and Aral Hakuseki into English.  J  Lloyd might say that he had little time for  study, but somehow he managed to learn hoxv to read Chinese characters, an achievement which most missionaries never ^ACS-SPG, 26/3/78, 11/7/79. See Isaac Williams, "On Reserve in Communicating Religious Knowledge," Tract No. 80 of Tracts for the Times (Oxford, 1840), pp. 68-74. 45 -Tascoe, Two Hundred Years, II, 808; "The Capture and Captivity of Pere Giovan Batista Sidotti in Japan from 1709 to 1715," in TASJ, 1st series, IX, 156-172.  attained.  His output of publications alone witnesses to a  basically disciplined life.  Bickersteth read the Christian  Fathers in Greek while riding in a jlnriklsha.  He was also  able to provide his clergy with an up-to-date list of books 46 to read on the science-religion controversy. Closely related to discipline was the place given to physical exercise in the lives of university graduates. Gladstone's tree-felling exploits and walking expeditions have their counterpart in Shaw's camping trips to 47 Karuizawa.  Bickersteth was a champion cricketer,  Foss of Kobe played on the consular football team.  Hugh Mountain-  eering in the Japan Alps was pioneered by another British missionary, Weston,  Lloyd, on the whole, appears to have  taken his exercise by walking, but this quite often took on heroic proportions, stretching from Tokyo as far as the Izu peninsula.  As railway service in Japan was limited  during most of the eighties and nineties, the basic requirements for getting from place to place on the extensive missionary journeys which ail the Shiba men made involved a good deal of walking or riding on horseback. Not all features of university training were positive . Concentration on a linguistic discipline meant that the Englishmen were at a disadvantage when it came to ^"Pastoral for Holy Week, 1890," p. 36. , 47  • 'Magnus, Gladstone, pp. 193, 237.  logical or metaphysical thinking. Much of their thought appears fuzzy and inconclusive.48 Bickersteth's writing is a prime example.  Possessed of an excellent mind, he still 2iq  refused to let it carry him through to clear conclusions.  v  To put it in its "best light, this fuzziness was part of an unwillingness to make clearcut distinctions for fear that compromise might become impossible. erated into dilettantism.  At its worst it degen-  Much of Lloyd's writing on  Buddhism is useless to modern 50 scholars because its speculatlons are so far fetched. Three general observations conclude this analysis. When a man's standing at university vras mentioned, this was not merely an expression of snobbishness.  There was a much  higher correlation between standing and success in later 15fe than is usually recognized.  When the Mission Field  mentioned that Arthur Lloyd had taken "a first in the classical tripos," this meant that he 51 was looked upon as a successful and outstanding scholar. Secondly, their university education gave the missionaries a common background with other graduates in Tokyo. ^Houghton, Victorian, pp. 413-424. ^ R e bishops, Life, p. 354. Cholmondeley criticised him for a "characteristic faith in schemes working out automatically." SPG Reports 1889: "Cholmondeley." 5  °M. Anesaki, History of Japanese Religion (London, 1930), p. 130 fn.lj R. J. Hammer, Japan's Religious Ferment (London, 1 9 6 1 ) , p. 1 9 8 . V "j •^"Jenkins and Jones, "Social Class," p. 108.  l8o In England Darwin, Huxley and Mill had rubbed shoulders with Cardinal Manning and P. D. Maurice in the Anonymous, Club,  So also in Tokyo, Shaw, Lloyd and Bickersteth met  Aston, Chamberlain and Satow at the meetings of the Asiatic Society.  The worlds of missionary, diplomat and  scholar existed in greater proximity than they do in. the twentieth century. Thirdly, the classical education of the Oxford and Cambridge men shared certain points with the Chinese Confucian training of the samurai Japanese,  Members of both  groups stressed development of personality over content of study.  Both had begun their education with a good deal of  blind memory-work.  Both believed essentially that higher  education meant training for public service In an oligarchic society.^2 C.  Colonies and missions  Diplomats and missionaries in Melji Japan possessed a common background in their university training.  Many of  them had another bond: common ties with the British colonial service.  Arthur Lloyd and Alexander Croft Shaw belonged to  families which had served in colonial armies.  One of  Shaw's sons later built the post-office in Peking.  52  R. P. Dore, Education in Tokugawa Japan (Berkeley, ; 1965), PP. 302 and 30HfT '  Biekersteth's family had been associated with Sierra Leone. He himself had ties with both India and Canada.  This connec-  tion of missionaries with colonialism is worth study because it casts light on their motivation, aims and general manner of living. ^ Students who investigate the close ties between missionaries and colonies In the nineteenth century have usually regarded missions as one wing of European expansion. The community of Interest between missionaries, traders and colonial administrators in Africa, for example, was typically expressed by David Livingstone during a speech to the undergraduates of Cambridge in 1857.  "I go back to Africa to irh  make an open path for commerce and Christianity."^  Both  commerce and missionary work required settled social conditions.  Britain was seen as a civlllzer.55  When the British  assumed power in the Lake Nyasa area an Anglican missionary society closely related to SPG remarked in its annual report that the "Providence of God is moulding events for the more E[f. effectual spread of His Gospel.  -For Lloyd, see his application in SPG Dossier "L"; KSKS XII, p. 244. For Shaw, N. Shaw, Clan Shaw, pp. 35-39. For Biekersteth, Life, pp. 3, 11, 47-7« and 363. Ril 'Quoted in V. H. Green, Religion at Oxford and Cambridge (London, 1964), p. 321. 55  Cairns, Prelude, pp. 243-244.  56  UMCA Annual Report for 1889-90, quoted in Cairns, p. 300, fn. 4b.  In a country like Japan, where the interests of imperialism had to he pursued by careful diplomacy rather than by direct control, missionaries and diplomats worked hand in hand.  They cooperated to put pressure on the  Japanese government during its persecution of the Catholics at Urakami.  When Sir Harry Parkes went to Korea to negotiate  a treaty between that kingdom and Great Britain in 1881, he sent a memorandum to the English missionary bishop of North China with a copy to the home office of SPG.  In it he  pointed out that the treaty would provide a loophole for Anglican missionaries to enter Korea much as they had earlier entered J a p a n . 5 7  It is no chance that the Anglican cathedral  in Seoul stands almost next door to the British Embassy.  Personal links between missionaries and diplomats have been less fully documented.  Missionary children often CO  became diplomats and colonial administrators.^  The opposite  was also true.  Children of colonial civil servants became  missionaries.  They had inherited a sense of obligation for  the well-being of the "native."  As rulers they had enjoyed  a higher social status and the greater freedom of life in the colonies made settled life in England difficult; for freedom drove them out once more.  their need  The cosmopolitan atmos  phere in which they had been reared made them dissatisfied 57,1  Memorandum to Bishop Scott of North China," SPG letters 12/1/82.  58sir Theophilus Shepstone, founder of Nyasaland, was the son of a missionary to Africa. Esler Dening, Edwin Reischauer, and Herbert Norman were all diplomats who had been born into missionary families serving in Japan.  with the provincialism of life in England.  If their parents  happened to be committed Christians, or if they themselves possessed strong convictions, a natural means to express their restlessness was to become foreign missionaries. Arthur Lloyd provides an example of such motivation. On his application form, at the question "What consideration led you to offer yourself for Missionary Employment?" he replied, "Desire for more work."-*9  In other words, Lloyd,  the successful Cambridge scholar, was restless.  Following  his father's death his mother had taken her young son from India to live in Germany, but they had Boon returned to England.  While at Cambridge he had considered going to  India In preparation for which he already had "a smattering of Hindustani and P a l l . Y e t when SPG suggested that he go to Japan, he agreed and immediately began to study Japanese with a "Paul Yendo." Lloyd's religious convictions reflected as much restlessness as his movements from one continent to another.  He  began life as a Methodist but became an Anglican at an early age.  While in Japan he was attracted by a small sect, the  Irvingites.  There was even a rumour that he had become a  -^Application, in SPG dossier "L". 6o  AL-SPG, W 8 3 .  61  Ibid., 26/3/84.  Dossier "L".  12 Roman Catholic. academic.  His Interest in Buddhism was more than  Both his teaching and his writing reveal the  same inability to settle down. The humanitarianism of the nineteenth-century British civil s e r v i c e — w h a t G. M. Young has called  go  evangelicalism" and missionaries.  "secularized  --provided a further bond between diplomats Members of the colonial and foreign ser-  vices were often to be found on the boards of the great missionary societies.  Sir Bartle Frere, the Indian and  African administrator, Sir Rutherford Alcoclc and Sir Harry Parkes all served at one time or another on the boards of SPG and CMS.  They were frequently consulted when a new  64  field was about to be opened and gave their advice freely. The British diplomat Satow defended Christian missions in China and Japan against its detractors.  In a closely reasoned  article he cited in evidence contributions to medical work and education, as well as "notions of constitutional government and personal l i b e r t y . E v a n g e l i c a l s  and Utilitarians  like Charles Grant and James Mill cooperated in India to 62  T h e Christian Movement in Japan (Tokyo, 1912), p. 136. For the connection between activity and religious doubt in Victorians, see Houghton, Victorian, p. 133.  /Tq  ^Victorian England, p. 5.  6  ^Stock, History, II, 205, 251j 582, 602; III, 565; 92; Life, p. 39. , ^ " C h r i s t i a n Missions in China and Japan" in The East and the West, V (April, 1907), 121-134: p. 127.  produce an enlightened policy for the indigenous population. This concern for the autonomy of local customs and religions contrasted with the record of other powers such as Portugal and Prance. British Colonial policy, often described as "indirect rule," furnishes a clue to understanding the nineteenthcentury attitude to foreign cultures which members of the Shiba Sect shared.  Humanitarianism formed only a part of  this complex attitude. as follows:  A study on Africa has described it  "Not only did that policy contain respect for  tribal cultures, but it implicitly contained serious doubts not only as to the capacity of the African to assimilate western standards, but of the wisdom of letting him make  66 the attempt."  The dislike of Englishmen abroad for the  "native" who has been "Europeanized," whether by learning English or adopting Christianity, is a commonplace 67 of the literature of Imperialism, from Kipling to Porster. Naturally the missionary did not go that far.  But  the High Churchmen in particular tried not to alienate converts from their own culture.  When Imai Toshimichi went to England  in 1892, Shaw wrote, "I am not usually in favour of Japanese :""..'• 66Cairns, Prelude, p. 220. "I have had twenty-five years' experience of this country . . . and . . . I have never known anything but disaster result when English people and Indians attempt to be intimate socially." E. M. Porster, A Passage to India (London, 1 9 6 6 ) , p. l 6 l .  12  going to England, but Imai is a good steady fellow."  His  attitude is a contrast to that of the Americans, who usually sent all their outstanding converts to study in the States. Shaw's attitude was not unusual among High Churchmen.  The  same ideas were repeated wherever Anglo-catholics and the SPG worked.  The Universities Mission to Central Africa  (UMCA) "as a body was unique in its approach to [i.e., affirmation of] African culture and society."^9  SPG  missionaries in Fiji were more tolerant of tribalism than 70 were -Nonconformists.'  Patteson of Melanesia "was in no  hurry to turn savages into Christians or converts into missionaries.1171  There is little doubt that the upper  middle-class background of both administrators and High Church missionaries helped confirm this attitude in both groups. A further factor had entered in by the late nineteenth century to distinguish between the approach to culture of missionaries, on the one hand, and diplomats on the other. The High Church suspicion of the secular state, a consequence of the conflicts of the Oxford Movement, resulted in the Anglo-catholic attempt to dissociate their missionary activity 68  ACS-SPG,  69  Cairns, Prelude, p.221.  30/3/92.  70  J. D. Legge, Britain in Fiji: 1858-1880 (London, 1958), pp. 14.7*148. 71  Cornish, History, II, 417.  as far as possible from the colonial enterprise.  The UMCA  in Africa "attempted to make a distinction between c i v m zation 72  and Christianity.'"  Shaw in Tokyo was unwilling to allow too  great an identification of his work with the foreign community. In spite of such secondary distinctions, the ethos of the missionary movement continued to have much In common with the colonial way of life.  The routine of life in con-  cession and compound, whether in Africa, India, China or Japan, was essentially the same for missionaries, diplomats and businessmen.  Although the missionary usually enjoyed a  lower standard of living than did either of the other two groups, the still loxver wage scales of eastern countries made it possible to employ servants to look after his needs and those of his family.  Particularly in Japan, the pattern of  life was modelled on a form which had grown up in China. Many of the earliest missionaries—Hepburn, Williams, Warren— had moved from the continent to Japan.  They brought with them  many of the institutions that had grown up in the earlier society: amahs and compradores, mission compounds and a 73 dual standard of salary payment. Because the SPG began  missionary work in both China  and Japan at approximately the same time, its members carried 72  Cairns, Prelude, p. 219* A. Varg, Missionaries, Chinese and Diplomats  (Princeton, 1958), pp. 34-35.  over fewer of these attitudes than their colleagues in the evangelical missions.  Part of Shaw's unwillingness to identify  with the other missionaries may have resulted from this lack of common background.  But there were important, though pos-  sibly unconscious, ways in which even the Shiba men fitted into the colonial pattern.  Though Shaw lived outside the  foreign concession, he drew his salary in Mexican dollars from a foreign bank and he personally paid his "native helpers. " Both of these actions were difficult to avoid under the conditions of his time, but they helped identify him with the foreign community.  He accepted the difference in  standard of living which enabled him to pay his helpers at the rate of $15.00 - $20.00 per month, while he himself was receiving $ 1 2 5 . 0 0 . H e took his recreation with his fellow westerners at the Legation club in Tokyo or, during summer holidays, at Karuizawa. This colonial ethos gave to the foreign community in Tokyo, whether missionary, business or diplomatic, a common way of life.  It was one of the things that made colonial  life romantic and made it difficult for any one who had experienced it to settle down at home.  It cut the foreigner  off from the local population on the one hand, but it also uprooted the westerner overseas from his own culture.  74  F o r Japanese salary, see ACS-SPG, 30/5/79; for missionary, ACS-SPG, 5/7/82.  He  189  had become a "foreign missionary."75  For the diplomat  and the businessman, whose work in Japan was of a temporary nature, such separation was comparatively unimportant. But for the missionary, whose work entailed identification with his flock, it constituted a real barrier to communication between westerner and Japanese. D.  Liberal Anglicanism and secular culture  In spite of their personal friendship, Lloyd and Shaw stood miles apart In intellectual outlook.  Though Lloyd  vras temperament a 1 ly an erratic High Churchman and a confirmed snob, intellectually he was a restless liberal. Where Shaw rarely showed much interest in matters which did not impinge directly on his own missionary activities, Lloyd's interests 76 encompassed all sorts of subjects.1  This far ranging con-  cern with culture in general characterized the Broad, or liberal, tradition in Anglicanism.  In Japan the strand of  liberalism in Lloyd's character helped to form a bridge between two widely differing cultural streams. Thefieformationin the Church of England differed from continental Protestantism in that it did not completely repudiate the Renaissance tradition.  The humanism of Thomas  More and Desiderius Erasmus continued to express itself in such movements as the Cambridge Platonists of the seventeenth 75  Cohen, China, p. 264. 76 ' See Appendix II.  190  century who were the English precursors of eighteenth-century 77 rationalism.  1  During the first half of the nineteenth century  this tradition had received a fresh infusion of thought from the German romantics and idealists such as Kant, Goethe and Hegel, and this was approximately the form in which students in Lloyd's day encountered it.  The outstanding critics and  essayists of his youth—Coleridge, Carlyle and Mill—all reflected the influence of the liberal style of thought. Within the church liberalism attained its highest intellectual development in the writings of Frederick Denison Maurice, the Cambridge scholar and founder of Christian socialism. of clarity.  Maurice's writing suffered from lack  But he was continually attempting to mediate  between the catholic, the liberal-humanist and the Protestant traditions in his church.  In doing so he carried Christianity  in;what has been described as an "immanentist" direction because he tried "to discover within civilization 7 Q. . . values which religious tradition saw outside it."'v Their interest in the history of human development led the Broad Churchmen to be among the first to tackle the 77  G. R. Cragg, From Puritanism to the Age of Reason (Cambridge, 1950), ch. III. 78  p. 178. 79  Wil Hams, Culture, ch. 3> Houghton, Victorian,  C.C.J. Webb, A Study of Religious Thought in England from 1850 (Oxford, 1933), P. 29; for Maurice, see A. R. Vidler, F. D. Maurice and Company (London, 1966), Chs. 1-8.  problems posed for Christian belief by the newly enunciated theory of evolution.  The botanist-theologian P.J.A. Hort of  Cambridge was one of the earliest churchmen to indicate agreement with Charles Darwin.80  In i860 the publication of  Essays and Reviews rocked the Church of England.  In this  symposium a group of liberal churchmen, which included such well known Victorian scholars as Mark Pattlson and Benjamin Jowett, set out to discover a new way to approach theology through the free discussion of/controversial subjects. Jowett1s dictum, "Interpret the Scripture like any other book," caused a furore in a society which had been accusO-]  tomed to hold Biblical truth as unique and inviolable. But the new discoveries of the geologists and biologists made the conservative position, represented by Samuel Wilberforce in his famous debate with Thomas Huxley at 82 Oxford in the same year, no longer tenable.  By the  eighties and nineties, all but the most reactionary Anglicans had accepted the main points of the liberal position. The liberals also reflected the rising interest in the social sciences which had become characteristic of midVictorian England.  One of the contributors to Essays and  Reviews had introduced British readers to the findings of 8  °Wood, Belief, p. 44.  Q-1  Cornish, English Church, p. 220. length with the controversy. 82 •  Irvine, Apes, pp. 5-7.  Ch. 3 deals at  German comparative religion.  Hebrew religion was studied  with the techniques of anthropology.  Max Muller's long and  illustrious career at Oxford made Englishmen aware of the insights of Hindu and Buddhist writings.  Thus Shaw could  urge SPG candidates for Japan in 1876 to read Muller's Chips from a German Workshop in preparation for their future , 83 work.  J  Lloyd's German connections opened the way for his contact with liberal ideas.  His mother appears to have  been German and certainly he himself both spoke ana wrote the language with ease. 84  Shortly after graduating from  Cambridge he spent some time at Tubingen, then the centre of German liberal hlstorlcism.  There he first studied Buddhism,  but the experience also generally influenced his intellectual development by deepening his interest in cultural subjects. Lloyd's personality and interests reflected the split between loyalty to the Church and dedication to the unhindered pursuit of new knowledge which characterized the liberals.  This split was symptomatic of a still deeper  dualism inherent in the nature of liberalism itself.  It  took history and culture seriously. But the Broad churchmen 83  ACS-SPG, 8k  9/10/76.  'KBKS, p. 244. 85  Ibid. See also AL-SPG, dossier envelope "L".  never came to terms with the contradiction between what they believed to be the absolute and unchanging elements in Christian belief and the relativities of historical change and cultural diversity.  Both the sere disillusionment of  Mark Pattison's later life and Benjamin Jowett1s comfortable retreat into his ivory tower at Oxford resulted from this flaw in their thought.  The staid categories of their  Victorian religion had proved inadequate to provide a theoretical basis for a view of culture which had advanced so far beyond their beliefs. So too with Lloyd.  After his return to Japan from  Canada in 1893 he never went back to direct evangelism with the same vigour. had changed.  For one thing, the attitude of his students  They no longer wanted Christianity.  Lloyd's  institutional ties with the Church had also become weaker. In 1894 Bickersteth reported that "Mr. Lloyd [had] again placed himself in communion with Irvinglte teachers and accepted their doctrines."87  His ties with that sect seem  mainly to have been occasioned by his admiration for the good lives of its members.  He did not stay long with them  and reports came in of further wanderings.  None of these  86  Green, Religion, chs. XI and XII; Irvine, Apes, PP. 304-306. 87  EB-SPG, 30/7/94; AL-SPG, 26/5/90; ACS in MF, 1891, P. 213. For the Irvingltes, see P. E. Shaw, The Catholic Apostolic Church Sometimes called Irvinglte (New York, 1946).  flirtations resulted in a conversion, and during this entire period Lloyd continued to contribute regularly to the oo publications of the Seikokai.  One observer attributed  this behaviour to his desire for Christian unity.89 Actually Lloyd's cultural interests had broadened with the weakening of his denominational connections. Following his return to Japan he began to report on his studies in Japanese religions.  He translated Japanese  poems and novels into English.  He wrote textbooks on  English grammar and composition for Japanese schools.  He  even made a sally into the field of economic history.90 Finally, he published the series of books which led Chamberlain to speak of him as "the first authority on Japanese Buddhism."-'  88 - Kirlsutokyo shuho [Christian Weekly News], VII-11 (Tokyo, May 1 5 , 1903). Almost every issue of this paper between 1900 and 1910 contains at least one article by Lloyd. 8Q ^Christian Movement in Japan, 1912, p. 1 3 6 . 90 Among his translations were three famous novels: Ozaki Koyo, Konjiki yasha (The Gold Demon), Kinoshita Naoe, Hi no hashira (Pillar of Fire), Tokutomi Roka, Shizen to nlngen (Nature and man): KBKS, pp. 257 and 260; E. II. Norman notes his translation of an article by the German advisor to the Japanese government, Mayet, as important. Japan's Emergence as a Modern State (New York, 1940), p. 2lS~. See also Appendix II. "" Things Japanese, 5th ed. 1905), p."78m  (London and Yokohama,  195  E.  Buddhism: the affirmation of Japanese culture  When Arthur Lloyd died suddenly on October 27, 1911, a long appreciation appeared in the student publication of the Tokyo Imperial University, Gakuto.  It had been written  by Professor Inoue Tetsujiro, a philosopher who is famous in the history of modern Japan as a bitter foe of Christianity. The article began by noting that Lloyd "was a distinguished scholar [whose] . . . profound learning in the field of literature was probably excelled by few men.  But his most  outstanding contribution lay in his studies of Buddhism." Inoue went on to point out that Lloyd's "particular interest lay in the reconciliation of Christianity with Buddhism through Amlda, though he sought in many other ways to disoo  cover connections between the two faiths.  w  After recounting  various exploits in which Lloyd had demonstrated his prowess, both in his knowledge of Buddhist doctrines and also in the Japanese language, the article concluded by saying that he had not limited his studies to Buddhism, but had begun to examine Confucian thought as well. Other English members of the Shiba Sect shared Arthur Lloyd's interest in Buddhism.  Early in his career  Alexander Croft Shaw wrote to England urging that succeeding candidates give priority in their preparation to the study 92  KBKS, pp. 260-262.  196  of Buddhism.93  In fact Shaw seems to have been more tolerant  of Buddhists than of deviants within his own church. Members of his family tell stories of his respect for,the religious practices, of his Japanese friends,; When the English,poet . and student of Buddhism, Sir.Edwin Arnold, left Japan following a lengthy visit Shaw wrote,. "Sir Edwin Arnold leaves for home today,. He has been very friendly and has helped me in many ways."9**, Bickersteth tended to view all Japanese religion as archaic and incapable, of revival. But this evaluation did not cause him to reject it as "paganism."  In one speech in.London he referred to  Anglicanism as "the church of the reconciliation."  By this  he seems to have meant.that it enjoyed a unique place among both Christian denominations and other religions because 95 it could mediate between them. A comparatively unknown member, of the Shiba Sect, Herbert Moore, most succinctly enunciated this common, attitude: We are all Shintoists, to a certain extent, for Shinto is the non-Christian version of the Communion of Saints. And we recognize the, truth 93  ACS-SPG, 9/10/76: memo on Japan.  9  \ C S - S P G , 3/12/90. Shaw's son told the writer of having attended a Buddhist funeral with his father, where the two joined in burning incense before the deceased's ashes. Such a practice was rejected by most missionaries, 95  Life, p. 202.  that Buddhism contains when we read. Ecclesiastes in church. It is not the duty of the missionary to revile these old faiths. How can he, if he believes in the Light which lighteneth every man that cometh into the world? He would not quench the smoking flax; an imperfect faith is better than none at all, and may serve at least as a foundation to build upon. 96 For the SPG missionaries Christian truth did not differ from whatever was true in other religions.  Christ enlightened  every man and society, not just the European Christian. Thus the missionary's task was not to attack these old religions but to understand them. When Professor Inoue wrote that Lloyd's particular interest was "the reconciliation of Christianity and Buddhism," he indicated Lloyd's willingness to go further than his fellow missionaries.  Arthur Lloyd, in common with  most missionaries, had come to his study as "a problem in Q7  Evangelism.'  For most missionaries Buddhism remained  marginal to their activity as propagandists of Christianity. But for Lloyd it became the central interest of his life, if such can be said of one who possessed so little system and so many interests.  His articles on Buddhism came off  the presses of at least five countries in English, German and Japanese.  The first bore the curious title The Higher  Buddhism in the Light of the Nlcene Creed.  It was published  ^ Christian Faith in Japan (London, 1904), p. 42. 97 ^'Wheat Among the Tares >(London, 1908), p. 1.  in English by the Tsukiji Type Foundry In 1893 and appeared in a Japanese version at the end of the same year. Bickersteth commented that It "has much in it which is good and interesting but also some very erratic statements."98 Lloyd's final work was The Creed of Half Japan, Historical Sketches of Japanese Buddhism."  It appeared in the same  year that he died, and is the book of his most frequently found on library shelves. Lloyd differed from other Western observers because he approached Buddhism from its Japanese side.  Up to his  time most western studies had started from Hinduism.100 Their understanding of Indian thought therefore strongly coloured their view of Buddhism.  But, as Inoue pointed out,  Lloyd concerned himself principally with the two traditions which were indigenous to Japan, the Shin and the Nichiren sects.  He also differed from his Japanese colleagues in that  he brought to his study an earlier interest in literature and history. advantage.  This background did not always prove to be an  In his appreciation, Inoue remarked that "due  to his attempt to discover . . . links [between Christianity and Buddhism] by historical means, he had not yet captured 98  EB~SPG, 30/7/94. KSKS XII, p. 253. Imai, see NS, V, 50 (January, 1894), p. 54.  For review by  "London, Smith Elder, 1911. 100  For instance, Max Muller. This was also true of Eliot and is only beginning to change in the mid-twentieth century.  the attention of the public as fully as he deserved. 1 01 To a modern reader, the attempts seem far fetched and not very relevant.  Claims to have found a connection between  Shin Buddhism and Alexandrian Gnosticism, or Shingon and Manichaeism, by means of purported etymological similari102  ties savour of crankiness to modern scholars.  One of  Lloyd's younger contemporaries at the Imperial University, Anezakl Masaharu, later criticized his conclusions. "Arthur Lloyd's contention, in his Creed of Half Japan, that Shingon Buddhism was greatly influenced by Manichaeism is not conclusive; his work is often marked by hasty conclusions; yet his suggestions are valuable and await further investigation."103 Lloyd may have come to his study of Buddhism without sufficient technical preparation.  But his attempt to  reconcile Christianity and Buddhism represented only one portion of a lifelong endeavour to bridge the cultural gulf between his own country and Japan.  Inoue mentioned that he  had begun to study Chu Hsi Confucianism at the time of his death.  He also wrote a paper for the Asiatic Society on one •] m KBKS, p. 261. 1 op See, for instance, Creed, pp. 160-167, 208-224.  History of Japanese Religion (London, 1930), p. 130, fn. 1. See also p. 148, fn.  of the popular small "Shinto" sects.  H  One biographer has  described him as "an out-and-out lover of Japan" (kyokutan na shinnichl-ka) . 1 Q 5  The statement points to an effort on  Lloyd's part to discover some kind of personal spiritual identity in his adopted culture. Lloyd also maintained a lifelong interest in literature.  His second wife's own linguistic knowledge enabled  her to cooperate with him and some of his students in the translation of several well-known contemporary novels.10^ These works today chiefly interest the social historian. The translation is pedantic and over-literal.  Yet the  tone Is sympathetic and the text reproduces successfully the combination of lyric phrase with high-flown romanticism characteristic of the genre. a poet.  Lloyd also fancied himself as  Anezaki used his translations of Buddhist verse in  his History of Japanese Religion, though he felt constrained to remark that "the translator has lost somewhat the simple purity of the original.1,107  Contemporary foreign readers  valued these verses highly, but they now appear as dated as most of Lloyd's writing. 108  10  ^"The Remonkyo," TASJ, XXIX-1 (Tokyo, 1901).  1Q5 10  KBKSy p.-261.  ^Ibid., p. 247.  107  pp. 174-175. 108 Chamberlain, Things Japanese, 5th ed., p. 381.  20"1  There are deep-rooted reasons why Lloyd's work has not withstood the test of time.  His inability to settle down  to concentrated study and his confidence in his linguistic ability led him to rely on facility with words when he might have spent more time trying to understand the concepts involved.  In common with many liberals in his day  he never grasped completely the problems involved in the relativity of history and cultures.  His approach to Budd-  hism, professedly historical, simply looked backward without taking Into account the process of change.  He handled  religion in the abstract, juggling different pieces to fit together according to his own fancy, without proper regard to the time and place from which each had come. Lloyd was continually faced with a dilemma.  He was  an Englishman with the Englishman's way of looking at Japan.  But his early experience in India had also given  him an emotional attraction for the Orient.  As a gentleman  and a scholar, he had been uprooted from a Victorian society which was moving away from the aristocratic values he loved.  He had now found a spiritual home in Japan, but  in his search for cultural identification he overlooked the differences between his own and Japanese society. The iambic pentameter of his waka translations sacrificed the simple purity of the original. simple Christian heresy.  And Buddhism became a  202  When all this has been said, it must be admitted that Arthur Lloyd represented at his best the British ability to see intrinsic value in an alien culture.  His unscientific  approach to Buddhism need not leave the reader dissatisfied. Scientific method is of limited value In the study of religion.  A book like The Creed of Half Japan can better be  seen as a work of mysticism; the confession of faith of an eccentric seeker after human community who tried throughout his life to bring men together.  Read in this light, Lloyd's  forced parallels become efforts to find a common meeting place for dialogue between two cultures.  As Lloyd wrote at  the end of his life, Christianity, if it would win Buddhism for Christ . . . must take . . . into consideration [the strong hold that Buddhism has on the thoughts and affections of the people]. Buddhism needs its special preachers—men of sympathy and patience; men who, while proud of being Christians, are yet willing for Christ's sake, to be followers of S'akyamuni in all things lawful and honest; men who can say to the Buddhist, "I will walk with you, and together we will go to Him to whom you say S'akyamuni Himself bore witness."109 Seen in this light the genteel verse renditions and the pedantic novels come into better focus.  If they sufficed to  give other Englishmen in Lloyd's day a partial glimpse of a way of life they did not know, they had accomplished their  1Q9  Creed, p. 385.  purpose.  Later generations might require a sounder and  firmer bridge, but a few people would have crossed by the old one.  CHAPTER VI THE FAILURE OF INSTITUTIONS: EDWARD BICKERSTETH A.  The Nippon Seikokal:  autonomy  a limited affirmation of 1  "  "  An Intriguing and significant—though possibly apocryphal—story is told of a meeting between Edward Biekersteth and Niijima Jo, the great founder of Doshisha University.  Niijima, having returned from a trip to Tokyo,  confided to a friend the deep impression made on him when he met the English bishop.  "If he had only come to Japan ten  years earlier," he exclaimed, "all Christianity in Japan might have become one through the Seikokal."1  Niijima  represented the fruits of American Christianity, with its dialectical attitude to Japanese culture and the tension which it aroused between missionary and convert.2  Biekersteth  was the leader of the English tradition with its affirmative position on things Japanese.  He succeeded in helping to  found a church in which missionary and convert lived together in relative harmony.  1  Sasaki Jiro. Kaiko nijunen [Twenty Years in Retrospect] (Kyoto, 1963), p. b6.  2  Howes, "Japanese Christians," pp. 351-354. 204  In many ways Edward Bickersteth was the most representative Victorian in the. Shiba group.  He was born in 1850  into a family which traced Its history as lords of the manor back to the days of King John.  During the middle of the  nineteenth century his family had belonged to the coterie of Whig gentry which supported the reformer Shaftesbury. His father was an Evangelical clergyman who was appointed Bishop of Exeter by Gladstone In 1885. 3  Bickersteth himself  was one of the many men of his age who was born an Evangelical but later grew nearer to the Anglo-Catholic position. As a Cambridge man he belonged to a tradition which combined missionary fervour with a strong social consciousness.  As  a student of the Cambridge theologians Lightfoot and Westcott he had also grappled with the conflicts of Christianity and modern thought.  His appointment in 1 8 8 5 to represent the  Church of England in Japan as a bishop brought him to the summit of the ecclesiastical establishment.  He was the only  member of the Shiba Sect to be mentioned in English history books of the period.^ Bickersteth combined an attractive personality with considerable determination and strength of will.  The many  photographs scattered about Japan show a face whose features 3  Llfe, pp. 1-5, 138.  See, for instance, Cornish, English Church, II, 3 8 1 , 388; Dictionary of National Biography, XXII, 194-T95.  206 had preserved in early middle age a boyishness which verged on effeminacy. long.  But the eyes are deep setj the nose and jaw  His family and friends frequently mentioned his lanky  height, his buoyant temperament, and a slight lisp in his speech.  He led a life of deep devotion to prayer and medi-  tation, but he also loved sports and, in spite of later ill health, enjoyed a game of cricket to the end of his days. Edward Bickersteth came to his position of leadership in Japan through a combination of personal ability and good connections.  Following a school career where he excelled  in both studies and athletics, he won an open classical scholarship to Pembroke College, Cambridge in 1 8 6 9 .  There  he obtained both classical and theological degrees with honours and was elected a Fellow in 1 8 7 5 . 5  His enthusiasm  for foreign missions made him a natural leader among the distinguished group of teachers and students who at that time exercised considerable influence at the University.  Many  of them remained his lifelong friends and supporters. In 1877 Bickersteth headed a mission of Cambridge scholars to India.  Although forced by ill health to retire  within five years, he was able in that short time to found a college, Saint Stephen's, which eventually became part of ft the Punjab University. This outstanding achievement brought 5  Life, pp. 7 8s 12.  6  Ibid., p. 75.  207  him to the attention of church leaders in England.  It made  him a natural choice when the Archbishop of Canterbury was looking in 1885 for a man to send as head of the British mission in Japan. It is ironic that, as one who had attained a measure of fame in his own country, Bickersteth should be unknown in Japan outside the Seikokai.  He had come to that country  in his late thirties and his work was cut short by death within ten years.  Japanese was the "sixth Eastern language"  he had to tackle.'  Although he fully recognized the need to  learn it thoroughly, other demands on his time always drew him away.  "Undoubtedly a Bishop ought to know well the  language of the people among whom he works," he wrote, "but it is difficult to see how, amid the pressure of other duties, the time is to be obtained without which it is impossible to get an effective knowledge of a difficult and o complicated tongue."  The only Japanese with whom he became  really intimate was Imai, who was his constant Interpreter.9 Like Shaw, Bickersteth suffered from poor health. Like Shaw he was also naturally reserved.  Inability to speak  7Ibid., p. 151. o Quoted in A. P. King and J. T. Imai ed., Edward Bickersteth, Missionary Bishop in Japan (Tokyo, 1914), p. 21. Llfe, p. 178. Imai wrote a short life In Japanese and collaborated in another In English. One of his grandsons was named Blkasutesu, after the bishop. 9  208 the language, ill health and reserve combined to keep him from the free contacts with Japanese society that Lloyd and Shaw enjoyed.  He has left a reputation in the Seikokal  of having been a scholar (gakusha), but few people know much about h i m . 1 0 Biekersteth's institutional preoccupations left him with little time or energy for activities outside the Seikokal. His name appears on the membership list of the Asiatic Society between 1886 and 1895.  Shaw*s introductions gained  him one or two audiences with government dignitaries such  _ „  as lto Hirobumi.  11  But otherwise he spent practically all  of his short time in Japan working within his own church, organizing, fostering leadership, and above all giving it himself. Edward Biekersteth believed enthusiastically in autonomy for the Christians of Japan, but he saw this autonomy in terms of a limited and responsible independence. In this his attitude resembled the stand taken by the enlightened colonial administrators of his day. Biekersteth's letters constantly affirmed Japanese autonomy.  During his first lengthy sea voyage from England  to Japan, he spent much time reading the accounts of his missionary predecessors. 10  His studies were given intelligent  Life, p. 405.  1:L  Ibid.,p. 214.  See also ACS-SPG, 1/10/86, 7/1/87.  209 direction by a veteran CMS missionary on the same ship. Accordingly his letters home were full of the subject from the beginning.  "There is a most curious difference between  the people of this country and India," he wrote to his father,  "Here foreigners can only suggest and guide, in  India they rule; so that even by missionaries, not to say Bishops, continued care has to be taken not to offend  1? Japanese susceptibilities."  His early conversations with  Shaw and other missionaries had made him fully aware of the temper of indigenous Christianity.  J  In speaking to a  gathering of missionaries in Osaka, only a few months after his arrival, he warned them:  "A Japanese has 3aid, 'We  are glad of teachers, we require no masters.' '  On a like  principle it can scarcely be doubted that in accepting Christianity . . . Japan will adopt no mere western type of faith." 1 4 Bickersteth realized that the actions of his contemporaries in the missionary movement denied the autonomy of the Japanese Christians. Every missionary was a lav/ unto himself, making his own analyses and setting up his own policies. The CMS with its strong central organization, could—and did—function on the 12  Li£e, p. 1 6 5 , one month after landing, 14/5/86. Also EB-S"M7~2V5/86; 2/6/86; Life, p. 160. As a principle, the regard for autonomy dates back to his Indian days: Life, p. 29. 13  ACS-SPG, 14/5/86.  l4  Life, p. 307.  field quite independently of the local  bishop.  > Even  at so basic a level as the training of indigenous clergy, it proved to be impossible for years to organize a unified system.  Each g r o u p — C M S , SPG, and the American  Episcopalians— conducted its own school.  Each was careful  to avoid any broader arrangement which might later limit its freedom of action. 1 5  But "freedom" in such cases  meant freedom on the part of the missionary to make unilateral decisions.  Given the rising tide of national  sentiment among the Japanese, such one-sided control would Inevitably lead to a kind of ecclesiastical war for independence. a movement.  Shaw had already noticed the symptoms of such Just about the time that Bickersteth arrived in  Japan he wrote home describing "certain able leaders" among the converts of the American Protestants whose purpose was to found "a grand national church without regard to [differences of] doctrine.?  Such an action, he prophesied,  would lead to "Congregationalism run wild."  That is, it  would result in a purely local Christianity which would possess few spiritual ties with any other country or church. 1 For Bickersteth the only solution to the two problemsanarchic missionary policy and the drive for indigenous  15  Wright-SPG, 30/5/79i Shevill, "Aspects," pp. 222227, analyses in detail the nature of CMS control and the measures taken by Bickersteth to overcome it. l6  ACS-SPG,  14/5/86.  autonomy—was to found a Japanese church.  Such a body  would enjoy administrative independence, but a common doctrine and polity would join it to other Anglican churches. Within one year of his arrival in Japan he was able to draw together both missionary support and native leadership to discuss these aims.  On February 11th, 1887, the mythical  Anniversary of the Founding of the Japanese Empire, the new church was established.  On the motion of Shaw•s lieutenant,  Tajimi, it was officially named "Nippon Seikokai."  Nippon  stood for Japan, while Seikokai was the translation, imported from China, of the words in the Creed, "Holy Catholic Church."  The words reflected the hope that the  infant church would be both Japanese and universal. 1 7 Bickersteth was delighted.  Writing for the general  public he set forth the main facts: Japanese Christians in future days will look back, I believe, with pleasure to the first Synod of their Church in February 1887. It was a freely elected body, in which Europeans and Americans were greatly outnumbered by Japanese. Of the Japanese delegates the majority were men of education. In consequence, questions were discussed on their merits, not results merely accepted on authority. The main decisions arrived at were unanimous. A Japanese Church was organised.18 Writing to his father, Bickersteth was able to comment more freely on the outcome. satisfied.  "The C.M.S. ought now to be  Their Conference of Missionaries have passed a  17 'Matsudaira, Hyakunen-shi, p. 127. l8  EB-SPG, 14/12/87:  "Appeal."  212  vote of warm satisfaction unanimously, and the S.P.G. men also are pleased; so I hope the ship, which was a hit bested by the waves, will now reach port . . . . The Japanese are delighted at having done the thing with us, and no longer feel only dictated to—though, indeed, there was more feeling perhaps than fact about it."19 The slightly patronizing tone evident in the last lines points up the limitations of Bickersteth's scheme. The missionaries had no intention of immediately relinquishing their control.  They were anxious to ensure that the new  church remain, doctrinally, in communion with their own. But it was easier for Englishmen to understand the factors which would constitute catholicity than it was for them to see just how Christianity could be expressed in Japanese forms.  Much of what they considered to be essential for  maintaining community between Japanese and Western Anglicans seems to a later observer to have been secondary.  For  instance, to saddle an infant institution whose total membership was less than two hundred with the complex polity which had developed in the great national churches of Europe seems laughable.  Bickersteth's pride in his "genuine native Church  . . . with its own constitution and Canons . . . and Synod and vestries and missionary society, &c.,"20 was premature. 19  Life, pp. 189-190, 4/3/87.  20  His idea that the church could grow into full autonomy only when it had developed the economic resources to support this machinery meant that Englishmen would monopolize its leaderPi  Biekersteth 1 s view of auto-  ship for some years to come.  nomy exemplified the best in the colonial administrative personality.  But with all his intellectual acumen, he could  not escape their characteristic shortcomings. 22 Despite these limitations, the founding of the Seikokal had provided a place where Japanese and Englislimen might work together, each one conscious of his own contribution. Through its Canons, or regulations, Biekersteth had ensured that Japanese Anglicans should participate with missionaries in making decisions for the young church.  Not only did they  enjoy a majority of votes at the triennial synods which governed policy, they were also represented on the local Standing Committees, the executive bodies which worked with the bishop in each district.  As a Japanese church the  Seikokai was not yet truly free.  At times it came  dangerously close to resembling an enclave of British Christianity.  But it did stand for the British affirmation  that the Japanese had a right to their own decisions. '21  „  Shaw  — Tsukaaa Osamu, "Nihon seikokai ni okeru senkyoshl seido no mondal" [The Problem of the Missionary-System in the Nihon Seikokai] in Shingaku no Koe, XIV-1 (June, 1967), 25-36; p. 28. — — —  22  Cairns, Prelude, p. 238.  4742  had recognized their social autonomy by accepting the principle of the ha. culture.  Lloyd had fallen In love with their  Now Bickersteth proclaimed political autonomy for  their institutions. B  '  MM^JLtraditionalism: a via media  Edward Bickersteth's recognition of its political autonomy was not his only contribution to the Japanese church, His liberal approach to the burning question of science and religion saved Anglicans in Japan from the crippling effects of the controversies which racked Protestantism at the end of the century.  A Japanese authority has judged that the  arguments over the New Theology were as much responsible for the number of intellectuals who rejected Protestantism between 1890 and 1900 as was nationalist pressure.23 Anglicans showed no appreciable loss in the same period. Bickersteth's position, consistently maintained in both personal correspondence and pastoral letters to his clergy, represented a new kind of Anglicanism.  Unlike  the earlier liberalism depicted by the authors of Essays and Reviews, he understood that modern thought would require a fundamental change in theological methodology.  He accepted  the idea of relativity in culture and history more 2p  /Sumiya, Kindal, pp. 125-130. See also Schwantes, 4 Christianity versus Science," p. 131. For losses, see below, p. 277, also Appendix IV.  215  thoroughly.  His liberalism therefore shows important  advances beyond the somewhat unsophisticated and culturebound Christianity of Arthur Lloyd. Bickersteth Vs thought reflected a comparatively recent trend In Anglicanism.  Twenty-five years earlier, when the  storm over science and religion had burst, 11,000 clergymen had signed a manifesto affirming their belief "in the inspiration and divine authority of the Scriptures and in ob  everlasting punishment."  It was about these two principles  that controversy had gathered.  E. B. Pusey, for sixty years  the professor of Old Testament at Oxford, represented the arch-traditionalists.  He had participated in the leadership  of the Oxford Movement and had once fought to revive Catholic theology in the Church of England.  In his youth he had  even been influenced by liberal Biblical scholarship studying in Germany.  while  Now he joined with Evangelicals In. the  university to persecute such liberals as Benjamin Jowett.2^ Although a much more complex figure than most of the literalists, Pusey lent the weight of an eminent academic reputation to their cause. For the literalists, the new Ideas challenged the very basis of Christian belief because they cast doubt on what was called "the plenary inspiration" of Scripture.  By  asserting that the sacred writings had been culturally Pij.  Quoted in Woodward, Reform, p. 576.  2  ^Green, Religion, p. 308.  conditioned, the modernists implied that certain aspects need not be accepted as literal truth.  A second point of  debate concerned the doctrine of creation in the first book of the Old Testament, Genesis.  The literalist believed that  all species had been created by God in their present form within six days.  This idea had been challenged by Darwin  when he published the Origin of Species in 1859.  The argu-  ments of the traditionalists headed by Bishop Wilberforce only strengthened the impact of the scientists' assertions on the thinking public, so that the "attempt to destroy the Darwinian theory by theological weapons damaged the current " • P6 theology more than the theory." The scientists and agnostics were not the only critics of the traditionalists.  As early as 1853 P. D.  Maurice had been dismissed from the newly formed chair of theology at King's College, London, for "dangerous tendencies" in casting doubt on the doctrine of eternal torment in Hell.2"'' In this heresy he had been joined by the youthful Hort at Cambridge.  Ih 1863 the Cambridge mathematician who had been  appointed bishop of Natal, John William Colenso, touched off one of the most far reaching and complicated controversies in Anglican history when he published a book casting doubt on the Mosaic authorship of the first five books of the 26 . Cornish, English Church, II, 224. Idea, pp. 160-164. 2  ''Wood, Belief, p. 10.  See also Bowen,  Cornish, History, pp. 201-202.  217  Bible.28 Little of the virulence which attended these early controversies appears in Biekersteth1s writings. Cambridge man.  He was a  It has been noted that that institution was  ahead of Oxford in modernizing itself.  Discussion there  generated less heat than at Oxford, where the presence of reactionaries like Pusey and Wilberforce did much to keep the argument going.  But as far as the church was concerned,  the real difference at Cambridge in the seventies and eighties was represented by the presence of the famous "Cambridge Three." scholars,  These were the theologians and biblical  Brooke Poss Westcott, Joseph Barber Lightfoot,  and Fenton John Anthony Hort. versity between 1844 and 1892.  All flourished at the uniAlthough considerably behind  the German scholars they instilled in their students an attitude of open-inindedness to modern problems quite new in Victorian thought. ^ Westcott's dictum, "Belief in words is the foundation of belief in thought and belief in man" represented a reaction to the dogmatic subjectivity of the Oxford Movement and of High Victorianlsm in general.30  All three men exercised  28 Ibid., Ch. 12. 20 -'Cornish, English Church, pp. 208-210. 30 " ibid.,p. 209. Por dogmatism, see Houghton, Victorian, Ch. 6.  great rigor in their own speciality.  They insisted that  theological formulation must begin with scientific and historical criticism of the ancient texts.  The principles  which they laid down have become the basis of modem theology as an academic discipline. All of these scholars joined in a variety of pursuits outside their academic specialities.  Hort, who had earlier  been trained as a botanist, followed current scientific trends.  Lightfoot and Westcott carried through life a  concern for industrial problems which they had gained growing up in the Midlands.31  Both later served in turn as  Bishop of Durham where they mediated fierce labour disputes. Westcott joined with others to lead first the settlement movement in the East End of London and then later the Christian Socialists. A close relation existed at Cambridge between industrial missions at home and foreign missions abroad.  The  comfortably born undergraduates recognized responsibility to the proletariat of the city slums.  Beatrice Webb said of  Arnold Toynbee, the ardent young Oxford reformer and leader in the workers' education movement, "He knelt to the masses in the name of the upper and middle classes."32  The  31 Cornish, English Church, pp. 209-210; Inglls, Churches, pp. 155, 275-287. _i 32ffrom % Apprenticeship, quoted in Inglls, Churches, P. 149. See also Bowen, Victorian Church, pp. 329-30";  university men also saw in the heathen, living in poverty and barbarism abroad, an "external proletariat."33  it is  not surprising, therefore, that the same individuals should have led both movements.  The explorer-missionary David  Livingstone's famous speech at Cambridge in 1857 resulted in the birth of the Universities Mission to Central Africa. Westcott, co-founder of Toynbee Hall, also helped in 1876 to start a university mission, the Cambridge Mission in North India, turning to one of his closest dlscipMs, a young Fellow of Pembroke College, to lead it.  That man was  Edward Bickersteth.34 The influence of the Cambridge theologians remained with Bickersteth throughout his life. in  It expressed itself  a pragmatic, rather than doctrinaire, approach to  intellectual problems.  Bickersteth was no radical, either  socially or intellectually.  Later on, In Japan, he showed  no strong disposition to criticize Japanese expansion in Korea.  He looked upon Arthur Lloyd's religious adventures  with staid, though kindly, criticism.  He entered the lists  33 Cairns, Prelude, p. 92.: 34 Life, pp. 17, 26-44j see also Preface by Westcott to Edward Bickersteth, Our Heritage In the Church (London, 1 9 0 5 ) , P. vii, and Green, Religion, p. 322. Following the decision to establish this mission in Delhi, partly on the advice of Sir Bartle Frere, the name "Cambridge Mission to Delhi" was adopted in 1877. Life, po. 39-42.  against.the Unitarians in the cause of orthodox belief.35 But his judgements were realistic.  He may have entertained  misgivings about Japanese imperialism, but he thought of that country as the Britain of the Orient.  Japanese rule  in Korea would bring concrete benefits to a less developed country and might be excused on those grounds.  In theo-  logical matters he was a convinced Anglo-catholic, but he could always enjoy good relations with men of other parties. He seldom spoke of Protestants as Dissenters, but preferred to use the more objective term Nonconformist. Bickersteth demonstrated the same flexible realism xvith regard to modern thought.  He accepted the strength of  the scientists' arguments and set about adjusting his own ideas to theirs.  In a pastoral letter to his clergy he  urged them "to cultivate the grace of sympathy as a qualification for which there is no substitute in dealing with doubt.  They must study unbelief in its own records or they  will fall to apprehend its point of view.  They must learn  never to claim for revelation the territory of natural science, nor to surrender to other claimants the domain of revelation.  He appended a reading list of books written  by leading scientific agnostics.  In particular he recommended  the best selling novel by Mrs. Humphrey Ward, Robert Elsmere, -^Schwantes, "Christianity," p. 129. 36  added.  Pastoral for Holy Week, 1890, p. 13.  Italics  which told the story of a clergyman who had lost his faith. For Biekersteth awareness of modern ideas was not a mere technique for defending a religious position which he did not intend to change.  He realized clearly that science  demanded a change in the modes of theological statement which might appear to some as a betrayal of belief,  in reference  to the vexed question of scriptural inspiration, Biekersteth wrote to his father: "In itself I feel it is Just one of those questions on which it is wisdom to allow large liberty.  The  penalty for overstatement on either side is to be upset by some more scholarly mind and more balanced judgement. is not a matter for ecclesiastical censure."37 clergy he was even more outspoken.  It  To his own  "I am a little dis-  appointed that there are not as yet, as far as I am aware, any among ourselves who are giving sustained and serious study to the Old Testament with a view to eventually forming opinions as to the new questions raised. . . . We cannot afford to neglect or ignore views of Holy Scripture which come to us accredited by the names of men who are . . eminent linguists and critics."38 need fear these results.  He did not feel that they  "I do not believe that we shall  lose any of the Old Testament—though parts may be symbolic or dramatic which had been taken to be purely historical."39 37  414.  Life, pp. 411-412. qo Pastoral for Advent, 1890, quoted in Life, op. 413Italics In original. * 39t ^Letter to his sister May, Life, p. 4l3.  Thus evolution posed no threat and the bishop welcomed experiments in theological thinking which would take account of its implications. Although not a trained theologian or philosopher, Bickersteth1s ideas possessed many points in common with the writings of a new school of Anglican theology which had sprung up at this time.  Its best known leaders were Charles  Gore and Henry Scott Holland, two younger colleagues of Westcott in the Christian Socialist movement.  These men,  together with a number of other scholars at Oxford, had published in 1889 a collection of essays entitled Lux Mundi. In the preface Gore stated that "theology must take a new development."  The Church must enter "into the apprehension  of the new social and intellectual movements of each age . . . assimilate all new material, . . . welcome and give its place to all new knowledge.  Most of the authors who contributed  to the symposium were in the High Church tradition.  But  they had been strongly influenced by the liberalism of Maurice and the neo-Hegelian idealism of T. H. Green.  Con-  sequently, the school which they represented was usually in known as Liberal Catholicism. 40  Quoted in Cornish, English Church, p. 359. See also A. M. Ramsey, An Era in Anglican Theology: From Gore to Temple. (London and New York, I960), pp. 2-15. " 41 , Bowen, Idea, p. 174. Inglis, Churches, pp. 1 5 0 - 1 5 2 .  Bickersteth knew and admired Gore.  "I have got as  far as Gore's sixth Bampton Lecture," he wrote to his father.  "I cannot but think that he may really be counted „ii p  among the few masters in theology." alike.  The two men were much  Both exhibited the same mixture of traditionalism  with openness to new ideas. public activity.  Both were deeply involved in  Both evinced something of the same fuzzi-  ness, or lack of logical consistency, in their thought.  One  was a trained theologian, the other a skilled ecclesiastical statesman.  But the liberalism of both sprang from their  reverence for facts.  Because they were practical men, they  were unwilling to raise up a system of thought whose logic, however beautiful in its consistency, might some day be "upset by some more scholarly mind." C.  University missions: gentleman scholars at work  The very fact of their having received the training and education of one University will be a bond of sympathy between the missionaries of no ordinary strength. Our English Universities have a character and tradition of their own, which are impressed by a thousand subtle and indefinable influences on those who pass through them, and will naturally engender unity of feeling and similarity in modes of thought. We refuse to regard the consideration of such influences and associations as merely sentimental.43 It is difficult to overestimate the degree to which men like Edward Bickersteth and Arthur Lloyd were Influenced 42  L i f e , p. 412.  ^ 3 E B in MP, March 1877,* quoted in Life, p. 20.  by their university background.  They were essentially  ex-dons and their day-to-day actions were conditioned by their Cambridge experiences.  Bickersteth rarely mentioned  any of his missionary staff without appending a note on their university s t a t u s . ^  He himself retained his Fellow-  ship at Pembroke College for eighteen years.  The larger  part of that time he was absent in India or Japan, but those were the days before a Fellow had to be resident. He needed only to be u n m a r r i e d . ^ Many of the inconsistencies in the ideas of the Shiba men can be explained by the fact that they had been educated at a university which was in process of particularly rapid change.  Unconscious assumptions had not quite caught  up with actuality.  As Anglicans, the missionaries were  members of a body which, until recently, had enjoyed a virtual monopoly in the two senior institutions. Until 1856 it had been necessary for all matriculants at Oxford and all candidates for degrees at Cambridge to subscribe to the Thirty-nine Articles, the manifesto of the Church of England.  This meant that no Roman Catholic,  Non-conformist,  non-Christian, or atheist could study at Oxford or graduate at C a m b r i d g e . C h a p e l  attendance remained compulsory until  Iii!.  For instance, EB-SFG, 19/12/87.  he  Life, p . 20.  ^ W o o d w a r d , Reform, pp. 489-491; Making, p. 257.  Kit son Clark,  225 1871.  Broad reform was difficult because the Individual  colleges which made up the university dominated its government. ^  The colleges were, in theory, private institutions  founded to educate the sons of those who had established them—arid the clergy of the established church.  Each had  its own particular interests which were often in conflict. But the university which the colleges monopolised served a public social function.  With the growth of a secular  society its character as a religious institution had become increasingly anachronistic. in patchy fashion.  Yet reform proceeded  Even after the religious tests had been  abolished and the public was permitted entrance, the privileged position of the Church of England remained. . Though partially disestablished in the universities it was still the Church of the realm. become professors.  Only Anglicans could  The Church remained the single largest  48 profession for all Oxford and Cambridge graduates. This mixed, religious-secular character of the English university conditioned the attitude of the Shiba missionaries to education in Japan.  Although Arthur  Lloyd was the extreme example, they all in one way or another accepted Japanese secular institutions as similar in nature to their own.  Their allusions to "the  ^ S . J. Curtis, History of Education in Great Britain, 6th ed. (London, 1965J* P . - i ^ . 101.  ^Jenkins and Jones, "Social Class," pp. 98 and  University," meaning Tokyo Imperial, or Keio, betrayed the fact that they identified those institutions in their minds with their English experience.49  Accordingly, they  felt far more kindly toward them than did the Americans, who had come from denominational colleges. The partial disestablishment of the Church of England within the ancient universities can be seen as one factor in the rise of the university missions.  It was difficult  for the nineteenth-century intellectual churchman to see secularization as anything but a negation, a loss to unbelief which had to be regained.  Thus the struggle with "infidelity,  the drive to establish slum missions, and the organization of bands for overseas work: all formed part of the same campaign against unbelief. Each university had its own particular emphasis. Oxford first began missions to the slums. With the growth of liberalism the urge to gain proselytes gave way to the building of "bridges of goodwill" between the classes, and settlements took the place of missions.50  Cambridge became  the cradle of foreign missionaries to Africa, India and Melanesia.  The university missions brought reinforcements  from the Anglo-catholic wing of the church to a movement  49  See, for instance, EB in Life, p. 157; ACS-SPG, 5/7/81, 1/10/86; AL-SPG, 26/5/90. xnglis,- Churches, p. ,155.  which had hitherto been predominantly Evangelical, 51 all the movements overlapped.  But  Westcott of Cambridge was  a director of Toynbee Hall, the London settlement house. Bickersteth drew most of the recruits for his university mission in Tokyo from Oxford. One tradition which all shared was the public School.  Westcott had been a master at Harrow before going rp  to Cambridge in 1871.J  The mission to the South Pacific,  led by Selwyn and Patteson, was backed by an auxiliary at Eton.53  Gore had studied with Westcott at Harrow while  Scott Holland had studied at Eton.  Although the leaders  of the Shiba Sect had attended smaller and less famous schools, the ethos of Rugby, Eton and Harrow formed part of the tradition which they loved.  School and University  combined to produce the gentleman—a personality compounded of classical learning, disciplined character, love of exercise, and dedication to the service of humanity—who was their ideal missionary. The presence of Cambridge men in the university missions helped to make the members more open minded than most of the earlier Evangelicals.  The disciples of  5  "'•Stephen Neill, A History of Modern Missions (London, 1964), p. 325. 52 53  Vidler, F. D. Maurice, pp.  263-265.  COrnish, English Church, pp. 412, 420.  Lightfoot and Westcott looked on missions as more than proselytization.  Westcott had taught that Indian thought  would itself contribute to the understanding of Chrisj-U  tianity.-5  He helped found the mission to North India as a  dialogue betxveen intellectuals of the European-Christian, Hindu and Muslim traditions.  One of Westcott's associates  likened it to the ancient philosophical school at Alexandria which had stressed liberal cultural interchange based on Eastern modes of t h o u g h t . 5 5  The  Englishmen who joined it  were to learn the vernacular, rather than require the Indians to learn English as In the government schools.56 When Edward Bickersteth was appointed in 1877 to head the newly founded Cambridge mission to Delhi, he added to his master's conception two ideas of his own. First, the mission was to be a community, or brotherhood. It was to use the best in the monastic tradition: celibacy for greater economy and mobility, a community house, and a simple discipline.  But there were to be no perpetual vows.  It was to be a free community on the lines of the Senior Common Room at Cambridge.  The men would support each other,  both intellectually and spiritually, but they would not be forced to do so. 57 54  Neill, Missions, p. 538, 55Life, p. 70. 56 Ibid., p. 74. 57 Ibid., pp. 29, 80, 92.  229  Secondly, it was to be free from any direct missionary control.  Although Biekersteth later became  a bishop and an administrator, he remained firm on this_ point.  The community might be loosely affiliated with one  or another of the missionary societies. were to be with the university.  But its first ties  It was, in effect, to be  a community of Christian scholars.  It must therefore be  free from organizational commitments in order to follow its vocation to build bridges of goodwill between cultures. Accordingly Biekersteth, Lloyd and the other Shlba men saw their vocation as a kind of university extension department.  It was on these grounds that Biekersteth justi-  fied his long absentee tenure of the Fellowship at Cambridge. He always held that if Fellowships were ever to be allotted to specific objects, it was not unreasonable that one should be held by a missionary. He maintained that the Christian sons of an ancient University were responsible not only for the confirmation of the faith, but also for its propagation.59 This was the ideal which Biekersteth upheld with such success for five years in India.  When illness brought him  home to England, the way was open for new ventures.  After  a brief period of recuperation he was appointed in 1886 to represent the Church of England as its second missionary bishop In Japan.  When he went there he carried his ideal  58  Ibid., pp. 32-36| see also Cholmondeley-SPG, 29/6/89; EB-SPG, I6/V90. 59  Life, pp. 20-21.  with him. D. University missions and Saint Andrew's Mission When Edward Bickersteth arrived in Japan he lost no time in adding a new dimension to the Shiba Sect.  Even  before his departure from England he had begun to think of transferring the idea of the Delhi Mission to Japan.  As  soon as he had been acquainted with his appointment he issued an appeal which was backed up by his father, now Bishop of Exeter, and his old teacher, Bishop Lightfoot of Durham. It is proposed to establish, as soon as men and means are available, an associated mission in Japan after the manner of the University missions in India. . . . The special object of the mission will be to reach the educated classes, while at the same time it Is believed that it will form a useful centre for general mission work. It is hoped that in time educated Japanese Christians will be attached to the mission staff.60 That the mission was intended to be a free, autonomous community of university men from two races was shown by Bickersteth's refusal to tie it in either to SPG or CMS. But it never achieved this objective.  Bickersteth himself  had become too closely committed to institutional activity with the Seikokai and could not spare time or effort to think through a special function for the mission.  Lloyd's  individualism unfitted him for the guidance which only he  60  Quoted in Life, p. 216, 31/12/85.  Italics original.  233  could have supplied. beginning.  Shaw did not like the Idea from the  Thus it deteriorated into an ineffectual adjunct  of the Shiba mission, petering out soon after its founder's death. In spite of its lack of success the ideal of the university mission—or The Mission Brotherhood of Saint 6l Andrew, as it came to be called in Tokyo—was noble. Bickersteth was keenly aware of the influence which Christianity had exercised on intellectuals in Meiji Japan.  "In  a city like Tokyo," he wrote to his brother Samuel, ". . . men followed with keenest interest the battle between Christianity and agnosticism, where arguments might be answered at any moment by quotations from Huxley or Herbert Spencer."  It was Edward's belief that a mission, "consisting  exclusively of graduates of the English Universities would command the respect of the educated classes, and especially of the University of Tokyo, which sent its sons all over the 62 country."  But an aggressively evangelistic approach would  not do, "because.the educated Japanese mind is as yet in a state of indecision and uncertainty in reference to the whole subject of religion."  J  Thus a mission of intellectuals,  displaying the reserve proper to gentlemen, was the ideal 6l  Ibid., p. 220. 6? 63  Ibid., p. 219) PP. 209-210.  Ibid., p. 209.  solution for the approach to well bred Japanese. Saint Andrew1s was to be a disciplined community. Some of the romanticism of the Oxford Movement was apparent in the choice of a monastic pattern. slavish imitation.  But it was not a  "We are Christians of the nineteenth  century, not of the first," the bishop wrote to one of his Japanese clergy, "and must not neglect our heritage. The simple monastic rule was to be elaborated as they went gfalong.  J  It involved poverty:  "A small yearly sum Is  allowed each missionary; . . . probably 401^. or 501.. would be necessary . . . . not 'indigence1 in any sense, but no surplus."  Also celibacy: "It is understood that no one 67  will be accepted . . . who is engaged to be married." And finally, the brotherhood was to serve under the bishop, with an elected Head and a Chapter, where matters pertaining to the community could be discussed and decided in democratic agreement.CQ Bickersteth did not neglect the prudential advantages of such an arrangement.  It was 6°  much cheaper than maintaining a series of families. 64 EB to the Rev. B. Terasawa, 31/12/87, in Life, P. 254. ~ " 65 Ibid., p. 220. 66lbld., 67lbid., 68 Ibid., 69 Ibid.,  pp. . p. p.  219. 221: Rule, clause 3. 221: Rules J, 8, and 9. 218.  233  But the main reasons were intellectual and spiritual.  And  of course, its independence 'was highly prized. The community as it actually emerged did not work out exactly as its founder had planned.  In the first place,  only one man ever came from Cambridge.  Tne others were all  Oxford men, which meant that the narrower, more ecclesiastical view of the elder university predominated.  Biekersteth  found it difficult to maintain the Westcott liberalism which had been part of the dream.  The men preferred to run a  divinity school to train men for the Japanese ministry rather than carry on intellectual conversations with uncommitted scholars.70 The changed situation in Japan in the late eighties and nineties further encouraged narrower objectives.  It had  become difficult to find many intellectuals who wanted to talk.  Shaw had arrived when samurai like Imai still sought  an alternative to the government1s plan for modernization, and Christianity seemed a viable option.  But by 1887, when  Lionel Cholmondeley, [pronounced "Chumly"] the first member of the University Mission arrived, the nationalist reaction had set in and intellectuals spent their time in agitation for an elected assembly.  Biekersteth's unfailing optimism  had at first blinded him to the change in climate.  70  Ibid., pp. 224-225.  But by  234  1891 he complained that "political questions have ousted 71 religious from the main position in the public eye."' On the whole, the intellectuals had opted for an alignment with the British utilitarianism and social Darwinism which left them greater freedom to follow traditional Japanese methods.  The long tradition of  Confucian scholarship which they inherited predisposed them to look upon any religion as a matter for the uneducated masses.  The attacks of the European free thinkers on  Christianity touched a responsive chord in minds accustomed to hear a similar criticism, of Buddhism.  When  Fukuzawa had advocated in 1884 that Japan "wear a religious dress uniform with others" he had felt that this would enable his country to enter "into the comity of Christian nations."72  But he soon returned to his former public  stance of opposition, attacking Christianity almost daily in the editorial columns of his paper.7o  The hostility of the  intellectuals caused the missionaries sadly to conclude that "the present temper . . . of the Japanese,,74 . . . is set on other things besides the Kingdom of God.  71  EB-SPG, in MF, 1891 > P. 209.  72  Ji,ji Shlmpo, quoted in Gary, p. 174. Sumiya, Klndai, p. 69.  7  ^EB-SPG, 2 6 / 9 / 9 2 . For an interesting comment on this comment, see Chamberlain, Everyday Japan, 6th ed., p. 81.  235  At first, through Lloyd's introduction, Cholmondeley taught at Keio. But Bickersteth wrote in 1890 that this work was not as "repaying from the. missionary point of view as we anticipated."  With the reorganization of a theological  seminary at St. Andrew's in 1888, the need for teachers there pulled the qualified men in.  The new churches which were  being opened in other parts of Tokyo necessitated experienced clergy to supervise the Japanese workers.  Thus, as public  interest in discussion waned, the missionaries who had come to discuss were drawn off into jobs for1 which there was a more evident need.  Shaw, always critical of what he felt to  be an unorthodox experiment, noted rather sourly that they were not fulfilling their function.  "The.Bishop keeps them  all living together simply superintending portions of [my] work.."...' < There were other reasons why Saint Andrew's Brotherhood did not fulfil its expectations.  There was the relative,  but basic, lack of Interest on the part of Englishmen in Japan., Parallel work in .India and the Universities Mission in Africa both grew steadily during this period.  But in both  of these countries, British colonial commitments worked to keep interest alive.  In Japan the Brotherhood never numbered 76 more than seven or eight members.1 Moreover those in the 75  ACS-SPG, 25/9/91. . For reorganization of seminary, see Matsudaira, "Shingakuin-shi," p. 7', EB-SPG, 18/12/88. 76  Life, p. 217.  colonies met with a different reception: their benevolent paternalism was accepted.  But in Japan, where Christianity  exercised its greatest appeal among young intellectuals who were eager to escape paternalism in their own culture, the more individualistic gospel of the Americans possessed 77  greater attractions.1' Biekersteth could never rid himself of ambiguity with regard to the Brotherhood's goals.  Because of his  practical bent, he could not see intellectual discussion, or the building of cultural bridges, as activities valid in themselves. sion.  They mast always work toward Christian conver-  This in turn required the construction of a Western-  style ecclesiastical institution.  Consequently, even before  all the possibilities for a freer type of activity were exhausted the men of Saint Andrew's were fated to leave their community in the service of the '.organization, Lloyd had showed by his lifelong commitment to intellectual exploration that Intellectual exchange served the ends of evangelism as long as the primary objective was not convert hunting.  But Biekersteth was less willing to allow his men  the necessary freedom.  Thus the Saint Andrew's Mission  never developed in the same way as the Oxford missions to London's East End: 77  it did not grow from an organization for  This was the heyday of TJehimura' s early period, as well as of the young writers around Meiji Gakuin. Kosaka, Japanese Thought, pp. 187-191•  237 making proselytes to become a builder of bridges between cultures. The final blow came when. Bickersteth1s own direct involvement in the project ended.  In 1893, during a stay in  England, he met and married Marion Forsyth, the daughter of a London b a r r i s t e r . S h e was a charming and able woman who continued to work in Japan after her husband's death and published several articles and a book about the work there. Everyone at Shiba was happy except the members of the celibate mission.  Shaw commented, "The Bishop has come back  with his bride and seems very bright."  But, he went on, his  marriage is "a blow to „ . . S t . Andrew's.  The Mission is  ,,70  in a very tottering state.  ^  Bickersteth had never meant to keep the members of the brotherhood unmarried permanently, so his action involved no betrayal of principle.  But his own withdrawal  from the community left its members 'Without the personal leadership which alone could hold them together.  Within a  few years most of the men had ceased to function as a distinct group.  The only bond that now held them together was their  broader loyalty to the Shiba mission.  They had in effect  become individual members of the Shiba Sect with whose general alms they agreed. 78  Life, p. 299.  79  ACS-SPG, 15/12/93.  238  101.  The absorption of the Brotherhood into the Shiba  Sect did not have a totally negative effect.  Without doubt  It had turned away from society at.large to work with an ingroup.  But by so doing it added- to the development of the  Shiba Sect a certain style of life all its own.  As  Biekersteth expressed it, the aim of the theological school which the Brotherhood superintended was "not merely to carry on a course of instruction, but to create a tone and atmosftn phere, and maintain a life."  The tone of disciplined  liberalism which had been part of the English university common-room was transferred to the men. who were to become 81 the leaders of the Seikokai'.  - Day-to-day contact with  their students in the community life at Saint Andrew's also produced in the Englishmen a uniquely sensitive understanding of Japanese culture.  The perception of value in  Moore's account of Japanese religion was matched by other Shiba men who wrote on a wide range of subjects, from netsuke to Zen Buddhism,82 Nevertheless, the Mission had lost Its chance to enter into dialogue with Japanese society at large. had become part of a sect, turned away from society.  It The  process which had begun when its founder Edward Biekersteth 8  °EB~GuIld of Sty.Paul, 5/7/89, In Life, p. 225.  81  In 1959, 5 out of the 10 bishops of the Seikokai had been educated at St. Andrew's. Matsudaira, Hyakunen-shi, p. 234. See Appendix II.  239  married reached its conclusion when he died on August 5th, 1897, at the early age of 47.  Bickersteth's successor  admired Alexander Shaw's more orthodox approach.  Under his  leadership the Brotherhood was rapidly integrated into the Shiba organization.  Although it retained its name well into  the twentieth century, it had become an adjunct, rather than an autonomous body. The failure of the Brotherhood of St. Andrew to bridge the cultures of East and West emphasizes certain weaknesses in the general approach of the English missionaries to modern society and foreign cultures.  As "Church-  men" they looked to the past, to a medieval European model in which faith and its institutional form had been confused. They shared In the common Victorian understanding of modernization which experienced difficulty in seeing secularization as anything but negative.  The rise of urban industrial  society had forced the Church to relinquish certain areas of life it had once monopolized.  Rather than welcoming this  as a gain for mankind they interpreted it as a betrayal of an ancient heritage.  The use of such expressions as  "infidelity" to describe the thought of intellectuals who had rejected the Church reveals their frame of mind. In Japan the British missionaries carried this negative attitude to modernization with them.  It was this that  influenced them to label the Confucian agnosticism of Fukuzawa and his confreres as "infidelity."  That is, they  240 confused it with the free-thinking of Mill and Spencer, who shared their own Christian background.  In doing so they showed  themselves unable to distinguish between the post-Christian state of their own society and the quite different historical tradition which lay behind the culture in which they now found themselves.  Men like Basil Hall Chamberlain—and even  Arthur Lloyd—who worked without institutional vested interests could more freely understand the historical differences between their own and Japanese culture.  This  seems to be why Chamberlain alone of all the long-term residents in Japan possessed the Insight to distinguish between the superficial irreligion of Fukuzawa and the actual religion •83 which undergirded the Meiji state.  In recognizing the  difference they could better accept the Japanese faith for its own sake. Finally, the missionaries.never fully saw the nonChristian religions as a positive force, in and for themselves, though the Shiba Englishmen approached closer to this recognition than many of their colleagues. Yet even they saw Buddhism and Shinto largely in terms of the praeparatio 84 evangelli.  As they understood it, the indigenous religions  would have to be turned into Christian—that is, European— Oo  ^Everyday Japan, 6th ed., p. 81. 0[i See, for instance, Moore1 s view, above, pp.i96-r.i97. Also Lloyd's preface to The Creed of Half Japan.  forms before they would attain to their fullest truth. Their gentlemanly tolerance never attained the intellectual breadth necessary for a dialogue between equals.  It  remained for a later generation to appreciate the meaning of Westcott's prophecy.  CHAPTER VII  BRITISH MISSIONARIES AND JAPANESE SOCIETY The English missionaries at Shlba formed a tiny minority of the missionaries from other lands and churches in Japan,  In 1894 there were nine ordained men and three women  directly connected with Saint Andrew's.1  This group seems  hardly worth mention beside the five-hundred-odd American Protestant missionaries.  The importance of those in the  Shiba group lies more in what they represented as part of the 125 British missionaries at work in various parts of Japan than in themselves.  Allowing for individual  differences of theology or of personal and social outlook, they could claim to represent in general the attitudes of Anglican Christians to Japan. In the closing years of the nineteenth century the Shiba missionaries had established their position as part of the larger British community in Japan more solidly, if anything, than in the seventies and eighties.  SPG  missionaries ministered to the two large English congregations at St. Andrew's in Tokyo and Christ Church-on-the-Bluff in 1  9/1/94.  Minutes of SPG Annual Meeting,  3/1/94,  in EB-SPG,  2 Figures for both American Protestants and Anglicans for 1896 in Rltter, History, pp. 350 & 352. 242  243  Yokohama.  They counted the names of Fraser- and Satow—  successors to Alcock and Parkes--among their advisors. The missionaries' dual function, as representatives of English life in Japan, and as influencers of opinion concerning Japan in their homeland, had increased in importance as mutual interests drew the two countries closer together. . A comparison of circulation figures for missionary publications and the secular press will give some idea of how widely missionary literature was read in England at the end of the nineteenth century.  In 1896, for example, the  monthly combined circulation of the two main periodicals published by the CMS, the Gleaner and the Intelligencer, amounted to just under 90,000 copies.  The SPG publications  enjoyed a somewhat smaller circulation, but the number was still significant: 14,500 copies per month for the Mission Field in 1900, and 16,400 for the Gospel Missionary.3 If one considers that the total circulation of the Times at the end of the century was around 38,000 copies, these 4  figures are quite impressive. It is as representatives, then, that the Shiba missionaries are important.  Whatever was distinctive in  their attitudes may be assumed to reflect, at least in part, 3  Stock, III, 694j Pascoe, II, 8l4.  ^In I 8 9 5 circulation was 37,359J in See the Times (London, May 8, 1914), p. 9.  1900,  38,176.  2bh that which characterized the British approach to Japan. Nothing differentiated this approach more than its attitude toward Japanese society and, in particular, how they regarded the secular institutions of education and international politics. A.  Meiji educational policy and the mission school  "When the British diplomat and pioneer in Japanese studies, Sir Ernest Satow, wrote of "the existing educational system of Japan, which a high authority has pronounced to be superior to our own," 5 he intended high praise.  His  opinion has been borne out by later scholars, as well as by the concrete evidence of Japan's success in modernization.  Two factors governed the earliest stages of Meiji  educational policy.  The first was the need for a literate  population to man the conscript army and supply the skilled services required for an industrial state.  To fill this  need sixteen months of schooling were made compulsory for children of both sexes in 1 8 7 1 .  The term was extended to  three years in 1 8 8 0 and later to six years, so that by  1905  Japan could claim a literacy rate of 9 5 percent, one of the highest in the world. Secondly, Japan needed a university system to supply administrators for its civil service and industry.  According  to the earliest plan it had been intended to found eight  ^"Christian Missions," p. 127.  university districts, each with its own Imperial University. But "before 1900 only two had been founded: and Kyoto, in 1897.  Tokyo, in 1886  Also, the gap between primary and  university levels was not completely filled until the end  6 of this period.  Entrance into the university naturally  required much higher qualifications, particularly in foreign languages, than the primary schools could furnish. During the closing years of the Shogunate the need for secondary education in languages and other subjects had been supplied by private tutorial schools, known as juku. Many of these -juku specialized in the teaching of western studies, or yoga leu. Typical of them was Fukuzawa' s Keio Gijuku which later developed into the university.  As the  pace of modernization increased from 1870 to 1880, the demand for juku far outran the supply.  Many of the courses  at the University were given in English or German by foreign teachers, making a working knowledge of those languages essential.  It was in partial response to this 7  demand that the early mission schools arose.1 Prior to 1873 the missionaries, prohibited from direc evangelism, had concentrated on education.  One of the  6 Figures and dates are from Fairbank, Reischauer and Craig, p. 277. 7  Fujio Ikado, "The Origin of the Social Status of Protestantism in Japan ( 1 8 5 9 - 1 9 1 8 ) , " Contemporary Religions in Japan, II-1 and -2 (Tokyo, March and June, 19b±), II-1, pp. 24-27.  outstanding examples is that of Guido Verbeck, the DutchAmerican missionary who counted among his pupils in Nagasaki such young samurai as T)kuma Shigenobu and Soeshima Taneomi. When these men later occupied important posts in the government they invited their teacher to guide them. Consequently, Verbeck was able to make an important contribution to the organization of the entire early scheme for schools and  8 universities.  With the increase in demand for juku many  of the mission schools enlarged their scope.  C. M. Williams,  the American Episcopal missionary, moved his small school from Osaka to Tokyo in 1874. Rikkyo University.  This school grew to become  The Japanese Congregational convert,  Niijima Jo, founded his school, the Doshlsha Yogakko, in Kyoto in 1 8 7 5 .  Others, both missionaries and Japanese,  followed suit.9 The mission schools during the nineteenth century were small in size. 250. 10  Rikkyo in 1898 had 100 students, Doshlsha  This limitation of numbers was deliberate.  From the  o KBKS, III, 249-253. There is a biography by W. E. Griffis, Verbeck of Japan (N. Y., Fleming Reveil, 1 9 0 0 ) . He was responsible for introducing American educators like James and Clark, 9  0zawa Saburo, Nihon Purotesutanto-shi kenkyu [Studies in the History of Japanese ProtestantismJ (Tokyo, 1964), p. 25, shows at least 30 schools founded between 1871-1881. This figure does not include a number which collapsed after the government founded its own secondary school system. 10  Ritter, History, pp. 371 and 373. Doshisha figure is just for the Academy, which corresponded to Rikkyo. There was also a College (40), Theological School (8), Science School (12), and Law School (3).  247  standpoint of the missionary, the primary aim of the school was conversion.  This was accomplished by the personal  influence of the missionary and his staff.  The theory was  that numbers should be kept at such a level that each student might become intimately acquainted with at least one of the Christian teachers.  Even when the scope of the training  widened and enrollment increased, the aim was retained. At this stage the model for the mission school became the American denominational college with its compulsory attendance at chapel and courses in Christian knowledge. From the beginning, mission schools were more successful as teaching institutions than as evangelistic media. As long as the government secondary school system remained incomplete, they were exploited as stepping stones to higher education.  This meant that the goal of the students usually  lay beyond the Christian enterprise.  Because their minds  were set on university entrance or successful employment, they hesitated to endanger their future with the potential disadvantage involved in conversion.  When, after 1894,  the government began to increase its facilities for secondary education, the mission schools rapidly lost status.11 Students at institutions without government accreditation did not enjoy the same privileges as those of the government schools. 11  Postponement of military service and preferential Ikado, "Origin," II-2, pp. 37-40.  248  treatment for university entrance proved to be enticing prizes for those at government institutions. The mission schools faced a further crisis at the end of the century. services.  The government no longer depended on their  With the abolition of the unequal treaties there  was no further need to placate the foreign powers whose citizens supported the schools.  Certain powerful advisors  of the government saw in Christianity a threat to national unity.  Finally, in 1899, the Ministry of Education issued  its famous Order No. 12 which prohibited all religious TO practices in the schools.  The mission schools were faced  with a choice of giving up their compulsory courses and ceasing to be evangelistic media, or of accepting the regulations in order to retain their accreditation.  Most of  them—Aoyama Gakuin, Meiji Gakuin, and others—gave up 1 "R government recognition rather than stop the courses. 12  „ Ozawa, Kenkyu, pp. 58-59. For the controversy on Religion and Education, see the same author's Uchlmura Kanzo fukei j'iken [The Uchlmura Kanzo Disloyalty Incident] (Tokyo, 1961). Brown,Nationalism, p. 137, points out that the order was issued immediately the revised treaties came into force, and that "It was clearly a move against Christianity (since Shinto was legally not a religion and therefore would not be proscribed by the order) . . . " ACS, MF 1899 PP. 427-428, writes: "They appear also, at least in spirit, to be a violation of the very constitution, . . . which guarantees perfect religious freedom to all alike . . . . Though [they] extend to Buddhism and Shintoism equally with Christianity, yet as neither of the former any longer takes interest in the general education of the people, their practical effect extends to Christianity alone." Ozawa, Kenkyu, p. 58.  Cary, p. 286.  249  Two colleges attempted a different solution. of these was Niijima's Doshisha in Kyoto.  One  its founder, and  many of its early leaders had been Japanese.  Although it  depended heavily for support on the American Board (Congregational Church), it had very early developed an indigenous character of its own.  Some of the early radical  political leaders of Japan had received their training 14  there.  It was not surprising, therefore, that this  college should now try to compromise with the government. Some of its leaders proposed that the school desist from the explicit campaign for conversions and be satisfied to dispense "Christian education."  But the missionary  teachers strongly opposed this course.  Following a bitter  ana protracted dispute, the Americans won out.15 A second college, Rikkyo Gakuin, took the opposite course.  Rather than lose accreditation, Its leaders  dropped religious education from the list of required courses.  They gave Christian instruction only onirequest  and outside school hours.  Rikkyo's action was significant.  The American schools had shown that they would rather lose government recognition—and therefore good students—than relinquish denominational control. "  .'  •  •  •  •  •  .  •  Rikkyo, though also an  .  Kuyama, p. 262* 15 l6  Howes, "Japanese Christians," pp. 355-356.  Matsudalra, Hyakunen shl, p. 288.  250  American institution, was affiliated with the Anglican 17 Church. Several of the Shiba group taught there. 1 In the crisis Anglicans showed themselves to be willing to pursue education for its own sake, depending on personal influence to make converts.  In other words, a good education was  considered a value in itself.  It was therefore worthy of  retention, apart from evangelism, as a missionary contribution to Japanese life.  This was the Anglican view.  But the English-  men had an even more radical idea of the way it might be carried out. B.  The Anglican pattern: working in secular schools  Anglicans in general did not found mission schools. The two colleges affiliated with the Seikokai, Rikkyo and Momoyama, had both been founded by American Episcopal missionaries.  The English founded a number of girls' schools.  Both CMS and SPG operated their own theological schools until the establishment of the Central Theological College in 19H. All of these arose in response to special needs not met by government institutions.  In general, Anglicans preferred to  work through the secular schools. Alexander Shaw from the first avoided founding ordinary 17  Shaw, Wright and Lloyd, as well as others from time to time. Lloyd was actually principal at the time this decision was taken. Ibid., pp. 277-287.  mission schools.  As early as 1874 he disagreed with Wright  . because.he considered the method to be inferior to "direct evangelism."  Particularly for new missionaries he felt that  it involved dangers because ignorance of the language might lead to misunderstanding by the pupils which would be difficult to correct in the classroom.18 view.  He never changed this  In 1878 he wrote home,"I am almost the only one in our  communion here who has not opened a school, either from necessity or from choice."19  His reasons for the decision were  eminently practical. First of all they are unnecessary. The Government makes very excellent provision for the young. Secondly to render a school efficient takes up so much of the missionaries' time and energy that he has little left for mission work proper. Thirdly, [sic] as far as conversion is concerned the results are unsatisfactory. Of those who attend the schools only a very small proportion become converts and of these latter the majority on: leaving school return to their heathen friends and fall away from grace.20 Characteristically, Shaw was never dogmatic on the point.  His study group at Keio developed into a kind of  night school for a while.  It was through this class that  Imai came. Later, after his move to Shiba in 1879, he named •• ^ ni this class the Seikyosha. But as he became occupied with  ACS-SPG, 21/2/74. 19  point.  ACS-SPG, 26/3/78. SPG considered this an important Pascoe, II, 718-719. 20 ACS-SPG, Ibid. Underlining in original. 21  Imai, Shinjin, p.3.  252  other work he dropped the school in 1884.  It was  resurrected under the same name in 1885 to help out Arthur Lloyd in his financial difficulties, but it remained small, never attaining to the formal proportions of an institution like Rikkyo.  The name was passed on to become the Japanese  designation for the Saint Andrew's Theological School.22 For Shaw, conversion and group-building constituted the essence of evangelism.  Education remained a sideline.  Even in theological education, where the practical value was self-evident, his own main interest was in the students1 life together.  Shaw did his stint of teaching but left the  leadership in that field to others.  As far as general  education was concerned, he was satisfied with the provision of the secular agencies. What had begun as a personal quirk became the Shiba Sect's regular policy toward education.23  Two illustrations,  one involving Shaw and Biekersteth, and the other Arthur Lloyd, make this clear.  In 1886 Shaw was approached by Dr.  Masujima, a Buddhist lawyer who represented a group of highly 24  placed educators and government officials.  In company  with him Shaw visited the President of Tokyo Imperial PP Matsudaira, "Shingakuin-shi," p. 7. 00 E.g., Biekersteth operated on this assumption from the outset: Life, p. 171. 24  Communication from Dr. R.D.M. Shaw.  University, Toyama Masakazu, where they discussed "the details of a scheme for the higher education of women, by which a large college or Institute for this purpose is to be placed entirely in our hands,"25  Japanese leaders at  this time were striving to emulate everything European. The university, "literati," who "a very few years since were extremely hostile to Christianity," now appeared willing to trust the education of their daughters to western missionaries.26 The Institute, as the missionaries came to call it, was to be no ordinary mission school.  The sponsors were  among the more conservative of the Japanese.  They had even  enlisted the patronage of Count Ito, the Minister of Edu27 cation.  The Japanese members of the board were to supply  money and administrative staff, while the missionaries were asked to employ qualified teachers in England.  Bickersteth,  as head of the British group, was elected to the board with Shaw.  He plunged into the scheme with characteristic  enthusiasm.  "Here, if the scheme advances, is an offer to  put under distinct Christian influence and instruction the young wives and daughters of the highest class in the capital, 25  ACS-SPG, 1/10/86. 26TIbid. ,. , 27  Life, p. 214: Toyama, who appears to have been the leader, combined conservatism with pro-British sentiments. Kawade, Dai,jiten, XIV, p. 20: XIII, p. 207.  he wrote.  Nevertheless, this advantage was not to be  pressed too far.  The school was to be "for secular education.  "Although there will be no limitation of . . . Christian teaching out of official hours . . . it is most important not to compromise men holding the highest positions in the country."  on y  The teachers, six in all, were headed by Miss E. MacRae, "Headmistress of the Church of England High School for Girls, Baker Street."30  They arrived in Tokyo in the  spring of 1888, and were duly housed in the old estate of the Satsuma Clan, which had been taken over for the school. With them was Mrs. Caroline Kirkes, a wealthy widow who acted as their manager.  The hopes held by the missionaries for the  success of the enterprise were only surpassed by Lloyd's hopes for his Teaching Mission.31 For two years the venture went moderately well. But it was given little publicity in England as Bickersteth did not wish to see its success endangered by too close an identification with the missionary enterprise.  In the  autumn of 1890 he reported to SPG headquarters, "it [the Institute] is becoming by degrees and after some vicissitudes op.  Life, p. 215j EB-SPG, 5/4/87.  2 9EB-SPG,  26/3/87.  3°Life, p. 215: "Six ladles of exceedingly high culture and training . . . One and all had given up a successful career in England for the sake of Japan." 31  EB-SPG,  5/4/87.  a very important centre of influence.  Its work cannot  safely be reported in the Magazine yet."32  Coming from  Biekersteth, whose tendency was to overstate any possibilities of success, these words were somewhat less than encouraging.  But the "vicissitudes" were not yet over.  Behind the silence of the missionaries, a three-way strugglebetween the ladies, the missionaries and the Japanese sponsors—was going on.  News of the dissention finally burst  out into the open at the beginning of 1892 when Shaw wrote sadly that "The ladies . . . return home . . . very embittered at what they think their ill-treatment by the Japanese.1,33 Several issues were involved in the breakdown.  The  most obvious one, which was aired at great length in the columns of the Guardian, was the familiar one of conversion versus Indirect influence.  The controversy began when  Mrs. Kirkes, who had remained in Japan, appealed for candidates to take the place of Miss MacRae's group.  No religious  instruction would be allowed, she wrote, but "anyone who desires to spread the Catholic faith may find this a great opportunity for exercising a Christian influence privately nli  over Japanese girls and women of the upper c l a s s . ' 32  33  EB-SPG, 22/10/90.  ACS-SPG, '6/4/92. •34 Guardian, 7/9/92, p. 1330.  Miss  MacRae's supporters were quick to reply.  They included  the editor of the paper himself, who pointed out in an editorial that the idea of indirect influence was a dangerous illusion.  He criticized the judgment of Bickersteth, Shaw  and Mrs. Klrkes for staying with such a doubtful enterprise . T h e  argument went on for many months, as all the  actors spoke their parts with increasing acrimony.  The  conflict came to an end with two long letters from Bickersteth, answering all the objections one by one, and coming down finally on the side of Christian influence in 36 secular education. Actually, as Shaw had remarked at the outset of the controversy, there was "quite another side to the question." "The truth is," he continued, "by self-will, by a determination to work on their own lines—regardless of all advice given by the Bishop or myself . . . — have lost and spoiled a great opportunity."  [the ladies] In this  case, the principle involved was the best means to be employed in working with non-Christian Japanese.  Both Shaw  and Bickersteth understood perfectly the importance of putting no pressure on the conservative families from which the girls of the school were drawn. 35  Ibld., 16/11/92. 19/10/92, p. 1572.  They sensed, in spite  See also Rev. Robert Wood,  36  Ibld., 25/1/93 and 8/2/93.  37  ACS-SPG, 6/4/92.  of their optimism about conversions, the growing nationalism,. When the negotiations were beginning, the sponsors had been willing to risk the conversion of their daughters to Christianity because this had been part of the current craze for Western things-. But by the nineties this was no longer the case.  It was now a case of "influence" or nothing.  The  British missionaries were quite happy to maintain contact with the school, even though it might continue to be com••38 pletely secular. In the end a compromise was reached.  The school  became purely Japanese, But it continued to recruit one or more Englishwomen for its staff through SPG, and the 39  practice was resumed following the end of the Pacific War. The example demonstrates the willingness of the Anglican' missionaries to go against popular opinion at home to identify with the Japanese.  They were glad to cooperate with non-  Christians in a purely secular enterprise „ •• Arthur Lloyd's lifetime of work as a teacher in government universities represents the most outstanding example of 38  EB-SPG, 26/3/87; Guardian, 16/11/92, "A Missionary in Tokyo"; Ibid.,8/2/93 (EBj^ The Congregational Church, which made a number of converts among the same class during the eighties, lost most of them in the nineties. Sumiya, Kindai,. p., 90; Gary, pp. 209-211. 3  % h e earliest name in Japanese, Shoreikai, was later changed to Toranomon Jogakko, and finally, T&kyS Jogakkan. Most Japanese sources hardly mention its missionary origins. See Baron Suyematsu in Alfred Stead ed., Japan by the Japanese (London, 1904), p. 260.  258  the above principle.  His experiment with the Christian  Teachers' mission was an attempt to build an organization based on such lines.  The reasons for the Mission's failure  have already been discussed. secular education.  But Lloyd himself remained in  Following his return to Japan from  Canada in:.1893 he resumed his work at Keio.  In 1898 he  was invited to go to Rikkyo, where he founded an English school on the model of Keio. Within the year he had also been appointed President of the college, a post which he held until the appointment of an American missionary in 1903. Before he left Rikkyo he had already begun to lecture at the Tokyo Higher School of Commerce (Hitotsubashi University). in 1911.  He remained in this position until his death  He attained the height of his career with his  appointment as one of the three lecturers who followed the noted essayist and lover of Japan, Lafcadio Hearn, at ILQ Tokyo Imperial University in 1903. For Lloyd, this kind of work was not a second best. Other clergymen like Dening and Somers had taken up teaching when they left the church over some disagreement on a point in of belief.  But Lloyd's many shifts never led to a funda-  mental loss of faith. 4  Teaching was for him a better  °KBKS, pp. 247-252.  4l  Shevill, "Aspects," p. 102; KBKS, II, 18-59* XIV, 364-418.  259  missionary activity than preaching.  "One of the advantages  of my position at a secular college," he wrote, "is that I am brought into contact with a class of people not very accessible to ordinary missionaries.1,42  it was because of  his neutral position that he could associate with Buddhist priests and anti-Christian scholars like Inoue. Work in a secular institution was more than a tactic; it was a recognition of the worth of such an institution in and for itself. As his Japanese biographer remarked, "He offered his entire life to the cause of education in Japan."213 The above two examples provide evidence that the Shiba missionaries adopted a more positive attitude to secular education than the American Protestants.  All  missionaries saw as their fundamental purpose the conversion of Japan to Christianity.  But they viewed the way in  which this goal was to be attained differently.  The Ameri-  cans saw It mainly as the gaining of individual converts. Thus their educational activity had to be arranged to obtain as many individual Christians as possible.  The  Englishmen were not so concerned with monopolizing education for evangelistic means. and for itself. Up  They loved the teaching activity in  They themselves had come through an  CCM, VIII (Aug., 1894), p. 200.  ^KBKS, p. 260,  260  experience in higher education which had left a deep impression on them, and they hoped to leave an equally deep impression in Japan, C.  Missionaries and treaty revision  When Alexander Croft Shaw died in Tokyo on March 13, 1902 the Meljl Emperor awarded him what, in the words of a contemporary, "Is regarded as an almost unprecedented testimonial,"  It was a posthumous gift of ¥1,000, "in recogni-  tion of . , . services during the treaty revision, and his refutation of certain charges brought against the Japanese in the English Press during the Chino-Japanese War. In 1891 Shaw himself had written as follows: I drew up a memorial to the British Minister in a sense favourable to the abolition of the extraterritorial clauses in the treaties, and at the same time giving the Japanese credit for the progress they had made. This memorial was signed by all the British missionaries resident in Tokyo. Our action had a marked effect on public opinion . . . As the passage shows, Shaw was the instigator, but he enjoyed the support of all the British missionaries.  Once  Shuho, " the gift at £100 sterling, or about $500 U.S. Shaw's own salary was £300 per annum. The gift was said to be double the sum usually given in the case of those who had performed some meritorious service for the state. ^5MF, 1891, P. 214.  more they were identifying with a society in whose institutions they felt confidence.  Apart from the faith of  individuals In it, they felt no urge to effect basic change. Shaw's letters reveal a lifelong interest in the subject of treaty revision.  Perhaps his residence in the  family of Fukuzawa Yukichi had made him particularly sensitive to the question.  At any rate he first mentioned it in  a letter to headquarters less than five months after his 46 arrival in Japan.  Thereafter he referred to the subject  frequently, showing that he was aware of each new attempt at negotiation between the government and the western powers. Shaw was not the only missionary to show interest. His contemporary and colleague in the CMS, C.47 F. Warren, also participated in the cause from an early date. 1 Bickersteth and Lloyd, too, remarked on the injustice inherent in the 48 treaties.  Actually, more than a simple concern for justice  motivated them.  The missionaries were hampered by the Japan-  ese insistence on limiting the travel and residence of foreigners outside the concessions.  They saw the treaties,  under which the concessions had been set up, as the main 46  ACS-SPG, 21/2/74, 14/5/74. This was the time, following the return of the Iwakura mission, when a second attempt was made by Japan to secure revision. Jones, p. 86. Fukuzawa's Bummeiron no gairyaku (1875) included an early attack on unequal treaties. Inoue, pp. 62-63. For Baba, see above Ch. Ill, fn. 33. 47 48  CMI, XI  (1875)>  p. 42; Warren-CMS, 20/10/74.  EB-SPG, 27/1/91; MF> 1894, P. 131; 1895, P. 147.  262  source of their troubles.  At this point their interests  directly conflicted with the foreign business community. Modern scholars on the whole have taken the position that foreign opinion in Japan unanimously opposed treaty revision, at least in its early stages between 1871 and ko 1889,  The conclusion is tempting.  The missionaries in  general were at one with the businessmen in their approval of British expansion.  All saw the spread of western rule  as an extension of law and order in the world. A small section of liberal intellectual opinion doubted this claim. Shaftesbury and Gladstone had bitterly criticized British policy during the Opium Wars.  Their opinions were mirrored  among university intellectuals who supported 50 the policies of Gladstone at the height of his career.-'  Yet even among  this group, sentiments gradually shifted toward an imperialism which revealed itself in a change in voting at the general elections of 1886.  Among those who voted against  Gladstone at that time was the Cambridge theologian Hort.51  The Cambridge men in Japan who, in spite of  misgivings, supported Japanese imperialist policy in Korea % e e , for instance, Jones, pp. 96, 102; Inoue, pp. 184-192. 4  5  °For Shaftesbury, see Stock, History, I, 469-470. For Gladstone, Magnus, Gladstone, pp. 52 > 129-130. 51  John Roach, "Liberalism and the Victorian Intelligentsia," Cambridge Historical Journal, XIII (1957)> 58-81: p. 80; Inoue, p. 191. For Westcott's imperialism, see Vidler, Maurice, p. 277.  4791  during the Sino-Japanese War also reflected this shift.^ In spite of such common ideas, there was a deeprooted conflict of Interests between the members of the foreign community who were engaged in commerce and the missionaries.  The businessmen wanted extraterritoriality CO  because it gave them greater freedom to operate.  They also  opposed changing the treaties because the tax structure ' 'KiL • guaranteed by them favoured their transactions.  The  missionaries, on the other hand, opposed e xtra terr it or ia1ity because it provided the justification for the concession system.  They wanted to enjoy unrestricted travel in the  interior and to live outside the concessions so that they 55 could widen the scope of their activity.  Their humani-  tarian interests made them criticize a tax structure which allowed foreigners advantages over the local population.56 Extraterritoriality and the foreign control of customs revenues had not been included in the original treaties drawn up by Harris and Stirling. 52  But once imported from China,  EB-SPG, 15/1/95; Life, pp. 368-370.  5D  Inoue, pp. 35-42.  5  ^Jones, p. 87. 55c p vjarren, "The Present Position of Christianity in Japan,"'CMI, XI (1875), P. 42. E. E. Best, Christian Faith and Cultural Crisis (Leiden, 1 9 6 6 ) , p. 99. 56  "Memo on the proposed Revision of the Treaties," CMS File GI: J/02: 1884.  they became key points of debate.57  Extraterritoriality  was Justified on the grounds that the Japanese possessed a different, less civilized, approach to the civil and criminal law.  It was therefore necessary to guarantee the  human rights of resident foreigners.  But possession of  extraterritorial rights also meant that the foreign population of the port cities remained above the law of the country in which they resided.58  Moreover Japanese who  were involved in suits with foreigners could not obtain redress beyond the local consular courts.  Even the local  courts were situated in the concessions and manned by untrained judges who spoke only English.  In the event of an  appeal to a higher court, it was necessary in the case of the British to travel to Shanghai, while the Americans required litigants to go to San F r a n c i s c o . "  As a natural result only  extremely wealthy Japanese could appeal.  It was inevitable,  therefore, that the growth of national self-consciousness should lead to increasing pressure on the Japanese government to "abolish the unequal treaties."  From  1874 on the govern-  ment itself strove to carry out the legal reforms required by the Western powers.  By 1878 the United States government  proclaimed itself prepared to grant tariff autonomy. 57  Jones, p. 14.  5d  Inoue, pp. 35-42; Jones, p. 53; Paske-Smith, Barbarians, pp. 254-256. 59  Jones, pp. 44-46.  Sir Harry Parkes, who earlier had been one of the architects of the treaty structure in China, remained resolute in his opposition to any revision in Japan, Even when the United States and Germany were ready to accept new treaties in 1882, the arguments of the business community and the danger that would be posed to the structure in China caused Parkes to hesitate.60 change British policy.  But two factors operated to  The first was the growing threat of  trade competition from Germany and the U. S.  The second was  the developing rivalry of British and Russian Imperial interests in the Far East which Increased the value to the English of Japan as an ally.61  The rise of nationalist  opinion in Japan after 1887 provided increased impetus to  62 negotiation.  All these factors overruled the local  opposition of the businessmen and their political lobby at Westminster.  The break-through came with the signing of the  Aoki-Kimberley Treaty between Great Britain and Japan on July 16, 1894.  The other foreign povrers soon followed suit.  It is against this background that the activities of the missionaries must be viewed.  Their efforts provided  welcome ammunition for the forces, both in England and in Japan, which strove to change the status quo. 6  A joint  °Ibid., pp. 100-102.  6l  Inoue, pp. 190-192. Brown, Nationalism, p. 112; Inoue, pp. 184-189.  American and British conference of missionaries in the Kansai area in April, 1884 produced the first, somewhat tentative, effort.  They expressed the opinion "that the  time has arrived when substantial modification should be made in those provisions of the existing Treaties which give exceptional privileges . . . and which are considered by the Japanese Government and people to be an infringement of their just and sovereign rights."  But the missionaries  were also painfully aware that "The interests created under the Existing Treaties [i.e., the businessmen] certainly demand the most careful consideration . . .  Twenty-  eight of the most distinguished early missionaries signed this petition.  They included Bishop Poole, D. C. Greene,  D. W. Learned, C. F. Warren and Otis Cary.  The tentative  nature of the appeal reflected the current state of discussions, in particular the intransigeance of Harry Parkes. The pro-European fervour of the eighties, with its rush of converts into the church, took the missionaries' minds off the subject for a while.  But the failure of Inoue  and t)kuma in 1886 and 1887, together with the ensuing "wave fih.  of anti-foreign feeling," " spurred them once more to action. When the foreign business community in Yokohama sent a 6 V Memo, J/02:1884." The meeting took place shortly after the breakdown of the first Aoki negotiations. 64  ACS in MP, 1890, pp. 328-329.  267 memorandum to the British government opposing treaty revision in the autumn of 1890, the missionaries in the Tokyo area under Shaw's leadership countered with, the memorial which the. Emperor was later to remember with his gift  65  Whatever effect the missionary action may have had in influencing B r i t i s h government decisions, the Japanese press was quick to approve.  The latter had been In the forefifi  front of the campaign for revision.  The public  support  of an Influential group of foreigners filled them with  Joy.  One of them commented editorially: W e have often said that the foreign missionaries in this country are men of the greatest e n l i g h t e n m e n t — t h e y are torches that lead along the path of right. During the thirty and odd years of our country's foreign intercourse, had there been no missionaries here this country's amicable relations w i t h foreign States would have been brought into a very questionable condition ere now. We are sincerely relieved to feel that many evil contingencies have been averted by this action of the British missionaries. We shall not easily forget that the British missionaries, though generally standing aloof from politics, have concerned themselves about this question of the amity of International relations, and have contributed very materially, as we believe, to a happy solution.67 The Japanese editor noted two important  character-  istics of the British missionaries which their campaign had revealed.  65 6  The first was their identification with the  C M I , XVI, 681.  ^ S e e the table in Inoue, p. 153.  ^Translated  in MP, 1/6/91.  The source is not given.  Japanese cause.  This is really what all the flattering  verbiage about their being "torches that lead along the path of right" means.  When the writer distinguishes care-  fully between missionaries and designates the British in particular, the implication is clear that they were the ones who identified most strongly. Secondly, the British "generally . . . stood aloof from politics."  Unlike the A m e r i c a n s — o r at least their  converts—they did not incur the accusation of disloyalty  68 to the Meiji state.  Having been loyal to their own realm  of England, they were willing to transfer this loyalty to their adopted D.  society.  The limited nature of political action The sudden emergence of the  "non-political"  Anglicans into the arena of political action intrigued the Japanese.  As a result of the publicity ensuing from  the missionaries 1  campaign for treaty revision, Alexander  Shaw was asked to give a public lecture on "the relation of Christianity to the State."  This he did, "to an audience  numbering about 2,000 persons." 6 9  He spoke in English with  Imai as interpreter, but only the Japanese text remains. Shaw summarized his conclusions in the closing paragraphs  68 69  Cary, p. 161.  ACS  in MF, 1891, P. 214.  269 of the lecture: Accordingly, the state needs religion Sfi.f r 8 S f ? S l n g a h l ® h degree of power to move men's hearts-the very thing that is lacking in the S t a n d i " ? S C t b u f ° f e t h e Citizenry the loftiest standards, tne highest moral ideals. For though the government must necessarily he satisfied with a m itl e i ° f orallty, religion commands that a man he perfect even as God in heaven is perfect, thus bestowing the highest ideals of which "S? J s capable. And when a crime is committed to which the law does not extend, the state cannot make it an offense. But religion will not permit tnis, appealing to the one great law of society which commands that a man shall love his neighbour as nimseij.» .. T^f interpretation of Christianity which sees the faith as a purely personal matter, concerned only with the individual's salvation, is a most imperfect view. When It speaks about the Church, Christianity does so in terms of a kingdom—a political body—wherein the principles characteristic of a nation and family: the principles of authority, obedience and equality, are all summed up in the one great principle of love.(0 Quite apart from the characteristic Victorian emphasis on the function of religion as a sanction for social morality, Shaw's words reveal an important feature of Anglican thinking about Church and State. 71 7  He was here giving  °NS, 1-13 (December 1 8 9 0 ) , p. 7 . 71 Thomas Hughes, the author of Tom Brown's School Days, reflected this idea when he wrote in 1878, "The" connection between State and Church as it exists in England . . . forces . . . on all men engaged in public affairs--and so, upon the national conscience—the fact that the nation in its corporate capacity has a spiritual as well as a material life." The Old Church: what shall we do with it? (London, 1 8 7 8 ) , p7~l91, quoted by Vidler, F. D. Maurice, p. 254. For Hughes and Victorian society, see Briggs, Victorian People, ch. 6. For a modern statement, see C. F. Garbett, Church and State in England (London, 1950), pp. 294-306.  expression to the idea of the Church as the soul, or conscience, of society.  As it was this concept which lay behind  the distinctive approach of the British missionaries to secular education and social action, it will be profitable to examine Its meaning in somewhat greater detail. The classical Anglican view of Church and State developed under the centralized rule of the Tudor and Stuart monarchs.  This view was related to one stream of the  medieval European tradition but was considerably modified under the stresses of Puritan and liberal criticism.  In  its earliest form it was defined by Thomas Hooker in Book VIII of his Laws of Ecclesiastical Polity.  Little distinction  was made between the Church, as a religious community, and the State, which was merely the natural aspect of the same 72  society.'  During the later Middle Ages, the Catholic Church  had tended to develop a theory of tension between two principles of authority, the Pope and the secular ruler. But because the "spiritual" authority of the Church was alwayB considered in theory to be superior to the "secular" authority of the State, the rise of a strong state was always in practice viewed with concern.  Now, under a strong king,  the Anglicans had broken away from the Papacy.  They there-  fore attempted to escape the idea of tension by reverting to 72  (London,  J. S. Marshall, Hooker and the Anglican Tradition 1 9 6 3 ) , pp. 164-167.  271  an older concept which dated from the time of Constantine the Great and—later—of Charlemagne.  According to this  idea the Church was' no longer considered to be set over against the State.  Rather it was thought to infuse the  structure of society, acting as the conscience, or soul, of the State.  As such a view was compatible with the rise  of a strong, central monarchy, it naturally found favour with the kings and queens who ruled England during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Space will not permit us to examine the history of this idea in greater detail.  Suffice it to say that in the  nineteenth century two movements further influenced the form in which it was held by the Shiba missionaries. these was the Oxford Movement.  The first of  This reform, as has been  already noted, attempted to rescue the Church from complete subordination tothe state by emphasizing the spiritual authority of the bishops.  This allowed the church to pre-  serve its national form but gave it more power to run its own affairs.  :  The critical conservative thought usually associated with the names of Edmund Burke, S. T. Coleridge, and P. D. Maurice contributed a second influence.  These thinkers,  faced with the barbarizing effects of bourgeois individualism, looked for a cultural aristocracy which might soften and civilize the "Philistines."  Coleridge saw this elite to be  a secular extension of the ancient "clerisy."  Maurice  272  identified it even more closely with the church itself. But all saw it as a class which would stand within society, serving society as a kind of conscience.73 The Calvinist theory, which shaped the thought of the American Protestants, resembled the medieval Western tradition.  whether in its classical form, as a theocratic state,  or in its modification as liberal democracy, the secular state was viewed as a necessary evil.  As such its functions  were to be limited leaving the church--or the individual— 74 free to act.  Whether as church or as individual, a tension  existed between the demands of conscience and the demands of the state.  It was in the interests of conscience to keep  the state weak.  •  For Anglicans, on the other hand, the idea of a strong state possessed positive value because it represented order and decency.  The Church, by training up good Christians,  would supply the state Xtfith good citizens. itself make demands on the state.  It would not  Rather it would trust its  members to act in the interest of the public welfare.  They  would be acting in accordance with consciences which had been trained and sensitized by membership in the church. 73  Willlams, Culture,pp. 23-31, 66-79, 122-123. Vidler,  F. D. Maurice, pp. 167-169. 74  (Boston,  .beo Pfeffer, Church, State and Freedom, rev. ed. 1967),  pp.  24-27;  92-93.  273  Alexander Shaw ended his lecture with the following question:  "Is it not your desire to be confirmed by the  faith which has been the source of power for the civilization of the Western nations?  For it is from that faith that has  come all that is best in them."75 more than a simple "sell."  This question represented  Shaw was not just using the  attractions of Western culture to propagate Christianity, though the idea was doubtless not absent from his mind. Previous to asking the question, he had stated that Christianity recognized positive value in all systems of society, though no one form could lay claim to absolute worth.  "Christianity does not point to any one type of  political structure as being better than another.  It recog-  nizes differences in accordance with the nature of the people, the character of the state, and the various types of society 76  from which that structure emerges."'  In other words,  Christianity can recognize what is good in a "free"—that is, a liberal-democratic—concept of the state, or in a conservative-aristocratic one.  It can also see the merits of  77  socialism.''  Yet insofar as all give concrete expression  to "the principles of authority, obedience and equality," they mirror principles xfhich God has expressed through his 75 NS, 1-13, P. 9. . 7<5  Ibid., 1-12, p. 6.  77  ' Ibid., 1-13, p. 8.  274  divine society, the Church. The Anglican missionaries showed that they really believed this by their confidence in Japanese society. Where the Americans Insisted on the control of their own educational media,-the Anglicans cooperated freely with secular schools.  American Protestants saw above all the  pagan nature of the Japanese state.  Their ideas encouraged  movements for social reform in a "Christian" direction. Their converts were leaders In the movement for representative government, for the abolition of prostitution, and the organization of labour.78  The Anglicans, as the  Japanese editor noted, "generally stood aloof from politics." This did not mean that they lacked interest in problems of social justice. to the state.  Rather it meant that they related differently  As a church they eschewed direct action.  They preferred to accept the state as it was, as a concrete expression of order in the universe.  As Christians, their  duty was to support the best that was in the state, working to develop it by placing "before the citizenry the loftiest standards, the highest moral ideals." Meiji state as it stood.  They affirmed the  As Englishmen they Interceded on  its behalf before their own government, but as churchmen they avoided direct intrusion into the political process.  7R  Sumiya, Nihon shakai, pp. 65-77-  CHAPTER VIII ANGLICANS AND THE MEIJI STATE A . Christianity and nationalism The proclamation of the Imperial Rescript on Education in 1890 marked the formal swing of government policy away from Westernization to Nationalism.  The subsequent decline  in foreign influence Involved important consequences for the advance of Christianity.  Most historians of Protestantism  single out the "Conflict of Education and Religion Controversy" which took place at that time.  Professor Inoue  Tetsujiro of Tokyo Imperial University, the friend of Arthur Lloyd, in 1892 and 1893 published a series of articles in which he attacked Christianity as the only ideology in Japan in basic opposition to the spirit of the Imperial 1 Rescript.  Both Christians and their sympathizers responded  and a lengthy debate followed in the press. Christians defended themselves with skill.  On the whole the But the attack  left its traces both within and without Protestantism.  A  distinguished historian wrote, shortly after: "Doubtless the charge laid against them [i.e., Protestants] led them to be 1  0zawa,, Uchimura, pp. 99-105; Cary, pp. 242-243.  275  276 more earnest in displaying their patriotism, and the morbid nationalism thus fostered increased the friction between p them and the foreign missionaries." In 1899 the echoes of this controversy had not yet died down.  One article showed that, at least outside the  Church, the public still remembered the issues.  "In Japan  loyalty and filial piety are the focal points of morality," the writer maintained.  "But in Christianity the focus is  on God and Jesus, and loyalty and filial piety are denied."3 The locus of the conflict was seen to be between Christianity as a foreign Ideology and the Japanese spirit of kokutai, the national essence.  It was a confrontation between an  alien religion and the national spirit rather than conflict of indigenous religious systems. Among Protestants the tension created by this conflict of loyalty reached almost unbearable proportions after 1890. During the preceding period the various denominations had made a number of converts among the intellectuals.  Con-  gregatlonalists In particular, whose interpretation allowed for a fairly strong Japanese orientation, had even attracted o  Ibid., p. 243. For a detailed examination of the controversy, see Takeda Kiyoko, Ningenkan no sokoku [Conflict In Views of Human Nature j (Tokyo, 1959)> ~PP. 136190. P. 137.  • Kimura Takataro, quoted in Brown, Nationalism,  277  members of the ruling oligarchy.4  Many of these people  rejected Christianity when they came to feel that it was "un-Japanese."  As a result between 1891 and 1894 the Nikki,  or Presbyterian, Church actually decreased in numbers from 11,253 to  10,787.  Between 1891 and 1900 it was unable  fully to recoup these losses, showing a net decrease from 11,253 to 11,117.  The less dogmatic Congregationalists did  not suffer so greatly at first, but they too registered a loss between 1894 and 1897 which had not been fully recovered  6 by 1900.  During the period between 1890 and 1900  Protestant Christianity as a whole showed a total increase in membership of only 18 per cent.  Gary calls it "The  Period of Retarded Growth."7 By contrast, one of the earliest histories of Japanese Anglicanism calls these same years "The Period of Organization »8 '  and Development."  Between 1892 and 1900* statistics Of  membership more than doubled, from 4,166 to 8,554.  Following  4 Sumiya, Kindal, pp. 87-90, 93. For a nationalistic quotation from the Congregationalist Ebina, see Chamberlain, Things Japanese, 6th ed., p. 88. 5  Sumiya, Kindal, p. 124, fn. 4.  6See Appendix III. 7  Cary, p. 212.  8  This description was first applied in Motoda Sakunoshin, Nihon selkokai-shi [History of the Seikokai] (Tokyo, 1910j, chs. 2 and 3, since when it has become standard: Matsudaira, Ryakunenshi, Parts III and IV.  the first synod in 1887, a series of synods between 1889 and 1896 gave the young church its basic structure.  The  number of Japanese leaders increased along with a steady growth in the missionary force from Great Britain, the United States and Canada.  Only a few Isolated incidents  reflected the friction between convert and missionary which plagued the American-related Protestant denominations at the same time.  These few incidents arose in regions  where the missionaries were from the CMS, the most Protestant Q of the Anglican bodies. Anglican writers at this time revealed little of the high tension that afflicted the Protestants.  Some of this  lack of tension can be attributed to missionary optimism. Bickersteth, the most incurable of them all, was the last man to acknowledge failure in any enterprise.  Shaw and the  others continually pointed out the dangers of his glowing prose.10  But even Shaw rarely showed pessimisn about his  own work.  Phrases such as "Prospects never looked brighter,"  appear frequently in his correspondence all through the nineties.11  Such observations clash somewhat with periodic  9  "There was displayed by the Southern delegates a spirit very antagonistic to the Foreign clergy. . . . The spirit of our Tokyo delegates is quite different." ACS-SPG, 4/5/91. 10  ACS-SPG, 16/7/89, 12/2/91; Freese-SPG, 8/12/95For optimism as characteristic of Victorians, see Houghton, Ch. 2j of missionaries, Cairns, Prelude, pp. 155-156. i:l  ACS-SPG, 8/4/89, 4/5/91, 24/6/91.  279 allusions to the preference of the Japanese for politics 12 over religion*  This commonly repeated judgement actually  hid a rationalization employed to explain the lack of interest of the public and the lagging conversions.  The  truth is that the missionaries, because they stood outside the society in which they worked, never really came to grips with the true state of affairs. Lack of tension was not limited to the carefree optimism of the missionaries.  It also appeared in the  writings of the Japanese Anglicans, who might have been expected to reflect more accurately the conflicts in their own society.  Imai Toshimichi, who by 1890 was the  undisputed Japanese leader of the Shiba Sect, spent a year in England studying at Cambridge between 1892 and 1893. Shortly after his return to Japan he contributed an article to the magazine Mission Field in which he discussed the religious situation.  His reference to the Conflict  ("collision") controversy sounded almost lackadaisical. After he had mentioned the various rebuttals of Inoue's attack in the secular press he went on to remark that the newspapers in general had shown a distinctly favourable attitude toward Christianity. 2  EB M  MF,  1891,  pp.  He concluded: 210.  280 The so-called "collision" was the great question of many years, and now the discussion is made general and public, and the discussion will go on for some years to come, until the principles of the national education founded upon the Imperial decree (which, as may be expected, is so general and vague that the explanation of it is so various according to the people who understand it) will be fully explained and definitely settled, and the consequences would be either that Christianity will be understood not to be fundamentally against the principle, or that the principle Itself will be overthrown by the general opinion of the nation. 1 3 Imai's attitude makes it necessary to seek a deeper reason than superficial optimism to explain the lack of tension among Anglicans In the face of growing Japanese nationalism.  For one thing they were not as deeply involved  in the political and social conflicts of their day and were therefore not as subject to the resultant stresses.  But  this in itself resulted from deliberate policy and from the nature of Anglican social theory.  Imai, as a  Japanese, understood the point of the argument.  He  belonged to a group about Kozaki Hiromichi and other Protestants who supported the socially conscious Young Men's 14 Christian Association.  But, as an Anglican, he did not  feel obliged to take an active part in political agitation. His social responsibility as a priest lay in the performance of his sacerdotal and educational duties. 13  MF, 1893, P. 4i4.  14 He was guest lecturer at the YMCA Summer School at Tozanso In the summers of 1913 and 1914. Shinjin, pp. x, 3 and 46. — ' —  281  The lack of tension in the missionaries also arose from a fundamental weakness in their understanding of Japanese modernization.  Bickersteth, the most sophisticated observer  among them, could never distinguish between modernization and Westernization,  Like so many foreign observers of his  day, he tended to equate the two.  Japan had adopted "our  civilization and customs with startling rapidity," he had noted with approval in an early letter.  She had in the  process assimilated "very much of our most advanced learning . and knowledge, and herself is being admitted to a recognised position among the nations of the world."15 Bickersteth's optimism was connected with this evaluation.  But he was later forced to admit that modern-  ization meant not only industrialization and the adoption of British political institutions, but also the acceptance 16 of the new materialism, or utilitarianism, of the West. He was unable to understand why Japanese Intellectuals should have preferred the ideas of Mill and Spencer to Christianity, ations.  His diagnoses alternated between two explan-  One reflected the popular assumption that the  sudden advance in political modernization had encouraged preoccupation with politics to the exclusion of other 15  P. 170,  EB-Searle, 31/3/86, in Life, p. 155; see also  16 Pastoral, Lent 1892, p. 6.  interests.  The other concluded that their own decadent  religions held no attraction for educated minds.  The  Japanese needed only well educated university graduates from England who would he qualified to explain the Chris17 tian faith to them. ' The fact that certain traditional elements in Japan 1 s social structure conditioned her approach to modernity: that it was not unbelief, but actually a deep commitment to certain values that was responsible for the difficulties of Christianity, did not occur to him.  In this he differed  little from his other Western colleagues.  It required a  Japanese to point out to the missionaries what they had missed.  Somewhat surprisingly it was Imai, writing much  later, who issued the warning.  "The Japanese for the most  part appear indifferent to religion of every kind," he explained.  "However, this Is but the appearance on the  surface; for it is also true that they are unconsciously -j Q superstitious and conservative in religious matters." Given this fundamental misapprehension, the British missionaries expressed fair satisfaction with the course which the Meiji rulers had adopted.  Superficially, it was  similar enough to the situation in their own country.  p. 18.  17  A b o v e , fn. 12; Life, pp. 209-210.  l8  S o u t h Tokyo Diocesan Magazine, VII (April, 1903),  Unlike the Americans they belonged to an empire, ruled over by a crowned monarch. religious terms.  They spoke of kingship in near-  The new Diet, with its House of Peers,  resembled their own Parliament.  The intellectuals with whom  they associated—Fukuzawa, Toyama and the r e s t — p r o b a b l y interpreted events to them in metaphors from English life. When the Meiji Constitution appeared, it seemed to promise a 19 constitutional monarchy on the British pattern. B.  Anglican missionaries and the Meiji Constitution Towards the end of 1889, Alexander Shaw wrote an eye-  witness account of the promulgation of Japan's first modern constitution. The great event of the year, from a Japanese point of view, was the bestowal, on the 11th of February, of a constitutional form of Government on the people by the Emperor. This will, of course, have far-reaching effects in the future, and the best friends of Japan are filled with a good deal of apprehension as to Its immediate working. The first elections are to take place in July of this year, and already the numerous political parties into which public opinion is divided are beginning to bestir themselves with vigour. What is, however, specially interesting to us in the Constitution is its practical recognition in one of its clauses, and its declaration of toleration, of the Christian religion. I may mention, by the way, that I was present at the ceremony of the promulgation of the Constitution by the Emperor, and afterwards  EB-SPG, 13/1/90. For Fukuzawa's "British" interpretation, see Takeda Klyoko, "Tennosei shiso no keisei," pp. 283-284.  received from Count Ito, the framer of it, a beautifully printed copy, which I greatly value.dU At first sight, Shaw'S;-statement that, "The best friends of Japan are filled with a good deal of apprehension" sounds critical.  On closer examination, it will be seen that  his disapproval had little to do with misgivings about the Constitution's "totalitarian" nature or with fears that the Shinto Emperor-system might become a challenge to Christianity. Actually, Shaw worried lest the constitution might be too democratic and preoccupation with party politics might have a deleterious effect on the unity of the Japanese people.  In these fears his colleagues joined him.  Bickersteth, writing a year later, referred to conflicting feelings of sympathy and anxiety.  The Japanese cannot help  but be anxious, he admitted, "because it is only too possible that a nation of which there is as yet no large section controlled and strengthened by religious faith may not be able to bear so heavy a strain on its moral principles as  p-j representative institutions i m p l y . S h a w  about the same  time expressed relief that these fears had not so far been realized.  "Owing to the excellence of the arrangements,  and also to the fact that the qualification for the franchise on MF, 1890, p. 329. 21  M F , 1891, p. 209j also Pastoral, Lent 1892, p. 7.  285  is high, and therefore possessed by very few . . . the 22  elections passed off quite quietly."  In their fear of  popular democracy, the missionaries showed themselves true sons of Victorian England. The second fear, that the opportunity for wider political activity might take the people's minds off the more important subject of religion, betrays the mission24 aries' real preoccupation. They were neither qualified by training, nor predisposed by Interest, to view the constitution critically.  Their own interests as evangelists  conditioned their views on it.  Accordingly they praised it  almost unanimously because it appeared to grant freedom for Christianity. interesting."  Alexander Shaw saw this as "specially  Edward Bickersteth agreed: "Not the least  notable section is that which secures liberty of religious worship to all subjects of the empire.  Christianity, which  less than twenty years ago was a proscribed faith, thus OE J attains to the position of a rellgio liclta." Arthur Lloyd, enjoying a brief furlough in London, wrote in of,  similar vein.  On this point they differed hardly at all  22  MF, 1891, p. 2l4. 23 Williams, Culture, p. 146. 2i| EB-SPG, 13/1/90j MF, 1891, P. 209; Pastoral, Lent 1889, P. 9J cf. Gary, p. 213. 2 5pastoral,  Lent 1889, p. 8 . The Latin means "a legal religion." 2 ^MF, 1889, pp. 206-214. For American views, see Cary, pp."~B2, 213.  from their American Protestant brethren. For a critical view of the Constitution by an Anglican it is necessary to step outside the Shiba group.  In 1889  a retired missionary, the Reverend E. W. Syle, wrote an article in the CMS journal Intelligencer entitled "A Forecast Concerning Japan." 2 7  It is one of the very few  articles by a missionary which expresses misgivings about the fundamental nature of the Emperor system.  Syle was an  Englishman, but he was a Low Churchman who had emigrated as a young man to the United States, where he attended Kenyon College in Gambler, Ohio.  He then had worked for twenty-  five years as a missionary of the Protestant Episcopal Church in China.  He later spent seven years in Japan as  chaplain to the English congregation in Yokohama in which capacity he met the young Shaw on his first arrival in Japan.  Syle also taught philosophy at the Kaisei Gakko,  28  an early name for the Tokyo Imperial University.  Both  theologically and culturally, his views must be classed as nearer to the American Protestant than to the Anglican position, and so they are of interest as a contrast to the ideas of the Shiba men. 27 28  C M I , XI? (1889), PP. 457-464.  0 z a w a Saburo, Nihon purotesutanto shi kenkyu, [The Study of Japanese Protestant History], pp. 356-371J CMI, XV (1890), pp. 796-797.  287  Syle began his observations on the Meiji Constitution with a formal bow to the clause which guaranteed freedom of religion.29  But he then went on to mention two diffi-  culties which a Christian might feel.  First, "There is not  (as a friendly critic writing from China remarks) any recognition of . . . a supreme power designated in China by the term T'ien" over the Emperor.  For this reason  Christians may be forced into a kind of "Arian or Sabellian hereBy" in order to reconcile Shinto teachings with Christianity.  30  Stripped of the technical terminology, Syle  was here saying that the concept of the Emperor delineated in the Constitution recognized no transcendent power or sanction over, or outside of, itself.  For Christians to  accept such a concept, which is basically a Shinto doctrine, meant that they would have to neglect the transcendent element in their own faith. Syle further remarked that the Japanese have "a taste and talent . . . for Eclecticism."  This might lead  Christians into the kind of compromise with Japanese thought that would rob their faith of its uniqueness.  These two  criticisms resemble comments made by certain modern scholars about the Constitution.  One Japanese social scien-  tist has pointed out that the person of the Emperor, as 2  9CMI, 1889, p.. 461.  3  °Ibid., p. 462.  31  Ibld., p. 464.  described both there and in the Rescript on Education, becomes the source of all value for the nation.  He "is regarded as  'the eternal culmination of the True, the Good, and the Beautiful throughout all ages and in all places.'"32  In  other words, the Emperor's person subsumed within one authority the two principles represented in European culture by Church and State.  Because no tension existed between the  two, only absolutism could result. This meant that any appeal, either to transcendent norms or to private conscience, had to be ruled out. "The Japanese State, being a moral entity, monopolized the right to determine values."33  Likewise, there could be no  real freedom of religion until the divinity of the Emperor 3JL1 was denied. ' The clauses hailed by the missionaries were meaningless unless they were understood in the light of a prior acceptance of that divinity.  But this would mean the  rejection of the Christian claim that all values resided ultimately in a transcendent God. Why were the Shiba missionaries not more sensitive to this point?  Certainly their lack of political sophisti-  cation blinded them to circumstances outside the immediate 32 Quoted from Arakl Sadao, The Spirit of Soldiers, a manual used during the Pacific War, in Maruyama, Thought and Behaviour, p. 8. J  33 34  Ibld., p. 5.  Ibid., p. 6.  Bellah, "Values," pp. 18-20.  289  institutional interests of their church.  But there was a  further factor which made it even more difficult for them to see the issue.  As High Church Anglicans—that is, as  conservative members of the British establishment—they looked upon the monarchy in their own country as a valuable, and even sacred, institution.  They did not understand the  differences which separated their own system from the Melji, differences which stemmed from a different history. Sacral kingship in Europe, however divine its right, had always been "by the grace of God."  In England its powers  had been further curtailed and secularized by two centuries of non-conformity, rationalism and parliamentary government. ^ This non-conformist attitude toward kingship lay behind Syle 1 s criticism of the Meiji Constitution.  A similar  tradition influenced Basil Hall Chamberlain to designate the Emperor system as "The Invention of a New Religion." Both of these men had inherited the tradition of dissent that had cut off the head of Charles Stuart and established Parliament as the seat of political authority in Britain. Lloyd and Shaw, on the other hand, belonged to the Royalist tradition which looked on Charles as a martyr saint and saw in the union of Church and State under the Crown the  Ibid.  source of all that was good in British civilization. How close their romanticism came to the Japanese view of the Emperor can "be seen in a famous quotation from Arthur Lloyd.  He threw off the statement during a lecture, given  in Japanese, on "The Nature of English Literature."  The true  flavour of the terminology is lost in translation, but some of the original fervour comes through:  "Both you who are  Japanese and we who are British subjects are able to enjoy our life and possessions in peace and safety in the world today thanks to the gracious power of our sovereign.  How  ineffable is the magnitude of the imperial benevolence! "36 The gap between this romantic vision and the actual situation in England at the close of the nineteenth century was so wide that the modern reader cannot resist a smile as he reads it.  But the statement furnishes insight into  the political consciousness of the Shiba Englishmen.  At  the same time it is important to realize that this very romanticism formed a bridge between the missionaries and the Japanese of the middle and late nineties.  It had not  taken a period of reaction to produce Japanese imperialism in the nineties.  It owed its origin to a whole complex of  ideas about the state, the community and the family which 36  "Eikoku bungaku no hinsel," NS, V, 53-55.(MarchMay, 1894). Lloyd also repeatedly used the term "Eikokudamashii," (the English spirit) which he had borrowed from the Japanese yamato-damashli, V-55, P. 10.  were already traditional to Japanese society.37  Because  the British missionaries did not challenge those ideas, their Japanese converts felt no inner tension between their newfound faith and the traditional ways. C.  State church and state Shinto  It seems fairly clear that the leaders of the Meiji establishment recognized a distinction between the English missionaries and the Americans.  The Japanese, trained to  be sensitive to points of status, saw in the deference shown the missionaries by members of the British diplomatic corps an official approval quite at variance with the American pattern.  Because of this approval, pro-British leaders in  the parliamentary and bureaucratic world of Tokyo felt no hesitation in associating with the missionaries and enlisting their help.  Poll oiling the party conflicts of the eighties  these same leaders emerged as mediators between the Meiji oligarchs and their more revolutionary minded colleagues - - 38 of the Jiyuto.  They therefore enjoyed a strategic position  in the political world of the nineties. The British tradition also exercised a strong influence among certain educators who joined Fukuzawa Yukichi in his 37Sansom, Western World, p. 482. 38 Nobutaka Ike, The Beginnings of Political Democracy in Japan (Baltimore, 1950J, pp. 104, lbb. *  292  39 love for the English example of--constitutional monarchy. Toyama Masakazu, who as president of the Imperial University, Worked with Shaw and Bickersteth to found the Ladies' Institute, was one of these.  Having studied first in England and  then in the United States, he became, along with Kato Hiroyuki and Inoue Tetsujiro, a strong ally,40 of the Meiji statesmen in the field of higher education.  Toyama  revealed his pro-British sympathies in some curious ways. For instance, he Introduced into Japan the custom of giving three cheers on certain public occasions (banzai sartsho).4l  As a poet he experimented with new forms in  Japanese verse and translated Tennyson's "Charge of the Light Brigade."  That his name should have appeared fre-  quently in the writings of the Shiba men shows that he was more than a chance guest at their houses. Something deeper than recognition of status encouraged such bureaucratic literati to maintain social relations with the missionaries.  These associations con-  tinued even during the period when other Imperial University professors were attacking Protestant Christianity for its incompatibility with the Japanese spirit.  Samuel  Bickersteth, Edward's younger brother and representative 39  Takeda,  "Tennosei,"  p. 283.  4  °Kawade, Dal.llten, XIV, 20; XIII, 207.  41  Japan Biographical Encyclopedia & Who's Who (Tokyo, 19557, P. 1720,  in England, wrote an article in the Guardian which casts some light on this tolerance of the Anglicans by the Japanese officials. I was lately assured that one great reason why the Japanese Government is so ready to grant passports to, English missionaries is that they recognise in the Christian Church a valuable ally in maintaining order and discipline among the newly enfranchised electors of Japan.42 In other words, Anglicanism encouraged social stability. Although the function of religion as a social stabilizer had ancient roots in Japan, the proliferation of religious forms during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries made it difficult for the government to choose any one tradition to play the part of a national religion in the Meiji state.  Because of its association with the  Restoration, Shinto had been the natural choice, but the earliest experiments in establishing it as a state religion did not succeed.  0  There is some evidence to show  that Ito actually toyed with the idea of making Christianity the state religion when he was drafting the constitution. Biekersteth1s predecessor in Japan, Bishop Arthur Poole, has provided some light on this subject.  lip Guardian, 7/1/90. 43 Sansom, Western World, pp. 367, 388.  I cannot refrain from telling of a.very-remarkable sign of the present readiness of Japan for larger enterprise, I dined one evening with Mr. Ito the Minister for Foreign Affairs and practically the head of the Government. He spoke of the great readiness of the Government to favour Protestant Missionary effort and almost complained that we were not a larger community such as they could take cognizance of. Rumour says that when he was in Germany lately the Emperor spoke very strongly to him of the necessity of Evangelical Christianity for this country.44 As American Protestantism was disqualified at this time through its associations with the rebel party movement, it is likely that the oligarchs were looking with speculative eyes on the Englishmen.  Ito's complaint that they  were not a larger community suggests this.  But the  Anglicans were not only too small a body, they were too alien.  The oligarchs had to develop a new religion of their  own to fit the pattern.  Ito himself was quite open about  this necessity when he confessed that Japan had no faith which could play a part similar to Christianity's in Europe. Ilk  The Emperor-cult was developed to fill that gap.  J  The Meijl oligarchs may have rejected Anglicanism as an established church in Japan, but they seem to have retained confidence in it. the younger Bickersteth.  Hence the assurance quoted by  Hence also the choice of the  Shiba men to help set up a school for the daughters of the ^ C M S File GI: J/02. Poole-CMS, 28/1/84. Underlining in original. See also Ritter, History, p. 50. ^Takeda, "Tennosel," p. 279.  establishment.  Not only were the Englishmen socially  acceptable, they were also politically safe.  Indeed their  faith, although foreign, came closest to being what the rulers desired of religion in their own society.  This recog-  nition contrasted strikingly with what the same men were saying at the time about American Christianity.  The main  differences between the two traditions go far to explain the difference in Japanese attitudes toward them. First, the political neutrality of the Anglicans meant that they were understood to support the established system.  There was no one among them like the American Con-  gregational missionary, D. W. Learned, who first gave systematic lectures on socialism in Japan.  It was said that  he evangelized the country with a Bible in his right hand and a textbook on economics in his left.  His colleague,  Charles Garst, known in Japan as Tanzel Taro, "Single-tax 46 Taro," promoted the theories of Henry George.  Quite  apart from such individual instances of political activism, the strongly dialectical approach of Puritan Christianity to ethical problems resulted in its producing many social rebels among Its converts.  The first diet, elected In 1891,  Included thirteen Christians among the three hundred members ^Takeda Kiyoko in Kuyama, Kindai, p. 26l; N. Ike, Beginnings, p. 118; Japan Christian Year Book, 1959 ed., pp. 121-122.  h-j  of the lower house. ' Both the Speaker and the Chairman of the Committee of the Whole were chosen from among the Christians.  Their selection reflected the leading part  they had played in the oppositionist Party movement.  None  of the thirteen were Anglicans. The Anglicans approached society, as might be expected, with more paternalism than the American Protestants. They stressed social service rather than social action. Christians had led in the establishment of social welfare in Japan when the government still considered such areas 48 properly within the prerogative of the family.  The  first orphanages and leprosaria were founded by Christians. Christians also initiated work among the depressed communities of the outcast Eta.  In all these fields Anglicans  took an active part. 4q As Hannah Riddell had pioneered in leper work in Kyushu,  so Shaw and Imai for some years  carried on a project among the Eta community in the Tokyo suburb of Shinagawa.  Another member of their group founded  the first school for the blind.  A Japanese member of the  Shiba church founded the first home for retarded children 47  Cary, pp. 228-229; ACS in MF, 1891, pp. 215-216. 4ft •Sumiya Mikio, Nihon shakai to Klrlsutokyo [Christianity and Japanese SocietyJ ( T o k y o , 1963;, pp. 6673; Galen Fisher, Creative Forces in Japan (New York, 1923), PP. 66-106. 4  %here is a biography by her assistant, Ada H. Wright, Miss Hannah Riddelj (Tokyo, 1935). See also Alfreds Arnold, The Light of Japan (Hartford, 1906), Ch. XI.  297 In Japan.  50  But where socially active Christians in the  American tradition tended to progress from social service to political action, the Anglicans remained content with works of mercy.  No socialist leaders like Abe Isoh or  Katayama Sen developed out of their ranks. This tradition of apolitical paternalistic humanitarianism issued from the aristocratic background of the British missionaries.  American Protestants stressed  humanitarianlsm, but they also emphasized the basic equality of all men in the sight of G o d . 5 1  Their converts, who  accepted these egalitarian ideas, found themselves in opposition to their own status-conscious society. Anglicans felt no such tension.  The  In 1895 the Church of  England at home was still instructing its church-wardens "to assign seats in the church to the parishioners according to their degree . . . each according to his rank, so that there be no contention there about this matter. 1 , 5 2 It seemed natural to them that both church and state should be organized hierarchically.  Thus the missionaries fitted  5  °Pascoe, Two Hundred, II, .. 724gj Arnold, Light, pp. 72-74, 185-192j Matsudaira, Hvakunen shl, pp. 296-297. Sumiya, Nlhon shakai, p. 71; Nihon shlhon shugl to Kirisutokyo [Christianity and Japanese CapitallsmJ (Tokyo, 1962), pp. 42-63. 52  P r i d e a u x 1 s Practical Guide to the Duties of Churchwardens (London, 1095)? P. 280, quoted in Inglis, Churches, PP. 54-55. "  298 easily into a social structure which was both monarchical and aristocratic. The British missionaries1 identification of their own state with that of Meiji influenced their actions in a number of ways.  As part of their apparatus for work in Japan,  the missionaries had translated and re-edited the Book of Common Prayer, the Anglican manual of worship.  Shaw, as  early as 1878, had mentioned his part in this work. 53 This English Prayer Book, as befitted a manual belonging to a state church, contained many prayers for the King of England and the Royal Family.  When the new Japanese Prayer  Book, or Kltosho, was made, the translators simply substituted the name of the Japanese Emperor, together with the titles appropriate to him, for those of the English king. They made no distinction for the fact that the King of England, as Head of the Church, was compulsorily an Anglican layman, while the Emperor was a non-believer. identification was absolute and simple.  The  When the Sino-  Japanese war began, it seemed equally fitting that Bickersteth eh should compose prayers for the safety of the Japanese forces.-' 53  ACS-SPG, 1 / 6 / 7 8 . Shaw later wrote a historical survey of this work, Proceedings of the General Conference of Protestant Missionaries in Japan . . . 1900 (.Tokyo, 1901), pp. 881*890. ~~ 5  ^Life, pp. 3 6 9 - 3 7 0 . See also "Pastoral Letter Before Day of Intercession," Appendix D to Pastoral, Lent 1895, p. 21. Imai composed similar prayers: see Appendix II.  299 No citizens of the Meiji state could have been more fervent nationalists * Yet it must not be forgotten that Englishmen and Japanese would hear different things when they listened to these prayers.  The missionaries merely heard the English  words of their own prayer-book which had been translated into Japanese.  But their converts heard an affirmation in  some sort of the Shinto state.  All the titles and expres-  sions used had been borrowed from the tradition of Kokugaku, or National Learning.  For the Japanese Anglicans  their new faith was a simple extension of the old rather than a contradiction as it tended to be with the Protestants The converts of the American missionaries had received with their faith a tradition which opposed the society of their ancestors.  Any compromise with the old society involved for  them a rejection of their new faith—and consequently, guilt For the Anglicans the state Church of England had merely changed some of the forms of State Shinto.  The old faith  led easily into the new with little conflict or tension. D.  The Shiba Sect and the emperor system.  How the integration of Shinto monarchy with Christianity worked out may be seen in the writings of two Japanese members of the Shiba Sect.  Imai Toshimichl and  Yamada Sukejiro were both personal disciples of Alexander  300 Shaw.  Imai had also been close to Edward Bickersteth, while  Yamada had been brought to Christianity by Arthur Lloyd. What they wrote demonstrates In part how they heard the words spoken by the missionaries'. Imai Toshimichi had started life as a samurai of the Numata Fief to the north of Tokyo. while he was still a boy.  His father had died  In 1875, while studying at a  Confucian juku in Tokyo, he sought out Shaw's night school in Mita to study English.  After Shaw made him his "adopted  son," Imai became the most Anglicized among the Japanese leaders of the Seikokai.  He interpreted for Bickersteth  during the latter1s first years in Japan and spent several periods in England.  Imai's European experience, rare among  Anglican converts, made him highly valued as an intermediary between his Japanese colleagues and the Englishmen. His talents were practical rather than intellectual, but he was a conscientious student.  After a period as pastor  of the Japanese congregation at Saint Andrevr's, he went on to become principal of Saint Hilda's (Keran Jogakko), a school for girls in Tokyo founded by Bickersteth in 1887. In 1902 he became the first Japanese principal of Saint Andrew's theological school.  Finally in 1911 he was chosen  to head the newly founded Central Theological College.  301 He died at a comparatively early age in  1 9 1 9 .  5 5  Yamada Sukejiro came of peasant stock from the country district southwest of Tokyo.  Arthur Lloyd had dis-  covered him there in 1886 as a youth of 19 and had brought him to Tokyo where Shaw baptized him.  He was commissioned  as a catechist, or Junior cleric, by Bickersteth in I 8 8 7 . 5 6 Unlike Imai he showed little evidence of influence by these missionaries.  His thought was the most individual of any  among the early converts.  Developed over a long ministry  spent entirely at Saint Andrew1s, his Interpretation of Christianity came to be.known as Yamada shingaku, or 57 Yamada theology.-"  He was largely self-educated.  In  contrast to Imai'b Confucian background, Yamada seems to have read largely among the Shinto National Learning scholars.  His earliest contact with Christianity had been  through a man in his village who was known locally as sennin, the hermit.  There is a good deal of the aesthetic  nature worship which belongs to the indigenous eremitic ^Biographical details culled from the writings of Shaw and Bickersteth, also from a chronology in Imai's posthumous collection, ShinjIn no koo, pp. 3-8, and from an unpublished paper by one of the writer' s students, tiki Hiroyukl. 56 •^ Chronology in vol. II of the posthumous collection of Yamada1s sermons and addresses entitled, Sakae, pp. 555556. Other details in Seki Masakatsu, "Yamada Sukejiro no shogai to shiso" [Life and Thought of Yamada Sukejiro], SK» XI-1, 17-26. 57  Matsudalra, Hyakunenshi, p. 326.  tradition worked into the fabric of Yamada's Christian teaching.  It represents the farthest opposite pole to the  ethical Christianity of American Protestantism. Imai wrote many theological works in Japanese. Most of them were either translations or Interpretations of English works for his theological students.  He also  wrote a few articles in English, interpreting the Japanese 58 scene for the readers of the Mission F i e l d . H i s most ambitious work in the latter class was a slim volume entitled Bushido, published in 1906.  It is a subjective  attempt to explain the relation of Bushido to Japanese thought, and its bearing on Christianity.  Other Japanese  Protestant leaders have written similar treatises.  The  writers generally explained how their early Confucian training-had prepared thera for Christianity so that such works represented by-products from the authors' own conversion.  Their contents thus revealed something of the 5.9  conditions under which the writer had become a Christian." Imai's writing reflects the same lack of tension or alienation revealed earlier in his attitude toward the controversy on religion and education. 58see Appendix II. 59uchimura Kanzo's How I Became a Christian, and Nitobe Inazo"«s Bushido are examples. . Not enough studies have as vet been made of this autobiographical literature t S any generalizations authoritative. The title of one Sich study, Takeda Kiyoko, Minpenkan no sokoku, shows the dialectical nature of most Protestant experience.  Bushido, according to Imai, is the way in which the Japanese people expressed the essence of their Yamato d a m a s h l i — i n feudal times.  spirit—  It was the culmination  of a process during which the same spirit had received in turn from Shintoism, Buddhism and Taoism "the enlighten60  ment of religion and ethics."  Bushido had found in the  seventeenth-century scholar, Yamaga Soko, an eloquent spokesman, and his interpretation of it was popularly expressed in much of the literature and drama of the succeeding years.  In the New Japan of the "Meiji Reform-  ation" Bushido proved less adequate as an expression of Japanese solidarity because it had been developed within one class, the samurai.  The Yamato damashii now was  revealed in the broader and more flexible concept of aikokushln: "'loyalty 1 and  'patriotism' combined." "Every  male child is born to be . . . [the Emperor's] soldier and owes to him obedience and sacrifice as impersonator [I.e. personification] of the nation itself from the hour  61  of its divine origin to Its endless future."  But Yamato  damashii also "developed in a one-sided way and revealed a weaker side which lowered it." u *  That Is, its exclusive  preoccupation with warfare and its disregard of ethical j . t . Imai, Bushido: (Tokyo, 1906), p. 70. 60  61  I b i d . , p. 68.  62  Ibld., p. 71.  In the Past and in the Present  304 considerations—ends justifying means—showed that "it cannot suffice [by itself] but must be renewed and perfected in its union with Christ.1,63 For Imai,. citizenship in the Emperor-state involved two levels of value.  It was good in itself.  It instilled  in the individual virtues of "obedience and sacrifice" in relation to the Emperor who is "the impersonator of the nation."  But it also pointed toward a further fulfilment  and purification by its union with the maturer virtues bestowed through membership in the Christian Church.  This  concept of Christianity as the purifier of the Kokutai, or national polity, Imai expounded at length through editor_ „ 64 ials in his journal the Nichiye Soahi. It is more difficult to ascertain the early course taken by Yamada Sukejiro.  Only his later writings survive,  and they all reflect the newer phase of nationalism associated with the military adventures of the Showa period. In particular his strong emphasis on the peaceful spread of Japanese