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Ennismore : a study of a female correctional institution Sanderson, Margo Ruth Joy 1973

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C-'I ENNISMORE: A STUDY OF A FEMALE CORRECTIONAL INSTITUTION by MARfiO RUTH JOY SANDERSON B.A., York University, 1970 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in the'Department of Anthropology and Sociology We accept this thesis as conforming to the r equ I red s taj THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA Septembe r, 1973 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of Anthropology and Sociology The University of British Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada Date ?ft ^  ABSTRACT Most studies done on the female offender have centred on problems of homosexuality. This study is concerned with female drug .addicts who have been interned in a treatment-oriented correctional institution. In doing this investigation, the focus was on two aspects: the temporal routine of the inmates and the^ matrons, and the attitudes of both groups towards: rehabilitation goals, the institution as a treatment centre, and institutional practices. The data collection was based primarily on partici-pation in and observation of the interaction between the in-mates and the matrons, supplemented with interviews of the members of both groups. It was through the participant-observation that I was able to penetrate the elements of the core culture. In this sense, the core culture refers to the complex of attitudes and practices of matrons and inmates centering around parole. Several institutional constraints seemed to be influencing the effectiveness of therapy programmes. Among i i these constraints, attention was given to an examination of: the treatment-versus-custody roles of the staff, the structure and composition of therapy groups, and the extent of inmate participation in therapy programmes. ii i TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ABSTRACT. - il LIST OF TABLES vll LIST OF FIGURES vili ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS. _ ix Chapter I. INTRODUCTION. . . - 1 The Specific Problem . . . 1 Relation with Previous Works . 3 The Larger Issues . . 4 The Scope of the Study . . . 7 Footnotes 9 Chapter II. METHODOLOGY . .". 10 Footnotes 25 Chpater III. ENNISMORE: A PHYSICAL DESCRIPTION 26 The Setting. 28 Manner and Appearance 32 The Reception Process 39 Supporting Props.. 45 Footnotes 53 iv Chapter IV. THE COMPOSITION OF THE POPULATION The Residents 55 The Staff Footnotes / -Chapter V. ENNISMORE AT WORK Rehabilitation Goals. . . . . :/ Ennismore as a Treatment Centre . . . . 84 Perception of Institutional ?ra :'. ce s. . 94 Perceptions of Sincerity Conformity/Non-Conformity li-Conclusion Footnotes 114 Chapter VI. THE PAROLE GAME IN PERSPECTIVE " 5 Resident Heterogeneity 115 Custody-vs.-Treatment Goals 118 Limitations of Resources 126 Residents and Matrons' Self-Concept 127 Staff-Role Structures 129 Prison-Treatment Combination . . . . 133 Limitations of Resident Participation . 135 Conclusion. Footnotes • i 46 Chapter VII. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION 148 Footnotes 154 BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . 15. APPENDICES I Interview Schedules . . . . I I Glossary of Prison Argot. . Ill Map of the Physical Lay-Out IV Schedule of Weekly Activities . V Check-List of Fourteen Resident Characteri sties LIST OF TABLES Table M i 1 Some Selected Demographic C h a r a c t e r i s e s of Residents 5 9 vii LIST OF FIGURES Figure ^ 1 Organizational Chart 7 1 2 Rehabilitation Process 79 vlii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Thanks are due to the staff and residents of Ennismore for their help and cooperation in making this study possible. My gratitude is also extended to the members of my thesis committee ,'R.S. R a t n e r , John O'Connor and Ken S t o d d a r t , for their helpful comments. The names of the institutions and agencies ^  which appear in the study are pseudonyms. ix Chapter I INTRODUCTION The Specific Problem The present research is concerned with describing the social organization of a female correctional institution called Ennismore - a minimum security, treatment-oriented prison for female addict/alcoholic offenders. Definitionally this social organization may be described as the interrelated ness of its subgroups of residents and matrons. At the empirical level, the existence of the social organization is determined by the enforcement of norms, rules and regula-tions by the matrons, and by the ways in which they "relate" themselves to the residents. The residents in turn respond to the enforcement procedures of the matrons, meet their expectations, and regulate their behaviour on the lines which are laid down for them; and by doing so they "relate" themselves directly to the matrons, and indirectly to the goals of the institution. These goals provide a context in which the relatedness of the subgroups can be observed to have taken place. 1 The above description encompasses the explicit, calculable, and predictable characteristics of both the residents and matrons. Among these may be included the every day activities of the residents as they go about attending the therapy sessions with matrons as group leaders, tailoring gardening, cooking, etc. There is a temporal regularity about these activities, and they are readily observable. Yet the actual social organization is much more: it contains the implicit, non-calculable, and unpredictable characteristics - the "core culture" of the institution, which remains invisible unless one has lived in it, observed it, and has had it affirmed by both the residents and matrons This core culture comprises the differential perceptions, interpretations, and compliance of each group to the rules of conduct and the behavioural expectations of the other group. What gives the social organization of Ennismore its special character is the intermeshing of these differ-ential perceptions, interpretations, and compliances, which analytically may be described as follows: (I) L o o s e l y d e s c r i b e d , f r o m t h e p o i n t of v i e w of t h e s t a f f r e s p o n s i b l e f o r its m a n a g e m e n t , t h e i n s t i t u t i o n has c e r t a i n r e h a b i l i t a t i o n g o a l s , w h i c h t h e y try to a c h i e v e t h r o u g h c e r t a i n t e c h n i q u e s c a l l e d t h e r a p e u t i c g r o u p s e s s i o n s , i n d i v i d u a l c o u n s e l l i n g , p e r i o d i c e v a l u a t i o n of t h e r e s i d e n t s w i t h a v i e w to f i n d i n g o u t t h e s u c c e s s of t h e i r r e h a b i I i t a t i o 3 p r o g r a m m e s , and t h e i r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of t h e w a y r e s i d e n t s c o n d u c t t h e m s I e v e s . T h e i n s t i t u t i o n h a s c e r t a i n r u l e s a n d r e g u l a t i o n s , r o u t i n e s and p r o c e d u r e s w h i c h s e r v e as t h e " v e h i c l e s " of t h e s e g o a l s . (2) L o o s e l y d e s c r i b e d , f r o m t h e p o i n t of v i e w of t h e i n m a t e s , t h e i n s t i t u t i o n is a p l a c e w h e r e t h e y a r e " s u p p o s e d " to s t a y , and g o " t h r o u g h " w h a t t h e y a r e e x p e c t e d to so t h a t t h e y a r e " r e h a b i l i t a t e d " in t h e e n d . W h i l e t h e y a r e "in t h e r e " t h e y g i v e t h e i r o w n p e c u l i a r " i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s " to w h a t t h e i n s t i t u t i o n is all a b o u t and w h a t t h e s t a f f is all a b o u t , and t h e y do so in t h e i r o w n l a n g u a g e . When the details of the viewpoints of inmates and the viewpoints of the staff are juxtaposed in the light of the institution's goals, rules and regulations, routines and procedures, and staff and inmate behaviours, the result is a "looking glass" social organization. This is what we intend to present in this thesis. As a preamble to this, we will describe the methodology used and provide a general description of Ennismore. Relation with Previous Works The impetus for this research was negatively pro-vided by the lack of literature on women prisoners. Compared to male prisoners, females form a small part of the jail 4 population, and perhaps because of this, the social organiza-tion of the female prison has not been given extensive consideration. During the last forty y e a r s , beginning with Glueck's study of delinquent women, 3 the few systematic studies that have been done have centered round homosexuality in women's prisons. In fact, it was 1966 before sociology addressed itself, in any major contribution, to female prisoners. In that year two principal studies of the social organization 4 of the female inmates appeared, one by Ward and Kassebaum, the other by Gial1ombardo. 5 Both of these investigations of a woman's prison emphasize homosexual relationships "as the main feature of social organization. The most recently published study, by Tittle, 6 compares inmate organization by sex, again using the theme of hombsexuality in comparing the two. Considering the absence of information, and the pre-occupation with homosexuality in studies of women's prisons, it is apparent that the area is open to sociological inves-tigation of topics other than homosexuality, which, by any standards, is not the only one worth studying. The Larger Issues The larger context of this research is provided by the manner and method with which the deviant members of 5 society are treated. The removal of these deviant members from the free community into specially constructed prisons or correctional institutions has long been a technique of social control. Concomitant with the belief in the necessity of social control, there has been a great reliance on corporal and capital punishments as a deterrent to crime. T o d a y , we still look on prisons as a normal type of punishment for criminal activity. In recent times, however, there has been a radical decline in the use of punitive measures within the prison, and a move towards the process of rehabilita-tion. When the prison system in Canada was e s t a b M s h e d , it was organized around the classical tradition of punishment and custody, based perhaps on a belief in the "badness" of human nature. This philosophy is reflected in the stress placed on such characteristics as maximum security, extreme personal deprivation, depersonalization, discipline maintenance, and the creation of social distance between the staff and inmates. The success of the deter-and-control philosophy should have been observable in a decline in the recurrence of crime. Since the recidivist rate has not declined appreciably, con-sideration has been given to a different- approach for controlling criminal behaviour. In recent years, the custodial goal has been paralleled by a trend towards rehabilitation of the inmate. Physical evidence of this trend is the appearance of minimum security institutions. But this shift of priorities remains in a state of flux because correctional authorities do not agree as to the most advisable policies and methods for "treating" the criminal. The result is a transitional period characterised by the presence of these conflicting philosophies; the custodial philosophy has not weakened in a noticeable way and the treat-ment philosophy has not crystallized into explicit practices either. Although the rehabilitative function may be stressed, still, the custodial goal cannot be completely forgotten as it exists as a part of the formally established functional struc-ture of any place of detention. The dilemma comes of the knowledge that maximization of one goal may lead to inadequate fulfilment of the other. Put in thfe words of Zald: "since rehabilitation is a vague and difficult to define criterion, continuous pressure for emphasizing control instead of rehabili-tation is implied." 7 By this standard, the custodial aspect counteracts the treatment aspect. As noted in the literature, there is ambivalence in both staff and inmates toward the concept of rehabilitation because of the conflict between treatment and dustody. The treatment philosophy suggests that the basic components of a total treatment institution are: a planned, therapeutically oriented environment and its com-plementary clinical psychotherapeutic services, and operational 7 concepts such as "structure," "individualization," "socializa-tion," "group process," "integration," and "interpersonal interaction." Yet the institutional programmes may not corre-spond to the change in philosophy in any noticeable d e t a i l s . This condition, in the first p l a c e , may be due to the newness of the mode of thought. Since many of the people in the cor-rectional field continue to follow the custodial f u n c t i o n , most institutions are still run according to this para-military fashion, that is, in their functioning the emphasis is placed on following.routines and precedents. Institutions like Ennismore would perhaps illustrate how a correctional place seeks to create a balance between custody and treatment g o a l s . Scope of the Study The scope of this research is determinable by several features. (1) It fills a timely gap in our knowledge of women's correctional institutions by concentrating on the study of one and by indicating how this institution is influencing the rehabilitation of inmates. (2) It demonstrates how the real life setting of Ennismore constitutes an "eligible" topic of systematic enquiry by differentiating between the "core culture" and overt behaviour of its inmates. (3) It attempts to bring to light the differential perceptions and verbalizations of both the inmates and matrons as they reflect on the procedures 8 and practices centering round the goals of rehabilitation. (4) It also makes a modest contribution to sociological method-ology itself by showing how written records, observations, conversations, and structured questionnaires simultaneously can be used to gain an understanding of an on-going social organi zation. 9 FOOTNOTES V. T . F . H o u l t , Dictionary of Modern Sociology, T o t o w a , N.J.: L i t t l e f i e l d , Adams & C o . , 1969. 2. C. H. C o o l e y , Human Nature and the Social Order, rev. ed., New York: S c r i b e r n e r 1 s , 1 922, p. 184. Cooley - talks about the "self" in the couplet: Each to each a looking g l a s s , -Reflects the other that doth pass. We see a striking parallel between the theory of self and the way the social organization of Ennismore emerges; hence we have used these expressive w o r d s . 3. S . Glueck & E. G l u e c k , Five Hundred Delinquent Women, New York: Kraus Reprint C o r p . , 1965 (originally published 1934). 4 . D. Ward and G . Kassebaum, Women's Prison, London: Weiden-feld and Nicolson, 1966. < 5. R. Gial1ombardo, Society of Women: A Study of a Women's Prison, New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1966. 6. C.R. T i t t l e , "Inmate Organization: Sex Differentiation and the Influence of Criminal Subculture," American Sociological Review, 34 (August 1969), pp. 492-505. 7 . M . Zald, "The Correctional Institution for Juvenile Offenders: An Analysis of Organizational 'Character, 1" Social Problems, 8 (Summer 1960), p. 60. Chapter II METHODOLOGY Since the prison community was conceived as a system of interrelated subgroups of residents and matrons, it was deemed necessary for the researcher to approach the problem through actual participation in and observation of interaction between and among the residents and the staff. Fundamental to this method is a condition of empathy on the part of the researcher. From the point of view of the inmates, along with the usual reservations, they have.a vested interest in not revealing information which could be used to remove privileges or lengthen their term of confinement. Consequently, considerable time was spent in casual inter-action with the inmates and with the staff, before any pointed questioning took place. Hence, this informal interaction formed a part of the methodology, and served the purpose of breaking down distrust and building up rapport. It was through conversations during these periods of daily exposure to various settings that I gained an'understanding of the subtleties of the workings of Ennismore. While both residents 10 n and staff may have tended to over-emphasize some aspects of the organization, conversations were still the best source of information on what happens in the institution. Initially, I went to Ennismore to study informal leadership in a treatment-oriented prison. The nature of this study was to follow the lead of Grusky, 1 and Berk 2 in their respective studies on the institutional function of informal 1eaders. In order to become acquainted with the resources available locally for female offenders, I consulted the B.C. Director of Corrections Annual Report. On the basis of that information, which indicated the existence of a minimum-security treatment institution nearby, I consulted a personal friend, who used to be the Senior Medical Officer for the B.C. Corrections Branch. He indicated that the place in question, Ennismore, was being directed by a woman whom he had known personally for many years, and who'would, in all probability, agree to such a study. He advised that if I wanted more specific information on the facility, I should contact the Women's Social Work Agency, which does the social work for Enni smore. From the Social Worker for the prison, I learned some of the basic facts about the functioning of the institution; some days later she arranged a meeting with the Senior 12 Correctional Matron, and allowed me to accompany her to Ennismore on her weekly visit. The first day I was invited by the Social Worker to sit in on her interview sessions with the residents. This afforded me the opportunity to learn about the role of a social worker in a prison, and also to meet a few of the residents. The Senior Correctional Matron showed immediate interest in having me 'do them' and granted immediate permis-sion. Permission was obtained from the Warden, to whom she is responsible.. She spent considerable time showing me around the buildings and introducing me to some of the residents and staff. When introducing me to the residents, she introduced me by my family name, the customary name used among both residents and staff, and as an explanation of who I w a s , she said that I was a university student who would be writing about Ennismore, and that the residents would be seeing a lot of me and should feel free to ask me any questions. She assured me that I would have the support of the staff and that she a n t i c i p a t e d cooperation from the residents. For this meeting, I had prepared a list of questions concerning such things as a description of the prison population (stability, range and average length of stay); inmate housing arrangement, balance between custodial and treatment orienta-tions; organization of the prison; inmate classification system; and the existence of a recognizable hierarchy among 13 the inmates. From this information, I concluded that Ennismore was a suitable setting for the proposed study. The balance of the day was spent in casual conversa-tion with the staff and residents. (Ennismore refers to its clientele as residents, however, throughout the study inmates and clients will be used synonymously with residents.) While talking with the residents, I memorized and later took note of some particular feature which would enable me to remember their names on my next visit. Interestingly enough, it so happened that one of the girls from Ontario shared a common friend with m e . However, for the time being, I chose not to reveal my acquaintanceship with him since he was a member of a motorcycle group in my home town in Ontario, and I was uncertain as to the staff response to such associations. Later I did mention that I knew him, and she accepted the fact that in the small town where I had known him, all of those who rode high-powered motorcycles knew each other, regardless of affiliation with an organized group. The subject was never discussed with the staff, and I was never approached by a member of staff concerning the acquaintanceship. On my next visit, I was given access to resident records, hence, I set about the task of gleaning background information on the personal history of the residents. There are two major files kept for each girl; the first is the pre-sentence report, which includes such information as details 14 of the current complaint against the resident, the family history - both parental, and marriage where applicable, educa-tion, work experience, previous court history, and a treatment evaluation. This report is completed by a probation officer from the area where the resident was convicted. The second file is the progress log, which contains a face sheet giving age, civil status, race, nationality, creed, usual occupation, education, vocational skills, known use of alcohol, known use of narcotics, type'of sentence, previous admissions, duration of sentence, offence for this admission and locality from which resident came. For those residents who have been sentenced to Lockton, there is a section called the orientation^! unit evaluation. Lockton is the maximum-security prison where all except those committed under the Summary Convictions Act (an alcohol charge), are housed 1 until Classifications decides on an appropriate setting. Ennismore is the only alternative resource for females at the present time. This unit evaluation is completed by the matron assigned as a counsellor to that resident, and outlines briefly the salient points in the prisoner's background which have preceded the current arrest. Much of this information is a capsule summa-tion of that found in the pre-sentence report. For the Young Offenders, a psychiatric examination is carried out, and a brief report included in the unit evalua-tion. Other residents may see the psychiatrist if they request 1 5 to do so, or if doubt has been expressed about their mental health. Otherwise, the log is used to record any significant information concerning the daily life-space of the individual. Any staff may make notations but it is the responsibility of the assigned counsellor to coordinate the available informa-tion such that a fairly accurate history can be kept. The residents are not permitted to see the log. Where judgements must be made concerning the resident's behaviour, it is impor-tant that this judgement be as objective as possible since it is this account which is reviewed when the resident is eligible for parole. As a research technique, reviewing the records served several functions. It provided a profile of the resi-dent population and gave insight into everyday prison concerns such as rule infractions, how the resident is seen by the staff and other residents, and w h a t , if any changes have occurred in her attitude and behaviour as a result of the institution's attempt to effect changes in her behaviour. This information, together with that gained from conversations with the staff and residents, and from observation of and participation in the interactional situations and everyday activities of the organization, provided a sensitive under-standing of the structure and functioning of Ennismore. While these sources of data are to a large extent subjective, their subjectivity is compensated for, in part at least, by 16 my construction of two interview schedules: one for the residents, and the other for the staff (Appendix I). Some of the information obtained from these interviews was coded in systematic fashion. Initially, the questioning took the form of a loosely drawn body of questions focussing on issues that would lend insight to informal leadership, the research issue originally conceived. Specifically, these questions concerned the nature of the treatment programme, the reward/punishment system, resident adjustment to Ennismore, leadership among the resi-dents, and resident attitudes towards staff and programme. From the answers to these questions plus the information gained through observation and informal rap sessions,' it soon became obvious that informal leadership was not the real issue to be pursued. Several factors supported this findings. Very early in the questioning, both the matrons and the residents mentioned that getting parole is of primary importance to the residents. Further, they mentioned that certain structural conditions exist which facilitate the residents in their efforts to attain parole. Briefly, these include knowledge of what is considered acceptable behaviour, how this behaviour is judged in terms of conformity standards, and how these standards relate back to getting parole. Concerns such as these were evident in the members' views of all aspects of the functioning 17 of Ennismore. The existence of strong, enduring leadership patterns were not apparent to the staff; hence, it became clear that there were other issues which deserved a t t e n t i o n . M o r e o v e r , although one might expect that cliques would form around a l e a d e r , the cliques at Ennismore were not formed according to a leadership f u n c t i o n , but rather, according to similar background and personality compatibility. In the words of the residents: A lot of us know each other from the street3 so when we meet here3 if we like eaeh other3 we hang around. . . .; We hang together for mutual support; .the matrons play games with your head, . -- so you hang together and play games with them so that they .can't tell when you're being real and when you're being phoney. Another added: The parole game is the deciding factor between who has to play the biggest game3 and who doesn't. With the evidence at hand, and the above quotation as a lead, the emphasis of the research shifted to questions regarding 'the parole game'. The- term parole game refers to the manipulative tactics of the residents to convince the matrons that they are deserving of a parole release. At this point, the focus of the investigation became an analysis of the factors account-ing for the presence of the parole game. By the admission of both staff and residents of the existence of a parole 18 game, it becomes evident in a conceptual sense, that the sources of the parole game stem from a treatment/non-treatment dilemma. This dilemma implies inconsistencies in the inter-pretation of the treatment goals at the operative level. With the identification of the more relevant issues, the research task then became one of constructing a battery of questions focussing on the treatment/non-treatment dilemma. In the meantime, further observation and participation con-tinued, and by the time the data collection was complete, three months had passed. For the first two months, visits to the prison were of one and two-day duration. During the third month, sixteen days were spent actually living at the'prison. This particular sixteen-day live-in period was chosen because during that time there were few releases planned, so that stability of population sample was 'virtually assured. The total time spent at the prison was thirty-four days. Some attention needs to be given to the development of rapport with the residents. When I was new to the residents, I avoided asking them questions which would be considered 'classified' information for anyone except another resident. Rather they asked who I was, and what I was doing. The resi-dents knew that I was a sociologist, but the nature of the study remained vague to them. It was described simply as an exploration into the social organization of a prison for female offenders. It should be added here that.at the outset of the 19 study, it was agreed that any information gained from either the staff or the inmates, either in conversations or from the interview s c h e d u l e s , would remain confidential during the data-collection stage. The finished report would present information only in aggregate f o r m , and no individual member would be identified. In communicating with inmates, I chose the usage of the prison argot as a means of penetrating the subculture and identifying with it. This language necessitated some adaptation on my part, but many of the terms were already a part of my vocabulary through prior knowledge of deviant groups. A glossary of some of the prison argot which was utilized in this study appears in Appendix II. In interacting with the residents, I made myself visible in every area of a c t i v i t y , that is, the work a r e a , the group counselling sessions, on escort off the g r o u n d s , during hobby and craft activities, during recreational p u r s u i t s , on the dorm, and in the dining hall. By spending time e v e r y w h e r e , I was exposed to all of the r e s i d e n t s , and they in turn got to know m e . G r a d u a l l y , they did come to trust m e , even to the extent of revealing confidentialities to me that would have netted grave consequences should the staff come to know. The predisposition of the residents to discuss their attitudes and behaviour was combined with an appropriate interviewing situation which offered privacy from other residents and from staff. These factors are important in understanding why it 20 is possible to conduct an inquiry into attitudes and behaviours in a setting where official knowledge of deviant behaviour might be cause for exercising punitive sanctions. During the first part of my visiting p e r i o d , I inter-acted equally with the residents and the staff: however, for the 16-day live-in p e r i o d , I identified almost exclusively with the residents. This was necessary in order that the residents would be less preoccupied with the distance between myself and them. A l s o , during this time I wore clothing similar to theirs, sat only at their dining t a b l e , followed their daily schedule, moved from room-to-room for rap s e s s i o n s , and left the grounds rarely except under escort. This did produce good r e s u l t s , for instance, conversations centered around problems and concerns arising from the group's identifi-cation with a unique inmate s u b c u l t u r e , rather than around the who and why of my position. Whenever there was a crisis in the unit, I was included as an in-group m e m b e r , and became subject to the same code of solidarity and maintenance of secrecy. On the other side, the staff side, I was also included in the exchange of information concerning both resident and staff m a n e u v e u r s . Much of this assumed utmost confidentiality also: from this the precariousness of my position in the institution can be appreciated. Also during this period of residency, I carried out the interviewing of both staff and residents. The inverviews 21 with staff members took about one hour each, and were conducted privately. With the residents, the minimum time spent on each interview was one hour; the range was one hour to two and one-half hours. Although I had a body of questions to ask, if the resident became involved in talking about something that was of value for research purposes, I did not interrupt her. A g a i n , these interviews were done privately. For the most part, I tried not to interrupt the girls during work hours; however, some interruptions in routine became necessary because of the tight scheduling of the daily activities. Re-cording of this interview information was done in w r i t i n g , partially verbatim and partially by paraphrasing. In considering the responses of the entire group interviewed, both residents and m a t r o n s , it is difficult to determine the degree of correctness* in replying to the questions. To some degree, veracity may be judged by the type of informa-tion given. In the case of the residents, for those women who had been involved in illicit activities during their stay at Ennismore, or who planned such involvement after their release, information was given about these activities even though it was self-incriminating. For instance, those girls who had knowledge of the method of bringing contraband into the unit, talked about these techniques and activities quite unhesi tantly. 22 With respect to the matrons, they would openly discuss with me topics such as: their hunches about the resi-dents' deviant activities, future plans of a resident, and matron tactics of finding out what is happening among the residents; also, I was allowed full access to the residents' progress logs. In addition to the confidentiality factor, another indication on the part of the staff of my acceptance there was my being asked to escort a resident to work one morning. As well as the above-noted data collection m e t h o d , my procedure involved taking extensive field notes. Usually I would record those occurrences I wanted to preserve- when I returned to the privacy of my room. In doing field w o r k , I have been aware of the possible effect of my own presence on the behaviour of the members involved; 3 however, I feel that I was a part of the organization long enough for my presence to be taken for granted. Each day I participated in a different area, and throughout my stay there, I was free to go where I pleased. I had persons among both the staff and residents who might be considered as 'key informants', namely those with whom I developed closer associ-ation than with others, and who supplied me with information about some of the prison's hidden features. It was this kind of information w h i c h allowed me to penetrate more deeply into some situations than would have been possible otherwise. For 23 instance, those members who perhaps initially showed reluctance to trust me would soon do so when they discovered that I already knew about it. Most residents and staff talked freely about their attitudes and feelings. For a number of residents, it appeared that the interviews provided an opportunity for catharsis of a nature which was not otherwise available. The same reason may apply to the staff insofar as they were able to discuss' adequacies and inadequacies of the correctional system in general, and-of Ennismore in particular, to someone who was not a part of the institution, but who knew something about correctional philosophy. As a researcher in a correctional institution, my position was not without binds. Although it was understood by both staff and residents that I would not pass information between the two groups, still, when certain crises took place in the unit, some members from each group attempted to elicit information from me. For instance, when several girls took nocturnal excursions off the premises, some matrons were cruious as to how much I knew about this activity, and some residents were anxious to know the exact nature of the infor-mation which the matrons had on this activity. As a researcher I was bound to a position of neutrality, however difficult it may have been to convince each group that this was my position. In handling situations such as this one, my 24 consistent tack was to remind them of my position, and ulti-mately, they seemed to understand. A second bind is that of avoiding identification with one group or the other. This required that a balance of time be spent with each group, and that within each group, I move among the members equally, rather than settling into a clique. By doing this, it was hoped that the members of each group would see me as being interested in the views of everyone, rather than a selected few. 25 FOOTNOTES G r u s k y , "Organizational Goals and Behaviour of Informal Leaders," American Journal of Sociology3 65 (July 1959), pp. 59-67. Berk, "Organizational Goals and Inmate Organization," - American Journal of Sociology, 71 (November 1 9 6 5 ) , pp. 522-534. S. and C.G. Schwartz, "Problems in Participant Observa-tion," American Journal of Sociology, 60 (January 1955), pp. 343-353. Chapter III ENNISMORE: A PHYSICAL DESCRIPTION A rehabilitation institution attempts to create a physical environment in line with the goal structure of a therapeutic community, 1 which stands for the following: In order to return inmates to society at large in which men live in "small family groups, in ordinary dwellings, under normal conditions affecting their basic needs of nourishment, w o r k , play, and other human relationships," they need to be accustomed to the advantage of such living by providing them with similar conditions. When we consider a rehabilitation institution which will fit the needs of tractable offenders and be in line with the goals of a therapeutic community, some general charac-teristics can be outlined: 2 (1) The over-all atmosphere which is conveyed by the personnel, the programmes, and the archi-tecture is one of normal conditions - in the conventional sense of the words - where some mutual trust and cooperation have replaced the old prison discipline. (2) The group principle is reflected in housing, dining, recreation, and 26 27 other relevant activities. (3) Inmates are expected to partici-pate with staff in the duties and responsibilities of running the institution, with the staff always in control. (4) Security is primary but not the ultimate goal . (5) Some confusion might exist as to the balance between custody, security and treatment, and the authority and obligations of the staff. However, responsible living should be apparent. (6) Emphasis on creating normal living conditions is shown in the architecture. Housing units consist of one or two storey buildings and divided into units containing a small number of inmates. Facilities for individual counselling, group recreation, group discussions, and group dining areas, are provided. The extent to which these characteristics fit and describe an institution.1ike Ennismore, will become clear in the following pages. The external appearance and location of Ennismore create an impression of open spaces allowing for freedom of movement. The one-storey structure of the buildings indicate a move away from the monkey-cage cells of old prisons, that is, the resi-dents share dormitories rather than live in cell-blocks. They work with matrons to maintain the place. They go off grounds to visit the library and for dental and other needs. For conceptual purposes, and in order to provide a detailed account of the physical characteristics of Ennismore as a correctional institution, Goffman's delineation of front 28 and its constituents of setting, appearance, and manner may be used. 3 While his account originally provided a framework for analyzing the presentation of self, it can be extended to the analysis of institutions (e.g., Ball's study of an abortion clinic). 4 In the case of Ennismore, the front operates to generate an environment in line with the rehabilitation philosophy, or more directly, with the conception of a therapeutic community. The focus as maintained by staff and the programmes which they initiate, is on resocialization of the residents. The same focus, by extension, is reflected in the physical structures, opera-tional facilities, and routines, which in turn serve "to meet the needs of the residents for nourishment, work, play, and relationships. However, each of the constituents of front, setting, appearance, and manner need to be given detailed attention in order to show how these blend together and provide the spatio-temporal regularity to the activities of the resi-dents and matrons as they engage in rehabilitation-oriented tasks. The Setting Geographically speaking, the setting at Ennismore con-sists of the physical layout, furniture, decor, the scenery and other background items which supply the "stage props" for human 29 action within it. This setting is the appropriate place for the residents to initiate and terminate their action according to set schedules as they engage in their life-sustaining acti vi ties. Ennismore is located in a valley amidst beautiful, bucolic landscape. It is a farm setting, and as such, a large barn stands to the east of the unit complex. Fifty head of hereford cattle stand feeding in an open lot; these cattle are fed everyday except Sunday by the male prisoners from Riverside, the parent institution, located some five miles from Ennismore. (This unit is a minimum security alcoholic treatment facility for men and has a capacity of 150. The Warden, responsible to the Director of Corrections, is officially in charge of hoth the parent institution and Ennismore, the satellite facility for women. However, in the case of Ennismore, day-to-day decisions are handled by the senior correctional m a t r o n . Con-sultation with the Warden is necessary in matters such as work passes, home v i s i t s , visits to other institutions, and parole plans. All material supplies, finances, and mail come from or through Riverside.) On Sunday the females tend the herd, and the poultry flock of about 800 chickens is the sole re-sponsibility of the women; they f e e d , m u c k , and gather the eggs. Feeding and egg-gathering are done daily, while mucking (cleaning out chicken waste) is done every Monday. The inmates regard mucking as the most despicable of all these tasks. 30 The building complex is framed by a f o r e s t , with wide expanses of green fields and lawn in front of the unit. Shrub-bery follows the front perimeter of the buildings, and a tri-angular bed of tulips decoreates the y a r d . A large parking lot faces the front of the buildings, and before that, a crudely-outlined baseball diamond is visible. A large vegetable garden is viewed to the w e s t , and in a separate area, potatoes are planted. ' A low fence surrounds the perimeter, but appears to be there to discourage trespassers more than it is intended to deter prisoners from leaving. In this physical lay-out of buildings and the work-areas, it is evident that the minimal emphasis is being placed on the custodial or security"needs which is in line with the goals of a therapeutic community. The front gate, also low in height, is locked only from mid-night to eight in the morning. This practice was apparently started because of rowdy nocturnal visitors. When the hobby hut, the dining hall, and the tailor shop are not in use, they are locked. The main unit is locked at 8.30 p.m. The only doors which are locked consistently are storage rooms, those leading to the medical clinic, and, when no staff is around, those leading to the staff office. During the night, a watch-dog is brought into the office/dormitory building as a further security measure. Another protective practice used at night is radio contact with the parent institution via short-wave radio. This is done when the midnight shift arrives. 31 The complex is comprised of four main buildings - the office/dormitory, the dim* ng-hal 1 /ki tchen , the tailor shop, and the hobby hut. The hobby hut consists of two large rooms, separated by a folding partition. The building is basically a multi-purpose one, as evident from the trappings - several shelves of books (the prison library), a television, a stereo, exercise equipment, a piano, assortments of tables and chairs, and a blackboard. Regular activities which occur there include group counselling sessions, the Padre Hour, church services, classroom work, and various and sundry social gatherings. It can be seen that architecturally, the effect of the building complex is to reduce the demand for elaborate medical, recre-ational, and industrial facilities. The residents are housed in a long dormitory which is a part of the main office compVex. There are two wings, called north and south wing, separated in the middle by a passageway leading to the office part. Each wing has a laundry room and large washroom and there are three to four women per room. When a resident is first admitted to Ennismore, she is assigned to any available room, then, after she gets to know the other residents, she may arrange with her counsellor to be moved to a different room. Although the available materials are limited, residents are permitted to decorate their rooms as they wish, hence, one finds the walls adorned with magazine cut-outs, art work, and photographs. About half 32 of the rooms have radios which have been donated. When the girls are not involved in a scheduled activity, they are free to move about the dorm, or walk around outside; while outside, they must stay within sight, that is, in front of the buildings, and within specified grounds boundaries. The office wing has two storage rooms, two interview-ing rooms, two washrooms, a medical clinic and medical supply room, the senior correctional matron's office, and the general front office. Immediately inside the main door is a vestibule where the arts and crafts are displayed. From the highway, the overall physical structure looks much like a country residential school. A map of the physical lay-out appears in Appendix III. Manner and Appearence Manner may be taken to refer to those aspects of resi-dents and matron's behaviour which indicate the role each is expected to play in any situation. The residents are expected to work diligently and they do, while the matrons supervise and give commands; their demeanor is professional in the sense that they are representing the institution; most often they act in a reassuring and supportive manner and are not stand-offish; at times they might enter into a verbal exchange with the residents, but this aspect is not uniform, depending upon 33 the way the matron has. internalized her official role. The residents, on the other hand, conduct themselves in a task-oriented manner; they have to pace their movements, perform the work cycles, and complete the jobs assigned to them. Their verbal exchanges among themselves provide them with an interlude of relaxation. When they are addressed by the matrons, they know that they are expected to show respect for the matron's position, in answering. Appearance at Ennismore may be taken to refer to those aspects of activities or performances by which the participants' social statuses can be determined. These activities or per-formances indicate the individual or groups of residents' temporary ritual states, whether they are engaging in formally required activities, work, or informal recreation; further, they indicate whether the individual or groups of residents have entered a new phase in their life-cycle at the institution. The visible differentiation between the status groups at Ennismore occurs through the type of clothing. The items of dress of the residents while working on the farm, gardening, ground-maintenancing, and tailoring, are jeans and a yellow tunic, while the supervising matrons wear slacks and a blouse. While the residents work in the kitchen, they wear kitchen smocks, and the supervising matron, a white uniform. While at the front desk, the matrons wear a grey skirt, a blouse, and a navy blue jacket with a B.C. Corrections crest. Other than 34 the visible items of clothing, there is the difference in age in the two groups; most of the girls are younger, but as there is a turn-over in the resident population after a certain period of time, age becomes a relatively weak determinant of differentiation between the groups. What would differentiate the two status groups rather strikingly is the temporal routine which they follow. The resident population may range in number from seventeen to forty-five. At the time when the study was under-taken there were forty-three residents. All of them participate in each work area; assigned duties include the farm, gardening, grounds maintenance, cooking, tailoring, housekeeping, and laundry. Like non-treatment prisons, Ennismore also follows the practice of having the residents carry out the physical management of the institution. In this sense, these duties are referred to as custodial "needs." These are tasks which must be completed in order for the organization to continue. At the same time, they are regarded by staff as a parallel to the responsible participation in work which society on the outside regards as valuable. Most of the week is spent in the work programme; for their labour, the residents receive fifty cents per day as good conduct pay. Approximately four hours per week is spent in group therapy. Another two hours are spent in the Padre group, and the weekly one-hour Alcoholics Anonymous meeting held at 35 the prison is compulsory for the alcoholics and open to everyone else. This meeting is conducted according to the twelve-step programme format, and is led by any two members, whether inmates or outsiders. A.A. members, both men and women, from the local community, are invited to attend; likewise, any member of the prison community is welcome. The leader may ask any of those in attendance to stand before the group and tell about his struggle with alcohol problems, and the role of A . A . in his' life. Occasionally, the A.A. group attends an outside A.A. meeting held in the local community. The padre counselling, led by the Protestant minister, is split "between the A.A. group and the young offenders. With the A.A. group, he follows through on the spiritual emphasis of the A.A. twelve-step programme. In the case of the young offenders, he encourages the residents to talk about matters of relevance to their present position, i.e., how they came to be drug addicts and what they plan to do with their lives. The padre feels that, because he does not represent the staff, the residents are more apt to relate to him on a sincere level. He does not divulge any confidential information to the staff, since this would break the trust rapport which he has established. He also does individual counselling on request. A typical week's schedule of resident activities is provided in Appendix IV. 36 Each day begins at 6:30 a.m., with breakfast at 7:00. Lights-out occurs at 10:00 every night, with the exception of Saturday, when the girls are given an extra hour. On Sunday morning, the residents are allowed to sleep until 9:00 a.m. Meal times are at 7:00 a.m., 12:00 noon, and 5:00 p.m., with coffee breaks, called nourishment, at 10:00 a.m., and 3:00 p.m., and 8:00 p.m. For meals, the seating arrangement is fixed. The rationale behind arranged seating is to make easier the task of taking the count. The dining hall is a large, rec-tangular room with windows on both sides, and the kitchen at one end. There are four tables along one wall, and three tables along the other wall, with a separate table for staff"piaced some distance from the closest resident table. There are about six girls at each table, three on each side, and extra places are set at the wall end of each tab'le for staff and visitors. During meal-times, the staff sit with the girls, at any table of their choice. The procedure is different for the nourishment time. The residents are free to set where they please, and the staff sit at the staff table. Usually the matron taking the count calls out the girls' names. Meals are sit-down service, with the food being passed in large serving bowls. Each table has its own share of food; if one table runs out of an item, it asks another table for whatever portion they are unable to use. Counts are taken at every meal, at nourishment, at every 37 shift change, at lights-out, and twice during the night. For all counts except those taken in the dining hall, a staff member goes around, locates each girl, and notes her persence. There are three shifts for the staff: 8:00 a.m. to 4:00 p.m.; 4:00 p.m. to midnight, and midnight to 8:00 a.m. The senior correctional matron works a straight 8:00 a.m. to 4:00 p.m. schedule; the two principal matrons work the morning and the afternoon shifts; and all others serve all three shifts. For the morning shift, there are five matrons on duty; four for the afternoon, and two for the night. Shift changes are made once a month. For the residents, the hours of work are 8:D0 a.m. to 3:30 p.m. However, the actual time spent in the work area depends on the nature of the task. The only assignment which follows these hours explicitly is the tailor shop. It operates as a small-scale factory, supplying a stated quota of clothing to other institutions and to its own population. Some of these items include mens 1 work shirts, red jackets, jeans, tunic-tops, kitchen smocks, bath robes, night-gowns and pyjamas. The tailor shop is open on Saturdays and closed on Mondays. The scheduling is arranged this way to accommodate week-end staffing, and to create a Saturday activity for those girls who work in the tailor shop. On Monday the tailor shop workers are assigned as extra help in each of the other work areas. Oper-ating the tailor shop on Saturday creates hostility for those 38 assigned to it because Saturday is an easier day for many of the others. Scheduling of activities such as baseball becomes difficult since, in order to be fair to the girls in the tailor shop, no games are organized on Saturdays. For the other work areas, the hours of work vary, and the rule seems to be that when the work is done, the resident has time to herself. When she leaves the work area, she must report to the matron in charge, telling her where she is going. Each resident is assigned to one work area for two weeks; the tailor shop is a two-month assignment as it takes time to learn how to operate the sewing equipment; moreover, the tailor shop is considered an area where a skill can be learned. In addition, several girls have a second-overlapping task. These include two breakfast cooks, two Sunday cooks, three for a Sunday chicken crew, one for a Sunday housekeeper, one for Sunday laundary, and three for nourishment. Sometimes these extra duties are given as punishment for non-conformity or mis-conduct; for instance, breakfast cook and Sunday cook are punish-ments for refusing to get up in the norming, or for making noise after lights-out; nourishment is a catch-all punishment for many behaviours including talking back to a matron, making noise after lights-out, not doing a task properly, and being late consistently for programmes. Other duties which might be dealt out as punishment include: scrubbing the boot-room, polishing boots, gathering cigarette butts, cleaning garbage 39 out of the ditches, sweeping the road, and sorting library books. The Reception Process The reception at Ennismore begins with the arrival on Wednesday mornings of an Ennismore matron at Lockton. The new resident is escorted to Ennismore and taken to Room 5 of the north wing of the dorm; here the admitting procedures take place. When the girl arrives, she is wearing her street clothes (institutional clothing worn at Lockton is left there), and she has with her the personal effects which she had on admission to Lockton. First, the matron in charge lists all these items, and everything except tobacco, candy, gum, shampoo, some cos-metics, and personal letters, are itemized, signed by the matron and the resident and shipped to Riverside for storage until she is released. It was interesting to note that various bottles of pills were placed unchecked in a plastic bag and kept, to be returned to the resident upon release. Apparently these were not checked at Lockton, either. Another point of interest about the admitting procedure is that the girls are allowed to leave the room, unescorted, during this time. Many of them have friends at Ennismore, and so, visiting may be allowed in the dorm hallway, and in the rooms. From this it would seem that the girls are not suspected of bringing in the contraband from Lockton. Most of the new 40 arrivals are still wearing street clothes when they go for lunch. After the listing of the items is finished, they must remove all of their clothing and place them in a large bag, to be laundered and stored. They are then issued institutional clothing which includes underclothing, jeans, sweat-shirts, socks, runners, and a nightie. Towels and bedding are stored in unlocked cupboards adjacent to the washrooms. The residents are assigned to rooms, work areas and 'grouped' for counselling sessions; an individual lay counsellor is assigned to each. The reception process is concluded with a brief description of the rules and regulations of the house. These house rules list the daily routine, specify appropriate conduct, and state the grounds limits. The matron then delivers the personal effects to Riverside and files the admitting papers there. The manner in which the "welcome' procedure for resi-dents are initiated and completed, with the midpoint of induc-tion into the new routines, resembles what Goffman would describe as "trimming" or "programming." 5 There is a need for the staff to obtain initial cooperativeness from the new in-mates in their face-to-face contact, which would be a sign that they will take the new role of a pliant inmate. In stripping the inmate of her possessions, by replacing them with uniformly distributed outfits, the institution recognizes that separa-tion from possessions would not have too adverse an effect on the inmate's adjustment to her new role. Further, the new 41 o u t f i t s , though they belong to the institution, do not carry any institutional badge marking them off from those which can be seen on the outside. Thus the "rites of the passage" carried out at Ennismore do not stigmatize its residents, which stands in contrast to the stripping, c u r t a i l i n g , and defacing pro-cesses which Goffman has observed in total institutions. 6 At Ennismore all programmes are directed first toward assessing the inmates' a t t i t u d e , skills, and sense of respcrn-sibility, and then redirecting these attitudes. For the drug a d d i c t , this means working toward a successful transition from an addict way of life to a way of life in which she has adopted socially accepted v a l u e s . According to the srtaff, the main treatment emphasis is on group therapy sessions, where the technique called reality therapy is used. Perhaps the method used is best described as gtiided group interaction, a phrase used by M c C o r k l e 7 in his study on group therapy with offenders. In guided group interaction the leader is active in discussion, and plays a supportive, guiding role. This tech-nique assumes that the mutual give-and-take of group discussion will give the inmates some insight into why they became addicts; consequently, the relationships encountered and the material presented would contribute to the inmates' struggle for adjust-m e n t . Residents, as a result of interaction and communication, develop ways of relating to one another that makes possible the 42 analysis of behaviour patterns. Out of this, hostile and aggres-sive reactions appear, and the leader must be skilled in handling these reactions. The usual practice in this situation is to turn them back to the group for discussion, and thereby direct the participants to some analyses of their personal involvement in the issues. The group leaders are staff m a t r o n s , and as such, the residents tend to distrust them. They know that if they were completely honest in the group sessions, any consistently negative messages will be interpreted as lack of adjustment, an indication that further treatment is necessary. The girls who are trying for parole are not likely to risk this, hence, a lot of what is said in these sessions is said to facilitate a good parole report. The young offenders (those 17-23 years of age), are grouped according to type of sentence (definite and indefinite). Type of drug used, previous admissions, or actual offence, are not considered in grouping the residents. At this point in time, because of the small number of alcoholics, the alcoholics and miscellaneous - the name given by the institution to those over 23 who may or may not have a dependency - are grouped together. No other factors are con-sidered for this group. There are usually 10-12 residents in each therapy group. For the young offenders, every six weeks the group members do an evaluation on each resident, which focuses on a check-list of fourteen personal characteristics 43 (Appendix V). Using a four-point rating scale ranging from poor to above average, the group members discuss and reach an agreement about where that resident fits on the scale. A list is made of the resident's assets and liabilities, and some statement made about her attitude, and output and quality in the work area. The assessment concludes with recommendations for her consideration. Also, the group leader makes a notation at least once a month for each group member. For parole pur-poses, a great deal of weight is placed on her assessment of the resident. Attendance at group therapy sessions and school super-sedes the work responsibility. At the time of the study, fourteen residents were taking courses. An outside teacher comes in to instruct on Monday and Friday from 12:30 - 3:30. Her actual teaching is primarily id English and Mathematics; however, she aids those taking correspondence courses as well. The range of subjects being studied includes: foods and nutri-tion, art, home furnishing, English, mathematics, creative writing, book-keeping, law, history, and childcare. On Monday and Thursday, evenings from 7:30 - 10:00; five girls attend typing classes at a local community high school. The residents have access to the local community library and each Saturday, several groups of about six each are escorted to the library. Everyone goes to the library every second or third week. They are free to choose whatever reading material they prefer. The prison also has a small collection of books mainly fiction. 44 Once a w e e k , about six girls are involved in volunteer work with a.local residential school for retarded children. One week, the children are brought to the prison where the residents involve them in painting and playing games. Every alternate week, the residents are escorted to the school to take the children swimming. This activity is particularly enjoyable for those residents who volunteer as they have an opportunity to swim. Participation in this programme is volun-tary, though every resident is encouraged to try it at least once. Five nights a week, for those who are not involved in any other scheduled activity, hobbies and crafts are x o m p u l s o r y . Included in these pursuits are such items as beadwork, custom leatherwork, knitting, crocheting, embroidery, copperwork, painting, sewing stuffed animals, quilt-making, and geometric design work. Most of the finished items are sold to visitors and staff, and the money put into .a general fund to be used for the purchase of more craft materials. A portion of the money is alloted to an entertainment fund for the purchase of party items such as pop and potato chips. Parties are arranged around holidays, Christmas and Easter. Each week there are two services held, one Catholic, the other Protestant; attendance at these is voluntary. 45 Supporting Props Within this category are included additional personnel and institutional practices which support Ennismore in attempt-ing to achieve its rehabilitative goals, and tend to show its dependence on other related establishments. The Social Worker from a local women's society spends all day Thursday at the unit; she sees residents by appointment, either at their request or at the referral of a member of staff. Basically, her duties include interviewing all new residents,, and writing an assessment of their adjustment to the institution and its programmes. She includes in this assessment any other information that may help the staff in planning for fhe resi-dent's stay at Ennismore. Other concerns include supplying moral support, checking on the placement of children, contacting legal aid for appeals, etc., assisting the girls with release plans, and delivering clothes to Ennismore from church dona-tions. These clothes are used for trips off-grounds, or in the case where none of the institutional clothing fits a resident, she may be allowed to wear those collected by the Social Worker. There is one girl on a daily work-pass, and she is allowed to wear her personal clothing. She is driven to work in the local community two miles from the prison, by a member of the staff, and is driven back by her employer. Home visits are allowed only at Christmas. (Since the time of the data collection, the prison has extended the use of work-passes and home visits.) 46 In order to control for the possible use of drugs during her leave, urine tests are compulsory upon return to the prison. The prison doctor, recruited from the local community, spends every Wednesday morning at the prison. He sees all new admissions and others at their personal request. Psychiatric consultation is available on a referral from the medical doctor. Should hospitalization be required, the resident is admitted to the local hospital. During her stay there, her visitors are not restricted, and a visiting matron does not wear her official uniform, thus concealing from the other patients her identity and the resident's identity as prisoner. Canteen orders are taken once a week, and the resident is permitted to spend $2.50 per week on personal items such as cosmetics, shampoo, candy, gum and tobacco. The resident is required to save fifty cents per we<ek, and this amount auto-matically goes into a fund to be held until she is released. There may be special events planned, such as Saturday night television, short courses on first aid, exercise pro-grammes, and occasional outing for attending plays in the community, organized baseball games, a live-band dance, and during the summer, swimming in a nearby lake may be permitted. For residents who have husbands or boy friends in a nearby prison, they may be permitted .monthly escorted visits to that prison. This privilege is contingent upon the staff's assessment of the advisability of encouraging further communication 47 between the couple. These visits are supervised by the matron and are not conjugal in nature. Letter-writing is permitted to anyone of the resident's choice except in the case where the staff deem it to be in-advisable for her to maintain contact with a particular person. She is allowed to write as many letters as is permitted by her counsellor. All outgoing and incoming mail is censored by her lay counsellor. Censorship includes not discussing staff or other residents in the unit, refraining from the use of excessively profane language (determined by the counsellor), and security consideration such as contraband and escape.-Further, three months must pass before she can write "to anyone in Ennismore. One of the girls who had given birth to a baby boy was allowed to attend the christening service for her child. Temporary placement of the child was arranged with a local family, and the family would bring the baby to the prison almost every week for a visit. Regular visiting hours are every Sunday from 1:00 to 3:00 p.m., and on holidays during the same hours. The visits take place in the dining hall, under supervision. Private, supervised visits are arranged to accommodate special circum-stances, or where the staff feel that the visit should not be allowed in a group setting such as the Sunday visit. In this case, the visit takes place in a small interviewing room in the 48 office complex. The door remains open, and a matron is within sight. Visitors are advised to phone before they arrive, but if they don't do so, they are usually allowed to see the resi-dent anyway. The procedure on visiting day is for a male officer from Riverside to be present during visiting hours. He usually remains in the office complex, his function being to handle difficult visitors, should the need arise. All visitors must report to the main office, where they are required to sign a register giving their name and address, stating the time of arrival, who they are visiting, and their relationship to the resident. When they leave, they must sign out. Admissions to Ennismore come from two sources - those sentenced to imprisonment whose primary problem appears to be alcoholism or drug addiction (this group was selected for transfer from Lockton to Ennismore'by Central Classifications), and those committed direct by the courts on confirming orders, following medical certification, under the provisions of the Summary Conviction Act (alcoholics). At the time of the study, only three entered the prison directly from the courts. Initially, Ennismore was set up as a treatment centre for female alcoholic offenders, but during the fourteen months prior to the commencement of the research, there had been a marked switch over from an alcoholic population to an addict popula-tion. Ennismore has very little to say about the prisoner types which are sent to its facility. Clients are sent to the 49 institution by the decision of the Corrections Classifications Department, which may or may not make this decision on recom-mendation from the courts. There seems to be little communication between Ennismore and Classifications; that is, while Classifications may consult the Senior Correctional Matron at Ennismore on returning a resident who had previously been to Ennismore, it seldom, if ever, consults Ennismore on a new girl. The Central Classification Panel, located at Lockton, interviews all admissions to Lockton and can recommend their transfer to any correctional centre in the province. Those inmates who are sent to Ennismore are low security risks and are now usually drug addicts in the young offender category. Although there has been no official statement concerning the matter, it is speculated that there may be a complete phasing-out of Ennismore as a resource for alcoholics. This decision seems probable in the light of two considera-tions: (1) alcoholics are being referred to resources other than the correctional institutions, and (2) the demands made on one institution to develop programmes to suit the very dif-ferent needs of these two groups are too exacting (this is especially true at Ennismore with a small staff and limited capacity). Of those who are classified to Ennismore, there are two types of sentences - definite and definite-indeterminate, the latter are widely referred to as indefinites by members of 50 the correctional b r a n c h , a label which we will also use whenever referring to this category of inmates. With respect to apply-ing for parole, the 'definites' are handled through the National Parole Board in O t t a w a , and the 'indefinites' through the British Columbia Parole Board. The responsibilities of the two Boards are somewhat different. In the case of the definite sentence, application for parole is done by correspondence, directly to O t t a w a . The girl may fill out parole papers anytime after her arrival at the p r i s o n , and the unit evaluation done by the staff-is filled out at the direction of the counsellor responsible for the resident; usually the minimum time allowed is one month after the resident has arrived at Ennismore. At that t i m e , the completed set of information is sent to Ottawa; sometimes the Board does not inform the resident of its decision until two to three months "have passed. It is this long waiting period which discourages many girls from even applying for National parole, especially if she is serving not more than six m o n t h s . M o r e o v e r , this Board does- not submit any reasons for its decision to deny parole, hence, there is considerable concern as to the consistency in the decision-making of this' Board. With both the staff and residents, there is a feeling of detachment from the National Parole Board; they describe it thusly: "Parole seems to be granted on a regional quota name-drawing basis." 51 Contact with the British Columbia Board is direct. Parole papers are completed by both the staff and resident, and are filed in advance of the scheduled meeting. Both the resident and her counsellor appear before the Board panel, con-sisting of the Chairman and two members. This panel meets once a month at the prison. The difference between this Board and the National Board lies in the principle of the definite-indeter-minate sentence, that is, with the indeterminate sentence the resident must serve the definite term of sentence in the insti-tution. At the end of that period, she is evaluated, and if she is deemed ready for a return to society, parole is granted, if not, there is sufficient elasticity in the indeterminate period for her to remain in the institution. If she is paroled out at the end of the definite term, she is under supervision for the duration of the indeterminate period. Thus at the point in time when the prison feels that the inmate is satis-factorily rehabilitated, all other things being equal, the inmate would be paroled. In some sense, the function of the British Columbia Parole Board is to decide, whether in fact, the correctional centre has accomplished all that can be done for the inmate and that a workable plan for her return to society is in evidence. 8 In this case, the decision is given on the same day as the hearing, and the girl is released within a matter of days. If parole is denied at the hearing, the Parole Board states its reasons for denying parole, and the resident 52 works on those deficiencies which have been outlined. When the matron-counsellor feels that the situation has been rectified, the resident goes before the Board again. This second hearing can be as early as one month from the first hearing. However, with strong supportive statements from the unit evaluation, plus the resident's ability to create a positive impression during the interview, she is almost certain to be granted parole. Hence, the feeling of greater personal involvement surrounding the parole of the 'indefinites' becomes apparent. During the time of the study, Ennismore obtained its own parole off-icer, who works at the institution three days per week, and as such, is able to become familiar with those girls who will be paroled under her supervision. This includes those from the greater Vancouver area who are paroled under B.C. Parole. The major portion of this official's activity focuses upon work and educational programmes, realease and after-care planning. Close contact is maintained with field offices and such agencies as the National Parole Service, Children's Aid Society, Canada Manpower Offices, Indian Affairs, and various half-way houses. 53 FOOTNOTES H. Gill , "Correctional Philosophy and Architecture," Journal of Criminal Law3 Criminology3 and Police Science3 53 (September 1962), p. 318. Ibid., p. 314. E. Goffman, The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life, New York: Doubleday A n c h o r • B o o k s , 1 959 , pp. 22-30. D Ball, "An Abortion Clinic Ethnography," Social Problems 14 (Fall 1 966), pp. 293-301 . E " Goffman, Asylums, New York: Doubleday Anchor Books, 1961, pp. 14-16. Ibid., pp. 20-34. L M c C o r k l e , "Group Therapy in the Treatment of O f f e n d e r s , Federal Probation3 16 (December 1952), pp. 22-27. B.C. Director of Corrections Report, 1971, p. 42. Chapter IV THE COMPOSITION OF THE POPULATION The population of the institution includes both in-mates and staff. In describing the inmates, information will be given regarding certain demographic characteristics; where relevant, some selected characteristics will be discussed in relation to their implications for treatment programmes. It should be added here that this data is based on specific infor-mation taken from the residents' records during the time I was living in the prison. For the most part, the information as found was taken as being accurate. < The exception to this is the inclusion in the interview schedule of questions regarding type and length of sentence, and offence committed. These questions were included as a check on the accuracy of the file information. The second part, dealing with the staff, includes a description of the job classifications, a statement of the length of service of each matron employed with Ennismore, and a list of the previous occupations of the staff. 54 55 The Residents At Ennismore, 70% (30) of the resident population of 43 fall into the category of young offender, that is, 17-23 years of age. Seven are aged 24-29; three are 30-36; two are 37-4-5; and one is 53 years old. The three 37 years of age or over represent the alcoholic segment of the prison population. Of the total number, 65% (28) have never been in prison before; an additional 19% (8) have been in prison once before; 9 % (4) have been admitted on two other occasions, and 7% (3) have served three other sentences. Of the total population, only two have been in Ennismore before; both of these residents have been admitted three times before, and both are alcoholics. All but five of the 43 residents are in prison because of offences related to the sale and/or use of narcotics. Thirty-three are classified as being drug addicts, and of these, 28 are users of hard drugs; the remainder (5) are considered habitual users of hashish or marijuana. There are three alcoholics in residence, and the remaining two have no depen-dencies, but rather, seem to be there for lack of a reasonable substitute. One had defrauded the welfare department, and the other had forged cheques. The following is a breakdown of the offences for which prisoners were admitted. (The total number of offences exceeds the population number because all of the stated offences were listed, and one resident may have multiple offences listed against her.) 56 OFFENCES FOR WHICH PRISONERS WERE ADMITTED (a) Crimes against the person A s s a u l t c a u s i n g b o d i l y h a r m C r i m i n a l n e g I i g e n c e (b) Crimes against property B r e a k i n g a n d en Fa I se p r e t e n c e s t e r i n g 3 F o r g e r y - ? F r a u d - __ _ - ^ z R o b b e r y ' T h e f t u n d e r $ 2 0 0 4 (c) Crimes against public morals and decency _ o P r o s t i t u t i o n (d) Crimes against public order and peace • C h r o n i c a l c o h o l i c ( s e c . 6 4 A ) S u m m a r y C o n v i c t i o n s A c t 3 E s c a p e ' B r e a c h of P r o b a t i o n O r d e r / P a r o l e / F a i l i n g t o A p p e a r 13 N a r c o t i c a n d D r u g A c t O f f e n s e s 2 8 - T r a f f i c k i n g , ' 8 - p o s s e s s i o n ' ® P o s s e s s i o n of o f f e n s i v e w e a p o n 1 The classification system for the offences reported is that of the Department of the Attorney-General, Corrections Service. In all, fourteen different crimes are represented. Twenty-five residents are serving sentences ranging from two to seven months, while the remaining eighteen are serving 8 months to 2 years less a day. The highest frequencies occur in s e n t e n c e durations of 3 and under 6 months (11 resi-dents); 6 and under 8 (12 residents); and 12 and under 18 (10 residents). Two are serving 18 and under 24, and two are 57 serving a sentence of two years less a day definite and two years less a day indefinite. Twenty-six are serving a definite sentence and the remaining seventeen are serving indefinite sentences. In considering accumulated length of time spent at Ennismore by the residents at the time of the collection of data three had been there less than one month; twenty-four had served 1-3 months; fourteen - 4 to 7 months; and two had been there for 9 months. When civil status is taken into account, 20 are single 9 married, 4 living common-law, and 10 separated or divorced. Ten inmates are mothers. All are Canadian by nationality, and several ethnic groups are represented: 31 are Caucasian; 9 are Canadian Indian; one is Oriental-Caucasian; and one is East Indian. Twenty-three give their religion as Protestant, six-teen Roman Catholic, one Jewish, and four declared themselves to be atheists. Considering education, two are illiterate, three have partial grade school, seven have completed grade school nine-teen have partial secondary education, and the remaining twelve have completed' grade 12. Only nine have a vocational skill (dietary work, nursing, nurses aide, keypunch operator, dress-maker, hairdresser, custom leather worker, legal secretary, and coupier). Under the category 'usual occupation,' sixteen report none at all; nine do waitressing; three are clerks; and six are 58 involved in the following semi and unskilled occupations: factory worker, cook, janitoress, telephone operator, model (non-pro), and exotic dancer (non-pro). Twenty-three are from Greater Vancouver, eleven from Vancouver Island, and nine from the interior of British Columbia. (The names for places refer to those where the resident was residing at the time of her arrest.) - A summary of the residents' demographic characteristics has been provided in Table 1. 59 Table 1 (Continued) SOME SELECTED DEMOGRAPHIC CHARACTERISTICS OF RESIDENTS AT ENNISMORE Characteri sti cs Frequency AGE: Years 1 7 - 2 3 30 24 - 29 ' 7 30 - 36 3 37 - 45 2 .46 & Over 1 N = (43) PREVIOUS ADMISSIONS: (number) None 28 One 8 Two 4 Three 3 N = (43) DURATION OF SENTENCE: (months) 2 and under 3 2 3 " " 6 11 6 " " 8 12 8 • " " 1 0 3 10 " " 12 1 1 2 " " 1 8 10 18 " " 24 2 24 and over 2 N = (43) (CONTINUED) 60 Table 1 (Continued) Characteristies Frequency ACCUMULATED TIME SPENT AT ENNISMORE: (months) Less than a month 3 1 - 3 24 4 - 7 14 9 2 N = (43) TYPE OF SENTENCE Definite 26 Indefinite 17 N = (43) ^ CIVIL STATUS Single 20 Married 9 Common Law 4 Separated/Divorced 10 N = (43) ETHNICITY 32 Caucasian Canadian Indian 9 Ori erital -Caucasian 1 East Indian 1 N = (43) CREED 22 Protestant Roman Catholic 16 (CONTINUED) Table 1 (Continued) Characteri sties Frequency Jewi sh 1 Athei st 4 N = (43) EDUCATION None 2 Partial grade school 3 Grade school 7 Partial secondary 19 Grade 12 12 N = (43) USUAL OCCUPATION None 16 Wai tressi ng 9 Clerk 3 Vocational skill 9 Miscellaneous 6 N = (43) LOCALITY FROM WHICH RESIDENT CAME Greater Vancouver 23 Vancouver Island 11 Interior B.C. 9 N = (43) 62 The following characteristics need further comment because of their relevance to the treatment programme: age, previous admissions, type of offence, type of addiction, dura-tion of sentence, and type of sentence. To begin, rehabilitation implies the substitution of "socially acceptable values" for anti-social values. A major factor in this resocialization is the necessity for an inter-meshing of the staff and inmate cultures. The idea behind • this is that in order for a change in inmate identification and values to occur, there must be interaction based on human warmth and supportive relationships. 1 To extend the discussion further, it can be said that one would expect that anti-social and anti-organizational attitudes would perhaps be less cry-stallized for young offenders than for older, adult offenders; therefore, the institution would have a greater effect on the younger ones. In the case of Ennismore, it has been noted that 70% (30) of the residents fall into the category 'young offenders' (17-23 years of age). Of these, only nine have ever been in prison before; seven had one previous admission; one had two admissions; and one had three admissions. From these figures, it can be seen that the majority of the young offenders (21) have never experienced prison life before. According to Zald, 2 these residents would be more malleable than recividists or older, more sophisticated inmates. The homogeneity of this group is further enhanced by the fact that all thirty are drug addicts. 63 The inter-relationship between age and previous admis-sions is multi-faceted. For one thing, other inmates are a major socialization agent to newcomers to the institution. Considering the total prison population, fifteen have been in prison before. Their presence could be instrumental in influ-encing at least some of the first offenders. The argument implicit here is that repeaters could have developed more anti-social values than would be true of first offenders. Since the younger ones are more amenable to change, they could be influenced by the repeaters. They are involved in informal interaction daily, and it is during this time that inmate socialization occurs, whence inmates would learn about be-haviours valued by the other inmates and the possible "deviant motivation" behind those behaviours. In this sense, deviant motivation denotes the latent intention of the resident to attain a personal goal. This goal can be in opposition to that intended by the institution. For instance, a resident may start taking a course to create the impression that she is learning a skill, whereas her reason for doing so may really be to avoid being assigned to a work area since educational pursuits take precedence over work routines. The type of offence has special significance for the treatment centre. It has already been mentioned that 38 resi-dents are in prison because of offences related to the sale and/or use of narcotics. Of these, 28 are serving time for 64 N.C.A. (Narcotics Control Act) possession or for trafficking in narcotics. This represents a very unique challenge to the correctional system. At the present time, no method has been developed for dealing with the addict offender. Drug addiction is a specific problem, and as such, drug addicts need to be given a focussed, intensive treatment. Yet so long as this problem remains under the auspices of the legal system, there are inherent constraints on the treatment accorded an addict. That is, not only is she considered 'sick' in the medical sense, but she is also considered criminal in the legal sense. This intersects the custodial-treatment dilemma. Not only must her addiction problem per se be dealt with,-but she must also be resoci ali zed into the acceptance of a value system which negates the whole drug subculture, and concomitantly, be 'punished' for having borken the law. Consequently, decisions which may be advisable therapeutically may also undermine the rules of the penal system. The Staff In order to round out the picture of the institution, it is necessary to offer some description of the staff at Ennismore. There are five job classifications represented at Ennismore, and a staff of 18 matrons. The titles and the corresponding number of staff in each category is given below: 65 senior correctional matron - 1.; principal matron - 2; correc-tional matron - 8; security matron - 3; and temporary matron - 4. The senior correctional matron has been with corrections for 19 years, and has been in charge of Ennismore since it was opened in 1966. Her main function is administrative; she is in charge of the unit and is directly responsible to the Warden. Her other responsibilities include supervision of the two principal matrons, doing probation work, court reports, a n d ' B.C. and National Parole Reports; acting as a contact person for community resources, i .e., attending the public library, arranging night school off the grounds, attending community plays, etc.; liaison with the social work agency; the 'inter-viewing and coordination of volunteer workers, and communicating with other correctional institutions and officers in the cor-rections service. Generally-speaking, the every-day, total functioning of the institution is her prime and ultimate responsibility. Of the two principal matrons, one has been with cor-rections for 14 years, the other for 10 years; both have been at Ennismore since it opened 7 years ago. They too are involved with other staff in an administrative capacity. They supervise the correctional, security, and temporary matrons, and do a yearly evaluation on them. They schedule the work days and time off for all of the staff. Other duties include: develop-ment and coordination of programmes for the residents, super-vision of group therapy, filling in wherever necessary on the 66 unit (replace other matrons when required to do so), assuming the responsibility of the senior correctional officer when she is away, and supporting the other staff in their positive endeavours. One of the two principal matrons also leads a group (the alcoholics and native women), and writes reports on the resident's functioning in these sessions. The other matron is not involved with the residents, except in the case where a resident might request to speak to her about a problem; then she is available for counselling. Neither of the principal matrons act as lay counsellors. There are eight correctional matrons, five of whom have been with Ennismore since it was opened in 1966,'one has served six years, another five, and the last has been with corrections for six years, and with Ennismore for one. In order to become a correctional offfcer, the matron must have been in the service for at least two years, must have super-vised in at least two different work areas, and must attend a six-week training course at the staff training academy. At the end of this course, she must complete a qualifying exam conducted by a corrections branch panel, located at the train-ing academy. As part of her position, she is capable of taking charge of the unit if none of the other more senior staff is in charge. This would entail being responsible for the pro-gramme and discipline, and making sure that the next shift is covered. She must be capable of filling in any position on the unit, and she works all shifts. Lay counselling is done by 67 the correctional matrons. Briefly, each resident is assigned an individual counsellor, called a lay counsellor. In this capacity, she is the chief communication medium for her counsel! In the case where the resident wants to settle locally, she may arrange post-release job and residence plans. She would check on her counsellee once a day and arrange a private meeting with her at least once a week. For these people, she does parole papers, and ensures that all relevant data is put into the log file. For all of the residents, she must be available for problem intervention and counselling. It is important to note here that while a resident is encouraged to confide in her assigned counsellor, she may speak with the counsellor of her choice if she feels more comfortable talking to a different matron, or if her counsellor is not available. This arrange-ment provides an alternative in the'event that the counsellor/ resident match is incompatible, and also ensures that there is always someone around who can help the resident in a time of crisis. Correctional matrons also serve the following functions: escort the residents off-grounds, teach crafts, instruct in work and living areas, sometimes shop for special items such as art and craft materials, make immediate decisions but refer to the senior matron when necessary, and dispense medication. One of the correctional matrons is the full-time instructor and supervisor in the tailor shop. Some of the correctional matrons describe their role in the following ways: 68 We work as a part of a team to counsel} teach3 motivate} and supervise; it is our duty to fill the residents ' time in a meoMingful fashion; the whole gambit of personal and emotional involv ement; everyday interaction oriented towards effecting a positive change in attitude and behaviour. Leaders for the group therapy sessions are usually recruited from the correctional staff. At the time of the study, only two of the correctional matrons were group leaders. The next staff level is that of- the security m a t r o n . Of these, one has served 7 y e a r s , one - 4 y e a r s , and the last, one y e a r . The matron with seven years of experience is also a group leader. Usually, a security matron is in the learning process of becoming a correctional m a t r o n , hence she is con-sidered junior to the correctional m a t r o n . Usually, a security matron would not be in charge of the unit, however, in the case of a person having, for instance, seven years experience, she would be allowed the responsibility of at least the night shift. Her title suggests security, but at Ennismore, she works as a part of the rehabilitation team. As such, she is also involved in lay counselling, instructing, and supervising. For her counsellees, she would do the same as the correctional matron. The last staff classification is that of temporary matron. One of these matrons has been with corrections for .69 eleven years, and with Ennismore for seven of those years. The reason for her low position is that she was a correctional matron, but withdrew from corrections for several years-, during that time, she lost seniority, and so, became classified in a lower category. However, because of her experience, she assumes the responsibility for the unit when serving the mid-night to 8:00 a.m. shift. Officially, a matron is considered temporary for six months, however, two of the four are classified as temporary because there are no openings for security matrons. One mcitron has been with Ennismore for ten months, while the remaining two have served two and a half and three months respectively. The temporary position is the first level of training, and the first shift would be the graveyard (midnight to 8:00 a.m.). On this shift, they see the residents only between seven and eight in the morning. It is recommended that they spend a portion of the time on this shift consulting the more senior matron serving the same shift, and also that they read the resi dents 1 files. The matron would remain on this shift for about one month, then she would be moved to a position as relief matron where she would do two days on one job and two days on another. In preparation for these assignments, staff are given general instructions' and left to learn on the job. These matrons fit in where needed, and the two with more than six months experience also do lay counselling. All of them supervise work areas, and all are available for .70 consultation should a resident request it. All of the staff can make notations in the daily log and the progress log; however, where qualitative judgement must be made about a girl's behaviour, it is felt that the temporary matron with less than six months experience should discuss this with a senior person, and not take the sole responsibility for her statements, When the temporary matron first begins at Ennismore, she attends an orientation programme at Riverside where she is given general information about the custodial and treatment functions of Ennismore. When the senior correctional matron has decided to retain the temporary matron on staff, she will encourage the matron to register for the initial training programme at the training academy. For-visual convenience, an organiza-tional chart for Ennismore is presented in Figure 1. A succinct description of-the ideal role of all cor-rectional staff is provided by one of the matrons: Be an understanding, warm, sincere, but an authoritative, knowledgeable, ethical, well-trained leader, maintaining always good custody and high morale (both staff and inmate), ever remembering the corrections philosophy and also aiming to the goal of her charges. Records concerning the personal work history and evaluations of the staff were not made available to the researcher because they are regarded as confidential by the B.C. Corrections Department. T h e r e f o r e , specific information on the background of the matrons is not available. However, previous employment Figure Organi zational Chart » .72 includes such occupations as the following: nursing (registered and practical), X-Ray technician, dental assistant, air radio operator, office workers, dressmaker, and housewives. Accord-ing to the Senior Correctional Matron, previous employment is not an important criterion in hiring at Ennismore. Evidence of community involvement and group work are stressed as being helpful indicators of potential for working with the residents. .73 FOOTNOTES 1. Mayer Z a l d , "The Correctional Institution for Juvenile Offenders: An Analysis of Organizational 'Character'," Social Problems, 8 (Summer 1960), p. 64. 2. Ibid., p. 65. 3. Ibid., p.. 66. Chapter V ENNISMORE AT WORK A description of the organization of Ennismore re-quires a description of the "parole game" which emerges in -the ongoing activities that the institution supports, although, paradoxically, the parole game is not by any means something for which the institution has been designed. In an analytical sense, the parole game is a label which is applied b y either the matrons or the residents or by both the groups, to certain covert aspects of the totality of activities in which they as a group engage on a day-to-day basis. Put in the words of Eric Berne, "a game is an ongoing series of complementary ulterior transactions progressing to a well-defined, predictable outcome. Descriptively it is a recurring set of transactions, often repetitious, superficially plausible, with a concealed motivation. Games are clearly differentiated from procedures by two chief characteristics: ii 1 (1) their ulterior quality and (2) the "payoff." By itself, the parole game is a complex of attitudes and behaviours originating in the context of the organizational 74 .75 practices and the interpretation of these practices by the residents and the matrons. What is seen by the matrons as co-operation with their treatment programme is interpreted as "going along" by the residents, for the purpose of displaying "good" behaviour and a responsive attitude so as to create an impression that they have the ability to function according to the standards set by the institution. Once the residents have been successful in creating such an impression, they have made themselves "entitled" to parole. Their good behaviour and responsive attitude to the treatment programme is taken by the matrons as an indication of the residents' preparedness for parole; what goes on in the minds of the residents is' something covert which the institution cannot reach. The word parole game, then, implies the acting out of the institutional expec-tations by the residents in their day-to-day behaviour in the prison, with or without commitment to the larger goals of rehabilitation. As the residents engage in the organizationally prescribed routines and show overt conformity to the various therapy programmes, their behaviour is interpreted, to all intents and purposes, as being commensurate with the expecta-tions placed on behaviour, of the organization. The matrons who interpret their behaviour as such might have a feeling that the residents are lacking in commitment to the therapy programme, but they are unable to match commitment with overt behaviour one-to-one. Hence they are inclined (or we may assume they are), to interpret resident behaviour as "game" .76 behaviour, that is, behaviour which is required in a m a n i f e s t form, but which is by no means sufficient for the realization of rehabilitation goals. In a theoretical s e n s e , what the above description stands for is a balance between the self-reports of both the matrons and the residents of their perceptions of what Ennismore is all about: their perceptions criss-cross at various points and levels as they engage in the institutionally required regimen of daily activities. The balance of the self-reports of the matrons and residents emerges not as the difference between h and T 2 , a simple equation suggesting subtraction or m u l t i p l i c a t i o n , but a somewhat detailed description of the following areas on which the present investigation has been conducted: (1) perceptions of the goals of rehabilitation; (2) perceptions of Ennismore as a treatment centre; (3) per-ceptions of the institutional practices; (4) perceptions of sincerity; and (5) conformity/non-conformity and the concomi-tant rewards and punishments. Each of these sections is re-lated to the o t h e r s , and when taken together, demonstrates how the parole game is inextricably related to, and emerges w i t h i n , the context of the social organization of Ennismore. The data in this chapter are based on the responses of 43 residents and 18 matrons to questions relating to the areas outlined above. .77 Rehabilitation Goals C o n c e p t u a l l y , rehabilitation is both a goal and a process. As a g o a l , it is an ideal aimed towards abstension of the resident from drug behaviour. In more deterministic terms, the rehabilitation goal means following a "straight" way of life consistently after the residents have left the institution, that is, following a mode of life which is not at variance with the larger society. Drug addiction includes somewhat more than "addiction to drugs"; rather, drug addicts are seen as having a host of secondary attributes. Characterisations of (street) addicts include characterological assessments of the individual which are unrelated to the conception of drug addiction as a 'disease'. Thus, while the (street) addict can be talked about as a 'sick' -person, he can also be talked about as an 'immoral' person, a person 'who can't be trusted. 2 At Ennismore, the matrons describe' them as being "insecure," "having a poor self-image," "selfish," "lazy," "cunning," "shrewd," "untrustworthy," and "1acking in motivation." The following examples are illustrative of some of these attributes Most addicts are arch con artists. They con on the street to get drugs3 and they con in here to get parole; The addicts tell you that they get a kick out of drugs; .78 they like the euphoria of drugs. They say that most matrons don't know what is going on because they've never used. The addicts just go with the programme, but you can't believe what they say; they like being addicts, and want to get out so they can use again; The addicts seem to have no loyalties except to themselves; Most addicts grab everything they can get; they 're so used to taking or being taken; -Many of them (addicts) have never held a job; to them3 life is stealing and fixing -that's all they know. To the m a t r o n s , the process of rehabilitation includes resoci ali zati on of the resident so that her basic personality is moulded in such a way that she can be taught to accept a system of "socially acceptable values" in tune with the larger society. The rehabilitation goal, in this sense, is an ideal which gets realised only partially within the confines of Ennismore. As a process, rehabilitation means "becoming re-habilitated" through a variety of practices which are enforced by the staff and conformed to by the residents. This process is a transactional o n e , in which the incumbents of two positions, staff and residents, meet continuously. Their behaviours are the outcome of formal procedures which are related to the task of rehabilitation, to the pattern of relationships between them, and to the problem of organizing and controlling the total environment so as to make it conducive to goal achievement, i.e., rehabilitation. The task of the inquiry is to describe .79 in detail this transactional process as perceived and verbalized by the participants. Q u a l i t a t i v e l y , some matrons describe the rehabilita-tion goal in the following ways: to reso cialize the -individual; to put the residents back into the community as functioning human beings; to prepare them to go into society and accept normal standards; to effect a behaviour and attitude change in the addict. The stated goals are then translated into appropriate institu tional practices in which the residents have to be engaged. The implication is evident, that as the residents engage in the institutional practices, they are being prepared for rehabilitation. As an illustration of the rehabilitation p r o c e s s , consider the following schematic representation. Figure 2: Rehabilitation Process • T i m e D i m e n s i o n : I n s t i t u t i o n a l M e t h o d s P a r o l e . R e h a b . ! G o a l S t a f f Res i den ts L P repa r e d n e s s .80 Upon entry to the prison, the residents become exposed to certain treatment methods. It is through this exposure, that the resi-dent learns what is expected of her in terms of conformity to these treatment practices. These methods as stated by the matrons, consist of a variety of practices such as: teach the residents kitchen and sewing skills; provide education; motivate the girls; group discussions; individual counselling; establish work routines; provide a good example. Residents engaged in these activities would be seen as moving towards rehabilitation or becoming rehabilitated. This inventory indicates that these methods are the means through which the staff will redirect and resocialize the resident. That is, everything they do at Ennismore is considered part of the rehabilitation programme. At that point in time when the matrons decide that a resident displays a certain level of conformity to the treatment programme, the matrons deem the resident "ready" for parole. Readiness for parole and. its eventual granting may not be equated with total rehabilitation, which occurs over a period of time. That is, the actual test of the effectiveness of the treatment programme comes after the resident leaves the institution. Only then does one discover whether or not the resident continues to display behaviour consistent with what she learned in the institution. If she does "make it" on the outside, it is assumed by the staff that she has indeed internalized at least .81 some of the values attributed to the "straight" side of life -values to which she was exposed as an inmate, and that she now identifies with these values rather than with those which previously led her to being an addict. The time dimension for this rehabilitation process is crucial. With an addict population, the institution hopes to resocialize addicts with a drug history of anywhere from one to six y e a r s , in an average period of time of six m o n t h s . The length of time allowed for rehabilitation is in itself of a short duration as compared to the time during which the 3 offending behaviour was practiced. Other factors compound the problem of effecting actual change in these residents. One among these is the resident's perception of Ennismore when she first arrives, part of which is skepticism of a two-fold nature:' (1) the resident brings with her those values which have been a part of her survival strategy as a drug addict; (2) since these values are unique to that existence, the resident may have rejected the straight life. In the words of Preble and Casey, the street addict is: actively engaged in meaningful activities and relationships seven days a week. Ee is hustling (robbing or stealing), trying to sell stolen goods, avoiding the police, looking for a safe place to take the drug, or looking for someone who- cheated him. He is, in short, 'taking care of business', a phrase which is so common with heroin users that they use it in response to words of greeting. .82 The distance that exists between a drug addict world and a straight world is found in these matrons' descriptions: The addicts do not want to lead a straight life. Using heroin is only a part of the whole world of being a drug addict; it is a group thing with them; We must show the addicts that they can relate to a 'straight' person as a friend rather than just as an authority person. Put in the words of a resident: If you have been a 'hype' for a long time3 you don't know how to lead a straight life. Preble and Casey note that an addict is not only addicted, to heroin, but also to the entire career of a heroin use-r: If they can be said to be addicted, it is not so much to heroin as to the entire career of a heroin user. ^  Regarding the rehabilitation g o a l s , one needs to talk about the m a t r o n s ' perceptions of the ways in which the resi-dents see the goal (s) of Ennismore. Out of eighteen, only eight replied that to the residents, the goal was rehabilita-tion; seven answered a combination of rehabilitation and custody fifteen saw it as a place to do easy time; and twelve inter-preted it as a place to get parole. Early in these responses we see that a strong degree of awareness of parole goals is being shown by the matrons and the residents. Further, there is a certain relationship between the skepticism of the residents, their perception of the rehabili-tation goals, and the organizational practices which are .83 designed to achieve the goals. It is conceivable that if the goals are perceived with m i s g i v i n g s , the practices designed to achieve those goals are not likely to be seen favourably e i t h e r , and this will have deleterious effects on the residents' feel-ings about the institution. Some evidence of the misgivings of residents about institutional practices emerges when they become involved in the therapy sessions. For one t h i n g , the group leader is a m a t r o n ; she represents the institutional practices d i r e c t l y , and since there is no clear-cut identifica-tion of objectives of the institution, as these are revealed through the m a t r o n s , so too there is no feeling of "worth-whileness" towards the therapy sessi ons. Thi s assessment will become clearer from the responses of the residents concerning (i) perceptions of the goals of rehabilitation; (ii) percep-tions of Ennismore as a treatment centre, and (iii) perceptions of institutional practices. Not always do these perceptions fall in different blocks, but intermesh and indicate the resi-dents ' f e e l i n g s . In g e n e r a l , the residents see the major goal as that of rehabilitation in the same sense as do the matrons, and qualitatively speaking, the residents interpret this goal in the fol1 owing ways: to teach us to better ourselves; to make us lead a straight life; to give us insight into our problems; to make ladies of us. .84 How extensively these goals are discussed among the residents cannot be determined. But taken at face value, this inventory shows a certain degree of correspondence between the goals of the institution as verbalized by residents and as stated by the staff. Ennismore as a Treatment Centre When the residents are asked whether or not they see Ennismore as a treatment centre, of the total of 43, one-half answered that it has potential for the young person, while the remaining half don't see it as a treatment centre at all. Consider next their attitude to the group therapy programme: twelve feel that something good can be gained from group therapy; twenty-six don't get anything from it; eight are indifferent to it; and nine don't trust the group leaders. Only the indefinites mentioned the leader trust issue. By way of explanation, the leader-trust issue refers to the fears expressed by some residents that the information revealed in the group sessions is not confidential, and further, that it is used to evaluate the residents. The implication is that the definites are much less bounded by fear and suspicion, based perhaps of the belief that they don't have as much to lose by 'revealing' themselves in group. It should be remembered here that the parole unit evaluation of the definites usually goes in to the Parole Board anytime after the resident .85 arrives at Ennismore (usually allowing at least one m o n t h ) , whereas the evaluation for the indefinites isn't submitted until just before she goes before the Board. This procedure means that the indefinites must display a good front over a much longer time period than the definites. The residents express their views on the therapy pro-gramme in the following ways: If you want to be helped, the therapy can help you, otherwise, no. I straightened myself out on the street; I'm oust doing my punishment here. I don't believe in the treatment programme; if I wanted to quit, I could do it on the Street; therapy doesn't help addicts. No, I don't see it as a treatment centre. Out of ten girls here, maybe three will make it on the street. It doesn't matter which gaol she is in, it depends on the girl whether she changes <or not. I don't see Ennismore as a treatment centre. Group therapy is the focus here, but it ^  doesn't get to the root of things. It is too petty; it would be nice if there was a closeness established. Nothing is consis-tent - not treatment or rules. lou can't stabilize people's lives without consis-tency. Just when the groups are getting off the ground, we get a new person in the group; a few people are the focus all of the time. The group leaders aren't qualified so the girl is left strung-out. She knows that something is wrong, but isn't able to qet to the source of it. Most of the hypes don't want to change and they have too many quilt feelings - can't face up to them. This place is for resting; the programme should be more intensified. There should be stages of advancement in therapy. ShouicL give the girls a .whole new life to occupy when they go out. .86 It becomes clear from this information that the decision to change must come from within the resident, and that most resi-dents don't see the programme as capable of impsoing a 'will' to change on them. While some residents attribute the ineffectiveness of the treatment programme to lack of qualified group leaders, there are structural constraints on the ability of the group leaders to be effective. The group leader, while attempting to promote frank discussion between r e s i d e n t s , also has a commit-ment to her role as a custodian. As such, she is bound to reporting any information which may threaten the security func-tion of Ennismore as a prison. The following excerpt-from a field note is illustrative of this point: Personally, I would rather be either a group leader or a matron,, but not both. The girls don't want to say things in group that they know will be written in their logs, and I can't blame them for that. The majority of the matrons see Ennismore as providing genuine treatment to some of its residents and the exact meaning of their reply becomes clearer from the following explanations: Help is available for those who want it; however, there has yet to be developed a treatment centre that can compel the people to change their attitudes such that they want help. There isn't much treatment here for the addicts - basically^ just discipline. We need to give the girls something to believe in. .87 Our treatment should be addict-foeussed with intensive therapy and professionally-trained therapists. The residents' attitude towards the treatment pro-gramme is also discernible from their responses to the question of change in behaviour and how this change is accounted f o r . The majority of the residents believe that some residents do change their behaviour while at Ennismore, while only eight see no change. H o w e v e r , they see the noted change as being primarily a front - a device to gain parole, rather than as a sincere, lasting change. As one resident remarked: The girls are two people in here; vihen a matron is around, they 're saying and doing <• - " the right things; when we 're in our rooms, we curse about being locked up, and talk about life on the street. Sometimes we plan our next fix. From observation of the residents, 'it was noted that what many residents said in group did not coincide with what they said during rap sessions, when no matrons were around. However, the degree to which they might be prone to exaggeration during these sessions was not discernible. The residents admit that some girls do genuinely want to change their life-style, but that these people are few in number and cannot be identified easily since the norm is for all residents to play the parole game. This excerpt from a field-note expresses the idea: leah, some -people do change, but that's because they have to convince the hacks (matrons) that they should go up for parole - especially the indefinites, but they don't really intend, to stop using when they hit the street. TSven if they do think they have cha,nged, they'll probably use again anyway; most do. Shit man, you gust have to accept that if you are a hype, you're going to get pinched once in awhile, but that's not so bad. In the case of the definites who are serving a long sentence, the goal is also parole; for those who are not inter-ested in parole, the goal is to do easy time by preventing hassles with the staff. A resident expresses the idea this way: If you have a long definite, it is worth it to try for parole, but the processing takes a long time. Anyway, you have to stay here, so who wants to be hassled by the hacks all of the time. When asked if the residents attributed any overt behavioural change to the treatment programme, of 43, twenty-eight answered "sometimes," while the reamining fifteen answered "no." Rather, they listed the following factors as being responsible for change: thirty-four said that the girl has to want to change; fourteen mentioned the influence of other residents; seven - the experience of being in gaol; seven - a good rapport with a matron; and four - time away from the street life. Even those residents who saw the treatment programme as being responsible for behavioural change did not see this change as being permanent. Rather, they see the programme as .89 a medium for learning what is necessary in order to achieve their own ends. Note the following statement by one of the resi dents: Most of the girls are hostile when they first oome here, but pretty soon, they see that there is no use, so they watoh the other girls and find out what the hacks want to hear and see, so they do their work and in groups, they talk about how good they 're going to be when they - get out, and everybody 's happy - shit, what a game, eh? Seen in this light, the treatment programme reinforces the necessity for an overt behavioural change; in this sense, it is the treatment programme which is responsible for that^change, but the motivation behind that change is not that intended by the m a t r o n s . Since the organizational structure confines its assessment of residents to this overt behaviour, there is- a certain stability in their perception of behavioural change. Seven matrons thought that the residents do change their behaviour, but of these, three expressed skepticism about the sincerity behind this change. Eleven see the girls as "going along" but showing indifference. The majority of the matrons think that the treatment programme does contribute to the change in behaviour, but fifteen emphasized that the girl has to want to change first. The following quote illustrates this point: If a positive change is noted, 'it is usually because the girl has decided to change herself, and is (not) s%mply taking advantage of the programme. .90 Other factors mentioned as being responsible for this change include: the influence of other residents, distance from the past life, and a good rapport with a m a t r o n . The m a t r o n s , for the most p a r t , see the residents as cooperating with the treatment plan, but in a "going-along" w a y . Only one doesn't think that they cooperate at all. How-ever, they admit not knowing whether or not this cooperation is indicative of actual change. The attitudes of some of the matrons towards resident cooperation is expressed in the follow-ing words: They cooperate when it is in their interests to do so. ^ Many don't cooperate willingly; all programme is compulsory, so they don't have any choice. We always have something hanging over them, like parole, so they cooperate. < Most cooperate because they know that we keep a record of what they do; an uncoopera-tive attitude goes against them3 so they do what they are told. Some play the parole game, some are hostile, and the odd one takes the programme to heart and gleans whatever she can because she is not happy with the kind of life that led her here. A number start out by paying lip service to the programme for parole reasons; perhaps some are really convinced, I don't know, but most will probably revert to their addict life. Most are not that involved with programme; they have a cynical attitude, all they talk about is how much they hate the games you have to play, especially in groups. .91 When asked to identify examples of change in the behaviour and attitudes of the residents, the matrons tend to talk about the conformity of the residents to the routines of the institution, like good working habits, displaying less hosti1ity than when they first arrived , participating in activity and group therapy, and taking part in the educational programme (seen as preparation for a job). These are easily identifiable overt behaviours, yet the motivation behind these behaviours remains obscure. For example, while the matron may assume that taking typing is a move towards rehabilitation, the resi-dent may be taking the course to overcome boredom and/or to persuade the matrons that she has good intentions upon release. It is generally agreed by all of the matrons that the therapy session is the most important method available for effecting a change in the residents. To the matrons, partici-pation in the group serves several functions: the girls learn from and give help to each other; it provides an arena where peer group pressure can force the resident to come to grips with questions which she might otherwise evade; and it is a way of learning about the resident for purposes of evaluation with respect to her 1 progree 1 in a rehabilitative sense. The last point was cited by fourteen of the matrons as being of considerable importance. The gaining of information about the residents might be considered the prime latent function of the therapy session, however, the matrons place equal, if not greater emphasis on the insight-giving powers of group therapy. .92 The degree of participation in these session varies, partly because of personality characteristics such as a feeling of insecurity or shyness, and partly because of the girl's perception of the utility of the therapy sessions. From the point of view of the matrons, some who participate are genuinely interested in getting help, while others may be conning the matron into thinking they are improving because they want to get their parole. Other matrons recognize the fact that many residents don't trust the group situation because the informa-tion disclosed there is not confidential. Thus it would seem that the group sessions do not achieve their intended purpose, partly because of the dual role of the matron. From this discussion of the rehabilitation goals, and treatment methods, several important observations can be made. While most of the residents and matrons do articulate the ideal rehabilitation goal in fairly clear-cut terms, there seems to be widespread skepticism about an effective method to accomplish attitudinal and behavioural change. Whi1e•measurement of actual change is difficult, if not impossible to do while the resident is still incarcerated, the replies of both the matrons and the residents indicate that the extent of resident conformity to the treatment programme varies according to whether she is serving a definite or an indefinite sentence. That is, because the unit evaluation is not completed on an 'indefinite' until close to the end of the definite portion of her sentence, she must conform strictly to the demands of the programme. On the .93 other hand, the evaluation is done on the 'definites' anytime after their arrival, so when they know that their papers have been submitted, they tend to relax m o r e , and hence, show less concern with rigid conformity. This does not mean that they would display outright disobedience, but rather, that they might set their own standards (within reason) for task comple-tion, and be less guarded in group discussion. The following field-note expresses the difference: The indefinites tend to work harder so they can get -parole; the definites• can also apply for parole, but their papers go in anytime; after thats they don't work as hard. In the minds of the m a t r o n s , there is a difference in the way they perceive the definite^ and the indefinites. The residents notice these differences, and this knowledge forms a basis for what might be called institutionalization of behaviours according to which group the resident belongs. This institutionalization of behaviours refers to the converging perceptions of the residents and matrons about why the definites and the indefinites behave in certain w a y s . That is, according to both the residents and the m a t r o n s , there is an understood expectation that the residents must "earn" a good parole recom-mendation, and that in order to do this, they must display the appropriate standard of behavioural conformity. Once this .94 recommendation has been submitted to the Parole Board, perhaps • one might expect less concern on the part of the residents with the "details" of conformity; certainly, the quality of conform-ing behaviour might alter. At this point, what needs to be investigated is the real or perceived differences among residents. Could it be that the residents have internalized the goals of the institu-tion differently, or is it the case that because of their prior relevant experience, the programmes at the institution reach them differently? Or could it be that their perceptions of the institutional practices are subject to different interpreta-v tions just because they perceive the goals of the institution differently in the first place. Not all of these questions can be answered in the space here, but exploring the differ-ential perceptions of residents and matrons about the practices at Ennismore might shed some light on them. . Perceptions of Institutional Practices It is probable that there is a lack of a certain degree of standardization of institutional practices, which in part may be attributed to the situational needs of the residents which the matrons have to accommodate. This accommodation is in fact a situational necessity because the residents differ in their personality attributes as well as in their responses .95 to the treatment programme. Part of the institutional strategy would be to bring those differences of disposition in line with the rehabilitation goal, which has to transcend the goal of parole. Further, the strategy is to be directed at the collec-tive rather than at the individual. It might be supposed that the treatment programme will be effective to the extent that it can effect changes in the residents' behaviour despite their differences in disposition. But.this assertion is not borne out by the matrons' response to the question: "what makes residents behave differently, one from the other, while at Ennismore?" All eighteen of the matrons replied "personality characteristics." This answer shows that the matrons see dif-ferential behaviour only partially as a response to their treat ment programme, since to some degree it is also a function of individual personality attributes of the residents. The residents, on the other hand, give a different explanation for this behaviour. Almost all of them see the parole game as being responsible for the way a girl behaves. Other factors include: reaction to authority, length of sentence, fear, of punishment, desire to be accepted, peer influ ence, maturity, and basic personality. As an elaboration on the behaviour question above, it is.important to note that while the residents show an awareness of the relationship between the parole game and behaviour,, the matrons do not identify this immediately. Rather, the matrons attribute .96 differences to personality characteristics. And y e t , the majority of the matrons do interpret the residents' perception of Ennismore as "a place to get parole." When probed further on the exact meaning of 'personality characteristics', the matrons referred to these as attributes which are basic to the resident as a human being, and not as qualities which suddenly appear because of the gaol experience. It has been suggested that type of sentence may be important in accounting for behaviour patterns. When asked about t h i s , fourteen matrons replied that residents who have a definite sentence do behave differently from those who have an indefinite sentence. This is exemplified in the following field-note: The indefinites tend to work harder so that they can get -parole;* the matron represents them before the B.C. Board, so there is a great sense of accountability. With the definites, a report is filed on them and mailed to Ottawa; the report is done anytime after they arrive; they're not as pressured as the indefinites. As noted above, the majority of the residents also attributed behaviour patterns in part, to type of sentence. Consider some of their comments on the subject: The indefinites can lie their way through group, and have a good chance of getting out. The indefinites are always threatened with their parole. .97 The -indefinites have to try harder; they have to -participate fully in everything; the definites don't. The indefinites have to suck-hole more to the matrons; they try to be what is expected of them; the definites are more thems elv es. The sentence makes the difference between working for parole or having a definite release date. If you don't care about parole, or have a short sentence, you don't feel pressured to work for anything - just do the minimum to prevent hassle. The definites put on a front until their papers go in, then they relax. Perceptions of Sincerity The split that we observe in residents' responses according to whether or not they have a definite or indefinite sentence, corresponds to some extent to the matrons' responses. Taken together, these two sets of responses indicate the multi-faceted character of the situations in which both the residents and matrons interact, and perceive each others' roles. Here, one aspect needs to be given consideration: the matrons occupy a position of authority, and their relationship with the resi-dents is asymmetric, implying that they can influence the be-haviour and decisions of the residents, whereas in return, the residents cannot. The residents might continue to see them as authority figures, and not as persons w h o , despite their authority, can .98 be sincerely concerned with the treatment and rehabilitation goals. Further, they might have reservations about the matrons' competence as non-professionals. Perceptions like these might have some influence on the way the residents respond to the treatment programmes initiated by the m a t r o n s . It seems probable that the residents' response to these programmes would be quali-tatively different if they felt that the matrons were trying sincerely to help them, than if they perceived the matrons as just performing an official duty or "going through the motions" much like the residents. The difference in the residents' response to the treatment programmes, then, may be attributable in part to their perceptions of matrons as organizational per-sonnel. It is probable that the residents might not be in a position to judge the competence of m a t r o n s , but they may have a feeling about their sincerity. These questions are empirically verifiable and to this verification we will now turn. In answer to the question concerning matron sincerity as organizational personnel, of 43 residents, thirty-eight see some as being sincere, while five see a_TJ_ of the matrons as being sincere. Examples of the ways in which the residents gave responses to the question are as follows: The matrons are concernedy but they have to face the fact that they can't get too involved or they will get hurt. Some matrons go out of their way to get involved, but some are playing games -it's like, a trade - do good work for parole. .99 ' Some are concerned3 others are so wrapped up in their own problems that they can't give anything to anybody. Most are too busy running the place to have time to be available to the girls. The sincere ones feel - like, one of the girls was refused parole3 and the matron cried. If they are sincere3 they take courses to hlep them with their job. If they care3 they spend time with their girls3 and maybe help to find them a place-to live when they get out. To some matrons3 it's just a job. From the above sections, it becomes apparent that the residents' response to the treatment programmes, are different; their perceptions of the goals of Ennismore show variations; and their perceptions of the matrons' sincerity as organiza-tional personnel are not uniform. Yet we have presented evi-dence that the residents go along with the programmes and with the matrons; in other w o r d s , they show some compliance to the rules and regulations, and to the temporal routines of the institution. This compliance is the result of the pressure of certain institutional mechanisms which are employed in the pursuit of predefined goals. From the perspective of the institution, the rules and regulations, penalties for rule infractions, and rewards - however informal these might be -for complying behaviour, are strategies which are helpful in the achievement of goals. For the residents concerned, the 1 00 presence of these strategies indicates external constraints which operate to bring behaviour in line with that which has been defined as desirable by the institution. Any understanding of residents' behaviour in its variety within the institutional setting, is likely to remain incomplete if this behaviour is not seen vis-a-vis the rules which they must obey, or rules which are enforced by the institutional personnel, Conformi ty/Non-Conformi ty One method used by the correctional system to control behaviour is to build some sort of inducement into the programme such as rewards for conforming behaviour and sanctions for nonconforming behaviour. Goffman describes the privi1ege system characteristic of total institutions. This sytem consists of roles which lay out the main requirements of inmate conduct, rewards which are given for obedience to the staff and punishments which follow the breaking of the rules. . . '. the question of release from the total institution is elaborated into the -privilege system. Some acts become known as ones that mean an increase, or no decrease, in length of stay, while others become known as means for shorten-ing the sentence .101 G e n e r a l l y - s p e a k i n g , at Ennismore, conformity is the common measure used to judge a girl's progress in the rehabili-tation sense. Whether or not the reward-punishment system operates effectively to control resident behaviour, is a question which can be approached from the viewpoints of the matrons and the residents themselves. The readiness to conform on the part of the resident is bounded by two factors: (1) the structure of the parole systems attendant with each type of sentence, and (2) the differential expectations from the residents according to whether they are definite or indefinite. The system of rewards and punishments is there to ensure that nonconformity cannot go too far with either group. Even if parole is not the goal of the resident, it is generally agreed that Ennismore is preferable to a lock-up si tuati oh; in this sense, the goal of the resident is to conform to the extent that she is not seen as a disruptive influence. This last point is illustrated by the following excerpt from a field-note:. Who'd be dumb enough to do something that would mean going back to Loekton. Com-pared to that hole3 this -place is a country club; here you can go outsides and breath fresh air. The majority of the matrons see Ennismore as placing little emphasis on the custodial (security) aspect, and the same is true of the residents. When talking about security, both groups are in the habit of comparing Ennismore to Loekton, as evident from the following field-note: .102 When I worked at Lookton (matron) everything was locked. Here we only lock the doors at night. Sure, we have to know where the girls are, like we have to take counts, but if they want to leave, we 're not going to stop them. There's the gate. (resident) This place ain't like a gaol, man, you should, go to Lockton if you want to see a gaol - what a hole. Both the residents and matrons identify the existence of a reward/ punishment system at work. Specifically, twelve matrons see both rewards and punishments as methods of control, while three didn't attribute behaviour control to either rewards or punishments. In the case of the residents, thirteen of both rewards and punishments used, while thirty see ment. When asked how this system w o r k s , one matron If the residents behave, Knobody hassles them; if not, they may be given extra duties if it is not too serious, or be threatened with their parole, or, if it is something like running or bringing drugs into the unit, they are transferred back to Lockton. This statement is fairly typical of those who see punishment as the inducement to bring behaviour into line. When both rewards and punishments are mentioned, the matrons list the kinds of rewards and puni shments which accompany specific mis-behaviours. For instance, if a girl refuses to get up in the morning, she may be given a week as breakfast cook; if she swears at or talks back to a matron, she may be given extra 43 see only punish-replied: .103 duties such as nourishment (coffee break duties) or mucking (cleaning out chicken waste), loss of pay, have visiting or writing privileges withheld, and be pressured by the staff to perform better in the future. Other infractions which are punishable by giving these duties are: sioughi ng-off on the job, i.e., leaving a task incomplete, not doing it to the satisfac-tion of the matron, or refusing entirely, being late for activity i.e. consistently showing up late for group, meals, or work; making noise or having the lights or radio on after hours; and being out of a work area without permission. Rule infractions which are considered serious include: refusing to obey a direct order, hitting a matron, physical fighting with another resident, being outside the grounds limits, writing kites, (a kite is a letter which is passed secretly from one institution to another. Writing to another prisoner is a taboo unless the resident has special permission to do so), bringing contraband to the unit, using drugs, and running away. Usually the result of any of these would be a transfer back to Lockton. The procedure to decide on a transfer is to hold a Warden's Court: in attendance is the Snerior Correctional Matron, and a disciplinary panel of three, the matron who has charged the girl, the resident involved, and the resident's counsellor. The matron states the complaint and refers to the specific rule infraction. The girl has a hearing, and the decision is reached by the Senior Correctional Matron and the . " 104 disciplinary panel. The residents refer to this process as "Kangaroo Court" since they feel that the very act of putting a resident before this Court means that she is automatically guilty. However, most residents admit that their opinion is based on hearsay, rather than on first-hand experience, since the Court procedure is seldom invoked. In the case of running away, the resident, when found, is tried at an outside regional Court. She is traced by outside law enforcement agencies such as the R.C.M.P. and the city police. On some occasions, the matrons have noticed the girl's absence right away, particularly when they leave in groups of twos and threes, and in this case, a matron would sometimes take the official correcti onal-servi ce car, referred to as the 'black mariah' by residents and matrons, and search for the girls along the highway. If they are successful in locating the-girls, they are brought back to the prison and held until the local R.C.M.P. arrives to take them away. With serious infractions, the resident loses days of remission (a certain number of days are deducted from the total sentence provided that the resident "earns" them by conform-ing to prison routine. Days of remission are calculated accord-ing to a scale which is derived by the Department of Correc-tions), and she is returned to Loekton. She may be permitted to return to Ennismore after the 'lost days of remission' period 1 05 has been served. This decision, of course, depends on the seriousness of her offence. Rewards are seen by some matrons as the reverse of the puni shments / i . e . receiving pay, having visiting rights, etc. For analytical purposes, there are two categories of rewards: institutionally necessary rewards and descretionary rewards. Institutionally necessary rewards, such as visiting privileges, writing letters and receiving pay are permitted to all residents who meet the conformity standards. The ultimate institutional reward may be thought-of as parole. In fact, as illustrated by the following quote, some matrons see parole as the means of control: The parole system is_ the reward/ punishment system; they know that they have to cooperate to get a good report. A discretionary reward is a reward which is granted at the individual discretion of a matron. Examples of this type of reward are: being assigned to preferred tasks, giving items to one particular resident, such as lighters, special craft materials, or clothing, and possibly taking an active part in locating a job or residence for a girl after release. Ordinarily, residents are not to receive gifts from anyone, except at Christmas and on their birthday, and the giving of these gifts is limited to close family. As these discretionary rewards are of a tangible nature, there is much resentment .106 among the other residents. They see this action as an attempt on the part of the matron to 'buy' the loyalty of the resident, or as a technique to win popularity. There are some matrons who see neither rewards nor punishments per se as the important factor in control. Rather, they see it as an understanding based on responsibility; one matron expresses the idea this way: . . I would not call it a reward/punishment system. I would stress responsibility 3 and praise would be given to' those who showed the use of personal initiative and the ability to work without.super-vision. Control is maintained mostly through programme; it acts as something to keep them involved and interested. This way3 they don't have enough time to misbehave or to think of ways to create mischief. It keeps them too tired to be interested in these other things. Considering the extent to which the reward/punishment system is used as a method of controlling the behaviour of the residents, thirteen matrons replied that it is used to a moderate extent; two - to a great extent; and three, that it is not used at all. Of the actual means used to control be-haviour, fifteen said that they threaten to punish before they actually do anything to the resident; eleven stressed the im-portance of a good rapport between the resident and the m a t r o n , thus implying the notion of living up to expectations; six mentioned that some residents don't have to be 'controlled' because they are using personal controls to keep themselves in .107 Tine; the cases in point would be residents who sincerely want to change, and are therefore interested in taking advantage of the help offered. Another six matrons mentioned threats as a means of control; this would be threat of transfer back to Lockton, threat of loss of days of remission, or holding parole over the resident; two stress the importance of a full programme to keep the girl's occupied (and presumably, out of trouble). It can be assumed that -if there are different expecta-tions according to type of sentence, then there would also be different handling of the residents. When asked if this was true, thirteen matrons said no; four answered 'sometimes', and only one said that this is always the case. In probing into this question further, though, it becomes apparent that the matrons do expect a certain level of conformity from all of the residents, thus necessitating consistent handling of them, but that the expectations criterion does vary from one group to the next. That is, the indefinites are expected to do more than the minimum, and if they don't live up to this expectation, they are questioned about their attitude or perhaps punished, whereas, given the same situation, when dealing with a definite, the matron would attribute this minimal standard to an 'under-standable' lack of commitment to the programme. In meting out punishments, the use of discretionary power on the part of the matron is evident. All of the matrons see punishment as being decided on an individual basis, according . 1 0 8 to the individual resident's needs. The qualification here is that there are some rules which must apply to everyone, and these would be considered part of the 'serious breach of rules' category, such as bringing in drugs or escape. Ten of the matrons also mentioned 'their attitude 1 to the resident as being important, thus perhaps implying the introduction of in-consistent punishment practices according to the disposition of the m a t r o n . The following serves to illustrate this point: Punishment is not consistent around here; some girls are liked move by the matrons than others} so they have it easier. We (the matrons) are like everybody else} we have our good days and our bad, days - I guess this has something to do with how much we will take on any given day. In addition to the reward/punishment system used by the matrons themselves, they are al<so able to identify a similar system used by the residents. However, the matrons prefer to believe that this reward/punishment system concerns itself with internal inmate subcultural problems, such as stealing and ratting, and has no significant bearing on inmate adjustment to the total institution. The accuracy of thi s belief, however, is never really explored. The punishment for these and most disapproved-of actions is to ostracize the guilty from group activities, possibly 1eave nasty notes for her, gun her off (glare at her), hurl verbal digs at her, and generally, scorn her. In the resi dent realm, reward is seen as acceptance, w h i c h , .109 translated, means inclusion in group activities such as card-plyaing and sharing tobacco and shampoo. Questions regarding the nature of the reward/punish-ment system were also posed to the residents. Thirty of the residents see only punishments as a means of control, while the remaining thirteen see both rewards and punishments, which coincide closely with those listed by the matrons. Since parole is the central issue in this chapter, it is interesting to note that only ten of the residents mentioned 'withhold parole recommendation' as a punishment. At first glance, the number seems surprisingly small; but, considering that there are only seventeen indefinites, and it was they who mentioned this punishment, it represents the majority of those who seem to have the greatest vested interest in parole considerations. < Thirteen of the residents see the reward/punishment system as being used to a great extent in controlling the behaviour of the residents; twenty-two see it as being used to a moderate extent, while four don't see it as being important at all in controlling behaviour. The specific means used by the matrons to maintain control over the residents were seen as the following: warning first, then punish for a repeated infraction; the use of personal controls, matron holds parole over residents, and/or a good rapport with a matron. Of the above, the issuing of a warning, and holding parole over the resident were emphasized as being the most important. 11 0 According to the residents, a matron's decision to mete out punishment is attributable to the following factors: the general disposition of the m a t r o n , the matron's attitude to the individual resident, some rules apply to everyone, and some matrons discuss the case with their colleagues before reaching a decision. However, to the residents, the most impor-tant factor is the general disposition of the m a t r o n . When asked to comment about their feelings regarding the methods of c o n t r o l , the majority (25) of the residents, describe the methods of control as being inconsistent in that the matrons show favouritism in dealing with the residents; five see them as being unfair; nine see some as being f a i r , and some unfair; while four describe them as fair overall. In general, though, the residents accept the existence of rules, regulations, and other controls, as being part of life in an institution. When the residents were asked if they perceive any differences, according to type of sentence, in the everyday handling of residents by the staff, the majority (22) replied that they do not; fourteen do see differences, and seven see differences only occasionally. The following field-note expresses the views of some of the residents on the matter: With the indefinites3 the matrons hold parole over their head. If you're not doing your work properly3 she threatens to put a blaek mark in the log. m No, ev erybody gets treated 'pretty much the same. Everything is compulsory, so you have to do it - that's the way the matrons look at it. Concerning the imposition of rewards and punishments on each other, thirty of the residents agree that there are both rewards and punishments, and the descriptions for these rewards and punishments are the same as those listed by the matrons. In addition to those punishments mentioned by the m a t r o n s , the residents also include the control over residents w h o , by their deviant actions, might jeopardize everyone's privileges. An example of such an action might be a girl's decision to leave the grounds, obtain some goods, and return to the institution. The residents know that if a girl is caught doing something like leaving and returning, the whole unit will be punished by having security tightened, and possibly by having holiday passes withheld. In a case like this, the guilty resident is subjected to threats of exposure and is generally scorned by her fellow-residents. Conclusion In sum, the picture of Ennismore which emerges from the responses of the matrons and the residents shows a conver-gence of opinion on the rehabilitation goals, and on the insti-tutional practices designed to achieve these goals. But .112 regarding the effectiveness of Ennismore as a treatment centre, the residents regard it as having potential for the young, first offender, but as the programme stands now, they say that they do not find it useful in effecting a permanent change in behaviour. On the same point, the matrons regard Ennismore as a treatment centre capable of effecting change in those who want to change themselves. However, from the responses of both the matrons and the residents, it would seem that most addicts do not want to change their life-style, or in less stringent terms, show a reluctance to adopt a different way of life. The treat-ment programme to which the residents are exposed is rendered somewhat ineffective partly because there is nothing in the programme which can compel them to change, let alone make them want to change. In the responses of the matrons and the residents, the emphasis on the "parole game" comes out very clearly, and nowhere in the descriptions of goals, practices, or methods is the parole game seen as a goal in the same sense as the stated ultimate goal of rehabilitation. Rather, according to the matrons, parole is something for which the residents at Ennismore actively strive in order to indicate that they are ready for parole. The matrons, while staying ,very close to the rules, regulations and other institutional practices, make sure that the residents are "prepared" for parole. Thus, most of the joint activities of the residents and the matrons "surround" .113 the parole aspect of Ennismore rather than achievement of the actual rehabi1itation goal . This leads to the supposition that parole, which may be regarded as a means towards eventual re-habilitation outside the institution, is regarded as a goal in itself, and that the whole institutional machinery is geared to parole, whether unwittingly or not. The heterogeneity of the resident population with regard to their attitudes towards: the rehabilitation goals, institu-tional practices, organizational personnel and therapy programmes, raises some interesting questions regarding the nature of Ennismore as a treatment centre, the relationship between the rehabilitation and parole goals, and the custody versus treat-ment dilemma. Next we will turn to discussing the implications and nature of these questions. FOOTNOTES Eric Berne, Games People Play, New York: Grove Press, 1964, p. 48. Ken Stoddart, "Drug Transactions: The Social Organization of a Deviant Activity," unpublished M.A. Thesis, University of British Columbia, May 1968, p. 61. For a note on the use of duration of time confined as a predictor of post-release behaviour, see Daniel Glaser and John Stratton, The Prison: Studies in Institutional Organization and Change, New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1961, p. 389. Edward Preble and John Casey J r . , "Taking Care of Business The Heroin User's Life on the Street," The Inter-national Journal of the Addictions, 4 (March 1969), p. 20. Ibid., p. 21. Erving Goffman, Asylums/ New York: Doubleday & Company, 1961 , p. 51 . Punishments may also be thought of as discretionary and institutional. That is, while a matron may ignore a behaviour such as a resident scolding at her, she cannot ignore the brining of contraband into the unit. Chapter IV THE PAROLE GAME IN PERSPECTIVE This chapter attempts to show how parole rather than rehabilitation emerges as an outcome of the activities of the residents and matrons. Since the institution is not equipped, strucutrally, to achieve the ultimate goal of rehabilitation, the activities of its personnel tend to converge towards custody and parole functions. From the perspectives of the residents, achievement of parole seems to be of immediate im-portance rather than the ultimate goal of rehabilitation. In the discussion that follows, attention will be given to the several factors which interlock and operate to produce the parole game. Resident Heterogeneity and Treatment With' regard to certain demographic characteristics, the resident population is not homogeneous. For instance, information presented in Chapter IV" showed that with respect to age more than one-half were young - between the ages 17-23; an equal number did not have any previous admission record; 11 5 .116 and their period of incarceration ranged from between less than three months to two years. This characteristic of heterogeneity among residents seems to be perpetual so that it has important implications for any treatment programmes. The effectiveness of these pro-grammes will be determined in part to the extent that they have been designed with flexibility, to suit variations in the resident population. From the information presented in Chapter V , it is evident that there is heterogeneity in the resident population with regard to their attitude towards the goals of rehabi1i ta-tion: some of them show awareness of a conception of a straight life, other do not; one-half of them see treatment potential in Ennismore, the other half does not see it as a treatment centre at all. With regard to the group therapy as a technique for rehabilitation, opinion among them is divided: more than one-half of them do not get anything out of it; and some of them do not trust the group leaders who are matrons. It is conceivable that their attitude towards the therapy programme will, determine the extent to which the programme can be effective: some of them do respond to the treatment pro-gramme and react favourably, others are unable to do so; and those who do respond favourably perhaps do so under the con-straints of a confining situation. Further, with regard to their attitude towards the organizational personnel, some see them as wrapped up in their own administrative problems, some see .117 the matrons as getting involved in the programmes, and some think that it is just a job to them and "they do not have any-thing to give to anybody." With regard to the control aspects of their behaviour, the residents see the presence of a differ-ential reward and punishment system, to which they react with reservation if not open hostility. The effectiveness of a programme of rehabilitation may be looked at in two ways: (a) either by its flexibility to meet the needs of a heterogeneous population or; (b) by its variety. If both flexibility and variety can be accommo-dated in the same institution, it would perhaps be an ideal condition. However, the dependence of rehabi1itation"institu-tions on limited resources might not make it possible to offer either flexibility or variety; in other words, for practical purposes, the institution might be under various kinds of structural constraints. When neither flexibility nor variety of programmes is present, the institution may resort to the convenient assumption that one can induce uniform responses to one treatment method, and have genuine therapy anyway. Among the structural constraints whi ch i nf 1 uence the effectiveness of institutionally-offered treatment programmes, the following types can be identified: (a) custody vs. treat-ment goals; (b) limitations of resources, both human and material , and (c) limits of resident participation in decision-making. In the day-to-day workings of an institution such as 118 Ennismore, it is possible to document that a series of inter-locking or intermeshing structural constraints operate. These constraints are experienced not only by those who have power positions in the organization, and who decide which considerations will be dominant, but also by the residents, for whom the in-stitution is intended to render a service. Custody-vs.-Treatment Goals According to Teeters, among the requirements imposed on the deviant under some form of institutional restraint is that he accept or at least not threaten the dominant concerns of the agency responsible for'his treatment. 1 In other w o r d s , residents are expected to accommodate the judgements of the more specialized organizational personnel who are related to them strategically within the organization. In order for them to become 'candidates' for reinstatement in the larger society they must give their allegiance to what might be an anomalous con-ception of themselves and their social w o r l d , a conception with which the organizational personnel might be operating. A g a i n , the residents are expected to live by rules, often rigorous or extreme in form, which have been added to' those by which 2 "normals" outside the institution live. The point of the matter is that the residents are subject to a temporal routine, with little choice of variation, .119 on a day-to-day basis. At Ennismore, all the residents spend most of a typical week in work programmes; their assigned duties include the farm, gardening, grounds maintenance, cooking, tailoring, housekeeping, and laundry. Engagement in these tasks amounts to keeping them busy in the physical management of the institution. And one might say, keeping them busy serves the purpose of custody or security well, but at the cost of treat-ment. For instance, only four hours per week is spent in group therapy, which, according to the matrons is an important tech-nique for rehabilitation on which the institution relies. The group therapy is being supplemented by two hours of Padre group, and one hour of A.A. group meetings, both of which have airehabil tative bent. Assuming that all of the residents are attending the Padre hour and the A.A. meeting, in addition to the therapy session which they must attend, the total time spent on rehabil-itative activites is seven hours per week. Considering the fact that the residents are not homogeneous with regard to their demographic and attitudinal characteristics, it would seem that in. practice the emphasis is greater on the custodial aspects than on the treatment ones. Assuming that the time spent on group therapy is not the critical issue, the point may be made that the therapy session can be effective if internally its composition and structure contain elements which would make it work well. Both . 1 2 0 the structure and composition of the therapy sessions need to be considered further: (i) Ideally, these groups should be structured such that the composition is stable from the time it is formed. In reality, however, there is a steady input and output of resi-dents to these sessions. With this constant large turnover, it would seem difficult to develop a structure capable of pro-viding the support the inmate must feel in order that personal material can be revealed and discussed. Here it can be seen that the length of sentence is an important variable in deter-mining the stability of the group composition. _ (ii) At this institution, a lot of emphasis is placed on the therapy sessions as a means of instilling appropriate .ideas into the residents, and of eliciting their cooperation for rehabilitation; hence, further attention needs to be given to their composition, from a theoretical as well as an insti-tutional perspective. McCorkle 3 outlines several factors which are deemed important in contributing to successful groups: (1) inmates should be selected on their ability to contribute to the main-tenance of the group; that is, they should be able to exchange opinions in a constructive way, without hurting each other too much; (2) leader and inmates should be suited, to each other, that is, the leader must be able to feel comfortable with his group, and yet able to guide their thinking; (3) inmates 1 21 should be of the same age, educational level, and intelligence; (4) voluntary participation is seen as a desirable objective. All inmates should be forced to attend the sessions for six months, then attend voluntarily; (5) the ideal group size should include between 6 and 12 members; (6) groups should meet at regular intervals and at specified times. The number of sessions a week should be based on an estimate of individual needs. In order for a feeling of kinship and understanding to develop, there should be no less than 2 sessions a week; (7) continuity of group membership is important. A closed group is more conducive to the development of common under-standings so that personal material can be revealed and di scussed. McCorkle emphasizes the fact that group therapy should not be considered as the method of attaining resocialization within a correctional insti tution; rather, it should be inte-grated into the total programme of which every aspect is geared towards rehabilitation through resoci ali zation. Nowhere in his recommendations does he talk about type of offence, type of sentence, or length of sentence (although perhaps stability of group membership implies that length of sentence has been taken into account). At Ennismore, for group therapy purposes, the residents are divided accord-ing to three major classifications: (1) the young offenders; (2) the alcoholics, and (3) miscellaneous. Within the young 1 22 offenders (those between the ages 17-23)» there are two groups: one for the definites, and one for the indefinites. All of those over the age of 23 5 who are not alcoholics, are grouped under miscellaneous, which means that, for example, addicts, cheque forgers, and assault offences could conceivably be sharing the same group experience. When there are few alcoholics and miscellaneous in the institution, they are grouped together. (iii) At Ennismore, group sessions are seen as part of a routine which must include "every resident, therefore, attendance at these sessions is compulsory. Because most residents show resistance to the idea of group therapy when they are new to the institution, some time is needed to initiate them into the sessions. However, after they have been given the chance to experience the therapy programme, and become familiar with its usefulness, one could make a case of letting the participation become voluntary. There may be times when a resident feels that she must withdraw at least momentarily because the group pressure is too great for her to cope; this is probable because some residents have responded to this pressure by running away. However, perhaps this would not be necessary if the resident were permitted to absent her-self until she felt in control again. Voluntary attendance could be made a measure of the girl's desire to change; the institution could still retain the prerogative of making it mandatory if the residents started absenting themselves too .123 frequently. In other words, the scheduling of and participation in the group therapy programme is inflexible and constraining just because it is based on the assumption that collective needs can be m e t , and because it does not adapt to the indivi-dual needs of the resident. To illustrate, in its composition the group therapy sessions contain heterogeneous elements. It is conceivable that when a resident is doing some serious soul-searching, just when she is at the point of opening up and allowing treatment direction to guide her thinking, some articulate skeptic speaks out against everything the resident is struggling with in her mind, and so causes her to regress in her thinking. For most residents, the group sessions serve as an arena for voicing the more "socially acceptable values" which are the crux of the parole game, because whatever they say in these sessions is taken into account when the.matron-!eader writes a report on them. (iv) In order for the group discussion to be specif-ically relevant to each member, in forming the groups con-sideration needs to be given to age, type of offence, particular addiction, and type and length of sentence. Further, there could be stages within the therapy programme at which group composition could be examined and reexamined. If the group's composition was stable throughout the members' term, then these stages could be achieved within the context of that group. 1 24 In the case of Ennismore, since the composition is not stable, splinter groups could be formed to accommodate those resi-dents who no longer benefit from the "orientational" and "uncovering" format followed during the early period of their participation in group. That is, for those who have been in group for many m o n t h s , continuous exposure to the "opening out" of new members is not likely to add to the treatment process. R a t h e r , the result of continued membership in this unstable' group is repetition and boredom. This excerpt from a field-note illustrates the point: when I first started going to group, I was interested in it; I thought "maybe - " there is something in it for me" then after awhile 'it didn't do anything for me - after awhile nothing different happens - just the same old thing all the time; new addicts come in, and they tell their story. Shit even the stories start sounding the same - what a drag. By regrouping residents in such a way that they can advance in their thinking, their movement to a higher degree and rate of socialization can be contemplated. The importance of the composition of the therapy group can best be understood when seen in the light of the overall goal of rehabilitation. The way'in which the groups are formed at present means that not much attention has been given to the different levels of thinking that may exist for individual members. With increased exposure to group therapy, .125 and if the members belong to a stable group, it is possible that they could be brought to a point of greater personal involvement in the rehabilitation goal. (v) The matron-leader has a dual role which is not integrated well enough for her to perform her duties. As a counsellor, she is expected to have the confidence of the residents, but as a leader she has to take into account any unfavourable reactions the residents might show in group therapy sessions. Which of her roles will take precedence in actual practice is a difficult aspect to determine. But one consequence of her dual role is that residents experience a conflict as to whether or not they ought to disclose what they really feel. Further, they might not form a clear idea of what kind of expectations they should have from the matron leader. At the same time, they would be hard put to know what the obligations of the matron-leader are towards them. The residents' attitude toward the matron-leader does not seem to be dependent on the consideration that she is not a "professional" - in the technical sense of the word. If on-the-job experi ence stands for something, a considera-tion of the matron's experience shows that of the 18, one-half have experience between 6-9 years, three have more than 11 years, and another three have less than 5 years. As a rule, only the experienced matrons are chosen to act as group leaders. It would seem that more than the fact of experience .126 or professionalism in the staff, it is their dual role which imposes a structural constraint on the effectiveness of the therapy sessions. And these considerations brings us to discuss the limitations of resources, both human and material, and their effects on the success of rehabilitation and treatment. Limitations of Resources The total of human resources available to Ennismore in the form of technically qualified personnel consists of three broad categories: (a) matrons, who are directly involved in the rehabilitative, treatment, and custodial programmes; (b) the Padre, the doctor and the psychiatrist perform a secondary role; functionally they serve resident needs of one or another kind, but their direct contribution to the achieve-ment of rehabilitative treatment goals is open to interpreta-tion; (c) manpower help of an ancillary kind obtained from Riverside, to tend the cattle and supervise the Sunday visits. The material resources consist of all those items which provide for the maintenance and survival needs of the residents. The satisfaction of the, residents 1 maintenance and survival needs is basic, but for rehabilitative purposes, it is the provision of human resources which is fundamental. How the human resources at Ennismore are utilized in practice, 1 27 how effective they are in achieving the rehabilitation g o a l s , and their successes and failures are matters which can best be studied from three angles: (i) by sampling the responses of residents and matrons as to how they see themselves in relation to the organizational tasks and rehabilitation goals; (i i) by examining the role-structure of matrons and its con-sequences; and (iii) by judging the implications of the com-bined role assigned to Ennismore, of a prison and a treatment centre. (i) Residents and Matrons Self-Concept How the residents see themselves in relation to the organizational staff at Ennismore and the ability of the insti-tution to effect change in them may be sampled through their own responses. Examples are: There aren't many here who care about the-individual; the girl has to think for herself; the things they make you do will not help you stay away from dope; Ennismore is a rest home for junkies. Their habit gets out of control, they come in here, get their habit down, and go back to the street and build it up again. They don't think about getting caught, gust live from one fix to the next; if I'm going to be in gaol, I want to do my own time - not this compulsory shit; there's nothing heavy about this place; it's not going to make us stay away from junk and gaols; this place might get to the kids who are here on a bum rap - the ones who have been in the street for only a short period of time; to rehabilitate somebody, you need to get to the root of the girl's head problems; point out where they went wrong - that it was their life-style that put them here; some people see that their trip is no good - whatever brought them here, but they don't get anything here that they can hang onto when they hit the street; the law doesn't care about the indiv; the problem is that the girl is steal-ing and breaking the law to get money to support a habit; I straightened myself out on the street; I'm just doing my punishment here; I don't believe in the treatment pro-gramme; if I wanted to quit, I could do it on the street, nobody can make an addict stop being an addict; therapy can help things like temper tantrums, but wanting to quit dope and get a straight job is an individual thing; if you want to be helped, you can get help here, but you have to want help first; Ennismore is not really treatment. All they do is take you off the street dry you out, give you time to think, and put you out there again. .129 What the organizational personnel say about themselves, may be sampled from the responses of two matrons: I don't really think that we do muoh for the addictsexcept fatten them up -I hear that most of them get wired again soon after they go out; most of us don't know how to handle addicts; they 're too used to conning (on the street) they do it with us too. From the responses of the residents and m a t r o n s , two notable points emerge: (1) the residents may not be indicting the institution or its intentions of treatment and rehabilitation; nevertheless, their responses s u g g e s t the limitations of the institution in achieving "rehabilitation." At the same time they don't seem to have any illusions about their status as a d d i c t s . 4 (2) The .matrons' responses reflect, firstly, a critical commentary on the institution's limited resources and secondly, the institution's inability to reach the residents once they leave the prison, where perhaps, the resocialization initiated in the institution needs to be reinforced. (i i) Staff Role-Structures The structure of staff roles as organizational per-sonnel is another aspect of the limitations of the available human resources at Ennismore. .130 All the matrons at Ennismore are considered 'treat-ment' personnel, although more prestige surrounds the role of group leader. But because all staff is involved in intensive daily interaction with the residents, every staff member is involved in the reconstruction of attitudes. Thus, any dis-cussion of resocialization in a therapeutic milieu must make mention of these relationships. In order to fulfill her role as an authority figure, the matron must maintain a certain* distance. Simultaneously, her role as an agent of resociali-zation dictates that she must relate on a personal, human level. Put in the words of a matron, they have to be "warm, sincere, but authoritative," qualities which at the empirical level, might not go together. The inmate may see the quality of compassion as a means of appealing to the matron, and the matron untrained in the significance of behavioural patterns may misinterpret behaviour to mean one thing, when' in fact it is a conning technique. Hence the practice of .helping may be confused with treatment since this system of humane handling has 1 eft the way open for exploitation by the inmate social system. At Ennismore, this resident exploitation centres around conning the matrons into believing that the resident is ready for parole. While the matrons as organizational employees are supposed to be a part of the treatment team, they must also .131 maintain order arid see that the work t a s k s , which are necessary to maintain the i n s t i t u t i o n , are c o m p l e t e d . The maintenance of order is ensured by certain inducements and p u n i s h m e n t s . Whatever the c a u s e , noncomformity is threatened with punish-ment; at the discretion of any m a t r o n , this behaviour can be 5 . . . reported and p u n i s h e d , not t r e a t e d . There is no provision in the institutional structure for dealing with nonconforming behaviour of the sort that could be disruptive to the function-ing of the p l a c e , partly because correctional centre officia Is are bounded by rules and regulations which are handed down to them by the prison s y s t e m , and partly because disciplinary courts are not concerned with therapy in g e n e r a l , nor with individualized treatment in p a r t i c u l a r . R a t h e r , the standing concept of discipline assumes that the resident has acted wi11 f u l l y , and that punishment will reform those who have d i s o b e y e d , and deter the o t h e r s . Add to this the fact t h a t , no matter how well the institution is committed to an indivi-dualized treatment ideology, s t i l l , it must restrain and control the i n m a t e s , thus making some of its actions unmis-takeably puni ti ve. Only a few of the residents who pass through Ennismore would see it as being personally beneficial ; most continue to see it as a gaol , where they are "doing time" for having broken the law. For the most p a r t , the cooperation of .132 the residents is not based on a belief that they want or need 'treatment 1 but to avoid punishments and to gain p a r o l e . Among the inmates at E n n i s m o r e , there is a general feeling that most residents don't see the institution as capable of effecting a permanent change in their l i f e - s t y l e . They recog-n i z e , t h o u g h , that some attempts are.being made to deal with them as i n d i v i d u a l s ; yet they describe this individualization in terms of special favours and privileges granted to a par-ticular resident either because she is popular among one or more of the m a t r o n s , or as a reward for conforming behaviour where this behaviour had previously been absent. One example of this notion of privileges concerns the way in which the staff regarded a resident w h o , over a period of time of one m o n t h , changed from a w i t h d r a w n , hostile girl to a more o p e n , cooperative g i r l . The matrons look to 'her as proof that some girls do undergo radical changes while at Ennismore. In response to her 'improved attitude' she was given "cushie" gob assignments3 her counsellor purchased an item of clothing for her} and in generals more attention was paid to her. However} in contrast} the residents maintain that she made the decision 'to go along' and to 'appear' cooperative because she realized that her long indefinite sentence could extend to almost four years if she didn't earn her parole. As a result, they describe her as being unjustifiably favoured just because she has 'wised up' to the ways of the institution. The resident in question, when confronted on the issue} stated that .133 life in prison was easier if you conform and that getting her parole had become important to her. But} she didn't see much of a possibility in ceasing to be a drug addict. (i i i) Prison-Treatment Combination S t r u c t u r a l l y , Ennismore is both a prison and a treat-ment c e n t r e . This duality is reflected in its internal organi-zation where staff are expected to perform both treatment and custodial f u n c t i o n s . As a structural a r r a n g e m e n t , sanctioned by the society of which it is now a p a r t , Ennismore is caught up in a problematic s i t u a t i o n . As a rehabilitative i n s t i t u t i o n , it is concerned with effecting attitude and behaviour changes in the inmate population; it is on the performance of this treatment role that this institution's success will d e p e n d . But as a custodial s e t t i n g , it is impossible for it to effect any permanent changes in the attitude and behaviour 6 of its inmate p o p u l a t i o n . Ideally, a treatment centre is represented by "pro-fessional" s t a f f , but when a custodial function is built into their role it becomes problematic; in like m a n n e r , when a custodial role is modified to include t r e a t m e n t , it does not 7 become a treatment role. The staffing of an institution like Ennismore with appropriate levels of personnel is an extra-organizational .134 matter - determined by the available r e s o u r c e s . The combination of prison and treatment c e n t r e , internally reflected by the dually structured roles of the s t a f f , makes the performance of staff duties d i f f i c u l t . One consequence of such a difficulty is that the organizational staff are prone to concentrate on what they can a c c o m p l i s h , and while doing t h a t , they m i g h t lose sight of what they are supposed to a c c o m p l i s h . To illu-s t r a t e , in the case of E n n i s m o r e , we have presented evidence showing how the institution is set up to perform both the custodial and treatment roles. But in p r a c t i c e , all it is able to achieve is the custodial role; the therapy goal becomes a g l o s s . The achievement of the rehabilitation goal is a distant o n e , in terms of t i m e , but the achievement of custodial functions is an immediate p o s s i b i l i t y , and the whole institu-tional machinery gets geared round these custodial f u n c t i o n s . To-say that emphasis on custodial functions is intentional on the part of staff would be unrealistic; it might be a function of the role strain that they experience because of their dual roles. They resolve this role strain by emphasizing that segment of their role which they can conveniently perform -that of c u s t o d y . At this point we need to turn to the question of resident participation in treatment programmes. The intention is to show that the way this participation is permitted in .135 the institution has implications for the effectiveness of treat-ment programmes and for resident b e h a v i o u r . Limits of Resident Participation The internal structure of Ennismore includes a highly routinized schedule of work and t h e r a p y , and a system of rela-tionships between residents and staff which is bounded by the scheduling of all a c t i v i t i e s . While the ideal situation for a rehabilitation centre encourages spontaneous and open inter-action between the residents and m a t r o n s , this spontaneity is of necessity thwarted because the time available to the staff to become involved in therapeutic counselling of a spontaneous nature is limited since staff members are engaged mainly in custodial and administrative m a t t e r s . M o r e o v e r , the nature of staff relations with residents is a s y m m e t r i c . The staff are not only the controllers of the institution but they also have access to the means and form of control by which they direct the behaviour of residents along desired lines. All programmes at Ennismore are compulsory - w o r k , t h e r a p y , hobbies and crafts. In the literature on c o r r e c t i o n s , a point is made that a correctional institution with rehabili-tation aims cannot force the offender to accommodate to it; there is a need to encourage "voluntaristic participation and identification" with these p r o g r a m m e s . 8 Another variant of 1 36 9 the same point e m e r g e s in the w r i t i n g s of S t u d t , who s u g g e s t s that w h e r e a t r e a t m e n t p r o g r a m m e is p r e s c r i b e d e n t i r e l y by m a n a g e m e n t , with p r i v i l e g e s or p e n a l i t i e s d i s p e r s e d a c c o r d i n g to the i n m a t e s ' c o n f o r m i t y to these p r e s c r i p t i o n s , the inmate is m o r e often a l i e n a t e d or o p p o r t u n i s t i c with r e s p e c t to the p r o g r a m m e than when he p a r t i c i p a t e s in d e c i s i o n s on his pro-g r a m m e for r e h a b i l i t a t i o n . If the a s s u m p t i o n of these a u t h o r s is that i n m a t e s can p a r t i c i p a t e in the design and s u p e r v i s i o n of their r e h a b i l i t a t i o n p r o g r a m m e s i n t e l l i g e n t l y or e f f e c t i v e l y , it is not w a r r a n t e d b e c a u s e (a) the inmates may not have the n e c e s s a r y e x p e r i e n c e , so that even when the o p p o r t u n i t y for their d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g i n v o l v e m e n t e x i s t s , they c a n n o t m a k e use of i t , and (b) the i n s t i t u t i o n , m o r e often than n o t , backs up its own f u n c t i o n a i r e s , e s p e c i a l l y in the execution of its formal p o l i c i e s so much so that the inmates are likely to be led into t h o s e p r o g r a m m e s which the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n has form-u l a t e d . H o w e v e r , if the a s s u m p t i o n of these authors is that the c o r r e c t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n s need to m a k e their p r o g r a m m e s of r e h a b i l i t a t i o n more c r e d i b l e - by c l a r i f y i n g and s p e c i f y i n g their goals - then it is p l a u s i b l e , b e c a u s e the inmates m a y come to r e c o g n i z e that it is to their a d v a n t a g e , if they c o n f o r m . Such an a s s u m p t i o n calls for the removal of the "mist" s u r r o u n d i n g the r e h a b i l i t a t i o n p r o g r a m m e s and g o a l s . C o r r e c t i o n a l i nsti tutions like E n n i s m o r e , in its p r e s e n t f o r m , are a "coercive o r g a n i z a t i o n , " 1 0 which m u s t .137 maintain the total scope of the inmates activities in the sense that unless the inmates carried out all of their activities within the i n s t i t u t i o n , they would not voluntarily carry out those activities which the institution needs to c o n t r o l . A reduction in the use of coercion would occur if the institu-tion relied on "identitive power" that is, by trying to control the inmates through their identity with the peer g r o u p . This happens when therapeutic or rehabilitation goals are introduced and carried out e x t e n s i v e l y , for e x a m p l e , by allowing more visits from o u t s i d e r s , by introducing work programmes outside the p r i s o n , and by allowing week-ends at h o m e , e t c . 1 1 The implication is that it is at the structural level that the nature of an organization needs to be changed before it can be effective at the operational level. To i l l u s t r a t e , at E n n i s m o r e , the compulsory nature of.the therapy programme elicits the participation and co-operation of the residents. The i n s t i t u t i o n , for the most p a r t , relies on the participation of its own non-professional staff to lead the group therapy sessions. The implication evident from this is that the efficacy of this approach is difficult to determine because with non-professional p e r s o n n e l , and no standardized means of measuring resident involvement or actual lasting behavioural change, a willingness on the part of the offender to "go along with the routine" is seen as an indication that she is improving; she is allegedly fulfilling .138 the (prime) organizational goal of r e h a b i l i t a t i o n . But the success of rehabilitation as a goal can only be determined after the resident leaves the i n s t i t u t i o n , so what the institution is really working towards is a degree of preparedness for the resident's p a r o l e . For all intents and p u r p o s e s , the resident sitting in on these therapy sessions shows cooperation but realizes "her" goal when she is recommended for parole on the basis of good and accommodating b e h a v i o u r . Put in the words of some residents: Group therapy doesn't help; I only .partiei-patewhen they ask rne to; usually I gust give any answer; The things people say in group are phoney; they say it to get parole. Reactions like these certainly reflect on the credibility of the therapy sessions as rehabilitative t e c h n i q u e s . It seems that the residents are more concerned with the immediate gains of their participation in the work and therapy programmes than they are with the ultimate goals which the institution claims to r e p r e s e n t . This, analysis may be taken a step f u r t h e r . Since the residents are aware of the m a t r o n s ' attempts to "prepare" them for p a r o l e , this knowledge of. the worki ngs of the system is apparently used to faci1i tate the residents' own ends . That is, the resi dent, through conforming b e h a v i o u r , mani pulates the matrons into thinking that she is indeed ready for parole. .139 The extent to which manipulation of this sytem is necessary would be determined by the urgency of the residents' n e e d s . The manipulation of the system and the urgency of the r e s i d e n t s ' need for p a r o l e , in a w a y , are something non-calculable and i m p l i c i t , precisely because these are an outcome of the dif-ferential p e r c e p t i o n , i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , and motivated compliance of the residents to the programmes of the i n s t i t u t i o n . F u r t h e r , the nature and importance of the residents' needs is determined by the type of s e n t e n c e , that i s , definite or i n d e f i n i t e . Both the staff and the residents indicated that there are inconsistencies in the interpretation of the organi-zational goals at the operative l e v e l , and that the extent of resident commi tment. to any goal varies according to whether she is serving a definite or an indefinite s e n t e n c e . The type of sentence dictates the institutional practice of application for p a r o l e , which in turn affects the m e m b e r s ' notion of staff-resident involvement with the parole g o a l . The point of the matter is that a definite sentence reduces the willingness of the resident to comply explicitly with the rules since her length of sentence has already been established; for her the outcome of parole application is slow and doubtful. On the other hand, the resident serving an indefinite sentence feels the need for greater conformity since her total- sentence is usually longer, there is direct contact between the r e s i d e n t , .140 the matron and the B o a r d , and conforming behaviour usually guarantees a parole release. Formal expectations of behaviour differ according to type of s e n t e n c e , and it seems that the staff "don't expect as much" from the d e f i n i t e s . But whether the resident's cognitive IP goal is to gain parole or just to do easy t i m e , (and the two m i g h t not be s e p a r a b l e ) , all residents can use the official system to meet their n e e d s . M o r e o v e r , because the behavioural expectations are different for each g r o u p , the "quality" of conforming behaviour is assessed relative to the expectation placed on the individual as a member of a g r o u p . The differential expectations observ-able at Ennismore are an outcome of the special situation in which the definites and indefinites are placed t o g e t h e r . One serious snag in the path to developing an effective treatment programme in any correctional -institution is the court dilemma in deciding which type of sentence (definite or indefinite) j is appropriate for each o f f e n d e r . As witness the complications in evidence at Ennismore surrounding the type of s e n t e n c e , the sentence decision needs to be based on the future plan of incarceration of that individual. At the present t i m e , it would seem that there is little, if a n y , consideration being given to the influence on treatment plans of type of sentence. .141 In the l i t e r a t u r e , references to type of sentence are made in p a s s i n g , but the implications are u n e x a m i n e d . A d m i n i s t r a t o r s and criminology researchers haven't addressed themselves to the implications for successful r e h a b i l i t a t i o n , of the d e f i n i t e / i n d e f i n i t e p h e n o m e n o n , a m a t t e r which seems to be of critical i m p o r t a n c e . Some evidence of this emerges from the experience of E n n i s m o r e , which warrants the suggestion t h a t , considering the differential attitudes of both staff'and inmates to the definite sentence versus the indefinite s e n t e n c e , those involved in the same treatment programme should be of like s e n t e n c e . P e r h a p s , then it would be possible to rem-ove the inconsistencies from the expectations which occur when the two types are mixed in the same treatment institution for the eventual rehabilitation g o a l s . One of the mechanisms used as an inducement to con-forming behaviour is to threaten the resident with denial of p a r o l e . This delineates rather sharply the positions of those who are trying for p a r o l e , and those who are not. That is, eligibility for discharge (a rehabilitative d e c i s i o n ) , may be manipulated by the staff as a control . s a n c t i o n . Seen in this l i g h t , it would seem that the m a n i p u l a t i v e function is being ratified in both d i r e c t i o n s . In other w o r d s , the resi-dents are manipulating the staff assessment of their b e h a v i o u r , and the staff are manipulating behavioural controls. The result of this situation is the aforementioned treatment/ .142 n o n - t r e a t m e n t p r e d i c a m e n t . P a r o l e , rather than r e h a b i l i t a t i o n , has become the operational g o a l , and since the criteria used to determine readiness for parole are vague and subjectively-d e t e r m i n e d , one is left to conclude that the actual organiza-tional practice is not t r e a t m e n t - o r i e n t e d , at least not in the sense of aiming for r e h a b i l i t a t i o n . That ultimate and exterior rehabilitation goal becomes blurred or subdued in favour of the more immediate parole g o a l . Conclusion In s u m , the resident population at Ennismore is not found to be homogeneous either on demographic characteristics or on atti tudinal o n e s , especially with regard to their per-ceptions of the institution as a treatment c e n t r e , the organi-zational p r a c t i c e s , the therapy p r o g r a m m e , and the organizational p e r s o n n e l . The variability in their perception is attributable in part to their own i nvol vernent in the ' core cul ture' which tends to converge toward the a c h i e v e m e n t of the immediate goal of parole rather than ultimate r e h a b i l i t a t i o n . The institution is mandated to achieve rehabilitation but due to certain limitations of .human and material r e s o u r c e s , its practices tend to converge toward preparing the residents for parole rather than rehabilitation. The limitations to which reference has just been made consist of the dual role of .143 the matrons: they act both as custodial and treatment per-sonnel. As custodial p e r s o n n e l , they have to schedule the temporal activities of the r e s i d e n t s , but as treatment p e r s o n n e l , they have to provide the necessary direction to the residents in the therapy s e s s i o n s . In practice this duality in the matron role operates to undermine the effectiveness of the therapy sessions because the residents do not open out completely in these sessions - their difficulty being that they do not know which of the matron roles is likely to take precedence in a given situation and what obligations they can expect from the incumbent of that r o l e . In their t u r n , the matrons show some awareness of their dual r o l e , and when they find themselves unable to achieve the explicit goal of r e h a b i l i t a t i o n , they devolve to their custody role: it is in this latter role that they see to it that the residents complete the tasks assigned to t h e m , conform to the rules and r e g u l a t i o n s , attend the therapy sessions r e g u l a r l y , and when the time c o m e s , "earn" their recommendation for p a r o l e . Thus the efforts of both the residents and staff run parallel towards the achievement of parole. The ultimate goal of rehabilitation remains d i s t a n t . Another structural 1imi tati on which contri butes to parole functions rather than rehabilitation is the absence of both flexibility and variety of treatment p r o g r a m m e s . Both flexibility and variety of programmes could meet the needs of a heterogeneous resident p o p u l a t i o n , and if either one of .144 them were p r e s e n t , the resident r e s i s t a n c e to programmes could . be o f f s e t . In the absence of both the flexibility and variety of treatment p r o g r a m m e s , the staff tend to operate with the assumption that a uniform response from the residents can be elicited to whatever programme they are able to o f f e r . Thus in their e f f o r t s , the staff's reliance on the w i l l i n g n e s s and cooperation of the residents becomes i n e v i t a b l e . The staff believe that the institution has something to offer to thos'e residents who really want to c h a n g e . On their p a r t , the resi-dents seem to realize the limitations of the programme o f f e r e d , but they are able to get out of it what they c a n , that is-, their parole. The reason that the programme has this kind of conse-quence is the fact that there is nothing built into it which can instill a desire for change in the r e s i d e n t s . Their visible participation in the prograrnme becomes ritualistic because they do not find the programme c r e d i b l e . Still another structural 1imi tati on conducive to the parole game is the extent to which the residents are involved in the therapy programme. The intensity of their particpation is not measurable with the means available to the i n s t i t u t i o n . As the residents are themselves aware of this s h o r t c o m i n g , they continue to play the role that they are expected to p l a y , that is, one of a c c o m m o d a t i o n . In the minds of the r e s i d e n t s , parole seems to take precedence over r e h a b i 1 i t a t i o n . 145 Thus it can be seen that various structural arrage-ments l e a d , unwittingly or n o t , toward parole rather than rehabi1i tati o n . .146 FOOTNOTES See N. T e e t e r s , New Horizons in Criminology3 3rd e d . , E n g l e w o o d - C l i f f s , N . J . : Prenti ce-Hal1 , Inc., 1 9 5 9 , p. 3 6 5 . Ibid. L . W . M c C o r k l e , "Group Therapy in the T r e a t m e n t of Offenders," Federal Probation3 16 (December 1 9 5 2 ) , p p . 22-27. See C. W i n i c k , "Physician Narcotic Addicts," Social Problems3 9 (Fall 1 9 6 1 ) , pp. 1 7 4 - 8 6 . D. C r e s s e y , "Limitations of O r g a n i z a t i o n of T r e a t m e n t in a Modern Prison," Theoretical Studies in Social Organization of. the Prison3 New Y o r k , Social Science Research C o u n c i l , 1 9 6 0 , p. 97. L. O h l i n , "Modification of the Criminal Value System "i n Johnston et al. (eds.), The Sociology of Punishment and Correction3 N e w . Y o r k , John Wiley & S o n s , 1970: 4 9 9 - 5 0 0 . D. C r e s s e y , op. cit. 3 p. 94. T . P . W i l s o n , "Patterns of M a n a g e m e n t and Adaptation to Organizational Roles: a study of Prison Inmates," American Journal of Sociology3 74 (September 1 9 6 8 ) , pp. 146-157. For further reading on the notions of cooperative and opportunistic adaptations', see Elliot Studt et al. 3 C Unit:- search for Community in Prison3 New Y o r k , Russell Sage F o u n d a t i o n , 1968. 147 10. A . E t z i o n i , "Organizational Control Structure," in J . G . M a r c h , e d . , Handbook of Organizations, Chicago: Rand McNally & C o . , 1 9 6 5 , pp. 6 5 0 - 6 7 7 . 11. Ibid., p. 6 5 8 . 12. For material on the conception of time in total insti-tutions see: Maurice F a r b e r , "Suffering and Time Perspective of the Prisoner," Part IV, Authority and Frustration by Kurt Lewin et al., University of Iowa P r e s s , 1 944 and Eli e A . C o h e n , Human Behaviour in the Concentration Camp, L o n d o n , Jonathan C a p e , 1 954. Chapter VII SUMMARY AND. CONCLUSIONS The social organization of Enni smore consists of an interlocking system of interaction composed of its subgroups of inmates and m a t r o n s . Empirically it consists o f , f i r s t l y , the e x p l i c i t , c a l c u l a b l e , and predictable characteristics of activities centered around w o r k , r e c r e a t i o n , therapy s e s s i o n s , hobbies and c r a f t s , and the physical m a n a g e m e n t of the institu-tion. And s e c o n d l y , it consists of the implicit and non-cal-culable by-products of i n t e r a c t i o n , which specifically refers to the differential interpretations and perceptions of inmates and s t a f f , which have been formed in the course of living within the total o r g a n i z a t i o n . Access to the core culture was obtainable through p a r t i c i p a n t - o b s e r v a t i o n , supplemented by the confidence given to the researcher by both the residents and m a t r o n s . Elements of the core culture which became apparent during participation in and observation of the interactions between inmates and m a t r o n s , in their w o r d s , consisted of the "parole game." T h e o r e t i c a l l y , the parole game refers to two chief character-istics of the transactions between inmates and matrons: 148 (1) 'their u l t e r i o r cue. 11 ij, and (2) the o ^ - c . i\ E m p i r i c a l it tends to c o n s i s t of a v a r i e t y of thr ir.. - r e s o^erfc be-haviours » aiming at c r e a t i n g a favourab":a - "'on or. tn organizational staff. The creation o f t1' -'2 ^a1 v.- ifcle imp is possible through their responsible . c p a in wor recreation, therapy sessions, and the p h y s i c a l maris foment the institution. The inmates' attitude cf accoasrno u a 110 n t organizational practices and policies, and t/vs: • *st formity to rules and regulations, is 1 r.terpretee 0 • st to all intents and purposes, as a v i s i b l e s 13 ^ t ; M t ;r 1, have "reformed," or "become better," and a r e ready for re's statement in the society outside the i n s t i t u t i o n "T:-c- re-dents' conforming behaviour is in part 1rjvo1«r.Ur:v aus their participation in w o r k , recreation and t h e r a p y 1 £ corn pulsory, and it is in part instrumental „ because t h e i r a*ni to get paroled, with or without the i n t e r n a l i z a t i c " . of the. larger rehabilitation goals. In fact* the i r . s t l •. :..tion doe not possess the means to. gauge the internal 4satlu. or rehe bilitation goals by the inamtes, and cf nec%i»: ty falls bs on the observance o f routines. One of the difficulties in se^tlrc aroui t,. "rehabilitate" the resident is in measuring "ar : ,f c mitment to the rehabi 11 tation goal that ii .. t. res*5: want to change? If she does, then the .. that Ennismore may be able to encourage «e: < % inklr. 1 50 H o w e v e r , if she doesn't want to c h a n g e , there is no means of instilling a will to change in her. The institution is unable to do it because there has y e t to be developed a f o c u s s e d , consistent method of affecting change in the drug a d d i c t . This general lack of method is a problem of the corrections system in g e n e r a l , and not of Ennismore s p e c i f i c a l l y . The general lack of effective methods of treatment has meant that the practices employed at Ennismore lack con-creteness and stringency with respect to the larger goals of . r e h a b i l i t a t i o n . For e x a m p l e , all aspects of the daily prison routine are descrbied as "contributing to the rehabilitation of the resident," yet there is no consensus with respect to proof that these practices are effecting permanent change in the r e s i d e n t . H o w e v e r , the majority of the matrons and the residents can point to parole as the crucial factor in deter-mining the extent of their commitment to organizational p r a c t i c e s . For most r e s i d e n t s , by displaying conforming b e h a v i o u r , parole is seen as an attainable g o a l , and. it is this goal which seems to motivate them. The appropriateness of the prevalent practices could best be appreciated if one said that "the prison routines contribute to the resident's parole." A specific finding of the research which tends to affirm the above interpretation is that the residents showed different levels of motivation according to whether they were serving a definite sentence or an indefinite sentence. It was .151 found that there is a lot of agreement between the definites and the indefinites with respect to their perceptions of the institutional goals and p r a c t i c e s . For the most p a r t , the matrons showed an awareness that the residents have different purposes according to the type of sentence they are s e r v i n g . Qualitatively there are differences in the ways in which the definites and indefinites conduct t h e m s e l v e s . In the self-reports of the matrons and the r e s i d e n t s , the members conveyed a 'sense' of these dif-f e r e n c e s . H o w e v e r , it is not that the definites have a style of behaviour exclusively and observably separate from that of the i n d e f i n i t e s . R a t h e r , the real differences according to type of sentence become apparent only when one questions each m e m b e r , both staff and r e s i d e n t , about their views on organi-zational i m p e r a t i v e s . In the case of the i n d e f i n i t e s , the parole system has built-in devices for creating a "parole g a m e . That is, there is a level of c o n s i s t e n t , conforming behaviour which is seen as evidence that a resident is ready to be paroled; there is constant interaction between the resident and the matron who will be her spokesman for parole recommen-d a t i o n s , and there is direct contact between the resident and m a t r o n , and the parole committee. This can only mean greater personal involvement with the r e s i d e n t , than is true with the 'paper-work' method of parole application which charac-terizes the definite s e n t e n c e . 1 52 Regarding the rehabilitation t e c h n i q u e s , it was observed that at Ennismore, the majority of the.staff and residents identified the group therapy sessions as the primary treatment t e c h n i q u e . T i m e - w i s e , only four hours per week are spent on group therapy; the remainder of the time is spent doing physical work necessary to maintain the p l a c e , engaging in educational p u r s u i t s , and doing compulsory arts and c r a f t s . Although individualization is stressed theoretically where rehabilitation needs are c o n c e r n e d , with respect to the work p r o g r a m m e , the needs of the individual are adapted to the ways in which tasks are completed. In other w o r d s , mass conformity is e s s e n t i a l , and ensured by control sanctions. The obligatory nature of all activity would mean that the decision to assess an individual resident as 'changed' or 'ready for parole' would be difficult to m a k e . Yet such a decision is m a d e , based on the superficial evidence of resident conformity. It was observed that certain structural constraints i.e. custody v s . treatment g o a l s , limitations of r e s o u r c e s , and limits of resident participation in d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g , in-fluence the effectiveness of institutionally-offered treatment programmes. Due to these structural constraints, the intended goal of rehabilitation gets replaced by the more immediate and attainable goal of parole. The most serious implication of the research is that it suggests very strongly that the institutionalization of the 1 53 parole game prevents the attainment of r e h a b i 1 i t a t i o n , g o a l s . By d e f a u l t , it seems that the institution stabilizes deviant b e h a v i o u r . 1 That is, since the rehabilitation experience at Ennismore is not intense, the resident is able to go through the programme and remain relatively unconvinced of the merit of the rehabilitation goals. R a t h e r , she is able to pursue her own goal - that of parole. Perhaps this study has enabled the reader to appre-ciate .this paradox: that an institution designed to extirpate deviant behaviour turns out to create conditions for its conti nuati o n . 1 54 FOOTNOTE 1. Edwin M . L e m e r t , Human Deviance, Social Problems, and Social Control, 2nd e d i t i o n , Englewood C l i f f s , New J e r s e y , Prentice-Hall Inc., 1 9 7 2 , p . 69. BIBLIOGRAPHY Annual Report of the British Columbia Director of Correction, Department of the A t t o r n e y - G e n e r a l , V a n c o u v e r , British C o l u m b i a , 1971. B a l l , Donald, "An Abortion Clinic Ethnography," Social Problems, 14 (Fall 1 966): 293-301 . Becker Howard S . , "Notes on the Concept of Commitment," American Journal of Sociology, 66 (July 1960): 3 2 - 4 0 . : , Outsiders: Studies in the Sociology of Deviance, New York: Free P r e s s , 1963. , The Other Side: Perspectives on Deviance, Glencoe Illinois: The Free P r e s s , 1964. 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Eveson, M a r k , "Research with Female Drug Addicts at the Prison for Women," Canadian Journal of Criminology and Corrections, 6 (1964): 21-27. Farber, M a u r i c e , "Suffering and Time Perspective of the Prisoner," in Kurt Lewi n et al., Part IV, Authority and Frustration, University of Iowa P r e s s , 1944. Fenton, N o r m a n , "Group Counselling in Correctional Practice," Canadian Journal of Criminology and. Corrections, 2 (1960): 229-239. .157 F i s h e r , S e t h a r d , "The Rehabilitative Effectiveness of a Community Correctional Residence for Narcotic Users," Journal of Criminal Lav), Criminology and Police Science, 56 (June 1965): 1 9 0 - 1 9 6 . F l i n t , M a u r i c e , "An Experiment in the Rehabilitation of Women Offenders," Canadian Journal of Criminology and Corrections, 2 (1960): 2 4 0 - 2 5 2 . G i a l i o m b a r d o , R o s e , Society of Women: A Study of a Women's Prison, New York: John Wiley and S o n s , 1 9 6 6 . 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Asylums, Garden C i t y , New York: Doubleday and C o m p a n y , 1961 G r u s k y , O s c a r , "Organizational Goals and the Behaviour of Informal Leaders," American Journal of Sociology, 65 (July 1959): 59-67 . H a s l a m , P h y l l i s , "The Female Prisoner," Canadian Journal of Criminology and Corrections, 6 (1965): 4 6 3 - 4 6 6 . H a y n e r , N o r m a n , "The Prison as a Community," American Socio-logical Review, 5 (June 1940: 5 7 7 - 5 8 3 . 1 58 H o u l t , T . F . , Dictionary of Modern Sociology, T o t o w a , New Jersey: L i t t l e f i e l d , Adams and C o m p a n y , 1969. I r w i n , John and Donald R. C r e s s e y , " T h i e v e s , Convicts and the Inmate Culture," Social Problems, 10 (Fall 1962): 1 4 2 - 1 5 5 . J o h n s o n , Elmer H u b e r t , Crime, Correction and Society, H o m e w o o d , Illinois: The Dorsey P r e s s , 1964. J o h n s t o n , N o r m a n , Leonard S a v i t z , Marvin Wolfgang (ed.), The Sociology of Punishment and Correction,. 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(eds.), The Sociology of Punish-ment and Correction, New York: John Wiley & S o n s , 1970: 4 9 9 - 5 0 0 . P r e b l e , Edward and John J . Casey J r . , "Taking Care of Business -The Heroin User's Life on the Street," The Inter-national Journal of the Addictions, 4 (March 1969): 1 - 2 4 . .159 S c h w a r t z , Morris and Charlotte Green S c h w a r t z , "Problems in Participant Observation," American Journal of Sociology3 60 (January 1955): 3 4 3 - 3 5 3 . S t o d d a r t , Ken, Drug Transactions: The Social Organization of a Deviant Activity (unpublished M . A . T h e s i s , University of British C o l u m b i a , May 1 9 6 8 ) . S t r e e t , D a v i d , Robert V i n t e r , Charles Perrow (eds.), Organiza tion for Treatment3 New York: Free P r e s s , 1 9 6 6 . S t u d t , Elliot et al. 3 C-Unit: Search for Community in Prison - New York: Russell Sage F o u n d a t i o n , 1 9 6 8 . T a y l o r , L a u r i e , Deviance and Society3 London: Michael Joseph 1971. T e e t e r s , N . , New Horizons in Criminology- (3rd e d . ) , Englewood C l i f f s , New Jersey: P r e n t i c e - H a l l , I n c . , 1959. T i t t l e , C h a r l e s , "Inmate Organization: Sex Differentiation and the Influence of Criminal Subculture," American Sociological Review3 34 (August 1969): 4 9 2 - 5 0 5 . W a r d , David A . , and Gene G . Kassebaum, Women's Prison3 London Weidenfeld and N i c o l s o n , 1 9 6 6 . W h e e l e r , S t a n t o n , "Role Conflict in Correctional C o m m u n i t i e s , in Donald Cressey (ed.), The Prison3 Studies in Institutional Organization and Change3 New York: H o i t , Ri nehart, Winston,.1 961 : 229-259 . , "Socialization in a Prison Community," American Sociological Review3 26 (October 1961): 6 9 7 - 7 1 2 . W i e l d e r , Donald L a w r e n c e , The Convict Code: A Study of a Moral Order as a Persuasive Activity (unpublished doctoral d i s s e r t a t i o n , University of C a l i f o r n i a , Los Angeles 1969). Wilson Thomas P., "Patterns of Management and Adaptation to Organizational Roles: a Study of Prison Inmates," American Journal of Sociology3 74 (September 1 968) 146-157. 160 W i n i c k , C. , "Physician Narcotic Addicts," Social Problems, 9 (Fall 1961): 1 7 4 - 1 8 6 . Z a l d , Mayer N. ', "The Correctional Institution for Juvenile Offenders: An Analysis of Organizational 'Charac-ter'," Social Problems3 8 (Summer, 1960): 5 7 - 6 7 . , "Organizational Structures in Five Correctional Institutions," American Journal of Sociology, 68 (November 1962): 3 3 5 - 3 4 5 . APPENDIX I INTERVIEW SCHEDULES A . RESIDENT INTERVIEW 1. What type of sentence are you serving? (a) d e f i n i t e , (b) i n d e f i n i t e . 2. What is "the offence for which you have been charged? 3 . What is your length of sentence? 4 . Why did you come to . (request or decision by c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s ) . 5. (If the resident requested to come to ) ,• why did you request to come to * ? 6. (If the decision was made by c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s ) , why do you think you were selected to come to ? 7. What do you think is trying to accompl i sh? 8. How is it trying to do this? 9. Do you see as a treatment centre? 10. What does treatment mean to you? 11. What is your attitude to the treatment programme? 12. Do you think that the matrons are sincere in their attempts to 'help' you? 161 .162 13. How do you know they are sincere/insincere? 1 4 . What do you think is the purpose of the work programme? 15. In g e n e r a l , do you obey the demands of the work matron? 16. Do m o s t of the residents obey her? 17. Do you think that any residents change their behaviour w h i 1 e i n ? 18. If s o , would you attribute this change to the treatment programme? 19. What other factors could account for it? 20. In your o p i n i o n , is the method of treatment employed at effective? 21. If s o , is it equally effective with both addicts and alcoholi cs? 22. How do you know? 23. If n o t , for whi ch of these two groups is it 1 ess effective? Explai n . • 24. What do you think makes residents behave differently at ? (previous record; playing the parole game ; etc .). 25. Do residents who have different sentences tend to behave differently at ? 26. Are those who are serving definite sentences and those who are serving indefinite sentences handled in different ways by staff? 27. If s o , why do you think they are handled differently? 28. Are they regarded di fferently by residents? 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 .163 If s o , why are they regarded differently? How much emphasis is given to the "custodial aspect" of ? Is there a r e w a r d / p u n i s h m e n t system in ope ration at ? How does it work? What kinds of rewards/punishments are used by staff? To what extent is the r e w a r d / p u n i s h m e n t system used as a method of controlling the behaviour of residents? How do the matrons decide when to mete out punishment? (on an individual b a s i s , or according to rules which must apply to e v e r y o n e , or a combination of b o t h ) . What are the means used by staff to maintain control over the residents? How do the residents feel about these tactics? « Do the residents have ways of rewarding and/or punishing each other? .. On what basis do the residents tend to form cliques or group themselves? Are there leaders among the residents? Who are they? How are they different from non-leaders? Do they have a positive or negative effect on the rest of the group? What do you mean by positive and negative? How do the staff regard these leaders? .164 46. Is participation in the group sessions seen as important by the matrons? 47. Do the residents feel that participation in the group sessions is important? Why? 4 8 . What do you think accounts for participation or non-participation in these sessions? 49. Do the residents try to con the m a t r o n s in any ways? 50. Do you feel that the staff are really being ' c o n n e d 1 , or do you think that they deli berately cooperate with the conning tactics of residents? 52. -How do you know this? 53. If they are c o o p e r a t i n g , why do you think they would do this? 54. Suppose that you wanted, to transfer back to , what would be the grounds for obtaining this transfer? 55. What would be your motive for^ wanting a transfer? 56. Before you became an a d d i c t / a l c o h o l i c , had you ever committed an offence? If s o , what was it? 57. In g e n e r a l , how do you feel about being at ? 58. Is being at doing anything for you? If s o , what? (does the place serve any useful purpose to y o u ? ) . B. STAFF INTERVIEW 1. What is your job classification? 2. What does that mean that you do? 3. How long have you been with 165 4 . W h a t is trying to a c c o m p l i s h ? 5 . How does the staff try to a c c o m p l i s h this? 6 . W h a t part do you take in trying to bring this about? 7 . In g e n e r a l , how do you think the r e s i d e n t s p e r c e i v e the goa 1 (s ) of ? 8 . How do you know this? 9 . Do r e s i d e n t s who have d i f f e r e n t s e n t e n c e s tend to b e h a v e d i f f e r e n t l y at ? (definite v s . i n d e f i n i t e ) . 1 0 . W h a t do you think m a k e s r e s i d e n t s b e h a v e d i f f e r e n t l y at - ? (previous r e c o r d ; p l a y i n g the p a r o l e g a m e ; etcTJ^ 7 1 1 . A r e those who serve d e f i n i t e s e n t e n c e s and those" who s e r v e i n d e f i n i t e s e n t e n c e s handled in d i f f e r e n t ways? 1 2 . Why are they handled d i f f e r e n t l y ? 1 3 . Do you think of as *a t r e a t m e n t centre? 14.. W h a t does t r e a t m e n t mean to you? 1 5 . In y o u r o p i n i o n , is the method of t r e a t m e n t employed at e f f e c t i v e ? 1 6 . If s o , is it equally e f f e c t i v e with both addicts and a l c o h o l i c s ? 1 7 . How do you know? 1 8 . If n o t , for which of these two groups is it less e f f e c t i v e ? Explai n. 1 9 . Do the r e s i d e n t s cooperate with the t r e a t m e n t plan? How do you know? , 1 66 2 0 . If there are some who d o n ' t c o o p e r a t e , how do you a c c o u n t for these e x c e p t i o n s ? 2 1 . Do you think t h a t any r e s i d e n t s c h a n g e t h e i r b e h a v i o u r while in ? 2 2 . W h a t would you i d e n t i f y as e x a m p l e s of a p o s i t i v e c h a n g e in the b e h a v i o u r and a t t i t u d e s of the r e s i d e n t s ? 2 3 . Would you a t t r i b u t e this c h a n g e to the t r e a t m e n t p r o g r a m m e ? 2 4 . W h a t o t h e r f a c t o r s could a c c o u n t for it? 2 5 . How much e m p h a s i s is given to the "custodial a s p e c t " of ? 2 6 . W h a t do you think is the p u r p o s e of the w o r k p r o g r a m m e ? (does the w o r k p r o g r a m m e c o m p l e m e n t the t h e r a p e u t i c p r o g r a m m e ? ) . 2 7 . Is there a r e w a r d / p u n i s h m e n t system in o p e r a t i o n at ? 2 8 . How does it work? 2 9 . W h a t kinds of r e w a r d s / p u n i s h m e n t s can be used by staff? 3 0 . To w h a t e x t e n t is the r e w a r d / p u n i s h m e n t system used as a m e t h o d of c o n t r o l l i n g the b e h a v i o u r of r e s i d e n t s ? 3 1 . How do you d e c i d e when to m e t e out p u n i s h m e n t ? (on an individual b a s i s , or a c c o r d i n g to rules which m u s t apply to e v e r y o n e , or a c o m b i n a t i o n of b o t h ? ) . 3 2 . What ar_e the m e a n s used by staff to m a i n t a i n control over the r e s i d e n t s ? ( d e m e r i t - t y p e r e p o r t s , e t c . ) . 3 3 . Do the r e s i d e n t s have ways o f - r e w a r d i n g and/or punishing each other? Explai n. 3 4 . W h a t types of r e s i d e n t s are the m o s t d i f f i c u l t to handle? (the young a d d i c t s ; the s o p h i s t i c a t e d r e p e a t e r s ; the a l c o h o l i c s ) . .167 3 5 . In w h a t ways are they more difficult? 3 6 . On what basis do the residents tend to form cliques or group themselves? 3 7 . Are there leaders among the residents? 38. Who are they? 3 9 . How are they different from the non-leaders? 4 0 . Do they have a positive or negative effect on the rest of the group? 4 1 . What do you mean by positive and n e g a t i v e . 4 2 . Is participation in the group sessions seen as important by the matrons? 4 3 . What do you think accounts for participation or non-participation in these sessions? 4 4 . Do the residents try to con the matrons in any ways? If s o , in what ways? 4 5 . Do the staff deliberately cooperate with resident conning on some occasions? 4 6 . Why would the staff cooperate? 4 7 . Do you feel that there is adequate communication among staff regarding resident behaviour on a day-to-day basis? 4 8 . Suppose that a girl wanted to be transferred back to , what is the procedure? 4 9 . What are the grounds for granting this request? 50. Do you think is working? .168 51. If y e s , how do you know? 52. If n o t , why n o t , and what could be done to make it more effective? APPENDIX II GLOSSARY OF PRISON ARGOT apartment, house, pent-house - a room/cell in a gaol back man - the man who is usually told where to get a pick up, directly from the king pin supply beef, doing time - a charge big house - the penitentiary bitch - sentence given out to habitual user as: "They throw the bitch at you" bits, rough time - serving two years or m o r e . black mariah - police car blow the fix - after the fix, the "rush" feeling disappears because of a scare bread, lines - money bum beef, rap - charge thought to be unjustified bundle - twelve to twenty-five caps cap, joint - capsule cat house - the maximum-security prison 1 69 / • . 1 7 0 chippie - person who uses occasionally i.e. "week-end junkie" chucki n 1 - craving to eat sweets after have kicked the habit city b u c k e t , t a n k , jug - city gaol collapsed veins - using veins too m u c h , not taking precau-tions; the veins collapse comings and g o i n g s , pickups - group three at the maximum-security prison con - deceive c o o k i n g , cook up - processing the heroin with water corner - Hastings and Main croaker - the prison physician deal - any transaction between addicts dealer - a narcotic peddlar deck - a quantity of narcotics sufficient for one dose dirty needle/outfit - needle hasn't been sterilized easy time - a short sentence and/or easy prison fence - a receiver of stolen property f i l t e r i n g , strai ni ng - cleaning a di rty cap (too much chry-staline in it) with cotton wool finger man - informer fix - an injection of a narcotic flag - drawing blood into the syringe .171 Fraser River - not getting full measure in a fix frisk - to s e a r c h , to shake down front - a legitimate business which serves as a disguise for predatory undertaking Gaol house queer - an inmate who practices homosexuality while in p r i s o n , but not on the outside gleep - steal grape vine - the underworld system of communication h a c k , s c r e w , women in w h i t e , brass - correctional matron heavy duty - e x c l a m a t i o n , similar to "wow" h i g h , l o a d e d , r u s h , blast - feeling after fixing h o l e , basement suite - punishment cell in maximum security prison horsemen - R . C . M . P . narc squad hot - a n g r y , stolen goods hot cap - heroin which has been cut with a poisonous substance hot plant - quantity of narcotic which has already been sur-veilled and sampled by the police; they wait for someone to pick i t. up hots and c o l d s , s w e a t s , chills - withdrawal hustler - prostitute hype - h y p o d e r m i c , user of injected narcotic j a c k - r a b b i t parolee - an inmate who escapes .172 john - any male j o i n t , w e e d , grass - marijuana junk - heroin junkie - user of heroin kicking the habit - withdrawing from heroin king m a n , pin - financer; makes arrangements for delivery to " the back man kite - an illicit note or letter passed between inmates knock off - to kill low down - a piece of correct information lush - a drunk middle m a n , middler - a person who gets his quantity of narcotics from the back man mocassin heights - group seven at the maximum security prison mucking - cleaning out chicken manure nodding out - passing o u t , as in fainting O . D . - overdose (of narcotics) old man - boyfriend/husband outfit/fit - syringe • . package - a parcel of narcotics paper hanger - one who passes fictitious p a p e r , a cheque passer .173 parole game - conning the m a t r o n into thinking you are ready for parole patch - perfume pay off - money or goods received from thefts pick up - pusher picks up quantity of narcotic from connection p i g s , narcs , bobbsie t w i n s , b u l l s , c o p s , u n d e r c o v e r , screws -police p i n c h e d , b u s t e d , nailed - getting arrested plant - quantity of narcotics left for. pick up by the back man p o i n t - n e e d l e pusher - anyone who sells narcotics; gets narcotic from m i d d l e r racket - any illegitimate enterprise rap - an a r r e s t , b l a m e , accusation^ rat - a stool pigeon ratting - tale bearing rounders - the addict way of life s c o r e , make a deal - b u y , get heroin skin pop - inject just under the skin s t a l l , balloon - bundle of heroin stash - hide straight - a non-user of narcotics .174 the s t r e e t , cement sidewalk - outside prison stretch - a term served in prison s t u f f , H - heroin syndicate - a money pool for operating a racket they'll be flying - going to the penitentiary threads - clothes tracks - needle marks v a s e l i n e flats - group four in the maximum security prison w a s h i n g s , rinse - residue left in the spoon who's got - do y o u , or do you know who has heroin? w i r e d - addicted yen - the desire of a drug a d d i c t , both physical and m e n t a l , for his drug your m a n , c o n n e c t i o n - person who supplies quantity to the pusher APPENDIX III OF THE PHYSICAL LAY-175 APPENDIX IV TYPICAL WEEK'S SCHEDULE OF ACTIVITIES General (Monday through Friday) p.m. a.m. 6:30 Wake Up 7:00 - 7:30 Breakfast 8:00 Report to Work Area 10:00 - 10:30 Nourishment (coffee break) "1 2: 00 - 1 2:30 Lunch 1:00 Report to Work Area 3:00 - 3:30 Nourishment 4:00 - 5:00 Free Time (dorm) 5:00 - 5:30 Supper 5:30 - 6:00 Personal Needs (wash hair, etc.) 6:00 Evening Programme Begins 8:30 - 9:00 Nourishment 9:00 - 10:00 Personal Grooming 10:00 Lights Out By Day of the Week Monday a.m. 8:00 - 10:00 1 0 : 0 0 - 1 2 : 0 0 Group I (group therapy) Group II p.m.12:30 4: 00 7: 00 7: 30 3:30 School 5:00 Canteen Given 8:30 Crafts/School Work 10:00 Night School Dining Room Tuesday a.m.10:00 1 2:00 Group II 176 .177 p . m . 7 : 0 0 - 9 : 0 0 C r a f t s / S t u d y - Dining Room 8:00 - 9:00 A . A . M e e t i n g - Hobby Hut W e d n e s d a y a . m . 8:00 - 12:00 Group I 10:00 - 12:00 A . A . G r o u p (Padre) p.m. 1:00 - 2:30 Y.O C o u n s e l l i n g (Padre) 6:00 - 7:30 P r o t e s t a n t Church 7:00 - 8:30 C r a f t s / S c h o o l Work T h u r s d a y p . m . 4:00 - 5:00 6:00 - 7:00 7:00 - 8:30 C a n t e e n O r d e r s T a k e n Group III C r a f t s / S c h o o l Work - Dining Room Fri day p . m . 1 2 : 3 0 - 3:30 4:00 - 5:00 6:00 - 7:00 7:00 - 8:30 School Special Events ( y o g a , f i r s t aid e t c . ) Group III Crafts S a t u r d a y a.m. p.m. 30 00 00 10:00 11:00 12:00 - 7:30 10:30 1 2: 00 12:30 1 : 0 0 - 5 00 3:00 - 3 30 3:30 - 5 00 5:00 - 5 30 5:30 7 30 7:30 8 15 8 : 1 5 - 8 45 8:45 - 10:30 11:00 Wake Up B r e a k f a s t R e p o r t to Work Area (where a p p l i c a b l e ) Nouri s h m e n t Trips to L i b r a r y Lunch T r i p s to L i b r a r y Nouri s h m e n t Free T i m e S u p p e r Free J i m e R . C . Church N o u r i s h m e n t Free T i m e , TV Lights Ont 178 Sunday a.m. 9 30 Wake Up 10 00 - 10:30 Brunch 10 30 - 12:00 Sunday Chores & Free Time 1 2 00 - 12:30 Nouri shment 12 30 4:00 Free Time 4 00 5: 00 Supper 5 00 8: 00 Free Time 8 00 - 8:30 Nouri shment 8 30 - 10:00 TV 10 00 Lights Out APPENDIX V CHECK-LIST OF FOURTEEN RESIDENT CHARACTERISTICS 179 180 D e f . expires:_ I n d e t e r . e x p i r e s : NAME: PERIOD C O V E R E D : R A T I N G FACTORS 1 . N e a t n e s s POOR S T A N D A R D REACHED BY THE END OF R E P O R T I N G PERIOD. ABOV-E' 2. C o u r t e s y 3 . P u n c t u a l i ty 4 . P o s t u r e & Poise 5. Emotional Control 6 . 0bedi enee 7 . I n i t i a t i v e 8 . C o - o p e r a t i o n 9 . Group Parti ci pati on 1 0 . S p o r t s m a n s h i p 1 1 . Leadershi p 1 2 . Social R e s p o n s i b i l i t y 1 3 . R e l i a b i l i t y 1 4 . R e a c t i o n to C r i t i c i s m BELOW A V E R A G E A V E R A G E A T T I T U D E T O W A R D S S E L F - I M P R O V E M E N T A V E R A G E As sets: Liabilities: Work Area ( A t t i t u d e , o u t p u t & qua'lltjO. R E C O M M E N D A T I O N S : 

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