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Ethnicity and assimilation : German postwar immigrants in Vancouver, 1945-1970 Gumpp, Ruth 1989

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ETHNICITY AND ASSIMILATION. GERMAN POSTWAR IMMIGRANTS IN VANCOUVER,  1945-1970.  by RUTH GUMPP  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS  in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of History  We accept this thesis as conforming to the j^q&ired standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September  1989  © Ruth Gumpp, 1989  National Library of Canada  Bibliotheque nationale du Canada  Canadian Theses Service  Service des theses canadiennes  Ottawa, Canada K1A 0N4  The author has granted an irrevocable nonexclusive licence allowing the National Library of Canada to reproduce, loan, distribute or sell copies of his/her thesis by any means and in any form or format, making this thesis available to interested persons.  L'auteur a accorde une licence irrevocable et non exclusive permettant a la Bibliotheque nationale du Canada de reproduire, prater, distribuer ou vendre des copies de sa these de quelque maniere et sous quelque forme que ce soit pour mettre des exemplaires de cette these a la disposition des personnes interessees.  The author in his/her substantial otherwise mission.  L'auteur conserve la propriete du droit d'auteur qui protege sa these. Ni la these ni des extraits substantiels de celle-ci ne doivent §tre imprimes ou autrement reproduits sans son autorisation.  retains ownership of the copyright thesis. Neither the thesis nor extracts from it may be printed or reproduced without his/her per-  ISBN  Canada  0-315-55891-1  In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at The University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copving of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission.  Department of History The University of British Columbia 2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 Date: September 1989  ABSTRACT This thesis analyzes German immigration to Canada in the period  following  the Second World War and primarily focuses on the settlement of these immigrants in Vancouver. By examining residential patterns, economic experiences, the role of German churches  and  maintained attempt  Saturday  by  to  schools,  Vancouver's  adjust  to  language  German  Canadian  retention,  population,  circumstances  it  and  the  becomes  entailed  secular  apparent  two,  organizations that  seemingly  Germans'  contradictory  phenomena: speedy integration and assimilation into the mainstream of Canadian society on  one  hand,  and  support  for  ethnic  social,  economic,  religious,  educational,  and  cultural institutions on the other. The study concludes that assimilation and ethnicity  were  thus not  mutually  exclusive. Immigration gave individuals the opportunity to weigh alternatives with regard to social form and institutions, personal values, and the role of their ethnicity in the new life offered by Canada. Consequently, involvement in the local German community may be attributed to as complex causes as the supersession of ethnic origin as a basis of  association  by  other  sources  of  group  identification.  Yet,  German-Canadians were highly assimilated into Canadian society by postwar  period,  they  may  have preserved  a sense  manifest itself in any visible behaviour.  ii  of  ethnic  even  though  the end of the  identity  that  did  not  TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract  11  Acknowledgements  V1  List of Figures  1V  INTRODUCTION  1  I. IN SEARCH OF A NEW FUTURE: GERMAN POSTWAR IMMIGRATION II. GERMAN RESIDENTIAL PATTERNS IN VANCOUVER III. OCCUPATIONAL DISTRIBUTION AND ETHNIC BUSINESS IV. RELIGIOUS AND EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS V. GERMAN SECULAR ORGANIZATIONS  8 36 76 107 133  CONCLUSION  159  BIBLIOGRAPHY 1. Primary Sources a. Government Sources and Statistics b. Other Archival Sources c. Newspapers d. Other Primary Sources 2. Secondary Sources  161  iii  167 167 167 168 168 168  List of Figures Figure 1.1. German Immigrant Arrivals in Canada, 1946-1970 Figure 1.2. Unemployment Rate in the Federal Republic of Germany, 1948-1970  9 11  Figure 1.3. Intended Occupations of German Ethnic Arrivals in Canada, 1946-1965, and of Immigrants with Germany as Country of Last Permanent Residence, 1966-1970 Figure 1.4. Total Immigrant Arrivals in Canada, 1945-1970  24  Figure 1.5. Unemployment Rate in Canada, 1945-1970  25  Figure 2.1. 1941 Vancouver Census Tracts. Proportion of German Ethnic Residents. ...38 Figure 2.2. 1951 Vancouver Census Tracts. Proportion of German Ethnic Residents. ...39 Figure 2.3. 1961 Vancouver Census Tracts. Proportion of German Ethnic Residents. ...41 Figure 2.4. 1971 Vancouver Census Tracts. Proportion of German Ethnic Residents. ...43 Figure 2.5. 1981 Vancouver Census Tracts. Proportion of German Ethnic Residents. ...44 Figure 2.6. Vancouver Census Tracts, 1951-1981. Dissimilarity Indices of German Ethnics' Residential and Socio-Economic Segregation Compared to Vancouver Population as a Whole  46  Figure 2.7. 1961 Vancouver Census Tracts. Dissimilarity Indices of Selected Ethnic Groups' Residential Segregation and Socio-Economic Segregation Compared to Vancouver Population as a Whole  48  Figure 2.8. 1961 Vancouver Census Tracts, as Organized in Areas With Similar Average Male Income  52  Figure 2.9. 1951 Vancouver Census Tracts. Distribution of German Ethnic Residents Over Areas With Similar Average Income Compared to Vancouver Population as a Whole  53  Figure 2.10. 1961 Vancouver Census Tracts. Distribution of German Ethnic Residents Over Areas With Similar Average Male Incomes Compared to Vancouver Population as a Whole  54  Figure 2.11. 1971 Vancouver Census Tracts. Distribution of German Ethnic Residents Over Areas With Similar Average Male Incomes Compared to Vancouver Population as a Whole  55  Figure 2.12. 1981 Vancouver Census Tracts. Distribution of German Ethnic Residents Over Areas With Similar Average Male Income Compared to Vancouver Population as a Whole  -56  iv  Figure 2.13. 1961 Vancouver Census Tracts. Distribution of the Asian Population Over Areas With Similar Average Male Income Compared to Vancouver Population as a Whole  58  Figure 2.14. 1961 Vancouver Census Tracts. Distribution of the Italian Ethnics Over Areas With Similar Average Male Income Compared to Vancouver Population as a Whole  59  Figure 2.15. 1961 Vancouver Census Tracts. Distribution of Residents of Jewish Faith Over Areas With Similar Average Male Income Compared to Vancouver Population as a Whole  60  Figure 2.16. 1981 Vancouver Census Tracts. Number of Residents Born In Germany Compared to Number of German Ethnic Residents  63  Figure 2.17. 1981 Vancouver Census Tracts. Number of Residents With German Mother Tongue Compared to Number of German Ethnic Residents  65  Figure 2.18. Vancouver. Spatial Expansion of Residential and Commercial Construction.  Figure 3.1. Development of the West German and the Canadian Labour Force, 1950-1971, by Economic Sectors  78  Figure 3.2. Intended Occupations of All and German Ethnic Arrivals in Canada, 1946-1970  80  Figure 3.3. Indices of Occupational Dislocation. Intended and Actual Ocupational Distribution of German Postwar Immigrantsin Canada  86  Figure 4.1. German Ethnic Parishes in Vancouver, 1945-1970  108  Figure 4.2. 1971 Vancouver Census Tracts. Number of Residents With German as Home Language Compared to Number of Germn Ethnic Residents  117  Figure 4.3. Indication of Language Shift Number of Residents With German Mother Tongue Compared to Number of Residents With German as Home Language, By Age Groups  H8  Figure 4.4. Direct Evidence of Language Shift. Canada Census Determination of Mother Tongue and Home Language Among Canadian-Born German Ethnic Residents and Foreign-Born German Ethnic Residents, Vancouver, 1971.  120  Figure 4.5. Indication of Language Loss. Number of Residents with German Mother Tongue Compared to Number of German Ethnic Residents, by Age Groups, Vancouver, 1951-1971 :  123  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Many individuals have contributed toward the completion of this thesis, and I take the opportunity to express my gratitude to them. My supervisor Dr. W. Peter Ward accompanied the preparation of numerous drafts with his counsel, reassurances, and patient editorial advice. My committee, Dr. Christoph Friedrichs and Dr. Norbert Macdonald, have shared their insights into the work and its larger context with me. Fellow graduate students provided me with encouragement and helpful suggestions, often dissipitating my agonies with their cheerfulness and understanding. My gratitude is extended to Dr. Arthur Grenke who discussed the topic with me and was of great help in accessing material at the National Archives of Canada. Financial conduct  assistance provided research  in  Ottawa.  by  the J. S. Eward  Felicitas  and  Memorial  Baldwin  Fund  Ackermann,  permitted of  the  me  to  Pazifische  Rundschau, gave me useful suggestions and many insights into the life of the German community in Vancouver. I also wish to thank my family and friends for their ongoing support over the last years, which Gordon  are  gratefully  has been  an invaluable source of  remembered  for  their  part  in  energy for me. Brad and developing  my  English  communication skills. Special thanks go to Clive Barnbrook for his patience and infinite confidence both in my academic endeavours and my adjustment to Canada.  vi  INTRODUCTION The North American tradition of immigration research was instigated by the large influx of immigrant minorities in the first decades of this century. Since then, studies in history, demography, sociology,  economics, and urbanization have addressed  such  and  issues  characteristics derived  from  as  integration,  of a  acculturation,  ethnic sub-cultures functionalist  view  on of  the  assimilation  on  other. Classical  society  followed  one  hand,  theories  of  the  and  the  immigration  assimilationist  premises  developed by the Chicago school of sociology under Robert Park. They predicted that the competitive nature of modern economic organizations and the democratic orientation of Western political  institutions would progressively  eliminate  ethnic groups, that the  social and economic characteristics of immigrant populations and their descendants would converge with those of the majority groups in society, and that ethnic communities represented a transitional stage in this assimilation process.1 Experience in both Canada and the United States has shown, however, that cultural pluralism has persisted. Thus, recent years have witnessed a proliferation literature on specific immigrant populations, on the nature of  of  ethnicity, and on the  impact of endogeneous and exogeneous factors on ethnic group survival.2 Contrary to the assimilationists' belief that immigrants' social integration and socio-econimic mobility depended on their dissociation from ethnic ties, ethnic pluralists envisage the integration  iCf A. Gardon Darroch, "Another Look at Ethnicity, Stratification, and Social Mobility in Canada," Canadian Journal of Sociology, vol.4 No.l (1979), p.21; Anthony H. Richmond and Ravi P. Verma, "The Economic Adaptation of Immigrants: New Theoretical Perspectives," International Migration Review, vol.12 No.l (1978), p.9; Stephen Steinberg, The Ethnic Myth: Race, Ethnicity, and Class in America, (New York: Atheneum, 1981), p.47; Charles Hirschman, "Immigrants and Minorities: Old Questions for New Directions in Research," International Migration Review, vol.16 No.2 (1982), p.474. ^ 2For example: Alan B. Anderson and James J. Frideres, Ethnicity in Canada: Theoretical Perspectives (Toronto: Butterworths, 1981); Jeffrey G. Reitz, The Survival of Ethnic Groups (Toronto: McGraw-Hill Ryerson Press, 1980); Edward N. Herberg, Ethnic Groups in Canada: Adaptation and Transition (Scarborough, OnL: Nelson Canada, 1989); see also the articles collected in such specialized journals as Canadian Ethnic' Studies, Ethnicity, Ethnic and Racial Studies, or Journal of Ethnic Studies. 1  of ethnic groups into a common political and economic system simultaneously with the maintenance of diverse immigrant cultures and traditions.3 Theoretical frameworks for the study of ethnic populations may help to focus analyses of particular immigrant groups. Yet, the reality of the immigrant experience in North America is best approached by discarding preconceptions of unilinear, universal patterns of  development,  each undergo unique  whether  evolutions  ethnic pluralist or  assimilationist  Ethnic populations  and experiences, and it is through  historical  inquiry  into immigrant settlement in specific local socio-economic and cultural contexts that this uniqueness can be exposed.4 This study examines German immigration to Canada in the period after World War II.5 Analysis focuses for the most part on the settlement of these immigrants in Vancouver. This local approach was based on the fact that the majority of German postwar arrivals chose to settle in urban centres such as Vancouver, Toronto, Montreal, and Calgary,  and on  the consideration  that an urban  study  would  permit a close,  systematic examination of settlement and the development of ethnic structures. The first chapter examines the postwar movement of  some  300,000  German  immigrants to Canada. Pertinent push and pull factors, the role of voluntary agencies and  government  policies,  and motives  for  emigration  are  isolated  and  the  changing  socio-economic characteristics of the newcomers analyzed. The next chapter is concerned with the settlement patterns of the German ethnic population in Vancouver, the impact of  postwar  immigrants  in  particular.  The  influences  3 Anderson  of  socio-economic  and  ethnic  and Frideres, p.113; Gunter Baureiss, "Towards a Theory of Ethnic Organizations," Canadian Ethnic Studies, vol.14 No.2 (1982), p.32. 4 Cf. Roberto Perin, "Clio as an Ethnic: The Third Force in Canadian Historiography, Canadian Historical Review, vol.64 No.4 (1983),-p.442 and 466. 5The thesis does not concern itself in detail with the diverse national origins and the presence of religious sub-groups within the German immigrant cohort As the vast majority of German postwar immigrants to Canada were bom in Germany, and the overwhelming majority of German immigrants - including refugees or displaced persons from East Germany and other East European states - departed from West Germany, the term "German" is employed both in the broader ethnic as well as in the more narrow national/geographic sense. 2  factors on their residential concentration and dispersion are juxtaposed with social class and ethnic models about the spatial patterns of ethnic populations in urban centres. In  the  Vancouver  following  are analyzed  three  with  chapters,  regard  to  principle  their  German  function in the  ethnic  structures  in  ethnic population  and  their base of support, as well as their influence upon the integration and assimilation of  German  Germans'  immigrants  into  Canadian  mainstream  institutions.  Chapter  III  examines  economic adjustment to Canadian circumstances and the establishment of a  wide variety of  German-owned  businesses. Chapter IV addresses the development  of  ethnic religious and educational institutions and the effect of the Canadian environment on religious affiliation and language retention among the German newcomers. Finally, a diversity  of  German  ethnic-oriented  secular  credit  union,  organizations, illustrate  the  ranging many  from  forms,  social  causes,  clubs and  to  an  degrees  of  participation in ethnic community life. The presence of German postwar immigrants in Vancouver was most clearly manifested  in  such  ethnic  structures  as the  ethnic  neighbourhood,  ethnic  businesses,  German parishes, Saturday schools, and a broad range of voluntary organizations. Yet, as this essay reveals, the organized German ethnic community was neither static nor monolithic,  and it did not include  population.  As  society survival  German postwar  at large, of  the  their  limited  community,  more than a small portion  arrivals integrated participation  depended  in  upon  the local  easily and speedily  ethnic  the  of  community  ability  of  the  life, ethnic  ethnic  into  Canadian  and  thus the  structures  to  perform specific economic, social, psychological, and cultural functions. Unfortunately, the study of German immigrants and the German community in Vancouver lacks a rich historiographical context There are few scholarly investigations into the German ethnics in Canadian society during the postwar period. Among the few useful studies are Rudolf Helling's Socio-Economic 'Rudolf  Helling,  A  Socio-Economic  History 3  of  History of German- Canadians,'s  German-Canadians  (Wiesbaden:  Franz  Gerhard  Bassler's  German  Enemy  short  essay  Aliens,"7  German-Canadians,1  Bemd  "Canadian  Fritz  Immigration  Wieden's  Laengins'  study  of  Policy The  brief history of  and  the  Admission  of  Alliance  of  Trans-Canada  the German  group  in Canada,9  and Beatrice Stadler's sociological inquiry into language retention and assimilation among the German-speaking population of Vancouver.10 In  part,  the  absence  of  derives from a general problem of there  was  a  noticeable  lack  of  studies  on  the  German  German-Canadian interest  in  population  historiography:  Germany  in  in  Vancouver  for many years,  emigration  and  German  minorities abroad, stemming largely from scholars' reluctance to concern themselves with issues that had been politicized during the Third Reich.11 In the last twenty years, the tradition  of  German  emigration  research  has  concentrated so far on emigration to the United  been  revitalized.  States in the  Yet,  inquiry  has  19th and early 20th  centuries, and now is becoming increasingly overshadowed by interest in the assimilation of ethnic minorities into the society of the Federal Republic of Germany.12 On the German-Canadian side, a range of studies on specific denominational,  '(cont'd) Steiner Verlag, 1982). 'Gerhard Bassler, "Canadian Immigration Policy and the Admission of German Enemy Aliens," Yearbook of German-American Studies, vol.12 (1987), pp.183-197. 'Fritz' Wieden, The Trans-Canada Alliance of German-Canadians. A Study in Culture (Windsor, Ont: Tolle Lege Enterprise, 1985). Wieden served extensively on the executive board of the Alliance. 'Bernd Laengin, "Die Deutschen in Kanada: Eine Volksgruppe im Vakuum, Peter E. Nasarski, ed., Wege und Wandlungen: Die Deutschen in der Welt Heute, vol.2 (Berlin and Bonn: Westkreuz Verlag, 1983), pp.29-50. Laengin has been very influential in the development of the German ethnic press in Canada. "Beatrice Stadler, Language Maintenance and Assimilation: The Case of Selected German-Speaking Immigrants in Vancouver, Canada (Vancouver: Canadian University Teachers of Germans, CAUTG Publication No.7), 1983. u Guenther Moltniann, "German Emigration Overseas. History and Research Problems, German-Canadian Yearbook, vol.6 (1981), p.8; Gerhard Bassler, "Problems and Perspectives in German-Canadian Historiography," Annals: German-Canadian Studies, vol.5 (1985), p.6. 12Wolfgang J. Helbich, 'Alle Menschen sind dort gleich...': Die deutsche Amerika- Auswanderung im 19. and 20. Jahrhundert (Duesseldorf: Schwann, 1988), pp.3 perceived his study as a timely contribution to present-day heated political discussions over ethnic minorities in Germany being less assimilative than German immigrants abroad.  4  local, and regional groups of immigrants have been produced in the last decades by members of University German  departments across Canada, historians, and particularly  by persons who have been involved in German ethnic institutions. Many of these have been  collected  in  The  German-Canadian  and  Yearbook,13  Annals:  German-Canadian  Studies}"  This concern with aspects of German economic, literary, religious, and local  life  Canada  in  has,  however,  not  resulted  in  scholarly  attempts  to  provide  comprehensive, systematic analyses of the settlement experiences of German immigrants in Canada. In  a  recent  essay  on  the  state  of  German-Canadian  historiography,  the  Canadian historian Gerhard Bassler isolated two interdependent reasons for this lack of historical accounts: on one hand, the cultural dominance of the French and the British has resulted Canadian  in  the  society  contributions being  made  neglected.  by  Germans  On  the  and  other  other  minority  hand,  "the  groups  educated  in ...  German-speaking immigrants, from among whose ranks would have come the potential German-Canadian remigrate  to  historians,  the  United  either  strove  States."15  for  Much  rapid of  assimilation  the  revival  ... in  or  preferred  to  German-Canadian  historiography in recent years may have been stimulated by presentist objectives of the German  group.  accounts  of  Thus,  German  Bassler ethnic  also life in  seems  to  Canada  envisage  as  one  the substantiation  purpose of  of  historical  German-Canadians'  demand for "recognition as one of Canada's oldest and largest ... ethnic groups."16 The German ethnic population has indeed constituted a considerable portion of the Canadian nation. Their settlement was characterized by rapid assimilation into the mainstream of Canadian society as well as by the evolution of German institutions and  German- Canadian Yearbook, published since 1973 by the German-Historical Society of Mecklenburg, edited by Hartmut Froeschle. 14 Annals: German-Canadian Studies, since 1976. Collections of papers held at symposiums of German-Canadian Studies, edited by Karin R. Guerttier. 15Bassler, "Problems and Perspectives in German-Canadian Historiography," pp.2. "Ibid, p.15. 13  5  local ethnic communities. As this essay shows, both aspects of the  German-Canadian  experience offer fruitful fields of historical inquiry and illustrate the manifold processes of immigrants' transition and adaptation to a new life. Due  to  the  multitude  of  concepts  and  definitions  used  by  students  of  immigrant populations, it is advisable to expain the terminology used in this essay. The terms  "German-Canadians,"  "Germans" definition  are of  "ethnic  employed  "ethnic  population,"  interchangeably,  groups",  as  the  "German  following  national  or  the  ethnics,"  pre-1981  linguistic  and  simply  Canada  Census  group  to  which  the  respondent or his or her paternal ancestor belonged upon landing in Canada. Though this  concept  poses  many  analytical  problems17,  its usage is necessitated  by  frequent  reliance on statistical information derived from the Canada Census, as well as providing a broad category under which to include all those of German ethnic origin. The subject18  Here  definition  of  it is used  "ethnic in  groups"  the sense  of  has "a  occupied segment of  many  students  a larger  society  of  the whose  members are thought, by themselves and/or by others, to have a common origin and to  share  important  activities in which  aspects common  of  a  common  culture  origin and common  and  culture  who are  participate  significant  in  shared  ingredients."19  The term "ethnic community" refers primarily to the network of ethnic institutions, the ethnic neighbourhood, and the individuals who interact within the framework of these ethnic structures.20 "Ethnic identity" does not signify membership in an ethnic group or  17N.  B. Ryder, "The Interpretation of Origin Statistics," Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science, vol.21 No.4 (1955); John de Vries and Frank G. Vallee, Language Use in Canada (Ottawa: Minister of Supplies and Demands, 1980), p.142. 18Cf. Wsevolov W. Isajiw, Definitions of Ethnicity (Toronto: The Multicultural Society of Ontario, 1979); Anderson and Frideres, pp.45. James H. Dormon, "Ethnic Groups and 'Ethnicity': Some Theoretical Considerations," Journal of Ethnic Studies, vol.7 No.4 (1980). pp.24. 19J. Milton Yinger, "Toward a Theory of Assimilation and Dissimilation," Ethnic and Racial Studies, vol.4 No.3 (1979), p.250. 20For a comprehensive analysis of the various meaning of 'community' in general, see Dennis E. Poplin, Communities: A Survey of Theories and Methods of Research (New York: Macmillan, 1972).  6  community, but rather refers to that part of an individual's personality that has been shaped by his or her national origin, history, and culture and that may or may not manifest itself in visible behaviour. "Acculturation" similarity  brought  term "integration"  refers  to  by  contact  about  the  process  between  of  change  populations  greater  cultural  different cultures.21  The  describes the minority population and the society at large entering  into interactive situations, ranging from non-discriminatory economic  of  toward  institutions to personal  contact within political and  contacts within neighbourhoods,  friendship circles, or  other formal and informal groups." Finally, "assimilation" denotes the disappearance of members of an ethnic population into society at large, and includes the effect of such processes as acculturation, integration, identification with the new land, and biological amalgamation. immigrant  These  settlement  concepts and  serve  as  a  ethnic structures,  working  terminology  not as preconceptions  in of  the the  analysis  of  experiences  observed among the German population in Vancouver.  p.252. "Anthony H. Richmond, Postwar Immigrants in Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1965), p.138; Yinger, p.258; Tomatsu Shibutani and Kian M. Kiwan, Ethnic Stratification: A Comparative Approach (New York: Macmillan, 1965), p.479.  21Yinger,  7  I. IN SEARCH OF A NEW FUTURE: GERMAN POSTWAR IMMIGRATION Some  30,000 German immigrants settled in Greater Vancouver between 1945  and 1970. They formed part of a wave of well over three million immigrants who landed in Canada during these years, 340,000 of whom were of German ethnic origin. Before exploring the experiences of the German newcomers in Vancouver, however, the German inflow into Canada as a whole must be considered. This chapter examines the many factors which influenced German migration to Canada during the quarter century after the Second World War. It reveals that the newcomers' political, economic, and social  characteristics,  their  motives,  and  their  expectations  when  coming  to  Canada  determined much of their experience in the new land. German postwar immigration to Canada fell into three distinct phases. Until 1950, Canadian immigration regulations restricted entry to certain categories of German ethnic  refugees  immigration  and  displaced  restrictions  and  persons.  began  to  Later,  encourage  Canadian  authorities  a German  influx  removed  both  through  the its  immigration policy and financial assistance. The years between 1951 and 1957 brought up to 36,000 Germans annually into the country (Figure 1.1). This migration consisted of farmers and farm labourers, miners, skilled and unskilled industrial workers, service workers,  clerks,  and  a  small  percentage  of  professional  and  technical  personnel.  A  considerable portion of German immigrants were sponsored by their Canadian relatives. From the late 1950s onward, changing push and pull factors, and the high educational and professional admission criteria applied by the Canadian government, reduced the scope of the German inflow gradually to some 4,000 per year by 1970. Then, many of the arrivals belonged to highly trained professions, and a decreasing number came as sponsored immigrants. Not only did the German influx undergo phases of change, but so did the causes of Germans' movement to Canada. Most voluntary migration movements occur  8  FIGURE 1.1.  1945  GERMAN IMMIGRANT ARRIVALS IN CANADA,  1946-1970.  1965  1955  1960  1950  YEAR SOURCE;  Canada Year Book, 1 9 4 7 - 1 9 7 2  (Ottawa: K i n g ' s  Printer).  1970  IN SEARCH OF A NEW FUTURE: GERMAN POSTWAR IMMIGRATION / 10 when people's urge to improve their life-style through a change in location becomes stronger  than  geographic  the  existing  reference.1  conflict and incentives  In  occupation,  to  leave  bonds the  and  for  to  their  immediate  postwar  the political  many  frame  Germans.  of  years,  disruption Even  social,  of  more  fear  cultural, of  Europe  economic,  international  and  armed  in general, acted as  important  were  the  concrete  problems of survival: shortages of land, demographic pressures caused by the reception of millions of refugees in West Germany, high unemployment (Figure 1.2), and lack of  housing  immigrants  and and  food.  Canada,  appeared  to  on  them  the  other  as the  hand,  land  of  opened  its  opportunity,  doors with  to its  German expanding  economy, rapid industrialization, a seeming abundance of land, political tranquility, and a high degree of individual freedom. The occupational intentions of German arrivals in Canada in the the mid-1950s  (Figure 1.3.) confirm that almost all levels of  society  were affected by these push factors and that a cross-section of the German population wished to make a new start in Canada. By the late 1950s, economic conditions and living standards in Germany had improved markedly, yet still tens of thousands of emigrants left the country every year to seek a new future in Canada, the United States, Australia, or South Africa.2 For these  migrants,  the  reasons  for  their  decision  to  move  lay  less in  the  immediate  economic, social, and political disruption of Europe than in a combination of individual reasons. Investigations  of  the motivations of  German  emigrants in these years found  that only one third hoped to find better economic opportunities overseas. Every eighth emigrant wanted to join close relatives and friends who had left Germany in the early 1950s and were . by then sufficiently established to continue the chain migration that  ^Cf Guenther Moltmann, "German Emigration Overseas: History and Research Problems," German-Canadian Yearbook, vol.6 (1981), p.6. For a theory on emigrants being characterized by weak bonding, see Gert Raiethel, 'Go Wesf: Ein psychohistorischer Versuch ueber die Amerikaner (Frankfurt am Main: Classen, 1981.). 2 rorontoer Zeitung, "Canada von Deutschen bevorzugt," 29 July 1960, p.2.  FIGURE 1 . 2 .  UNEMPLOYMENT RATE IN THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY, 1 9 4 8 - 1 9 7 0 .  YEAR 1955 1970 1960 1950 Anselm F a u s t , " A r b e i t s m a r k t p o l i t i k i n D e u t s c h l a n d im 1 9 . und 20. J a h r h u n d e r t , K. J . Bade, e d . , Auswanderer, W a n d e r a r b e i t e r , G a s t a r b e i t e r : Beyoelkerung , A r b e i t s m a r k t , und~Wanderung i n D e u t s c h l a n d s e i t der M i t t ^ des 1 9 . J a h r h u n d e r t s V o l . 1 ( O s t f i l d e r n : S c r i p t a Mercaturae V e r l a g , 1 9 8 4 ) , p . 2 4 8 . 1945  SOURCE:  1965  /  IN SEARCH OF A NEW FUTURE: GERMAN POSTWAR IMMIGRATION /  12  had allowed many of them to come to Canada after the war.3 Political reasons were also important The German-Canadian newspaper Courier noted: Well over ten percent of those asked said that they were fed up with the political situation. Their number, however, is estimated to be much higher... The reasons for emigration for this group are political in the broadest sense of the term: disappointed expelled farmers from the East without new land in the West; people who are driven into the wide spaces of Australia out of fear of military confrontation in the densely populated Europe; aversion against compulsory military service, and similar reasons." A  similar  combination  of  motivating  immigrants in Canada conducted  by  factors the  was  detected  in  Canadian sociologist  a  1961  Anthony  H.  survey  of  Richmond.  Among German immigrants, political factors were named by 34%, and economic hopes by 39%, a sense of adventure by 21%, and family and private reasons by 6%.5 During from  the  the  arrivals  characteristics.  1960s, Germans' of  The  the  number  earlier of  motivation  postwar  unskilled  for immigration did  differed considerably  period  and  so  their  labourers  and  agriculturalists  socio-economic became  almost  negligible by 1970, while the proportion of technical and professional personnel markedly,  and  every  second  German  continued  to  expect  work  in  rose  manufacturing,  construction, and processing (Figure 1.3.). For these qualified workers, whose skills were in high demand in Germany itself, the decision to leave was hardly a response to unemployment, but rather derived from the expectation of more advantageous economic opportunities abroad or from non-economic reasons. In 3Under  the  1960s,  the  influx  of  Germans  ranged  from  13,000  to  4,000,  thus  the term 'chain migration' one usually understands the movement, in which the prospective migrant learns of favourable opportunities and receives assistance by means of primary, communal relations with previous migrants. On the role of chain migration in German immigration to North America, s®e Walter D. Kamphoefner, "'Entwurzelt' oder 'verpflanzt'? Zur Bedeutung der Kettenwanderung fuer die Einwanderakkulturation in Amerika," K. J. Bade, ed. Auswanderer, Wanderarbeiter, Gastarbeiter: Bevoelkerung, Arbeitsmarkt und Wanderung in Deutschland seit der Mitte des 19. Jahrhundert, vol.I (Ostfildem: Scripta Mercaturae Verlag, 1984), pp.322. 4Courier, "Trotz Wohlstand wirkt das Fernweh weiter," 11 September 1958, p.4. 5Anthony H. Richmond, Postwar Immigrants in Canada (Toronto: Toronto University Press, 1967), p.32.  FIGURE 1.3,  / 13  INTENDED OCCUPATION OF GERMAN ETHNIC ARRIVALS IN CANADA, 1 9 4 6 - 1 9 6 5 ; ' AND OF IMMIGRANTS WITH GERMANY AS COUNTRY OF LAST PERMANENT RESIDENCE, 1966 - 1 9 7 0 .  PRIMARY B  SECONDARY U TERTIARY X  a  L TERTIARY  Ld  Q.  U;. T e r t i a r y : Managerial, Proprietary, Professionals and T e c h n i c i a n s .  YEAR 1959  1969  SOURCE: Intended Occupation and P r o v i n c e of I n t e n d e d D e s t i n a t i o n , 1 9 4 6 - 1 9 5 5 (Ottawa: K i n g s ' P r i n t e r , Department of C i t i z e n s h i p and I m m i g r a t i o n ) ; I m m i g r a t i o n S t a t i s t i c s , 1 9 5 6 - 1 9 7 4 (Ottawa: Queen's P r i n t e r , Department of C i t i z e n s h i p and Immigration / Department of Manpower and I m m i g r a t i o n ) .  IN SEARCH OF A NEW FUTURE: GERMAN POSTWAR IMMIGRATION / indicating  that the popular notion of Canada as the "land of opportunity"  Yet, among the skilled manual and professional  14  persisted.  arrivals, the committment to Canada  appears to have been less strong now. At a 1961 survey, German-speaking immigrants in  the  country,  more  than  other  immigrant  nationality,  considered  their  move  to  Canada conditional: only 32.8% expected to remain even if not all their hopes came true.6  "Conditional  immigration"  was unquestionably  related  to  West  Germany's  own  economic prosperity. Comments and letters published in the German-Canadian press in these  years  reflected  the  fact  that remigration  and  return  migration  were  frequent  phenomena among German postwar newcomers in Canada and evidenced the desire of many  German  immigrants  to  re-evaluate  economic  opportunities  and  non-material  aspects of life in Canada.7 To a certain extent, the frequency of remigration to the United States or of return to the old homeland was a direct function of the socio-economic characteristics of many arrivals in Canada from the late 1950s onward. As Richmond has pointed out  a  high  Germany,  as  proportion from  of  other  the  Western  professional and  and  Northern  skilled European  manual  manpower  countries,  were  from  transient  migrants. They had a high rate of leaving Canada again not due to dissatisfaction or failure to adjust economically  or socially, but because they were part of a growing,  internationally mobile labour force with readily saleable skills and qualifications.8 In addition, modern technological developments altered the very implications of emigration in the course of the postwar period for non-transient manpower as well. The  further  growth  and  affordability  of  overseas  transportations  and  modern  communication tended to make it easier for prospective migrants to visit the new land prior to making far-reaching  decisions for themselves and their families or to return  'Ibid., p.33. . Courier, letters to the editor under the topic "Should one stay in Canada/ May-July 1958 and spring 1961. 'Anthony H. Richmond, "Immigration and Pluralism in Canada," International Migration Review, vol.4 No.l (1969), p.ll.  7See  IN SEARCH OF A NEW FUTURE: GERMAN POSTWAR IMMIGRATION / 15 to the old country if they so desired. Thus, while people were obviously still prepared to leave home for the purpose of trying out life in a new land, they were generally less committed to staying there.  The scope of the German influx into Canada and the changing motives of Germans for leaving their homeland  were inextricably intertwined with the  economic,  political, social, demographic, and personal push factors acting upon the West German population. After the Second World War, over eleven million refugees and displaced persons streamed into Western occupation zones.9 shortages of  Germany itself lay in ruins. Severe  food, clothing, housing, and medication, a largely destroyed infrastructure,  the pressures of  denazification, international  condemnation  of  the  atrocities  committed  during the Hitler regime, and national fragmentation caused by occupation were among the major problems faced in the late 1940s and early  1950s. It was a climate  of  general suffering, uncertainty, and depression in which tens of thousands of Germans longed to seek a better future abroad. High  unemployment,  shortage of  housing  and land, political  uncertainly, and  fear of war continued to act as push factors throughout the 1950s, whereas Canada appeared  commended  seeming  abundance  by of  economic  land, high  opportunities living  in both  standards,  rural and urban settings, a  and  a political  and  geographical  position far removed from any future scenario of war. Toward the end of he decade, however, West Germany commenced on a path toward prosperity to  as  its  markedly  "economic rising. living  miracle"  -  which  standards.  During  brought this  the  country  industrial  boom,  commonly referred  full  employment  even  the  wave  and of  refugees from East Germany were absorbed.10* Although Canada remained a preferred  'A. T. Bouscaren, International Migrations since 1945 (New York: F. A. Praeger Publ., 1963), p.41. 10Courier, Hochkonjunktur daempft Auswanderungslust," 15 October 1959, p.ll.  IN SEARCH OF A NEW FUTURE: GERMAN POSTWAR IMMIGRATION /  16  destination among many of those Germans who still left the country every year,11 and the  German  influx  unemployment,12  was  marked  by  a  increase  in  1967  due  to  temporarily  rising  the number of Germans immigrating to Canada in 1970 reached its  lowest level since 1947. Almost full  employment  in  the  Federal  Republic,  relaxation  of  international  tensions between the United States and the Soviet Union and thus sinkling fears of war in Europe, rising  living standards, and the stablizations of  the internal  political  situation had contributed to the decline of traditional push factors. A the same time, pull  factors  drawing  Germans  to Canada  declined  in part as a result of  Canada's  economic development and the modification of its postwar immigration policy.  During the first postwar years, Canada's immigration policy toward prospective immigrants of German ethnic origin was characterized by a curious paradox. As enemy aliens, Germans official  were  termination  of  supposed the  to  state  be of  barred war  from  with  admission  Germany  in  to  Canada  1951  and,  until  the  moreover,  anti-immigrant and anti-German  feelings ran high in the Canadian public after the  war.13  the  Yet,  Germans  constituted  second  largest, non-British  immigrant nationality  arriving between 1947 and 1951."14 The explanation for this apparent paradox lies in  Sun, "Canada Still First on German Emigrant List," 12 July 1957, p.25; Torontoer Zeitung, "Deutsche Auswanderer bevorzugen Canada," 27 January 1967, p.2. 12Courier, "Einwanderung aus Deutschland nimmt wieder zu," 28 June 1966, p.ll; Torontoer Zeitung, "Deutsche Einwanderer bevorzugen Kanada," 27 January 1967, ^p.5; Courier, "Kann man wirklich von einer neuen Einwanderungswelle sprechen?", 1 September 1966, p . l l quotes the director of the emigration office in Cologne who claimed that the majority of emigrants were leaving "temporarily." 13A Gallup Poll of October 1946 permitted, multiple answers to the question who Canadians regarded as the most undesirable newcomers: Germans ranked third with a hostility rate of 34%, following to the Japanese with 60% and Jews with 49% and preceding the Russians with 33% and Blacks with 31%. - Nancy Tienhara, Canadian Views on Immigration and Population: An Analysis of Postwar Gallup Polls (Ottawa: Department of Manpower and Immigration, 1974), p.59. 14Gerhard P. Bassler, "Canadian Immigration Policy and the Admission of German Enemy Aliens," Yearbook of German- American Studies vol.22 (1987), p.184.  11Vancouver  IN SEARCH OF A NEW FUTURE: GERMAN POSTWAR IMMIGRATION / the way economic, political, and ethnic considerations shaped the nature of  17  Canadian  immigration legislation after the war. Until the fall of 1950, German immigration to Canada was severely restricted. Immigration regulations had been tightened during the high unemployment years in the 1930s, and further restrictions were added during the war years, especially with regard to admission of immigrants from countries at war with Canada.15 Moreover, Canada, as a charter member of the United Nations' Relief and Rehabilitation Administration and its  successor  exclusion  of  Volksdeutsche  agency,  the  displaced (ethnic  International  persons  and  Germans)  or  Refugee refugees  Organization, of  Reichsdeutsche  had  agreed  German  background  (German  nationals)  on  -  the  whether from  the  forms of international relief and legal protection available to other bona fide displaced persons.16 German-Canadians vigorously  pursued  the goal  soon of  lodged achieving  protests  against  a re-opening  of  this  discrimination  Canada's  doors  to  and their  fellow ethnics. The German ethnic media, ethnic associations, and the churches argued in  particular  that  the  admission  of  homeless  Volksdeutsche  constituted  a  moral  obligation for Canada. Moreover, they stressed that German-Canadians had a right to sponsor  their  European  family  members,  and  that the  entry  of  German  manpower  served the economic self-interest of the country.17 When the Canadian government started to  modify its immigration policy  in  1947, it advanced economic, humanitarian, and ethnic explanations. Contrary to worries over high unemployment resulting from demobilization and over a general continuance 15Warren  E. Kalbach, The Impact of Immigration on Canada's Population, 1961 Census Monograph (Ottawa: Dominion Bureau of Statistics, 1970), pp.12; Alan G. Green, Immigration and the Postwar Economy (Toronto: Macmillan of Canada, 1976), pp.14. "Bassler, "Immigration Policy," p.183. 17The press advocated the admission of large numbers of immigrants, emphasizing the economic contribution to be made by the many skilled workers, farmers, and professionals among the German ethnic homeless, who would show themselves grateful and worth of a new opportunity in Canada. Courier, 27 November 1946, p.2 and 6 January 1947, p.2.  IN SEARCH OF A NEW FUTURE: GERMAN POSTWAR IMMIGRATION / 18 of the prewar depression, the period of the late 1940s and early 1950s proved as one of rapid economic expansion. The ensuing tight labour market, exacerbated by the low birthrate and limited immigration of the 1930s, forced the government to reappraise its immigration policy. Thus, in May of 1947, Prime Minister Mackenzie King explained to Parliament  that  Canada  "absorptive capacity"  would  now  encourage  and in compliance  immigration  to  the  limits  of  its  with the existing character of its population.  He also acknowledged Canada's moral obligation to help resolve the urgent problem of the resettlement of persons who were displaced and homeless.18 In the following years, a new set of Orders-in-Council were designed to ease admission requirements and allow for a greater inflow. As the majority of the capital formation  in  highways,  new  semi-skilled  Canada  in  resource  the  first  facilities,  postwar and  decade  housing,  a  went  into  considerable  constructing demand  and unskilled labour in addition to skilled manpower,19  of  pipelines,  existed which  for  major  supplies were found in western Europe. Canada thus moved to meet its labour needs from traditionally  preferred  sources,  and between  1947  and  1950, sponsorship  rights,  occupational categories, and status of admissability of residents from countries who had been at war with Canada were significantly expanded. This opened an opportunity for German-Canadians to apply for the admission of their displaced German relatives, and Volksdeutsche  were  included  among  the first groups to  benefit  from  Canada's  new  policy.20 Between 1947 and 1950, some 20,000 German ethnics were admitted through  18 Green,  p.21; Freda Hawkins, Canada and Immigration: Public Policy and Public Concern, l e d . (Kingston and Montreal: McGill- Queen's University Press, 1989), p.92. Irving Abella and Harold Troper, in None k Too Many: Canada and the Jews of Europe. 1933-1948 (Toronto: Lester & Orpen Dennys Ltd., 1982) attribute the gradual opening of Canada's doors to Jewish refugees after 1947 to international pressure and, more importantly, to Canada's economic self-interest in admitting highly trained immigrants. 19Green, p.133. "See also Geralde E. Dirk, Canada's Rejugee Policy: Indifference of Opportunism? (Montreal and London: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1977), pp.150.  IN SEARCH OF A NEW FUTURE: GERMAN POSTWAR IMMIGRATION / 19 the efforts of their Canadian relatives and the liaison work and financial assistance of secular  and  religious  organizations.21  of  Finland,  Hungary,  Italy, and  still  admitted  nationals  were  Reichsdeutsche  opposed to the Nazi  not  regime.22  But,  while  the  immigration  Roumania  unless  had  able  to  been prove  For years, German-Canadian  restrictions  lifted that  against  in  July  1947,  they  had  been  representatives had been  demanding the removal of the prohibition law against German nationals, denouncing it as a matter  of  discrimination  against German-Canadians  who  were  not  allowed  to  sponsor their relatives, and as a denial of the economic benefit that could derive from skilled  and  professional  lobbied with politicians  German  manpower.  in support of  Ethnic  organizations  this demand.23  The  wrote  German  petitions  and  ethnic newspaper  Courier was one of the most vigorous and articulate of advocates for the removal of the immigration restrictions against German nationals.24 The  Canadian  Christian  Council  for  the  Resettlement  of  Refugees,  whose  humanitarian concern with helping displaced persons and refugees was widely respected, also  advocated  example,  the  a  reconsideration  Council  questioned  of  Canada's  the  validity  existing of  the  immigration concept  regulations.  German  national,  For and  pointed out to the Canadian government that every German-speaker who was resettled during the Third Reich had German citizenship automatically conferred upon him or her.25 The Minister of the newly created Department of Citizenship and Immigration,  21 See  Courier, 11 January 1950, p.3; also Gottlieb Leibbrandt, Little Paradise: Aus Geschichte und leben der Deutschkanadier in der County Waterloo, Ontario 1800-1975 (Kitchener: Allprint Company Ltd., 1977), p. 362. 22Kalbach, pp.21; see Order-in-Council 4870 of November 1947. "For example, H. Gummel, head of the Osoyoos branch of the Canadian Society for German Relief, in a a letter to the Member of Parliament for the Kelowna riding, O. L. Jones, on 15 December 1948. Canadian Society for German Relief. Public Archives of Canada. MG 20 V 28 vol. I file: "Osoyoos: Correspondence". 24Courier, 18 May 1949, p.l and 25 May 1949, p.3. "William H. J. Sturhahn, "The Canadian Christian Council for the Resettlement of Refugees: Its Contribution to German Postwar Immigration to Canada," Annals: German- Canadian Studies, vol.3 (1980), p.46.  IN SEARCH OF A NEW FUTURE: GERMAN POSTWAR IMMIGRATION / 20 Walter E. Harris, soon responded to this legal argument as well as to the demand by Canadians for family reunification with their German relatives. Restrictions were eased in March of  1950 to allow for the admission of  German nationals who were close  relatives or spouses of Canadian residents and of those who had not been citizens of the  Third  Reich  supported  the  on  Nazi  1  September  regime.26  This  1939 policy  -  excepting change  those  permitted  who  had  voluntarily  thousands  of  German  complete  removal  nationals to apply for admission. But remaining Canada,  German-Canadians  restrictions, employing German  immigrants  continued  to  press  a new, political  would  strengthen  whereas in Europe this valuable manpower  for  a  point borne  the  could  Western,  of  the Cold  anti-Communist  War:  of in  position,  fall into the hands of the Soviet  Union and might be used against the West.27 Indeed, in the changing political climate of the postwar years, those suspected as supporters of the Nazi regimes were rarely barred  from  admission.  By  contrast,  as  historian  Alvin  Finkel  recently  observed,  "leftists" were "deemed harmful to Canada's national aims as interpreted by the federal Government"28 Moreover, Canada's economic interests seemed to command German  manpower.  Thus,  the  government  decided  that  the  the admission  restriction  of  of  German  nationals from entry deprived Canada of immigrants whose professional, technical, and industrial skills would be an asset to the Canadian economy. On 14 September 1950,  26Kalbach,  p.27. As the restrictive clause regarding "voluntary support" for the National Socialist regime was generally identified with membership in the Nazi party or of the SS, the CCCRR also investigated this issue with respect to "Volksdeutsche", and could then prove to the satisfaction of the Minister in the summer of 1950 that the question of joining these Nazi organizations had frequently been a matter of survival in all the countries overrun by the Wehrmacht Sturhahn, p.49. "For a vivid example for this line of argument, see Theo Schaffer, vice-president of the Canadian Society for German Relief, to Minister W. E. Harris, Department of Citizenship and Immigration, on 14 August 1950. Canadian Society of German Relief. Public Archives of Canada. MG 20 V 28 vol.I file: "General Correspondence". 28Alvin Finkel, "Canadian Immigration Policy and the Cold War, 1945-1980," Journal of Canadian Studies, vol.12 No.3 (Fall 1986), p.53.  IN SEARCH OF A NEW FUTURE: GERMAN POSTWAR IMMIGRATION / 21 an Order-in-Council removed the restriction and brought German nationals within the generally  admissable  classes applicable  had been members of the  to  other  Europeans,  excepting  only  those who  Waffen-SS".19  Thus, the development of Canadian immigration policy vis-a-vis Germans until 1950 was influenced by a combination of economic, humanitarian, ideological, political, and  social  factors  which  gradually  outbalanced  anti-immigrant  and  anti-German  positions30 and resulted in Germans being once again regarded as desirable newcomers to  Canada.  This  renewed,  Canadian authorities'  positive  perception  of  Germans  efforts to stimulate a substantial  after 1950. An Order-in-Council  was  German  also  manifested  immigration  in  movement  of June 1950 stated the government's principal view  on immigration: a person was seen fit to enter Canada provided he could satisfy the Minister that he is a suitable immigrant having regard to the climate, social, education, industrial, labour, and other conditions and requirements in Canada, and is not undesirable owing to his peculiar customs, modes of life, methods of holding property, or because of his inability to become readily adapted and integrated into the life of a Canadian community and to asume the duties of Canadian citizenship within a reasonable time after entry.31 Effective June 1953, the Canadian Immigration flexible  regulation  admissable.  Among  of  the  the  actual  countries  flow which  of  Act of  immigration  immigration  1952 made provisons for the and  the  regulations  classes defined  of as  persons desirable  sources of immigrants was Germany.32 German immigrants generally fulfilled the ethnic and occupational requirements of  Canada's postwar  government  29Kalbach,  found  immigration  the  German  policy  to  a high  authorities  willing  degree. to  Moreover,  cooperate  in  the a  Canadian large-scale  p.28. The Courier claimed that "the end of discrimination" was primarily attributable to its sustained struggle for equality of rights. 5 April 1951, p.l. 30For a comparative view, see Bassler, "Canadian Immigration Policy," p.184. 31Kalbach, p.28. 3 2 See Canada Year Book (Ottawa: King's Printer, 1954).  IN SEARCH OF A NEW FUTURE: GERMAN POSTWAR IMMIGRATION / 22  movement  of  prospective  Germans  immigrants'  to  Canada33,  major  especially  problems  by  as  Canada  inaugurating  successfully  the  "Assisted  met  one  Passage  of  Loan  Scheme" in February 1951.34 It provided interest-free loans for immigrants whose skills were in demand in Canada and who needed financial assistance.35  The West German  government cooperated with Canada as with other receiving countries in the selection of suitable emigrants, in the hope of alleviating its refugee and unemployment problem. While tens of thousands of applications were submitted by prospective emigrants to the Canadian visa offices36  as well as to the missions of other countries who permitted  their entry, a Federal Office for Emigration was established in Cologne in 1952 and subordinate counselling offices in most major cities of the Federal Republic followed. These offices advised prospective emigrants and cooperated with foreign consulates in their selection.37 The backlog To  many  young  socio-economic  of  demand for admission to Canada in 1950 was considerable.  Germans  in  advancement,  for  particular,  Canada  home-ownership,  and  offered for  wide  a better  opportunities future  for  for their  children in a free and independent country.38 At the same time, the flow of German 33In  October 1950, the Canadian Director of Immigration visited the Federal Republic and in discussions with German officials clarified the Canadian policy and programme. Kalbach, p.23. " B y 1952 it was still prohibited fro Germans in Germany to possess American or Canadian Dollars or to trade with them in order to establish the new West German currency, see Nordwesten, 9 January 1953, p.3; also Department of Citizenship and Immigration. Public Archives of Canada. RG 76 vol.821 file: "Immigration from Germany"; Confidential Briefing Paper 1957. 3 3 Refer to Immigration and Population Statistics (Ottawa: Queen's Printer, Department of Manpower and Immigration, 1974): in total 32,788 immigrants came to Canada under the scheme between 1951 and 1955, and then again 96,224 in 1956-60, 73,728 in 1961-65, and 116,254 in 1966-70. 36In Germany, Canadian immigration headquarters were located in Karlsruhe until they were moved to Cologne in 1956; visa offices were opend during the 1950s in Hannover, Bremem, Hamburg, Munich, West Berlin, and Stuttgart Hawkins, p.237. "Department of Citizenship and Immigration. RG 76 vol. 832 file 552-11-551: "Pomotional Activities". 3! Nordwesten, "Auswanderungsgeist der jungen Generation Deutschlands," 7 November 1951, p.5; compare Louis Parai, Immigration and Emigration of Professional and Skilled Manpower during the Postwar Period (Ottawa: Queen's Printer, 1975), p.90.  IN SEARCH OF A NEW FUTURE: GERMAN POSTWAR IMMIGRATION / 23 immigrants was sensitive to economic activities in Canada. Thus, the first setback in the German as well as the overall inflow was experienced in 1954/55 as a result of a temporary recession and rising unemployment in Canada (Figures 1.1., 1.4 and 1.5). Simultaneously, the German-Canadian  media noted  for the first time that a marked  number of German postwar immigrants preferred to return to their homeland.3' Meanwhile, attitudes toward  emigration were beginning  West German government as well. Although  to change within the  German and Allied authorities welcomed  emigration as a partial solution to demographic and economic problems, the loss German  labour  also  began  to  arouse  concerns.40  For  example,  as  the  of  Adenauer  government planned to reestablish armed forces, the emigration of young men came to be looked upon increasingly unfavourably.41 Then, when the Federal Republic started to experience its "economic miracle," real  surplus of  manpower.  Yet,  politicians and economists perceived no longer any although  the  German  government  largely  ceased  to  cooperate in recruiting and selecting prospective emigrants, and a German law of 1874 prohibited  the  direct  emigration  and  solicitation  the  attraction  of of  immigrants Canada  through  were  still  advertisement, so  strong  that  motives  for  spontaneous  applications to the Canadian missions in the Federal Republic reached a new peak in 1957. The  extension  transportation  of  costs of  the Assisted  Passage  the dependents of  Loan  Scheme  in  immigrants to Canada  1956  to include  certainly  the  encouraged  this development42 In the same year, however, a slowdown in the Canadian economy and heavy unemployment  (Figure  1.5.)  moved  the  recently  elected  Conservative  government  to  Nordwesten, "Die Frage der Rueckwanderer kritisch beleuchtet," 19 June 1954, p.6; Courier, "The Incapable Ones Return Home," 16 September 1954, p.21. 40Nordwesten, "Deutschland beliefert internationalen ArbeitsmarkL" 4 June 1952, p.2; and "202,000 Deutsche sind seit Kriegsende ausgewanderL" 1 September 1954, p.2. 41 Nordwesten, "Wehrpflicht beschneidet Auswanderung Jugendlicher," 1 September 1954, p.l. 42Department of Citizenship and Immigration. RG 76 vol.821 file 552-1-551: "Immigration from Germany". Confidential Briefing Paper. 30 June 1957. This extension met an old objection of German officials.  FIGURE 1 . 4 .  TOTAL IMMIGRANT ARRIVALS IN CANADA, 1 9 4 5 -  1970.  300 250  it  200 -a  «o 150  -C  100 50 0  SOURCE :  J N ILL I i i i I i i ii  194-5  1950  4  1955  Canada Year Book, 1 9 4 7 - 1 9 7 2  i i F i j i i ii  1960  1965  YEAR  (Ottawa: K i n g ' s  Printer)  1970  / 25  FIGURE 1 . 5 .  UNEMPLOYMENT RATE IN CANADA, 1945 -  1970.  8  a  ct:,  LU Q.  o"-i  1945  SOURCE:  i—i—i—i—|—i—i—i—r  1955  YEAR  t—i—i—i—|  1960  i i i r  1965  1970  H i s t o r i c a l S t a t i s t i c s of Canada, ed. F . H. Leacy (Ottawa: S t a t i s t i c s M i n i s t e r of Supply and S e r v i c e s , 1983) ,  Canada, to  IN SEARCH OF A NEW FUTURE: GERMAN POSTWAR IMMIGRATION / 26 restrict  the  admission  of  immigrants  to  Canada  to  all  but  British  subjects.  The  downward trend in the Canadian economy from 1957 to 1961 not only diminished the country's attractiveness for German immigrants and prospective German emigrants, but it also  encouraged  remigrating German  to  many the  ethnic  opportunities,  United  press  the  German  in  high  postwar  States  or  Germany cost  of  to  immigrants  already  return  Germany.  found living,  to  in  Canada  to  Correspondents  that  the  perception  lack  of  social  of  limited  security,  and  consider of  the  economic a  general  disappointment in Canada were most often named reasons by those returning to the homeland.43  The  West  German  Department  of  Manpower  and  other  ministries  also  observed with great interest the apparent discrepancy between the increasing shortage of skilled labour in the Federal Republic and the rising unemployment in Canada, and German authorities made efforts to help returning Germans on an individual basis.44 The  Canadian  Department  of  Citizenship  and Immigration  carefully  observed  the decline of the German influx and the development of the West German economy. In a confidential briefing paper, the Canadian Embassy in Bonn reviewed the effect of the economic miracle: The German people enjoyed a high standard of living and full employment Germany itself was recruiting workers from other European countries. High quality goods, reasonable in price, were plentiful. German currency was stable and the demand for high quality German manufactures in world markets was being sustained. In the circumstances it is surprising that any German wanted to emigrate.45 Canadian  immigration  personnel  felt that Germans'  motives  for  emigration  now  lay  "Arbeitslosigkeit foerdert Rueckwanderung," 29 May 1958, p.13; "Verstaerkte Abwanderung in die USA," 17 March 1960, p.ll; Vancouver Province, "'Most B.C. Germans will stay'," 4 July 1960, p.28. 44In 1959, the German Department of Manpower requested the Foreign Office to distribute a circular to its consular offices which addressed disappointed emigrants as long as they were still German citizens: a questionaire by the Central Employment Office in Germany allowed for specifications of desired time of return, employment expectations, family situation, and financial resources. Alfred Schulze, "Rueckkehr in die alte Heimat," Nordwesten, 22 December 1960, p.5. "Department of Citizenship and Immigration. RG 76 vol. 821 file 552-1-551: "Immigration from Germany". Confidential Briefing Paper. 1964.  43Courier,  IN SEARCH OF A NEW FUTURE: GERMAN POSTWAR IMMIGRATION / 27 particularly  in  personal,  political,  military,  and  demographic  considerations.46  As  they  were aware of German authorities' sensitivity toward any obvious activity designed to encourage large-scale emigration, the visa office in Cologne proposed a more cautious policy  of  enhanced  personal  attention  to  individual  Germans  seeking  advice  on  immigration to Canada and of increased indirect promotional activities.4' Faced with declining immigration on one hand and considerable unemployment among  its  unskilled  and  semi-skilled  manpower  Citizenship and Immigration embarked the  country's  government  to  immigration refrain  policy.48  from  the  other,  the  Department  of  an a reexamination of the concepts underlying In  active  on  1960/61,  recruitment  a of  recession  forced  immigrants.49  the  Yet,  Canadian  following  its  economic recovery, Canadian immigration officers in Germany started to intensify their promotional Germans  activities exhibited  and a  continued  declining  to  do  willingness  so  throughout  to  seek  most  their  of  the  fortunes  decade. abroad50  As the  Department encouraged transportation companies and travel agencies to promote Canada -  ostensibly  for  the  sole  purpose  of  publicizing  tourist  travel.  Immigration  officers  themselves often toured the country with films, lectures, and press conferences about Canada."  "Department of Cititzenship and Immigration. RG 76 vol.821 file 552-1-551: "Immigration from Germany". Letter from the Attache, Visa Office Cologne, to the Chief of Operations, Immigration Branch. 3 May 1960. "'Ibid. See also Department of Citizenship and Immigration. RG 76 vol.821 file 552-1-551: "Immigration from Germany". Memorandum on Berlin and East German Refugees. 10 June 1955. 48For example, as 1960 was World Refugee Year, this source of potential immigrants was discussed, for example with regard to refugee farmers from East Germany. See Globe and Mail, "Revamping of Immigration Policy Poses 1961 Challenge." 3 January 1960, p.3. 49This decision resulted in an engaged commentary from leaders of ethnic groups in Toronto, see Globe and Mail, "Ethnic Groups Criticize Policy on Recruiting of Immigrants." 19 August 1961, p.5. 50See an investigation by the EMNID Institute for Public Opinion Research in Bielefeld of 1962. Translated for the Department of Citizenship and Immigration. RG 76 vol. 821 file: 552-2-551: "Immigration from Germany." 31See Department of Citizenship and Immigration. RG 76 vol.821 file: 552-2-551 "Immigration from Germany". Confidential Briefing Paper 1964.  IN SEARCH OF A NEW FUTURE: GERMAN POSTWAR IMMIGRATION / 28 After 1961, total  immigration  to Canada  gradually  recovered  and  reached a  new peak in 1967 with some 220,000 arrivals. This development was due to Canada's renewed economic prosperity and low unemployment rates, and to the new recruitment strategies  developed  along  with  the  government's  return to  an  expansionary, positive  attitude toward immigration. In 1962, immigration regulations started to remove racial discrimination as one of the most prominent features of Canada's immigration policy, retaining  a preference  permitting  them  to  for  the  sponsor  a  tradionally wider  preferred  range  of  European  relatives  newcomers  and  through  mainly the  by  denser  concentration of Canadian visa offices in Europe." This expansion of admissable classes of immigrants was directly related to the growth  of  Canadian  social  services  skilled  manual  domestic  and  manufacturing technology,  and professional  supply  nor  by  and  which  service  precipitated  manpower.53  imported  industries,  This  manpower  an  increasing  demand  from  educational  demand  could  traditionally  facilities, for  and  highly  not be satisfied by preferred  sources  of  immigrants. Following a major review of immigration and the publication of a White Paper in March of 1966, independent immigrants were now to be admitted to Canada according to an assessment system that focused on immigrants'  skills and educational  attainment coupled with occupational need in Canada rather than ethnic origin.54  objectives  German  immigrants  as  as  well  their  to  Canada perception  reflected that  these  Canada  new  Canadian  offered  immigration  attractive  economic  opportunities for highly trained manpower: by the late 1960s, over 20% of the German newcomers were professionals and technicians (Figure 1.3.). While push and pull factors were still potent enough to draw thousands of Germans to Canada every year, they no  longer ranged among the top nationalities  remained the primary  destination of  entering the country nor had Canada  those tens of thousands of  Germans  "Hawkins, p. 125. "Green, p.134. "Green, pp.36; Richmond and Kalbach, p.61; Canada Year Book 1969.  who still  IN SEARCH OF A NEW FUTURE: GERMAN POSTWAR IMMIGRATION / 29 sought their fortunes aborad.  The  phases  of  German  postwar  immigration  to  Canada  reflected  both  Germany's and Canada's postwar development and the attitudes and actions of  their  respective governments. Yet, the transatlantic movement of Germans was also shaped by the German population in Canada. Soon after the war's end, German-Canadians began to express deep concern for the plight of fellow ethnics in Europe, and they almost immediately  organized  humanitarian  assistance.  At  first,  money  and  clothing  were  forwarded through international members of the Relief Agencies licensed for operation in  Germany.55  Germany  Then,  in  commenced  April  of  1946,  operations56,  German-Canadian public -  the  and  -  Canadian after  Lutheran  Relief  Society  for  constant  pleas  from  the  in the winter of 1946, Ottawa permitted the formation of  the Canadian Society for German Relief.57 The Relief Society relied on donation appeals in the German ethnic press and on  fundraisers  organized  by  its  local  branches.58  While  the  Society  collected  and  forwarded provisions, clothing, and medical supplies as well as considerable sums of money, German-Canadians  also continued to make donations to the American  organization  the  and  ordered  various shipment agencies.59  delivery  of  countless  "gift  Yet, soon German-Canadians  of  love"  parcels  CARE through  decided that the long-term  "For example, the Mennonite Central Committee, the World Church Service, and the American Committee for the Relief of German Needy Inc. Rudolf A. Helling, A Socio-Economic History of German^ Canadians, (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1982), p.89. "Courier, "Genehmigung des Canadisch-Lutherischen Hilfswerkes fuer Deutschland," 3 April 1946, p.l., "Canadian Society for German Relief. Public Archives of Canada. MG 20 v 4. vol.1. Constitution of the 3 June 1947. Headquarters: Kitchener, Ontario. German-Canadians in Vancouver were among the first communities to raise the issue of aid for and solidarity with Germans in Europe. Courier, 20 October 1945, p.5. 5 8 In B.C., the formation of branches in Vancouver and Osoyoos reflected the location of German concentrated settlement in the province; Nordwesten, 25 October 1950, p.5. and "Das deutsch-canadische Hilfswerk berichtet," 1 August 1951, p.4. 5 'CARE opened a branch in Ottawa in January 1947 in order to serve its many Canadian clients. Courier, 8 January 1947, p.l; private parcels directly from Canada to  IN SEARCH OF A NEW FUTURE: GERMAN POSTWAR IMMIGRATION / 30 improvement of  the condition  They  a  promoted  lobbying  for  relatives,  and  considerable  changes by  of  in  their fellow  portion  Canada's  financing  and  of  ethnics in Europe lay in immigration.  the  immigration  working  in  subsequent policy,  secular  immigration  by  and  sponsoring religious  movement their  by  German  organizations  that  carried much of the immigrant processing responsibility until the early 1950s. After the alteration of Canadian immigration policy in 1947 opened the way for German ethnic refugees and displaced persons to be sponsored by their Canadian relatives, more than 30,000 applications poured into the various district offices of the immigration branch of the Department of Mines and Resources. But because Germans did not fall under the mandate of churches  became  instrumental  in  the International arranging  for  Refugee Organization,  the  transfer  of  Canadian  German  ethnic  immigrants. The churches enjoyed the trust of both the Canadian authorities and the German-Canadian  public, they  could  organize the movement through  international networks, and they had the financial resources non-German  members  -  to  extend  monetary  assistance  already  existing  supplied by German and  to needy  emigrants.  Having  collected and supplied aid to the homeless and hungry in Europe through the World Council of Churches, they now began to concentrate on the immigration of displaced persons to Canada. The Canadian Christian Council was  formed  in  June  of  1947.60  It  for the Resettlement of established  facilities  in  Refugees  (CCCRR)  Germany,  processed  applications by Canadians for the entry of their German ethnic relatives, and extended loans to  cover  transportation  costs."  In  1950, the  Council  began  to  concentrate its  "(cont'd) Germany started to be permitted again in September 1946. 60The charter members of the CCCRR were -Canadian Lutheran World Relief, German Baptist Immigration and Colonization Society, Catholic Immigration Aid, Canadian Mennonite Board of Colonization, joined by the Latvian Relief Fund of Canada and the Sudeten Committee. Hawkins, p.302; Bassler, pp.186 offers a more detailed description of their early immigration work. "The individual member organizations of the CCCRR each maintained their own networks and took care of refugees belonging to their respective faiths. Thus the Canadian Lutheran World Relief alone assisted over 20,000 Germans in coming to  IN SEARCH OF A NEW FUTURE: GERMAN POSTWAR IMMIGRATION / efforts on the immigration of  refugees who  did not  fall under the  "close  31  relative"  category. It successfully explored ways of employing Canadian programmes such as the Farm Labour  Scheme, the  forward immigration arrangements."  and  Between  Sugar Beet  it continued 1947  and  Worker to  Plan, and the  offer financial help  1954 some  20,000  Domestic with  CCCRR  Scheme,  favourable  assisted  to  credit  immigrants  of  German ethnic origin landed in Canada,63 justifying the image of the Council as the Wegbereiter  (pathfinder) of German postwar immigration to Canada.64  The majority of German arrivals between 1945 and 1970, however, came on an individual basis, without the assistance of government or non-government agencies. The  extent of  their  yearly  influx and their preference  for  Canada  over  any other  country throughout most of the postwar period points at the ease with which Germans entered the country and gives an indication of the extent to which the image of "the land  of  the  prospective  future"  German  Canada, were  or  "the  land  emigrants. The  shaped  by  the  opportunity"  had  permeated  image, and thus German  kinds of  departure from their homeland.65  6:'(cont'd)-  of  information  they  were  the  expectations exposed  minds of  to  of  life in prior  to  Throughout the 1950s in particular, Canada's image  Canada (Canadian Lutheran World Relief. Public Archives of Canada. MG 38 V 20) and German Baptist Immigration agencies assisted at least 7,000 and played an important role in matching Canadian farmers, forestry companies etc. with German labour as well as supplying loans and accommodation (Baptist World Alliance Immigration. Public Archives of Canada. MG 28 V 18). "The CCCRR showed itself very pleased with the adaptation of their immigrants to the Canadian environment, see G. M. Berkefeld (Director of CCCRR Bremen), "A Brief Review of the 'Volksdeutsche' Immigration," Canadian German Business Review. vol.1 No.3 (October 1955), p.4; Sturhahn, p.49. "Dirks, p.272. 64This term was used in Nordwesten, 23 July 1952, p.2. Aside from religious organizations, secular associations promoted the transfer of Germans in a simialar fashion and in cooperation with the CCCRR, most notable the Canadian Baltic Immigration Aid Society (Public Archives of Canada. MG 28 V 99). It was organized in 1948 at the initiative of Robert-Wendelin von Keyserlingk in Montreal, organized the immigration movement, established a strong network in Canada, and encouraged the preservation of Baltic customs, social gatherings, and mutual assistance. Struhahn, p.48; Matthias Kuester, "Die Baltendeutschen in Kanada," German- Canadian Yearbook, vol.4 (1979), pp.56. "Richmond, Postwar Immigrants in Canada, p.157.  IN SEARCH OF A NEW FUTURE: GERMAN POSTWAR IMMIGRATION / among  prospective  emigrants  in  Germany  was  formed  through  official  32  information  produced by the Department of Citizenship and Immigration,66 counselling by the West German Emigration Offices, sporadic articles in the German press,67 and private letters and reports from Germans in Canada who sponsored relatives or encouraged friends to follow them.68 Moreover,  the  rich  variety  of  reports,  personal  stories,  and  commentary  contained in the German-Canadian newspapers was an important source of information for prospective emigrants, recent arrivals, and established residents of German origin.69 These newspapers, which had lobbied so energetically for the removal of the exemption laws, were determined to further immigration and assist in Germans' settlement process. For  the  ethnic  integration  of  press  and  immigrants  the  and  Trans-Canada their  perception  Alliance  of  of  new  the  German-Canadians, environment  the  ultimately  depended upon their "proper" introduction to Canadian realities.70 The German ethnic press informed newcomers about the economic, social, and legal aspects of acquiring  life in Canada. It tried to familiarize them with the conditions for  Canadian  citizenship,  social  services,  the  educational  system,  and  political  structures, thus assisting the newcomer in gaining an initial understanding of Canadian society in the ethnic tongue. The press also included guidelines for settlement decisions in  reports  wages,  the  about cost  regional of  climatic  living,  and  and job  economic  differences,  opportunities.  Overall,  levels the  of  employment,  German-Canadian  newspapers presented a positive image of Canada, economic opportunities in particular, and thus gave newcomers and prospective emigrants the impression that life in Canada  "Department of Citizenship and Immigration. Public Archives of Canada. RG 76 vol.833 file 552-11-551: "Promotional Activities in Germany". "For example, H.R. Berndorff, "Ich wandere aus!" Revue, 29 April 1950, pp. 1-9. 68Courier, "Falsche Vorstellungen?" 16 July 1952, p.3 editorial. 69Many German-Canadian newspapers, such as the Courier, Nordwesten, or the Pazifische Rundschau, had sizeable overseas circulations, ranging between 5% to 10% of their total editions. 70Courier, 25 November 1957, p.9. or 14 August 1958, p.10.  IN SEARCH OF A NEW FUTURE: GERMAN POSTWAR IMMIGRATION / 33 offered  a  better  future  for  every  hard-working  newcomer."  Rarely  did  newspaper  editors discuss the common problems encountered by newcomers or prepare emigrants for the economic, social, and psychological implications of starting a new life. The German press not only praised Canada and thus assisted in confirming in European minds the image of the new "land of opportunity", but it also presented a positive image of German-Canadians and German immigrants to the Canadian public. Having  lobbied  so  strongly  for the opening  of  Canada's  doors to  both  ethnic and  national Germans after the war, praising them as eager and grateful for a new chance to prove themselves through hard work, the newspapers obviously dreaded the thought of German immigrants now appearing as 'trouble-makers'." This concern was rooted in the  two  conflicting  images  of  Germans  in  the  Canadian  mind  and  the  historical  experiences of Germans in Canada. Traditionally, Germans have enjoyed the reputation of  being  honest,  hard-working,  easily  assimilated, and thus  desirable  both world wars, however, this image was challenged, and in some  immigrants. sections of  In the  population displaced, by the picture of the militaristic, aggressive, sadistic German, unfit for a liberal democracy. Consequently, in their own interest, German-Canadians of the post-World War II period were eager to replace the negative, political stereotype with the positive, economic image of the good immigrant and fellow Canadian. Efforts to improve the standing of Germans in Canadian public opinion and to promote German postwar immigration were also related to other  German-Canadian  hopes and aspirations. The struggle for the removal of immigration restrictions formed part of  a public assertion of  petitions to  the  Canadian  their equal rights -  government -  and  also  an argument often employed derived  from  in  German-Canadians'  belief in the benefit of German manpower to Canada's economic development At the  "Examples can be found in about every p.4; 21 January 1954, p.12; 12 May 1955, "See Courier, "Um des guten Namens Einfachste Art, sich unbeliebt zu machen,"  issue of the Courier, especially 8 July 1949, p.10, and in numerous Courier editorials. willen," 28 January 1954, p.3 (ed); "Die 21 August 1958, p.9.  IN SEARCH OF A NEW FUTURE: GERMAN POSTWAR IMMIGRATION /  34  same time, a massive German postwar immigration movement was expected to revitalize German ethnic community life in Canada and to strengthen the position of the ethnic culture within the society at large. By  the  late  1960s,  however,  the  concern  of  most  German-Canadians  with  immigration had subsided. German arrivals were neither subjected to special restrictions nor did they range any more prominently among the immigrant cohort German ethnic life had indeed revived with the postwar influx, yet the German immigrants adjusted quickly  to  their  new  environment  and  did  not  depend  on  representation  on  their  interests through the ethnic media or ethnic organizations. Thus, in the German press in  Canada,  the  issue  of  immigration  had  been  replaced  by  reports  about  German  ethnic life and domestic economic and political matters.  In  many  between  German  identity  and  They  lobbied  respects,  established  German-Canadians  immigrants and the new  solidarity for  land, in  but also their conviction  the  removal  of  exemption  so  functioned doing  that life in laws  and  as  intermediaries  reflecting  their  ethnic  Canada was preferable.  organized  relief,  thereby  reinforcing the traditional image of wealth and security overseas giving the impression of a strong German ethnic community system in Canada. They promoted a favourable image of Canada in their personal contacts and in the German ethnic press, and at the same time gave practical and ethical advice designed to assist in the successful settlement of German newcomers. Moreover, they sponsored their German ethnic and national  relatives  -  particularly  during  the  late  1940s  and  early  1950s,  but  also  throughout the succeeding decades. Despite fluctuations in German emigrants' evaluation of their prospects abroad and their changing  motives  that Canada represented  a  for leaving "land of  the  the homeland, their continuous influx shows future"  throughout  the postwar period  for  German ethnic refugees, unemployed skilled workers, those resenting compulsory military  IN SEARCH OF A NEW FUTURE: GERMAN POSTWAR IMMIGRATION / 35 conscription, those disillusioned in the West German political system, persons in search of an alternative life, for adventurers, and for professionals and entrepreneurs seeking better economic opportunities. An apparent abundance of land resources, an expanding economy,  a high  perhaps advance and  social  degree  of  individual  freedom, and the chance  to  start anew  further than in the more rigidly structured West German  system,  contrasted  favourably  with  demographic  pressures,  land  and  economic shortages,  wartime destruction and fear of war as well as the moral and political burden of the National Socialist past in the old country. These recent immigrants were a highly heterogeneous group, in terms of their regional and even national origins, their economic characteristics, their educational levels, and their motives for emigration. Yet, the majority of them had in common the wish to build a better future for themselves and their children in Canada and to regain respect  and  prosperity  as  individuals.  Their  influx  was  encouraged  by  Canadian  immigration authorities, and they arrived in Canada at a time of rapid economic and demographic growth and urban development Like other immigrant nationalities, German newcomers predominantly settled in metropolitan areas such as Vancouver, where they struggled  to  adjust to  a new  economic  and social  other Canadians and to acquire their own  environment, to be  accepted  by  homes, while at the same time seeking  expressions of their ethnic identity in their own private sphere and their relations with other Germans.  n . GERMAN RESIDENTIAL PATTERNS IN VANCOUVER In 1971, the Canada Census recorded some 90,000 Germans living in Greater Vancouver, approximately  a quarter of whom had come to Canada after the Second  World War. They were found widely distributed over  the metropolitan  area, with a  pronounced residential concentration being located in the Vancouver South district This chapter analyzes the evolution of German ethnic Vancouverites' residential patterns from 1941  to  1981. Particular  concentration  of  development  and  attention  German  ethnic  decline  of  will  be  residents  a  paid and  German  to  such  institutions  shopping  spatial in  centre  on  phenomena  Vancouver Robson  Germans' marked attraction to the suburbs. Moreover, implications  of  as the  South,  the  Street,  and  Germans'  wide  traditionally  been  residential distribution will be assessed. The  persistence  and  viability  of  ethnic  communities  has  related to the residential segregation of an ethnic origin group from majority groups in society  and  the  formation  of  dense  ethnic  enclaves.1  At  the  same  time, the  wide  spatial distribution of a minority population has often been interpreted as a sign  of  structural integration into the society at large.2 As the analysis of socio-economic and ethnic  factors  residential  in  Germans'  integration  and  residential  patterns  ethnic community  and  survival  the will  simultaneous  existence  show, however,  of  monocausal  theories offer no satisfactory explanations for the spatial features that characterized the German population in Vancouver. Rather, their residential patterns present themselves as shaped  by  a  wide  range  of  factors,  including  urban  development,  residents'  T o r example Stanley Lieberson, "The Impact of Residential Segregation on Ethnic Assimilation;' Social Forces, vol.40 no.l (March 1961), pp.52.; W. Lloyd Warner and Leo Srole, The Social Systems of American Ethnic Groups (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1945); Leo Driedger and Glenn Church, "Residential Segregation and Institutional Completeness: A Comparison of Ethnic Minorities," Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology vol.11 no.l (February 1974), pp.30-52. 2For example, A. Gordon Darroch and Wilfred G. Marston, "The Social Class Basis of Ethnic Residential Segregation," American Journal of Sociology, vol.77 no.3 (1976), pp.498. Francis A. Ianni, "Residential and Occupational Mobility as Indices of the Acculturation of an Ethnic Group," Social Forces, vol.36 no.3 (October 1957), pp.65. 36  GERMAN RESIDENTIAL PATTERNS IN VANCOUVER / 37 socio-economic  characteristics  and  desire  for  home-ownership,  the  availability  means, and the continued importance of  of  communication  and transportation  the ethnic  neighbourhood  as an economic and cultural centre for immigrants and Canadian-born  Germans.  Figures  2.1  to  2.5  reflect the  location  and  the  degree  of  German  ethnic  residential concentration in the Greater Vancouver area over a period of forty years. In  1941  (Figure  2.1.)  German  ethnics constituted  1.8% of  the Vancouver  population  (city only).3 Germans displayed a mild concentration in the West End (2.6%) and in the  Vancouver  South  district  (3.6%),  though  the  latter  was perceived  as the  city's  "German area."4 Both districts had lower than average incomes per male resident and offered affordable accommodation  to German post-World  War I immigrants who for  the most part were labourers and craftsmen. In Vancouver South, the German-oriented Martin Luther Church at Fraser St and 41. Avenue and a few shops, attested to the presence  of  a  small  German  community.  In  the  West  End,  along  Robson  Street,  German business-people had also opened a few shops and restaurants. By 1951, the German element in the Vancouver metropolitan area had grown to 3.6% or 19,328. Figure 2.2 reveals signs of what were to become developments  in  the  spatial  patterns  of  the  ethnic population.  two persistent  Germans  increasingly  clustered in the Vancouver South area while producing lower concentrations in adjacent neighbourhoods, southern  and  and they  were overrepresented  in some parts of  southeastern  suburbs, particularly  Richmond  and  newly  Surrey.  In  incorporated Vancouver  South, the increasing concentration of Germans was complemented by developments in  3 There  is a common agreement that a considerable proportion of Germans in Canada actually preferred to report themselves as of Dutch or Swiss origin due to the wartime atmosphere. "See Ruth Gumpp, The Germans in British Columbia, 1930-1945: Perceptions and Reality of an Ethnic Group (B. A. Honours Essay, University of British Columbia, 1986).  / 38  o  / 39  SOURCE:  CENSUS OF CANADA, 1951.  GERMAN RESIDENTIAL PATTERNS IN VANCOUVER / 40 German organizational, religious and economic life. The Vancouver Alpen Club and the Edelweiss Credit Union, the German Catholic Holy Family Church and ethnic parishes founded after the Second World War, and a wide array of shops and services located in  the  area  which  became  known  as the  "Fraser  Community,"5  In  the  succeeding  decades, this institutional network would continue to grow and intensify as Vancouver South remained the single, most clustered German residential district in Vancouver. The German concentration in the West End, however, had disappeared by 1951. Figure 2.3. confirms German ethnics' tendency to distribute themselves widely over the metropolitan area while forming residential concentrations in Vancouver South and adjacent northern census tracts along Main, Cambie and Fraser Streets as well as in  Richmond,  the  closest  suburb  with  affordable  single  family  housing.  By  1961,  German ethnic businesses in Vancouver South offered their customers German special food items, imported a wide variety of products, and provided personal services that were often directed at the needs and preferences of German immigrants. While German  component in the Vancouver population  stood  at 51,056  (6.5%),  every  the fifth  person in the Vancouver South census tracts was of German ethnic origin, and still more German churches and businesses were being established in the district In the 1960s, the influx of Germans from Europe dropped significantly, and increasingly  consisted  of  skilled  professional and entrepreneurial  craftsmen,  technicians,  and  professionals.  classes, the newly developed North  Among  Shore of  the  Burrard  Inlet, with its view properties and proximity to recreational areas became popular.6 In these years, a small group of America,  political  unrest  and  ethnics also came to  seizing  upon  the  Vancouver  opportunity  to  from Latin immigrate  to  Canada. They, too, bought valuable land and houses in the high prestige areas  of  5See  fleeing  German  Nordwesten, "Die Fraser-Gemeinde," 31 March 1964, p.6. Juengst, "Vancouver: eine stadtgeographische Skizze," Carl Schoot, ed., Beitraege zur Kulturgeographie von Kanada (Marburg: Universitaet Marburg, 1983), pp.94.  6Peter  SOURCE:  CENSUS OF CANADA, 1961.  G E R M A N RESIDENTIAL PATTERNS IN V A N C O U V E R / 42  North and West Vancouver.7  The majority of German ethnics in Vancouver, however,  were employed in blue collar jobs and the lower tertiary sector and continued to seek attractive settlement areas in Richmond, Surrey, and other southeastern suburbs.8 The German component in the Vancouver population reached an all-time high of  8.3% or  89,675 in 1971. As shown in Figure 2.4., the concentration of  German  ethnics in Vancouver South had intensified further so that in one census tract German composed  more  adjacent  to  produced  than  the  a  quarter  traditional  significantly  higher  of  the  residents.  neighbourhood, than  average  Aside  Germans'  from  settlement  in  choices  had  residential  concentrations  in  parts of  areas also  Richmond  and  Surrey. Although it lies beyond the chronological framework of this study, data of the 1981 census has been added in this chapter to provide a sense of continuity and an overview of  the further residential  development of the German population. By 1981,  the size of the German population in Greater Vancouver had decreased to 5.8% or 73,955 -  due to remigration, natural decrease, and the introduction of new standards  for recording ethnic origin. The degree of concentration in Vancouver South had also declined,  although  the  area still  exhibited  the highest German  concentration  in  the  metropolis (Figure 2.5). On the other hand, the northern part of Richmond, which had possessed  the  concentration  earliest comaparable  German to  the  suburban one  in  cluster, Vancouver  now  maintained  South.  Also,  the  a  degree settlement  of of  German ethnics in the suburbs had led to concentrations in parts of Surrey, Langley, and Coquitlam. Even though analysis of residential patterns indicates a persistent concentration  7Compare  Peter Doerrenbacher, "Acculturation, Assimilation, and Mobility of the German Ethnic Group in Vancouver," in P. L. Wagner, ed, Ethnic Vancouver: Essays in Cultural Geography (Burnaby, B.C.: Simon Fraser University, Department of Geography. Discussion Papers Series No.16, 1981), p.9. "Juengst, p.95.  / 43 FIGURE 2.4.  1971 V A N C O U V E R CENSUS T R A C T S . PROPORTION OF G E R M A N ETHNIC (VANCOUVER A V E R A G E : 8.3%).  RESIDENTS.  25-30%  20-25%  15-20%  12.5-15%  SOURCE;  CENSUS OF CANADA, 1971.  / 44 FIGURE 2.5,  1981 VANCOUVER CENSUS TRACTS. PROPORTION OF GERMAN ETHNIC RESIDENTS (VANCOUVER AVERAGE: 5.8%). 15-20%  12.5-15%  10-12.5%  IT.  SOURCE:  CENSUS OF CANADA, 1981.  8.5-10%  A -A  GERMAN RESIDENTIAL PATTERNS IN VANCOUVER / 45 of German-Canadians in Vancouver South and the emergence of minor concentrations in some suburbs, Germans in Vancouver in general  exhibited a very low  degree  of  clustering throughout the postwar period. Further analysis reveals that this low degree of  clustering  was complemented  by  the low  extent of  German-Canadians'  residential  segregation from other Vancouverites, which was determined with the aid of the "index of  dissimilarity".  differences indicates  in a  This  the  index  is  a widely  proportionate  degree  of  used  distribution  dissimilarity.  The  of  heuristic two  device  comparison  index  has  been  the  German  that summarizes groups  and  particularly  the  thereby  applied  to  measurements of residential segregation.9 In  this  case,  the  distribution  of  ethnic  population  over  all  Vancouver census tracts for 1951 to 1981 has been calculated and compared with the distribution of  the entire Vancouver population.10  Figure 2.6. (Index A) indicates for  each postwar census the portion of the German population that would have had to relocate to a different census tract in order for the distribution profile of the two comparison populations to be equal. As we see, Germans low degree of clustering was duplicated  by  the  low  degree  of  their  residential  segregation  from  the  Vancouver  population as a whole11 The  relationship  between  high concentrations of an ethnic group in specific  'See O. T. Duncan and B. Duncan, "A Methodological Analysis of Segregation Indexes," American Sociological Review, vol.20 No.2 (April 1955), pp.210; E. K. Taeuber and A. F. Taeuber, "A Practitioner's Perspective on the Index of Dissimilarity," American Journal of Sociology, vol.41 No.4 (winter 1976), pp.884; also T. R Balakrishnan, "Changing Patterns of Ethnic Residential Segregation in the Metropolitan Areas in Canada," Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology, vol.19 No.l (spring 1982), p.101. 10For example, in 1971, 2.5% of the German population resided in census tract 13 as opposed to 1% of the' Vancouver population -at large; the dissimilarity in this census tract thus was 1.5. , , "Anthony H Richmond and Warren E. Kalbach, Factors in the Adjustment of Immigrants and Their Descendants, (Ottawa: Minister of Supplies and Services, 1980), p 302 in their application of the index to ethnic groups in four metropolitan areas in 1971 found that German ethnics in Vancouver as in other Canadian centres belonged to the least segregated groups, usually only surpassed by those of British and Scandinavian origin.  1 9 5 1 - 1 9 8 1 VANCOUVER CENSUS TRACTS. GERMAN ETHNIC'S RESIDENTIAL SEGREGATION (INDEX A) AND SOCIO-ECONOMIC SEGREGATION (INDEX B) - AS MEASURED BY DISTRIBUTION OVER INCOME AREAS - FROM THE VANCOUVER POPULATION AS A WHOLE BY DISSIMILARITY INDICES.  1951  1961  .1971 YEAR  1981  / 46  GERMAN RESIDENTIAL PATTERNS IN VANCOUVER / 47 census  tracts  and  the  group's  dissimilarity  to  the  the  spatial  distribution  of  the  Vancouver population was also confirmed by the residential patterns of other minorities in Vancouver."  In contrast to Vancouver's Germans, other ethnic groups formed very  dense "urban villages" and were to a considerable extent residentially non-integrated in the metropolitan population at large (Figure 2.7. Index A). In 1961, 40% of the local Italian population in Vancouver lived in an ethnic neighbourhood on Commercial Street where they were concentrated to up to eight times their Vancouver average, and their index of dissimilarity stood at 34.3; 42% of Asian Vancouverites lived in clusters of up to fifteen times their average representation, and their index was 45.7; 40% of Jewish residents lived in clusters where their concentration reached up to sixteen times their Vancouver average and their index stood at 58.5. German clusters on the other hand only included some 12% of the ethnic population in 1961, and their concentration in any given census tract never exceeded three times their average.13  According to the social class model of ethnic residential patterns, social groups -  including  ethnic minorities -  are distributed over urban space in compliance with  their social status in urban society at large.14 Thus, for example, the concentration of certain ethnic groups in low income, urban core areas has been explained as a result of  the  recency  of  their  arrival  and  their  poor  competitive  economic  position.15  Reduction in residential segregation, in turn, has been associated with an ethnic group's socio-economic  structure  becoming  more  ""Ethnic clustering referred to the ethnic or generational group within a a Metropolitan Area: A Typology of p.130; this study employs the term  like  that  of  the  native-born  or  majority  presence of a marked overrepresentation of an census trad" Carol Agocs, "Ethnic Settlement in Communities," Ethnicity, vol.8 no.2 (June 1981), "cluster" for concentrations exceeding twice the  average ethnic component in the Greater Vancouver population. "Canada Census, 1961. 14See Darroch and Marston, pp.498. "Richmond and Kalbach, p.183; K. G. O'Bryan et al., Non-Official Languages: A Study in Canadian Multiculturalism (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1975), p.16.  / 48  FTGURE  2.1  1 9 6 1 VANCOUVER CENSUS TRACTS. DISSIMILARITY INDICES OF SELECTED ETHNIC GROUPS' RESIDENTIAL SEGREGATION AND SOCIO-ECONOMIC SEGREGATION COMPARED TO VANCOUVER POPULATION AS A WHOLE INDEX A RESIDENTIAL SEGREGATION  INDEX B SOCIO-ECONOMIC SEGREGATION (BY INCOME AREAS)  ETHNIC ORIGIN GERMAN  18.3%  10.8%  ITALIAN  34.3%  26.4%  ASIAN  45.7%  41.5%  BRITISH ISLES  10.6%  5.8%  JEWISH ( R E L . )  58.5%  29.0%  SOURCE: CENSUS OF CANADA, 1 9 6 1 .  G E R M A N RESIDENTIAL PATTERNS IN V A N C O U V E R / 49  population.16  The Canadian sociologist Wilfred G.  Marston observes:  "As members  of  an ethnic group advance socio-economically, they tend to locate in neighbourhoods in which  members  socioeconomic  of  the  native  status reside,"  population  and  other  ethnic  groups  of  the  same  a process which leads both toward residential integration  among members of different ethnic groups based on the same class level and toward residential desegregation within each ethnic group according to differing class levels.17 This socio-economic however,  been  members  of  challenged  interpretation  by  an  ethnic minorities  ethnic  of  ethnic group residential segregation has,  model.18  into a social  It suggests  and personal  that  ethnicity  network  ties the  that is based  on  spatial proximity. According to the theory of localized social solidarity, immigrants move to  an  area  assistance  where  in  an  groups.  The  strong  interlocking  members  unfamiliar  preference  to  kinship  of  common  environment, live among and  ancestry  locate  sometimes  in  fellow  friendship  ethnics  together reaction  interacts  networks,  a  for  to with  shared  comfort  hostile such  religion,  and  majority factors  as  prolonged  maintenance of a distinct language or culture and the development of a wide range of institutions as well as recent immigration.19 holds, the minority who  tends to  immigrant  filter into  Due to this ethnic attachment, the theory  displays less residential  better  residential  districts  mobility  according  than the to  his  native-born  socio-economic  success.20 The Canadian students of immigrants in Canada, Anthony H. Richmond and Warren E. Kalbach, feel that "the ethnic dimension of the population would appear to be at least as important as socioeconomic  16Darroch  status in accounting  for the existence  of  and Marston, p.496. „ "Wilfred G Marston, "Class Segregation Within Ethnic Groups in Toronto, Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology, vol.6 No.2 (May 1969), p.66/67; Balakrishnan, p.95. 18Darroch and Marston, pp.491; also Richmond and Kalbach, p.183, who found that segregation persisted for some minority groups in spite of improvements in their socio-economic position. 19Agocs, p.127. See also Richmond and Kalbach, p.193 and Balakrishnan, p.98. 20O'Bryan et al., p.16.  GERMAN RESIDENTIAL PATTERNS IN VANCOUVER / 50 residential segregation in Canada's census metropolitan areas."21 The persistence  ethnic  and  socio-economic  model  dispersal  thus  to  links  residential  assimilation,  causes underlying  spatial  and  segregation  the  social  distribution.22  Both  to  ethnic  class  community  model  models  focuses  thus make  on  broad  generalizations about ethnic populations' demographic patterns in the urban context But, in  light  of  identities,  the  and  distinctiveness  the  influence  of  of  ethnic  factors  minorities,  which  may  the be  varying unique  strengths to  of  individual  their ethnic  populations and locations, settlement patterns and the causes of residential concentration and segregation must be examined in specific historical contexts, i.e. in consideration of the  time  and  the  circumstances  of  a  particular  immigrant  cohort's  influx  into  a  particular city, and the location of traditional ethnic settlement areas.23, For example, widely available communication and transportation have rendered participation in ethnic organizational life in contemporary urban centres increasingly independent of propinquity, thus  invalidating  the  premise  that  residential  segregation  and  clustering  individuals are necessary preconditions for ethnic community persistence.24 limitations  of  general  socio-economic relation  and  between  theories  ethnic  dispersion  about  factors and  ethnic  in  residential  Germans'  commmunity  spatial  peristence  patterns,  the  distribution must be  of  ethnic  Given these  significance as  well  analyzed  as  in  of the  greater  detail. We recall that according to the social class model, residential segregation is linked to -  if not a direct function of -  socio-economic  differences. Richmond and  Kalbach found that the income of Germans in Vancouver in 1971 corresponded to the  "Richmond and Kalbach, p.196. 22 Cf. Ianni, pp.66; Lieberson, p.53.  For  other  ethnic  comunity  studies  in  Canadian  urban centres see also Yianna Lambrou, The Greek Community in Vancouver: Social Organization and Adaptation (Master's Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1974); Driedger and Church, pp.32. 2} Cf. Agocs, pp.146. 24See Noel Crisman, "Ethnic Persistence in an Urban Setting," Ethnicity, vol.8 No.3 (September 1981), p.268.  GERMAN RESIDENTIAL PATTERNS IN VANCOUVER / 51 average income of the Vancouver population as a whole." incomes  and  Therefore,  the  the  residential  relationship  location between  of  German  residential  Yet, no data linking the  Vancouverites  location  and  have  social  been  available.  status had  to  be  approached in an indirect manner: for each postwar census, the average male income in Greater Vancouver and in every census tract was obtained. Vancouver thus appeared divided into income areas, as exemplified for 1961 in Figure 2.8. Then, the portions of the German population and of the entire Vancouver population living in the same income areas were calculated  and compared. The resultant socio-economic  distribution  profiles for 1951 to 1981 are presented in Figures 2.9. to 2.12.. The distribution of the German and the total Vancouver population over the city's income  areas was arranged  in relation  to  difference from Vancouver's  average  male income as a whole (here as "0"). The graphs clearly demonstrate that Germans' distribution profile differed only slightly from that of the Vancouver population as a whole. The dissimilarities that did exist in each census year were primarily attributable to  Germans'  overrepresentation  in  average  income  areas,  whereas  they  showed  no  marked propensity to concentrate in either low or high income areas. (Incidentally, the "socio-economic differentiation  of  dissimilarity the  indices"  Vancouver  also  documents  population.  In  the  increasing  1951, Vancouverites  socio-economic lived  in  income  areas from 70% above the average to 50% below the average, while in 1981 in the income areas ranged from 130% above average to 70% below). Thus, while German ethnics in Vancouver nominally improved their social positions by showing residences in higher income areas in 1981 than in 1951, in fact they merely duplicated Vancouver's socio-economic evolution, thereby giving further evidence to the high degree of their integration into the socio-economic and residential structure of the metropolitan society. The index of dissimilarity may also be applied to the difference in Germans' and  all  Vancouverites'  distribution  "Richmond and Kalbach, p.305.  over  the  city's  income  areas.  It could  thus  be  / 52  FIGURE 2.8,  1961 VANCOUVER CENSUS TRACTS, AS ORGANIZED I N AREAS WITH SIMILAR A V E R A G E MALE INCOME (VANCOUVER AVERAGE: $4,219 p e r y e a r ) . +60-70% +50%  S3  + 40% +30% + 20% +10%  •  $4-4,400 -10% -20%  hi  in  -30% -40-50%  SOURCE:  CENSUS OF CANADA, 1961.  FIGURE 2.9.  1951 VANCOUVER CENSUS TRACTS. DISTRIBUTION OF GERMAN ETHNIC RESIDENTS OVER AREAS WITH SIMILAR AVERAGE MALE INCOME COMPARED TO THE VANCOUVER POPULATION AS A WHOLE (VANCOUVER AVERAGE: $2,358).  / 53  Q - AVERAGE  SOURCE; CENSUS OF CANADA, 1951.  -50  -40  -30  10 30 50 20 40 -20 0 INCOME DISTRIBUTION  FIGURE  / 54 1961 V A N C O U V E R CENSUS T R A C T S . DISTRIBUTION OF G E R M A N ETHNIC RESIDENTS OVER AREAS WITH SIMILAR A V E R A G E M A L E INCOME COMPARED TO THE V A N C O U V E R POPULATION AS A WHOLE (VANCOUVER A V E R A G E : $4,219).  2.10.  GERMAN VANC. POP. 0 = AVERAGE  SOURCE: CENSUS OF C A N A D A ,  -50  -40  -30  -10 10 30 50 70 -20 0 20 40 60 80 INCOME DISTRIBUTION  1961.  FIGURE 2.11.  1971 VANCOUVER CENSUS TRACTS. DISTRIBUTION OF GERMAN ETHNIC RESIDENTS OVER AREAS WITH SIMILAR AVERAGE MALE INCOME COMPARED TO THE VANCOUVER POPULATION AS A WHOLE (VANCOUVER. AVERAGE: $7,280).  / 55  0 = AVERAGE  a  CsL  SOURCE; CENSUS OF CANADA, 1971.  -80  -60  -40  -20  0 40 80 120 20 60 100 140 INCOME DISTRIBUTION  / 56 FIGURE 2.11.  1971 VANCOUVER CENSUS TRACTS. DISTRIBUTION OF GERMAN ETHNIC OVER AREAS WITH SIMILAR AVERAGE MALE INCOME COMPARED VANCOUVER POPULATION AS A WHOLE (VANCOUVER. AVERAGE: $ 7 , 2 8 0 ) .  GERMAN  iiiiiiiiMm VANQ POP. Q - AVERAGE  SOURCE: CENSUS OF CANADA, 1971.  -70  -50  -30  10 50 90 130 -10 30 70 110 INCOME DISTRIBUTION  GERMAN RESIDENTIAL PATTERNS IN VANCOUVER / 57 confirmed that their 'socio-economic' dissimilarity or segregration was indeed consistently low. In fact, it declined from 11.3 in 1951 to 6.8 in 1981 (Figure 2.6 Index B.). By  contrast,  other  ethnic  groups  displayed  significant  dissimilarities  in  their  distribution over Vancouver's income areas when compared to the entire population, as is illustrated by Figures 2.13 to 2.15. for 1961. Moreover, the location of their greatest "socio-economic the  average  clustered:  dissimilarity"  income  in  on the income-area  those  census  tracts  Asians were highly overrepresented  graph was found to correspond  where  individual  ethnic  population  to had  in low income areas, and their clusters  were also located in low income census tracts (Figure 2.13.). Italians clustered in below average income areas and also were overrepresented there (Figure 2.14.). Residents of Jewish faith, on the other hand, were highly (Figure  2.15),  comparison,  and  their  German  clusters  ethnics'  low  overrepresented  lay in the wealthy degree  of  Shaughnessy  overrepresentation  income areas, and male incomes in Vancouver  in high  income  areas  neighbourhood.  occurred  in  By  average  South wera similar to the Vancouver  average. In combination, both applications of the index of dissimilarity seem to point at a marked relationship between residential and  "socio-economic"  segregation in the  urban context The German population displayed low dissimilarity indices both in their residential distribution and their representation in various income areas throughout the postwar  period  (Figure  2.6.),  whereas  other  selected  ethnic populations  showed  high  segregations in both applications of the index. A comparison of the actual results of the indices, however, also reveal the limitations of socio-economic factors in accounting for the appearance and location of ethnic clusters. As Table 2.7 shows, the residential segregation  of  each  ethnic  population  (Index' A)  was significantly  higher  that their  "socio-economic dissimilarity" as measured by their distribution over Vancouver's income areas  in  1961  (Index  B).  The  same  discrepancy  was  population for every postwar census year (Figure 2.6.).  discovered  for  the  German  1961 VANCOUVER CENSUS TRACTS. DISTRIBUTION OF THE ASIAN POPULATION OVER AREAS WITH SIMILAR AVERAGE MALE INCOME COMPARED TO THE VANCOUVER POPULATION AS A WHOLE (VANCOUVER AVERAGE: $4,219)  FIGURE 2.13.  / 58  AVERAGE  a  W 15  SOURCE: CENSUS OF CANADA, 1961.  -60  -50  -40 -20 0 20 40 60 80 -30 -10 10 30 50 70 90 INCOME DISTRIBUTION  FIGURE 2.14.  1961 VANCOUVER CENSUS TRACTS. DISTRIBUTION OF THE ITALIAN ETHNICS OVER AREAS WITH SIMILAR AVERAGE M A L E INCOME COMPARED TO THE V A N C O U V E R POPULATION AS A WHOLE (VANCOUVER AVERAGE: $4,219) .  '  59  0 = AVERAGE  a LU  Q-  SOURCE:  CENSUS OF CANADA 1961  -60  -50  -40 -20 0 20 40 60 80 -30 -10 10 30 50 70 90 INCOME DISTRIBUTION  FIGURE  2.15.  1961 VANCOUVER CENSUS TRACTS. DISTRIBUTION OF RESIDENTS OF JEWISH FAITH OVER AREAS WITH SIMILAR AVERAGE MALE INCOME COMPARED TO THE VANCOUVER POPULATION AS A WHOLE (VANCOUVER AVERAGE: $4,219)  / 60  0 - AVERAGE  a cn LjJ  Q_  SOURCE: CENSUS OF CANADA, 1961.  -60 -40 -20 0 20 40 60 80 -50 -30 -10 10 30 50 70 90 INCOME DISTRIBUTION  GERMAN RESIDENTIAL PATTERNS IN VANCOUVER / 61 In other words, while socio-economic characteristics may have determined the kind of income area in which a segments of individual ethnic population could chose to live, the very location and density of their clusters were not sufficiently accounted for by income factors. This was particularly the case for German residents:  whereas  Vancouver had a limited number of low and high income areas in which Asians and Jews of each social standing could settle, the metropolitan area had a wide choice of average  and  just  below  average  income  areas  (Figure  2.8.).  Consequently,  the  concentration of Germans in specific census tracts appears influenced by a degree of group cohesiveness within the local German population. An examination of these areas with  a marked  overrepresentation  of  Germans  identifies  a  variety  of  features  that  justify their characterization as "German". Since at least 1941, the most dense and persistent German cluster has been found in the Vancouver South area, a residential district of predominantly single family units.  It  appealed  in  particular  to  employees  in  the  secondary  industries,  service  personnel and shop-owners, and less so to professionals or technicians.26 In terms of average  male  incomes,  the  earnings  of  its  residents  ranged  between  a  Vancouver  average and 10% below this average in 1951 and declined to 20% below metropolitan average in  1981.27  Considering  represented  in average income areas and exhibited  197128, the Vancouver have 26See  been  a  fairly  South typical  that German  ethnics in Vancouver  an average Vancouver income  district, in its socio-economic residential  area  for  were most highly  German  in  characteristics, appears to Vancouverites.  Its  German  Vancouver census tracts, 1951-1981: occupational characteristics; also Freda Walhouse, The Influence of Minority Ethnic Groups on the Cultural Geography of Vancouver (Master's Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1961), p.173. " I n 1951 the median male earnings in Greater Vancouver lay at $2,358; m Vancouver South it' lay at $2,377 (census tract "34") and $2,365 ("35). In 1961, Vancouver's average male income lay at $4,219; in the German cluster in Vancouver South it ranged from $3,890 to $4,009. In 1971, Vancouver South residents' income ranged from $6055 to $6 502 as opposed to an average Vancouver income of $7,287. In 1981, Vancouver South incomes of $14,561 to $17,184 contrasted to a Vancouver average of $19,716. Canada Census, 1951-1981. "Richmond and Kalbach, p.386.  GERMAN RESIDENTIAL PATTERNS IN VANCOUVER / 62 residents  presumably  belonged  to  the  lower  middle  class  portion  of  the  ethnic  population, employed particularly in manufacturing, mechanical, and construction jobs and as labourers.29 In ethnic terms, Vancouver South was also fairly representative of the German population in Vancouver in that the majority of its German residents had been born in  Canada.  immigrant parts  of  As  census  element  tract  had  Richmond.  data  for  a particular  In  Vancouver  1981  shows  preference South,  (Figure  for  their  North  2.16), and  proportion  the  German-born,  West Vancouver  in  the  German  and  ethnic  population did not exceed the Vancouver average. Since by 1981 a mere 5% of the foreign-born conclude  German  that  postwar  ethnics  in  German  Vancouver  were  pre-1946  immigrants  were  not  in  arrivals, particular  one  may  drawn  to  thus the  traditional German neighbourhood.30 Vancouver  South  never  served  as  a  reception  centre  for  the  majority  of  German immigrants in the Pacific metropolis, and in the course of the postwar period, its significance as a residential destination for German newcomers declined constantly. Of the pre-1945 the Vancouver  arrivals recorded by the 1981 census authorities, 8.8% still lived in  South census tracts. By comparison, 4.0% of  the  1945-54  immigrants,  3.0% of the 1955-64 arrivals, 2.1% of the 1965-70 immigrants, and only 0.5% of the 1970-80  German-born  newcomers  lived  in  the  traditional  German  neighbourhood.31  Given the higher availability and affordability of housing in the suburban municipalities and  the rising  proportion  of  entrepreneurs, professionals, and  technicians  among  the  German immigrant cohort, Vancouver South was obviously becoming less attractive as a residential choice for both nowcomers and Canadian-born Germans. Thus, by 1981 only  "Canada Census, 1951-1971; Walhouse, pp.173. 30Canada Census 1981. 31The 18% German-born among the German ethnics in Vancouver South in 1981 consisted to 13.3% of pre-war, to 41.1% of 1945-54, to 33.3% of 1955-64 arrivals, and to 8.9% of 1965-70 immigrants; the 1970s newcomers were not at all represented m the area's German population.  FIGURE 2.16.  1981 VANCOUVER CENSUS TRACTS. NUMBER OF RESIDENTS BORN IN GERMANY / COMPARED TO NUMBER OF GERMAN ETHNIC RESIDENTS (AVERAGE: 26.6%). 60-80%  H  50-60%  40-50%  30-40%  SOURCE;  CENSUS OF CANADA, 1981,  GERMAN RESIDENTIAL PATTERNS IN VANCOUVER /  64  4.2% of Vancouver's Germans resided in Vancouver South as opposed to 12.3% having done so in 1951. Moreover, Germans gradually ceased to represent the dominant minority group in the district For example, between 1961 and 1971 alone the proportion of Asians in Vancouver  South rose from 4.0% to 14.4%. By 1981, Chinese composed 25% of the  Vancouver South residents and Indo-Pakistanies 7.2%, whereas Germans composed 12% and those of British origin 29.4%. The Asian influx may have been attracted by the socio-economic  characteristics of the area, and could have had an ethnic push-effect  upon German residents." Even though Germans thus continued to exhibit their highest residential concentration in Vancouver South throughout the postwar decades, the area as such became proportionately less important for the ethnic population and the ethnic population  for  the  area.  The  real  growth  of  the  German-Canadian  element  in  Vancouver occurred in other parts of the Pacific metropolis. Although  the  relative  importance  of  the  traditional  German  neighbourhood  declined, the marked German residential concentration and other ethnic features of the area,  including  the  high  extent  of  German  mother  tongue  cultivation  and  the  accumulation of ethnic institutions in Vancouver South, persisted throughout the postwar era. Figure 2.17. reveals the proportion of German ethnics in Vancouver's census tract in 1981 who reported German as the understood": in  parts  Vancouver high North  "first language learned in childhood and still  German was the mother tongue of the vast majority of Germans living  of  North  and  South), of  proportion Shore,  in  of  West  the  West End, the  West  Side  (including  Richmond, and Burnaby. This distribution corresponded  German  the  Vancouver,  West  postwar End,  in  immigrants  among  Shaughnessy  and  the German Richmond.  ethnics  Vancouver  to the on  the  South,  however, had only a small proportion of immigrant Germans. Thus, the fact that a high ratio of German ethnics in the district named German as their mother tongue  " C f . Doerrenbacher, p.8.  FIGURE 2.17.  TQftl VANCOUVER CENSUS TRACTS. NUMBER OF RESIDENTS WITH GERMAN MOTHER T ^ G U E ^ O M P A R E D TO NUMBER OF GERMAN ETHNIC RESIDENTS (AVERAGE: 55.9%) 100% + over  Sffl  90-100% 80-90%  SOURCE:  CENSUS OF CANADA, 1981.  GERMAN RESIDENTIAL PATTERNS IN VANCOUVER / 66 has  to  be  credited  to  a high  degree  of  language  retention  among  Canadian-born  Germans.33 The  German  community's  ethnic  network  also  essentially  continued  to  be  located in Vancouver South. This correlation between residential concentration and the development of ethnic economic, social, religious, and educational institutions poses the subject of inquiry in subsequent chapters and only needs to be summarized here. A considerable  proportion  of  German-owned  businesses,  in  particular  those  providing  services and specialty items for German customers, were located in Vancouver South.34 German  associational,  financial,  and  humanitarian  organizations  also  established  their  facilities in the area,35 and German-oriented churches for the most part were formed in Vancouver  South, where they soon offered German  Saturday schools for German  and other children. A small set of data gives further evidence of the close interrelation between residential concentration and German organizational life. Of some forty German ethnics who in the postwar period held held offices in German organizations in Vancouver,36 almost 40% lived in the Vancouver South district or its vicinity in the 1960s. This choice of residence reflected their socioeconomic standing, their strong identification with  "This effort directed toward language retention is confirmed by an analysis of the relationship between German ethnics residents and the cultivation of German as their home language in 1971 (Figure 4.2.): they were disproportionately concentrated in Vancouver South. Possibly, the large Mennonite population in this area had a significant impact on this high degree of language retention. Canada Census, 1951-1971; Juengst, p.89. 34Nordwesten, "Die Frasergemeinde," 31 March 1964, p.6 comments upon Vancouver South representing the centre of German-speaking Vancouverites who were able to meet their shopping needs in a variety of listed stores. 35The Alpen Club built its Auditorium at 33. Avenue and Victoria Drive, and the Edelweiss Credit Union's main office was opened at 4837 Victoria Drive, with a branch founded in the early 1970s at 5963 Fraser St Also, the Senior citizens' home was build at Marine Drive and Victoria St 36 "Offices" refer to Vancouver Alpen Club presidents, treasurers, and secretaries, Edelweiss Credit Union, Cultural Society, and Club Berlin presidents, and the executives of the Benevolent Society and the Business Association.  GERMAN RESIDENTIAL PATTERNS IN VANCOUVER / 67 the German community, and their desire to reside in proximity to associational life.37 The survival of Vancouver South as a German neighbourhood seems to have been  predominantly  based  upon  the  stability  and  German residents. By contrast, the West End overrepresentation  in 1941 -  the  continuous  interaction  Vancouver's second area of  of  its  German  constituted one of the most publicized and best-known  manifestations of German presence in the city despite the absence of a disproportionate concentration of German ethnics.3' The fact that Robson Street became a symbol for the German influence in Vancouver derived from the role of the area as a German shopping centre and the continuous presence of recent German immigrants. During accommodation  the to  1920s  low  and  income  1930s,  many  West  Vancouverites,  and  End among  houses them  had were  offered many  cheap German  immigrants, for whom a few ethnic stores and restaurants opened on Robson Street35 In the postwar period, the value of land in the West End increased rapidly, and the old mansions were gradually replaced by new highrise apartment buildings. This modern rental and  housing, with recreational  its proximity  opportunities,  was  to  downtown  favoured  in  employment, particular  by  entertainment, young,  shopping,  single  persons,  including recent immigrants.40 During the 1950s and 1960s, food, clothing, book, and magazine stores as well as  restaurants,  cafes  and  bars  sprang  up  to  serve  the  rapidly  growing  West End  population. The 1000 block of Robson Street became known as a shopping centre for European  immigrants.  German  ethnic  During  businesses,  the  early  1960s  this  and  thus  exhibited  block the  accommodated highest  seventeen  concentration  of  "Data collected from press reports and organizational material as well as from Vancouver S directories. By comparison, 3.8% (1961) and 3.0% (1971) of the total Vancouver ^ p u l S lived "there, or 10% (1961) and 8.2% (1971) of the German f C t ?  of Germans in the West End census tracts: 1951: 769; 1961: 1,808; 1971:  2990- 1981: 1,990. Caanda Census, 1951-1981. , C1 u . r ^ "For' example the "Deutschland Cafe" or the delicatessen shop of Paul Sochnel. 4"Vancouver Census tracts, 1951-1981; Walhouse, p.173; Juengst, p.91.  GERMAN RESIDENTIAL PATTERNS IN VANCOUVER / 68 German-owned shops anywhere in the city, and, consequently, this area was frequently referred  to  by  Vancouverites  and  in  tourist brochures  as  "Robson  Strasse".41  These  German delicatessen, bakeries, import shops, and and restaurants, however, did not only rely on the West End's German population. Rather, the area had gained a reputation among Germans and other Europeans in the Greater Vancouver  district for its wide  selection of international goods and services. For other Canadians, too, the international flair of the street, with its exotic goods and culinary treats, represented an asset to the city and a frequent destination.42 In the late 1960s, however, the image of Robson Street once again started to change as the economic popularity of the area led to further, significant increases in real  estate  values.  Plans  for  new  buildings  and  renovations  proliferated,  thus  endangering the existence of many businesses: most merchants only leased their shops and operated on a very competitive basis with small profit margins, which left them in fear of being  rent increases and  threatened  normal  stock of  by  the  evictions.  incorporation  Vancouver  Moreover, their of  supermarkets  many  special  economic ethnic  and the diminishing  basis was already  food  items  into  the  size of  their potential  clientele through the rapid assimilation of many German immigrants.43  Robson Street  preserved its international flair throughout the modernization of the area. Yet, although German economic  4 'See  arrivals change  often  still  induced  took by  up  rising  their  first  residence  real  estate  values  in  the  resulted  West in  the  End,  the  gradual  Vancouver City Directory and German newspaper reports. A review of the Robson Street history is provided in the Nordwesten, "Die Strasse mit bewegter Vergangenheit" 27 August 1968, p.3. "Compare Courier, 24 October 1968, p.ll; see also Courier, Ihr Emkaufszentmm die Robsonstreet," 10 January 1957, p.12; Nordwesten, "Robsonstreet das deutschkanadische Einkaufszentrum." 27 November 1962, p.6. 43 Thus, the end of the decade brought numerous meetings of Robson Street merchants and frequent articles in the German press discussing the future of the businesses there. Courier 24 October 1968, p . l l "Was soil aus der Robsonstrasse werden?"; Nordwesten, 27 August 1968, p.3 and' "Noch einmal Robsonstreet," 20 December 1968, p.3; Courier, "1st die Robsonstrasse noch zu retten?" 16 October 1969, p.ll. Robsonstrasse zu retten?"  GERMAN RESIDENTIAL PATTERNS IN VANCOUVER / 69 replacement of  German  ethnic businesses by  boutiques,  French-style  cafes,  competing  food and specialty stores, and fashionable Asian restaurants. From the pre-World War II period, the West End represented an important reception centre for German immigrants and the choice of many single, white-collar employees as it not only offered affordable rental housing but also access to downtown facilities. Yet, this portion of the local German population most often moved on to permanent residences in other parts of the Greater Vancouver area and was not highly represented  among  organized  ethnic  life  in  the  city.  Consequently,  the  West  End  German population's presence did not precipitate the development of ethnic institutions other than ethnic businesses, which in turn started to vanish on Robson Street as the German postwar immigration wave subsided in the late 1960s. Both  Vancouver  South  and  the  West  End  reflected  most  clearly  that  a  substantial German population resided in the city, yet they do not serve as indicators of  the residential  German  preferences of  ethnic population  metropolis  in  the  postwar  for  the majority  of  the most part  period  and  German Vancouverites. Rather, the  followed  settled  the  increasingly  spatial in  expansion  the  rapidly  of  the  growing  suburban areas. Much of the growth of the Vancouver population in the 1950s and 1960s  occurred  in  the  municipalities  devoted to agriculture.44  adjoining  the  central  city  on  land  previously  As one of the first of these municipalities to be integrated  with the city core, Richmond started to be settled in this manner already prior to the Second  World  War.  Yet,  its  development  and  that  of  the  other  southern  and  southeastern suburbs accelerated after the completion of essential access routes such as the new Oak Street Bridge, the Massey Tunnel, and the Port Mann Bridge in the late  44L j Evenden "Shaping the Vancouver Suburbs," L. J. Evenden, ed., Vancouver: Western Metropolis (Victoria, B.C.: University of Victoria, 1978), pp.179" Norbert Macdonald "Population Growth and Change in Seattle and Vancouver. 1880-1960, Pacific Historical Review, vol. 39 (1970), p.304 and 319.  GERMAN RESIDENTIAL PATTERNS IN VANCOUVER / 70  1950s (Figure 2.18).45 The  German  ethnic  element  in  the  metropolis  duplicated  this  suburban  expansion, so that its first suburban concentration appeared in Richmond as early as at the time of the 1951 census. Yet, Germans' attraction to the suburbs far exceeded that of  the  Vancouver  increased by  population  as a whole:  almost 120% between  whereas  1951 and  Vancouver's  suburban  1961 and again by  over  population  60% in the  following decade, the number of suburban Germans rose by over 270% and again by over 130% between 1961 and 1971. Thus, the overall growth of the German element in  the Vancouver  population  in the postwar  decades  occurred  predominantly  in the  suburbs.46 Four interdependent factors promoted German settlement in the suburbs: First, the German postwar immigration wave reached Vancouver in the 1950s and 1960s, at a time of enormous population growth and spatial expansion of the city. Consequently, many recent arrivals and the second generation German ethnics were forced to seek housing in the newly incorporated outlying areas. Second, the vast majority of Germans belonged to average income, middle-class occupations in the manufacturing and service industries,  and  suburbs.47  Third,  immigrants -  therefore the  were  attracted  German-born  in  to  the  Canada  middle-class -  like  housing  other  market in  continental  exhibited a very high propensity toward home-ownership.48  the  European  Finally, as a  r s ^ f Vancouver in 1951: 19,328 and in 1971: 89,675, « equals an increase by 430%; German ethnics in Vancouver suburbs alone in 1951: 5 444 and in 1971: 57,160, which equals and increase of 850%. 47 As Richmond and Kalbach, p.190. note: - in contrast to high income and low income families who always have had their prestigious and inner city neighbourhood respectively "the situation for the middle class population with respect to distinctive spatial patterns has been less clear, perhaps because of their housing needs and the fact that the maximum housing opportunities have been located in the rapidly expanding suburban areas." . 48In all ethnic populations examined by Richmond and Kalbach m 1971, p.356 with regard to this issue, immigrants were always more likely to possess their own home than were their Canadian-born fellow ethnics in comparable income categories.  FIGURE  2.18.  VANCOUVER. SPATIAL EXPANSION OF RESIDENTIAL A N D C O M M E R C I A L  / 71 CONSTRUCTION,  SOURCE; Peter Juengst, "Vancouver, eine stadtgeographische Skizze," Beitraege Kulturgeographie Kanadas, ed. C. Schott (Marburg, 1987), p.75.  zur  X  GERMAN RESIDENTIAL PATTERNS IN VANCOUVER / 72 result  of  Canadian  immigrants  and  immigration  policy  entrepreneurs,  the  favouring upper  professionals,  income  brackets  highly  skilled  manual  were  more  strongly  represented among German arrivals of the late 1960s and 1970s than in earlier years. These groups concentrated in North and West Vancouver, which succeeded traditionally prestigious West Side districts as new, expanding high status residential areas. As both  new  arrivals  population. German  a consequence  Yet,  and  of  Canadian-born  this process  neighbourhood  Vancouver's  in  neither  Vancouver  spatial  Germans  precipitated South  nor  expansion in the postwar became  a  decades,  predominantly  the  disintegration  of  did  it preclude  the  the  suburban traditional  emergence  of  identifiably preferred new settlements in the suburbs with marked overrepresentations of German  residents.  In  1971, the  concentration  example, was similar to that in Vancouver also  attracted  settlements" the  postwar  a  disproportionate  number  of  German  ethnics  in  Richmond,  South, and parts of Surrey and of  Germans."  The  term  "new  for  Lmgley suburban  aptly describes the result of Germans' suburban choices in Vancouver in decades.  Although  the  considerable  concentration  of  Germans  in  some  suburban census tracts did not produce the same elaborate institutional networks found in Vancouver South, some ethnic businesses, organizations, and ethnic schools gradually followed the suburban movement50 Spatial  distance  between  German  ethnics  and  the  Vancouver  South  neighbourhood and their wide residential distribution thus did not necessarily reflect a dissolution of their ethnic ties or disinterest in ethnic actitivies. German suburbanites could continue to patronize ethnic institutions in the old ethnic neighbourhood as well  "Aeocs t> 135 similarly observes the emergence of new ethnic clusters in Detroit's suburbs after the Second World War. He categorizes those as transplanted communitites" or "new suburban settlements" depending on their characteristics and the simultaneous persistence of a traditional ethnic neighbourhood within the city "For^Smple the Edelweiss Credit Union opened a branch in Surrey German Saturday schools were established in North Vancouver and Surrey in the 1970s, and a Rudolf Steiner "Waldorf School" was founded in North Vancouver.  GERMAN RESIDENTIAL PATTERNS IN VANCOUVER / 73 as the new ethnic halls, restaurants, schools, and businesses established in the suburbs. The same technological and economic factors that stimulated suburban development and urban decentralization telephone  -  also  such as the universal availability of the automobile and the  permitted  members  of  spatially  dispersed  ethnic  populations  to  persistence  of  maintain contact and a degree of communal cohesion.51 In  contemporary  metropolitan  centres  such  as Vancouver,  the  ethnic communitites may indeed depend less upon residential propinquity than on the communication, interaction, and shared ethnic activities of ethnic members within the framework of a widely dispersed social net52 25% of  the identified German  Thus, in the 1960s for example, some  association leaders in Vancouver, who obviously  were  very active in the life of the local German community, resided in the suburbs. In fact,  as  the  ethnic  businesses,  churches,  schools,  and  organizations  that  emerged  in  Vancouver South in the postwar decades were often established by and supported by new German arrivals, and as the majority of Germans in Vancouver South had been born in Canada, these ethnic structures must have also depended on Germans living outside the traditional German neighbourhood.  The German experience in Vancouver points at a more complex relationship among  an immigrant population's spatial  distribution, its socio-economic  characteristics,  and its participation in ethnic community life than suggested by either the social class model  or  the  neighbourhood environment  ethnic offered  in  which  model the  of  social  newcomers  urban support could  settlement  patterns.  of  ethnics  fellow  gradually  adjust  to  Although and  a  the  more  Canadian  ethnic  protected  ways,  most  German postwar immigrants were not first received by the traditional German area in 51Agocs,  p.141; Doerrenbacher, p. 13 observed: "Changing the living space had little to do with a social change or with acculturation and assimilation, because the indicators concerning participation in German ethnic institutions, customs etc. changed from person to person, while the spatial behaviour was the same for everyone." "For a comparative perspective, see Crisman, p.268.  GERMAN RESIDENTIAL PATTERNS IN VANCOUVER / 74 Vancouver South until an improved competitive position permitted them to move out of the enclave. Rather, both foreign-born and Canadian-born Germans integrated into various  residential  socio-economic  districts  of  Greater  Vancouver  much  status, their need for accommodation,  in  accordance  with  and their pronunced  their  desire  for  home-ownership. The traditional German neighbourhood in Vancouver South attracted a fairly typical portion socio-economic  of  the  ethnic population  characteristics  and  the  as a whole, both  ratio  between  in terms of  their  immigrants  and  German  Canadian-born Germans. At the same time, the dispersion of the German population over the city  of  concentrations  and  Vancouver to  and its suburbs  the  creation  of  not only led  ethnic  economic,  to some  new residential  educational,  and  institutions in the suburbs but also did not preclude a persistence of and  of  participation  in  the  ethnic  life in  Vancouver  cultural  ethnic identity  South. Evidence  suggests that  ethnic ties among the Germans in Vancouver were not necessarily based upon spatial proximity, as the ethnic model proposes, nor was the existence of an ethnic cluster incompatible with a high degree of residential integration as exhibited by the Germans. The data examined thus cautions against universalistic conceptions of areas of ethnic concentration as immigrant reception centres or as poor neighbourhoods on one hand,  and  cohesiveness  as measurable on  the  indicators  other. and  the  A  of  ethnic  range  of  newcomers,  household  head's  neighbours,  may have come into play in Vancouver  investment  or  promoting  continuity  family  of  factors  residential  occupation,  settlement  discrimination  policies,  strong both  including and  ethnic  group  intergenerational proximity  social  ties  to  the  among  South without necessarily being  specific to the residential choices of ethnic populations." Analysis of  German residential  patterns does, however, confirm the essential  ethnic significance of the traditional neighbourhood. Vancouver South remained the city's most pronounced German centre throughout the postwar period, with its accumulation " C f . Crisman, p.268.  GERMAN RESIDENTIAL PATTERNS IN VANCOUVER / 75 of  ethnic  businesses,  schools -  parishes,  social  clubs  and  economic  organizations,  its  German  and its German residents. Further inquiry is needed in order to establish  the relative importance of socio-economic and ethnic factors in the decision of German ethnics  to  take  up  or  continue  their  residence  in  Vancouver  South.  Yet,  evidence  collected so far presents a strong case for the concentration of ethnic institutions and residents having German  resulted  community  environment cultivation of  ethnic  had  in  the  creation  its  territorial  self-identification,  of  base  an in  interaction  ethnic  milieu  Vancouver with  in  South,  fellow  that and  district in  Germans,  its and  The social the  German traditions was promoted more than in any other area of the  metropolis. Vancouver South was not particularly replenished by postwar immigrants, but its interactional and institutional network represents the focus of an examination of the German community in Vancouver.  m . OCCUPATIONAL DISTRIBUTION AND ETHNIC BUSINESS German postwar immigrants' participation in the Canadian economy constituted a very important dimension of their overall adaptation process. Many came to Canada with high hopes for improving their socio-economic position and, to a large extent, their perception of and identification with the new land depended on their economic experiences. Yet their occupational background and ethnic characteristics needed to be adjusted to the new social and economic setting. The newcomers had to establish new economic contacts, familiarize themselves with Canadian ways, seek acceptance by other Canadians,  learn  a new  language,  and  endeavour  to  apply  their  training  and  work  experience to the Canadian job market For the majority of German immigrants, gaining access to the mainstream of Canadian  economic  institutions  implied  personal  and  occupational  adjustments,  often  resulting in initial periods of unemployment and years of struggle to regain or improve their  previously  held  social  position.  At  times,  they  even  experienced  permanent  occupational dislocation. For a small minority, on the other hand, ethnic identity and occupational directed  specialization  their  proved  entrepreneurial  ethnics in Canada.  a  vital  efforts  at  Self-employment  business the  resource,  needs  provided  some  and  in  particular  preferences  Germans  with  of an  when their  they fellow  alternative  to  immediate adaptation to mainstream socio-economic structures, and some businesses, in turn, formed part of the ethnic community system in Vancouver. . The evidence available for the historical assessment of the economic dimension of  Germans'  Immigration  immigration records,  ethnic  process press  -  census  reports,  German-owned businesses in Vancouver -  and  data,  Department  various  sources  of of  Citizenship information  and about  does'not permit a complete reconstruction of  the economic experiences of German postwar arrivals. Yet, it does illustrate some of the  main  processes  economically  of  independent  socio-economic German  integration  immigrants  76  in  that the  affected context  both of  employed one  and  Canadian  OCCUPATIONAL DISTRIBUTION AND ETHNIC BUSINESS / 77 metropolis.  In the postwar decades, the Canadian economy underwent what has been for industrialized  countries  a  typical  development,  in  which  the  primary  industries,  particularly agriculture, became less and less labour-intensive, while manufacturing and the  service  sector  absorbed  a  growing  However, in Canada the extraordinary the relatively  moderate growth  of  portion  of  the  labour  force  (Figure  3.1).  expansion of the service sector contrasted with  the secondary  industries.  Whereas well over  three  million people immigrated to Canada between 1946 and 1970, and the Canadian labour force  more  than  doubled  between  1941  and  1971,  manufacturing,  machining,  and  construction only absorbed an additional half million workers.1 By  contrast,  the  West  German  economy  was  characterized  by  its  strong  manufacturing industries, which grew from 43% of the labour force in 1950 to over 49% in 1970. At the same time, the primary sector declined from 23.7% to 7.7% and the service occupations increased from 33% to 42.9%.2 German postwar immigrants to Canada  thus  came  from  a highly  industrialized  and  urbanized  country,  and  many  brought with them widely respected vocational and professional qualifications and and experiences. Their entry was encouraged by Canadian immigration policy which sought to  supplement  the  domestic  labour  force  in  the  growing  sectors  of  the  country's  reflected  the  changing  economy.3 In  their  occupational  expectations,  German  arrivals  iThe term "worker" is rather loosely applied to all members of the labour force and carries no intention of occupational classification-. 2 Wolfgang Kleber, "Sektoraler und Sozialer Wandel der Beschaeftigungstruktur in Deutschland, 1882-1978," Klaus J. Bade, ed., Auswanderer, Wanderarbeiter, Gastarbeiter: Bevoelkerung, Arbeitsmarkt und Wanderung in Deutschland seit Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts, voll.1 (Ostfildem: Scripta Mercaturae Verlag, 1984), p.206. 3 Anthony H. Richmond and Warren E. Kalbach, Factors in the Adjustment of Immigrants and Their Descendants (Ottawa: Minister of Supply and Services, 1980), p.29.  / 78 FTGURE 3 . 1 . DEVELOPMENT OF THE WEST GERMAN AND CANADIAN LABOUR FORCE, ECONOMIC SECTORS. WEST GERMANY  PRIMARY  SECONDARY 43..0%  33..3%  1961  14.,3%  48..2%  37..5%  1970  7..7%  49 .4%  .9%  SECONDARY  CM  23..7%  PRIMARY  BY  TERTIARY  1950  CANADA  1950-1971,  TERTIARY  1951  19.8%  29.3%  49.6%  1961  12.8%  29.0%  55.6%  1971  7.7%  29.0%  61.2%  PRIMARY: AGRICULTURE, LOGGING, FISHING, MINING, QUARRIES. SECONDARY: MANUFACTURING, LABOURERS  PROCESSING,  MACHINING,  CONSTRUCTION,  TERTIARY: MANAGERS, PROPRIETORS, PROFESSIONALS, TECHNICIANS, CLERICAL, SALES, SERVICE, TRANSPORTATION AND COMMUNICATION SOURCE: WOLFGANG KLEBER, "SEKTORALER UND SOZIALER WANDEL DER BESCHAEFTIGUNGSSTRUKTUR IN DEUTSCHLAND, 1 8 8 2 - 1 9 7 8 , " K. J . BADE, ED., AITSWANDKRER. UANDF.RARBEITFR GASTARBETTF.R : BEVQELKERUNC . ARSEITSMARKT, UND tJ ANDFR ITNG TN HFTrTS HW AND S17 T T nF.B MTTTE PES 19. JAHRHUNDERTS, VOL.1 (OSTFILDERN: SCRIPTA MERCATURAE VERLAG, 1 9 8 4 ) , P . 2 0 6 ; CENSUS OF CANADA, 1951-1971.  OCCUPATIONAL DISTRIBUTION AND ETHNIC BUSINESS / 79  characteristics of the immigrant population as a whole.4 In the course of the 1960s, the percentage of professional and technical personnel among them rose markedly while fewer  and  fewer  employment  Yet,  Germans contrary  to  looked other  toward  agriculture  or  unskilled  arrivals and in complance  labouring  for  with the occupational  structure of their country of origin, the majority of German immigrants in the postwar era always expected to work in the Canadian secondary sector (Figure 3.2.). The high proportion of skilled craftsmen among them was particularly prominent: in the 1953 to 1963 period, over 19% of the skilled manpower landing in Canada were of German origin, though Germans constituted only 14% of the total immigrant arrivals in these years. Of all German workers immigrating to Canada between 1953 and 1963, about a third belonged to the skilled trades; among the German arrivals intending to work in the  secondary  Among  sector  of  the  Canadian  economy,  over  80%  skilled machinists, mechanics and repairmen, tool  and  were  skilled  craftsmen.  diemakers, cabinet and  furniture makers, plumbers and pipefitters, and bakers arriving in these years, the share of Germans The  between 25% and 33% German  postwar  socio-economic  advancement:  shelter,  complete  of  a  loss  was most marked.5  immigrant  cohort  the experience of of  personal  and  harboured  displacement, of material  a  strong  desire  for  a lack of food and  security,  and  of  political  disillusionment had created in many Germans a determination to regain secutiry, wealth, and respect, and to provide  their children with the best opportunities  for a better  future.6 Economic reasons might not have been the dominant motivation for emigration 4 See  Anthony H. Richmond, Postwar Immigrants in Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, (1967), p.51 on the differences between immigrants' occupation in their former country and their occupational intentions upon arriving in Canada. A 1961 survey found that it were in particular white collar workers who envisaged a change of economic position. 5Loius Parai, Immigration and Emigration of Professional and Skilled Manpower during the Postwar Period, Special Study No.l Economics Council of Canada (Ottawa: Queen's Printer, 1975), p.54* and Table A-32. 6The primacy of economic success among German postwar arrivals in Canada has been been noted by Rudolf A. Helling, A Socio-Economic History of German-Canadians  / 80  FIGURE 3.2. INTENDED OCCUPATIONS OF ALL AND GERMAN ETHNIC ARRIVALS TO CANADA, 1970 ALL IMMIGRANTS 1946-1960 1048550  TOTAL  0.9%  1961 -1970 723675 3. 25. 13. 3. 10.  1% 7% 8% 4% 8% 1.4%  1946-  GERMAN ETHNICS* 1954-1960  1961- 1970 44.356  81256  0.3%  1.0%  MANAGERIAL PROF.+TECHN. CLERICAL SALES SERVICE TRANS.+COMM.  8 . 8% 8 . ,7% 6 . 6% 1 2 . .5% 2 . ,5%  FARMING OTHER PRIMARY  1 6 . .4% 2, .8%  0.5%  3 . 5%  7 .5% 1..1%  3 . ,1% 1.0%  SECONDARY LABOURERS  31 .3% 11 .1%  3 0 . 8% 6 . 4%  4 4 .3% 9 .9%  45-..5% 4 . .2%  * SINCE 1 9 6 6 :  3 . ,8% 7. .1% 2. ,3% 2 1 . .9% 1..2%  6% 6% 7% 0% 1.0%  13. 12. 2. 12.  GERMANY-LAST COUNTRY OF PERMANENT RESIDENCE  SOURCE: TNTF.NDF.D OCCUPATION ANn PROVINCE OF INTENDED DESTINATION. 1946-1955 (OTTAWA- K I N G ' S PRINTER, DEPARTMENT OF CITIZENSHIP AND IMMIGRATION); IMMIGRATION STATISTICS. 1 9 5 6 - 1 9 7 4 (OTTAWA: DEPARTMENT OF CITIZENSHIP AND  IMMIGRATION/DEPARTMENT  OF MANPOWER AND IMMIGRATION);  IMMIGRATION  AJ?D  POPTTTATION STATISTICS (OTTAWA: QUEEN'S PRINTER, DEPARTMENT OF MANPOWER AND IMMIGRATION, 1 9 7 4 ) .  OCCUPATIONAL DISTRIBUTION AND ETHNIC BUSINESS / for a considerable portion  of Germans.  Yet, the socio-economic  system of  the  81 two  countries between which they moved and their decision to seek a better life abroad prompted many  of  them to measure  success in Canada in terms of  socio-economic  mobility.7 The economic characteristics of German postwar immigrants were thus shaped by the economic system of their homeland, their individual motivations, and the impact of Canada's economic development on the country's immigration policy. Their economic experiences  in Canada  depended  on  their  reception  by  and  adjustment to the new  world's economic environment German  immigrants,  like  other  newcomers  to  Canada,  encountered  economic  adjustment problems,8 and many probably expected some set-backs and difficulties when making  the  transition  to  a new  land.  In  their  efforts  to  adapt  to  the  Canadian  economic environment, and in order to survive the initial adjustment phase in which they had to acquire new linguistic skills and familiarize themselves with Canadian ways, they often accepted employment below the level of their actual qualifications and work experience.9 Canadian  Ambition economic  to  succeed  conditions  as  might  well have  as  willingness  contributed  and to  the  ability low  to  adapt  to  occurence  of  unemployment among both Canadian-born and foreign-born Germans in the 1950s.10 '(cont'd) (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1982), p.99. Gottlieb Leibbrandt, Little Paradise: Aus Geschichte und Leben der Deutschkanadier in der County Waterloo, Ontario, 1800-1975 (Kitchener, Ont: Allprint Company Ltd. 1961), p.383. 7Richmond, Postwar Immigrants in Canada, p.190 observed that the large majority of immigrants', even those whose motives were not necessarily economic, arrived in their new country with high expectations and aspirations, hoping to maintain and, preferably, to improve their economic and social status; Charles Hirschman, "Immigrants and Minorities: Old Questions for New Directions in Research," International Migration Review, vol.16 No.2 (summer 1982), p.483 points at the process of emigration as an indication of strong self-motivation. He speaks of the "crosscurrent of selectivity of migrants" as a result of such motivational factors and the selection of newcomers through the receiving country's immigration policy. 8 Richmond and Kalbach, pp.52. 'Rudolf A. Helling, "Die Deutschen in Kanada," Multikulturalismus in Kanada (Mannheim: University of Mannheim, 1982), p.34. "Warren E Kalbach, The Impact of Immigration on Canada's Population (Ottawa: Dominion Bureau of' Statistics, 1970), p.242 found consistently lower proportions of German ethnics unemployed that among most other ethnic groups; the share of German immigrants seeking work declined toward the level of the Canadian-born  OCCUPATIONAL DISTRIBUTION AND ETHNIC BUSINESS / Concerning  the  immigrants'  Canada, arrivals of the 1950s -  attitudes  to  their  economic  circumstances  82 in  who often had been pessimistic about being able to  achieve a decent livelihood in Germany -  for the most part seem to have accepted  "initial status dislocation"11 and the hardships of the first settlement years as the price of admission to a country where living standards and prospects for the future seemed far superior to those in Europe.12 The opinion that newcomers had a fair chance to succeed  in  Canada  was  thus  not  only  shared  by  most  newcomers who had been unable to obtain employment13 were  too  disappointed  existed In  or  frustrated  at least in theory -  general,  Germans'  work  by  their  Canadians, Also,  experiences  in  but  even  for immigrants Canada,  there  by who  always  the option to remigrate or to return to their homeland. ethic,  ambitions,  willingness  to  adapt, and  their  general  social acceptance by Canadian society permitted most of them to cope with the initial adjustment  problems.  Yet,  even  for  the  arrivals  of  the  first  postwar  decade  the  ultimate perception of the Canadian economic environment depended upon how quickly they were able to integrate socially and economically into the receiving society.14 German newcomers of the 1960s, on the other hand, harboured considerably higher  expectations  when  arriving  in  Canada.  In  the  1960s,  Canada  was  actively  "(cont'd) Germans with length of residence in Canada. "Anthony H. Richmond and Ravi P. Verma. "The Economic Adaptation of Immigrants: New Theoretical Perspectives." International Migration Review, vol.12 No.l (spring 1978), p.ll; see also Kalbach, p.267. "The German ethnic press in Canada encouraged this view, see Nordwesten, 7 November 1951, p.5; Courier, 1 August 1951, p.3 (editorial), 28 January 1954, p.3 (editorial) and 21 August 1958, p.9. Courier, 16 July 1952, p.3; "Die Tauben fliegen nicht in den Mund," 9 May 1957, p.3. "According to a Gallup Poll taken in the May of 1954, 87.3% of the respondents felt that newcomers were given a fair chance in Canada: Nancy Tienhara, Canadian Views on Immigration and Population: An Analysis of Postwar Gallup Polls (Ottawa: Department of Manpower and Immigration, 1974), p.61; also Victoria Daily Times, "Not complaining" (letter to the editor by a group residing in the Immigration House in Victoria), 22 January 1952, p.4. "Richmond, Postwar Immigrants in Canada, p.191 remarks that for immigrants from Europe the knowledge that it would be necessary to learn a new language and to adjust to a rather different way of life probably meant that the effect of initial set-backs was not as painfully felt as by British arrivals.  OCCUPATIONAL DISTRIBUTION AND ETHNIC BUSINESS / 83 recruiting highly skilled manual, professional and technical personnel to supplement its domestic labour force. At the same time, Germany was no longer a war-torn country with high unemployment and severe economic, demographic, and social problems, but the land of the internationally  "economic miracle", whose workers and quality-made products were  renown.13  Consequently,  German  immigrants  were  more  critical  of  disadvantages deriving from their immigrant status, particularly economic entry barriers and an apparent lack of suitable occupational positions. Although often still prepared to work initially at a lower salary and with less responsibility than they had enjoyed in their  homeland,  they  were  more  self-confident  and  status-conscious  than  their  predecessors of the 1950s.16 Having been led to expect good economic opportunities and ready integration into  Canadian  English trade  economic  structures,  and  often  with  them, some  Germans  were  dismayed  unions,  provincial  boards,  and  bringing  professional  a  functional  about the  knowledge  of  frequent reluctance  of  associations,  to  recognize  their  qualifications and past work experience. In many cases, the immigrant had to undertake a period of supervised practical experience in Canada before he was allowed to sit the provincial  examinations  that  could  lead  to  the  permission  to  profession or trade.17 German immigrants and German-Canadian such  entry  barriers  Canadian-born  as  worker  arbritrary and  means  demanded  of that  retaining the  a  federal  practise  his  or  her  institutions denounced  privileged  position  government  for  remedy  the the  situation.18 "Social scientists have noted that the relative standing of an ethnic group is strongly influenced by the kind of acceptance accorded to the country of origin by the host government and the general public. Gerald L. Gold and Robert Paine, "Introduction," G L Gold ed., Minorities and Mother Country Imagery (St John's: Memorial University o f ' Newfoundland, 1984), p.3. In the case of the German-Canadians, Helling stresses the impact of Germany's political and economic recovery on the status of the ethnic population. Socio-Economic History of German-Canadians, p.113. 16Courier, "Einwanderer muessen umworben werden," 24 February 1966, p.ll. "Richmond, Postwar Immigrants in Canada, p.58. "Diskriminierung in der Arbeit" 30 March 1967, p.3; "Theorie und Praxis auch hier zwei Dinge," 20 April 1967, p.ll. 18Courier,  OCCUPATIONAL DISTRIBUTION AND ETHNIC BUSINESS /  84  Newcomers had to adjust to Canadian economic realities, and factors such as linguistic barriers, non-recognition  of  their qualifications, and the changing  manpower  needs of the Canadian economy posed problems for many German postwar arrivals. On the basis of available data, it is difficult to establish the kinds of economic changes which occurred among the German immigrant cohort after their arrival in Canada. The juxtaposition of  Germans'  collective intended occupations with their actual occupational  distribution in the Canadian labour force in 1961 and 1971 reveals many discrepancies (Figure 3.3.), yet their interpretation is complicated by a range of intercepting factors. For example, no data concerning the occupational intentions of the tens of thousands of German arrivals of the late 1940s and early 1950s is available. Also, by 1961, and even more so by 1971, many Germans who had arrived as children and thus did not record occupational  intentions, had entered the labour force and influenced  Germans'  occupational profile. Remigration and return migration affected the data. Moreover, the 1971  census  recorded  the  occupations  of  the  German-born,  whereas  intended  occupations were recorded by German ethnic origin and by Germany as the country of last permanent could  have  residence  represented  (since a  1966). Finally,  flexible  factor,  as  female many  members immigrant  of  the labour women  may  force have  contributed to the family income in the early settlement years and later ceased to do so, or may have been forced against their intentions to work outside the home in order  to  secure  the  survival  of  the  family.  They  affected  in  particular  traditional  female occupations in the lower tertiary sector. At this point, many of the observed discrepancies can thus not be explained satisfactorily. However, in combination with contemporary  commentary in the German  ethnic press, one may assert with considerable - certainty that German workers destined to  the  secondary  particularly  in  the  sector 1960.  experienced There  was  a  marked, already  an  long-term obvious  occupational difference  dislocation,  between  the  proportion of German intending to work in machining, manufacturing, processing, and  OCCUPATIONAL DISTRIBUTION AND ETHNIC BUSINESS / 85 construction  (1954-1960)  and  those  actually  located  in  this  sector  in  1961.  This  discrepancy expanded considerably in the 1960s so that by 1971 22% of Germans who had  expected  to  work  in  the  manufacturing  sector  may have been  unable to  find  employment in accordance with their qualifications and aspirations (Figure 3.3).1' At  the  end  of  the  postwar  period,  Germans  were  still  prominent  in  the  manufacturing sector, particularly in the skilled trades. Yet, as a result of occupational dislocations  and  many  other  pertinent  factors,  the  distribution  of  German  postwar  immigrants in 1961 and of the German-born in 1971 over main occupational categories approached  those  profile  their  of  of  the  Canadian-born  intended  occupational  labour  force  distribution.  much  The  more  differences  closely  than  between  the  German  immigrants' occupational distribution and those of the Canadian-born declined markedly between  1961  and  1971,20  suggesting  that Germans'  process  of  economic  integration  intensified over time.21 In his study of change  in  the  1961 census data, Warren  occupational  character  of  the  achieve a satisfactory economic adjustment"  E. Kalbach  foreign-born  concluded  reflected  their  that this efforts  "to  to their new land.22 In other words, the  economic survival and social mobility of most immigrants depended  on their gaining  access to the mainstream occupational structure, and German postwar arrivals thus had to adapt their economic  and  cultural  characteristics  to  Canadian  ways.23  Yet,  unlike  arrivals in the early part of the century, German postwar newcomers did not enter the  "Analysis of Canada Census data on the actual distribution of German postwar immigrants in 1961 (Kalbach, pp.220) and of the German-born in 1971 (Richmond and Kalbach, p.316/317) point at a this dislocation, especially in the 1960s; also Richmond and Verma, p.ll. ,><v. , . "According to the application of the index of - dissimilarity, they differed m 1961 with 21.2 and in 1971 with 14.4. Canada Census data, by main occupational groups. 2'Similar interpretation of economic assimilation are found in Kalbach, p.276; Royal Commission o Bilingualism and Biculturalism, vol.4 The Other Ethnic Groups (Ottawa: Queen's Printer, 1967), p.49. "Kalbach, p.258. 23Cf Steinberg, p.53. Edward N. Herberg, Ethnic Groups in Canada: Adaptation and Transition (Scarborough, Ont: Nelson Canada, 1989), p.8.  / 86  FIGURE 3 . 3 . INDICATION OF OCCUPATIONAL DISLOCATION. INTENDED AND ACTUAL OCCUPATIONAL DISTRIBUTION OF GERMAN POSTWAR IMMIGRANTS TO CANADA. INTENDED 1 9 5 4 - 60 TOTAL  81256  ACTUAL OCC. 1961* 113729  INTENDED 1954-1970 125612  ACTUAL OCC. 1971130100  MANAGERIAL PROF.+ TECHN. CLERICAL SALES SERVICE TRANS.+ COMM.  0.3%  3 . 8% 7 . 1% 2 . 3% 2 1 . .9% 1.3%  5 . 0% 7 . 5% 10, ,5% 3. .7% 15. .8% 2. .2%  0..5% 1 0 . 3% 8. .4% 2. .3% 18, ,4% 1,.2%  4.1% 15.1% 14.2% 8.9% 12.2% 2.1%  FARMING OTHER PRIMARY  7, .5% 1..1%  5 .4% 1 .9%  6 .3% 1 .1%  5.8% 1.3%  4 4 .3% 9 .9%  41 .1% 1 .7%  44 .7% 7 .9%  30.4%  SECONDARY LABOURERS  * GERMAN POSTWAR IMMIGRANTS - GERMAN-BORN  SOURCE- INTENDED OCCUPATION AND PROVINCE OF INTENDED DESTINATION, 1 9 4 6 1955fOTTAWA" KING'S PRINTER, DEPARTMENT OF CITIZENSHIP AND IMMIGRATION); IMMIGRATION QTATTgTTrs 1 9 5 6 - 1 9 7 4 (OTTAWA: KING'S PRINTER, DEPARTMENT OF CITIZENSHIP ^ D ^ OF MANPOWER AND IMMIGRATION); THMTSPftTW ANP FQPTTTMTON STATISTICS (OTTAWA: QUEEN'S PRINTER DEPARTMENT OF MANPOWER AND IMMIGRATION, 1 9 7 4 ) ; W. E. KALBACH, THE IMPACT OF T m T n P f t T TAXT AM rAMAHA'S POPTTIATI0N (OTTAWA: DOMINION BUREAU OF STATISTICS, 1970) P 2 2 0 ' A H R.ICHMONDAND W. E. KALBACH, FETORS TN THE ADJUSTMENT o f IMMIGRANTS DESCENDANTS (OTTAWA: MINISTER OF SUPPLIES AND SERVICES, 1 9 8 0 ) ,  P.316/17.  OCCUPATIONAL DISTRIBUTION AND ETHNIC BUSINESS / 87 Canadian economy at its very bottom, but were recruited to staff the country's skilled industrial  and professional  labour  force. As  an  economically  heterogeneous  immigrant  cohort, they entered the Canadian socio-economic structure at all levels, from successful entrepreneurship to unskilled labouring jobs." This overall integration into the Canadian economic relative  system  and  improvement  Germans of  their  postwar immigrant heads of  occupational incomes.  distributuion  Whereas  the  was  average  also  reflected  earnings  the  German  families in 1961 amounted to $4,168 and thus lay ten  percent below the average earnings of the Canadian-born as a whole," family heads born outside  of  in  of  Canada  were found in  the German  1971 to have average annual  incomes of $8,398 as opposed to $8,042 for all Canadians." Evidence distribution German  thus  shows  that  both  in  terms  postwar arrivals were becoming  of  income  increasingly  and  occupational  indistinguishable from  the Canadian labour force at large by 1971. This process of socio-economic integration interacted with other aspects of their settlement For example, Germans quickly adopted the dominant language, thereby overcoming linguistic entry barriers to the Canadian job market as well as being able to interact and to accepted by other Canadians. Also, their low level of residential segregation not only reflected but also reinforced their socio-economic  integration.27  There is little evidence that Germans'  ethnicity and the  existence of the ethnic community deflected their status aspirations or restricted their "See John Porter, The Vertical Mosaic: Social Class and Power in Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1965), pp.66 on his view on the connection between the "entry status" of immigrant groups and the social stratification of Canadian society; also A. Gordon Darroch, "Another Look at Ethnicity, Stratification, and Social Mobility in Canada," Canadian Journal of Sociology, vol.4 No.l (1979). pp.1. "Kalbach, p.329; the average earnings of postwar immigrants in Canada as a whole lay at $4,232 and of the German ethnics born in Canada at $4,385. 26Richmond and Kalbach, p.386; Germans in Canada as a a whole earned $8,047 and Germans born in Canada $7,848. 27As Auster and Aldrich, p.52 have noted: "Ethnic residential segregation represents one of the most important barriers to the equal participation of minorities in the broader society and economy." Members of minority groups in segregated areas are distant from jobs and opportunities in the broader society, and they are also cut off from informal association that provide information and contacts useful for economic mobility. (Compare also Lieberson, p.56).  OCCUPATIONAL DISTRIBUTION AND ETHNIC BUSINESS / 88 achievement motivations with regard to the larger, Canadian labour market28  It was a minority within the German immigrant cohort which  circumvented  immediate pressures of having to integrate into Canada's economic structure. In fact, as the Nordwesten noted in 1955, the experience of being at a disadvantage compared to other  Canadians  desire  to  when  establish  new positions were  their  own  businesses  filled, as  stimulated  quickly  as  in  many  Germans  possible."  In  the  becoming  self-employed, they could directly apply their occupational expertise and socio-economic ambitions.  Their  ethnic  identity  and  recent  immigration  even  proved  an  economic  benefit when they directed their business efforts toward the needs and preferences of their fellow ethnics who appreciated the opportunity to speak in their mother tongue, who  trusted  the  qualifications  of  their  fellow  German  immigrants,  and  who  often  preferred to patronize German butchers, bakers, construction companies, or auto garages. German-owned  enterprises  constituted  one  of  the  most  visible  aspects  of  German  economic presence in Vancouver, and a portion of them also formed an important part of the local German community system in the metropolis. In the postwar than  any  other  decades, arrivals of  immigrant  group  in  Canada  German nationality to  seek  their  were more  economic  inclined  existence  in  self-employment, particularly in the late 1950s and early 1960s. According Department of  Citizenship  and  Immigration  statistics, Germans  ranked highest  with  a share  of  18.5% of some 16,000 businesses established by immigrants between 1950 and 1966,30  18The  choice in favour of achieving mobility within the ethnic community has been considered as one of the main ways in which the salience of ethnicity in thought to prevent socio-economic integration and upward mobility. For an example of this approach see Norbert F. Wiley, "The Ethnic Mobility Trap and Stratification Theory, Social Problems, vol.15 No.2 (Fall 1967), pp.148. 29Nordwesten "Wie deutsche Einwanderer Aufbauen, 5 February 1955, p.9. 3 "Germans ranked second with 15% of some 11,000 homesteads established by newcomers in the same period. Department of Citizenship and Immigration Public Archives of Canada. RG 26 vol.142 file: 3-40-19 Pare 1 and vol.143 file: 3-40-19 Parts 2 and 3.  OCCUPATIONAL DISTRIBUTION AND ETHNIC BUSINESS / 89 even though  Germans  constituted  only  some  13% of  the immigrant arrivals in this  sixteen year period.31 This propensity toward self-employment was influenced by their high  degree  of  identification  with  the  values  of  self-employment,  the  existence  of  favourable conditions for the employment of their occupational skills and entrepreneurial ambitions, the economic and informal support of their fellow ethnics, and the economic opportunities arising from the flourishing trade between Canada and Germany. Germans came to Canada in the decades with  considerable  embraced  the  satisfaction,  goal  autonomy,  self-employment Canada.  economic of  economic  by  social  may have been were  believers  features"  and  such  factor in as  the Second World  apparently  associating  advancement  a motivational  strong  "entrepreneurial  ambitions,  independence,  and socio-economic  Business-owners  characterized  and  following  it  with  of  greater  enterprise  ambition,  them  personal  For some, aspirations for seeking  free  many  War  toward  a new future in and  capacity  usually to  were  recognize  economic opportunities, willingness to take risks, determination to follow through with hard work, and acceptance of deferred gratification.32 In principle, the self-employment of German postwar immigrants in Vancouver, as of other members of society, was based on routine capitalist-entrepreneurial activity, that is, on the recognition of an economic opportunity and the decision to take the risks of self-employment33  Germans perceived such  opportunities particularly in areas  where their occupational expertise gave them a competitive edge over other Canadians "Canada Year Book (Ottawa: King's Printer). "Evelyn Kallen and Merrijoy Kellner, Ethnicity, Opportunity, and Successfid Entrepreneurship in Canada, Ethnic Research Programme: Institute for Behavioural Research (Toronto: York University, 1983), p.83. Ellen Auster and Howard Aldrich, "Small Business Vulnerability, Ethnic Enclaves and Ethnic Enterprise," Robin Ward and Richard Jenkins, eds., Ethnic Communities in Business: Stategies for Economic Survival (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), p.44. Calvin Goldschneider and Frances E. Kobrin, "Ethnic Community and the Process of Self-Employment" Ethnicity, vol.7 No.3 (September 1980), p.236. 33Trevor Jones and David McEvoy, "Ethnic Enterprise: The Popular Image, J. Curran et al. eds. The Survival of the Small Firm. vol.I. The Economics of Survival and Entrepreneurship, (Hants, Brookfield: Gowere Publishing Company, 1986), pp.196 on "economic opportunity models" of ethnic enterprise.  OCCUPATIONAL DISTRIBUTION AND ETHNIC BUSINESS / 90 or where the special needs, preferences, and characteristics of other German-Canadians offered them the advantage of ethnic exclusivity.34  Services and the retail trades were  particularly attractive for small business-ownership as they could be targeted at ethnic clientele and often required a minimum of entry criteria. In addition, some Germans established manufacturing facilities or worked as independent contractors.35 In general, the climate for self-employment appears to have been particularly favourable  in  the  1950s.  In  Canada,  8.1%  of  the  labour  force  was  reported  in  "managerial and proprietary" positions at the 1961 census as opposed to 4.1% in 1971. 5% of German postwar immigrants were reported in this occupational category in 1961 and  4.1%  of  the  German-born  in  1971.  In  Vancouver  however,  the  portion  of  self-employed was considerably higher: in 1961, 10.7% of the metropolitan labour force was reported as working on their own account, though in 1971 only 5.2% were so.36 One field  of  machining  destined arrival  prominent  for in  increased  the  and  demand  of  German  mechanics:  labour  Canada.37 the  area  between  force intended  At for  the  same  skilled  immigrants'  to  time, labour  1962 work  and in  Canada's in  occupational  this  the  1970, field  postwar field  and  expertise  every of  eighth  the  the  German  "machining"  industrial for  was  upon  development evolution  of  technology and the production of new equipment, opening a range of opportunities for German entrepreneurship. In Vancouver, for example, the brothers Hugo and Helmut J" Jones and McEvoy, p.200; Richard Jenkins, "Ethnic Minorities in Business: A Research Agenda," Robin Ward and Richard Jenkins, eds., Ethnic Communities in Business: Stategies for Economic Survival (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), p.232. 35In fact, most most immigrants in Canada between 1950 and 1966 established their businesses in the personal service industry (35.5%), and in trade (32.1%), although manufacturing (17.3) and construction (12%) also proved as attractive areas for entrepreneurial activity. - Department of Citizenship and Immigration. Public Archives of Canada. R G 26 Vol.142 file: 3-40-19. "Canada Census, 1961 and 1971; Kalbach, p.220; Richmond and Kalbach, p.316. "See Immigration to Canada by Intended Occupation and Province of Intended Destination 1946-1955 (Ottawa: King's Printer, Department of Citizenship and Immigration); Immigration Statistics, 1956-1965 (Ottawa: King's Printer, Department of Citizenship and Immigration); Immigration Statistics, 1966-1974 (Ottawa: Department of Manpower and Immigration).  OCCUPATIONAL DISTRIBUTION AND ETHNIC BUSINESS / 91 Eppich  established Ebco Industries Ltd. in  industrial  tool  and  machinery  1956, a company that first specialized in  manufacturing;  thirty  years  later,  the  business  had  expanded into the Ebco Group of Companies, ranging from the fabrication of heavy machinery to Epic Data Inc. and the Ebco Aerospace  Centre, with  annual sales  of  twenty-nine million dollars.38 On a less grand scale, J. Walter Co. Ltd. also produced machinery  from  1964  onward,  and  the  German  metal  smith  Ted  Sonnenschmidt  established Sunsmith and Co. in the same year. In other manufacturing sectors Germans could not claim a collective expertise. Yet, specialized knowledge, goods marketing skills, and competitveness permitted them to find  economic  niches  for  entrepreneurship  in  certain  production  lines.  Thus,  British  Columbia Umbrella Manufacturing (1963), the Seat Cover Centre (1965), or the Sabathil and  Son  Hapsichord  Manufacturing  (1959)  were  founded  by  German  immigrants  in  Vancouver. In the area of automobiles and automobile mechanics, German postwar arrivals exhibited  a particular propensity  to  found their own businesses, due to the general  expertise of many German immigrants39 and the growing import of German-made cars to  Canada.  Of  German-owned, Volkswagen specialization  at  nine  story  least  car-repair  advertised themselves  may  and and  fourteen  serve general  as  an  economic  as  shops  "Volkswagen  example  of  a  identified  in  specialists."  The  combination  of  Vancouver Canadian  occupational  opportunity acting favourably upon  Germans'  self- employment40  The 38See  Volkswagen  was  introduced  to  Canada  at  the  Canadian  National  Ebco Group of Companies. Annual Report 1987. average, about 3% of German immigrants between 1954 and 1970 intended wo work as automobile mechanics; among the skilled workers intending to enter this occupation, over 20% were of German ethnic origin. Parai, p.54; Immigration to Canada by Intended Occupation and Province of Destination, 1946-1955; Immigration Statistics, 1956-1965; Immigration Statistics, 1966-1974. 40 A summary of the import and distribution of this German-made car is offered by V. Frank Segee, "Volkswagen in Canada," Kanada-Post (1968), pp.7.  3 'On  OCCUPATIONAL DISTRIBUTION AND ETHNIC BUSINESS / 92 Exhibition  in  established Canada  Toronto  across  Inc.  in  the  1952. Gradually, a chain of  country,  established  reaching  its Pacific  three  Sales"  sales and service outlets was  hundred  office in  outlets  by  1968.  Volkswagen  Vancouver  in  1953;  here, sales  climbed from 361 in the first year to about 8,000 in 1968, totalling 80,000 vehicles sold  in Vancouver  1968,  the  (and  Volkswagen  400,000 nation-wide) was  the  leading  Volkwagen  Canada  often preferred  who  familiar  with  were  Canada  with  the  the  German  to  import  as well  Also,  1953 and 1968. From  car  entrust their  products car.  beteen  on  the  dealerships  as being  German  Canadian to  were  West  coast  German-Canadians  identified  mechanics  1957 to  by  consumers in  familiar  with  the  Volkwagen from their own training and work experience and enjoyed the reputation of being excellent mechanics. It is thus hardly surprising that a number of them seized the opportunity to become independent businessmen. German-Canadian possibilities  for  aspiring  trade relations generally opened up a variety of German  among the products imported  entrepreneurs  in  Canada.  Automobiles  economic  ranked  top  from Germany throughout the postwar period, followed  by machinery and tools, and electro-technical equipment such as hifi- stereo goods and optical  products.  from  144  Between  million  1964 and  dollars  to  1978  well  alone, the value of  over  two  billion  German imports  dollars."  Knowledge  rose of  German-made goods, increasing familiarity with the Canadian market place, private and business connections to German producers and other economic factors placed German immigrants in a position to take advantage of economic niches in their new homeland and gave them a competitive edge over other Canadians. Occupational expertise and economic demand in their new land also recipitated the  emergence  of  numerous  German  contracting  firms.  Among  arrivals  of  German  ethnic origin between 1962 and 1970, about 11% intended to work in the construction  "Heinrich E ziinmermann, "German-Canadian German-Canadian Yearbook. voL6 (1979), pp.37.  Trade  and  Investment,"  OCCUPATIONAL DISTRIBUTION AND ETHNIC BUSINESS / 93 industry,  and  Germans  furniture makers",  were  prominent  among  immigrants  "painters, decorators and glaziers"  and  skilled  as  "cabinet  and  "plumbers and pipefitters."42  At least nine independent German contractors were identified working in Vancouver in the 1950s and 1960s. Their  ethnic  background  and  recent  immigration  was an  important  business  advantage for German entrepreneurs with regard to fellow ethnic consumers, particularly in such economic activities as the import of German goods, personal service, and the production and distribution of German food items. For example, in the postwar period, German-made cars and stereo equipment became known internationally for their high quality, yet it were German business-owners and consumers who introduced them and many  other  products  to  the  Canadian  market  In  many  cases,  German  postwar  immigrants were the first purchasers of German goods in Canada and provided a base from  which  the  general  Canadian  market  could  be  penetrated.43  German  business-owners also found an economic niche in supplying their ethnic clientele with German available  household from  products,  North  drugstore  American  items, or  sources,  but  other  which  goods some  that might have  German  postwar  been  arrivals  preferred to have imported from Germany. Thus, at least nine general import stores were established by German ethnics in Vancouver in the postwar period. On  an  products may be  individual  basis,  interpreted  German  as resulting  immigrants'  preference  for  German-made  from a conservative preference  for proven,  familiar items. Seen in the larger context of their immigration experience, however, this consumer  behaviour  reflected  an  economic  aspect  of  their  initial  difficulty  in  assimilating into the Canadian market system. Confronted by aggressive mass advertising  Statistics, 1956-1965 (Ottawa: Department of Citizenship and Immigration); Immigration Statistics, 1966-1974 (Ottawa: Department of Manpower and Immigration). Parai, p.54. 43Thus, for example, the Volkswagen buyer in Vancouver was a German immigrant Courier, 24 November 1955, p. 17 and 6 June 1968, p.10; Torontoer Zeitung, 20 August 1965, p.3.  42Immigration  OCCUPATIONAL DISTRIBUTION AND ETHNIC BUSINESS / 94 and an overwhelming variety of unknown products and businesses, the national origin of  both  business-owner  and of  the offered goods provided  the immigrant  consumer  with a sense of familiarity and security. Thus, knowledge of the economic and social needs  of  German  immigrant  consumers,  familiarity  with  German  products  and  manufacturing lines, and their own ethnic identity gave many German business-owners in Canada the economic advantage of ethnic exclusivity. In  consumption  areas such  as food,  information  and  entertainment,  German  immigrants' ethnic attachments was particularly visible and precipitated the emergence of special  businesses.  traditions,  and  For  interest  example, in  the  language  events  of  barriers, the  old  adherence country  to  German  produced  a  literary  considerable  demand for German books and news publications as the wave of German immigrants reached  in  Vancouver  in  the  early  and  mid-1950s.  Consequently,  the  Fraser  Book  Nook (under German ownership since 1956) offered not only stereo supplies, but also German records of classical and contemporary music and German books for adults and children.44  German  newspapers  and magazines as well as German  ethnic publications  were sold in many German-owned shops; probably, the widest selection was found in the European News and Import Store on Robson Street45 German publications were not only imported but also produced in Canada. In addition  to  Nordwesten,  the  long-established  the number  of  German  German  ethnic  publications  newspapers multiplied  Der in the  Courier  and  1950s and  Der early  1960s as German immigrants wished to read about international and national news in German as well as being informed about events and developments in the local and national ethnic community. For this news business, in turn, the financial support of  44In  the mid-1950s, "Pacific Book and Record Sales" even offered German books on a lending basis to satisfy the demands of the wave of recently arrived German immigrants. 45The store expanded over time to feature one of the widest selections of Canadian and imported newspapers and magazines in the city, with small specialized sections of souveniers and German imports ranging from board games to dirndles.  OCCUPATIONAL DISTRIBUTION AND ETHNIC BUSINESS / 95 other  German  Vancouver's  businesses  first  German  Rundschau (founded  in  in  the  form  newspaper  1965) -  since  of  advertisements the  First  was  World  essential.  War  at first served almost exclusively  -  the  In  fact,  Pazifische  as an advertising  organ. The largest, single field of economic activity for German ethnic entrepreneurs in Canada, however, was the provisions industry. Because food has important familial, social, medical, and religious associations, the acquisition, preparations, and consumption of food lies at the centre of all cultures. Individuals transferring from their traditonal cultural context to a new society commonly adhere to the food habits to which they have been accustomed;  in fact, ethnic cooking  often survives longer than any other  ethnic trait in immigrant families.46 For German immigrants in Vancouver, availability of traditional food items was of  such  importance  that  their  influx  after the  Second  World  War  precipitated  the  emergence of a wide range of speciality stores where, as was noted in 1961, "one can do one's shopping just like at home."47 Initially, the provision of German food items stimulated the  development of  a trade chain, with  importers, wholesalers,  and retail  shops. Yet, soon the growing size of the German population and their demands for German-style meats and baked products led to the establishment of local production facilities. By the mid-1950s, a thriving German-owned provision industry in Vancouver offered breads, cakes, meats, sausages, and other special items. The production of German-style meats in Vancouver started in the late 1940s with  the establishment of  businesses such as Sunrise Sausage (later:  Prinz European  Sausage). It was followed by Karl Wimmer's Vancouver Fancy Sausage in 1951, which by  1966 represented  many  of  them  total  German  assets of butchers  four million and  meat  dollars and  cutters.  It  was  employed one  of  125 persons, the  largest  "Stephen Steinberg, The Ethnic Myth: Race, Ethnicity and Class in America (New York: Atheneum, 1981), p.77. 47Courier, "Europaeische Delicatessen in Vancouver," 12 October 1961, p.ll.  OCCUPATIONAL DISTRIBUTION AND ETHNIC BUSINESS / 96 German-Canadian the  largest  companies established in Canada after the war and ranked among  North  American  firms  of  its kind.48  Freybe  Sausage  Manufacturing  was  founded in 1956 by Ulrich Freybe and Wilhelm Schmidt and by 1969 employed over thirty  persons.49  Heinrich  Grimm  started  his  B.C.  Fancy  Sausage  (later:  Grimm's  Sausage) in 1954, and in time it also became a thriving enterprise. As a further link in this food chain and as an indicator of the presence and residential location of German postwar arrivals, at least fifty delicatessen outlets sprang up in Vncouver from the late 1940s to 1970. 1970s.50 Some sold their own products and imported European food items, but the vast majority appear to have functioned as retailers for the items produced by local companies. German-owned bakeries constituted a further element in the provision industry. Some twenty were founded throughout the 1950s and 1960s.51 The largest of them, the Venice Bakery, was taken over by the German  postwar  immigrant  Guenther  Schwandner  in  1959  from  its previous  Italian  owners. By 1967 the company employed 52 persons.52 The items  production  demonstrates  emergence  and  and  clearly  location  trade  the of  with- German-style  direct impact of  ethnic  businesses.  delicatessen  ethnic consumption  German  immigrants  goods  and  baked  patterns on with  the  occupational  expertise in the field of butchering, sausage-manufacturing, and baking, recognized the desire of other fellow ethnics for the German food items which had been part of their culture in the old country, and they reponded to this need by producing the "Fabrik platzt aus alien Naehten," 4 Jnauary 1966, p.5; Courier, 16 February 1962, p.12 and 13 December 1962, p.12, 24 March 1966, p . l l and "Moderne Wurstfabrik vergroesserte sich," 24 November 1966, p.ll. 49The Freybe family had been involved in sausage-making in Stettin since 1844; they later moved to Dresden and after the war came to Canada where they continued the tradition. Nordwesten, 19 April 1965, p.14 and 7 January 1969, p.5; Courier, 16 January 1969, p.ll. 5 "Includes multiple outlets of the same owner. "Parai, p.54 and Table A-32: 30% of all skilled workers landing m Canada between 1953 and 1963 and intending to work as bakers were of German ethnic origin; of the skilled German workers, 5% intended to find employment as bakers. 52Nordwesten, 25 September 1962, p.5; Courier, "Guenther's Brote wurden zu einem Begriff," 13 'September 1962, p . l l and 26 January 1967, p.ll.  48Nordwesten  OCCUPATIONAL DISTRIBUTION AND ETHNIC BUSINESS / 97 desired goods. Many others seized upon the opportunity of retailing with these product, an economic activity that required no specialized knowledge or business experience and could be targeted at neighbourhoods with concentrated German settlements. Other  areas  of  German  particular link to the goods they  also  enjoyed  a  form  interconnected  features.  their  tongue,  and  trust  more  mother  extended  their  business  ownership  were  and services sought by of  German they  ethnic owners  exclusivity could  benefitted  willingly  to  or  deal  from  those  their  with  their  characterized  ethnic clientele.  ethnic  the  of  not  advantage  their  fact own  that  ethnic  to  two,  customers  German  a  However,  due  German  by  in  immigrants  background  and  language. Accessibility to goods and services in the German language offered familiarity and security to recent arrivals and to those members of the ethnic population  who  often were slow to feel comfortable in the new linguistic environment as for example the  eldely  and housewives.  Thus, the comparatively  large number of  German-owned  hairdresser shops (at least 16) founded in Greater Vancouver in the postwar decades reflected  not  only  the  growing  demand  for  this  personal  service,  the  number  of  German arrivals skilled in the field" and suitability for small business-ownership, but probably also responded the desire of German women for salons in which they were consulted and able to communicate with other clients in their mother tongue. Language and  trust were  also  of  particular  importance  in  businesses  such  as insurance,  real  estate, and accounting, or for German professionals providing legal and medical services to  ethnic  clients.  German  business-owners  and  professionals  emphasized  their  ethnic  background and, thus immigrants' desire for orientation and familiarity by including in their advertisement such recommendations as "your German baker"  or  "your German  drugstore." The ethnic connection also played an important role in dealings with German "About 3% of German immigrant workers between 1953 and 1963 intended to work as barbers and hairdressers. - Parai A-32; 15 % of immigrant skilled barbers arriving in these years were of German ethnic origin. - Parai, p.54.  OCCUPATIONAL DISTRIBUTION AND ETHNIC BUSINESS / 98 clients in Germany. Based on their knowledge of  the German market and on their  business connections with the homeland, and encouraged by their increasing familiarity with the Canadian economy, German-Canadian  business persons could recruit German  clients for Canadian products. Thus, in the  1960s, German  matched  real  German  investors  with  Canadian  estate  entrepreneurs in  by  advertising  Canada  in  German  newspapers and exploring economic opportunities in Canada.54 On expertise  one  of  hand,  German  ethnic  arrivals  exclusivity and  in  thus  the  manifested  special  itself  relationship  in  the  between  consumers and entrepreneurs which often encouraged the emergence of businesses  in  the  postwar  decades.  preferences produced protected  The  German  population  market in certin lines of  and  occupational fellow  German-owned its  trade, personal  even manufacturing, and hence gave ethnic business-owners a degree of from the mainstream of Canadian economy.55 the  ethnic  population,  which  often  ethnic  needs  and  service,  and  independence  On the other hand, the dependence on  characterized  the  early  business  efforts  of  immigrants, also stemmed from the fact that the informal and institutional network of the local  ethnic community  rendered  economic  advantages to self-employed  Germans.  Ethnic businesses themselves formed part of German community life, benefitting from it and contributing to its viability and persistence. The  ethnic  residential  neighbourhood,  for  example,  provided  a  considerable  number of German-owned businesses with a cushion of customers for daily goods and services.  At  the  same  time, the  location  of  ethnic  shopping  facilities  and personal  services in Vancouver South promoted Germans' residential concentration there, with its positive  effects  on  language  retention,  participation  in  ethnic  associations,  and  the  "Compare with Courier, "Deutsches Kapital fliesst nach Kanada," 17 July 1969, p.10: "Especially in Eastern Canada, a considerable number of German-Canadians make a good business by offering real estate to financially strong German through advertisements in leading German newspapers." "See Auster and Aldrich, p.49; Goldschneider and Kobrin,. p.276.  OCCUPATIONAL DISTRIBUTION AND ETHNIC BUSINESS / 99 establishment of of personal ties with fellow ethnic neighbours." businesses  supplying  daily  goods  and  services  to  German  In general, German  immigrants  reflected  the  residential patterns of the ethnic population in the city, so that many of the business founded in the 1960s were also established in the suburbs. Enterprises required  specializing  a sufficiently  large  in the needs and preferences of  number  of  ethnic clients to  ensure  the minority  group  their survival.  Yet,  residential concentration was not always a prerequisite as long as the location of the business was known and accessible.57  Thus, the German-owned  on Robson Street formed an "agglomeration economy"58  stores and restaurants  in the absence of a defined  German neighbourhood because merchants hoped that customers drawn to the area by another business would also patronize their shop. Ethnic  businesses  also  directly  promoted  ethnic identification  and  community  cohesion. By providing special food items or German books and news publications, they permitted their clientele to adhere to their ethnic traits and traditions instead of being forced to adopt immediately the culture of the new land. Also, the opportunity  to  carry out economic activities in the mother tongue may have positively affected the preservation  of  the  shops had a social  German  language  in  sections  of  the  ethnic population.  German  function as they often served as meeting points and centres of  information and communication. In addition, travel agents' organization of trips to the homeland, their assistance in the visit or immigration of a relative, and the import of German newspapers and books all helped immigrants to maintain a connection to their country and culture of origin. The  German  community's  institutional  network  was also  tied  to  the  ethnic  "Thus, about 25% of the identified German delicatessen shops were found in Vancouver South, and so did 30% of the bakeries, half of the book and record shops, 4 out of 7 German-owned furniture stores, or two-thirds of the identified camera and photo shops. 57Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism, p.52. 58Auster and Aldrich, p.50.  OCCUPATIONAL DISTRIBUTION AND ETHNIC BUSINESS / business  world.  Business  owners  could  establish  through involvement in ethnic associations."  contacts  and  relationships  of  100 trust  Often acting as ethnic association leaders  and organizers, many German business owners co-operated with other ethnic institutions on  community  generally  projects,  championed  spoke  the  out  in  favour  ethnic cause. As  of  ethnic  ethnic  pride  exclusivity  and  solidarity,  frequently provided  and the  very basis of their economic existence and gave them a competitive edge over other Canadians in certain economic areas, they were intrinsically interested in the persistence of these ethnic factors and in the survival of the German community. At  times,  self-employed  ethnic  institutions  German-Canadian.  For  and  projects  example,  the  even  directly  contract  supported  for  designing  a the  German-Canadian senior citizens' home went to the German architect Arnulf Petzold, and the centennial  German  H.  fountain  Classen  in  1967  Business and Professional designed  to  further  the  received to  1970.  Association economic  the  order  Among  for  the  sculping  ethnic  the  German-Canadian  organizations,  the  German  had a special place in that it was specifically  interests  of  its members  through  mutual  business  dealings, social contact, and the support of specific German community projects. Ethnic entrepreneurs  financial institutions had a crucial  in  their  business  endeavours.  In  role in  Vancouver,  assisting an  aspiring  important  minority  motivational  factor in the formation of the Edelweiss Credit Union was the recognition that it was often  difficult to obtain loans  from mainstream  financial institutions. In the postwar  period, the credit union approved many loans to prospective German  business-owners,  until the 1950s frequently applying standards that were based more on trust and the collateral  supplied  by  fellow  members  than  on  the  criteria  employed  by  Canadian  "For example, one could find the owner of Hagen's Travel Service acting as secretary of the Alpen' Club or as a director of the Edelweiss Credit Union, John Roffeis of International Insurance as Alpen Club vice-president or manager of its soccer team. See also Chapter 5, on the socio-characteristics of German association leaders in Vancouver.  OCCUPATIONAL DISTRIBUTION AND ETHNIC BUSINESS / 101 banks." The  ethnic  media  were  instrumental  for  ethnic  entrepreneurs  attempting  to  attract the attention of their ethnic clientele. Advertisements placed in the Courier, the Nordwesten, specializing service  in  or in  the  Pazifische  items  preferred  the  ethnic  Rundschau publicized by  tongue,  German and  the  the  existence  of  consumers,  the  availability  name  its  owner.  of  an  enterprise  of  customer  Moreover,  such  advertisements frequently appealed to community and ethnic sentiments by stressing a shop's proximity emphasizing  the  to  the  ethnic  particular  neighbourhood  quality  of  and  ethnic  to other  products,  or  German by  institutions, by  acknowledging  the  signifiance of certain holidays and events for Germans. Indeed, placing an ad in the German press, which was read only by members of the ethnic group with a relatively strong  affinity  business-owner's  to  their  expectation  ethnic  identity  to  patronized  be  and  ethnic  largely  by  community, members  reflected of  the  the  German  community. The German enterprises in Vancouver were also directly supported by ethnic newspaper editors and correspondents. Journalists informed readers about the economic developments and new shopping facilities in the German community by running feature articles on particular businesses and short biographies of  their owners. These reports  presented a positive, encouraging image of economic opportunities in Canada and of the  superb  economic  contribution  of  German  entrepreneurs."  More  importantly, such  media reports promoted the high standing of such businesses in the community, thus maintianing good relations between the ethnic press and the ethnic business world. The ethnic media depended on the advertising revenue received from German  "Was ist eine Credit Union?" 15 August 1957, p.14. "Compare on the role of ads and articles in the ethnic press: Ann Svendson and Andy Wachtel, The Ethnic Media and the Promotion of Social Services to Immigrants: An Exploratory Discussion (Vancouver: Social Planning and Research, United Way of the Lower Mainland, 1982), p.23. 80Nordwesten,  OCCUPATIONAL DISTRIBUTION AND ETHNIC BUSINESS / businesses readers  in  order  about  population,  to  carry  economic,  raised  issues  out  its role  in  political,  cultural,  and  relevant  to  the  German  social  community.  developments  German-Canadians,  and  in  It  102  informed  the  permitted  ethnic ethnic  organizations to communicate with the public. In so doing, the media encouraged the preservation  of German  ethnicity, which in turn was an essential resource for many  German-owned businesses and for the media itself. The symbiotic relationship between the ethnic media and the ethnic business world exemplifies the reciprocal  dependence  and support of ethnic institutions and their common concern with the persistence of a German ethnic life in Canada.  Self-employment provided an alternative for a small segment of the German immigrant cohort  to  occupational  and  economy. At times, the encounter of  social  adaptation  to  the  Canadian  mainstream  entry barriers to the Canadian job market, of  employers' preference for Canadian-born manpower, or of a lack of demand for the newcomer's  expertise  may  have  acted  as  a  stimulus  among  some  German  postwar  arrivals to establish their own business.62 Some economic areas, such as retailing, were particularly attractive for small-scale business-ownership.63  Orientation to the traits and  preferences of the ethnic clientele permitted some German owners to circumvent some of the more drastic, disconcerting linguistic, social, and economic changes required when seeking access to the mainstream of the Canadian economy. The creation and patronization of their own economic institutions was a way for German immigrants to avoid, or at least postpone, economic integration with the  "See Nordwesten, 5 February 1955, p.20; similarly, Kallen and Kellner found that minority entrepreneurs' choice of self-employment was at least in part influenced by the perception of relative social and economic blockage (p.84); see also Jones and McEvoy on the "prejudice theory" of ethnic enterprise. 63Kirby, p.162, stresses that fact that retailing requires a minimal amount of business expertise.  OCCUPATIONAL DISTRIBUTION AND ETHNIC BUSINESS / 103 dominant society.64 The ability to obtain a wide spectrum of daily needs from fellow ethnics in German stores, and the opportunity to establish businesses that could draw on ethnic exclusivity as a business resource, gave the German community in Vancouver a kind of economic foundation.65  Ethnic enterprises formed an integral component  of  the ethnic community system and in some aspects helped to retard the economic and cultural assimilation of German owners and clients into Canadian society. At the same time, however, they were affected by the same processes of acculturation and structural integration that changed the ethnic community in the course of time. For example, increasing familiarity and involvement in the economic and social system  of  the  receiving  society  probably  allowed  or  motivated  some  small  business-owners to abandon their riskful self-employment in favour of securer, perhaps financially more rewarding opportunities as employees in Canadian companies. Moreover, ethnic exclusivity  as the economic basis of  a business was also subject to changes.  Ethnic consumers could gradually abandon their particular inclination toward traditional German food items or German-made products as their length of residence in Canada increased. Thus, immigrants' interest in German news and their support for the ethnic press markedly diminished in the late 1960s: Germans'  dependence  on communication  their improving  bilingualism  diminished  and information in the ethnic tongue. They  identified more and more with Canada, preferred to speak English in both private and public spheres, and took a decreasing interest in news about Germany or the German population in Canada.66 And, with growing familiarity and ease with the new land and  "See Steinberg, p.53; Alan B. Anderson and James J. Frideres, Ethnicity in Canada: Theoretical Perspectives (Toronto: Butterworths, 1981), p.115. 65Reitz, p.22. "Circulation figures of the ethnic press declined significantly in the late 1960, leading to demises of some papers and the merger of the most established German ethnic newspapers in Canada, the Courier and the Nordwesten. For increasing bilingualism, see Chapter 4.  OCCUPATIONAL DISTRIBUTION AND ETHNIC BUSINESS /  104  its citizens, German immigrants could consider the ethnic origin of a business-owner or professional  a  less  relevant  criterion  for  selection  than  quality  and  price.  Ethnic  exclusivity as a business advantage also became endangered when particular products or services  started  to  be  supplied  by  non-Germans  as well.  As  immigrants  introduced  their economic specialties to Canada, other Canadians acquired occupational expertise in such "German" areas as Volkswagen service or the retail of delicatessen items. Ethnic businesses inadvertently contributed toward the gradual erosion of their own  economic  base  by  promoting  the  absorption  of  the  German  culture  into  the  receiving society, for example by introducing the eating culture into Canadian life. In the Heidelberg House or the Johann Strauss Restaurant, "Vancouverites discovered the Schnitzel"67, Black Forest Cake, Bratwurst and other German foods68, and terms such as delicatessen, vocabulary.  wurst and sourdough  Soon, mainstream  opportunities  with  gradually became part of the general Canadian  supermarkets  German-style  foods,  and grocery enlarged  stores recognized  their  selection  of  new market pre-packaged  delicatessen items, and began to incorporate delicatessen counters.69 By 1966, Vancouver Fancy Sausage delivered its 47 kinds of sausage as far as the Great Lakes and to as many as 1,400 outlets nation-wide70; Grimm's Sausage also became part of the normal stock of Vancouver and other Canadian supermarkets, and the same was true for the distribution of German-style breads and other baked item through wholesale producers such as Gunther Schwandner's Venice Bakery. The variety of their products and successful marketing permitted a small group of German entrepreneurs to penetrate the Canadian market from their base of German consumers and thus to assume a prominent role in the Canadian provisions industry in 3 February 1966, p.10. least twenty German-owned restaurants were founded in Vancouver in the postwar decades. 69In Vancouver South, for example, the Super Value Store at 6580 Fraser Street as early as 1957 announced to readers of the German press the availability of "Freybe Sausage". Nordwesten, 12 September 1957, p.10. 70Courier, 16 February 1962, p.12, Nordwesten, 4 January 1966, p.5.  67Courier, 68At  OCCUPATIONAL DISTRIBUTION AND ETHNIC BUSINESS / 105 general.71 This economic activity and influence, however, eroded the existence of many small German businesses, first by reducing the exclusivity of German-style goods and the shops that sold them, and second, by promoting concentration enterprises.  of  the  German  provisions  industry  Moreover,  Canadian  producers  and  a process of consolidation and at  the  supermarkets  expense seized  of  the  small  upon  the  ethnic  market by offering German-style goods, thus posing a serious competition to German producers, importers, and retailers. Ethnic businesses relying on ethnic exclusivity thus faced the danger of some of the very ethnic factors that had encouraged their emergence in the postwar period growing less salient as a consequence of Germans' For many penetrate  of the  them,  economic  general  survival  Canadian  assimilation into Canadian society.  thus ultimately  market,  be  it  as  depended auto  on  their  mechanics,  ability  to  independent  contractors, or sausage manufacturers. Yet, when one defines "ethnic enterprise" not as all those businesses owned by members of the minority population, but only as those who were intrinsically related to and dependent on the ethnic population and its needs and preferences72, then the formation and patronizations of  ethnic enterprises -  participation in ethnic associations and cultivation of the ethnic tongue -  like  constituted a  form of activity pursued largely by the immigrant generation.73 Acculturation and assimilation, however, resulted in the demise of some ethnic economic institutions in the life of the immigrant generation. The German element was sufficiently  large  to  represent  a target  clientele  for  products such as imported cars and Canadian-made  mainstream  companies;  German  foods were successful with other  Canadian consumers, and Germans adapted rapidly to economic realities in their host "See Courier, 3 February 1966, p.10 "We tend to talk a lot about the contribution of immigrants to Canadian life: in the culinary field, they have probably made the greatest contribution." Torontoer Zeitung, "Quality, a large variety, and sound business sense have made the German butcher, baker, food-retailer, and importer successful," 10 February 1967, p.5. 7 2 See Auster and Aldrich, p.52. 73Sowell, p.119.  OCCUPATIONAL DISTRIBUTION AND ETHNIC BUSINESS /  106  society. Consequently, the loyalty of the ethnic public toward the ethnic entrepreneur declined,  business-owners  had  to  readjust,  and,  with  the  demise  of  economic  institutions, an important component of the ethnic communal life also weakened. Ethnic enterprises frequently formed a part of the German community system in Vancouver, fostering the preservation of ethnic traits and interaction among German residents  in  institutions Moreover,  the only  metropolis. privided  German  acculturation  and  an  Yet,  even  adequate  business-owners socio-economic  at the  height  livelihood  ultimately integration  for  were as  of  German  a  small  as affected  were  German  enterprises,  ethnic  entrepreneurial  class.  by  the processes  employees.  As  of the  immigrants interacted with Canadian society and its economic institutions, the economic significance of their original occupational In  fact,  one  may  conclude  that  the  characteristics and ethnic affiliations declined. real  socio-economic  progress  of  the  German  population was marked by their diversification into a wide variety of occupations and entrepreneurial fields where they successfully competed with other Canadians.  IV. RELIGIOUS AND EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS Clinging  to  their  ethnic  identity  while  seeking  entry  into  Canadian  society,  German immigrants who came to Vancouver in the postwar period were pulled in two directions.  Their  desire  for religious  services in  familiar  forms, their need  of  social  contact with fellow ethnics, and their wish to pass on their culture to their children did not preclude  their aiming  at full admission into Canadian society, at friendship  with non-Germans, and at providing their offspring with the best chances for life in the chosen land. Thus, while German-Canadians established ethnic institutions, they also assimilated rapidly into the Canadian community, apparently abandoning many of their ethnic traits and affiliations. The German ethnic parishes in Vancouver epitomized the manner  in  which  ethnic  institutions  endeavoured  distinctiveness  while  at the same time abandoning  response  their  members'  to  increasing  to  preserve  some of  acculturation.  their  Similarly,  German  ethnic  ethnic features in German  language  instruction in ethnic and church schools reflected the efforts of a minority to transmit the mother tongue to the second generation at a time when a widespread loss of the ancestral language had already permeated the ethnic population. In their own way, each of these two institutions gave evidence of the ambivalence of these newcomers from Germany towards their own ethnicity and the culture of their adopted land.  The German ethnic parishes in Vancouver reflected the religious heterogeneity of  the  ethnic  population,  residential  concentration,  immigrant  community.  the and  Until  timing the the  of  the postwar  increasing end  of  influx, the  assimilation  the  Second  and World  areas  of  German  secularization War,  of  German  the  ethnic  religious life in the city had rested predominantly on two parishes: the Martin Luther Church,  and  the  Ebenezer  Baptist Church,  which  were  both  located  in  Vancouver  South (Figure 4.1.), Their bilingual structures and relatively low profile in the ethnic  107  / 108  FIGURE 4 . 1 ,  GERMAN ETHNIC PARISHES IN VANCOUVER, 1945 -  1970,  1 . M a r t i n L u t h e r E v a n g e l i c a l Church (1911) 2 . E b e n e z e r B a p t i s t Church (1930) 3 . C a t h o l i c Holy F a m i l y Church (1945) 4 . B e t h e l P e n t e c o s t a l Church 5 . E v a n g . L u t h . Church of the C r o s s (1953) 6.1mmanuel B a p t i s t Church (1956) 7 . P i l g r i m B a p t i s t Church 8 . P e n t e c o s t a l Church 9 . C h u r c h of God 1 0 . E v a n g . L u t h . St.Markus Church ( 1 9 6 1 ) 1 1 . " G e m e i n s c h a f t der K i r c h e f u e r e n t s c h i e d e n e s Christentum" (1965) A . F i r s t U n i t e d Mennonite Church B . F r a s e r v i e w Mennonite B r e t h r e n Church C.Sherbrook Mennonite Church D.Mountainview Mennonite Church  SOURCE; C o u r i e r , Nordwesten, T r a n s - C a n a d a A l l i a n c e of G e r m a n - C a n a d i a n s . P u b l i c A r c h i v e s of Canada, MG 28 v 4.  >o  RELIGIOUS AND EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS / 109 community  attested  to the  advanced  assimilation  of  their  congegrations.1  In  1945, a  revival of German ethnic life in Vancouver led German Catholics to form the Holy Family Church, which acquired its church home at 32nd. Avenue and Beatrice Street, in the vicinity of the Vancouver South district, in 1948.2 Many congregation members were also affiliated with the Vancouver Alpen Club and the Edelweiss Credit Union, confirming that the immediate postwar revival was largely the work of a small group of active, ethnic-minded members of the local German population. But the influx of thousands of German immigrants in Vancouver ' during the 1950s soon  led  to  the  emergence  of  a richer  variety  of  ethnic parishes.  For  the  newcomers, the churches fulfilled not only religious, but also social and psychological needs. They offered an opportunity for people to enjoy the company of others of the same ethnic origin; they provided a sense of continuity between the sending and the receiving country and thus gave immigrants a sense of orientation; and they provided social services to those in need.3 A review of the history of the Church of the Cross, founded in 1953, describes the religious situation among German postwar arrivals: Some [immigrants] soon found a connection in Canada to existing, long-established congregations. Many others tried but felt repulsed by the wide variety of North American church life, by the peculiarity of local community structures, and by language barriers. Many, who in Germany had belonged only nominally to a Lutheran parish now completely lost any connection with their church. But there were also those who wanted to have a Lutheran church in the form to which they had been accustomed in the old homeland, and their needs were met in 1953.4  ^Nordwesten, 17 January 1951, p.5. 1 Courier, 24 January 1946, p.5; Heinz Kloss, "Deutsche Katholische Kirchengemeinden," in L. Auburger et al. eds., Deutsch eds Muttersprache in Kanada. Berichte zur Gegenwartslage (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1977), p.122; Karl J. Schindler, "Die deutschsprachigen katholischen Kirchengemeinden in Kanada," Germanr-Canadian Yearbook, voli (1973), pp.292. 3For example, Courier, "Kirche betreut Einwanderer," 2 February 1962, p.ll; Nordwesten, 17 January 1951, p.5 and "Einwanderern wird geholfen," 13 January 1963, p.6. 4 Nordwesten, "10 Jahre Kreuzgemeinde: Kurzfassung der Jubilaeumsschrift," 12 November 1963, p.5.  RELIGIOUS AND EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS /  110  In contrast to church organizations in Germany, to which the overwhelming majority of citizens belonged by virtue of their baptism and automatically deducted "church taxes," membership in a German ethnic parish in Canada required a conscious decision by the individual or the family. Confronted by this test of their religious attachments, many German immigrants chose not to affiliate with a church after their arrival in Canada. The path group  of  fellow  to creating believers  an ethnic  usually  took  church the  was often arduous.  initiative.5  Once  the  A pastor or a  church  had  been  founded and a church council elected, the young congregation faced the problems paying  its religious  importantly  -  of  leader, finding  of  obtaining  a church  religious  home.6  A  literature  parish  and  music, and -  often joined  a larger  of  most church  organization of its faith, receiving financial support and legal status in return.7 Often it took years of  arranging  makeshift accommodations  for its services  and  of  collecting  of  the  German  of  the  greatest  funds before a congregation could acquire its own church home.8 Almost neighbourhood  all in  German Vancouver  parishes South  were and  formed  emerged  in  the  during  vicinity the  time  German postwar immigrant influx into Vancouver in the 1950s and early 1960s. Their denominations reflected the main religious affiliations of German ethnics as well as the proportion of German members in a local church. By the mid-1970s, one Catholic and  5 For  example, the German immigrant pastor Kurt H. Marx appealed to German Lutherans in Vancouver to unite into a congregation; seventy persosn followed his invitation and 1 November 1953 founded the "Church of the Cross". Nordwesten, "Evangelisch-lutherische Gemeinde gegruendet," 11 November 1953, p.5. 6Thus, Pastor Marx of the Church of the Cross was intially forced to continue working part-time as a carpenter. The Church received its first songbooks and music for the organ from the Lutheran Church in Germany; for its services, it first rented the Danish Lutheran Church. 7See Nordwesten, "Evangelisch-lutherische Gemeinde in West-Canada Synode aufgenommen," 11 August 1956, p.6. 8By 1955, the Church of the Cross had collected $2,300, and in 1957 it purchased the former Redeemer Lutheran Church for $8,000 with the aid of an interest-free loan by the United Lutheran Church of America and a mortgage. (Courier, 14 February 1957, p.10.) The entire congregation contributed their time and energy in renovating the church building over a period of two years (Nordwesten, "Neue Kirche eingeweiht," 16 April 1959, p.10.)  RELIGIOUS AND EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS / 111 thirteen  Protestant  members.  There  Membership persons,  German were  parishes  also  a  in an established  most  of  them  were  number  parish  young  providing of  Mennonite  appears to  immigrant  service  to  churches  have varied  families.  In  approximately in  between  addition  to  3,500  Vancouver.9 200  and  holding  400  worship  services, most parishes offered Bible study, maintained sub-groupings such choirs and womens' and mens' associations, and made efforts to promote the religious and social integration of the young generation into the ethno-religious community through youth groups and Sunday school. Until the 1970s, German ethnic schools in Vancouver were the domain of the ethnic  churches.10  Many  German  postwar  immigrants  desired  formal  ethnic  language  instruction for their children, and the parishes had the facilities, financial resources and an intrinsic interest in organizing and supporting such schools. Parish officials regarded language  instruction  German  Sunday  language  and  9Michael  as  school their  a  means  and  religious  the  of  helping  German  culture.11  the  younger  generation  worship  services,  both  This  instruction  was,  in  to terms  however,  understand of  their  frequently  Hadley, "Die deutsche Sprache in British Kolumbien," L. Auburger et al eds, Deutsch asl Muttersprache in in Kanada. Berichte zur Gegenwartslage (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1977), p.48. Among the German ethnic churches were one Catholic Parish (about 20% of Germans in Vancouver belonged to the Roman Catholic faith thoughout the postwar period), three Evangelical-Lutheran (in 1951, 22.5% of German ethnics in Vancouver belonged to the Lutheran faith and 31.6% did so in 1961. Germans constituted over a third of the Lutherans in the Pacific metropolis), three Baptist (in 1951, about 10% of the Germans were Baptist and in 1961 it were 8.3%; Germans constituted some 9% of the Baptists in Vancouver in 1951 and 15.7% in 1961), two Pentecostal (while only a few percent o the German ethnic adhered to this faith, they composed 11.5% of the local Pentecostal church in 1961, as well as Mennonite and other churches (more than half of the Mennonites in Vancouver reported German ethnic origin in 1961 and 71.5% did so in 1971; 7.4% of the Gemans belonged to this faith in 1961). All data obtained from Canada Census, 1951-1971. "Unsuccessful attempts to establish schools in association with one of the main clubs or completely independently were sporadically made. Courier, "Deutschschulen in B.C. liegen in Gemeindehaenden," 6 November 1969, p.ll. "In the history of the Germans in Canada, German language instruction has often emerged from this relationship between linguistic means and religious purpose. Cf. Fritz Wieden, "Der muttersprachliche Deutschunterricht," L. Auburger et al. eds, Deutsch als Muttersprache in Kanada. Berichte zur Gegenwartslage (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1977), p.91. Arthur Grenke, The Early Formation and Development of an  RELIGIOUS AND EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS / non-denominational.  112  In fact, many students attended church schools even though their  parents were not church members. The Immanuel Baptist Church together with the Mennonite  Brethren Church  established the first of these German Saturday schools in 1956. It developed into the largest local German school of its kind, teaching as many as 200 to 300 students in eighteen classes. By Soon,  German  1966, the school  language  instruction  was exclusively  was  also  offered  financed through  tuition fees.12  by  Holy  the  Catholic  Family  Church, the Lutheran Church of the Cross13, and seven other German congregations, so that by the late 1960s, at the height of  the German  ethnic schools, about 850  students were enrolled in ten church schools in Vancouver.14 The variety by sociologist  emergence  which David  of  Canadian Millet  German  parishes  ethnic  found  groups.15  Vancouver  exemplified  the  ethnic  churches have long long been characterized. In fact, the them  "more  groups, or any other major institution," great many  in  Religion  ethnically  diverse  than  schools,  political  and thus able to promote the survival of a  has in  many  ways been  oriented  toward  the  preservation of ethnic distinctiveness by validating a people's customs and values, by furthering  social  interaction,  and  by  supporting  other  ethnic  institutions.16  Among  "(cont'd) Urban Ethnic Community: the Germans in Winnipeg, 1870-1918 (Ph.D. Thesis, University of Manitoba, 1975), p.179. 12Nordwesten, "Deutsche Sprachschule gut besucht," 19 October 1965, p.5 and "10 Jahre deutsche Sonnabendschule," 14 June 1966, p.5. 13 Nordwesten, "Wieder deutsche Sprachschule in der Kreuzgemeinde," 26 December 1961, p.6. 14Courier, 6 November 1969, p.10. "David Millett, "Religion as a Source of Perpetuation of Ethnic Identity," P. M. Migus, ed., Sounds Canadian: Languages and Cultures in Multi- Ethnic Society (Toronto: Peter Martin, 1975), p.106 and adds that an argument can be made for the churches being repositories of diversity by default, that is, other institutions which would normally be diverse are denied this possibility by Canadian law. "Compare Alam. B. Anderson and James J. Frideres, Ethnicity in Canada: Theoretical Perspectives (Toronto: Buttersworths, 1981), p.41; Grenke, pp. 150; W. Lloyd Warner and Leo Srole, The Social Systems of American Ethnics Groups (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1945), p. 158; Raymond Breton, " Institutional Completeness and Ethnic Communities and the Personal Relations of Immigrants," American Journal of Sociology, vol.70 No.2 (September 1964), p.201.  RELIGIOUS AND EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS / German  postwar arrivals in Vancouver, the recreation of  was  priority  a  and  the  parishes  formed  an  important  113  familiar religious institutions part  of  the  local  ethnic  community system. At the same time, however, the majority of Germans in Vancouver appear to have not participated  in this ethnic religious  life. Many German  immigrants in fact  remained uninvolved in Canadian church life in general, possibly as the result of an accelerated social  secularization  adjustments,  Moreover,  Germans'  or  process  due  to  migration,  rejection  of  the  structure  increasing  assimilation  preoccupation of  contributed  North to  a  with  material  American  gradual  and  churches.17  erosion  of  the  ethnic and religious significance of the German parishes that were established in the late 1950s and early 1960s. As the religious orientations of most Germans were not ethnically exclusive, many postwar arrivals made a fairly easy transition to mainstream churches, in particular the United Church of Canada.18 This detachment from traditional religion attested to both religious and ethnic changes among German-Canadians.19 Thus, the German parishes soon had to recognize that their linguistic basis was undergoing  a significant transformation:  whereas  the  desire  for  worship  in the  mother tongue and in other familiar ethnic forms had stimulated the formation of the ethnic parishes, the exclusive use of the ethnic tongue became an obstacle as Germans married partners outside the ethnic group and children frequently remained unfamiliar with  the  German  language.  These  assimilation  processes  compelled  the  churches  to  "Compare J. Milton Yinger, Sociology Looks at Religion (New York: Macmillan, 1963), p.99. By 1971, 12.5% of Germans in Vancouver reported "no religion" to the census authorities. Also, K. G. O'Bryan et al. Nort- Official Languages: A Study in Canadian Multiculturalism (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1975) p. 124 found that 33% of their German ethnic respondents denied any association with a church. 18In 1971, 13.7% of German ethnics in Vancouver belonged to the United Church. Canada Census, 1971. 19See Anderson and Frideres, p.42/43; Bernd G. Laengin, "Die Deutschen in Kanada: eine Volksgruppe im Vakuum," P. E Nasarki, ed, Wege und Wandlungen: Die Deutschen in der Welt Heute. vol.2 (Berlin und Bonn: Westkreuz Verlag, 1983), p.38.  RELIGIOUS AND EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS / 114 introduce the English language into their work20, even though the parish schools were just at the peak of their activity.  This erosion of the German language simultaneously with the rise of ethnic schools  in  Vancouver  exemplified  linguistic  developments  that  were  taking  place  all  across Canada.21 For an immigrant group, settlement in an environment dominated by a different language has often implied important linguistic changes. Germans coming Vancouver  in  psychological  the  postwar  pressures  period  toward  the  encountered  adoption  of  economic,  the  national,  dominant  language.  social, Facility  to and in  English opened up a greater access to the job market and other economic areas, was essential  in "dealing  with  public  services  and  mainstream  cultural  institutions,  and  enabled immigrants to establish social relations with non-Germans. Fluency in English and abandonment of the foreign tongue a  price  forcomplete  social  acceptance  even the foreign accent -  that  both  Canadians  and  may have been  German  newcomers  expected to be paid.22 Most homeland.23 20The  German  immigrants  identified  This speedy reorientation  of  themselves  very  quickly  with  their  new  their national reference group was a factor  Church of the Cross as early as 1961 introduced English. As he later explained: "The English church service was designed in particular for those of the younger generation who either did not speak German any more or ho were more fluent in English, and who in this way shall be kept in the church of their fathers." Nordwesten, "10 Jahre Kreuzgemeinde," 12 November 1963, p.5. 21 0'Bryan et al, p.138 observed in 1975 that less than 3% of the German ethnics were associated with churches in which only the ethnic language was being used, while almost 46% affiliated with parishes that only employed one of the official Canadian languages. 22 D. J. Lawless, "Attitudes of Leaders of Immigrant and Ethnic Societies in Vancouver Toward Integration into Canadian Life," International Migration, vol.2 No.3 (1964), p.205. " O f German ethnic immigrants, 35% identified themselves as "Canadians" in 1975, as opposed to 10.3% as "Germans" and the remainder as German Canadians" or "Canadians of German origin". Among the second generation German ethnics, 68% regarded themselves as "Canadians", and in the third generation detachment from the German ethnic identity had led over 80% to feel themselves as "Canadians" and none as "Germans". (O'Bryan et al., pp.102.)  RELIGIOUS AND EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS /  115  that strongly favoured their assimilation to Canadian society in general.24 Thus, in both 1961  and  Vancouver  1971,  the  able to  Canada  census  speak English,  found  and  over  only  95%  1% unable  of  the  German  to  speak  either  ethnics  in  English  or  French.25 Employment of the German language was confined to the private sphere: to the company of family, kin, and close friends, as well as to ethnic institutions.26 Yet, even in their own homes, most Germans abandoned their ethnic tongue in favour of English. This process of rapid linguistic assimilation also resulted in a low degree of language transmission of German to the second generation. Language retention among German Vancouverites was analyzed with the aid of census data on ethic origin, mother tongue, and home language.27  At the individual  level, language loss became apparent in the discrepancies between past and present use of the ethnic tongue, i.e. in shifts from a German mother tongue to a different home language.2' At the familial level, language retention meant that parents transmitted the ethnic tongue to their children. On this point such issues as the occurence of German as the home language and of groups  within  the  German  ethnic population  as the mother tongue of  were  considered.  Finally,  the younger  at the  societal  age level,  language maintenance referred to the total number of its speakers. The examination of whether  they  between  the  remained size  of  constant, the  ethnic  declined, population  or  increased and  the  was  based  on  comparisons  number  of  persons  reporting  "Beatrice Stadler, Language Maintenance and Assimilation: The Case of Selected Germanr- Speaking Immigrants in Vancouver, Canada (Vancouver: Canadian Association of University Teachers of German, CAUTG Publication No.7, 1983), p.5 25 Canada Census. 2 'Compare Anderson and Frideres, p.124. O'Bryan et al., p.64 observed that 60% of the Germans in 1975 employed at least some German when speaking with family members, 30% did so with close friends, 15% in contacts with their clergy, and less in communication with their doctor, classmates or co-workers, and the grocer. 27Compare Russel S. MacArthur, "Introduction to Part II.," W. H. Coons et al. eds, The Individual, Language, and Society in Canada. (Ottawa: The Canada Council, 1977). p.209. "Preference for speaking another but the mother tongue in one's home reflects both linguistic attitudes as well as probably having a marked effect on one's facility to speak the ethnic tongue.  RELIGIOUS AND EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS /  116  German as their mother tongue from 1951 to 1971.2' In 1971, Canada census authorities for the first time asked residents to report the language spoken most often in their homes. The impact of the ethnic milieu on the  cultivation  Figure 4.2.:  of  German  as a  home  language  in  Vancouver  is  demonstrated  on  comparing the number of residents who usually spoke German in their  homes with the number of German ethnics in every given census tract, one discovers that  the  highest  ratio  occurred  in  Vancouver  South,  where  up  to  every  second  German-Canadian appears to have maintained the ethnic tongue in the private sphere. Germans in the suburban areas displayed a much lower propensity toward employing their mother tongue in their homes, even though they often were recent immigrants. This  local  adapted  readily  Germans in created  analysis to  South  suggests  that postwar  Vancouver's Vancouver  dominant  arrivals  from  language,  and the accumulation  an ethnic milieu that encouraged  Germany  while of  the  for  high  the  most part  concentration  ethnic institutions  there  of had  language cultivation among both immigrants  and Canadian-born Germans. Analysis of the number of German ethnics and those with German as their home  language  by  age  groups  (Figure  4.3.)  permits  some  observations  language shifts at the individual level that had taken place by  about  1971. Two-thirds  the of  those who first learned German in their childhood appear to have chosen a different language for their private lives. It hardly surprises that the smallest language shift is noticable among the 0 to 4 year olds:  young children acquire their mother  tongue  because it is spoken by their family. However, already among the 5 to 9 year olds, every second child apparently was no longer mostly using its German mother tongue at the home. Among adults who had grown up with German as their mother tongue, only 25% to 35% appear not to have shifted to a different home language, suggesting "Though there are conceptual problems with the census category "ethnic origin", and thus with inferences drawn from such numerical comparison, their result give at least some indication of societal language development  / 117  FIGURE 4 . 2 .  40-50%  SOURCE:  1 9 7 1 VANCOUVER CENSUS TRACTS. NUMBER OF RESIDENTS WITH GERMAN AS HOME LANGUAGE COMPARED TO NUMBER OF GERMAN ETHNIC RESIDENTS (VANCOUVER AVERAGE: 1 5 . 9 % ) . 30-40%  CENSUS OF CANADA,  1971.  20-30%  FiiT  20-25%  INDICATION OF L A N G U A G E SHIFT. N U M B E R OF R E S I D E N T S W I T H G E R M A N M O T H E R T O N G U E C O M P A R E D T O N U M B E R OF R E S I D E N T S W I T H G E R M A N A S H O M E L A N G U A G E , BY AGE G R O U P S , V A N C O U V E R 1971 (AVERAGE R A T I O : 33.5%).  0-4  5-9  10-14 20-24 ' 35-44 55-64 70+ 15-19 25-34 45-54 65-69 AGE IN YEARS  / 118  RELIGIOUS AND EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS / that the English-speaking  environment  in  Vancouver  had  significantly  119  altered  private  German  ethnics  linguistic habits of all age groups within the ethnic population. The language shift affected Canadian-born alike,  as  was  specifically  determined  by  the  and foreign-born  1971  census  (Figure  4.4.)  Among  Canadian-born Germans in Vancouver, almost 80% had abandoned their mother tongue in favour of English, and even among German immigrants some 60% had done so by 1971. Given that by 1971 only every fifth German immigrants had arrived prior to 1946,  one  may  conclude  that  many  German  postwar  arrivals  had  already  adopted  Vancouver's dominant language in their own private sphere.30 The limited  statistical  efforts to  impression  maintain  the  that  most  postwar  ethnic tongue  either  immigrants  were  for themselves  or  making  very  among  their  children was confirmed by the comments of contemporary observers of German ethnic life in Canada. At a lecture given to the German-Canadian Cultural Society in 1966, Prof. F. Kluge of Notre Dame University at Nelson, British Columbia, admitted the great  difficulties  in  maintaining  the  German  language  in  an  English-speaking  environment Yet, he also noted that only a very small portion of German immigrants were  even  encouraging  Germans who participated Commissioner  for  their  children  in other  Language  to  speak  forms of  Instruction  German,  and  these  ethnic life in Canada.31 of  the  Trans-Canada  usually  were  Similarly, the Alliance  of  German-Canadians in 1967, Hermino Schmidt pointed out that German postwar arrivals for  the most part  integration  and  adjusted  material  quickly  success,  and  to  the  new  displayed  environment a  distinct  lack  concentrated of  interest  on in  their the  preservation of their ethnicity.32 30In  1971, about 20% of the foreign-born German ethnics in Vancouver had arrived prior to 1946. Canada Census. 31Nordwesten, "Prof. Kluge eroertert Probleme der Spracherhaltung," 6 February 1966, p.5. "Hermino Schmidt Essay of 1 August 1967. Trans-Canada Alliance of German-Canadians, Papers. Public Archives of Canada. MG 28 v 4 vol.9 file: " Sprachschulreferat 1960-67". O'Bryan et al., p.64 found that 40% of their German  / 120  FIGURE 4.4  DIRECT EVIDENCE OF LANGUAGE SHIFT. CANADA CENSUS DETERMINATION OF MOTHER TOUGUE AND HOME LANGUAGE AMONG CANADIAN BORN AND FOREIGN BORN GERMAN ETHNIC RESIDENTS, VANCOUVER, 1 9 7 1 CANADIAN-BORN GERMAN ETHNICS :  58,820  MOTHER TONGUE GERMAN ENGLISH FRENCH OTHER  > 18.2% 81.4% 0.2% 0.3%  FOREIGN-BORN GERMAN ETHNICS :  GERMAN ENGLISH FRENCH OTHER  4.0% 95.8% 0.1% 0.1%  30,860  MOTHER TONGUE GERMAN ENGLISH FRENCH OTHER  HOME LANGUAGE  > 82.3% 16.0% 0.3% 1.4%  SOURCE: CENSUS OF CANADA , 1971.  HOME LANGUAGE GERMAN ENGLISH FRENCH OTHER  33.4% 65.8% 0.2% 0.6%  RELIGIOUS AND EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS / 121 Among German immigrants, a correlation between language shift and length of residence  in  Canada  confirms  that  their  language  loss  was  a  function  of  gradual  assimilation into Canadian life. Of the German ethnic immigrants with German as their mother tongue who had arrived prior to 1946, almost 70% had shifted to English as their home language by 1971, while of the recent arrivals of the 1961-1971 period, 38.5%  had  shifted.33  Thus,  preference  for  speaking  German  and  favourable  attitudes  toward language maintenance in the family declined simultaneously with the immigrant living in the English-dominated environment3 4 The  low  occurrence  aspect  of  Germans'  ethnic  intermarriage.35  of  assimilation According  German into to  as the  Canadian Canadian  home  society: census  language  reflected  the linguistic data,  every  a further  consequence  second  male  of and  female person of German ethnic origin in the country throughout the postwar period married outside of the ethnic group.36 These marriages -  as biological amalgamations  -  may be interpreted as the ultimate indicators of Germans' high degree of acceptance by and assimilation into Canadian  society.37  They also contributed  to the decline  of  ethnic identities and ethnic traits, such as languages.38 Given the conceptual problems of the census category  "ethnic origin" -  the  "(cont'd) ethnic respondents barely ever used German with their family. 33Among 1946-1955 arrivals, the shift had affected 56.9% and among the 1956-1960 arrivals 54.9%. - John de Vries and Frank G. Vallee, Language Use in Canada, Census Analytical Study 1971 (Ottawa: Minister of Supplies and Demands, 1980), p.126. 34The same was found among German interveiwees in Vancouver in 1982, Stadler, p.39 and 74. "Ethnic intermarriage has been recognized as a major factor in the survival of ethno-linguistic minorities in Canada, see Anderson and Frideres, p.122; Bernard Saint-Jacques and Howard Giles, "Preface," in B. Saint-Jacques and H. Giles, eds, Languages and Ethnic Relations (Oxford: Pergamon Press, 1979), p.73. 36 De Vries and Vallee, p.156. "Compare Stephen Steinberg, The Ethnic Myth: Race, Ethnicity and Class in America (New York: Atheneum, 1981), p.68; De Vries and Vallee, p.163. 38 De Vries and Vallee, p.163 note: "It should be obvious that children from exogeneous marriages have, in most cases, possible allegiance to two ethnic categories. In all likelihood this will result in rather low degrees of solidarity with either." More strongly, Stephen Steinberg, p.68 interpretes the increasing ethnic intermarriages in the United States as "an unmistakable sign of social and cultural desintegration." Stadler, p.48 found that children of mixed parentage hardly ever used the German language.  RELIGIOUS AND EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS / definition  of  ethnic  origin  according  to  one's  paternal  ancestry  forces  male  122 line  conformity upon the descendants of exogamous marriages and thus mask their mixed ethnic origins -  language shift may be more appropriately examined in the context of  linguistic intermarriages. According to the census study of the sociologists John de Vries and Frank Vallee, over 68% of the German-speaking persons in Canada in 1971 had married within their linguistic group."  Yet, even under such favourable circumstances  for language retention, most German-speaking  couples seem to have preferred English  as their home language (Figures 4.3 and 4.4.). This language loss at the familial level had marked effects on the linguistic abilities  of  the  younger  generation.  German  ethnics and those with  Figure  German  4.5.  documents  as their mother  that  the  tongue in  ratio  between  Vancouver  was  lowest at the younger age groups throughout the postwar period. By 1971, when both native-born  and immigrant German parents mostly employed English in their homes,  only every fifth child of the local ethnic population had apparently acquired the ethnic language in childhood. The low cultivation of  German in the home resulted in the  language  being  knowledge  generation.40  of  immigrant  Germans  virtually  lost  within  a  single  At the societal level, this widespread language loss meant that, despite a  high influx of German postwar immigrants into Vancouver, the ratio between German ethnics and residents with German as their mother tongue reached its postwar low in 1971 (Figure 4.5).41 "The higher incidence of linguistic endogamy was regarded by de Vries and Vallee, p.164 as the effect of similar childhood cultures and other socio-economic characteristics upon partnership, and to the fact that marriage partners need at least one language in common. They also caution that the probability of both types of intermarriage increases proportionately with the size of the group in question. 40Stadler, p.60 emphasizes that "in absence of bilingual education in German and English ...the home must continue to exist as a distinct and autonomous domain where constant efforts are made to retain the ethnic tongue...if the German language is to survive in Canada," 41 0'Bryan et al., p.46 and p.165 confirm that German-Canadians exhibited the lowest degree of language retention among the second generation: only 4.6% of them claimed fluency in the ethnic language in 1975, and none did among those German ethnics of the third generation.  / 123  FIGURE 4.5.  INDICATION OF LANGUAGE LOSS. NUMBER OF RESIDENTS WITH GERMAN MOTHER TONGUE COMPARED TO NUMBER OF GERMAN ETHNIC RESIDENTS, BY AGE GROUPS, VANCOUVER, 1951 - 1971.  0-4  5-9  10-14 20-24 35-44 55-64 70+ 15-19 25-34 45-54 65-69 AGE GROUP  RELIGIOUS AND EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS / Aside  from  the  family,  the  school  and  the  peer  group  were  the  124 most  important agents in the socialization of young members of the ethnic population, and the survival of the ethnic language was, in turn, most dependent upon the support it received among the second generation." Public schools and peer groups also subjected German ethnic children to assimilatory pressures, even when their parents  encouraged  them to retain the ethnic language. The young child might have been exposed to the ethnic  tongue  through  the  parents  and  accepted  its  use  for  internal  or  ethnic  relations.43 Yet, children were frequently observed rejecting and abandoning the mother tongue when the majority of their time started to be spent in the external sphere, in school  and  with  playmates.44  This  development  pattern  was  also  visible  in  the  significant decline in the use of the German language among those of five years of age and older (Figure 4.3.). In Vancouver, the public school system has always employed English as the principal language of instruction, and used it in assimilating immigrant children into the dominant linguistic, social, ideological, and economic value systems.45 Ronald Wardhaugh, in Language and Nationhood: The Canadian Experience, recalls: In the 1950s and 1960s, school authorities in English-Canada responded to the large influx of children who could not speak English by devising programs to change these children as quickly as possible into 'New Canadians.' The key was language training through teaching English as a second language. The immigrant languages were regarded as obstacles to be overcome.46 Facility  42Royal  in  English  determined  the  student's  academic  achievement  in  virtually  all  Commission Bilingualsim and Biculturcdism, vol.4 The Cultural Contributions of the Other Ethnic Groups (Ottawa: Queen's Printer, 1967), p.121. 43Warner and Srole, p.225. 44Compare Lawless, p.206; Stadler, p.36. 45Compare Giles and Saint-Jacques, p.73; Anderson and Frideres, p.121. T. Krukowski et al. The Other Ethnic Groups and Education, (Working Paper Prepared for the Royla Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism, 1966), p.3 specifically noted that the British Columbian school system made no provisions for the requirements and desires of other ethnic groups. 46Ronald Wardhaugh, Language and Nationhood. The Canadian Experience (Vancouver: New Star Books, 1983), p.193  RELIGIOUS AND EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS / subjects,  and  languages.  In  bilingualism the  was  postwar  predominantly  period,  provincial  valued  only  legislation  in  the  confined  country's  German  125  official  and  other  foreign languages to high school curriculum.47 Germans in Vancouver made some attempts to enlarge the scope of German language instruction in the public schools. Particularly in areas with high proportions of German ethnic children, such as Vancouver South, the German community felt that a certain degree of ethnic pluralism should permeate the educational system, for example in  the  form  matter  as in  ethnic  schools,  of  German  the  quest  little  lessons for  progress  being  recognition was  offered of  made.49  at  language Ethnic  elementary instruction language  levels.48  Yet, in  received  retention  at  this  German  received  only  minimal support through the public school system, and German ethnic parents appear to have tacitly accepted this educational policy.50 Linguistic assimilation was not only imperative for ethnic childrens'  academic  success in the public schools but also was central to their interaction with playmates. Social psychologists have observed that the desire to identify with the peer group is very pronounced among children and teenagers, and that this desire manifests itself in all aspects of their behaviour, especially in language patterns. Seeking the approval  47German  of  was offered for Grades 9-12. Languages 1951 (Victoria, B.C.: Department of Education, Division of Curriculum); Languages 1964 (Victoria, B.C.: Department of Education, Division of Curriculum). 48Courie, 6 November 1969, p.12. 49The Vancouver School Board even rejected a request by the Baptist/Mennonite school to use public school rooms on Saturdays as their own facilities were becoming inadequate. Nordwesten, "Keine Antwort - keine Stimme," 11 December 1962, advised its readers to react to this decision when casting their ballots at the next civic elections. "Compare Fritz Wieden, The Trans-Canada Alliance of German-Canadians; A Study in Culture (Windsor, OnL: Tolle Lege Press, 1985), p.21 remarks upon German parents not pursuing the matter in a vigorous manner. Krukowski et al., p.5 observed in 1967 that although German ethnics constituted over 4% of the British Columbian population, "they are not actively promoting their language in provincial public schools". In 1975, German ethnic parents questioned by O'Bryan et al., p.127 to 56% attributed the primary responsibility for teaching their children German language, history, and culture to the primary and secondary schools, while only 20% felt that this task lay with ethnic and church schools.  RELIGIOUS AND EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS /  126  their peers even more than adults do, children aim at complete linguistic assimilation. The desire to identify with the peers, the prestige group, is so powerful that it implies the rejection of everything that could delay the identification. This includes one's mother tongue. The process often takes place against the will of the parents who have set as an ideal the keeping of the ancestral language and culture by their children.51 A survey in 1982 revealed that the majority of German-speaking parents in Vancouver (58%) claimed that they had spoken German to their children in preschool age, but less than 20% continued to do so later on, blaming the child's rejection of the ethic tongue upon peer influence.52 While much of loss in the home parents  and  ethnic  and  the linguistic assimilation of children resulted from language from  institutions  interaction with concerned  non-German  about  language  Canadians, those retention  focussed on the fact that the school system was not providing means  for  transmitting  Consequently, local  the  German  German  language and  culture  to  appear  German to  have  adequate pedagogical  the  second  generation.  associations and parishes set up private Saturday schools  where language and cultural courses were offered to children between the ages of five and fifteen years. Most German schools were affiliated with the Trans-Canada Alliance of  German-Canadians,  whose  Committee for German  Language Instruction  (Deutsches  Sprachschulreferat) advised on curricula and teaching personnel and helped to organize school materials. Canada wide, German schools started to appear in large numbers in the late  1950s as the  result  of  the  recent  immigrant  influx. Peak  enrollment  was  reached in 1970/71 with some 13,200 students attending TCA-affiliated schools. It is obvious that even this peak attendance at German schools in Vancouver and  across  Canada  was  not  a  reflection  of  a  widespread  concern  over  language  retention in the German ethnic population, for statistical evidence clearly indicates the  "Bernard Saint-Jacques, "Immigrants Sociolinguistic Aspects of Immigration in Canada," pp.209-220 in J. K. Chambers, ed, Languages in Canada (Ottawa: Diedler, 1979), p.219. "Stadler, p.36.  RELIGIOUS AND EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS /  127  marked decline of German both as a mother tongue and as a home language that had taken place among German-Canadians by 1971. Rather, formal language instruction served a small minority of the German-Canadian public, and for this minority fulfilled a range of  functions. For many parents, the transmission of  the ethnic tongue was  designed to enable their children to gain a full comprehension of their ethnic origin and identity, and to strengthen the bonds between parents and children.53 This cultural or  ethnic aim  was also embraced  by  German  ethnic associations, parishes,  and  the  media, who felt that a German-speaking second generation that eventually would also support ethnic institutions had to be actively Thus,  German  schools  were  established  recruited through  and  sponsored  language  by  German  instruction.54 clubs  and  congregations, and reflected the desire of those concerned with German ethnic life in Canada to insure ethnic continuity.55 TCA,  which  across the  established country,  its special  arrange  The institutional interest was exemplified by the Committee  student  exchange  in  1958  in  programmes  order with  to support West  schools  Germany,  and  endeavour to improve the qualifications of the German instructors. At  the  same  time,  the  efforts  expended  in  establishing  language  courses  reflected a shift of responsibility for language retention as part of the ethnic heritage. More  and more parents passed  younger  generation  on  to  formal  the task of instruction.  the  ethno-linguistic  In her  recruitment of  1982 Vancouver  the  study, Beatrice  Stadler found that although many [German ethnic] parents blamed themselves and the [ethnic] group for language loss among their children, they simultaneously believed  "Wieden, Trans-Canada Alliance, p.24. 54A former member of the Trans-Canada Alliance of German-Canadians observed: "If any one portfolio was likely to guarantee a good future for the Alliance and for the survival of German cultural traditions in Canada, then the language schools was an indispensble medium to achieve this aim." Wieden, Trans-Canada Alliance, p.21. "Compare Hermino Schmidt, Commissioner for German Language Instruction by the TCA, Report of 27 August 1967. Trans-Canada Alliance of German-Canadians. Papers. MG 28 v 4 vol.9 file: "Schulreferat, 1960-67".  RELIGIOUS AND EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS / 128 that the [ethnic] school should do the job that parents failed to do.56 Moreover, the German schools were far from exclusively based on concern for ethnic continuity. In fact, two differing motivational emphases with regard to children learning German -  integrative (i.e. because it was the ethnic tongue) and instrumental  (i.e. because bilingualism had a utilitarian value) -  were shared by parents and school  sponsors.  Some  a  enriched  the  regarded linguistic  socio-economic  objective  culture."  With  of  -  the  increasing  educational  instruction  knowledge  advantages  principal  higher  German  and  of  late  the  sharpened  schools length  levels  of  of  as  the  residence  German  as  proper  children their  -  some  arrivals,  a  skill  intellect;  transmission of  academic  of  with  that  potential  others  envisaged  the  German  language  and  German  emphasis  exercise  immigrants  seems  to  have  and  the  gradully  shifted from the integrative to the instrumental motivation. The Trans-Canada Alliance observed that the majority of students enrolled in earlier years of  the programme  German-speaking  Europe  or  still retained  enjoyed  vivid  memories  at least the advantage of  of  their  childhood  in  a parental home in  which German was in daily, if not always accurate use. From the mid-1960s, however, the  number  of  students  with  little  or  no  background  in  the  German  language  dominated, "either because their parents had 'unlearned' their native tongue or because they were sent by parents whose ancestral heritage contained no German traces and who wished their children instructed in a major global idiom."58 By the early 1980s, the fact that some 80% of the students enrolled in the German ethnic schools across Canada were non-German  speaking beginners, contradicted the common perception  of  these educational facilities as ethnic or heritage schools. As Hermino Schmidt confirms, "the German schools have shed their ethnicity and adjusted to Canadian students who "Stadler, p.69. However, the German students themselves did not generally share their parents' attitude that the school was the best place for children to learn or improve their German ( p.100). "Stadler, p.67; Hermino Schmidt 1967 Report; Wieden, Trans-Canada Alliance, p.22. 58Wieden, Trans-Canada Alliance, p.41.  RELIGIOUS AND EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS / 129 consider the German language as an asset for future employability."" There is further national  evidence of  the instrumental intentions behind the  support for German instruction. O'Bryan et al. found in 1975 that, of those German ethnic respondents  who  considered  unofficial language retention  "very  desirable",  49%  gave the usefulness of German as a second language as a primary reason, whereas 12.8% wanted  "to keep up ethnic customs and traditions", and 25% thought German  important  communication  for  purposes.60  Germans  in  Vancouver  were  no  exception:  Stadler discovered in 1982 that many of them favoured the study of German by their children for the potential practical benefits in economic life. She interpreted this fact as a reflection of  the stress which  the German  group  as a whole  places on  the  importance of education and skill acquisition.61 This concern for German as an academic discipline and a potential economic asset may explain why German schools developed in contrast with the general linguistic assimilation pattern of  the German  population  in the  1960s. It reflected an almost  desperate attempt by many parents to save their family's quickly vanishing  linguistic  background for utilitarian purposes. Yet, the higher the parents' socio-economic status, the faster did their concern  with  maintaining  their  ethnic culture  decrease  and the  more was bilingualism associated with the acquisition of French rather than with the retention of German.62  Accommodation to the linguistic requirements of a new environment need not entail immigrants' detachment from their ethnic affiliations, and even the abandonment of their mother tongue does not necessarily imply that other aspects of  the  ethnic  "Hermino Schmidt, "The German-Canadians and Their Umbilical Cord: An Analysis of Immigrant Behaviour and its Implications for Canada and Germany," Peter Liddell, ed., German- Canadian Studies: Critical Approaches (Vancouver: Canadian Association of University Teachers of German, 1983, CAUTG Publication No.9), p.75. 60O'Bryan et al., p.123. "Stadler, p.81. "Stadler, p.76 and 101.  RELIGIOUS AND EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS / 130 culture have lost their meaning.63 However, language is an essential part of culture and at the same time the instrument through which other aspects of culture are organized and  communicated.64  assimilation,  for  Linguistic  newcomers  change  who  may  successfully  be  an  indication  acquire  the  of  acculturation  and  language  the  dominant  of  receiving society often also adopt other aspects of the new culture,65 especially when they identify strongly with their new homeland. Some social psychologists have gone so far  as  to  suggest  that,  in  Canada,  the  mastery  of  English  may  be  the  clearest  indicator of integration into Canadian society and the loss of one's mother tongue the clearest indicator of assimilation.66 Analysis postwar  era,  of  the  census  data  overwhelming  and  contemporary  majority  of  comments  German-Canadians  indicate readily  that  in  the  adopted  the  English language and quickly detached themselves from their traditional language. This linguistic assimilation often went hand in hand with disinterest in other aspects of the ethnic  culture,  so  that retention  of  the  ethnic  tongue  apparantly  became  important the more German immigrants identified themselves as Canadians.67  the less On the  other hand, the desire of a small minority of both foreign-born and Canadian-born Germans to maintain their ethnic distinctiveness and identity also included efforts to cultivate the ethnic tongue within a environment dominated by English and to pass it on to their children. They regarded the German language as a powerful factor in preserving  the  German  culture  in  Canada  and  in  fortifying  their  cohesion  as a  "Compare Alan B. Anderson, "The Survival of Ethnolinguistic Minorities: Canadian and Comparative Research," Bernard Saint Jacques and Howard Giles, Language and Ethnic Relations (Oxford: Pergamon Press, 1979), p.68; de Vries and Vallee, p.102; Wardhaugh, p.192; Steinberg, p.46. 64For a review of the theoretical literature on language and culture, see Stadler, pp.4. 65Giles and Saint-Jacques, "Preface." 66Saint-Jacques, p.210. 67In 1975, 46% of the German ethnics who identified themselves as "Germans" considered language retention as "very desireable", as opposed to 31% of those naming themselves "German-Canadians" or "Canadians of German origin" and 14% of first generation "Canadians" and 5.4% of the second generation "Canadians". O'Bryan etal. p. 104.  RELIGIOUS AND EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS /  131  community." As the Canadian sociologist Leo Driedger notes: The assumption underlying the concern for both language maintenance and restoration seems to be that, without the ancestral language of the group, its culture and ethnic identity will be lost Thus, the language is seen as a defence against assimilation by other, usually (although not always) larger groups; language is a symbol of the continuance of the group.69 Consequently, the formal efforts to transmit German to the second generation reflected the  ethnic  consciousness  recognition  of  ethnic  recruitment  of  the  success in the  of  some  institutions  younger  face of  age  native-born  that  their  groups.  and  survival  These  immigrant depended  endeavours,  parents,  upon  however,  the widespread linguistic assimilation  of  both  the  and  the  (linguistic)  enjoyed  limited  German  ethnic  adults and children. With regard to the general decline of ethnic languages in Canada, Driedger has suggested: The extent to which ethnic groups can convince their members that maintenance of their language is either necessary to socio-economic success or symbolizes status may be the extent to which they will be successful in passing it on to future generations.'0 However,  this  significance  of  functionalist language  approach  and  the  to  language  nature of  ethnic  maintenance identities.  ignores  At the  the  cultural  height of  the  German language schools in 1970, a considerable portion of parents did enroll their children  for  instrumental  declined  drastically  purposes. Yet  during  the younger  the same years, because  age groups' the  role  of  facility German  in German diminished  drastically both as a mother tongue and as a home language, so that even children attending  German  language  schools  often  did  not  acquire  the  language  from  their  parents. As a result of the widespread linguistic assimilation of the ethnic population, "Compare Jeffrey G. Reitz, "Language and Ethnic Community Survival," Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology (Special Issue, 1974), pp.106; also Giles and Saint-Jacques, "Preface". 69Leo Driedger, "Structural, Social and Individual Factors in Language Maintenance in Canada," W. H. Coons, ed., The Individual, Language and Society in Canada (Ottawa: The Canada Council, 1977), p.214. "Driedger, p.237.  RELIGIOUS AND EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS /  132  even ethnic institutions such as the German parishes and the clubs were forced to make concessions to English. All immigrants had to undergo some adjustment to the requirements of the English-speaking enviroment Yet, the adoption of English as the exclusive language by the  majority  of  German-Canadians  was  one  important  symptom  for  a  larger  transformation of their ethnic identity. The analyis of German language maintenance in Vancouver in the postwar decades shows clearly that the cultivation, preservation, and transmission  of  the  ethnic  tongue  was  intimately  related  to  the  surrounding  ethnic  community network, which consisted of ethnic institutions, families that maintained their ethnic traits, and the residential proximity of other fellow ethnics in Vancouver South. In this ethnic milieu, German served to express the culture of the ethnic community and set it apart from the surrounding society.  V. GERMAN SECULAR ORGANIZATIONS German-Canadians spectrum further  of  secular  sociability  in Vancouver  ethnic organizations.  among  fellow  ethnics,  in the postwar  decades maintained  Some  were primarily  to  of  them  offer  entertainment  in  a wide  designed  familiar  to  German  forms, or to cultivate German traditions. Others promoted cooperation among German ethnics in economic and financial matters and on welfare projects. Within this diversity of objectives, all these organizations appear to have fulfilled a latent need for some basis of association with others of the same ethnic background in the context of a Canadian city.1 Yet, it was apparently never more than a small segment of the local ethnic  population  that  became  involved  in  this  part  of  German  ethnic  life  in  Vancouver. Therefore, this chapter argues, the ethnic organizations were established by and  responded  to  German-Canadians  the rather  instrumental than  and  reflecting  symbolic the  needs  significance  and of  ideas  ethnic  of  only  identity  some  for  the  German population at large.  The oldest, most firmly established German  association in Vancouver is the  Alpen Club. Founded in 1935 under the motto "Art, Knowledge, Culture", it was the only local  German  organization  to survive the trials and tribulations of  the  Second  World War. After the war, the club adhered to its original, Bavarian-style, folkloristic outlook. As German ethnic life in Vancouver revived in the late 1940s, the club not only raised funds for the relief of Germans in war-torn Europe, but also acquired a club home at Victoria Drive and 33rd. Avenue.2 In the Alpen Auditorium the club regularly staged preserving  evening  German  entertainments, hosted  cultural  special interest groups concerned  traditions, maintained  a German  restaurant, and  with  provided  'Anthony H. Richmond, "Immigration and Pluralism in Canada," International Migration Review, vol.4 No.l (1969), p.20. Courier, "Deutsche Vereine kamen und gingen - der Alpen Club blieb bestehen," 9 November 1967, p.ll. 133  GERMAN SECULAR ORGANIZATIONS / members  with  the  opportunity  Germans.  Yet,  despite  to  its status  enjoy  the  the  largest  as  Germans in Vancouver, club membership  leisure social  activities and  favoured  cultural  by  134 many  organization  of  fluctuated considerably, ranging between 150  and 570 persons in the period from 1945 to 1970. Dissatisfied with the traditionalist style and leadership of the club, a group of postwar immigrants established the Club Berlin in 1963. Although  handicapped  by the lack of a club home, its 70 to 200  members met regularly and duplicated many of the Alpen Clubs' activities. In contrast to these social organizations, the German-Canadian Cultural Society, founded in 1954 under the initiative of Pastor Marx of the Church of the Cross3, saw the essence of the German cultural heritage in classical and contemporary art, music and  literature.  Its  80 to  130 members  sought to  concerts and theatre performances and by  inviting  cultivate prominent  this heritage by  staging  speakers to lecture  on  German and German-Canadian cultural issues. Sociability and the cultivation of German traditions were also the focus of the Kolping association  with  strong  affiliations to  the  Holy  Society, a Catholic German craftsmen Family  Church.4  There  also  was a  Vancouver branch of the Canadian Baltic Immigration Aid Society, whose 130 members throughout the province practised mutual assistance and endeavoured to preserve Baltic cultural traditions.5 The need for mutual financial aid and the opportunities offered by the rise of credit-cooperatives in the 1930s and 1940s were incentives for a small group  of  German-Canadians  it  to  establish  the  Edelweiss  Credit  Union  in  1943.  In  time,  administered thousands of savings accounts and loans, served as the financial institution of  German  3Wolfgang  associations  and  community  projects,  and  became  the  largest  German  Junker, "Kulturarbeit ohne Maske und Make-Up: Der Deutsch-Kanadische Kulturkreis unter der Leitung von Eva Karstens," German-Canadian Yearbook, vol.2 (1975), p.241. 4Nordwesten, "Gruendung der Vancouver Kolpingsfamilie," 13 December 1956, p.14; "Das Kolpingswerk," 7 November 1957, p.14; 7 February 1961, p.5. 5 See Canadian Baltic Immigration Aid Society. Papers. Public Archives of Canada. MG 28 v 99 vol.2 file: "Vancouver."  GERMAN SECULAR ORGANIZATIONS / credit-cooperative Association,  in  the  founded  Admitting  only  in  country. 1963,  The  envisaged  self-employed  German-Canadian a  different  German-Canadians  Business  form and  of  those  135  and  Professional  economic  cooperation.  holding  management  positions, it hoped to further the business interests of its members and the economic relations between  the German-Canadian  public  and  Canadian  society  at large.6  The  association organized tours of its members' businesses, invited politicians and economists to  speak  members  at  their  and  meetings,  their  and  families.  It  promoted  social  made  first  its  contacts  between  obvious  public  its  few  impact  dozen  with  the  organization of the Vancouver Octoberfest in 1970.7 The German-Canadian Benevolent Association was founded in 1965 to establish a senior  citizens'  home  for elderly. It raised sufficient funds in the following  four  years to build a home with the aid of provincial and federal financial support The German press, other ethnic organizations, the German business community, and 3,000 members of the society supported this effort 8 The  postwar  decades  also  witnessed  the  emergence  of  a marginal  organization in Vancouver's German community. The Canada-GDR  political  Society, which was  formed in 1967, wanted to raise awareness in Canada of the existence of the other German state and advocated the recognition of the German Democratic Republic by the  Canadian  resulted  in  government9  the  Its  international  establishment  recognition  of  reflected the  GDR  the in  political the  late  development 1960s  and  that the  Trans- Canada Alliance of German-Canadians. Papers. Public Archives of Canada. MG 28 v 4 vol. 8 file: "GCBPA Vancouver"; Nordwesten, "Vereinigung deutschkanadischer Geschaeftsleute ins Leben gerufen," 25 June 1963, p.5; Courier, "Neue Chance fuer Deutsche Gesellschaft," 28 September 1967, p.10. 7 Vancouver Octoberfest 1970, Playboard Special Issue (Vancouver: Archway Publ., 1970). "See Trans-Canada Alliancce of German-Canadians. Papers. Public Archives of Canada. MG 28 v 4 vol.8 file: "B.C. German Benevolent Society"; Vancouver Province, "German Home Planned," 31 May 1967, p.2.; Nordwesten, "German Benevolent Society of B.C.," 13 April 1965, p.5; Courier, "Erfolgreichstes Project der Deutschcanadier," 29 August 1968, p.10. "See Pazifische Rundschau, "Jahresversammlung des Kanada-DDR Kreises," 25 February 1969, p.3.; Nordwesten, 21 October 1969, p.5.  GERMAN SECULAR ORGANIZATIONS /  136  rapproachement between the two German states. In Vancouver, however, the society and its goals were endorsed by very few German-Canadians. Finally, a number of the German organizations in Vancouver became affiliated with the German-Canadian umbrella organization, the Trans-Canada Alliance. Until the mid-1960s, only the Alpen Club maintained a connection to the Alliance with the aid of a 'liason officer'. As other clubs joined in Vancouver and in other parts of the province,  a British  Columbia  Branch  informed  the local  associations  of  the  about the  Trans-Canada  Alliance  umbrella organization's  was founded. It  educational,  cultural,  political, and economic goals and activities, passed on the concerns of the local Geman population, dealt with TCA membership fees, and organized charter flights to Germany.  Ethnic  associations  eased  German-Canadians,  however,  would  them  have  forced  seldom  the  general  faced  adjustment  the  forms  to take refuge within  of  process ethnic  ethnic community  of  newcomers.10  discrimination boundaries.  that As a  minority they rarely were united on issues which concerned them as members of the German population in Canada and which would have heightened their ethnic awareness and group cohesion.11 Most Germans in Vancouver saw themselves as a well-accepted element in Canadian  society and -  according  to the Courier -  felt they  did  "not  10D. H. Lawless, "Attitudes of Leaders of Immigrant and Ethnic Societies in Vancouver toward Integration into Canadian Life," International Migration, vol.2 No.3 (1964), p.202; Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism. vol.4. The Cultural Contributions of the Other Ethnic Groups, (Ottawa: Queen's Printer, 1967), p.112; For example, the Nordwesten description of an Alpen Club event: ""There they sat: workers, businesspeople, entrepreneurs, old successful immigrants mixed with new arrivals, who at this evening received plenty of good advice for their start in Canada, for their first job." - "4. Jahrestag des Alpen Auditoriums," 22 October 1954, p.4. n The matter that aroused the most widespread concern and reaction from German-Canadians and some of their ethnic institutions in them postwar period, was the imge of Germans as depicted in movies and television shows portraying the National Socialist era. The fact that discrimination and ethnic issues tend to strengthen ethnic communities has been stressed by several students of ethnic groups: see Gunter Baureiss, "Toward a Theory of Ethnic Organizations," Canadian Ethnic Studies, vol.14 No.2 (1982), p.32; Raymond Breton, "Institutional Completeness of Ethnic Communities and the Personal Relations of Immigrants," American Journal of Sociology, vol.70 No.2 (September 1964), p.196.  GERMAN SECULAR ORGANIZATIONS / 137 need a pressure group which has to take care that they receive their full rights."12 This attitude accounted, at least to a some extent, for their limited support for the Trans-Canada Alliance, which conceived of itself as a guardian of the political interests of the German population and of German culture in Canada.13 based benefit  in  Ontario,  of  its  many  work  Germans  for  ethnic  in  Vancouver  individuals  were  and  also  As the Alliance was  highly  associations  in  sceptical the  of  West"  the The  willingness of the Alpen Club to forward its fees to the Trans-Canada Alliance, and the decision of four other German associations in Vancouver in the mid-1960s to join, appears to have been directly related to the new services supplied by the Alliance and its  subsequently  textbooks  improved  and assistance  image  in  western  for the German  Saturday  efforts with regard to German-Canadians' pension plans, and other  Canada.  Charter  to  Germany,  schools, group insurance, lobbying  access to German  activities demonstrated  flights  the  and Canadians old  age  functions of the Alliance better  than its vaguer political and cultural aims. As  a  well-integrated,  German-Canadians  indeed  economically  resourceful,  were rarely the objects  of  easily  assimilated  discrimination,  population,  at least in the  sense that as a group they were not denied full participation in Canada's economic, political, and social system.15 German-Canadians were most often prepared to deal on an individual basis with the economic and social problems they encountered.16 out-group  hostility  forced  them  into in-group  solidarity  and  organizational  As no cohesion,  "Deutsche 'Sprecher' koennen mehr schaden als nuetzen," 2 April 1964, p.ll. Alliance of German-Canadians. Papers. Public Archives of Canada. MG 28 v 4 vol.1 file: "Statutes". Courier, "Ziele und Aufgaben der TCV," 31 March 1955, p.16. 14See for example, Letter from Bernhard Hoeter, vice-president of the Alpen Club and liason officer to the TCA, to the TCA secretary, August 1957. TCA Paper. MG 28 v 4 vol.8 file:" B.C. Vancouver". 15Baureiss, p.30/31 stresses that ethnic associations have to be examined in the context of contemporary socio-economic structures and ideologies. "Compare W. Junker, ""Largest Minority Happy," Vancouver Sun, 32 December 1967, p.6. 12Courier,  13Trans- Canada  GERMAN SECULAR ORGANIZATIONS / 138 they  could choose  among a wide array  of  urban organizations  and  institutions17,  of  which those based on German ethnicity were only one category. German postwar arrivals often came with a working knowledge of the English language; their higher educational levels and professional qualifications permitted speedy integration into the Canadian economic system; they frequently had prepared themselves for their new environment with the aid of modem information, and they had already witnessed the considerable impact of North American culture in Europe after the war. Through the information provided by mass communications, they became familiar with the wide spectrum of entertainment opportunities and leisure time activities as well as with the broad array of social services available in Canada and often adjusted very quickly to their new life. This adaptability, in turn, permitted them to make critical choices between the facilities and the sociability offered by German ethnic organizations and the benefits and greater anonymity which flowed from participation in mainstream institutions. Consequently, in order to attract members, German associations had to present ethnicity  as  a  special  feature  by  employing  symbolic  and  instrumental  concepts  of  Geimanness. This meant that either they provided services not offered elsewhere which gave immediate benefits to German-Canadians, or that they promoted their concepts of German  culture  preserve  their  and thus appealed ethnic  heritage.  to  prospective  Concretely,  this  members' meant  desire  that  on  to one  cultivate  and  hand,  the  organizations responded to humanitarian, economic, financial, social, and cultural needs among the German population, while on the other hand their membership strengths and thus their capability to perform these functions -  -  depended on their ability to  compete with mainstream institutions. This ability, in turn, was intertwined with the  "Compare with the similar circumstances of the Danish-Americans in the San Franzisco Bay area: Noel J. Crisman, "Ethnic Persistence in an Urban Setting," Ethnicity, vol.8 No.3 (September 1981), p.268.  GERMAN SECULAR ORGANIZATIONS /  139  ideas and the efficiency of the association leaders who carried a major portion of the organizational work and responsibility. By analyzing the concepts of ethnicity employed by the German organizations, their membership structures, and forms of leadership, the role of ethnic associational life in the German community becomes apparent Apart  form  the  provincial  branch  of  the  organizations in Vancouver fell into two categories: the  basis  of  trust  solidarity,  and  cooperation  Trans-Canada  Alliance,  German  those offering specific services on  among  German-Canadians,  and  those  primarily offering social contact entertainment and the cultivation of German traditions. In these various organizations, the conception of what German ethnicity meant in the Canadian context differed considerably, and, judging by the numbers of their members, it  seems  that Germans  in  Vancouver  were  much  more  interested  in  the financial,  economic, and humanitarian projects than in the organized social and cultural aspects of ethnic community life. In general, likely  to be  facing  ethnic-oriented  supported  socio-economic  by  welfare  minority  and  mutual  assistance societies are  populations  lacking  resources  disadvantages.18  German-Canadians,  comparatively well-integrated, resourceful group. Yet  in  of  more  their own  contrast  were  and a  both the Edelweiss Credit Union  and the Benevolent Society attracted thousands of members because they responded to obvious  needs  within  the  local  ethnic  population,  offered  concrete  objectives,  and  appealed to the trust and self-identification of German ethnics in Vancouver. The Edelweiss Credit Union was formed by a small group of individuals who were  united  18Baureiss,  by  their  ethnic  bond  and  social  as  well  as financial interests.19  The  pp.33. B.C. Credit Union Act of 1938 stipulates that members of a credit union have to be qualified by a common bond, based on a), religious, social or ethnic interests, or b). by occupation, or c). a community or geographic area of the province. The Edelweiss Credit Union defined its members as people of German ethnic origin or linguistic ability and their immediate families residing in Vancouver. Their common heritage was symbolized by the Edelweiss, a flower that flourishes in the Alps. For a comprehensive history of the Edelweiss Credit Union, see Edelweiss Echo, vol.12 No.2 (1979). Special Report Commemorating the 35. Anniversary of the ECU. 1?The  GERMAN SECULAR ORGANIZATIONS /  140  decision to pool their savings and provide each other with credit was based on trust which, in turn, was reinforced  by  the credit union's  own  social  gatherings and  by  many of the original members' simultaneous affiliation with the Alpen Club and the Catholic Holy Family Church. Many postwar immigrants were brought into the credit union by relatives and friends; they were supplied not only with credit and economic advice, but also with social and moral support The  Credit  Union  competed  with  other  financial  institutions  in  terms  of  interest rates and customer service. Moreover, it actively sought new members through the inauguration of its charter flights to Europe in 1962.20 While the charter flights had no  direct connection  with  the purposes of  the credit union,  they provided an  additional service that responded to needs within the ethnic population and encouraged membership growth. The Edelweiss Credit Union grew from 14 members in 1943 and 200 members in  1948  to well over 4,000 by  1970, at which  point its assets had  surpassed $3,500,000. Its steady growth suggests that the Credit Union successfully met the  financial  requirements  of  many  German  Vancouverites  in  private,  business,  and  communal matters. The German-Canadian  Benevolent Society addressed the problem of care for  the elderly, an issue of growing importance in most industrialized countries during the 1960s. At homes,  a time  the  when  specific  the  problems  aged of  increasingly ethnic  were  minorities  institutionalized often  in  commended  special an  care  "ethnic  approach" to geriatric care. The Vancouver German community, through the cooperation of individual businesses, ethnic associations, the ethnic press, and thousands of members as well as the financial assistence of the federal and provincial governments, was the "Many German-Canadians were interested in visiting their homeland and eagerly seized upon the opportunity of inexpensive travel, thus being enticed to join the Edelweiss Credit Union. Nordwesten, 4 April 1962, p.5 and 12 April 1969, p.4. The programme ws successfully pursued until the federal government substantially restricted the charter flight industry in 1973. - Charter flights were also organized by the Trans-Canada Alliance and the Benevolent Association as a means of raising funds and attracting members.  GERMAN SECULAR ORGANIZATIONS /  141  first in Canada to establish such a home for elderly Germans who needed light care and belonged to the lower income category. In  some  respects,  ageing  German-Canadians  members, were subjected to a triple jeopardy:  like  other  minority  group  the consequences of being, old, poor,  and of minority status.21 On one hand they faced the common effects of retirement: departure  from  active  working  life  and  the  subsequent  feeling  of  redundance  isolation, medical problems, financial difficulties, and a generally increasing  and  dependence  on outside help. Yet, as members of an immigrant minority in Canada, their situation in old age was particularly precarious. For example, access to funds paid into German pension plans prior to immigration, as well as eligibility for Canadian old age benefits could be severely restricted.22 Moreover, as preoccupations with socio-economic mobility subsided  and  new  dependencies  developed  among  the  elderly  ethnics,  their  cultural  differences from the dominant society were often more painfully perceived, in particular when  the  language  effect of and  aging  necessitated  and  illness precipitated  communication  with  the  the  disintegration  affected  elderly  of in  the  learned  their  mother  tongue.23 Even aside from linguistic matters, ethnic origin often regained importance for the elderly as a means of self-identification and as a basis for interpersonal contact when other social roles had been lost24 Pensioner  clubs  offered  elderly Germans.25  Yet  for those in need of  21Danny  one  means  of  dealing  with  the  social  situation  of  more care and financial assistance, a  R. Hoyt and Nicholas Babchuck, "Ethnicity and the Voluntary Association of the Aged," Ethnicity, vol.8 No.l (March 1981), pp. 68. "Until a reciprocal social security agreement between Canada and West Germany in 1970, German immigrants who had become Canadian citizens were unable to collect their German benfits; also, Canada required its aged to have resided in the country for at least twenty years to be eligible. 23Karl J. Trabold, "Altenbetreuung in der Muttersprache," German- Canadian Yearbook. vol.1 (1973), pp.297; see also reports and memos collected in the Emil Kutscha Papers. MG 30 v 132 vol.4 file: Care for the Aged. Kutscha was director of the Portfolio Senior Citizen Homes of the Trans-Canada Alliance of German-Canadians. i4 See Hoyt and Babchuck, pp.65. 25In Vancouver, German elderly met in the Club Erika, a subsidiary of the Alpen Club, and they also united in the "B.C. Old Age Pensioners' Organization".  GERMAN SECULAR ORGANIZATIONS / seniors'  home  was seen as a more adequate solution.26  142  The Benevolent Society was  thus conceived in response to an obvious social and economic need among the local German population,27 and the project of building an ethnic senior citizens home serves as  an  example  of  how  a  specific  end  was  successfully  pursued  on  the  basis  of  German ethnicity. The Soceity received widespread support because it was directed at a generally respected humanitarian and ethnic purpose, because the home was of potential use to any member of the German population in Vancouver, because its fundraising methods  -  such  as  charter  flights  and  bazars  -  also  offered  direct  benefits  for  members, and because its organizers proved very efficient In contrast to the economic and benevolent organizations, German social and cultural associations had to rely almost exclusively on the symbolic power of ethnicity. As  they  were  sociability  and  competing  with  entertainment  other  Canadian  organizations  and  institutions  they tended to develop complex organizational  offering structures  that gave members the opportunity to attend theatre and dance events and to enjoy a range  leisure  activities  such  as soccer,  choral  singing,  producing  crafts for  chrismas  bazars, and evenings of chess or cards in the company of fellow ethnics.28 In pursuing this approach, however, they had to struggle with the fundamental question of what in fact constituted German culture in postwar Canada. Though their answers differed the Alpen  Club  and the Club Berlin concentrated  Society on high culture -  on popular  culture, the  -  Cultural  they shared a common resort to styles and activities that  were readily identifiable as German.  "(cont'd) Nordwesten, "Rentner schliessen sich zusammen," 23 January 1968, p.6. 26Courier, "Deutsches Altenheim wuerde sehr begruesst werden," 17 December 1964, p.ll. 27 For the position of welfare societies within the ethnic community, see Breton, pp.201; Robert F. Harney, "Benevolent Societies," Polyphony, vol.2 No.l (1979), p.2. 28Compare Baureiss,p.36; D. Sherwood and A. Wakefield, A Study of Voluntary Associations Among Ethnic Groups in Canada, (Research Report Prepared for the Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism, 1967), pp.46 found that a misture of activities, including sports and drama groups, was quite typical of German ethnic associations in Canada.  GERMAN SECULAR ORGANIZATIONS / 143 The Alpen Club, for example, adhered to its traditional Bavarian style, with folk  dance  and  folk  theatre,  brass  music,  ethnic  food,  ethnic  dress,  and  German  festivals such as carnival and Octoberfest However, these expressions of popular culture hardly reflected contemporary German social relations, styles of entertainment or forms of  cultural  identity.  developments convergence  and of  Rather,  the  culture.  modern  effects  of  Thus  in  the  social, mass  Germany  economic,  media itself  were  trends  political,  and  promoting  an  in  music,  film,  ideological international theatre,  or  clothing were increasingly measured by the standards of international industries, whereas folk dance, music, and dress were increasingly regarded as picturesque rememberances of  a  past,  idealized,  pastoral  life-style,  celebrated  in  part  to  attract  national  and  international tourists. Consequently, German postwar immigrants would often feel more familiar  with,  and  attracted  by,  mainstream  Canadian  institutions  among  which  they  could select according to personal taste and quality rather than by the ethnic culture offered in the German clubs. In  1969,  the  Courier  summed  up  the  difficulty  facing  ethnic  social  and  cultural organizations: Those who still believe that one can offer people something 'German' in an unacceptable quality and still receive appreciation and profit in return, will be painfully surprised. Those times are definitely over." In light of German immigrants' speedy acculturation to the Canadian environment and their selectivity  with  regard  to  the kinds of  entertainment they  patronized,  German  social and cultural organizations were faced with a difficult task. The quality of the entertainment they could offer was restricted by the costs involved. Thus, social and cultural societies were often discouraged from innovative approaches and, rather, adhered to old, proven forms of activities. The Courier reminded  critics of Alpen Club and  Cultural Society performances of the fact that the ethnic associations had to carry the full financial responsibility 19Courier,  of these expensive and frequently not very well  "Sind Deutschcanadier wenig vereinsfreudig?", 27 February 1969, p.ll.  attended  GERMAN SECULAR ORGANIZATIONS / events. even  Theatre when  evenings  performed  and by  concerts  unpaid  repeatedly  amateurs.30  exceeded  Such  the  financial  associations' problems,  144  resources  which  were  intimately related to the attitudes of German postwar immigrants who had relied on the  subsidized  arts  in  their  homeland,  account  for  the  rising  hopes  in  the  1960s  among many German-Canadians that the prospering West German state would increase its monetary support for German culture in Canada. The Courier also expressed this expectation: Will some of the wealth accumulated as a result of the German economic miracle possibly be used to establish a cultural fund that may well yield good dividends? International tours of theatre, opera, ballet, concert, and cabaret groups would not only prove interesting for German artists, and heighten the respect for Germany in foreign countries, but also give German-Canadian life a more solid basis.31 Many of those concerned with the persistence of German culture in Canada seem to have felt that the proper celebration and preservation of German traditions and  artistic  achievements  were  dependent  on  aid  from  the  mother  country.  Thus,  throughout the 1960s the Cultural Society requested that a "Goethehaus" be established in  Vancouver  financial  as  assistance  increased."  Such  it to  had the  requests  been  in  Toronto  (1962)  cultural  projects  organized  confirm  the  high  and  Montreal  by  the  expectations  (1963),  Cultural  and  that  Society  harboured  by  be  many  German-Canadians with respect to the entertainment organized for, not by them, and the societies' tacit acceptance of their role as cultural agents. The willingness to support ethnic social and cultural associations was apparently also linked to German-Canadians' gradual adjustment to the Canadian environment For many German immigrants, the social and psychological disorientation that resulted from the transition process may have  encouraged 'affiliation with the Alpen  Club  or  the  Club Berlin. However, with increasing length of residence in Canada such motivations "Deutsche Kultur muss teuer bezahlt werden," 12 April 1962, p.12. "Ibid. 32Nordwesten, "Kein Goethehaus fuer Vancouver," 23 June 1965; Courier, "Bockwurst und Schuhplattler kontra Goethe," 24 June 1965, p.ll. 10Courier,  GERMAN SECULAR ORGANIZATIONS / 145 diminished.  Thus,  the  membership  crises  experienced  by  the  Alpen  Club  Berlin in the late 1960s was probably attributable to three developments: away  of  loyal  pre-World  War  II  immigrants  among  the  members,  and  Club  the passing  the  progressive  assimilation of German postwar arrivals into Canadian society, and the reluctance  of  professionals and technicians among the immigrants of the 1960s to become involved in the associational life of the German community. Length of residence and integration particularly affected the attitude of young, second-generation German-Canadians toward the concepts of ethnicity and the activities offered by social clubs. They often did not speak the ethnic tongue, had only vague memories  of  the  homeland,  and  usually  identified  completely  with  Canada.33  generational gap with regard to ethnic identity was enhanced by normal conflicts,  as the  values,  concepts  of  leisure  time,  and  artistic  tastes  of  differed considerably from those of their parents. Thus, young German who  might  have  attended  some  events  at  the  ethnic  clubs  as  This  generational the  young  Vancouverites, children,  were  embarrassed to bring Canadian friends to • the clubs in their more mature years. For them, the clubs lost their important function as loci of social contact and of shared entertainment on the basis of common ethnic traditions. As with other ethnic activities and institutions, flourishing social and cultural societies were an aspect of life largely for the immigrant generation.34 Unlike the Alpen Club and the Club Berlin, the German-Canadian Cultural Society  33 K.  did  not  attempt to  define the  content  of  modern  German  popular  culture.  G. O'Bryan et al. Non- Official Languages: A Study in Canadian Multiculturalism (Ottawa: Information Canada, 1976), pp. 97. 34Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Bilcuituralism, p.110 found that Canada-wide some 11% of the Association members in German societies had been born in Canada. Compare Bernd G. Laengin, "Die Deutschen in Kanada: Eine Volksgruppe im Vakuum," Peter E. Nasarski, ed, Wege und Wandlungen: Die Deutschen in der Welt Heute, vol.2 (Berlin und Bonn: Westkreuz Verlag, 1983), p.43 on the the inability of the German clubs in Canada to replenish their membership from the second generation; also Courier, "Sind Deutschcanadier wenig vereinsfreudig?", 27 February 1969, p.ll.  GERMAN SECULAR ORGANIZATIONS / Rather, it focussed  on  German  high  culture -  German music, literature, and theatre -  what it considered  146  as the best  of  and thereby filled a gap between the folk  culture of the social clubs and the predominantly English-speaking high culture found in many Vancouver theatres, galleries, and concert halls. Members of the well-educated middle class appreciated this celebration of German artistic achievements and encouraged their  offspring  to  attend  and  even  perform  at these  events.  The  Cultural  Society  altered between amateur performances and the engagement of professionals, and between classical  and  modern  works  and  frequently  received  donations  from  friends  of  the  Society. This way it was able to keep entrance fees affordable and to maintain the support of a heterogeneous, loyal audience of Germans and non-Germans.3 5 Its efforts to  keep  in  touch  German-Canadian  with  modern  artistic  developments  among  German  artists attested to the Society's recognition that "culture"  and  and "art"  were evolving phenomena, a view which contrasted with the concepts of other ethnic clubs.36 The Cultural role  of  immigrants  Society's long-standing as  cultural  president, Eva  ambassadors  and  of  the  Karstens, Society  emphasized as  a  forum  the of  integration, not segregation. We, who are living between the cultures, experience more than those who did not leave home that enrichment that emanates from this mutual cultural impregnation. All great works of art and literature have long left the purely national sphere and have become the common property of all nations.37 Guided by this concept of culture, the Society abstained from ethnic self-centredness, featured works of  35It  other  nationalities,  and  made  non-German  audiences  welcome.  It  was important to avoid expensive performances as the German-Canadian public could prove as too unreliable. Courier, "Deutsche Kultur muss teuer bezahlt werden," 12 April 1962, p . l l 3 6Junker, p.243. Courier, "Deutschcanadischer Kulturkreis ein Band zwischen alter und neuer Welt," 6 February 1964, p.ll. Laengin, p. 42 in the early 1980s characterizes the activities and styles of most German clubs in Canada as a kind of "collective cultivation of traditions that takes places in a hermeutically sealed space." 37Nordwesten, "Jahresversammlung des Kulturkreises," 5 December 1968, p.4.  GERMAN SECULAR ORGANIZATIONS / arranged  well-attended,  open  celebrations  of  music,  their German  literature,  and  heritage, but also -  theatre  147  not  only  because they  formed part of  and perhaps  more  importantly -  because these works represented an eternal moral and aesthetic value.  As much as the concepts of culture and the activities of the various German ethnic organizations in Vancouver differed from each other, they shared one structural  feature:  as  is  the  case  in  most  voluntary  associations38,  small  common group  of  leaders and organizers managed the work and responsibiltiy involved in the clubs and societies. The open  events  vast majority usually  of  preferred  Germans to  who joined  consume  the  as members  services,  activities,  or  participated  and  in  entertainment  offered rather than taking a active role in the shaping of the organizational forms of German culture in Canada. Consequently, the caucus of leaders and organizers in any given German association exerted a crucial influence on the concepts of ethnicity and the activities and goals pursued. Typically, the idea for an ethnic organization would emerge among a small group  of  individuals  who  then  sought  to  interest  their  fellow  ethnics.  Larger  memberships and more funds permitted the development of programmes and goals, the staging of  events to attract more  members and raise more funds, and perhaps the  acquisition of a club hall. They also gave the organization a broader influence in the community. In most organizations, up to three levels of involvement can be identified: a  core  group  population  of  that  organizational  leaders,  participated  structure  may  the  membership,  in  one  way  be  examined  and or  most  a  wider  another.  segment  The  fruitfully  in  of  the  implications the  example  ethnic  of of  this the  Vancouver Alpen Club. In return  for  their membership  fee," members  of  the  Alpen  Club  enjoyed  reduced entry charges at the club's social and cultural events as well as the privilege  38John  C. Scott, "Membership and Participation in Voluntary Associations," Sociological Review, vol.22 No.3 (June 1957), pp.316.  American  GERMAN SECULAR ORGANIZATIONS /  148  of bringing guests; they had access to special activity groups and the club's Auditorium facilities; they could vote at club elections and on issues raised at the annual meeting; and they had the opportunity to become club officers and thus take an active role in the  development  and  execution  of  club  policies.  Members  often  invested  time  and  energy in the attempts of the club to preserve ethic traditions and promote sociability among  fellow  ethnics,  and  they  carried  a certain  degree  of  responsibility  for  and  identitification with the club. At  the  considerably,  same  reaching  time, a peak  however, of  565  membership and  in  a low  of  the some  Alpen  Club  150 paid  fluctuated  memberships  between 1945 and 1970. Most of the annual meetings attracted no more than quarter of the members, and on several occasions the club had difficulties filling its offices.39 In particular, postwar  immigrants were reluctant to be nominated  for office, arguing  that they were too preoccupied with their settlement and adjustment process.40 On the other hand, a wider  section  of  the local  German  population  than  suggested by the membership figures alone gave sporadic support to the Alpen Club through participation in open events and their contributions to fundraising drives. In fact,  the  club  depended  on  the financial support  of  participating  non-members  to  sustain its programmes, its special interest groups, its expensive theatre performances, its soccer teams, and its auditorium  It measured its success in terms of its ability to  organize well-attended, financially rewarding events even at times when its membership was diminishing.41 Like  members,  participants  in  club  activities  came  into  closer  contact  with  fellow closer contact with fellow ethnics, cultivated traits and traditions, gave testimony 39For example, Nordwesten, "Jahresversammlung des Alpen Clubs," 29 January 1957, p.20. 40Ibid. "See Nordwesten, "Was wird aus den Alpen Club?" 16 January 1962, p.5; Courier, "Erfolgreichstes Jahr fuer de Alpen Club," 5 February 1970, p.10. The latter articles referred to 1969 as the most successful year for the Alpen Club due its considerable financial gains, while membership stood at 312.  GERMAN SECULAR ORGANIZATIONS / to  their  ethnic  identity  and  their  place  in  the  ethnic  community,  and  helped  149 the  association to survive. Thus, one may interprete their open, informal participation as being as significant as membership.42 Yet, the participants in Alpen Club events were in general mere consumers of  the activities arranged by the membership  core;  they  could withdraw their support at any time; they took no role in shaping and expressing the functions of German ethnicity in Canada. Their committment to the association and its concepts of culture was relatively low. Because most members and participants preferred to remain passive and free to choose the kinds of activities and events in which they wished to take part, it was a  core  group  adminstrative maintain  of  and  the  leaders  and  organizational  Alpen  Auditorium,  members  work.  who  They  recruit  had  new  carried  on  the  to safeguard  members,  the ethnic press, and government  attract  agencies, and  multifold  its financial concerns, German-Canadians  their events and special activity groups, correspond and co-operate organizations,  club's  to  with other ethnic  account to the annual  meeting. Their ideas, social skills, and bureaucratic efficiency exerted a crucial influence on the club's policies, activities, financial base, and public image.43 In order for them to accept the responsibility for these numerous tasks and the great demands on their time and energy, the leaders must have harboured a high degree of dedication to the cause of the organization and to the ethnic community at large. Moreover, they must have enjoyed the trust of  others in representing  this cause, for the club not only  tended to adhere to proven, traditional forms, but also preferred to rely on established leaders.  Their  opportunity 42This  to  responsibility realize  their  was rewarded concepts  of  with the  prestige meaning  in of  the  community  German  ethnicity  and  the  in  the  approach has been taken by Ianni Lambrou, The Greek Community in Vancouver: Social Organization and Adaptation (Master's Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1974), p.130. 43See Alan B. Anderson and J. Frideres, Ethnicity in Canada: Theoretical Perspectives (Toronto: Butterworths, 1981), p.115 on the importance of an effective leadership and of the ethnic elite's interest in ethnic identity preservation for the persistence of the ethnic community.  GERMAN SECULAR ORGANIZATIONS / 150 Canadian context The  organizational  structure of  the Vancouver  Alpen  Club  appears to have  been fairly typical of other local German associations in the postwar period. Leadership positions  tended  to  be  dominated  by  a  pool  of  long-standing,  highly  respected  members of the German community.44 For example, between 1945 and 1970 the Alpen Club  elected  persons  was  association  twelve  different presidents,  drawn  from  members.  a  Many  core  of  group  these  and of  its  directory  some  directors  thirty  council  of  prominent  at times held  up  to fifteen  community  offices in  other  and local  German organizations as well. For example, Jacob Klett was a founding member of the Alpen Club and its president in 1947 and 1950; he also was first president of the Edelweiss Credit Union in 1943/44 and subsequently occupied other posts in the credit union. The postwar immigrant Kurt Maurer acted as treasurer of  the  Alpen  Club in 1955, became vice-president of the German-Canadian Business and Professional Association in 1963, and served on the credit union's board of directors between 1964 and  1975.  Bernhard  Hoeter  was  vice-president  of  the  Alpen  Club  in  1957  and  treasurer in 1967; he served as president of the Business Association in 1967 and on the credit union's board of directors in 1962 and 1963. He also acted as liason officer between the Trans-Canada Alliance and the Alpen Club in the late 1950s. Baldwin Ackermann,  secretary  of  the British Columbia  branch of  the Trans-Canada  Alliance  from 1963 to 1966, sat on the credit union's board of directors in 1959 and served briefly as Alpen Club president in 1967. Alpen  Club,  Edelweiss  Credit  Union  and  the  Business  Association  were  characterized by a rotating leadership. In contrast the Club Berlin and the Cultural Society were for many years led by their long-standing presidents, Guenther Schubert 44 "Leadership  group" refers to Vancouver Alpen Club presidents, treasureres and executives, Edelweiss Credit Union presidents, executives of the Business Association and of the Benevolent Soceiey, and the presidents of the Club Berlin and of the Cultural Society. Altogether, some forty persons holding such positions could be identified so far.  GERMAN SECULAR ORGANIZATIONS /  151  and Eva Karstens respectively. However, their presidential style also reflected the high degree  of  continuity  and  influence  in  the  leadership  of  German  organizations  in  Vancouver. As the ethnic organizations were among the most visible manifestations of the German community, their leaders were often perceived as representatives of the ethnic population and at times came to act as brokers between the minority and the host society.45 Yet, even though association leaders tended to speak with a certain authority about ethnic concerns, they were not always able to enlist sufficient support among the German-Canadian public for those projects and issues which they and their associations endorsed.  In  particular,  ambitions  of  making  public  statements  about  the  ethnic  population by trying to enlist the financial support but not the opinion of the ethnic populations as a whole, were met by  most German-Canadians'  stoic indifference or  disapproval. For example, on the occasion of British Columbia's centennial celebration in 1958, the Alpen Club engaged the local historian, Bruce Ramsey, to write an account of German-Canadians in the province, and appeals were made to the German public for support of the project The Courier urged: "It is in your interest that it is plainly shown to the Canadian public what a large contribution has  made  to  the  German-Canadian's  development  of  our  province."46  the German-origin However,  element  donations  and  willingness to purchase the 85-page booklet both fell far behind  the club's expectations, so that the project eventually came to cost the Alpen  Club  over $2,000.47 The fact that the German association leaders did not necessarily reflect the  45 See  Lawless, pp.202 who asserts that the leader is often more accepted that other ethnic individuals by the broader society. 46Courier, "Jahrhundertfeierproject des Alpen Clubs," 5 December 1957, p.9. "'Ramsey's work, which features prominent Germans in the economic, cultural, and political domains of the province as well as highlighting the role of the Vancouver Alpen Club, is the only general history of German ethnics in British Columbia.  GERMAN SECULAR ORGANIZATIONS / views of the ethnic population fountain gift  at large was also very  In 1966, delegates of  the Cultural  Berlin, the Business Association, the Tyrol and the British Columbia  Branch of  152  obvious in the case of the  Society, the Alpen  Club, the Club  Ski and Mountain Club, the Swiss Club,  the Trans-Canada  Alliance  founded the United  German-Canadian Centennial Committee and decided to present a $20,000 fountain to the  city  of  Vancouver  as  the  ethnic  community's  contribution  to  the  Canadian  Centennial.48 While the participating organizations each donated between $100 and $250 and also hoped that government assistance would be obtained, the major part of the cost had to be raised through donations. But the ethnic leaders who initiated the fountain project had acted without securing community suport in advance. Only after the proposal had been launched did the  Centennial  Committee  stress that it was very  important  for  the image  of  the  ethnic population that all German-Canadians helped to realize the fountain gift,4' that it was a means of  demonstrating  the  affection for their chosen land.50 Yet the  ethnic  and  mainstream  German  community's  strength, generosity,  and  despite widespread advertising of the project in  Vancouver  press  and  continuous  appeals  for  donations,  insufficient funds prevented the project from being completed in 1967. Only in 1971, at the i  centennial  of  British  Columbia's  entry  into  the  Canadian  federation,  was a  fountain costing $10,000 erected in front of the Queen Elizabeth Theatre.51 The limited success  of  aspirations  the and  Committee's ideas  of  appeals the  revealed community  the  gulf  leaders  which and  existed the  between  the  willingness  of  Paziflsche Rundschau, "United German-CanaEdian Centennial Committee gegruendet," March 1966. 4'Paziflsche Rundschau, "Aufruf," April 1967. S0Courier, "Ein Dank and unsere neue Heimat," 6 April 1967, p.10, Paziflsche Rundschau, "Haben Sie schon gespendet?" 5 December 1968, p.9. 51 Courier, "Stuermische Gipfelkonferenz um einen ' deutschen Brunnen," 31 March 1966, p.10; Vancouver Sun, "Council okays plaza fountain," 25 January 1967, p.22; Courier, "Neuer deutscher Brunnen soli 1971 stehen," 4 June 1970, p.10.  GERMAN SECULAR ORGANIZATIONS / 153  German-Canadians to offer their support" Association  leaders were thus in a rather awkward position. On one hand  they carried the main responsibility for their ethnic organizations and were called upon by their own group and by government agencies to take initiatives in such matters as centennial celebrations." But on the other, they had to deal with the passivity of most German-Canadians  and  their  unpredictable  support  for  ethnic  projects.  Thus,  the  willingness of some leaders to accept responsiblity for the organizational work of the ethnic  community  was probably  not  exclusively  based  upon  their  dedication  to  the  ethnic cause, but also related to their personal and professional interests. Involvement in  ethnic  societies and projects could provide  social  entrepreneurs  with benefits for  themselves, including monetary advantages and more prestige or power in the ethnic community  and  the  society  at  large.54  Leadership  offices  in  Vancouver's  German  organizations were often occupied by individuals whose engagement in the ethnic cause merits to be seen against their occupational background. For example, the  economic  interests of newspaper editors and small business-owners may well have served as an important motivation for dedicating time and energy to German associational life. The  German-Canadian  media  personnel  not  only  exerted  an  influence  on  ethnic affairs through their articles and commentaries, but in the course of the postwar period they  also became increasingly prominent in the organizations themselves.  For  example, Horst Koehler, broadcaster of German radio and television programmes, held offices in the Business Association and headed the British Columbia branch of the "In the ethnic press, the debacle over the project became knwon as the "the big well-poisoning" of the German community in Vancouver, see Courier, "Die grosse Brunnenvergiftung," 18 July 1967, p.5; "Wir Mien all, alle in den deutschen Brunnen," 7 December 1967, p.ll; "Naechste Runde - deutschcanadisches Brunnendrama," 28 December 1967, p.ll. "The Courier, "Deutsche Geschichtsschreibung - ein heikles Theme," 6 January 1966, p.ll commented on the government appeal for ethnic groups to make contributions to the celebrations: "The active work [for the contributions] will probably again be left with the leaders of the minority societies. 54Breton, p.196.  GERMAN SECULAR ORGANIZATIONS / Trans-Canada  Alliance  deeply involved Edelweiss  from  1967 to  in the leadership  Credit  Union,  the  the  Paziflsche  publisher  of  prominence  of  personnel  prominence  in the  contacts  Club, the Business Association,  Trans-Canada  Alliance,  Rundschau  ethnic  editor, was  societies  and was  and  so  radio  was  the  Baldwin  broadcaster.55  intimately  related  to  This their  ethnic community as a whole, which, in turn, derived from the  nature of their occupation personal  in  Bernhard Hoeter, Nordwesten  the Alpen  and  Ackermann,  media  of  1970;  154  with  and their perpetual  many  concern with ethnic affairs: they had  German-Canadians;  intimate knowledge of club meetings and events;  they were present at and held  an  and they published their reflections  about the state and the problems of the local and national German community. The media personnel would thus frequently appear as champions of the ethnic cause, both with regard to German-Canadians' interests within Canadian society as a whole and to the preservation of cultural traditions and strong ethnic community networks.56 At the same time, the media personnel constituted an economic group with its own professional interest in all ethnic developments. Their programmes and newspapers, and thus their economic existence, depended associations  as generators of  Canada. They  upon the continued  existence  of  ethnic  ethnic news and as proponents of German ethnicity in  also relied on the interest of  the German-Canadian  public in  ethnic  affairs and on its continuing ability to speak their mother tongue. Active involvement in ethnic associations, particularly in leadership roles, therefore not only permitted them to express their ethnic culture and meet their social needs, but also reflected part of the attempt to maintain 5 5 Wolfgang  their  economic  base and  to gain prestige  while  furthering  Junker, provincial editor of the Courier, abstained from active involvement in local club affairs. 5The fact that the freedom of the press could come into conflict with its representatives' role and responsibility in the ethnic organizations was exemplified when Baldwin Ackermann's publication of articles taken from an East German newspapers in the Pazifische Rundschau led to the interception of his Alpen Club presidency and the detachment of the Club Berlin from his newspaper. Courier, "Fuer Trennung von Club und Geschaeft (article submitted by Club Berlin), 15 June 1967, p.10; Nordwesten, "Neuwahlen im Alpen Club," 18 July 1967, p.5.  GERMAN SECULAR ORGANIZATIONS / 155 ethnic cohesion. A  combination  of  idealistic  and socio-economically  motivated  attachments to  ethnic organizations and a prominent standing in the German community at large also characterized the business people in the leadership group. Aside from those affiliated with  the  Business  and  Professional  Association,  a  considerable  number  of  small  merchants and independent artisans held offices in local German organizations.57  While  for all leaders work in associational affairs was rewarded by prestige in the German community, small business-owners had a a particular interest in playing a prominent role in the societies. For example, occupation of association officers would permit them to make business contacts, establish personal ties, and gain publicity, effects that all could yield economic benefits. Moreover, businesses that catered to a German clientele depended  on  the  persistence  of  the  particualr  ethnic  needs  and  tastes  of  their  customers, and the owners thus had a vested interest in promoting German ethnicity in Canada through their active engagement in German clubs and societies.58 Like the media personnel,- the prominence of business-owners in the ranks of the association leaders was also related Because of  to their  social  and  economic  characteristics.  their experience with business management, for example, they may have  seemed particularly  apt at administering  association assets, fundraising  drives, or the  organization of new community projects. Such skills were especially called for in the Alpen Holdings Society and in the Edelweiss Credit Union. Also, small merchants and independent artisans were often elected to office because they usually belonged to the politically conservative, average income portion of the ethnic population and thus to a  57For  example, Jacob Klett (owned tailor shop); Otto Tiedje (painting contractor), Adolf Williams (Proprietor of Carall Shoe Repairs), Kurt Maurer (owner of Hagen's Travel Service), R. P. Mervin (Owner of Intercity Motel), Rudy H. Werk (President of Werk Construction), Clarence Loehr (director of Earl's Machine Shop), T. P. Lipp (Manager of Seymour Jewellers). Of some thirty association leaders identified - aside from those in the Business Association - twelve were self-employed. 58Compare Jeffrey G. Reitz, The Survival of Ethnic Groups (Toronto: McGraw-Hill Ryerson Press, 1980), p.22.  GERMAN SECULAR ORGANIZATIONS / certain  extent  association  typified  memberships  the  social,  at  large.59  economic By  and  contrast  ideological of  the  characteristics  considerable  of  156 the  number  of  professionals among the German immigrant cohort, few became involved as members or leaders of these organizations, with the exception of the Business Association.60  The ethnic organizations constituted a crucial component of German ethnic life in Vancouver. They brought widely dispersed residents of German ethnic origin together and reinforced among them a sense of belonging and solidarity. They offered sociability and an opportunity to speak with others in the ethnic tongue, and thus a substitute for the kind of social life left behind in the homeland. They responded to members' desire to preserve their German cultural heritage and their ethnic traditions as well as meeting specific economic, social, and financial needs. Through the language used, the matters discussed, the promotion of contacts between fellow ethnics, the cultivation German  traditions and the organization of  ethnic origin,  they  helped  to  bring  co-operation  German  on the basis of  ethnic citizens together  of  a common  into  an  ethnic  commmunity system.61 On the other hand, the German organizations in Vancouver supplied a forum in  which  newcomers  environment  59Canada  could  informally  become  acquainted  with  aspects  of  the  new  Thus, disorientation as a result of immigration could be minimized and  Census, 1951-1971; the same was noted by Lambrou, p.37 with regard to the leaders of the Greek organizations in Vancouver. "Aspiring politicans are another group of individuals that might benefit from leadership in ethnic organizations. However, the German community appears to have never produced or supported an "ethnic candidate" in the postwar decades, thereby confirming the political void in the ethnic population's group consciousness. "That ethnic associations are retarding the assimilation process of minority immigrants and that their presence may be interpreted as a direct indication of ethnic community strength and persistence has been opined by a number of students of ethnicity, for example Anderson and Frideres, p.110; Breton, pp.197; Ruth Johnston, "The Influence of the Ethnic Association on the Assimilation of Its Immigrant Members," International Migration, vol.5 No.l (1967), p.147; Leo Driedger and Glenn Church, "Residential Segregation within Ethnic Groups in Toronto," Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology, vol.11 No.l (1974).  GERMAN SECULAR ORGANIZATIONS / 157 the  new  arrivals could  social  services,  would  help  promoted  receive  customs  them in  immigrants'  and  important  information  conventions,  and  their settlement process. integration into both  other In  on job pertinent  this  way,  opportunities, pieces the  the ethnic community  of  ethnic  Canadian  advice  that  organizations  and the society at  large. Recruitment into the Alpen Club, the Cultural Society, or the Edelweiss Credit Union  was,  however,  not  origin. As a result of society,  an  ethnic  consequence  of  immigrant  status  or  ethnic  the ease with which most of them integrated into Canadian  German-Canadians  through  automatic  generally  organizations  or  on  did  not  social  depend  life  within  upon  help  the  or  bounds  representation of  the  ethnic  community system. It was thus only a small portion of the ethnic population in the city that sought association with the various organizations, and most of them preferred to  chose  freely  whether  or  not  they  wished  to  support  the  events  and  projects  organized by a core group of social entrepreneurs in the community. This membership or participation in the German organizations could be sought for many reasons, only one of which may have been a desire to interact with fellow ethnics or" a belief in the persistence of a German sub-culture in the city. Through the high membership figures of the Benevolent Society and the Edelweiss Credit Union as opposed to membership and financial crises of the Alpen Club and Club Berlin or the difficult execution of such ethnic projects as the history of the Germans in British Columbia  or  the centennial  fountain, Germans  in Vancouver  showed  generally  more  interested in the financial, economic, and humanitarian benefits of cooperation on the basis of ethnicity than in attempts to organize the ethnic population on social, cultural, or political matters. This preference, in turn, reflected on most Germans' unwillingness to become visibly involved in activities that would have set them apart from Canadian society  unless  these  activities  rendered  practical  advantages  such  as a place  in an  affordable senior citizens' home, eligibility for inexpensive charter flights to Germany,  GERMAN SECULAR ORGANIZATIONS / 158 or access to credit though collateral given by fellow ethnics. The German clubs and associations were each formed by a small group of individuals who were often connected by personal ties, who employed  their  common  ethnic origin to meet social, cultural, economic, financial, and other needs, and who recruited others to join in these organizational expressions of ethnic identity and ethnic cohesion.  The  fact  that  the  majority  of  Geman-Canadians  in  Vancouver  showed  indifference toward these associational forms did not necessarily reflect their completed assimilation process or a weak sense of ethnic identity. However, participation in this aspect feeling  of  the  of  promote ethnicity.  German  sharing  the  community  a common  preservation  of  probably  culture the  and  ethnic  tended common  tongue,  to  strengthen  needs  and  to  with  and  fellow  reinforce  increase  the  Germans,  to  one's  sense  of  CONCLUSION In the postwar  era hundreds of  thousands of  German  immigrants came to  Canada in search of a new future. Their attempts to adapt to Canadian life resulted in  two  simultaneous  and  seemingly  contradictory  outcomes.  One  one  hand  German  newcomers supported existing ethnic social, economic, religious, cultural, and educational institutions  and  also  established  new  ones.  On  the  other  they  integrated  into  the  mainstream of Canadian society, apparently abandoning many of their ethnic traits and traditions. German ethnic institutions were not simply transferred from the old land to the  new, but  emerged  and  developed  in  response  to  conditions  encountered  during  settlement in Vancouver.1 German immigrants founded their own parishes in which they could pursue religious activities in familiar forms and organize social assistance. Ethnic businesses  permitted  newcomers  to  employ  their  occupational  expertise  and  ethnic  connections in establishing an economic existence in Canada and to supply the local German clientele with goods and services. German language schools tried to recruit the younger counteract  generation some  of  into the  the  German  assimilating  religious  influences  and of  the  linguistic public  community school  system.  and  to  Ethnic  organizations fulfilled a wide variety of ethnic needs, from entertainment to economic co-operation and the organization of welfare. The ethnic media served as a means of communication  between  German  ethnic  individuals  and  about aspects of life in Canada, and raised issues of  institutions, concern to  informed  readers  German-Canadians.  Finally, the ethnic neighbourhood represented an economic, social, and cultural centre of the German community. Commission on Bilingualism and Bicidturalsim, vol.4 The Cultural Contributions of the Other Ethnic Groups (Ottawa: Queen's Printer, 1967), p.110; Roberto Perin, "Clio as an Ethnic: The Third Force in Canadian Historiography," Canadian Historical Review, vol.64 No.3 (1983), p.466; for similar perspectives on German ethnic institutions on the United States, Agnes Bretting, "Die Konfrontation der deutschen Einwanderer mit der amerikanischen Wirklichkeit in New York City im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert," German- American Studies, vol.27 (1982), pp.250. 1 Royal  159  I  / Thus, German broad  range  of  ethnic institutions and the  social, cultural,  economic,  ethnic neighbourhood  and psychological  160  performed a  functions. Together  they  established a buffer between the old world and the new and could help newcomers to adjust to the new world. However, immigrants of German origin did not automatically join ethnic institutions and settle in the ethnic neighbourhood. In fact, most German postwar arrivals assimilated very quickly into Canadian life, and their low degree of participation in the ethnic community seems to indicate that they often regarded ethnic structures as of little relevance for their successful settlement To  a  certain  extent,  the  newcomers'  adjustment  to  Canadian  realities  was  mandated by law or required for the establishment of a new existence. Immigrants had to  accept  and  integrate  into  the  country's  political  system,  economic  organizations,  educational system, and urban space. They also had to acquire new linguistic abilities in order to interact with other Canadians.2 Germans' integration was facilitated by the relative absence of structural constraints in Canada,3 and by their social, economic, and cultural  characteristics.  As  a  highly  diversified  and  stratified  group  in  terms  of  occupation, education, and social status, with a considerable proportion of skilled manual and professional manpower, they arrived at a time when the Canadian economy was open and expanding. They entered the Canadian socio-economic structure at all levels and quickly achieved incomes surpassing the average Canadian level. German postwar immigrants also adjusted well to the linguistic requirements of the  English-dominated  environment  Emphasis  on  modern  languages  in  the  German  school system, the rising educational levels of German arrivals in the 1960s, and the general impact of English in West Germany as a result of military occupation and 2 Cf. Edward N. Herberg, Ethnic Groups in Canada: Adaptation and Transition (Scarborough, Ont: Nelson Canada, 1989), p.8; Tomatsu Shibutani and Kian M. Kiwan, Ethnic Stratification: A Comparative Approach (New York: Macmillan, 1965), p.55. 3 Some economic discrimination, based on their immigrant status, seems to have occurred initially in the economic sphere; as a result of the Second World War and the atrocities committed during the National Socialist era, some social and political prejudice also may have existed.  /  161  political integration after the war, gave many German immigrants a basic knowledge of English. Most of them did not need to seek the linguistic familiarity of  the ethnic  community, but in fact quickly adopted the new language for their daily use. In terms of and  social  their settlement patterns, Germans'  acceptance,  in  combination  with  their  socio-economic  housing  needs,  heterogeneity  promoted  a  wide  residential distribution over the Greater Vancouver area, particularly in the expanding suburban  municipalities.  The  traditional  German  neighbourhood  in  Vancouver  South  attracted only a very small portion of the new arrivals. Most postwar immigrants saw that it did not offer adequate accommodation, nor did they seek the ethnic solidarity and comfort the area had to offer. The facilitated witnessed  cultural  their the  similarity  widespread,  movement of  patterns through  of  Germans  individual cultural  influences exerted  to  the  assimilation.  mainstream  of  Canadian  society  Generally,  the  postwar  period  values and life-styles by  toward  more  the mass media, international  universalistic  popular  culture,  rising educational standards, and mass travel.4 This international convergence of culture helped Germans to feel somewhat familiar with many Canadians customs and cultural institutions. Contrary to earlier immigrants who had often come from rural areas and had adhered to a conservative, tradition-bound outlook, the new immigrants increasingly came from urban centres where they had already become accustomed to a cosmopolitan style of living. Moreover,  Germans'  individualistic  attitudes  toward  marriage,  combined  with  cultural similarities and their invisibility as a minority, resulted in a high proportion of them choosing exogeneous marriage partners. Intermarriage, in turn, promoted biological amalgamation into Canadian society, and religfous as well as linguistic accommodations. Immigrant churches  did not attract more  than a fraction of  the  ethnic  population.  'Stephen Steinberg, The Ethnic Myth: Race, Ethnicity, and Class in America York: Atheneum, 1981), p.56, Shibutani and Kiwan, p.474.  (New  /  162  Large sections of nominal believers among the German immigrant cohort did not seek religious guidance after their arrival in Canada, and with the exception of Mennonites, the religious orientation of those who did was usually not ethnically exclusive. Thus, dwindling fluency in the ethnic tongue, exogamy, and other aspects of assimilation led many Germans to join mainstream religious institutions such as the United Church of Canada. This religious acculturation and integration again reduced the distinctiveness of German immigrants and encouraged their interaction with non-Germans. In  addition,  postwar  immigrants  usually  were  not  dependent  on  the  social  assistance of the ethnic community. The rise of the welfare state and the high social status of many German arrivals in the 1950s and 1960s eroded the role of immigrant associations  in  individual  adjustment  and  economic  reorientation.  As  Germans  were  well-accepted and rarely faced the disadvantages often associated with minority status, they generally also did not share political objectives and gave only fledgling support to the  Trans-Canada  Alliance,  the  national  umbrella  organization  that was intended  to  guard the rights of the ethnic population. German postwar immigrants generally adjusted easily and speedily to Canadian economic and social structures and encountered little rejection from their hosts of the sort which would have forced them to take refuge within the bounds of the ethnic community. Association with fellow ethnics in German institutions was largely a matter of  choice. Consequently, ethnic organizations had to compete with other other urban  institutions which  offered religious services, entertainment, sociability, financial services,  and welfare to Vancouver society at large. The persistence of a German community in Vancouver at the same time as Germans assimilated rapidly into the mainstream  of  Canadian society appears to have been based on three interdependent factors: the role of  personal  organizations,  ties the  among ability  the of  core ethnic  group  of  structures  leaders to  and  meet  loyal the  members  basic  needs  of of  ethnic local  German-Canadians, and belief in shared ethnicity as the underlying foundation of the  /  163  community. Evidence organizations  on  and  structure5,  strongly  emergence  and  of  the the  closely-knit connections  suggests  survival  that  of  the  introduced  into  the  between  personal ethnic  those who had been sponsored  character  of  the  various  ties  were  community  leadership  components an  Chain  by their German-Canadian  community  network  by  of  important  network.6  members  within the  German  community  influence  on  the  migrants, that is,  relatives, may have been of  the  organizations  and  parishes.7 But while personal ties seem to have been instrumental in the formation and persistence  of  some  Vancouver  appears  ethnic to  structures,  have  been  the  viability  of  most  German  directly  related  to  their  ability  institutions to  meet  in  basic  economic, social, and cultural needs of members of the ethnic population. Hundreds  of  ethnic  businesses,  often  located  in  proximity  to  German  residential areas, were patronized by a sizeable German clientele that appreciated both the German-style goods offered and the ability to carry on economic activities in the mother tongue. The Edelweiss Credit Union attended to the banking requirements  of  thousands of German ethnic members. The Benevolent Society received the support of thousands of members and donors for its humanitarian project Ethnic parishes held a cumulative membership of between 3,000 and 4,000 by the early 1970s, at which point German  Saturday  membership  5 For  and  schools support  were for  attended  by  ethnic projects  approximately with  850  students. By contrast,  far less tangible  benefits for  the  example, Pastor Marx of the Church of the Cross was instrumental in founding the Cultural Society; Vancouver Alpen Club, Edelweiss Credit Union, and Holy Family Church shared many loyal supporters. 6Noel J. Crisman, "Ethnic Persistence in an Urban Setting," Ethnicity, vol.8 No.3 (1981), p.260, in his study of Danish-Americans in the San Fransisco Bay area, concluded that personal ties among the participants in ethnic associations were "the key to understanding community persistence in well-integrated ethnic populations." 7 Cf. Walter D. Kamphoefner, "'Entwurzelt' oder 'verpflanzt'? Zur Bedeutung der Kettenwanderung fuer die Einwandererakkulturation in Amerika," Klaus J. Bade, ed., Auswanderer, Wanderarbeiter, Gastarbeiter. Bevoelkerung, Arbeitsmarkt und Wanderung in Deutschland seit der Mitte des 19. Jahrhundert, vol.I (Ostfildern: Scripta Mercaturae Verlag, 1984), pp.322.  / ethnic  public  and  for  institutions  that  relied  on  the  symbolic  power  of  164  German  ethnicity and traditions was far more limited and inconsistent All including ethnic  German  structures  were  characterized  by  "ethnic  diacritical  markers"8,  language, ethnic food, emphasis on common national origin and a common  culture.  significance  Thereby,  of  their  they  appealed  ethnicity  as  a  to  German-Canadians  basis  for  engaging  who  with  believed  others  in  in  the  economic,  religious, cultural, and social activites. Involvement in the ethnic community thus would appear  to  have  been  intertwined  with  a positive  sense  correlation between involvement in the ethnic community  of  ethnic  origin.  Yet  and an awareness of  the one's  ethnic identity was far from perfect particularly with regard to postwar arrivals. The Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Bilculturalism observed in 1967: The tendency of immigrants to form colonies or ghettos has been diminishing as new immigrants have become less exclusive and more sophisticated. These same factors have probably decreased interest in ethnic associations. This may not necessarily indicate that new immigrants have become less eager to maintain their cultural heritage, but only that they wish to maintain it by other means.9 Among  many  German  newcomers,  the  cultivation  and  preservation  of  their  mother  tongue, their customs and traditions, predominantly took place in the home, within the circle of family and friends.10 The German community in Vancouver was bound together by a network of interactions  among  simultaneously community  -  system  the and  people  also  was  involved  among  composed.  the Yet  in  groups there  various and were  ethnic  organizations  institutions many  of  forms  which and  -  often  the  ethnic  causes  for  participation, and the community itself was far from monolithic or static. Organizations consisted of a core groups of individuals who* were exceptionally active in promoting a  "Crisman, p.269. 9 Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Bilculturalism, p.112. 10Cf. Courier, "Ethnisches Mosaik sollte sich nicht in Volkskunst September 1967, p.12.  erschoepfen,"  14  /  165  German sub-culture in Canada.11, and a larger group of passive members and marginal participants.  Also,  there  were  many  causes  for  involvement,  ranging  from  practical  advantages such as charter flights or access to an affordable senior citizens' home to non-material ethnic needs such as the desire to enjoy German-style entertainment or to  retain a sense  of  German  culture in  the second  generation.  Though  the  ethnic  structures were often linked to one another and at times even shared a a symbiotic relationship, participation  in one  institution  did  not necessarily  indicate acceptance  of  other organized expressions of German ethnic origin. Moreover,  participation  in  the  ethnic  community  did  not  necessarily  spring  from resistance to aspects of Canadian society at large. The German ethnic institutions and the neighbourhood as well as the personal relations formed within them, were not incompatible with successful integration into Vancouver. In fact, the ethnic community was to  a high  extent integrated  into,  and  dependent  upon,  the  institutions  of  the  surrounding society,12 and ethnic institutions also changed their approaches to ethnicity in accordance with the increasing assimilation of  their members.13  the German  membership  than  by  the  ethnic community ethnic  identity  were marked that  may  by  have  characterized  The boundaries of  and participation  rather  German-Canadians  and  separated them from other fellow citizens. Ethnic identity formed a part of the individual immigrant's personality, yet it was  not  always  operative  in  organizations. Other sources of  determining  social  behaviour  group identification, such  and  in  shaping  as sex, occupation,  social religion,  ideology, or generation, could supersede ethnic origin as the basis of association with uCf. Hermino Schmidt, "The German-Canadians and Their Umbilical Cord: An Analysis of Immigrant Behaviour and Its Implications for Canada and Germany," Peter G. Liddell, ed., Germanr- Canadian Studies: Critical Approaches (Vancouver: Canadian University Teachers of German, 1983), p.74. 12For a comparative perspective, see Steinberg, pp.46. 13For example, the ethnic parishes introduced English in their services in order to retain those members not fluent in German, such as non-German marriage partners and second generation German-Canadians.  others,  especially  as  the  cohesiveness  as  the  German  immigrant  cohort  /  166  was  not  reinforced by a high degree of residential concentration, religious monopoly, endogamy, or  discrimination. Yet, although German-Canadians were highly assimilated, they may  well have preserved a sense of ethnic identity that did not manifest itself visibly. In historical studies of  immigration  and ethnic populations, inquiry tends  to  focus either on indications that ethnic culture was transferred from the old country to the  new  and  that  sub-communities,  or  ethnicity on  served  signs  of  as  a  basis  immigrant  for  the  assimilation.  formation The  of  distinct  postwar  German  immigrants to Canada, however, cannot be located on any one point in the continuum between  the  development  of  ethnic  institutions  and  assimilation  into  mainstream  structures. Ethnic institutions proliferated in response to the various needs of certain members of the ethnic population, while successful settlement and personal readjustment to the chosen  environment also included  their ethnic traits and acceptance were thus not mutually emancipation  from  of  most newcomers'  patterns  of  some  of  Canadian ways. Ethnic identity and assimilation  exclusive phenomena.  habitual  abandonment  of  Instead, they reflected  behaviour  and  their  the  opportunity  immigrants' to  weigh  alternatives with regard to social forms and institutions, personal values, and the role of their ethnicity in the new life offered by Canada.  BIBLIOGRAPHY  1. Primary Sources  a. Government Sources and Statistics Canada Year Book. Dominion Bureau of Statistics. Ottawa: King's Printer. 1946-1972. Census of Canada. Dominion Bureau of Canada Statistics. Ottawa: King's Printer. 1941, 1951, 1961, 1971, 1981. Department of Citizenship and Immigration. Papers. 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