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The British Columbia labour movement and political action, 1879-1906 Loosmore, Thomas Robert 1954-12-31

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THE BRITISH COLUMBIA LABOR MOVEMENT AND POLITICAL ACTION, 1879.1906 by THOMAS ROBERT LOOSMORE  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS  i n the Department of HISTORY  We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the standard required from candidates f o r the degree of MASTER OF ARTS  Members of the Department of HISTORY THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA October, 1954 i  i  LABOR POLITICAL ACTION in BRITISH COLUMBIA, 1879-1906  ABSTRACT The period under study i s the formative period of working-class p o l i t i c a l action i n t h i s province.  The condi-  tions and events of t h i s time form the foundation upon which the S o c i a l i s t Party of Canada, the Federated Labor Party, the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation, and the Labor Progressive Party grew to be important factors i n B r i t i s h Columbia a f f a i r s . Consideration of this period i s therefore highly relevant to any evaluation or assessment of these organizations. The wage-workers of B r i t i s h Columbia began to organize into unions i n s i g n i f i c a n t numbers i n the 1880's. Being concerned with improving t h e i r l o t as workers, some of the unionists turned toward the idea of taking class action on the p o l i t i c a l f i e l d i n order to obtain favorable l e g i s l a t i o n . In the economic sphere, the main complaint of the workers during t h i s period was that the many Chinese i n the province worked long hours f o r low wages, and thus tended to lower the l i v i n g standards of those who had to compete with them.  Another complaint with economic as well as p o l i t i c a l  aspects was that much of the land and resources of B r i t i s h Columbia had been alienated to such corporations as the Esquimalt and Nanaimo Railway Company and the Canadian P a c i f i c  Railway.  In t h e i r p o l i t i c a l action the workers demanded a  solution of these grievances, and i n the case of the l a t t e r were strongly attracted to the doctrine of "single tax." They also expressed a wish f o r government-sponsored  arbitration  and c o n c i l i a t i o n procedures which would s e t t l e labor-management disputes i n a peaceful manner. The demands f o r p o l i t i c a l reform were occasioned by the use of government i n the interests of the wealthy element of the community, and were very much influenced by American and s o c i a l i s t ideas.  The basic p r i n c i p l e involved was that of ^ d i r -  ect democracy, * including the i n i t i a t i v e , referendum, and r e 1  c a l l , and i t persisted throughout the whole period i n various forms. The f i r s t election to be contested by labor candidates was the p r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n of 1886.  Pour candidates ran  i n V i c t o r i a and Nanaimo, and a l l were defeated. At t h i s time the Knights of Labor was at the peak of i t s power.  The organiza-  t i o n soon declined, and i t s place was occupied i n most cases by trade unions. In 1890 the Nanaimo miners' union succeeded i n e l e c t ing two members to the B r i t i s h Columbia l e g i s l a t u r e . Although these members were unable to carry through any of t h e i r own measures, their presence l e d to the passage of a mechanics' l i e n law and an a r b i t r a t i o n and c o n c i l i a t i o n a c t . In 1894 the miners* candidates were defeated but the N a t i o n a l i s t Party of Vancouver, a labor organization, succeeded in getting Robert Macpherson elected.  Although not always  s t r i c t l y a labor representative, Macpherson was generally a  iii protagonist of the cause of labor.  In the 1896 federal election  the N a t i o n a l i s t s also i n i t i a t e d the successful candidature of Rev. George R. Maxwell, who remained i n parliament u n t i l h i s death i n 1902. In 1898 Nanaimo labor recovered part of the l o s t ground by e l e c t i n g Ralph Smith to V i c t o r i a . Smith changed to the federal f i e l d i n 1900, was elected, and remained i n parliament u n t i l 1911. However, he was very c l o s e l y linked to the L i b e r a l Party, and i n 1902 was repudiated by the Nanaimo miners. The 1900 p r o v i n c i a l election was the high point of labor p o l i t i c a l action i n this-period. Labor Candidates with r e form programs appeared i n Vancouver and Nanaimo.  The Western  Federation of Miners i n the southern I n t e r i o r supported nonlabor candidates pledged to defend the new eight-hour law f o r metal-miners.  A l l the W.F.M.-backed candidates and one Nanaimo  labor man were elected. This election saw the f i r s t appearance of the term " S o c i a l i s t * as the o f f i c i a l designation of a candidate — MacClain.  Will  The period 1900-1906 witnessed the decline of r e -  formist l a b o r i s m and the r i s e of socialism as a p o l i t i c a l force B  B  in the province,culminating i n the capture of a Labor Party convention by members of the S o c i a l i s t Party of Canada. A study of t h i s period has a s p e c i a l relevance to the present p o l i t i c a l s i t u a t i o n i n B r i t i s h Columbia.  We are now i n  a time of re-alignment and re-orientation of p o l i t i c a l forces, the understanding of which demands an appraisal of past p o l i t i c a l changes. The events and situations recounted and analyzed here, since they are concerned with a period of p o l i t i c a l t i o n , may a f f o r d us useful l i g h t on present changes.  experimenta-  CONTENTS CHAPTER  Page INTRODUCTION . . .  I  1  BACKGROUND OF THE BRITISH COLUMBIA LABOR MOVEMENT i ii iii  . . . . .  Union Organization  4 •  Techniques of Unions Development  7  of the B r i t i s h Columbia  Working Class . . . . . . . II  4  KNIGHTS IN POLITICS  12 19  i Labor Considers P o l i t i c a l Action, 1879-1882  . . . . . . . .  19  i i Knights of Labor and the Workingmen*s Party, 1886  23  i i i Other P o l i t i c a l Action by Labor, 1886: Decline of Knights of Labor III  MINERS AND  »»NATIONALISTS»  i P o l i t i c a l Action i n Vancouver, 1890-1891  38 42 42  i i Labor Members of the Legislature, Nanaimo, 1890-1894 i i i Labor and P o l i t i c s , 1893-1894 i v Labor i n the P r o v i n c i a l E l e c t i o n , 1894 .  47 59 66  v The N a t i o n a l i s t Party and Rev. George K. Maxwell, M.P. v i Reflections on the N a t i o n a l i s t Party . •  78 85  CONTENTS  (Continued)  CHAPTER IV  Page INDEPENDENT LABOR PARTIES. 1898-1906 Part 1. i ii iii iv  88  To the Kamloops Labor Convention. 1902  Prelude to the P r o v i n c i a l E l e c t i o n of 1900  88  Labor i n the 1900 P r o v i n c i a l E l e c t i o n . . .  95  Labor i n the 1900 Federal E l e c t i o n  . . . . 124  P r o v i n c i a l By-elections, 1901 . . . . . . . 148  Part 2.  The Kamloops Convention, 1902, and After  <  i  The Kamloops Labor Convention • . . . . . . 151  ii  Federal By-Election i n Burrard, 1902-1903 . 164  iii iv v  Labor-Socialist S p l i t i n Nanaimo, 1902 Labor i n the 1903 P r o v i n c i a l E l e c t i o n  BIBLIOGRAPHY  198  . 210  APPENDICES:  II  .. . 183  . 194  CONCLUSION AND REFLECTIONS .  I  . . 172  Breakdown of Laborism i n B r i t i s h Colombia . 1904-1906  V  ^  L e g i s l a t i v e Platforms and Resolutions. Explanatory  * **  ILLUSTRATIONS  1. Chart of .Labor P o l i t i c a l Action i n B r i t i s h Columbia, 1879-1906 ... preceding page 1 2. (a) Robert Macpherson, M.L.A (b) Rev. George R. Maxwell, M.P. (c) Vancouver i n 1890.  following page 41  3. (a) Ralph Smith, M.P. (b) A Pithead at Nanaimo.  following page 87  4. (a) James H. Hawthornthwaite, M.L.A. .. following page 171 (b) Parker Williams, M.L.A. 5. Sandon, B r i t i s h Columbia  following page 187  {Photographs by courtesy of the P r o v i n c i a l Archives, V i c t o r i a , B r i t i s h Columbia.)  A CHART OF LABOR POLITICAL ACTION IN BRITISH COLUMBIA, 1879-1906 NANAIMO  VICTORIA 1886  KNIGHTS OF WORKWOMEN'S  h h  1889 T- 8 L-c- Organized  VANCOUVER  r~T- a L- C- Organized  THOS- Keith . . ., THOS- Forster M  1894  1  L  A  S  NATIONALIST PARTY  NANAIMO REFORM CLUB ^-Candidates defeated  1896  (-Ralph Smith M-L-A-  1898  f-Smith- re-elected  !-Robt- Macpherson M-L-A-Rev G-Maxwell M-P  — Provincial candidates defeated UNITED SOCIALIST LABOR PARTY Prov cund- defeated LABOR PARTY Maxwell re-elected CIALIST PARTY -H OF B-C-  ••Ralph Smith I 901  SOCIALIST PARTY I- OF B«C«  1902  1  PAR TY  1  MP-  REVOLUTIONARY SOCIALIST T, PARTY - . f-J-H- HawthornwaiteM-LA' T-8 LCIjawthornwaite M-L-A* S-! Williams  1904  I i  1906 T L C C -  Convention  -Supported Provincial candidates - LABOR PARTY (-Federal candidate ! defeated PARTY OF B-C Kamloops Labor Convention PROVINCIAL PROGRESSIVE RARTY  I  1903  WESTERN FEDERATION OF MINERS being organized  I  rNANAIMO LABOR 1900  INTERIOR  LABOR PARTY H  M-M-L-P-A- Organized  18 90  SOUTHERN  Federal candidate defeated  I CANADIAN LABOR PARTY Convention I • +  -Wm-Davidson M-L-A_ 0 A * 6, W-F-Mendorsed socialism  THE BRITISH COLOMBIA LABOR MOVEMENT AND POLITICAL ACTION, 1879-1906  INTRODUCTION Since 1882 when the wage-workers of B r i t i s h Colombia were beginning to organize i n s i g n i f i c a n t numbers, no p r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n has passed without some manifestation of labor p o l i t i c a l action.  Furthermore, since 1889 when the Vancouver Trades and  Labor Council and the Vancouver Island Miners and Mine Laborers * f  Protective Association were formed,  1  a l l federal elections have  witnessed the organized intervention of B r i t i s h Colombia labor. There has constantly been an element i n the l o c a l labor movement which has advocated a l e g i s l a t i v e s o l u t i o n to labor's problems and which has been active enough to take the p o l i t i c a l f i e l d . Consequently, Candidates claiming to represent the s p e c i a l i n t erests of the wage-workers have been a normal feature of oar p o l itical  life. In the h i s t o r y of labor p o l i t i c a l action i n B r i t i s h  Colombia there are foor major periods, distinguishable by the scope of the aims which predominated i n each period. that these periods are not hermetically sealed  Be i t noted  compartments;  elements c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of one period are always to be found i n William Bennett. Builders of B r i t i s h Colombia. Vancouver, 1937, p. 33. 1  2  other periods.  The period!zation merely indicates a convenient  generalization of the most prominent features of the labor p o l i t i c a l movement i n i t s development. The f i r s t period, which runs from 1879 that of the development of p o l i t i c a l laborism.  to 1906, i s I t takes i n the  f i r s t appearance of a consciousness of group or c l a s s i n t e r e s t i n p o l i t i c s , and i t i s characterized by the growth of p o l i t i c a l parties of labor devoted to the obtaining of s p e c i f i c l e g i s l a tion.  These p a r t i e s d i d not aim at government power; t h e i r  hope was to influence the major p o l i t i c a l groups to pass l e g i s l a t i o n favourable to labor. The second period was inaugurated i n 1900.  For the  f i r s t time i n B r i t i s h Colombia the concept of s o c i a l i s m , of a complete overturn i n society through control of the government by the workers, was heard from a campaign platform.  By 1906  the  s o c i a l i s t s i n the labor movement were strong enough to take over an o f f i c i a l Labor Party convention, and f o r several years therea f t e r the p o l i t i c a l energies of B r i t i s h Colombia labor were mainl y channelled i n t o support of the S o c i a l i s t Party. The S o c i a l i s t Party was s p l i t by the issue of war i n 1914 and the socceeding years.  I t was f a r t h e r s p l i t over the  Russian Revolution of 1917 and by the organization of the a p o l i t i c a l s y n d i c a l i s t One Big Union i n 1919. there was a r e b i r t h of laborism.  Within t h i s province  Candidates pledged to defend  and advance s p e c i f i c i n t e r e s t s of the labor movement through pressure on government again became the main p o l i t i c a l spokesmen  of labor.  of such men  This period saw the e l e c t i o n to the l e g i s l a t u r e  as Harry Neelands, Sam Guthrie, and Tom  uphill.  3 The depression of the 1930's brought into being a force i n Canada.  new  A fusion of labor, farm and s o c i a l i s t i c ele-  ments ereated the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation, which aimed at governmental power i n order to bring about immediate r e l i e f of e x i s t i n g conditions and, ultimately, a l t e r the nature of society.  The new party soon came to occupy the center of  the labor p o l i t i c a l stage i n B r i t i s h Columbia.  Insofar as  workers, qua workers, are p o l i t i c a l l y active today, they genera l l y d i r e c t t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s to the C.C.F. Of these four periods, the f i r s t w i l l be discussed i n these pages.  I t has a unity based upon a "pressure group" atti=  tude to p o l i t i c s and a concentration upon c e r t a i n s p e c i f i c p o l i t i c a l and economic demands.  I t i s also roughly coincident with  that period of p r o v i n c i a l p o l i t i c a l h i s t o r y before the introduct i o n of regular party l i n e s .  As the era of non-party government  was closed by the r i s e of p r o v i n c i a l Conservative and L i b e r a l parties i n 1900-1903, so was the f i r s t era of p o l i t i c a l laborism closed by the r i s e of the S o c i a l i s t Party i n 1900-1906.  In the  l i g h t of these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , i t i s amenable to study as a unit.  CHAPTER I  BACKGROUND OF THE BRITISH COLUMBIA LABOR MOVEMENT  i.  Nearly a l l anions may be c l a s s i f i e d into two types  upon the basis of organizational structure.  The older type,  which was almost universal i n the United States u n t i l the l a t e 1930's and i n Canada u n t i l the early 1940's, i s the c r a f t onion the "trade* onion proper.  —  The newer type, which at l a s t seems to  be s o l i d l y established a f t e r more than half a century of struggle, i s the i n d u s t r i a l onion —  the "labor" onion, i n a broad sense.  In c r a f t anions the workers of any one trade are gathered i n t o l o c a l anions, which are i n torn a f f i l i a t e d with other " l o c a l s " of the same trade through national and international brotherhoods; the bond of unity i s that of the c r a f t .  In t h i s  way there arose the great unions of the Carpenters, Cigar Makers, Machinists and others, which i n 1886 a l l i e d themselves to form the American Federation of Labor. The unifying f a c t o r here was that of t r a i n i n g and tools; the members of these anions were s k i l l e d workers, usually owning t h e i r own t o o l s .  They tended to be exclusive i n t h e i r a t t i t u d e ,  standing apart from the l e s s s k i l l e d workers; by virtue of t h e i r t r a i n i n g and t h e i r organization they were able to demand higher wages than laborers or machine workers received, and they were reluctant to combine with lower-paid groups which might draw them into undesired and unprofitable c o n f l i c t s .  For many years the  craftsmen were the "aristocrats of labor," and enjoyed r e l a -  5  t i v e l y a r i s t o c r a t i c incomes* Very soon, however, the c r a f t organization began to show signs of inadequacy: the increasing use of machine processes i n production threatened the existence of many c r a f t s , and therefore of the unions of those c r a f t s ; moreover, as techniques and materials changed j u r i s d i c t i o n a l disputes became more frequent and more b i t t e r .  1  In a d d i t i o n , a single trade which was united  across the continent but only loosely connected with other trades i n i t s own area found i t d i f f i c u l t to deal with a business  em-  2  ploying members of many unions. The c r a f t unions attempted to deal with these weaknesses by establishing bodies such as "Building Trades Councils,  11  "Metal  Trades Councils," and the l i k e , within which delegates of the unions operating i n a given industry discussed common problems and planned common action.  Such Councils, however, were not very  e f f e c t i v e i n any serious dispute; they were merely delegate bodi e s , with no power to bind t h e i r constituent unions to d e f i n i t e p o l i c i e s or l i n e s of action. Even before the end of the l a s t century there appeared i n certain mass industries a d i f f e r e n t answer to the problem of labor organization i n modern industry —  the i n d u s t r i a l union.  The structure and philosophy of the c r a f t unions were based upon the small-scale production of the p r e - i n d u s t r i a l era, when the i n d i v i d u a l producer possessed the tools of h i s trade and usually For example, as metal replaces wood i n home construction the metal-working unions claim jobs previously done by carpenters. o  An example of t h i s l a s t d i f f i c u l t y i s the Vancouver D a i l y Province s t r i k e of 1946-48; some of the p r i n t i n g trades were "out," others were " i n , " and members of the Teamsters Union continued to perform t h e i r contracted duties f o r the newspaper.  6 bad some control over h i s product; the new unions were organized according to the pattern of modern industry as a whole, i n which masses of workers performed various duties with tools and materi a l s supplied by one employer, thus co-operatively producing a single commodity owned by the employer.  The basis of membership  was not "what job you do," but " i n what industry and which f a c tory or operation you work."  Thus the United Mine Workers of  America was organized i n the c o a l f i e l d s of the eastern United States i n 1890, and the Western Federation of Miners i n the metal mines of the Mountain States i n 1892,  The tendency of ownership  and management was to spread over the minefields and concentrate power over a l l operations connected with the mines; the miners reacted with a p a r a l l e l organization. For many years the p r i n c i p l e of i n d u s t r i a l unionism did not make any s o l i d gains outside the mining i n d u s t r i e s . There were ephemeral e f f o r t s to b u i l d i n d u s t r i a l unions; notable examples were the American Railway Union (1894), l e d by Eugene V. Debs), the American Labor Union (ca. 1902, sponsored by the W.F.M.), the I n d u s t r i a l Workers of the World (1905), and i n Canada the One Big Union (1919).  A l l these e f f o r t s were n u l l i f i e d by the com-  bined opposition of the employers and the conservative A.F. of L. When the depression of the 1930*3 came, only the U.M.W.A., some c l o t h i n g unions, and a handful of "nucleus" organizations could be counted among the i n d u s t r i a l unions of North America. The i n d u s t r i a l workers of America were r i p e f o r organi z a t i o n ; the A.F. of L. went i n to organize them.  I t chartered  federal unions to bring them within the f o l d , and planned to d i s -  7 t r i b u t e the new members among the e x i s t i n g c r a f t anions when j u r i s d i c t i o n a l problems had been solved.  The c r a f t union leaders  were more interested i n enlarging t h e i r own unions than i n making new unions which would l i m i t t h e i r own j u r i s d i c t i o n s . In protest the few i n d u s t r i a l anions within the A.F. of L. pat on t h e i r  own  organizing campaign, and i n 1S36 were read out of the Federation. The new Congress of Industrial Organization, as i t became known,, was soon well-established i n a number of basic industries —  automotive, rubber, s t e e l , etc.  I t s membership  momentarily over-topped that of the A.F. of L., and i t s more e f f i c i e n t organization gave i t s unions bargaining advantages over the more cumbersome c r a f t l o c a l s .  The Federation, however,  was too well-entrenched i n i t s o l d f i e l d s f o r the upstart to take over completely, and the labor picture s t a b i l i z e d at an approximate balance, with constant f r i c t i o n along the edges of jurisdiction.  ii.  The labor movement developed not only d i f f e r e n t organiza-  t i o n a l forms, but also various modes of action.  H . A. Logan  indicates three techniques whereby unions achieve t h e i r ends; shop r u l e s , p o l i t i c a l action, and c o l l e c t i v e bargaining.  4  Although these techniques have not at any time been mutually Foster Rhea Dulles, Labor i n America. New York, Crowell, 1949, p. 296. The main unions concerned i n the formation of the Committee f o r Industrial Organization were the United Mine Workers, the Amalgamated Clothing Workers, the International Ladies' Garment Workers, the United Textile Workers, the Mine, H i l l and Smelter Workers, and the O i l F i e l d , Gas Well and Ref i n i n g Workers. Ibid.. pp. 294-5. 4  Trade Unions i n Canada. Toronto, Macmillan, 1948, p. 1.  8 exclusive i n the North American labor movement as a whole, each has at some time been the predominant procedure. The e a r l i e s t of these techniques was the enforcement of shop rules by direct action, which d i d not necessitate any formal agreement between employer and employees.  The union  merely posted i t s r u l e s as to wages and apprenticeship arrange* ments i n the shop or other place of work.  I f the employer d i d  not observe these rules the union would protest or, i f necessary, call a strike.  This method was abandoned by most unions i n North  America before the end of the l a s t century, but was revived by the m i l i t a n t l y s y n d i c a l i s t I.W.W. and (for a time) the W.P.M., both of which regarded the employing class as an implacable enemy and compromise as the f i r s t step towards surrender. As labor became more widely organized and as the rest r i c t i v e e f f e c t s of employer-inspired l e g i s l a t i o n became f u l l y evident, the unions developed the second technique.  They began  to work f o r l e g i s l a t i o n favorable to the workers and t h e i r organizations.  The more conservative unionists r e s t r i c t e d them*  selves to the Samuel Gompers p o l i c y of "Reward our friends and punish our enemies" ( i . e . , support or oppose i n d i v i d u a l candidates of the regular parties as they support or oppose labor*s immediate demands).  The s o c i a l i s t s proposed that the workers,  through t h e i r own elected representatives, should take over con* t r o l of society and abolish the employing c l a s s .  Between these  In the f i r s t i.W.W. convention (1905), W.D. Haywood s a i d of the Western Federation of Miners that "We have not got an agreement e x i s t i n g with any mine manager, superintendent, or operator at the present time. We have got a minimum scale of wages ... (and) the eight-hour day, and we did not have a l e g i s l a t i v e lobby to accomplish i t . " Quoted i n Paul Brissenden, The I.W.W.. New Tork, Columbia University, 1920, p. 80.  two extremes, many unionists advocated the e l e c t i o n of labor representatives to the l e g i s l a t u r e s to press f o r advantageous laws and ward o f f h o s t i l e measures. P o l i t i c a l action d i d achieve a number of reforms deg  s i r e d by the workers,  but i t was not nearly so e f f e c t i v e as i t s  proponents had expected.  The geographic d i s t r i b u t i o n of wage-  workers was such as to make them a minority i n most of the elect o r a l d i s t r i c t s of North America; they were l a r g e l y concentrated i n and around the towns, and p o l i t i c a l representation i s t r a d i t i o n a l l y weighted i n favor of r u r a l d i s t r i c t s .  In most c o n s t i -  tuencies a candidate could not hope t o get elected on a straight labor platform; there were just not enough labor voters.  Except  when circumstances favored an agreement between labor and farmers, the p o l i t i c a l aspirations of labor seemed doomed to continuous 7 f r u s t r a t i o n by an unsympathetic farm vote. In B r i t i s h Columbia, f o r example, union-supported H.L.A. s such as Smith Curtis of Rossland were l a r g e l y instrumental i n obtaining and maintaining eight-hour day l e g i s l a t i o n f o r the metal-miners; labor and s o c i a l i s t members l i k e J.H. Hawthornthwaite of Nanaimo, by exploiting a balance of power i n the Legi s l a t u r e , were able to get a s i m i l a r law f o r coal miners, a Workmen's Compensation Act, and other concessions. r  Upon the defeat of the Labor Party candidate i n TaleKootenay-Cariboo i n the 1900 federal e l e c t i o n , the Lardeau Eagle commented: Chris Foley's lead i n the Kootenay and Boundary amounts to 512, but the remaining portion of t h i s world-wide constituency gives G a l l i n e r a p l u r a l i t y of 751. The farmers of Vernon made the r e s u l t as i t i s . May Heaven forgive them; the Eagle can't. (December 3, 1900). In addition, a l e t t e r from J.C. H a r r i s , few Denver, to Andy S h i l l a n d , Sandon, October 29, 1909, advised that the Canadian S o c i a l i s t Party could not hope to win i n Slocan owing to the presence of new voters (farmers and s e t t l e r s ) i n the Arrow Lake d i s t r i c t . (Letter held by T. & D.S.W.U., T r a i l ) . 7  10  L e g i s l a t i o n , m o r e o v e r , was n o t r e a d i l y a d a p t a b l e  to the  ever-  p r e s e n t problem o f g e t t i n g the b e s t p o s s i b l e terms from i n d i v i d u a l employer.  Consequently the  third policy —  the that  b a r g a i n i n g between t h e u n i o n a n d t h e e m p l o y e r •*« came i n t o use.  It  i s at It  action. icy  p r e s e n t a key f u n c t i o n o f n e a r l y a l l  d i d n o t , however,  Although the A.F*  of p o l i t i c a l  the P r o g r e s s i v e  neutrality  completely displace  o f L. —  wide  unions. political  has o n l y t w i c e b r o k e n i t s  pol-  once t o s u p p o r t L a F o l l e t t e  Party candidate f o r  the P r e s i d e n c y  of  as  in 1924,  and  a g a i n t o s u p p o r t Stevenson and the D e m o c r a t i c P a r t y i n 1 9 5 2 it  has always m a i n t a i n e d an i n t e r e s t  labor,  and i n the e l e c t i o n  The newer C . I . O . , of the Roosevelt Democratic  or defeat  in legislation of i n d i v i d u a l  —  affecting candidates.  w h i c h grew up u n d e r t h e f a v o r a b l e  legislation  e r a , has c o n s i s t e n t l y a l i g n e d i t s e l f  with  the  Party. Canadian l a b o r ' s  t i v e than t h a t o f the A . F .  political of L.,  a c t i o n h a s b e e n more  posi-  b u t l e s s f i x e d i n one p a t h .  Trades and L a b o r Congress o f Canada, analogous and l i n k e d t o A.F.  of L.,  h a s gone i n t o p o l i t i c s somewhat more t h a n h a s  The the  its  Q  American c o u n t e r p a r t ;  The C a n a d i a n C o n g r e s s o f L a b o r ,  counter-  I t s h o u l d a l s o be n o t e d t h a t t n B r i t a i n t h e T r a d e U n i o n C o n gress has p r e s e r v e d a c l o s e c o n n e c t i o n with t h e Labour P a r t y s i n c e the beginning o f the c e n t u r y . Q  In 1 8 9 4 t h e T.ft L . C . C . e n d o r s e d a r e s o l u t i o n f a v o r i n g p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n " l i k e that of the S o c i a l i s t Workers' P a r t y , but d i d not pursue the m a t t e r . In 1 8 9 8 i t adopted a l e g i s l a t i v e p l a t f o r m containing f i f t e e n planks. In 1 8 9 9 i t took a stand a g a i n s t l a b o r support of the o l d p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s . Ih 1 9 0 0 i t asked i t s P r e s i d e n t , R a l p h S m i t h o f N a n a i m o , t o g i v e up h i s p r o v i n c i a l s e a t a n d r u n f e d e r a l l y — w h i c h he d i d , s u c c e s s f u l l y . In 1 9 0 6 Congress recommended t h e f o r m a t i o n o f a C a n a d i a n L a b o r P a r t y i n p r o v i n c i a l sections. T h i s p o l i c y was r e - a f f i r m e d i n 1 9 1 4 , a n d g i v e n a more c e n t r a l i z e d aspect i n 1 9 1 7 . Logan, op. c i t . . passim. 0  11 part  o f the C . I . O . , has g i v e n i t s  onions,  approval  to the C . C . F .  i n c l u d i n g the p r o v i n c i a l and l o c a l  bodies o f the  especially in British vity  C o l o m b i a , have  Other T.L.C.C.,  often displayed great  acti-  i n the endorsation or nomination o f candidates i n m u n i c i p a l ,  p r o v i n c i a l and f e d e r a l In ganization  the early  period of large-scale  Canadian l a b o r  or-  (1873-1902), the unions of O n t a r i o and o f M o n t r e a l  Quebec were v e r y efforts  elections.  quite  active  politically.  For several  years  their  overshadowed a n y t h i n g a t t e m p t e d i n t h e W e s t ,  a b o u t 1890 t h e p a t t e r n  began t o c h a n g e .  in  As Logan p o t s  but  it,  It i s noteworthy that the centre of the p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n i s t s d a r i n g the l a t e r years of the century s h i f t e d unmistakably to the newly-organized West. B r i t i s h Columbia, i n p a r t i c u l a r , d i s s a t i s f i e d with t h e f a i l u r e o f t h e Congress to get r e s u l t s a t Ottawa was c a l l i n g a t one t i m e f o r a n i n d e p e n d e n t l a b o r p a r t y , a t a n o t h e r f o r a " p r o g r e s s i v e p a r t y " t o be composed o f l a b o u r u n i o n i s t s a n d r e f o r m e r s . 10 F r o m 1886 t o 1900 t h e r e were f i v e p r o v i n c i a l Colombia; l a b o r took part elections,  twenty-one  i n a three-way  nominees e l e c t e d .  The i n c r e a s e  u n m i s t a k a b l e , and p a t B r i t i s h adian labor*s p o l i t i c a l  p.  In  31.  George  election  labor a  t h i r d came s e c o n d  in political  interest  Colombia i n the f o r e f r o n t  action.  these  1896, a  Columbia, and almost ran  two were e l e c t e d , w h i l e t h e  contest.  lobitti. o n . c i t . .  British  the n o m i n a t i o n and e l e c t i o n o f Rev.  candidates i n B r i t i s h  of t h e s e ,  in  contests i n  t o t h e f e d e r a l H o u s e ; i n t h e 1900 f e d e r a l  backed three fourth;  least  a n d s e v e n t i m e s saw i t s  labor party i n i t i a t e d Maxwell  i n at  elections  of  was Can-  R,  12 iii.  This s h i f t ,  i n Canadian p o l i t i c s , the i n f l u e n c e  o f the c o a s t  pact  of s p e c i a l  o f which  can s t i l l  was n o t i n a n y n o t i c e a b l e  of eastern  sent  settlers,  the e f f e c t s  be  felt  d e g r e e due  C a n a d i a n u n i o n i s m upon t h e l a b o r move-*  province.  It  c a n be a s c r i b e d more t o t h e  conditions peculiar  to B r i t i s h  many o f whom b r o u g h t r a d i c a l  movement d e r i v e d l a r g e l y Until  i d e a s with them.  was o v e r l a n d ; tain  and the  from the geographic p o s i t i o n o f  the completion o f the r a i l r o a d  C o a s t was a w o r l d a p a r t  from Canada.  E a r l y settlement  1789 C a p t a i n J o h n K e a r e s  brought f i f t y  harbor at Nootka;** they, removed b y t h e S p a n i s h , ing of future  Very  little  transportation  events.  but t h e i r Later,  Chinese a r t i s a n s  i m p o r t a t i o n was a  when t h e H u d s o n ' s Bay  entirely  •« a g a i n , coming by s e a and n o t  The d i s c o v e r y  of placer  Company s p o n -  i n which B r i t i s h  spread over the c o l o n y ; left  behind a l a y e r  Chinese —  b u t few  1  in  goldfields gold-  predominated  when t h e f l o o d r e c e d e d a f t e r of English-speaking s e t t l e r s  a few  British  years  a n d many  Canadians.  P.W. Howav a n d E . O . S . S c h o l e f i e l d . Toronto, S.J. C l a r k e , 1913 ( ? ) , I, 128. 1  almost  Columbia  A cosmopolitan horde o f  and American elements  trades-  by l a n d .  1858 b r o u g h t a f l o o d of. i m m i g r a n t s f r o m t h e d e p l e t e d o f A u s t r a l i a and C a l i f o r n i a .  the  foreshadow-  who d i d come i n were  gold in British  to  In  were s o o n  the few f a r m e r s ,  and c o a l - m i n e r s  British  Bri-  came f r o m t h o s e a r e a s .  people, artisans  it  British  i n 1 8 8 5 , t h e West  along with Captain Meares,  sored the colony of Vancouver I s l a n d ,  seekers  labor  c o m m u n i c a t i o n s were by s e a , w i t h C a l i f o r n i a , Orient.  im-  C o l u m b i a upon new  These s p e c i a l c o n d i t i o n s which shaped the l o c a l  Columbia.  to  Columbia.  13  When B r i t i s h  C o l o m b i a a g r e e d i n 1871 t o j o i n  the  C a n a d i a n C o n f e d e r a t i o n , t h e D o m i n i o n government p r o m i s e d t h a t trans-continental the B r i t i s h  r a i l w a y w o u l d be b u i l t .  The c o n s t r u c t i o n o f  C o l o m b i a s e c t i o n demanded more men t h a n t h e  s e t t l e d p r o v i n c e c o o l d p r o v i d e , so the c o n t r a c t o r s  sparsely-  turned to  same s o u r c e o f c h e a p human l a b o r t h a t H e a r e s h a d o s e d o v e r years before —  the O r i e n t .  Shiploads  a  the  eighty  of c o o l i e s from southern  C h i n a were i m p o r t e d t o b u i l d t h e C a n a d i a n P a c i f i c  Railway.  Later  r a i l w a y b u i l d e r s t o o k t h e same c u e , a n d t h r o u g h o u t t h e p e r i o d o f r a i l w a y b u i l d i n g the O r i e n t a l p o p u l a t i o n o f B r i t i s h  Columbia i n -  to creased r a p i d l y .  F r o m t h e r a i l w a y s t h e C h i n e s e moved i n t o  o t h e r o c c u p a t i o n s , a n d b y l o n g h o u r s o f work a n d t h e of  acceptance  l o w wages p r o v i d e d s e r i o u s c o m p e t i t i o n t o t h e w h i t e  of British  Columbia.  workers  1 3  The C h i n e s e p r o v i d e d t h e l a b o r f o r b u i l d i n g t h e a n d t h e r e b y o p e n e d t h e way f o r l a r g e - s c a l e ern Canada.  In  the f o l l o w i n g y e a r s ,  C.P.R.,  immigration from  a great  i n f l u x of  east-  settlers  14 a n d wage-workers  came t h r o u g h t h e R o c k i e s .  An i m p o r t a n t  ocean  p o r t began t o grow a t t h e r a i l h e a d w i t h i n d u s t r i a l a s p e c t s b a s e d I n 1881 t h e r e were 4 , 3 5 0 C h i n e s e i n t h i s p r o v i n c e ; b y 1891 t h e f i g u r e h a d grown t o 8 , 9 1 0 , a n d i n 1901 t h e r e was a t o t a l of 19,482 Chinese and Japanese h e r e . (Canada, Government, Census o f Canada. Ottawa, Queen's P r i n t e r , 1881, 1 8 9 1 , 1901). The word " w h i t e " i s u s e d h e r e t o d e s i g n a t e p e o p l e o f European o r i g i n , e i t h e r immediate o r remote; i t i s a convenient t e r m , a n d i t i s r e g r e t t a b l e t h a t i t h a s become a s s o c i a t e d w i t h racial prejudices. No o t h e r s i n g l e word a c c u r a t e l y r e f e r s t o t h e c a t e g o r y o f p e o p l e meant h e r e . 1  2  1  3  1  4  Canadian-born persons i n  B.C.  1881  1891  2,782  20,150  (other than  (Census.  B.C.-bom)  1901  40,023  1881, 1891, 1901).  14 upon timber and f i s h — sources of the province.  the more e a s i l y exploited natural r e In 1881 Vancouver did not exist; by  1891 i t had twice the population of Hew  Westminster, or three  times that of Nanaimo, and was r a p i d l y overtaking V i c t o r i a . By 15 1901 i t had f a r surpassed V i c t o r i a i n size and importance, and was the economic center of B r i t i s h Columbia. 1885  Previous to  the ports of B r i t i s h Columbia had been l i t t l e more than  termini, dealing i n the l i m i t e d trade of the North P a c i f i c area; a f t e r 1885 Vancouver's hinterland became continent-wide, and the port a l i n k i n the system of world trade.  The r a i l r o a d made fea-  s i b l e the economic development of B r i t i s h Columbia, so long delayed by geographic  isolation.  A f t e r making a good start i n the l a t e 1880's, t h i s development was temporarily slowed by outside conditions; world trade went into a depression, the e f f e c t s of which were f e l t i n Vancouver from l a t e i n the f i r s t half of 1893 u n t i l the middle of 1896.  When i t had passed and money was released f o r new  investment,  the exploitation of the mineral resources of the  southern Interior was commenced.  Geographically an extension of  the Mountain States, which had already been subjected to considerable mining development, t h i s area was n a t u r a l l y invaded by capit a l and techniques from the south. American money was invested;  Am-  erican prospectors and miners, some of whom had been operating i n the area on a small scale f o r several years, arrived i n considerable  •—is 1  Victoria Vancouver New Westminster Nanaimo fi  issi  5,925 — — 1,500 1,645  im.  16,841 12,709 6,678 4,595 (Census. 1911, —  —  —  Vancouver World. June 20, 1896, p. 5.  i96i 20,919 27,010 6,499 6,130 I, 554)  15  numbers t o c a r r y their  on t h e i r  organization —  their political  the f i e l d policies  of  the Western F e d e r a t i o n o f Miners —  early  and  1 9 0 0 ' s , a r o u g h c o r r e l a t i o n c o u l d be made  o c c u p a t i o n s and n a t i o n a l  labor organization.  evident  i n the B r i t i s h  t r a c e d back t o the n a t i o n a l  and  the predominant g r o u p s .  i n labor organization  Subsequent  mainly from B r i t a i n ,  in  The V a n c o u v e r I s l a n d m i n e s were  worked b y S c o t t i s h m i n e r s i m p o r t e d by t h e H u d s o n ' s  Company i n 1 8 4 9 .  in  C o l u m b i a l a b o r movement c a n be  element  t h e c o a l - f i e l d s was B r i t i s h .  groups, e s p e c i a l l y  Many o f t h e a t t i t u d e s  o r i g i n s of  The m o s t i m p o r t a n t  first  b r i n g i n g w i t h them  ideas.  By t h e between c e r t a i n  accustomed work,  Bay  a d d i t i o n s to the mining f o r c e  although m i n o r i t i e s  of French,  came  Italians, 17  Belgians,  Germans a n d F i n n s e x i s t e d a s e a r l y a s 1 8 9 0 ,  numbers o f C h i n e s e a n d , l a t e r , d i d not  take p a r t  J a p a n e s e were e m p l o y e d , b u t  in labor organization; their  a r o u n d t h e m i n e s was a c o n s t a n t u n i o n s a n d t h e management.  In  these  presence i n  c a u s e o f d i s p u t e s between  and the  t h e newer C r o w ' s B e s t P a s s m i n e s ,  opened t o w a r d t h e e n d o f t h e c e n t u r y , first  Large  l a b o r o r g a n i z a t i o n was  c a r r i e d o u t m a i n l y by m i n e r s f r o m B r i t a i n .  Ukrainian  at and  18 I t a l i a n i m m i g r a n t s were n u m e r o u s , b u t were s l o w t o  19  T h e r e were r e l a t i v e l y Americans,  18  -.  few e a s t e r n C a n a d i a n s ,  i n western c o a l - m i n i n g ; Welsh,  Nanaimo F r e e  Press.  and even  Scottish  May 2 8 , 1 8 9 0 , p .  organize. fewer  and Northum-  4.  A r e p o r t i n t h e R o s s l a n d I n d u s t r i a l W o r l d . November 2 4 , 1 9 0 0 , s t a t e d t h a t o f 700 men a t F e r n i e , 550 were S c l a v o n i a n s ( S l a v s ) , a n d t h a t t h i s s i t u a t i o n made t h e u n i o n ' s work v e r y d i f ficult. T h e r e were some f r o m t h e Cape B r e t o n m i n e s , b u t t h e y seem g e n e r a l l y t o h a v e amalgamated w i t h t h e k i n d r e d B r i t i s h e l e m e n t .  16  b e r l a n d m i n e r s , w i t h an e s t a b l i s h e d t r a d i t i o n and p o l i t i c a l  action,  20  dominated the m i n e r s '  The p a t t e r n was q u i t e d i f f e r e n t there  of  organization  unions*  21  i n metal-mining;  t h e d o m i n a n t g r o u p was A m e r i c a n o r A m e r i c a n - i n f l u e n c e d ,  a l t h o u g h the m a j o r i t y European. Americans.  At f i r s t ,  of  the workers  indeed, a great  Although t h e i r  were B r i t i s h number o f  p r o p o r t i o n o f the  and  Continental  the miners  total  were  working  force  22  d e c l i n e d r a p i d l y a r o u n d t h e end o f t h e c e n t u r y , i n f l u e n c e remained s t r o n g i n union a f f a i r s .  the  American  I t a l i a n s and F i n n s ,  many o f whom h a d worked i n t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s f o r s e v e r a l a n d a s m a l l e r number o f B r i t i s h e r s to the tin-mining t r a d i t i o n ) 1900;  it  is  doubtful that  set  clashes  power a t  with state  they added any s i g n i f i c a n t of the union.  a pattern  heirs  about features  The A m e r i c a n m e t a l -  of class-conscious radicalism  Coeur d ' A l e n e ,  C r i p p l e C r e e k , C o l o r a d o , i n 1894. the R u s s i a n T s a r ,  Cornish, possibly  appeared d u r i n g the years  to the philosophy o r a t t i t u d e s miners had a l r e a d y  (often  years,  Idaho,  i n 1892, and at  The F i n n s , u n d e r t h e r u l e  were d e v e l o p i n g a s t r o n g  in  of  social-democratic  OA  S i d n e y & B e a t r i c e Webb, The H i s t o r y o f T r a d e U n i o n i s m . L o n d o n , L o n g m a n s , 1 9 5 0 , p a s s i m . Of t h e t h r e e g r o u p s m e n t i o n e d , t h e W e l s h a n d S c o t s a p p e a r t o h a v e b e e n much more a g g r e s s i v e t h a n the Northumbrians. Much o f t h i s m a t e r i a l on t h e c o a l - m i n e r s i n t h e e a r l y 1 9 0 0 ' s comes f r o m c o n v e r s a t i o n s w i t h r e t i r e d m i n e r s , n o t a b l y D a i P h i l l i p s a t F e r n i e a n d Lew L e w i s a n d Jimmy P h i l l i p s o n a t Nanaimo. 2  1  oo  A s e a r l y a s 1898 R o s s l a n d was more S c o t c h - C a n a d i a n American. (Vancouver W o r l d . June 1 4 , 1898, p. 4 ) .  than  £ £ • "".F.1I. " A p p l i c a t i o n f o r M e m b e r s h i p " f o r m s ( h e l d by T . & D.S.W.U., T r a i l ) . The S a n d o n P a y s t r e a k r e p o r t e d t h a t a b o u t 35# o f t h e R o s s l a n d p a y r o l l was I t a l i a n ( A p r i l 1 3 , 1 9 0 0 ) . 2  3  movement  whose i d e a s c o i n c i d e d i n many ways w i t h t h e  ism of the Americans.  The F i n n s seem t o have s u p p o r t e d  Americans i n l e a d i n g the B r i t i s h  Columbia s e c t i o n  A s s o c i a t i o n Ho. 6)  i n t o support of the  of the W.F.M.  P a r t y ; no s p e c i f i c B r i t i s h In tion,  radical-  (District  or I t a l i a n influences are  the urban trades  commerce, a n d s e r v i c e s  — —  Socialist observable.  those a s s o c i a t e d with c o n s t r u c the B r i t i s h  workmen were m a i n l y s k i l l e d c r a f t s m e n , but c a p a b l e o f becoming r a d i c a l  the  predominated.  basically  under p r e s s u r e .  These  conservative In  their  home 95  c o u n t r y t h e y were on t h e v e r g e  of taking p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n ,  t h e y were n o t y e t  convinced of i t s  form.  erratic  The r a t h e r  the T.& L . C . uncertainty  o r i t s most  course of p o l i t i c a l  unions i n B r i t i s h and to  value  the A . F .  effective  a c t i o n p u r s u e d by  C o l u m b i a may be t r a c e d t o  o f L.  p o l i c y of  but  "political  their  neutral-  ity." Very l i t t l e national  pattern  c a n be d i s c e r n e d w i t h r e g a r d  g r o u p s i n t h e o t h e r two m a j o r  Whites or various  origins, Orientals,  i n d u s t r i e s of the and n a t i v e  to  province.  I n d i a n s have  been  I n 1 9 0 7 , when t h e f i r s t g e n e r a l e l e c t i o n was h e l d u n d e r the l i b e r a l i z e d F i n n i s h c o n s t i t u t i o n , f o r t y percent of the r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s e l e c t e d were S o c i a l - D e m o c r a t s . E n c y c l o p a e d i a B r i t a n n i c a , 11th e d i t i o n , X, 385. The p o l i t i c a l b e n t o f many F i n n s i n B.C. i s e v i d e n c e d by the e x i s t e n c e o f a F i n n i s h - l a n g u a g e " C o n s t i t u t i o n and By-laws" of the S o c i a l i s t P a r t y .  25  The I n d e p e n d e n t L a b o r P a r t y was f o r m e d i n 1 8 9 3 , b u t r e c e i v e d l i t t l e s u p p o r t ; the L a b o r R e p r e s e n t a t i o n Committee a p p e a r e d i n 1 9 0 0 , w i t h t h e s u p p o r t o f many t r a d e u n i o n s , b u t d i d n o t r e c e i v e much r e c o g n i t i o n f r o m l a b o r a s a whole u n t i l 1 9 0 2 . (The Webbs, o p . c i t . . p p . 683 f f . ) . T h e r e was a d e f i n i t e l i n k between t h e L . K . c . a n d B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , i n t h a t t h e Amalgamated S o c i e t y o f C a r p e n t e r s and J o i n e r s o f Vancouver (a branch o f a B r i t i s h u n i o n a n d a member o f t h e V a n c o u v e r T . & L . C ) , endorsed the L . R . C . as a model f o r Canada. (Independent. V a n c o u v e r , D e c . 7 , 1901, p . 8 ) .  18  a c t i v e i n f i s h i n g and l u m b e r i n g s i n c e the i n c e p t i o n o f those dustries.  Labor o r g a n i z a t i o n i n these f i e l d s  a n d on t h e w h o l e ,  transitory  and c u l t u r a l r i v a l r i e s , nature  of the  until  added t o  industries,  was  the 1 9 3 0 s .  fragmentary,  Possibly  v  in-  racial  the s e a s o n a l and m i g r a t o r y  c a n be b l a m e d f o r  the d i f f i c u l t y  b u i l d i n g comprehensive and l o n g - l a s t i n g u n i o n s i n  of  lumbering  and f i s h i n g . The w o r k i n g p o p u l a t i o n o f B r i t i s h it  was i n i t s  C o l u m b i a , mixed as  o r i g i n s , c o u l d be d i v i d e d r o u g h l y i n t o  groups: those i n the u l t i m a t e l y the western European t r a d i t i o n ) , t i o n and demanding a r e l a t i v e l y  European t r a d i t i o n familiar  two  (more  great exactly,  with labor o r g a n i z a -  high standard of  l i v i n g , and  unorganized O r i e n t a l s ,  accustomed t o l i v i n g at  level.  c e n t e r e d upon t h e f o r m e r g r o u p , s i n c e  This thesis  ganized a c t i v i t y tirely  is  it.  subsistence  i n t h e p e r i o d u n d e r d i s c u s s i o n was a l m o s t  confined to  the white workers;  the O r i e n t a l s  o f t e n the i n v o l u n t a r y cause of such a c t i v i t y in  a bare  than  the  or-  en-  were more  participants  CHAPTER KNIGHTS IN i.  II  POLITICS  By 1879 t h e m a i n B r i t i s h  Colombia g o l d rashes  t h e p l a c e r m i n e r s h a d gone on t o new f i e l d s , o r t u r n e d t o wage l a b o r .  settled  were  on t h e  over; land,  Some o f t h e C h i n e s e who h a d f o l l o w e d  r u s h were l a b o r i o u s l y p a n n i n g f o r  the r e m a i n i n g specks o f  the  gold,  w h i l e o t h e r s h a d l o o k e d f o r new o c c u p a t i o n s . T h e r e were C h i n e s e g a r d e n e r s , house s e r v a n t s , and i n a l l tance  these f i e l d s  laundry workers,  their  c o o k s , and  low c o s t o f l i v i n g and t h e i r  o f l o n g h o u r s o f l a b o r g a i n e d them f a v o r  the detriment  of other workers.  was a l s o f e l t  i n other f i e l d s , as i t  out o f  The e f f e c t  be a s s i m i l a t e d t o t h e r e s t  were s p r e a d i n g t h e p r a c t i c e  their  workers  customs and  t h e y were d i s e a s e - r i d d e n ;  of opium-smoking. T h e i r was t h e p o i n t  the B r i t i s h  The e a r l i e s t Columbia was,  which most  Subsequent  fact,  activity  the  anti-  C o l u m b i a l a b o r movement.  suggestion of in  labor p o l i t i c a l  action  connected with the O r i e n t a l  in pro-  throughout the p e r i o d under d i s c u s -  s i o n continued to hinge l a r g e l y  upon t h e same m a t t e r .  Indeed,  C f . contemporary newspapers; a l s o a b s t r a c t of P a r t I, " R e p o r T o f R o y a l C o m m i s s i o n on C h i n e s e & J a p a n e s e I m m i g r a tion , Canada, Department o f L a b o u r , L a b o u r G a z e t t e . Ottawa, K i n g ' s P r i n t e r , A p r i l , 1902, p p . 599-609. n  they  acceptance  1  t o u c h e d o t h e r w o r k e r s a n d was t h e m a i n c a u s e o f  Chinese bias of  1  to  competition  tended to f o r c e white  of the p o p u l a t i o n ; t h e i r  o f l o w wages a n d l o n g h o a r s , h o w e v e r ,  blem.  with employers,  them: t h e y would n o t and c o u l d not  l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s were u n h y g i e n i c ;  British  of  accep-  t h o s e o c c u p a t i o n s named on t o t h e g e n e r a l l a b o r m a r k e t .  O t h e r c h a r g e s were made a g a i n s t  closely  tailors,  20  if  there  was one p o i n t upon w h i c h o r g a n i z e d l a b o r i n  C o l u m b i a was u n a n i m o u s , i t tion for  question of A s i a t i c  1879 t h e r e  e x i s t e d i n V i c t o r i a an  known a s t h e W o r k i n g m e n ' s of i t s  later Miners  1  organization  Protective Association.  membership o r o b j e c t s ; and Mine L a b o r e r s '  Nanaimo d i s t r i c t )  suggests that  its  name ( c f .  L i k e many c r a f t ranks;  unions, i t  however,  it  of that year  on t h e s u b j e c t .  meeting i t s  advised those present  the  that  workmembers.  discussion  with-  this  suggestion that workers,  o f 1879 was c e r t a i n l y  the f i r s t  slightly  of i t s  upon t h e i s s u e o f C h i n e s e l a b o r ,  Chinese question; i n February  speare,  lot  deprecated p o l i t i c a l  s u c h , s h o u l d t a k e a c t i o n upon t h e p o l i t i c a l  At  the  was a g e n e r a l u n i o n o f  shadowy o r g a n i z a t i o n h e a r d t h e f i r s t  The W . P . A .  No r e c o r d  Protective Association in  men, w i t h t h e n o r m a l f u n c t i o n o f i m p r o v i n g t h e  in its  competi-  jobs. In  exists  was t h e  British  » ...  field. concerned about it  h e l d two  meetings  president, a Mr. it  the  w o u l d be t h e  Shakeduty  o f t h e workingmen t o g e t t h e i r members t o i n t r o d u c e m e a s u r e s get r i d o f t h i s C.  class  (the  Booth, a guest speaker,  Chinese)." wanted t o  At  2  implications;  go f u r t h e r .  Booth remarked  V i c t o r i a C o l o n i s t . February  4,  to  the second meeting Shakespeare  a p p a r e n t l y d i d n o t r e g a r d h i s own p r e v i o u s s t a t e m e n t political  as -  as  having  that  1879, p.  3.  3  T h e r e i s no f u r t h e r i d e n t i f i c a t i o n o f S h a k e s p e a r e ; h o w e v e r , i n 1888 F r e d N . E . S h a k e s p e a r e was s e c r e t a r y - t r e a s u r e r o f V i c t o r i a T y p o g r a p h i c a l Union N o . 201. (Geo. B a r t l e y , An O u t l i n e H i s t o r y o f T y p o g r a p h i c a l U n i o n N o . 2 2 6 . V a n c o u v e r , Sun P u b l i s h i n g C o . , 1938, p. 7 ) . T h i s may h a v e b e e n t h e same m a n . 4  V i c t o r i a C o l o n i s t , February 4,  1879, p.  3.  21 The P r e s i e n t o f t h i s a s s o c i a t i o n h a s t o l d a s t h a t we should not t a l k p o l i t i c s here. I d i f f e r with him. This i s a p o l i t i c a l q u e s t i o n and d e s e r v e s t h e c o n s i d e r a t i o n of the s t a t e s m a n . 5  T h e r e , so f a r  a s i s known, t h e m a t t e r r e s t e d .  a r g u m e n t s h a d b e e n made t h a t settled exert  by l e g i s l a t i v e  themselves  made i t  clear  must be d e a l t the  time;  the Chinese question c o u l d o n l y  a c t i o n , and t h a t  that  t h e whole m a t t e r  with p o l i t i c a l l y .  was p o l i t i c a l  o r g a n i z a t i o n may h a v e c a s t  within  was done  at have  obscurity of  the  o f time over the a p p e a l s  of  members. The f i r s t  their  attempt  own p o l i t i c a l  o f a g r o u p o f workingmen t o  representation  came t h r e e  years  obtain  later,  b o t h p r o v i n c i a l a n d d o m i n i o n e l e c t i o n s were s c h e d u l e d . 27,  and  t h e W . P . A . may  the r e l a t i v e  the v e i l  had  in nature,  N o t h i n g , however,  t h e i m p l i e d ban on p o l i t i c s  be  t h e workingmen s h o u l d  t o i n f l u e n c e t h e e l e c t e d members;. B o o t h  prevented a c t i o n ; a l t e r n a t i v e l y ,  its  The  1882, s e v e n t y - f i v e  t o r i a to select  A speech  h e a r d on t h e s u b j e c t  o f C h i n e s e i m m i g r a t i o n , and a  was p a s s e d by a v o t e  o f 20-6 t h a t  to p r o t e c t  the  interests  of  n  ...  t h e p r o v i n c e s h o u l d be  Brown a s v i c e - p r e s i d e n t .  in  Vic-  was  resolution  no c a n d i d a t e n o t  A W o r k i n g m a n ' s A s s o c i a t i o n was o r g a n i z e d , w i t h R. p r e s i d e n t and C . B .  On J u n e  workmen a s s e m b l e d i n C e n t r a l H a l l  candidates f o r both e l e c t i o n s .  when  willing  elected. Nuttall  Nuttall  was  nominated as the A s s o c i a t i o n ' s candidate f o r the l o c a l  9  as then  legis-  g lature, 5  where  and t h e m e e t i n g a d j o u r n e d .  I b i d . . February given).  2 7 , 1879. (Note;  Booth's  first  name i s  no-  I b i d . . J u n e 2 8 , 1 8 8 2 . No e x p l a n a t i o n i s o f f e r e d a s t o why o n l y 26 o u t o f t h e 75 v o t e d , n o r why s i x p e o p l e v o t e d a g a i n s t t h e r e s o l u t i o n . ( N o t e : N u t t a l l ' s f i r s t name i s nowhere g i v e n ) . 6  22 When t h e g r o u p met a g a i n two d a y s l a t e r , as chairman, the p o l i t i c a l first  a wrangle  effort  disintegrated.  over the minutes of  the accuracy of c e r t a i n l u t i o n passed at  statements  that time.  what a u t o c r a t i c a l l y ,  with  Nnttall  There  was  the p r e v i o u s meeting and i n the preamble to the  reso-  The c h a i r m a n u s e d h i s p o s i t i o n s o m e -  a n d was p r e s e n t e d w i t h a m o t i o n t h a t  his  n o m i n a t i o n a s c a n d i d a t e be r e s c i n d e d on t h e g r o u n d s t h a t he  was  7  not a workingman.  A l t h o u g h t h e m o t i o n was l a t e r  was p l a i n t h a t p e r s o n a l a n t a g o n i s m s h a d made t h e ineffectual. call it  is  it  The m e e t i n g was a d j o u r n e d u n t i l  again;  least  was n o t r e g i s t e r e d on t h e  day a n d he d i d n o t c o n t e s t  to  the  elect  ap-  one o c c a s i o n ,  nomination  it  appears  that  a l a b o r c a n d i d a t e was e s s e n t i a l l y of N u t t a l l ,  d i s c o n t e n t of the workers  p e t i t i o n and l a c k of e f f e c t i v e  but  election.  o f p e r s o n a l a m b i t i o n on t h e p a r t the c u r r e n t  should  Nuttall  official  From t h e s c a n t y r e p o r t s a v a i l a b l e , attempt  organization  the c h a i r  the A s s o c i a t i o n d i s s o l v e d .  p e a r e d i n p u b l i c a s a c a n d i d a t e on a t  this  it  s i n c e no m e n t i o n a p p e a r s o f s u b s e q u e n t m e e t i n g s ,  probable that  h i s candidature  withdrawn,  a  matter  t a k i n g advantage  of  over C h i n e s e economic com-  l e g i s l a t i o n to curb i t .  The  break-up o f the A s s o c i a t i o n i n d i c a t e s an u n w i l l i n g n e s s p e r s o n a l d i f f e r e n c e s and a m b i t i o n s i n o r d e r to e l e c t e d on a l a b o r , a n t i - C h i n e s e t i c k e t .  get a  to  quick  sink  candidate  Personalities  counted  f o r more t h a n p r i n c i p l e s , a n d t h e movement c o l l a p s e d . Two t h i n g s were n e c e s s a r y f o r serious p o l i t i c a l  effort  by l a b o r :  the development o f  a group o f economic and  a poli-  I t was s t a t e d i n h i s d e f e n c e t h a t he was a member o f t h e " L a b o r L e a g u e ; " ho c l a i m was made t h a t he was a w a g e - w o r k e r . I b i d . . June 30, 1882. " » E  w  23 tical  i s s u e s w h i c h c o u l d be f o r m u l a t e d a s a c a m p a i g n p l a t f o r m ,  a n d s t r o n g o r g a n i z a t i o n r e f l e c t i n g a n i d e a o f community o f interest.  By 1 8 8 6 , t h e y e a r  conditions  existed.  ii.  the next e l e c t i o n ,  both  these  The two b a s i c i s s u e s p r o m p t i n g l a b o r p o l i t i c a l  ion i n  1886 were n o t new.  tioned previously} has  of  act-  The C h i n e s e p r o b l e m h a s b e e n m e n -  the other —  the  q u e s t i o n o f l a n d g r a n t s —•  not. Of t h e s e  first  two p r o b l e m s , t h a t  to cause c o m p l a i n t .  As e a r l y  o f l a n d g r a n t s was  a s 1850 G o v e r n o r  Blanshard  of Vancouver I s l a n d had o c c a s i o n t o mention i n a l e t t e r G r e y t h e l a n d s h e l d by t h e Hudson ' s  Bay Company.  the  to  Earl  He w r o t e  that  Some c o m p l a i n t s o f I n d i a n o u t r a g e s h a v e r e a c h e d me f r o m S o o k e , . . . where a g e n t l e m a n by t h e name o f G r a n t . . . h a s a small settlement. He c o m p l a i n s o f l a c k o f p r o t e c t i o n , w h i c h , o w i n g t o t h e d i s t a n c e a t w h i c h he i s l o c a t e d c a n n o t be a f f o r d e d h i m ; he i n f o r m s me t h a t he was a n x i o u s t o s e t t l e n e a r V i c t o r i a , b u t was n o t a l l o w e d t o do s o b y t h e H u d s o n ' s Bay Company, who h a v e a p p r o p r i a t e d a l l t h e v a l uable l a n d i n the neighbourhood.8 In  fact,  vague.  the a r e a o f  l a n d r e s e r v e d t o t h e Company was  The C o m p a n y ' s c l a i m was b a s e d m a i n l y upon u s e ,  p u t up a c e r t a i n p a r t  of i t s  sons a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the  lands f o r s a l e ,  Company.  The e x i s t e n c e  a n d was t h e s u b j e c t  of vigorous p r o t e s t  8  Howay a n d S c h o l e f i e l d .  settlement,  The p o l i c y o f m a k i n g  terms to r e t i r e d  op, c i t . .  per-  b y Amor de Cosmos a n d  i n t h e l a t e 1 8 5 0 ' s and the 1 8 6 0 ' s . g r a n t s o f l a n d on f a v o r a b l e  to  it  of the Hudson's  on V a n c o u v e r I s l a n d hampered f r e e  large  but  especially  Bay Company R e s e r v e  others  rather  I.  519-520.  army  officers  24 was endorsed i n the period of representative government. For example, i n 1860 Captain Edward Stamp received 15,000 acres a r ound Barkley Sound f o r the establishment of a sawmill and other works.^ With the entry of British.Columbia into Confederation and the beginning of railway building i n the province, land grants started to climb to enormous proportions.  Lacking any  immediate f i n a n c i a l inducement to stimulate construction, the B r i t i s h Columbia government began to give large t r a c t s to those who would undertake to b u i l d railways, roads, and other works. The f i r s t such grant passed through the l e g i s l a t u r e i n 1880, implementing the agreement with the Dominion government concerning the building of the C.P.R.  This measure o f f i c i a l l y  gave to the company a f o r t y mile wide s t r i p along i t s track, less such land as had already been alienated or was reserved. The deficiency was made up i n 1883 by a grant to the Dominion government of 3,500,000 acres i n the Peace River d i s t r i c t .  1 0  The C.P.R. grants, although large, were only a beginning. In 1883 the Smithe government took up the p o l i c y of land grants i n earnest.  In that year four grants were made:  one of 750,000  acres i n the Eootenay and Columbia country, including the future mining d i s t r i c t s of Nelson and Slocan, to a s s i s t i n building a railway and steamship l i n e ; one of 78,000 acres i n Eootenay f o r a canal project; one of 60,000 acres i n Yale and Kootenay f o r  _  ;  ;  .  :  .  .  ; For a study of early land grants, vide Leonard A. Wrinch, "Land Policy of the Colony of Vancouver Island, 1849-1366,» an unpublished M.A. t h e s i s , University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1932. B r i t i s h Columbia, L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly, Statutes. V i c t o r i a , Queen's P r i n t e r , 1883, p. 39. 1 0  25 wagon road; and the Esquimalt and Nanaimo Railway grant of 200,000 acres on Vancouver Island to the Dunsmuir i n t e r e s t s . The f i r s t of these grants was l a t e r canceled, owing to the f a i l ure of the company to carry out i t s plans; the remainder became operative.  Then, i n 1885, a smaller but very valuable grant was  made of 6,000 acres near Burrard I n l e t , plus some l o t s i n the settlement of Granville, i n order to encourage the C.P.R. to 11  extend i t s l i n e to Coal Harbor.  In addition, the C.P.R. grant  was to be untaxed f o r twenty years and the E.& N. grant ently) i n perpetuity.  (appar-  It must have appeared to many people that  t h i s p o l i c y , although speeding the i n d u s t r i a l development of the province, would leave no decent farm or timber land available to the i n d i v i d u a l s e t t l e r .  Moreover, i t deprived the government of  tax revenue and placed great economic power i n the hands of corporations.  In 1886 the land grant p o l i c y was condemned as tend12  ing  toward "the worst sort of feudalism;"  indeed, the economic  and p o l i t i c a l s i t u a t i o n which l a t e r developed i n the "company towns" had much i n common with feudalism. These two issues — tion —  land grants and Chinese immigra-  pressed not only upon the workingmen of B r i t i s h Columbia  but also upon other s o c i a l groups.  Land grants threatened to  make both wage-workers and farmers dependent upon the w i l l of the land-holding corporations; the Chinese were competing with white t a i l o r s , gardeners, grocers, laundrymen, restaurant-operators, This l i s t of grants i s taken from Howay, & S c h o l e f i e l d , op. c i t . . I I , 431-442, and Alexander Begg, H i s t o r y of B r i t i s h Columbia. Toronto, Briggs, 1894, pp. 431-2. 12 V i c t o r i a Workingmen s Platform; vide Appendix, p. i . 1 1  v  26  and other small businessmen as well as with wage-earners. were not s t r i c t l y working-class application*  These  issues; they had a much wider  However, they were the issues which most agitated  the workingmen. The opening of the railway connecting B r i t i s h Columbia with the r e s t of the continent coincided with an outburst of labor organization that swept both Canada and the United States,; In the space of one year, 1885-6, a union known as the Knights of Labor grew from a membership of 104,066 to a t o t a l of 13  702,924,  and temporarily dominated the labor scene. The Knights of Labor was neither c r a f t nor i n d u s t r i a l  i n structure.  Formed i n Philadelphia i n 1869  as a secret soc-  i e t y of garment cutters, i t slowly b u i l t up l o c a l s of many trades.  In 1881  i t dropped i t s cloak of secrecy and began a  period of more rapid expansion i n which the separation of trades was generally unrecognized; l o c a l assemblies took i n members of a l l accepted  trades within a given area.  A l l those who  had at  any time worked f o r wages, except only lawyers, doctors, bankers, and those engaged i n the l i q u o r trade, might j o i n . The o f f i c i a l tone of the K. of L. was  idealistic; i t  rejected the idea of a class struggle, and aimed at the improvement of the workers p h y s i c a l l y , mentally, and s p i r i t u a l l y by improving t h e i r conditions of l i f e .  I t opposed s t r i k e s , favor-  ing co-operation between labor and c a p i t a l , and took a strong 14  interest i n p o l i t i c s i n order to obtain reform l e g i s l a t i o n . Anthony Bimba, History of the American Working Class. York, International Publishers, 1927, p. 174. I b i d . , pp. 173-5. 1 4  New  27 This was the organization to which the workers of B r i t i s h Colombia flocked i n the middle 1880's.  Two assemblies were  organized i n the New Westminster d i s t r i c t , and two more i n V i c 15 t o r i a and Nanaimo.  The t o t a l membership of the K. of L. i n  B r i t i s h Columbia, although nowhere exactly stated, must have been comparatively  large; there were 600 members i n the infant 16  c i t y of Vancouver alone,  and the Assemblies i n the older and  more populous centers were almost c e r t a i n l y even greater.  The  Knights of Labor, with i t s idealism and i t s breadth of membership, was  the f i r s t body to unite a large section of the B r i t i s h Colum-  bia working c l a s s on the economic f i e l d and develop the organizing techniques necessary f o r p o l i t i c a l action.  Appropriately  enough, the f i r s t serious attempt to elect labor representatives to the Legislature i s associated with the K. of L. The Workingmen*s Party which appeared i n connection with the p r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n of 1886  ran candidates i n only  of the three main labor centers of B r i t i s h Columbia — and Nanaimo.  two  Victoria  For some undisclosed reason, the Lower Mainland 17  did not share i n t h i s p o l i t i c a l e f f o r t .  Two  candidates i n V i c -  t o r i a and two i n Nanaimo were a l l that the contemporary labor ig ' Bennett, op. c i t . . p. 25. 1 6  Vancouver People's Journal. Mar. 17  25, 1893,  p. 3.  There i s a suggestion that the platform of the Workingmen's Party may have been used i n New Westminster ( I n d u s t r i a l News. V i c t o r i a , J u l y 10, 1886). This, however, probably merely r e f e r s to the appeal of W. Norman Bole, Oppositionist, f o r labor support ( B r i t i s h Columbian. New Westminster, J u l y 3, 1886, p.2). The I n d u s t r i a l news approved the candidature of Hans Helgesen i n Esquimalt and of John Grant i n Cassiar (June 12, 1886) — both Conservative Oppositionists. This, however, i s hardly labor p o l i t i c a l action, although Bennett t r e a t s the approval of Helgesen as such (op. c i t . . p. 30).  28 movement c o u l d a f f o r d ; c o n s i d e r i n g t h a t resented a very r i s k y  investment  each c a n d i d a t e  rep-  o f $200 i n a d e p o s i t , t h e  effort  was n o t a m i n o r o n e . S o f a r a s c a n be a s c e r t a i n e d , t i o n t o o k no p a r t  the E.  o f L.  i n t h e 1886 e l e c t i o n ; nowhere  is  organiza-  there  any  18 mention o f e n d o r s a t i o n o f The p o l i t i c a l although i t  effort  aimed a t  t h e Workingmen's P a r t y by t h a t  was o r g a n i z e d i n d e p e n d e n t l y o f t h e ends f a v o r a b l e  the  time a wage-worker.  A.J.  cil.  J.M.  having served several  neither  was  S m i t h h a d been a c a r p e n t e r ,  h a d t u r n e d t o b u i l d i n g c o n t r a c t i n g ; he was a l r e a d y politics,  union,  t o t h e l a b o r movement.  Of t h e two l a b o r c a n d i d a t e s i n V i c t o r i a , at  union.  well-known  t e r m s on t h e V i c t o r i a C i t y  D u v a l , f o r m e r l y a wood-turner,  had been  but in  Coun-  incapacitated  19 by a n a c c i d e n t vious status the E.  of  a n d gone i n t o  as wage-earners  the p r i n t i n g b u s i n e s s . made them e l i g i b l e  Their  pre-  f o r membership  in  L. The p o l i t i c a l  campaign r e a l l y  t o r y i s s u e o f t h e I n d u s t r i a l News.  began w i t h t h e  Duval stated  introduc-  editorially  that The o f f i c i a l r e c o r d s o f t h e K. o f L . seem t o h a v e d i s a p peared with the e x t i n c t i o n of the u n i o n . Bennett i n t i m a t e s t h a t t h e K. o f L . d i d t a k e a c t i o n by s t a t i n g t h a t t h e I n d u s t r i a l H e w s . w h i c h was a n a c t i v e e l e m e n t i n t h e e l e c t i o n c a m p a i g n , was t h e o f f i c i a l organ o f t h e E. o f L. (op. _ c i t . . p. 124) and t r e a t s i t s s t a t e m e n t s a s e m b o d y i n g o f f i c i a l K. o f L . p o l i c y . A c t u a l l y , the I n d u s t r i a l News d i d n o t r e c e i v e t h e o f f i c i a l a p p r o v a l o f t h e K. o f L . u n t i l November 1 8 8 6 , some t i m e a f t e r t h e e l e c t i o n ( I n d u s t r i a l News. November 6 a n d 2 0 , 1 8 8 6 ) . 19  The f i l e s o f h i s n e w s p a p e r , t h e I n d u s t r i a l News, c o v e r t h e p e r i o d f r o m December 1885 t o December 1 8 8 6 , t h u s g i v i n g c o m p l e t e coverage of t h i s episode of l a b o r p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n from the f i r s t h i n t of independence of e x i s t i n g p o l i t i c a l groups through the e l e c t i o n c a m p a i g n t o t h e s u b s e q u e n t r e c a p i t u l a t i o n o f t h e cam-, paign.  29 In p o l i t i c s i t w i l l be thoroughly independent, devoted to no clique or party, but w i l l not hesitate at any time, whenever the interests of the workingmen and women require i t , to take sides and f e a r l e s s l y advocate what we believe to be right.20 He soon followed t h i s declaration by an i n d i r e c t hint at d i r e c t p o l i t i c a l action, i n the form of comment upon the success of the K. of L, i n backing candidates f o r municipal o f f i c e i n 21  Whatcom City and i n Toronto.  Two weeks l a t e r , attention was  directed to the l o c a l scene: This i s the l a s t session of the present l o c a l p a r l i a ment..,. Any workingman f a i l i n g to see that h i s vote i s properly registered, w i l l have no right to complain i f the l e g i s l a t i o n of the next parliament i s i n i m i c a l to the interest of the working classes. Workingmen see that your votes are recorded. Your power l i e s i n the Ballot.22 This warning to the discontented was soon followed by an even more pointed leading a r t i c l e : The time i s gone by f o r class government.... an educated and enfranchised democracy... w i l l become the a r b i t e r of i t s own fate and destiny at the p o l l s . I t w i l l seek within i t s own ranks, and not i n vain, f o r delegates pledged to reform, economy, and the investigation of recent jobberies — men, too, pledged to set aside aims of personal aggrandizement f o r that grander object, the recognition of the worker and the cause of labor.23 While the ground was thus being prepared i n V i c t o r i a , organization was going ahead at Nanaimo.  The o r i g i n of the  p o l i t i c a l movement there i s unrecorded, but i t s connection with the V i c t o r i a group i s c e r t a i n .  The party bore the same name, 24  Pi* i t s platform was e s s e n t i a l l y the same, I n d u s t r i a l News, December 26, I b i d . . January 16,  1886.  22 I b i d . , January 30,  1886.  2 1  and Duval came from  1885.  2 3  I b i d . . March 13,  2  c f . Nanaimo Free Press. June 2, 1886, p. 2.  4  1886.  V i c t o r i a to support the Nanaimo candidates i n t h e i r campaign*  25  In whatever way i t may have been started, by the middle of Kay the Nanaimo Workingmen>s Party was i n existence and had nominated James Lewis,a.Gabriola Island farmer, and Samuel H. Myers, agent for the I n d u s t r i a l News, as i t s representatives i n the coming  2 6 election. In V i c t o r i a , the platform of the Workingmen's Party 27  was adopted on May 27, at a meeting i n the Theatre Comique. A strengthening of the class s p i r i t of the new party might be inferred from the comment of the I n d u s t r i a l News reporter: That platform every candidate wishing to present himself on the workingman's t i c k e t w i l l be c a l l e d upon to sign, and pledge himself to uphold.... But... what are required are not candidates pledged to carry out the views of the workingmen, but workingmen candidates.28 Despite t h i s a t t i t u d e , when nominations took place Duval and Smith ~  contractor and editor-publisher  were recommended by  a committee of f i f t e e n and then endorsed at a public meeting as the Workingmen*s Party candidates. At t h i s stage the campaign ran into d i f f i c u l t i e s which were not immediately made public.  I t appears that a "saw-off  n  had been arranged between the Workingmen's Party and the Opposit i o n , l e d by Robert Beaven.  In V i c t o r i a , each of these groups  was to put up only two candidates i n opposition to the four Government candidates. As soon as Duval and Smith were nominated, 2 5  26  I b i d . . J u l y 3, 1886, p. 3. ™'"*~"  Myers* regular occupation i s unstated i n contemporary reports. I n d u s t r i a l News. May 29, 1886. Loc. c i t . 2 7  2 8  the Opposition named a f u l l s l a t e of four and l e f t the new party to f i g h t alone.  A l e t t e r was sent to the chairman of the  Workingmen's Committee as follows: V i c t o r i a , June 11th 1886 Dear S i r , — Adverting to bur conversation l a s t evening, I am authorized by the opposition delegates to state that they are unable to include Messrs. Smith and Duval, the gentlemen designated by you, i n the opposition nomination. Yours t r u l y , J . Roland Hett.29 It i s apparent that the Workingmen's Party, despite the rather f i e r y tone of some pronouncements i n the I n d u s t r i a l News, was w i l l i n g to compromise. stools.  As a r e s u l t , i t f e l l between two  To r e t a i n i t s raison d'ttre. i t had to be organizat-  i o n a l l y separate from other p o l i t i c a l groups, free to name i t s own candidates and to c r i t i c i z e others; to win seats f o r i t s man, i t had to make an agreement with an e x i s t i n g group —  and that  depended upon i t s naming candidates acceptable to the senior party, and f o r f e i t i n g i t s independence.  I t s o f f e r to share the  opposition t i c k e t i n V i c t o r i a was rejected, and i t was forced to be the independent party that i t claimed to be. There was more than one motive f o r t h i s r e j e c t i o n of the overtures of the Workingmen s Party. v  For one thing, the  Opposition wanted a pledge that the Workingmen*s candidates would 30 unconditionally oppose the Government Party;  this promise was  not made, since the Workingmen*s Party intended to oppose or support l e g i s l a t i o n upon i t s merits — origin. 2 9  3 0  not necessarily upon i t s  Again, some statements i n the I n d u s t r i a l News may well -• 17,-1886.  I b i d  J  u  l  y  B r i t i s h Columbian. June 19, 1886.  32 have frightened the Opposition by t h e i r r a d i c a l nature, and l e d i t to fear that an a l l i a n c e with the new party might be more embarrassing than useful.  Also, there was no shortage of straight  Oppositionist aspirants f o r the seats at stake,  and therefore  no r e a l desire to share the a v a i l a b l e nominations with an outside group. Free of any obligation to another party, Smith and Duval c a r r i e d on a f a i r l y vigorous campaign.  Since i t was  now  clear that t h e i r party would f i e l d no more than four candidates i n the province, they l i m i t e d the party's current objectives to the independent c r i t i c i s m which Duval had promised i n the f i r s t issue of h i s paper: The workingmen s candidates simply stand i n the p o s i t i o n of watchmen, to see that i f the opposition come to power they w i l l not do as they d i d before, but that they w i l l r e a l l y and earnestly l e g i s l a t e i n the i n t e r e s t s of the working classes; to keep a sharp eye on the present government i f they are continued i n power, and make sure that they w i l l not revert to t h e i r old ways, but walk a straighter course i n the future than they have done i n the past.32 1  In Nanaimo, no such abortive agreement with the Oppos i t i o n was attempted; throughout the campaign, the Workingmen candidates retained t h e i r i d e n t i t y as a " t h i r d force."  At f i r s t  they were favored by the Nanaimo Free Press, which declared e d i t 31  The Opposition s l a t e did include workingmen. J . Wriglesworth, a member of the Workingmen's Committee, was nominated as an Opposition candidate; of course, h i s association with the Workingmen's Party was immediately terminated (Industrial News, June 12, 1886). R.T. Williams, i n h i s e l e c t i o n appeal, tDaily Standard, V i c t o r i a , June 21, 1886, p. 2) referred to himself as a worker and c a l l e d f o r l e g i s l a t i o n i n the i n t e r e s t s of the workers, such as a l i e n law, payment of jurors, and s i m p l i f i c a t i o n of the voting laws. 3 2  I n d u s t r i a l News. July 3,  1886.  33 o r i a l l y that both c a p i t a l and labor should be represented i n the 33 legislature;  as election day came closer i t s c o r d i a l i t y waned,  and i t swung more c l o s e l y to support of Dunsmuir and Raybould, the Government candidates. On the eve of the e l e c t i o n the f o l lowing squib appeared: Workingmen^ Our best friends are the C a p i t a l i s t s , who give us employment, and pay us our wages regularly. Discard the humbugging a l l i a n c e with adventurous f i r e - e a t e r s , who have nothing to lose and only want to gain t h e i r own s e l f i s h ends.34 To judge by t h e i r election appeal, however, Lewis and 35  Myers were hardly "adventurous f i r e - e a t e r s .  n  They made no r e -  ference to any clash of class i n t e r e s t s , or need f o r the election of workers* representatives.  Indeed, they went so f a r as  to promise t h e i r "... best endeavours to encourage a l l honest industries and promote the interest of Capital and Labor so that they may work harmoniously to develop the resources of the Prqqg  vince."  Their campaign appears to have had a much milder tone  than that of Smith and Duval i n V i c t o r i a . Whether the approach were mild or strong, B r i t i s h Columbia was not yet ready to elect labor candidates to the l e g i s l a t u r e ; the new party was snowed under i n both c i t i e s .  Drawing  only a small f r a c t i o n of the t o t a l vote, Lewis and Myers footed the Nanaimo p o l l1886, s . In c t o r i a Smith and Duval d i d somewhat May 19, p.V i2. 3T I b i d . . July 7, 1886, p. 3. 3 4  3 5  3 6  v  i  d  e  Appendix, p. i i i .  Loc. c i t .  34 better, but s t i l l l o s t t h e i r deposits. ' The f i r s t bid f o r working-class  representation i n p o l i t i c s had been d e c i s i v e l y  rejected. The main issues of the Workingmen»s Party had been Chinese immigration  and land grants; since these matters were of  general i n t e r e s t , they were hardly s u f f i c i e n t to j u s t i f y the formation of a " l a b o r party except insofar as the non-labor 0  sections of the community were taking no e f f e c t i v e steps to deal with these problems.  This was, indeed, the case; however, there  qo were c e r t a i n items i n the Workingmen's Platform of 1886  which  were p e c u l i a r l y of interest to labor and which, i n the l i g h t of l a t e r p o l i t i c a l development, serve to r e l a t e the Workingmen's Party to subsequent labor p o l i t i c a l action. The c a l l f o r working-class ment, expressed  representation i n govern-  i n the f i r s t clause of the 1886 platform, has  c e r t a i n l y been very durable; i t i s s t i l l with us. I t s s i g n i ficance i n t h i s platform comes from i t s being the f i r s t p o l i t i c a l The actual r e s u l t s were: Victoria Nanaimo .540) ,366) elected E.G. P r i o r Win. Raybould 267) f ^ e l e c t e d J.H. Turner Dr. 0«Brian 192 Theo. Davie 463) C.C. HcKenzie 134 S, Duck 456 G. Thomson 90 413 R.T. Williams 78 Jas. Lewis R. Lipsett 362 S.H. Myers 30 J . Wriglesworth 321 A.J. Smith 208 J.H. Duval 127 J.W. Carey 53 (J.A. Gemmill, ed., The Canadian Parliamentary Companion, Ottawa. J . Durie & Son, 1887, pp.354-355. (Note:this source of contemporary information was published i r r e g u l a r l y u n t i l 1898-99, when i t was succeeded by Arnott J . Magurn, The Canadian Parliamentary Guide. Subsequent references to t h i s s e r i e s w i l l be made as CPC or CPG.)) qo  "•""*—"  vide Appendix, pp.l>»ii.  35  formulation i n B r i t i s h Columbia of the idea that there i s a basic divergence of i n t e r e s t s between the " t o i l i n g masses" and 39 the "wealthier part of the community."*'  0  The existence of such  a c o n f l i c t was never f u l l y accepted by the Knights of Labor as a whole; i n s o f a r as they did recognize i t they sought to diminish or overcome i t by improving the economic l o t of the workers and encouraging t h e i r "moral, i n t e l l e c t u a l and physical  progress."  40  However, t h i s early and l i m i t e d recognition of class i n t e r e s t s expressing themselves i n p o l i t i c s may be regarded as the f o r e runner of the S o c i a l i s t Party doctrine of the c l a s s struggle. It spread the concept of c o n f l i c t i n g classes i n society, a l though i t included the idea that the c o n f l i c t could be resolved by compromise; when the idea of a r e l e n t l e s s , uncompromising class struggle was propounded about the turn of the century, at least part of the idea was f a m i l i a r to the workers o f B r i t i s h Columbia.  For t h i s reason, the f i r s t clause of the 1886 Working-  man's platform deserves to be regarded as a landmark i n B r i t i s h Columbia labor h i s t o r y . Another highly s i g n i f i c a n t point i n the platform i s the proposal which concludes the clause on land grants — held f o r speculative purposes to be taxed to t h e i r f u l l  "lands value."  This i s a l i m i t e d a p p l i c a t i o n of the "single tax" p r i n c i p l e f o r Ibid. . p. i . 35 4 0  I b i d . . p. i i .  4 1  Ibid., p. i .  41  36 ululated by Henry George as the answer to e x p l o i t a t i o n .  The  early appearance of the idea i n B r i t i s h Columbia can be a t t r i buted to the existence of these great t r a c t s of p r i v a t e l y owned land, much of i t untaxed.  I t would continue to hold a prominent  position i n labor platforms u n t i l greater i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n changed the r e l a t i v e importance of land and c a p i t a l . The clause on Chinese exclusion also provides a l i n k with l a t e r platforms.  In various forms the demand would re-  appear time a f t e r time, as successive candidates of a l l p o l i t i c a l f a i t h s expressed themselves as anti-Chinese and succeeding  pro-  v i n c i a l governments found t h e i r e f f o r t s hampered or n u l l i f i e d by constitutional provisions and by the reluctance of some i n f l u e n t i a l employers, e s p e c i a l l y i n the canning and coal i n d u s t r i e s , to dispense with cheap labor.  The ineffectiveness of d i f f e r e n t  administrations i n t h i s matter was c e r t a i n l y a prime factor i n d i s i l l u s i o n i n g many workers with the e x i s t i n g p o l i t i c a l groups, and leading them to demand t h e i r own  representation.  The s i x t h clause, i n c a l l i n g f o r l e g i s l a t i o n to protect the l i v e s of miners, also foreshadowed future labor pressure on p o l i t i c s .  The coal-miners, already a sizable group on  Vancouver Island, would soon be joined by metal-miners i n demanding protective l e g i s l a t i o n . AO  Henry George: U.S.A., 1839-1897. His major work, Progress and Poverty.(1879) attributed poverty to the private ownership of land and the private appropriation of rent. George advocated public ownership of land, and as a means to that end the taxation of a l l land at i t s f u l l r e n t a l value — otherwise, the confiscation of rent. This, he calculated, would meet a l l costs of government and would make unnecessary a l l other taxes — hence the name, "single tax." His economic ideas were based upon agrarian or small-scale production, not upon an i n d u s t r i a l society.  37  Clauses seven and ten, which may be considered together, were hardly labor planks; they are better regarded as appeals to the farming community f o r support.  Such appeals  have been very common i n the l a b o r - p o l i t i c a l movements of t h i s province, i f only because the p o l i t i c a l weight of B r i t i s h Columbia has always l a i n i n the non-industrial d i s t r i c t s . The ninth clause, an attempt to r e s t r i c t the l i q u o r trade, was very c h a r a c t e r i s t i c Of the "moral- u p l i f t " attitude of the E. of L.  Indeed, the "temperance" movement was contin-  ental i n scope i n the l a t t e r years of the century, and was very active p o l i t i c a l l y .  With the growth of trade unions t h i s move-  ment l o s t i t s hold on organized labor; the jobs of the brewery workers, bartenders, etc., had to be considered. The f i n a l clause i s of especial i n t e r e s t , both f o r i t s o r i g i n and i t s l a t e r development.  An aspect of the p r i n c i p l e  of popular sovereignty, the " r e c a l l " i s not at a l l i n the l i n e of B r i t i s h p o l i t i c a l development; rather, i t derives from the French and American revolutionary t r a d i t i o n s .  I t s f i r s t appear-  ance i n B r i t i s h Columbia may safely be attributed to American influence, working through the Knights of Labor.  The idea of  d i r e c t democracy, expressed i n demands f o r t h i s and other p o l i t i c a l reforms, would l a t e r receive strong reinforcement from another source.  jg  :  —  •  In 1908 the United Brewery Workers of America c i r c u l a r i z e d the various unions, asking f o r t h e i r support i n the coming U.S. e l e c t i o n i n opposing the demand f o r p r o h i b i t i o n . The Sandon Miners* Union was probably almost alone i n advising the U.B.W.A. to pay no attention to side issues, and rather to study and work f o r Socialism. (Sandon M.U. to U.B.W.A., March 10,1908, held by T.& D.S.W.U., T r a i l ) .  38  The Nanaimo candidates of the Workingmen s Party added r  l i t t l e of importance to t h i s l i s t of demands.  They did comple-  ment the " r e c a l l " clause with a proposal f o r a referendum on a l l important issues; however, t h e i r most notable addition to the platform was i n c a l l i n g f o r a " l i e n law" to protect the wages of workingmen.  At t h i s time a worker had no e f f e c t i v e  means of enforcing a claim to wages; he could only sue f o r debt —  a slow and often c o s t l y process, and uncertain of success.  A l i e n law would allow him to make a l e g a l claim against the product of h i s labor, and thus reserve a source of payment.  iii.  Information on subsequent p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y by labor  in t h i s period i s somewhat sketchy.  In November 1886  a "Reform  Party" endeavored, without success, to bring out a candidate i n AA  the New Westminster d i s t r i c t f o r the House of Commons.  This  attempt was of some interest to labor, and was probably  assoc-  iated with the K. of L.  It received no attention i n the con-  temporary press; even the Industrial News did not report i t . In the same period, labor invaded municipal In the f i r s t Vancouver c i v i c elections (May,  politics.  1886), s t r i k i n g  loggers financed and elected Malcolm MacLean, a r e a l estate dealer, to be mayor. R.H.  The motivation was l a r g e l y persona).;  Alexander, the employer against whom the s t r i k e was  called,  had been nominated f o r the mayoralty, and the loggers were deter"Twenty-five Years of the B.C. e r a t i o n ! s t . November 18, 1911, p. 4. 4 4  Bennett, op. c i t . . p. 29.  Labor Movement,"  B.C.  Fed-  39 mined not to allow him v i c t o r y . Later i n the year, a f t e r the p r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n , the Knights themselves took a hand i n c i v i c p o l i t i c s .  On November  28, 1886, the. two Lower Mainland Assemblies issued a j o i n t manifesto on municipal a f f a i r s and, we are t o l d , A l i t t l e l a t e r an a l l i a n c e between the K. of L. and the l o c a l Vintners* Association was formed to elect a t i c k e t for the (Vancouver) c i t y council.47 Rather a s u r p r i s i n g move, i n view of the Knights' o f f i c i a l a t titude toward the liquor trade! The manifesto, naturally enough, took cognizance of the Chinese question; i t c a l l e d f o r the democratization of c i v i c a f f a i r s by the payment of a l l public o f f i c e r s , and public d i s cussion and votes on a l l questions of increased taxation; i t demanded c i t y waterworks, a public l i b r a r y , and a c i t y h o s p i t a l , and i t recommended "... the encouragement of l o c a l industries 48 and t h e i r exemption from t a x a t i o n .  n  Labor's demand f o r the  exemption of industry from taxation would be repeated i n l a t e r years, with an i n d i c a t i o n of some close reasoning behind the demand; i n 1886 i t was probably l i t t l e more than a desire f o r increased employment through i n d u s t r i a l expansion, with an element of single tax being expressed i n negative form. In t h i s campaign not only Mayor MacLean and R.D. (the  Pitt,  l a t t e r a Master Workman of the K. of L. and candidate f o r  c i t y council) but also Alexander, again running f o r mayor, supI b i d . , p. 25. The vote was 242 f o r MacLean, 225 f o r Alexander. (Howay & S c h o l e f i e l d , op. c i t . . I I , 435). 47 4 6  "Twenty-five Years & c , " 4 8  Loc. c i t .  loc. c i t .  40 ported labor's manifesto. loggers i n May,  49  MacLean, f i r s t elected by the  was again successful; Alexander, despite h i s  acceptance of the manifesto, was defeated, as was P i t t .  The  labor vote might be strong enough to defeat a candidate; i t was not strong enough to elect a labor  man.  In 1885-86 the Knights of Labor was at i t s peak of power, i n B r i t i s h Columbia as elsewhere. i n the following years.  I t declined r a p i d l y  In 1886 i t had around 600 members i n  50  Vancouver alone. E a r l y i n 1891 Shaftesbury (mixed) Assembly i n Vancouver reported a membership of thirteen, and i n October 1893 i t dissolved.  The other Assembly i n Vancouver, composed of 51  stevedores, seceded from the K. of L. i n December 1896.  The  concepts and organizational form of the union were too broad f o r i t s time; i t disintegrated under pressure, and i t s place was taken by the trade unions with t h e i r stronger appeal to i n d i v i dual bread-and-butter i n t e r e s t s .  In Vancouver, Shaftesbury  Assembly was only kept i n existence by the e f f o r t s of a few very active members such as Thomas Hallam, George Pollay, and 52  G.F. Leaper.  The Vancouver T. & L.C., to which the Assemblies  adhered i n t h e i r l a t e r years, supported t h e i r e f f o r t s ; the mixed Loc. c i t . v. sup.. p. 27, n. 16. D e f i n i t e figures on the K. of L. are hard to f i n d , since i t did not believe i n making i t s a f f a i r s overly public. 4 9  5 0  Vancouver T.& L.C. "Minutes," 1889-1896, passim, (herea f t e r referred to as "VTLCM".) 5 1  CO  A l l three were delegates to the Vancouver T.& L.C. i n the period 1889-1896, and took part i n the work of that body. Pollay was also active i n the Single Tax Club, and Leaper edited the People's Journal (1893).  41  Assembly was a means of organizing the unskilled laborers. The other Assembly was p r a c t i c a l l y a trade union of stevedores, and was held together by i t s i n t e r n a l unity of occupation.  As an e f f e c t i v e organization, however, the K. of L. i n  B r i t i s h Columbia was a spent force by It may  1890.  be said that the p o l i t i c a l e f f o r t s associated  with the Knights of Labor accomplished almost nothing; no labor candidates were elected, although the loggers did back a winner i n the Vancouver mayoralty contest of Hay 1886,  The  importance  of these e f f o r t s l i e s i n t h e i r being the f i r s t move of labor into p o l i t i c s ; they broke the ground and sowed the f i r s t seeds. The campaign experiences would provide lessons f o r future use, and the Workingmen's Platform of 1886 formulations of labor's demands. the debit side.  would influence l a t e r  The score was not e n t i r e l y on  (to f o l l o w page 41)  REV. G. R. MAXWELL, (Burrard.)  Member of t h e L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly, 1894-1900 (Nationalist-Opposition)  s  Member of Parliament, 1896-1902 (Liberal-Labor)  CHAPTER I I I  MINERS AND "NATIONALISTS**  i.  The l a t e 1880's show no signs of labor interest i n  politics.  The Knights of Labor was fading into o b l i v i o n , and  the c r a f t onions were very much occupied i n re-forming the ranks of labor along their own l i n e s .  Moreover, there were no  general elections to stimulate interest and provide an immedi a t e outlet f o r p o l i t i c a l l y - e x p r e s s e d energies.  Political int-  erest only appeared i n p e t i t i o n s to the senior governments and i n such pressure as could be brought to bear on municipal a f fairs.  Noticeable a c t i v i t y did not return u n t i l 1890 —  a pro-  v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n year, with a federal election expected to follow c l o s e l y .  The r e v i v a l of interest that occurred then was  to run, with only a minor setback i n 1898, into the new century; i n a variety of forms i t has persisted to our own times. Labor's p o l i t i c a l e f f o r t s i n the 1890*s were concentrated i n two areas -- the Vancouver d i s t r i c t , where the Trades and Labor Council was the central body, and Nanaimo, where the Miners* and Mine-Laborers* was the dominant influence.  Protective Association (M.M.L.P.A.) Although the labor organizations of  the two c i t i e s were i n touch with each other and sometimes worked together, t h e i r environments,  organizational structures,  and s p e c i f i c problems led them to act separately i n most cases. Vancouver was already becoming a commercial and i n d u s t r i a l center, with no one predominating industry or employer, whereas  i n Nanaimo a l l things hinged upon the coal mines and the Duns-* muir i n t e r e s t s ; the Vancouver labor movement was an agglomeration of trade unions, while most of the Nanaimo unionists were miners i n an i n d u s t r i a l union; the workers of both places were interested i n shorter hours, a l i e n law, and l i m i t a t i o n of Chinese labor, but while the Vancouver tradesmen busied themselves with the union l a b e l , public ownership, and municipal reform, the Nanaimo men  found that such matters as land grants,  monopolies, accident prevention, and a r b i t r a t i o n of i n d u s t r i a l disputes were of more immediate concern.  Not u n t i l the turn  of the century did co-operation between the two centers become at a l l close. The Vancouver T.& L.C. was very hesitant about taking part i n p o l i t i c s , to judge from i t s minutes i n connection with the 1890 p r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n .  A few of i t s member unions were  pressing f o r a c t i o n : on February 7 the Typographical Union unanimously passed a resolution c a l l i n g f o r the adoption of a labor platform or f o r other measures whereby the unions could obtain "the most disinterested representation * i n both the federal and 1  p r o v i n c i a l Houses, and then presented the r e s o l u t i o n to Council; t h i s move was supported by Shaftesbury Assembly, K. of L., i n a similar resolution.  Two weeks l a t e r , the matter was thor-  oughly discussed i n Council: "VTLCM," February 14, 1 8 9 0 . v i d e resolution. 1  2  i P i d . . February 28,  1890.  Appendix, p. v, f o r  44 The question of a working Kan's Candidate on a platform suitable to working men was then taken up, Mr. Dixon thought the best way was to co-operate with the business men. Mr. I r y i n considered that the working men held the balance of power. A f t e r further discussion Mr. Walker moved seed, ( s i c ) by Hallam that t h i s subject be l a i d over with a view to having the matter brought by the delegates i n the various unions,3 A month l a t e r , the matter was carried further; presumably the member unions had favored p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n .  The  secretary was to write to the Toronto T.& L,C. f o r "Copies of P o l i t i c a l Platform suitable f o r such Councils," while a l o c a l committee was named to draw up a p l a t f o r m .  4  However, so f a r as  the minutes go, nothing resulted from these instructions; nothing i s said as to any r e p l y being received from Toronto, and there i s no mention of a report from the "Platform Committee." Council d i d , l a t e r , pass a motion that "Each union be requested to send one representative to take into consideration the  com-  5  ing P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n s , "  but there i s no record of any action  having been taken by the i n d i v i d u a l unions.  The whole a f f a i r  gives the impression of a few a c t i v i s t s being frustrated i n t h e i r aims by a membership which agreed with them, but was unwilling to commit i t s e l f to action. As the drive within the T.& L.C. f o r action i n the p r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n was being slowed down, the federal e l e c t i o n of 1891 began to arouse attention. New Westminster —  The Workingmen s League of 1  apparently a class organization f o r the pur-  3  "VTLCM," March 14,  1890.  4  i P i d . . A p r i l 11,  1890.  5  I b i d . . A p r i l 25,  1890.  45  poses of p o l i t i c a l action —  requested a delegate conference  with the Vancouver T.& L.C. i n connection with the coming dominion contest.  The T.& L.C. accepted the i n v i t a t i o n , and 6  set up a committee to meet with the Hew Westminster people. No report was ever made of t h i s meeting — place ~  i f , indeed, i t took  but l a t e r i n the year George Bartley (Typographical  Union) brought i n a report on p o l i t i c s , from which resolutions were passed recommending pressure on both p r o v i n c i a l and federal governments to i n s t i t u t e (1) manhood suffrage i n municipal elections, (2) the a b o l i t i o n of property q u a l i f i c a t i o n s f o r munic i p a l o f f i c e , (3) a l e g a l half-holiday on e l e c t i o n , (4) an e f f e c t i v e Sunday Observance Act, (5) p r o v i n c i a l franchise to a l l persons receiving a salary of $300 per year (as a step toward manhood suffrage), (6) l e g i s l a t i o n against intemperance, and (7) e l e c t i o n of the Governor-General. These resolutions may be regarded as the f i r s t a t tempt at formulation of a labor platform i n Vancouver, and i t i s worth noting that a l l i t s items except the fourth and s i x t h are demands f o r the l i b e r a l i z a t i o n of p o l i t i c s .  Although the  Knights of Labor formed but a small minority of the Council, a l l the resolutions r e f l e c t the "moral u p l i f t " p r i n c i p l e and the general approach of the K. of L. rather than the atomistic attitude c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of trade unions. The organization of "VTLCM," A p r i l 25, 1890. I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that the K. of L., although shorn of most of i t s membership, was one of the more active bodies i n demanding p o l i t i c a l action. I t presented resolutions of a p o l i t i c a l nature to the T.& L.C. (Ibid.. February 28, March 14, August 22, 1890, September 9, 1892) and i t s delegates were usually placed upon p o l i t i c a l committees. 6  7  I b i d . , October 3, 1890.  46 the Knights might be disintegrating, but t h e i r attitude  was  fastening i t s e l f upon t h e i r successors. At the end of October, a P r o v i n c i a l Labor Congress was held i n Nanaimo.  There a new demand was made: labor wanted  an eight-hour day i n a l l f e d e r a l , p r o v i n c i a l , and municipal g  works.  In addition, to put strength behind labor's demands,  the Congress gave i t s executive committee permission "to devise ways and means of putting labor candidates i n the f i e l d at 9  the coming federal e l e c t i o n . "  Thus the B r i t i s h Columbia labor  movement as a whole approved the p r i n c i p l e of independent labor p o l i t i c a l action, although leaving i t s form and  implementation  indefinite. Those persons i n the Vancouver T.&  L.C. who  favored  the p o l i t i c a l approach, however, appear to have had t h e i r p o s i t i o n reinforced by the decision of the Congress.  The matter of  io nominating a labor candidate was again brought up,  and "the  parliamentary committee was instructed to obtain an interview with a certain New Westminster gentleman with reference to the coming e l e c t i o n . " The candidature of E.S. Scoullar, a L i b e r a l , T 12 demand f o r the eight-hour "VTLCM," November 6, 1890. This day fwas of a continental movement i At n i t il a st te d the by trade the A.F. of was i n a part l l y endorsed by the Council. union L., beginning with a general s t r i k e of carpenters on May 1, 1890. It was thus not e n t i r e l y of l o c a l o r i g i n , c f . Bimba, op. c i t . , pp. 210 f f . 1 1  9  Loc. c i t . 1  0  1 1  12  I b i d . , January 9,  1891.  I b i d . , February 13,  1891.  Ibid., February 27, 1891. The report of the interviewing committee was made verbally, and the terms of endorsation were not recorded.  47 movement i n Vancouver had taken a d e f i n i t e step into the f i e l d of p o l i t i c a l action. It does not seem that the T.& L.C. took any steps other than t h i s to a i d Scoullar i n h i s campaign.  The minutes  are s i n g u l a r l y barren of any reference to the e l e c t i o n campaign a f t e r the endorsation was agreed upon.  Certainly the r e s u l t s  of the voting were not l i k e l y to encourage future endorsation; 13  Scoullar was beaten, three to one. ii.  In contrast to the hesitancy, i n a c t i v i t y and f a i l u r e  of the Vancouver trade unions during the elections of 1890-91, the i n d u s t r i a l M.M.L.P.A. of Nanaimo showed a picture of energy 14 and decision, contest.  crowned with success, i n at least the p r o v i n c i a l  The miners seem to have had no doubts about t h e i r en-  gaging i n p o l i t i c s ; they nominated two candidates, endorsed a t h i r d , paid t h e i r e l e c t i o n expenses, and saw a l l three returned to the l e g i s l a t u r e . The immediate causes of the miners' i n t e r e s t i n unif i e d p o l i t i c a l action are not d i f f i c u l t to f i n d ; the conditions under which the miners worked and l i v e d were not of the best. G.E. COrbould ( C o n s . ) 1 6 9 4 E.S. Scoullar (Lib.) 532 (CPC, 1891, p. 191). I t seems f a i r to generalize that, on the whole, i n d u s t r i a l unions have been more w i l l i n g to engage i n p o l i t i c s than have trade unions, and t h e i r e f f o r t s have been more successful. The K. of L., the coal and metal miners' unions, and the Canadian Congress of Labor unions a l l have a record of p o l i t i c a l action unmatched by t h e i r contemporary "trade* unions. This may poss i b l y be ascribed to their being more " c l a s s " than "trade" organizations, to t h e i r more unified structure, and to t h e i r wider interests. 1 3  1  4  1  48 T u l l y Boyce, president of the M.M.L.P.A. ,  1 5  reported that at  the Union Mines the average wage was not over $2.00 per day, many Chinese were employed, some of them underground,  16  the  Company store was charging highly i n f l a t e d p r i c e s , and the miners were forced to sign notes empowering the Company to 17 stop store b i l l s out of t h e i r wages. Moreover, coal-mining was a hazardous occupation, to say the l e a s t , and on the I s 18  land more so than elsewhere.  Many of the miners f e l t that  the desire of the owners f o r p r o f i t l e d them to neglect the safety of the workers.  To t h i s s i t u a t i o n , l e g i s l a t i o n appeared  as the only p r a c t i c a l answer; major s t r i k e s i n 1871, 1874, 19 and 1877  1876,  had not remedied a f f a i r s , and had, i n some cases,  been countered by m i l i t i a and p o l i c e action.  I t was p l a i n to  the miners that the government was not on t h e i r side.  In addi-  t i o n , the Dunsmuir interests were based upon government grants, IB and Robert Dunsmuir himself had thought i t worthwhile i n 1886 T u l l y Boyce i s the exception (and a notable one) to the general rule that the coal-miners' organizations were dominated by B r i t i s h e r s . He was from Pennsylvania; he l e f t there i n 1875, worked i n the mines of Wyoming and other places, and came to Wellington i n 1888. He was instrumental i n forming the M.M.L. P.A., and was f o r a few years i t s leading f i g u r e .  16  A major complaint against the Chinese i n .the mines was that they did not observe necessary safety p r e o p t i o n s , and that t h e i r command of English was not s u f f i c i e n t f o r them to understand v i t a l instructions and warnings, c f . "Arbitration Hearings," Nanaimo Herald, November 17, 1899 and succeeding issues. Nanaimo Free Press. May 23, 1890, p. 4. 1 7  18  Bennett (op. c i t . . p.68) quotes from a report i n the Labor Gazette. A p r i l 1902, s t a t i n g that the death-rate f o r miners i n B r i t i s h Columbia was over three times that f o r the B r i t i s h Empire as a whole. 19  Bennett, op. c i t . . pp. 66-67.  49 to become an M.L.A. The natural conclusion was that the miners, i n t h e i r turn, should go into p o l i t i c s with the aim of influencing or c o n t r o l l i n g the government. Nanaimo labor o f f i c i a l l y opened i t s 1890 election campaign with a union-sponsored parade and mass meeting at Welling20 ton, a t t r a c t i n g over 800 miners. The opening speeches dealt with matters not s t r i c t l y p o l i t i c a l — demands upon the employer 21 f o r an eight-hour day bank-to-bank,  and f o r union recognition.  Then the meeting got down to p o l i t i c a l a f f a i r s . No platform of s p e c i f i c demands was advanced at t h i s time; the central idea was to get labor candidates i n the f i e l d , and elect them.  I t i s possible that there was enough agreement  among the miners as to t h e i r needs, so that no special enumeration of demands was necessary. I t was f i r s t made known that the union had decided to co-operate with the farmers i n an e f f o r t to win the two seats 22 of the Nanaimo D i s t r i c t . A representative of the farmers, ( i t Unless otherwise stated, information on t h i s meeting i s taken from the Nanaimo Free Press. May 17, 1890. 21 I t was the custom f o r the men coming on s h i f t to a r r i v e before time; they would be taken down i n the l i f t immediately, and were expected to s t a r t work forthwith. In t h i s way, a l l members of the s h i f t would be at work by the time the s h i f t o f f i c i a l l y began. S i m i l a r l y , the men were expected to remain at work after the s h i f t ' s end u n t i l they could be taken above ground. The miners wanted the work period made into a d e f i n i t e eight hours at the coal-face. (Interview with Lew Lewis, Nanaimo, July, 1954). 22 The D i s t r i c t took i n eastern and central Vancouver Island from the north edge of Chemainus to the Qualicum River, except f o r Nanaimo C i t y . In such an area, the assistance of the farmers would be necessary f o r success. Fortunately f o r the miners, many farmers were discontented over the land grant system and d i s t r u s t f u l of the promises of both Government and Opposition factions.  50 i s not stated whether or not he spoke f o r an organization) r e commended C.C. McKenzie, an Opposition candidate i n the 1886 election, as the farmers' choice f o r one D i s t r i c t seat.  The  meeting accepted the recommendation. Dr. W^W,  Walkem, an independent aspirant f o r the  l e g i s l a t u r e , then requested that the meeting likewise endorse him; h i s bid was neither accepted nor refused —  i t was i g -  23  nored. dates.  The miners were determined to put up t h e i r own candiTwo men  were nominated, and both were accepted by the  meeting: Thomas Keith, a Belfast-born miner, f o r Nanaimo C i t y , and as HcKenzie's running-mate i n Nanaimo D i s t r i c t Thomas Forster, a Northumbrian who had worked i n the Nanaimo mines before s e t t l i n g on a farm near New  Westminster.**  54  As the "farmer" part of the second Farmer-Labor ticket*; McKenzie does not properly come into t h i s study.  He  endorsed  the labor platform, and he received the support of the labor movement. He must be regarded, however, as an a l l y rather than as a representative of labor.  The miners supported him i n  order to gain h i s support f o r t h e i r candidate, not f o r what he himself might do f o r them i n the l e g i s l a t u r e . ..  .  —  —  — • •  :  The way i n which Walkem was brushed aside, and i n fact the smooth running of the whole meeting, gives the impression that the choice of candidates had been made e a r l i e r by the group which organized the demonstration; the lack of opposition to the proceedings indicates that the organizers had the confidence of the miners. CPC, 1891, and l e t t e r signed "X" i n Nanaimo Free Press. May 26,"1590, p. 4. 2 4  Lewis and Myers, i n 1886, formed the f i r s t such actual combination, although i t s c o a l i t i o n nature was not stressed explicitly',.  ~  51  Although committed to a single platform,  26  Porster  and Keith displayed very d i f f e r e n t approaches to the problem of labor and p o l i t i c s .  Forster, as befitted a  miner-turned-  farmer running i n a l a r g e l y r u r a l constituency, was mainly i n terested i n the land question; t h i s he saw, as did Henry George, as the basis of a l l s o c i a l e v i l s .  He told the miners' meeting:  You t a l k about the wrongs under which you labor but that w i l l not remove the e v i l , I think you w i l l f i n d there i s an e v i l that l i e s f a r deeper and that i s you have l o s t the power over the land.27 He advocated government control of r a i l r o a d s , and the cessation of land g i f t s f o r i n d i v i d u a l p r o f i t .  Keith, on the other  hand, the working miner i n an urban constituency, showed less concern with the question of land ownership; indeed, his campaign was not based upon any s p e c i f i c issues.  The miners were  discontented; he did not f e e l i t necessary to recapitulate t h e i r grievances, but merely recommended working-class  represen-  tation i n the l e g i s l a t u r e as a general remedy: ... you are misrepresented and that has occurred simply because you have not sent i n the r i g h t man as a representative to look a f t e r your i n t e r e s t s . You should have sent the workingman there. He would have understood your wants and he has the same f e e l i n g s . . . . Do not believe the capi t a l i s t w i l l advance your interests and wants. The only man who w i l l do t h i s i s the workingman.29 The idea of class c o n f l i c t , hinted at i n the 1886  Victoria  Workingmen's Platform, was now being expressed more c l e a r l y ; the ground was being thoroughly prepared f o r the appearance of vide Appendix, p. v i . 27  Nanaimo Free Press. May 17, 2 8  29  Loc. c i t . LOC. C i t .  1890.  52  socialism in British  Colombia.  The t a x a t i o n i d e a s o f H e n r y G e o r g e , a l s o i m p l i e d 1 8 8 6 , became a v e r y l i v e i s s u e i n t h e 1890 e l e c t i o n . r e m a r k s on t h e b a s i s o f s o c i a l e v i l s the c e n t r a l  i d e a behind " s i n g l e  30  in  Forster's  are a re-statement  of  t a x ; " t h e p l a t f o r m upon w h i c h  K e i t h and F o r s t e r r a n c a l l e d f o r a l l  l a n d h e l d by  corporations 31  or speculators Victoria, Single  " t o be t a x e d t o i t s  O p p o s i t i o n i s t s Robert  full  rental  value."  Beaven a n d J o h n G r a n t  In s a i d at  Tax m e e t i n g t h a t t h e i d e a was good i n p r i n c i p l e ,  w o u l d h a v e t o be worked o u t ,  a  but  and t h e r e b y provoked a s t o r m o f  32 editorial  criticism.  The f u l l  the a b s o r p t i o n o f a l l for  that time;  100# t a x on a l l form or o t h e r , it to  it  is  rent  single  in taxation,  tax d o c t r i n e , was i n d e e d  involving  revolutionary  c o m p a r a b l e t o a modern p r o p o s a l t o p u t  profits.  T h i s was t h e d o c t r i n e  was p e r m e a t i n g t h e  that,  thought o f the urban  in  a  some  workers;  w o u l d be o n l y a s h o r t s t e p f r o m t h e i d e a o f a b o l i s h i n g r e n t the i d e a of a b o l i s h i n g p r o f i t . The t h r e e  c a n d i d a t e s s u p p o r t e d by the m i n e r s i n  e l e c t i o n h a d no d i f f i c u l t y neither  3  1  32  in being elected.  F o r some r e a s o n ,  Government n o r O p p o s i t i o n r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s  v  v. *  _  d  s u p . . p. 5 1 . A p p e n d i x , p.  e  this  appeared  In  vi.  V i c t o r i a C o l o n i s t . J u n e 1, 1 8 9 0 . The C o l o n i s t b e r a t e d Beaven a n d G r a n t f o r t h i s s t a t e m e n t much a s a C o n s e r v a t i v e newspaper o f t o d a y m i g h t a t t a c k a n i n c a u t i o u s L i b e r a l who, a t e l e c t i o n t i m e , made a s i m i l a r r e m a r k a b o u t Communism.  53 33 the two constituencies.  Keith was returned unopposed i n  Nanaimo C i t y , while i n the Nanaimo D i s t r i c t Porster and Kenzie edged out the hopeful Dr. Walkem.  Mc-  The miners had  elected the f i r s t labor M.L.A.»s to s i t i n the B.C. Legislature. The measures demanded by the miners i n 1890 may  be d i -  vided, h i s t o r i c a l l y , i n t o two sections: r e p e t i t i o n s of demands 35  made i n the previous .election,  and new demands.  Clauses  one,  six and seven repeated the e a r l i e r protest against large grants of land, and were inspired by recent railway land grants i n the  qg Southern I n t e r i o r ,  Clause two r e i t e r a t e d the demand f o r safety  measures i n mining, expanded to Include a l l industry.  Clause  four i s not p a r a l l e l l e d i n the V i c t o r i a platform, but does cor—  •  .  Due to the absence of r e a l party l i n e s or d i s c i p l i n e , candidates usually appeared e i t h e r independently or i n groups, and ran t h e i r campaigns without a p r o v i n c i a l organization. The strong appearance presented by the miners' mass meeting may have discouraged prospective opponents. 34  35  The vote was:  Porster McKenzie .... Walkem  160 157 154  (CPC, 1891, """*"*  p.  377).  A comparison of the Nanaimo Workingmen*s Platform of 1890 with the V i c t o r i a Workingmen*s platform of 1886 shows some s t r i k ing s i m i l a r i t i e s i n phrasing, suggesting that the writers of the 1890 document used the, older one f o r guidance. For example, the f i r s t sentence of the l a t e r platform i s almost i d e n t i c a l with the opening of the e a r l i e r one. Clauses one and seven i n the 1890 platform are the operative parts of clauses two and three i n the 1886 platform; the o r i g i n a l s have merely been stripped of t h e i r s p e c i f i c references and t h e i r excess wordage.  qg  In 1889 the Robson administration granted up to 20,000 acres per mile of track f o r a proposed l i n e from Tete Jaune to Bute I n l e t ; i n 1890 i t empowered the Lieutenant-Governor to grant the same amount to four other l i n e s : Crows Nest & Kootenay Lake, Ashcroft & Cariboo, Okanagan Valley & Kootenay, and C.P.R. ( t h i s l a s t f o r a ReveIstoke-Nelson-Lower Kootenay l i n e ) . (British Columbia, Statutes. 1889, 1890, passim.  54 respond to a demand i n the Nanaimo "Election Appeal * of 1886 1  f o r a l i e n law to protect workers' wages.  Clause f i v e was a  modification of the previous c a l l f o r anti-Chinese l e g i s l a t i o n : to reduce Chinese competition on the labor market, prov i n c i a l charters should i n future prohibit the employment of Chinese.  This move was an attempt to circumvent  the c o n s t i -  tutional provision whereby aliens came under the j u r i s d i c t i o n of the federal government, and the province could not l e g i s l a t e d i r e c t l y against the Chinese; i t was hoped that charter prohibitions would be l e g a l .  Clause nine merely repeated the  c a l l f o r a shorter work-day. New  demands were few, being r e s t r i c t e d to a r b i t r a t i o n ,  taxation, and school administration.  The l a s t of these appears  to have been prompted by a dispute between the Wellington school trustees and the Department of Education over the h i r i n g of a 37 certain teacher.  The other two demands are more s i g n i f i c a n t .  The c a l l f o r a r b i t r a t i o n of labor disputes with enforceable awards should be noted, as i t marks the beginning of a long argument within the B.C. labor movement over the r e l a t i v e merits of compulsory a r b i t r a t i o n as against government noninterference.  The reason f o r the demand, as i t was put forward  i n 1890, i s not hard to see: the miners had gone on s t r i k e r e peatedly i n order to improve t h e i r conditions, but t h e i r grievances s t i l l remained. lence had occurred.  The s t r i k e s had been expensive, and v i o -  The miners wanted a less unpleasant  way  of obtaining t h e i r immediate demands, and t h i s was t h e i r sug£ f . B r i t i s h Columbia. L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly. Journals"] V i c t o r i a , Queen's Printer, 1890, "Appendices," p. i , f o r correspondence. 3 7  55  gestion.  However, the objections to compulsory features i n  a r b i t r a t i o n would not become obvious u n t i l the beginning of the new  century. The clause on taxation i s somewhat puzzling; the pre-  v a i l i n g taxation ideas of the period, among the workers at l e a s t , were those of Henry George, and Thomas Forster seems to have been influenced strongly by "single tax.  tt  On the other hand,  very l i t t l e was heard i n B r i t i s h Columbia about an income tax. Britain, had a small income tax; the United States had duced one during the C i v i l War, it.  intro-  but had subsequently abolished  In neither country, however, had i t s i g n i f i c a n t l y equated  taxes with a b i l i t y to pay and thus possibly recommended to the Nanaimo miners.  itself  There i s a stronger p o s s i b i l i t y that  i t indicates the f i r s t d i r e c t influence of s o c i a l i s t thought upon the B.C.  labor movement.  In 1848  Marx and Engels had r e -  commended as a primary measure i n the building of socialism 38 B  a heavy progressive or graduated income tax; * 1  taken up by the European s o c i a l i s t s , and may  t h i s idea  was  well have been  brought to Nanaimo by the European miners. It i s , at l e a s t , reasonable that t h i s idea should  ap-  pear f i r s t among the miners, the most i n d u s t r i a l i z e d workers of B r i t i s h Columbia.  Farmers and independent a r t i s a n s were more  l i k e l y to be paying rent than to be d i r e c t l y producing p r o f i t s for  others; rent occupied  t h e i r thoughts more than did p r o f i t ,  and they were consequently attracted to single tax. Miners, employed by a large corporation to dig coal f o r immediate s a l e , The Communist Manifesto. Kerr, Chicago, 1915, p. 41  56 could c l e a r l y see p r o f i t s accruing to the corporation from their work, and were receptive to the idea of a tax which would reduce those p r o f i t s .  Thus they were ready to endorse  the p r i n c i p l e of an income tax. The accomplishments of the f i r s t  labor representatives  in the B r i t i s h Columbia Legislature were few, and small. There was no balance of power -» the dream of small p o l i t i c a l groups —  to exploit; the Government had a s o l i d majority, and needed  to make no concessions  to remain i n power.  Despite  Keith's  insistence upon p o l i t i c a l independence, the l i t t l e group from Nanaimo found i t s e l f aligned with the Opposition on nearly a l l issues.  The Labor members had been elected to c r i t i c i z e the  actions of both the other groups; since only the Government party could take any e f f e c t i v e action, i t was the r e a l target of labor's attacks.  The Opposition was also c r i t i c i z i n g the  Government, and was i n no position to implement measures which would arouse the h o s t i l i t y of Keith and Porster.  Over the four  years u n t i l the next e l e c t i o n the Labor members became more and more i d e n t i f i e d with the Opposition group, and ceased to be a recognizable independent factor i n the House. In presenting labor matters to the House, Keith much more aggressive than Porster.  In every session from  was 1891  to 1894 he introduced a b i l l to amend the Coal Mines Regulation Act i n the i n t e r e s t s of the miners.  On the f i r s t  occa-  sion his b i l l was voted down 14-13; the second time i t was tabled for s i x months, thus being k i l l e d , by a vote of 17-12; the t h i r d time i t was defeated 16-12; h i s fourth and  final  attempt at amendment was ruled out of order by the Speaker  57 because i t would impose i n d i r e c t and unequal taxation on the mine-owners.  Keith challenged the Speaker's r u l i n g , but  again defeated by the Bouse.  was  He also i n i t i a t e d resolutions  i n the 1891, 1892, and 1893 sessions appealing to the dominion government to further r e s t r i c t the immigration of Chinese; the f i r s t resolution was endorsed by the House, but the others were rejected. Then, i n 1894, Ottawa r e p l i e d to Keith's resolution and s i m i l a r requests by others, to the effect that "In view of the commercial r e l a t i o n s of Canada with China and i t s possible extension, i t i s not expedient ...  tt  to introduce _QQ  any measures which might antagonize the government of China. In addition to these moves, Keith also introduced a b i l l to abolish the garnisheeing of wages; t h i s was "talked out" by both sides of the House.  40  In 1891, with the support  of Porster, he c a l l e d f o r a committee of the Legislature to investigate the 1890 s t r i k e or lockout at Wellington, during which the m i l i t i a had again been brought into action.  The r e -  quest was granted, and Keith became chairman of the committee; the committee found that the trouble was based i n the r e f u s a l of the mine-owners to recognize the union.  This might have  been considered a victory f o r the labor members, except that the matter died with the presentation of the committee's report. No concrete action was taken. sa—: • : " : B r i t i s h Columbia, Legislative Assembly, Sessional Papers. 1894, p. 1004. 13  40  Garnishees were e s p e c i a l l y obnoxious to the miners i n the smaller centers, where they could only buy from the Company stores. In such places a man whose wages were garnisheed would f i n d i t very d i f f i c u l t to get clear of debt.  58  Although Keith was frustrated i n his attempts to get measures passed i n the interests of the miners and of labor generallyj the very election of himself and Porster appears to have awakened the Government and Opposition groups to the fact that a new force was moving i n p r o v i n c i a l p o l l tics.  Certainly the Opposition attempted to win labor to i t s  side; the Beaven f a c t i o n i n the House f a i r l y consistently supported Keith's b i l l s and resolutions, and introduced cert a i n motions along the l i n e s of labor's expressed desires. In 1891 the Opposition attempted to insert anti-Chinese clauses i n a l l railway charters which were presented; i n 1891 and  1893  an Opposition member moved endorsation of the p r i n c i p l e of the eight-hour day i n p r o v i n c i a l works.  These moves were defeated,  the f i r s t time by r e f e r r a l to a committee which did not report back and the second time by a straight vote.  An 1893 move by  Beaven f o r regular payment i n cash of workers i n p r o v i n c i a l works was rendered innocuous by an amendment which turned the resolution into pure gibberish. For i t s part, the Government remedied a standing grievance of the workers by introducing a Mechanics Lien Law in 1891;  t h i s was passed without d i v i s i o n .  In 1893 i t appeared  to meet the demand of the miners f o r a r b i t r a t i o n machinery by bringing i n "An Act to provide f o r the establishment of a Bureau of Labor S t a t i s t i c s , and also of Councils of C o n c i l i a t i o n and A r b i t r a t i o n f o r the settlement of Industrial Disputes;*  59 t h i s , too, was passed unanimously. Of the two measures, only the f i r s t was put into operation; the second was never f u l l y implemented. the unions i n B r i t i s h Columbia was  A survey of  i n i t i a t e d , without too much  success; the unions appear to have been rather unwilling to divulge t h e i r " v i t a l s t a t i s t i c s " to a government agency.  The  c o n c i l i a t i o n and a r b i t r a t i o n clauses of the Act were never invoked. On the surface, the e l e c t i o n of labor M.L.A. s from r  Nanaimo did not bring about any r e s u l t s b e n e f i c i a l to the labor movement; Keith's motions were brushed aside by the Government majority.  Prom that point of view labor p o l i t i c a l  action was a f a i l u r e , and probably appeared as such to many workers.  In f a c t , however, the appearance of labor on the  p o l i t i c a l scene led the older-established groups to make certain concessions c a l l e d f o r by the unions, i n an e f f o r t to break up this intrusive force and attach i t s elements to t h e i r own  iii.  ranks.  Although they had been so successful i n the provin-  c i a l e l e c t i o n , the miners did not follow up t h e i r v i c t o r y by running a candidate i n the federal e l e c t i o n of 1891. organization had been severely weakened by the 42 s t r i k e and lockout of 1890,  Their  Wellington  and was mainly concerned with  problems of recovery. However, i n 1893 there was a by-election The foregoing data on Keith's a c t i v i t i e s i n the Assembly comes e n t i r e l y from the L e g i s l a t i v e Journals, Sessional Papers, and Statutes. 1891-94 i n c l u s i v e . The references are not i n d i v i dually footnoted, since the indexing and arrangement of these volumes makes reference a simple matter. 4 1  Jas. Young, "Tully Boyce as Unionist," Nanaimo Free Press. October 23, 1900, p. 3. 4 2  60  following the death of the s i t t i n g Member of Parliament, D.W.  Gordon (Cons.).  The M.M.L.P.A. met to consider the ex-  i s t i n g p o l i t i c a l conditions, and to look f o r a suitable fede r a l candidate. The main speech was given by Thomas Keith, M.L.A., and i t c e r t a i n l y was not encouraging to the p o l i t i c a l actionis ts.  His story was one of f r u s t r a t i o n .  He had t r i e d , unsuc-  c e s s f u l l y , to get the Chinese excluded from underground work i n the mines; he had twice been defeated by a margin of one vote i n attempts to have Chinese immigration r e s t r i c t e d ; he had introduced a copy of the English law on garnishees, only to have i t rejected by both sides of the House — 44 had opposed i t .  even Porster  The Cabinet members had t o l d him that such a  b i l l was merely a protection f o r rogues, and he had received the impression that "those who did manual labor were looked down upon i n the Provincial House."  Keith closed with an  appeal f o r more p o l i t i c a l action by the Nanaimo miners.  His  previous remarks, however, did not lend support to the b e l i e f that such action would be of any immediate value; Nanaimo appeared to stand alone i n e l e c t i n g labor members, and could, by h i s own admission, do l i t t l e or nothing alone. Possibly because of Keith's dampening r e c i t a l of 1.  Information on t h i s meeting i s taken from the Nanaimo Free Press. March 4, 1893. Forster l a t e r explained that he had voted to exempt wages up to $40 f o r married men, and $25 f o r single men, from garnishee; he had hot voted f o r the a b o l i t i o n of the garnishee, and had therefore been censured by a meeting of N o r t h f i e l d miners. (Nanaimo Free Press. A p r i l 9, 1894, pp. 1-2). 4 4  61 f a i l u r e , the meeting showed l i t t l e enthusiasm.  The cost of  electing and maintaining a federal member was mentioned, and T u l l y Boyce intimated that the miners would be very reluctant to assume t h i s cost. He suggested that they support a man able to finance himself, such as Mayor Haslam of Nanaimo.  To t h i s  Keith, despite h i s e a r l i e r remarks as to the necessity of elec45 t i n g a workingman,  assented.  Joseph Hunter, superintendent  of the Island Railway and p r o v i n c i a l member f o r Comox, was already i n the f i e l d and i t was f e l t that no straight labor candidate could defeat him.  On Keith's motion, the M.M.L.P.A.  decided to support Haslam i f he would endorse the p r i n c i p l e s of Reciprocity and Chinese R e s t r i c t i o n .  The motion carried with  only small support, although there was but one negative vote; most of the miners present were passive. In t h i s campaign, r e s t r i c t e d though the r o l e and aims of the Miners' Union may have been, there were signs of the development of a broad labor unity.  The Nanaimo T.& L.C.  co-operated  AC  with the miners, 47 support.  and the Vancouver T.& L.C. pledged i t s moral  There was as yet no concerted action by the Island  and Mainland labor centers, but there was a recognition of common i n t e r e s t s . Hunter, c l o s e l y i d e n t i f i e d with the Dunsmuir i n t e r ests through h i s p o s i t i o n with the Railway, was defeated, and  -fg v. sup.. p. 51. 4 6  People's Journal, March 11, 1893, p. 1.  4 7  "VTLCM," March 10, 1893.  62  the miners could regard t h i s as a v i c t o r y .  Haslam, however,  was i n no way a labor member; he was merely a L i b e r a l pledged to two p r i n c i p l e s which did not r e a l l y set him apart from other B r i t i s h Colombia L i b e r a l s .  The miners' v i c t o r y was nega-  t i v e , not a positive gain. In the meantime, the Vancouver labor movement was coming closer to active p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n p o l i t i c s .  Immed-  i a t e l y following i t s hesitant endorsation of Scoullar i n the federal e l e c t i o n , the T.& L.C. started looking toward the next p r o v i n c i a l contest.  Consideration was given to getting union-  i s t s on the voters' l i s t , and the member unions of the T.&L.C. ASK  were i n v i t e d to suggest suitable candidates.  However, i n t -  erest i n p o l i t i c s was not e a s i l y sustained, probably because the next elections were too f a r i n the future.  A year l a t e r  the matter was brought up again, and concrete action was r e commended.  I t was agreed that a "responsible person" should  be paid to make sure that a l l unionists were oh the voters' l i s t , and that ways and means should be devised to finance AQ  the election of an " e l i g i b l e workingman" to Ottawa.  It i s  not recorded that these resolutions were implemented. Even though there was no election campaign to s t i mulate action, the T.&  L.C. continued to show i t s interest i n  p o l i t i c s through resolutions on p o l i t i c a l matters.  I t passed  a motion of want of confidence i n the p r o v i n c i a l government, "VTLCM," May 8, 1891. 4 8  4 9  Ibid., May 6 and June 3,  1892.  63 centered upon three points: a lack of b e n e f i c i a l l e g i s l a t i o n , lack of action on the Chinese question, and the governments SO  projected scheme f o r deep-sea f i s h i n g by c r o f t e r immigrants. Later i n the same month i t petitioned the dominion government to r e s t r i c t Chinese immigration and employment by the same  mea-  51  sures advocated by Keith and Forster i n V i c t o r i a .  I t took a  stand against m i l i t a r i s m by endorsing a resolution from Shaftesbury Assembly, K, of L., "most strongly and emphatically"  ob-  j e c t i n g to the establishing or enlarging of any armed forces 52  in Canada. A l e t t e r from the Toronto T.& L.C. approving of the i n i t i a t i v e and referendum was c i r c u l a t e d among the Van53  couver unions,  and was  endorsed by several of them.  In turn,  the B r i t i s h Columbia unions impressed the seriousness of the Chinese question upon the T.&  L.C. of Canada, so that the nat-  ional Congress prepared a p e t i t i o n to Ottawa asking that the entry tax upon Chinese be raised from $50 to $500, and that an annual $100  g?j  tax be l e v i e d on a l l resident C h i n e s e .  54  ,  Loc. c i t . The only "labor" b i l l of the 1892 session was a proposed amendment to the Coal Mines Regulation Act, moved by Keith; i t was rejected 17-12. A b i l l by Keith and Forster, repeating an 1891 request of the Assembly f o r the LieutenantGovernor to ask the federal government to further r e s t r i c t Chinese immigration, was voted down 14-13; Opposition attempts to have anti-Chinese clauses inserted i n p r o v i n c i a l charters were r e g u l a r l y l o s t . ( B r i t i s h Columbia, L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly, Journals, 1891, passim. "VTLCM," May 20, 1892. 5 1  52  The immediate cause of t h i s resolution was the e s t a b l i s h ment of a battalion of volunteer riflemen i n Vancouver. The basic cause was the use of the armed forces to protect strike-breakers during labor disputes. (Ibid.. September 9, 1892). I b i d . . June 3, 1892. I b i d . . January 27, 1893. 5 3  5 4  64 While thus engaged i n making resolutions and p e t i tions, the Vancouver T.&  L.C. kept i n touch with a f f a i r s at  V i c t o r i a through two of the members of the l e g i s l a t u r e . P.J. Carter-Cotton, editor of the D a i l y News-Advertiser and member f o r Vancouver, sent the T.&  L.C. information on current  l e g i s l a t i o n and presented i t s communications to the governmentf  5  Thomas Keith also endeavored to attend to the l e g i s l a t i v e des i r e s of the Council. The years 1893 and 1894 were marked by a growth of labor p o l i t i c a l organization wider i n scope than anything r e corded previously.  E a r l y i n March 1893 a meeting c a l l e d by the  president of the New Westminster T.&  L.C. decided to organize a  Workingmen's P o l i t i c a l Club, and set up a committee to draft a 57 constitution and by-laws. l i s h e d , but i t may  The aims of t h i s club were not pub-  be suspected from i t s only recorded action 58  that i t s scope was very l i m i t e d .  Just over a year l a t e r i t  was followed and eclipsed by the appearance of the f i r s t r e a l "labor party" i n B r i t i s h Columbia —  the N a t i o n a l i s t Party.  Before t h i s time, labor p o l i t i c a l action had been conducted either by the unions themselves, as i n the case of the M.M.L.P.A. and the Vancouver T.&  L.C,  or by "Workingmen's  P a r t i e s . " These l a t t e r had tended to be impermanent and very 55* wvTLCM," February 10 and 24, 1893. For several years around the turn of the century-Carter-Cotton was a well-known f i g ure i n p o l i t i c a l l i f e . At f i r s t considered somewhat r a d i c a l , i n l a t e r years he became more conservative and l o s t the sympathy of the unions. I b i d . , February 2, 1894. People's Journal, March 11, 1893, p. 1. 5 6 9 1  CO  It sent a delegation to the C i t y Council to press that body into endorsing an extension of the municipal franchise; i t s demand was refused. (Ibid., March 18, 1893, p. 1).  65 personal organizations, i n that they had appeared at election time i n connection with the candidatures of certain i n d i v i d u a l s . After the election they had dissolved, t h e i r work completed. Although the N a t i o n a l i s t Party was personal, i n that i t was associated with the candidatures of two men,  i t was a continu-  ing organization i n that i t lasted f o r at least two, and poss i b l y more, years. The exact date of formation of the new party cannot be 59 determined exactly; i t was i n l a t e March or early A p r i l , 1894. According to one statement, i t was "recruited from the ranks of 60 the Knights of Labor.  This may have been true i n part, but  B  the K. of L. alone, i n i t s current state of d i s r e p a i r , could hardly have provided the bulk of the membership necessary to such an organization. o f f i c e r s were W.M.  I t i s known that i t s f i r s t permanent  Wilson, president, of whom nothing more i s  heard, and Rev. George R. Maxwell, vice-president, l a t e r a wellknown p o l i t i c a l figure i n B r i t i s h Columbia. There appears to have been no d i r e c t r e l a t i o n s h i p between the N a t i o n a l i s t Party and the unions, nor was membership i n the unions confined to workers — confirmed by the membership of Maxwell.  the l a t t e r point being From available r e f e r -  ences i t s claim to being a labor party rests on i t s having a preponderance of workers as members, including some i n f l u e n t i a l members of the T.& L . C ,  and upon i t s platform, which was based upon  the p o l i t i c a l and economic problems of the workers. Nanaimo Free Press. A p r i l 7, 1894. 5 9  6 0  I b i d . . A p r i l 21,  1894.  61  For the Nationalist Platform, vide Appendix, p. v i i i .  66 iv.  The N a t i o n a l i s t Party was formed i n preparation f o r  the p r o v i n c i a l general e l e c t i o n of 1894.  At the same time'labor  i n Nanaimo was also making p o l i t i c a l preparations, i n the hope that the success of 1890 could be repeated.  This time, how-  ever, the miners t r i e d a d i f f e r e n t t a c t i c ; instead of r e j e c t ing a l l a l l i a n c e s except that with the farmers, they joined forces with the Opposition group. At least three reasons present themselves i n explanat i o n of t h i s action.  F i r s t , as Keith had made p l a i n the  previous  year, one or two members could accomplish l i t t l e i n the House, and i t seemed that labor was u n l i k e l y to elect more than a handf u l of representatives f o r many years yet.  Second, i n the past  few sessions of the l e g i s l a t u r e the Opposition had generally supported the measures desired by labor, and had thus somewhat redeemed i t s e l f i n the eyes of the miners.  Third, the M.M.L.P.A.  was no longer the powerful force that i t had been i n 1890.  Then  i t had consisted of four lodges covering the Nanaimo d i s t r i c t ; now  i t was reduced to one lodge i n Nanaimo i t s e l f .  The more  active among the miners were s t i l l determined to get p o l i t i c a l representation and favorable l e g i s l a t i o n , and under the c i r cumstances an agreement with the Opposition seemed to be the best way to attain t h i s  end.  As a r e s u l t of t h i s p o l i c y , the campaign machinery i n t h i s e l e c t i o n was not as d i r e c t as i t had been i n 1890,  when the  M.M.L.P.A. had organized, financed and run the campaigns of Keith and Forster. 1894,  This time a meeting c a l l e d by the Opposition set up  B r i t i s h Columbia, L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly, Sessional Papers. pp. 1007-8.  the Nanaimo Reform Club, to which the Miners* Union, the c i t y 63  trade unions, and the temperance societies sent delegates. The objects of t h i s club or party were as varied as i t s c o n s t i tuent parts; i t s nature was best expressed by T.R. Mclnnes, who hoped that i t would be a new and vigorous L i b e r a l party. However, the main interest which i t had f o r the M.M.L.P.A. was that i t could be a means of a t t r a c t i n g support to workingmen candidates i n the coming e l e c t i o n . The newspapers appear to have been somewhat confused by the labor-reform movement at Nanaimo.  The News-Advertiser 65  referred to the nomination of a " L i b e r a l " candidate; 66  i t also  mentioned an "Opposition" nomination, as did the Nanaimo Free Press. '  A c t u a l l y the Reform Club was dominated by the Min-  ers* Union, and the regular Opposition and L i b e r a l elements were, locally, auxiliaries.  The weight of the M.M.L.P.A. i n the com-  bination may be judged by the fact that a l l three Reform Club candidates i n the r e - d i s t r i b u t e d Nanaimo area were miners, and prominent members of the union.  I t was a labor t i c k e t on a  labor platform, but with outside support. Of the three Labor-Opposition candidates i n t h i s elect i o n , only one had sat i n the l a s t House.  The Nanaimo D i s t r i c t ,  formerly held by Forster and McKenzie, had been s p l i t up; there were now three separate Nanaimo seats, C i t y , North, and South. 6 3  64.  Nanaimo Free Press. March 5. 1894. p. 3. and March 7. p. 1.  Ibid., March 13, 1894, p. 1. This i s presumably the l a t e r Lieutenant-Governor; less probably, i t might r e f e r to h i s son, Tom Mclnnes. W.W.B. Mclnnes was also a prominent member of the Reform Club. ® A p r i l 29, 1894, p. 6. June 3, 1894, p. 1. May 14, 1894, p. 2. 5  6 6  6 7  68 Forster, possibly because the Northfield miners had c r i t i c i z e d go  his voting record,  did not seek re-nomination i n Nanaimo but  contested h i s home d i s t r i c t i n the Fraser V a l l e y .  McKenzie, the  Farmer a l l y of the miners i n 1890, was able to run i n a predominantly r u r a l d i s t r i c t and was of no further concern to the miners.  Keith, however, was nominated i n Nanaimo City at a  fusion meeting of those opposed to the recent government.  The  two new candidates were T u l l y Boyce, president of the M.M.L.P.A., and Ralph Smith, a Northumberland miner newly arrived i n the d i s t r i c t who was already becoming known f o r h i s o r a t o r i c a l powers. The Nanaimo Workingmen*s Platform of 1890 was drawn up by workingmen.  I t s language was direct and f o r c e f u l :  i t made  "demands" upon the government; i t referred to e x i s t i n g l e g i s l a t i o n as "unjust," and i t "condemned" a p o l i c y imputed to the 69 government.  I t s clauses were not presented i n p a r a l l e l or  s t r i c t l y grammatical form, but i t c a r r i e d conviction and a sense of rough determination. 70 In the 1894 platform of  a l l t h i s was changed.  Instead  "demands," "measures" were advocated; no uncomplimentary  adjectives were used to describe e x i s t i n g laws; the form of the platform was impeccable both i n arrangement and i n grammar; V. sup.. p. 65, n. 60. careful qualifying clauses were inserted, and i n general the Appendix, p. v i . BT 70 vide Appendix, p. x i . v  i  d  e  whole document assumed a highly l e g a l or parliamentary form. It was almost c e r t a i n l y put into i t s f i n a l form by a lawyer possibly W.W.B. Mclnnes — of  —  and i n the process i t l o s t a l l traces  the v i t a l i t y or appeal of the e a r l i e r platform.  I t was  no  longer a c a l l to action but a cold statement of proposed l e g i s l a t i v e measures and p o l i c i e s .  As such, i t s a b i l i t y to attract  the support of the miners was doubtless greatly reduced. The matters enumerated i n the 1894 platform as requiring  attention were, on the whole, very s i m i l a r to those l i s t e d  in previous platforms.  Five of the clauses referred to r a i l -  roads and t h e i r land holdings; there was the usual demand f o r a cessation of such land grants and f o r the taxation of unused land at i t s f u l l r e n t a l value, and there was a s p e c i f i c proposal that the government purchase the Esquimalt and Nanaimo Railroad and i t s lands.  The c a l l f o r a shorter work-day was made more  exact than before: i t was suggested that the eight-hour day be adopted on a l l public contracts.  Two  clauses dealt with the  exclusion of Orientals from public works and from operations chartered by the p r o v i n c i a l government.  Another enunciated a  p r i n c i p l e which would l a t e r be invoked to exclude Orientals from the coal mines; i t c a l l e d f o r the examination  of a l l underground  workers on t h e i r duties and the necessary precautions against 71  For example, compare the following clauses: 5.(1890) That a clause be inserted i n a l l Charters granted by the Provincial Government, p r o h i b i t i n g the employment of Chinese. 10.(1894) That a clause be inserted i n a l l charters granted by the Government p r o h i b i t i n g the employment of any person of the Chinese or Japanese race i n any capacity f o r any of the purposes for which the charter be granted.  70 the dangers of coal-mining.  There was also a protest against  the importation of foreign labor under contract. These were enunciations  of the grievances  expressed i n  e a r l i e r labor platforms; they were accompanied by other demands which had less connection  with the immediate concerns of labor.  For example, removal of the tax on mortgages might a s s i s t some workers to purchase property, but i t would have l i t t l e e f f e c t on the miners who own  construction.  l i v e d i n Company houses or dwellings of t h e i r The temperance clause may  have r e f l e c t e d a  l i n g e r i n g influence of the Knights of Labor, but i t was more l i k e l y a bid f o r the votes of the members of the l o c a l temperance s o c i e t i e s . The clause c a l l i n g f o r more government control of schools i s unexplained, but i t might represent an early a t tempt to cope with the problem of school finance.  It should at  least be noted that i t was a complete reversal of labor's clause on  1890  schools. The two clauses on p o l i t i c a l l i b e r a l i z a t i o n were both  new  to labor platforms, and would both be enacted into law i n  the future.  However, the demand f o r woman suffrage cannot be  regarded as a d i s t i n c t i v e l y labor issue.  It had been proposed  i n the House by the Opposition during the l a s t session, and generally associated with l i b e r a l p o l i t i c a l thinking. for a b o l i t i o n of candidates*  The  was call  deposits, on the other hand, has  h i s t o r i c a l l y been associated with labor movements.  Established  p o l i t i c a l parties with adequate funds tend to regard such deposits as a protection against invasion of t h e i r f i e l d of action by new p a r t i e s ; labor and s o c i a l i s t p a r t i e s , seldom having  71 an abundance of funds, tend to interpret such deposits s i m i l a r l y —  and resent t h e i r existence. I t w i l l be noticed that three matters dealt with i n  the 1890 Workingmen^ Platform did not reappear i n 1894.  The  demand for a Lien Law and that f o r a r b i t r a t i o n of i n d u s t r i a l disputes had been covered by the l e g i s l a t i o n of 1891  and  1893.  As f o r the t h i r d demand (protection of the health and safety of workers i n industry), despite the f a i l u r e of Keith»s e f f o r t s to have the Coal Mines Regulation Act amended, i t could be hoped that protection would be r e a l i z e d through the workings of conc i l i a t i o n and a r b i t r a t i o n . I t remains f o r a few words to be said about the cont r a s t between the taxation proposals forms.  When the miners ran t h e i r own  of the 1890  and 18944plat-  campaign and made t h e i r  own platform, they demanded a graduated income tax i n place of the p r e v a i l i n g tax structure; single tax was relegated to a minor p o s i t i o n , as a deterrent to land speculation.  In  1894,  when the miners united with l i b e r a l and reform elements, the income tax proposal disappeared and i t was suggested that the scope of single tax be somewhat extended. that some of the reformers — Mclnnes family —  The indications are  f a i r l y prosperous men,  such as the  would be personally affected by an income tax,  while the single tax would be borne by the non-reformist  land-  holding corporations and i n d i v i d u a l s . The Nanaimo Reform Club platform of 1894  was  to a  large extent economic, and dealt with s p e c i f i c l e g i s l a t i o n . contemporary platform of the N a t i o n a l i s t Party i n Vancouver  The  72  emphasized p o l i t i c a l reforms and was couched i n more general terms.  I f the Nanaimo platform shows the touch of a p o l i t i c a l l y -  minded lawyer, the Vancouver platform shows the i d e a l i s t i c "absolute" attitude of a theologically-trained reformer almost c e r t a i n l y Maxwell. out and are expressed  and  --  Both platforms are c a r e f u l l y l a i d  i n good English, but while the Nanaimo  platform c a r e f u l l y q u a l i f i e s most of i t s general proposals i n legal s t y l e the Vancouver platform makes great use of the word " a l l " and other such absolutes and tends to leave i t s p r i n c i p l e s i n general terms. The economic sections of the N a t i o n a l i s t platform, on the whole, run very close to the Nanaimo proposals.  The eight-  hour day, cessation of the importation of contract labor, and the ending of the land grant p o l i c y appear i n both documents. The N a t i o n a l i s t s , however, did not include an a n t i - O r i e n t a l clause i n t h e i r platform.  They went beyond the Nanaimo reform-  ers i n c a l l i n g f o r useful public works i n the i n t e r e s t s of the unemployed, and the a b o l i t i o n of the contract system on public works. On the f i s c a l side, the N a t i o n a l i s t s embraced s i n g l e tax i n i t s e n t i r e t y . In no other labor platform do we f i n d such a blanket endorsement of the tax on land values, and r e j e c t i o n of a l l other taxes.  The incorporation of t h i s clause i n the  Nationalist platform was B r i t i s h Columbia.  the high-water mark of "Georgeism" i n  73 Closely linked with the idea of a single tax was that of government ownership of public u t i l i t i e s .  I t was included  i n the scheme of Henry George as a necessary s o c i a l reform. It was also gaining currency from two other sources: the rapid expansion of the German economy through a p o l i c y of state ownership and control, and the s o c i a l i s t i c argument that only s o c i a l ownership could curb abuse of economic and p o l i t i c a l power by monopolies.  The Nationalists included i n t h e i r platform a l i s t  of seven widely-used services which they considered r i p e f o r public ownership; i n addition, they c a l l e d f o r n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n of the banking system. Their s i x demands f o r p o l i t i c a l reform could be summed up i n a few words: complete adult p o l i t i c a l democracy.  They  wanted the r e c a l l , i n i t i a t i v e and referendum,  enfranchisement  of a l l adults, and l e g a l holidays f o r voting.  It w i l l be noted  that none of these demands has yet been achieved i n f u l l . The most i n d e f i n i t e clause i n the whole platform was undoubtedly the f i r s t , demanding "the f u l l product of t h e i r labor" f o r the workers.  This might mean anything from a f l e x i b l e  " f a i r wage" to the t o t a l of a l l s o c i a l production, according to the economic ideas of the i n d i v i d u a l .  However, i t served i t s  purpose; i t was eminently moral, and a more d e f i n i t e  statement  would c e r t a i n l y have created dissension within the party. Like the miners i n Nanaimo, the Vancouver unionists worked i n co-operation with the Opposition f a c t i o n .  The Nat-  i o n a l i s t s f i r s t named t h e i r candidate f o r the p r o v i n c i a l House Robert Macpherson, a carpenter.  This done, h i s name was  pre-  —  74 sented to the Opposition nominating convention, where he was 72 welcomed as a member of the Opposition team of candidates. It appears that the r a d i c a l platform of the Nationa l i s t Party was not taken too seriously by either the Opposition or by Macpherson; the former made no public objection to i t , and the l a t t e r did not campaign upon i t .  The Vancouver  World, which supported the Government, accused the N a t i o n a l i s t Opposition combination of attempting to conceal t h i s platform from the public, and remedied the omission by p r i n t i n g the entire N a t i o n a l i s t platform — together with some very caustic 73 comments —  on i t s e d i t o r i a l page.  Certainly the double nom-  ination of Macpherson, by both N a t i o n a l i s t and Opposition conventions, indicated that he was not expected to work a c t i v e l y f o r the immediate implementation  of a l l the clauses i n the p l a t -  form; the Opposition could hardly have endorsed him, had that been the case.  F i n a l l y , i n answer to a current story that the  N a t i o n a l i s t s were going to "plump* f o r Macpherson, A. Grant, 1  secretary of the N a t i o n a l i s t Party, stated f l a t l y that the Nati o n a l i s t s had decided to support the whole Opposition t i c k e t i n T A.  Vancouver.  I f the party were w i l l i n g to do t h i s , i t c e r t a i n l y  was not taking i t s o f f i c i a l platform very seriously. The Vancouver T.& L.C. remained o f f i c i a l l y passive i n this election.  Although Macpherson was a workingman and his  ** News-Advertiser, May 10, 1894, p. 1. Vancouver D a l l y World. May 14, 1894.  7 3  News-Advertiser, June 8, 1894, p. 1. name i s not recorded). 7  4  (Grant's f i r s t  75  o f f i c i a l platform contained many planks coincident with the expressed l e g i s l a t i v e demands of the Council, no endorsation of h i s candidature appeared i n the minutes or i n the press. He was ignored, and no reason was given f o r t h i s attitude. It may  be suggested that, since the Nationalist Party acted inde-  pendently of the T.&  L.C. i n i t s nomination of Macpherson, the  Council f e l t no obligation to support i t s candidate.  This, how-  ever, i s only one of a number of p o s s i b i l i t i e s and should not be regarded as a complete explanation. Despite the p a s s i v i t y of the l o c a l T.& L.C., Macpher75 son was elected.  :  His success cannot be ascribed to his Nat-  ionalist affiliation,  since h i s vote was e s s e n t i a l l y the same  as that of h i s running-mates. such a f f i l i a t i o n  If any benefit were gained by  i t must have extended almost equally to Wil-  liams and Carter-Cotton, who also had the o f f i c i a l support of the Nationalist Party. Although the Labor-Opposition a l l i a n c e achieved success in Vancouver, i t met with disaster i n Nanaimo.  The Gov-  ernment swept the three seats, even to the point of causing Ralph Smith to lose h i s deposit.  Only i n Nanaimo C i t y , where  Keith was defending h i s seat and the remaining M.M.L.P.A. lodge was located, did a miner's candidate even come within sight of 75  Results of the voting i n Vancouver weres A. Williams ....1911) R. Macpherson 1766)elected F. Carter-Cotton 1736) R.A. Anderson 920 R.J. Tatlow 979 E. Odium 607 S. Greer 208 (CPC, 1897, p. 380).  76 victory. No doubt a prime factor i n the defeat of the miners' candidates i n 1894  was the decline of t h e i r union, stemming  from the s t r i k e and lockout at Wellington i n 1890.  The  dispute  had been over union recognition, and the men 77  had f i n a l l y gone  back to work without gaining t h e i r point.  The defeat had  caused three lodges of the newly-formed union to disintegrate, leaving only the Nanaimo lodge.  Thus i n 1894  there was no strong  organization to finance the candidates and carry on the campaign. The continual f r u s t r a t i o n of Keith's l e g i s l a t i v e moves could well have been another source of weakness; i t was obviously useless to send minority members to the l e g i s l a t u r e i f their demands were constantly ignored.  Prom the other side, the Gov-  ernment-sponsored Lien Law and C o n c i l i a t i o n Act of the past l e g i s l a t u r e undoubtedly l e d many workers to support the Government faction i n the hope that i t would bring i n more such l e g i s lation.  F i n a l l y , i t i s very probable that the a l l i a n c e with  the Opposition cooled the enthusiasm of some workers who  bel-  ieved i n independent p o l i t i c a l action; c e r t a i n l y , the mild tone of the 1894 platform would repel any worker with even a s l i g h t l y militant attitude. Macpherson, the only labor candidate elected i n 1894, Nanaimo City Nanaimo North Nanaimo South J . McGregor....431 J . Bryden....411 W.W. Walkem...146 Thos. Keith.... 411 R. Smith 139 T. Boyce..... .120 (Loc. c i t . ) . 77 vide "Report of Select Committee on Wellington S t r i k e or Lockout," B r i t i s h Columbia, L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly, Journals, 1891, pp. c c x H .  77 did not prove to be a p a r t i c u l a r l y active proponent of labor's interests i n the House.  In 1895 he moved an amendment to the  Elections Act designed to protect the secrecy of the b a l l o t ; 78  i t went to a committee, and was never reported out.  In  1896  he voted with the majority to hoist f o r s i x months a Mechanics' Lien b i l l introduced by Helmcken, only to have a s i m i l a r b i l l of his  own ruled out of order as "substantially the same" as 79 Helmcken's b i l l . In 1897 he introduced no measures, but i n 1898 he succeeded i n having passed an act which voided a l l 80  labor contracts made outside B r i t i s h Columbia.  Such a measure  had long been desired by organized labor i n order to curb the immigration  of "contracted" Chinese, and to discourage  importation of strikebreakers.  the  Apart from these e f f o r t s , Mac-  pherson behaved much as any other back-bench member of the Opposition. While Vancouver and Nanaimo labor men  were thus tak-  ing an increasing part i n p o l i t i c s , V i c t o r i a labor was becoming  less a c t i v e .  A f t e r providing a lead f o r the rest of the  B r i t i s h Columbia labor movement i n 1886, 1890  election.  i t did nothing i n the  Bennett claims that i n 1894  the N a t i o n a l i s t  Party put up a candidate i n V i c t o r i a , but that he l o s t h i s 81  deposit.  Since such a candidate cannot be i d e n t i f i e d i n the  •a B.C., Journals. 1895, B i l l 41, and Independent. February 16, 1901, p. 1. B.C., Journals, 1896, B i l l s 10, 76. i P l d . , 1898, B i l l 30. OP. c i t . . p. 135. 1  7 9  8 0  8 1  78  press reports of the election campaign, i t must be concluded that the Nationalist-Opposition  a l l i a n c e was even closer i n  V i c t o r i a than i n Vancouver. Whatever the Nationalists may have been doing, at least the V i c t o r i a T.& L.C. was considering uation.  the p o l i t i c a l  In concert with the Single Tax Association  sit-  i t formu-  lated a platform which demanded (1) a f a i r wage based upon production, (2) no tax on the products of industry,  (3) more equal  l e g i s l a t i v e representation, and the a b o l i t i o n of candidates* deposits, (4) an eight-hour day law, (5) Chinese exclusion  from  government works, prohibition of A s i a t i c immigration, and no employment of A s i a t i c s by companies enjoying government p r i vileges, and (6) nationalization of telegraphs, railways and 82 coal mines.  Although no p o s i t i v e action resulted from t h i s  agreement, i t s existence indicates that an i n f l u e n t i a l  section  of the V i c t o r i a labor movement was thinking along l i n e s s i m i l a r to those of the Nationalist Party i n Vancouver.  With the excep-  tion of the a n t i - A s i a t i c clause and the demand f o r n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n of the coal mines, a l l the V i c t o r i a demands are to be found i n the Nationalist platform. v.  The Nationalist Party continued to be active a f t e r  the p r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n , and soon began to prepare f o r the coming federal e l e c t i o n .  In the spring of 1895, i t c a l l e d a  meeting, which was endorsed by the Vancouver T.& L . C , f o r the 83 purpose of nominating a federal candidate. Rev. George R. * News-Advertiser. May 5, 1894, p. 1 83 «VTLCM, March 1, 1895. z  B  79 Maxwell was mentioned as a l i k e l y choice.  However, the meeting  was premature, since the election was not c a l l e d u n t i l the following year.  At that time the question of labor's p o l i t i c a l  position was revived. By now the T.& L.C. had c l e a r l y become used to the idea of taking a stand i n p o l i t i c s , and had moreover accepted the idea of working with the N a t i o n a l i s t s .  I t expressed i t s  interest i n t h i s election by appointing a committee "... to wait upon the executive of the Nationalists and see what can be done OA  with regard to running a Labor Candidate."  The N a t i o n a l i s t s  advised the committee that a l l interested unionists should attend ward meetings on A p r i l 24 and endeavor to elect delegates favorable to the nomination of a man who would represent the i n t e r ests of labor.  Upon the recommendation 85 c i l accepted t h i s suggestion.  of the committee, Co an-  These ward meetings were not being c a l l e d by either of the major p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s .  They were sponsored by a combina-  tion of groups which had i n common only opposition to S i r Charles H. Tupper's Conservative administration and which formed, i n e f f e c t , "... a fusion party of McCarthyites, Nati o n a l i s t s (labor) and L i b e r a l s . " 8  4  This anti-Tupper fusion was brought about by three "VTLCM," A p r i l 10, 1896.  Ibid., A p r i l 21, 1896. I t was the general practice at that time f o r primary meetings of interested voters to be c a l l e d i n the wards. These meetings would name delegates to a secondary meeting at which a candidate pledged to a c e r t a i n p r i n c i p l e or program would be chosen. 8 5  8 6  Independent. October 20, 1900, p. 2.  issues, two of which were national and the t h i r d confined to B r i t i s h Columbia.  The Conservative p o l i c y on the Catholic  schools i n Manitoba had l e d many Conservatives, under the l e a dership of D'Alton McCarthy, to break with the party and form their own organization.  The "National P o l i c y " of protective  t a r i f f s was considered by many people to be an important of the e x i s t i n g trade depression.  cause  The Conservative Party was  c l o s e l y associated with the railway-building program i n Canada, and the mass importation of Chinese had been undertaken mainly for railway-building. On these three issues —  Catholic  schools, t a r i f f s , and the Chinese i n B r i t i s h Columbia — the Conservative administration was subjected to wide-spread c r i ticism. Ih t h i s s i t u a t i o n , i t was c l e a r l y the better strategy for the Liberals not to nominate a candidate.  The anti-Tupper  elements, taken as a whole, were strong enough to elect a man whose program was e s s e n t i a l l y that of the L i b e r a l Party.  On  the other hand, an o f f i c i a l L i b e r a l candidate might not be able to draw the votes of the discontented Conservatives who were s t i l l anti-Liberal.  I t was almost c e r t a i n l y these  reasons  which persuaded the L i b e r a l Party not to contest Burrard (Vancouver and the lower Coast) i n t h i s e l e c t i o n . Having decided to run a candidate, the f u s i o n i s t s looked about f o r a suitable man.  Their choice f e l l upon Rev.  George R. Maxwell, a Presbyterian minister, the central figure of the Nationalist Party, and a man well-known f o r h i s i n t e r est  i n p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l reform.  At f i r s t Maxwell refused  81  the o f f e r , saying that he was committed to continue i n the service of h i s congregation; then, being pressed by "... a number of L i b e r a l s , McCarthyites, Conservatives, and the Trades and Labor unions," he allowed h i s name to go before the nominating convention, and was chosen as Independent candidate f o r Burrard.  8 7  Maxwell was an early representative of that group of ministers who came to be i d e n t i f i e d with the p o l i t i c a l side of the Canadian labor movement.  Of these, James S. Woodsworth i s  the best-known; other notable examples are A.E. Smith, William Ivens, and T.C. Douglas.  Imbued with humanitarian  sentiments  and a great amount of idealism, they interested themselves i n s o c i a l problems; trained i n vocal and l i t e r a r y expression, they became the accepted spokesmen of large sections of the labor movement and expounded the needs and desires of labor to the rest of the community.  Maxwell was a good example of the  minister-turned-politician.  Born i n Lanarkshire, Scotland, he  had worked i n the Scottish coal mines and had there become famil i a r with labor organization. He had received a thorough  clas-  s i c a l and theological education, a f t e r that coming to Canada. Prom the time of h i s a r r i v a l i n Vancouver i n 1890 he had busied himself with the labor and reform questions of that c i t y .  His  c l a s s i c a l oratory and h i s f l o r i d , sometimes ( i t must be stated) obscure style of writing gained him attention to the point where he was the most l i k e l y person to receive the support of both °' News-Advertiser. A p r i l 27, 1896, p. 6, and June 13, P. 2.  l i b e r a l and labor elements. Maxwell put forward no platform f o r h i s campaign. His aims and objects were expressed only i n speeches, and were not . committed to p r i n t .  On the whole, he adhered to the main gen-  eral issues of the campaign.  He supported secular education i n  the public schools, he wished to r e s t r i c t Chinese immigration and employment, and he favored f r e e r trade, e s p e c i a l l y with  oo Britain.  In addition, he condemned p o l i t i c a l corruption, and  promised to support Laurier and McCarthy as long as they kept f a i t h with the p e o p l e .  89  Another candidate besides Maxwell was bidding f o r the dissident Conservative votes: W.J.  Bowser, l a t e r to be premier  of B r i t i s h Columbia, was making h i s debut i n p o l i t i c s as an Independent Conservative.  The effect of h i s candidature upon  the r e s u l t of the election i s d i f f i c u l t to estimate.  The votes  he received would probably have favored Maxwell s l i g h t l y , but i t i s unlikely that h i s presence altered the outcome of the e l e c t ion. Although the Nationalist Party may be regarded as the vehicle by which Maxwell became the Opposition candidate i n Burrard, the press made no mention of i t s a c t i v i t i e s or i t s p l a t form i n the campaign reports.  The most l i k e l y explanation i s  that the fusion of elements behind Maxwell was so complete to absorb the Nationalists temporarily.  as  This effacement f u r -  ther strengthens the impression that the Nationalist platform News-Advertiser. May 6, 1896, p. 5, and May 19, p. 1. 8 9  I b i d . . June 9, 1896, p. 5.  83 was not regarded by i t s supporters as a basis f o r immediate action. The voting showed an unqualified v i c t o r y f o r the anti-Tupper forces, and a q u a l i f i e d v i c t o r y f o r the l i b e r a l reform elements. Maxwell was returned with a good p l u r a l i t y over Cowan, the o f f i c i a l Conservative, but with a minority of 90 the t o t a l vote.  For the f i r s t time, labor had played an im-  portant role i n the election of an Independent member of the Federal House. Maxwell»s work i n Ottawa during the next four years was not spectacular. Technically he was an Independent, but i n a c t u a l i t y he voted s t e a d i l y with the L i b e r a l s and 91 the actions of the Laurier government.  defended  He did voice the  grievance f e l t by B r i t i s h Columbia labor with regard to Chinese immigration, twice asking that the $50 entry tax on Chin92 l a b e l ; on two occasions t h i s was passed mark status to the union ese be raised to $500. He also supported a b i l l to give trade93 by the Commons and rejected by the Senate.  His e f f o r t s were  credited with the f i n a l establishment of a Royal Commission on ^G.R. Maxwell (Ind. ) 1512 G.H. Cowan (Cons.) 1214 W.J. Bowser (Ind.Cons.)... 410 (CPC,1897, p. 194). Canada, Parliament, House of Commons, O f f i c i a l Report of Debates. 1898, I, 1527, and 1899, I, 1022, f o r his defences of the L i b e r a l administration. 9 1  92 I b i d . . 1896  (second session) 893, and 1898, I, 1163.  93 Independent, A p r i l 13, 1901, p. 3.  Chinese and  94  Japanese Immigration i n 1900.  endeavor to c a r r y out i n i t i a t e d and  the wishes of the  He  d i d make an  workingmen who  supported h i s e l e c t i o n campaign.  A f t e r Maxwell's v i c t o r y , the N a t i o n a l i s t into a decline. a c t i v i t y and  The  i t was  P a r t y went  sparse r e p o r t s on i t i n d i c a t e  s m a l l membership; i t was  planning a c t i v i t y .  tance i n i t s work, and  little  probably s u f f e r i n g from  the absence of Maxwell, i t s g u i d i n g s p i r i t . 1896  had  Toward the  I t asked the T.&  L.C.  end  of  f o r assis-  requested that a l l members of l a b o r  un-  95 i o n s be n o t i f i e d of i t s o r g a n i z a t i o n  meeting.  acknowledged r e c e i p t of the r e q u e s t , and  The  Council  a copy of i t was  or-  96 dered to be p u b l i s h e d . of the N a t i o n a l i s t  The  l a s t r e f e r e n c e to the  P a r t y i s i n 1898,  the N a t i o n a l i s t s and  existence  when the World noted  S o c i a l Reformers had  decided to take  i n the p r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n of that year on a b a s i s  of  that part  "direct  97 legislation."  The  d e c i s i o n , however, seems to have been more  h o p e f u l than r e a l i z a b l e . have taken r e c e i v e d was  any  nominated by the  politics. T.&  L.C, _ 9 5  a c t i o n which the N a t i o n a l i s t s  p u b l i c i t y , and  c e r t a i n l y no  candidate  t o s u p p o r t i n g f e d e r a l and  the N a t i o n a l i s t P a r t y a l s o took an In l a t e 1895,  p r o v i n c i a l can-  interest in civic  i n c o n j u n c t i o n with the  Vancouver  i t prepared a p l a t f o r m f o r the coming c i v i c — = —  Independent, November 22, 1902. «VTLCM, November 20, 1896.  election. i  W  qg Loc. c i t . ( P r e s u m a b l y f o r c i r c u l a t i o n to the unions). June 10, 1898, p. 2. 9 7  may  group.  In a d d i t i o n didates,  No  various  85 In t h i s i t stressed an extension  of democracy, the  eight-hour  98  day, single tax, and public ownership. This platform was endorsed by the Ratepayers' Association, and was supported by 99 the candidates of that group.  A portion of t h i s platform,  containing those clauses of most immediate importance to the labor movement, was re-endorsed by the T.& f o r the next c i v i c vi.  contest.  L.C. a year l a t e r  1 0 0  The N a t i o n a l i s t Party presents two c o n f l i c t i n g as-  pects.  On the one hand, i t s platform was highly i d e a l i s t i c  and r a d i c a l ; i t should be noted that not more than four of i t s proposals have even yet been adopted i n B r i t i s h Columbia. the other hand, the party was  willing —  even eager —  On  to a l l y  i t s e l f with p o l i t i c a l groups which were quite unsympathetic to i t s o f f i c i a l objectives.  Apparently the members of the party  saw the inconsistency of t h e i r p o s i t i o n , since they did not attempt to p u b l i c i z e t h e i r platform i n 1894  or 1896.  One  member explained i n an open l e t t e r that the N a t i o n a l i s t s ' work was  b a s i c a l l y of an educational nature, dealing with the 101  "new"  p o l i t i c a l economy.  Thus the party would be a g i t a t i n g  f o r immediate reforms and forming a l l i a n c e s to achieve those reforms, while at the same time i t was  educating f o r the i n s t i -  tution of what i t saw as a new society characterized by public ownership, single tax, and direct democracy. v. Appendix, p. x. "VTLCM," December 6, 1895. Ihid., December 18, 1896. (It does not appear that the Nationalists were consulted with regard to t h i s r e v i s i o n ) . " N a t i o n a l i s t j " News-Advertiser. May 23, 1894, p. 2. 9 8  9 9  1 0 0  1 0 1  86 In t h i s , the Nationalist Party resembled the parties of the Second International and the S o c i a l i s t Party of Canada before the f i r s t World War.  Those parties too had both "imme-  diate demands" and "ultimate objectives," insofar as they  preached  s o c i a l revolution but gained support as a r e s u l t of the reforms 102 they advocated.  Such a p o l i c y might not appear inconsistent,  but occasions can and do arise when the measures advocated i n order to gain e l e c t o r a l success are not consonant with the general p r i n c i p l e s of the party. and may  destroy the party.  When t h i s happens, discord arises  Such was the fate of the S o c i a l i s t  Party of Canada i n the years following 1917, when the choice had to be made between Bolshevik action and the slower process of s o c i a l i s t education. The reasons f o r the decline and disappearance of the Nationalist Party are unrecorded, and can only be surmised from the nature of the party and i t s known history.  I t was formed  in 1894 i n a period of economic depression, and was no doubt i n part a protest against current conditions. l a r g e l y about one man,  It was  centered  Rev. George R. Maxwell; other members of  the party, with the exception of Robert Macpherson, were r e l a t i v e l y unknown.  I t s leader regarded existing c a p i t a l i s t i c soc103  i e t y as beyond redemption, yet devoted h i s parliamentary After 1902 the S o c i a l i s t Party i n B r i t i s h Columbia had no o f f i c i a l platform of " p a l l i a t i v e s ; " however, i t s candidates i n elections often advocated s p e c i f i c reform measures, ( c f . Appendix, pp. xxx, x x x i i i . 1 0 2  In 1901, Maswell wrote: "Our system i s wrong. Prom top to bottom, r a d i c a l l y , everlastingly wrong. We need a new system under which our present hideous pursuit f o r money w i l l be deemed a criminal offence, 1 0 3  87 career to attempts to r e p a i r i t .  To judge from these circum-  stances, i t s decline could well have been due to a combination of three things: the improvement of economic conditions, the absence of i t s leading members i n Ottawa and V i c t o r i a , and i n t e r n a l disagreement between those of i t s members who believed i n education and those who demanded immediate a c t i o n . Although longer-lived than i t s predecessors, the Nationalist Party can hardly be termed an unqualified success. It i n i t i a t e d the successful candidature  of two p o l i t i c a l rep-  resentatives, both pledged to support the i n t e r e s t s of labor. I t did not, however, succeed i n building a consistent labor vote of noticeable proportions; Macpherson*s vote was comparable with that of his Oppositionist runningmates, and Maxwell was elected by an anti-Conservative  combination.  acted as a d i s t i n c t i v e l y "labor" member.  Neither man  Maxwell was generally  c l a s s i f i e d as an independent L i b e r a l and was a l o y a l  supporter  of the Laurier government, while Macpherson was very c l o s e l y i d e n t i f i e d with the Opposition.  The t r a d i t i o n a l p a r t i e s had  temporarily headed o f f the threat of an independent "labor party" challenging t h e i r established p o s i t i o n by taking the N a t i o n a l i s t s into a subordinate a l l i a n c e .  when the massing of i t w i l l be a criminal offence, and when man's needs w i l l be the only sane consideration i n t o i l i n g and spinning." ("What i s Man?," Independent, October 12, 1901, p. 3).  (to f o l l o w page 87)  Ralph Smith Member of t h e L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly, 1898-1900 (Labor-Reform) Nanaimo Member o f P a r l i a m e n t , 1900-1911 (Liberal-Labor) Vancouver  District  Western F u e l Company, Mine No. 1, Nanaimo.  CHAPTER  INDEPENDENT  P a r t I. i.  IV  LABOR P A R T I E S , 1893*1906  To, t h e K a m l o o p s L a b o r C o n v e n t i o n , 1902  The d e c l i n e a n d d i s a p p e a r a n c e o f t h e  P a r t y d i d n o t mean t h a t  the B r i t i s h  C o l o m b i a l a b o r movement  d i s i l l u s i o n e d with p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n , which f i r s t  the N a t i o n a l i s t  who b e l i e v e d t h a t  tical  or that  P a r t y was u n s a t i s f a c t o r y  l a b o r s h o u l d t a k e an a c t i v e  part  in  to  It those  politics. poli-  action. t h e 1898 p r o v i n c i a l  i n g of the t i d e  e l e c t i o n there  of labor p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n .  d i d a t e a p p e a r e d i n t h e whole p r o v i n c e — for a legislative  merly the N a t i o n a l i s t  nominee i n V a n c o u v e r ,  bot t h i s  time as a s t r a i g h t  therefore,  is In  not r e l e v a n t  O n l y one l a b o r  seat.  Macpherson,  campaign o f t h a t  year.  b o t he h a d a l s o  for-  O p p o s i t i o n i s t ; h i s 1898 c a m p a i g n , to t h i s  topic.  certainly  counted a g a i n s t him i n  By 1898 he h a d n o t o n l y e s t a b l i s h e d become a p r o m i n e n t f i g u r e .  the M.M.L.P.A.,  can-  was r u n n i n g a g a i n ,  1894 R a l p h S m i t h was c o n s i d e r e d a s a newcomer  t h e Nanaimo a r e a , a n d t h i s  of  was a s l a c k e n *  Ralph Smith i n Nanaimo,  making h i s second t r y  tary  was  conditions  1 8 9 8 * 1 9 0 0 saw t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f a new f o r m o f  In  self,  the  c a l l e d f o r t h p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n had d i s a p p e a r e d .  d i d mean t h a t  The y e a r s  Nationalist  and had s e r v e d a t e r m a s a  He was  in the him-  secre-  vice-president  89 of  the T.& L . C .  o f Canada.  His oratorical  developed c o n s i d e r a b l y during t h i s p e r i o d , regarded as a formidable candidate. h a d somewhat r e - e s t a b l i s h e d i t s e l f , agreement  powers  h a d no d o u b t  a n d he was t o  Moreover,  the  be  M.M.L.P.A.  and had e n t e r e d i n t o  an  w i t h t h e mine-owners f o r a c h e c k - o f f o f u n i o n dues  o from a l l  underground workers.  With the support of  the  union,  w h i c h he u n d o u b t e d l y h a d , he w o u l d be v e r y h a r d t o d e f e a t .  In  a d d i t i o n , Thomas F o r s t e r h a d s e c u r e d t h e p a s s a g e , i n t h e 1898 session,  o f a n amendment t o  the s e c r e c y of Free Press, after  the b a l l o t .  the E l e c t i o n s A c t which Previously,  a n y p e r s o n who h a d a c c e s s  to  an e l e c t i o n c o u l d e a s i l y a s c e r t a i n  guaranteed  according to the b a l l o t s how e v e r y  t h e Nanaimo and books  elector  had  3 voted.  Now t h e employee n e e d no l o n g e r f e a r  because o f h i s  discrimination  vote.  The p r o c e s s whereby S m i t h was n o m i n a t e d i s indeed,  t h e Nanaimo F r e e P r e s s h a d v e r y l i t t l e  obscure;  to say about  the  whole 1898 mepeac ihgens . c o T e ,p riens stihoen n ea a tt he of a R e p o re t sl e cotf i ohni s c a sp n vuel yl y t hBeo y icm th was a smooth a n d p e r s u a s i v e s p e a k e r , n o t t o o s c r u p u l o u s i n d e b a t e . T h i s i m p r e s s i o n i s c o n f i r m e d by c o n v e r s a t i o n s w i t h some p e r s o n s who h e a r d h i s s p e e c h e s : e . g . , Jimmy P h i l l i p s o n o f N a n a i m o . 4  2 From t h e v a r i o u s r e f e r e n c e s , i t a p p e a r s t h a t t h i s c h e c k o f f was i n e f f e c t w i t h b o t h t h e New V a n c o u v e r C o a l Company ( N a n aimo) and t h e Dunsmuir m i n e s . C o n c l u s i o n o f t h e a g r e e m e n t was sometimes c r e d i t e d t o R a l p h S m i t h ; T u l l y B o y c e , however, c l a i m e d i t a s t h e work o f A r t h u r W i l s o n , b e f o r e S m i t h came i n t o p r o m i n e n c e . (Nanaimo F r e e P r e s s . O c t o b e r 2 3 , 1 9 0 0 , p . 3 ) . Although t h i s agreement e n s u r e d t h e f i n a n c i a l s o l v e n c y o f t h e u n i o n , i t a l s o made t h e u n i o n l e a d e r s h i p l a r g e l y d e p e n d e n t upon t h e c o m panies. E d i t o r i a l , March 1 4 , 1 8 9 4 , p . F e b r u a r y 1 6 , 1 9 0 1 , p . 1. 3  2.  vide also  Independent,  J u s t a t t h i s t i m e t h e S p a n i s h - A m e r i c a n War was a t i t s h e i g h t , a n d t h e news c o l u m n s were d e v o t e d t o war r e p o r t s . 4  90  later  e l e c t i o n , r e f e r r e d to the  " s n e a k i n g " manner i n which  Smith  5 s e c u r e d t h e S o n t h Nanaimo n o m i n a t i o n ; that Boyce,  this  c o u l d p o s s i b l y mean  who h a d r u n i n S o u t h Nanaimo i n 1 8 9 4 , a l s o w i s h e d  be a c a n d i d a t e b u t was f o r e s t a l l e d b y S m i t h .  At l e a s t  it  e s t a b l i s h e d t h a t Smith appeared with the b a c k i n g o f the cial Dr.  O p p o s i t i o n , a n d t h a t h e was c l o s e l y a s s o c i a t e d R.E.  HcKechnie,  He was c e r t a i n l y  c a n be  provin-  with  O p p o s i t i o n c a n d i d a t e i n Nanaimo C i t y ,  W.W.B. M c l n n e s , I n d e p e n d e n t not a  L i b e r a l M.P.  "straight  to  f o r Vancouver  and  (Island);  l a b o r " c a n d i d a t e , as K e i t h  1  had  been i n 1 8 9 0 . Smith's  labor backing i s  almost as obscure as h i s  coming the r e c o g n i z e d O p p o s i t i o n c a n d i d a t e . certain  It  t h a t t h e M.M.L.P.A. g a v e h i m o f f i c i a l  backed the l a b o r - r e f o r m c a n d i d a t e s i n 1894, i t Smith's  c a n d i d a t u r e i n 1900, and t h e r e  that i t  acted d i f f e r e n t l y  b a b l y a l s o gave h i m t h e i r of o f f i c i a l ter  i n 1898.  is  practically  support.  It  i s no r e a s o n t o  believe  O t h e r Nanaimo u n i o n s  a s he was known,  8  platform as  strongly supporting Smith. " l a b o r and O p p o s i t i o n "  '  a  let-  7  candidate,  d i d not appear i n the l o c a l newspaper;  5  pro-  record  l a b o r e n d o r s a t i o n f o r a c a n d i d a t e i n 1898 i s  Smith's  had  would endorse  s u p p o r t , but the o n l y extant  from the S o s s l a n d T.& L . C .  be-  in  a  Nanaimo F r e e P r e s s . O c t o b e r 1 7 , 1 9 0 0 , p . 2. I b i d . , J u n e 2 0 , 1 8 9 8 , p p . 4 , 2 . I n t h e 1896 f e d e r a l e l e c t i o n SmlthTTad b e e n o f f e r e d t h e L i b e r a l n o m i n a t i o n b u t , f o r p e r s o n a l r e a s o n s , h a d d e c l i n e d i n f a v o r o f W.W.B. M c l n n e s . M c l n n e s h a d b e e n a s s o c i a t e d w i t h h i m i n t h e Nanaimo R e f o r m C l u b o f 1 8 9 4 . (Nanaimo H e r a l d . A p r i l 1 7 , 1 9 0 0 , p p . 1,5.) 6  7  Nanaimo F r e e P r e s s . 8  News-Advertiser.  June 2 8 , 1898, p.  J u l y 6,  1898, p.  6.  1.  91  s p e e c h he r e f e r r e d a leaflet leaflet  to his  w h i c h was d i s t r i b u t e d .  are not a v a i l a b l e ,  enumerated c e r t a i n  s i t i o n to  t o the e l e c t o r s , " The f u l l  contents  presumably of  this  b u t i n t h e a b o v e - m e n t i o n e d s p e e c h he  p o i n t s of h i s program.  v i s i o n o f a p u b l i c market  (8)  "letter  T h e s e were ( 1 )  i n Nanaimo f o r t h e f a r m e r s ,  pro-  (2)  oppo-  land grants to r a i l r o a d c o r p o r a t i o n s or any companies,  o p p o s i t i o n t o t h e m o r t g a g e t a x a n d t h e t a x on l a b o r e r s  m e t a l m i n e s , and (4)  support of s q u a t t e r s '  o f h i s p r o g r a m was p r o b a b l y v e r y platform of 1 8 9 4 ; radical  there  1 1  is  similar  rights.  The  1 0  in rest  to the Reform C l u b  no s t r o n g r e a s o n t o e x p e c t  any  changes. So f a r  a s S m i t h was c o n c e r n e d , t h e c a m p a i g n o f  was a s i m p l e m a t t e r .  H i s o p p o n e n t was D r . W.W.  Walkem,  1898 who h a d  r e q u e s t e d t h e l a b o r n o m i n a t i o n i n 1890 a n d a s a Government p o r t e r had beaten T u l l y Boyce i n had v o t e d a g a i n s t contract. Walkem's  1894.  the l a s t  H o u s e Walkem  a measure t o c u r b i m p o r t a t i o n o f l a b o r  S m i t h a t t a c k e d h i m on t h i s sincerity  In  in  point,  and a l s o  under  put  q u e s t i o n by a s k i n g why he o p p o s e d t h e  employment o f C h i n e s e a r o u n d t h e T e x a d a m e t a l - m i n e s , b u t silent  about Chinese i n the  Wage-workers  p o r t a t i o n o f o t h e r workers  tied  to a  expert  manner,  g e n e r a l l y f e a r e d the  a n d t h e c o a l - m i n e r s were e s p e c i a l l y e x e r c i s e d i n  matter  o f employment o f C h i n e s e i n t h e m i n e s .  9  Loc.  cit.  1  v i d e A p p e n d i x , p. xxi.  im-  ( u s u a l l y ) low-wage c o n -  tract,  1  remained  coal-mines.  Such p o i n t s , put f o r w a r d i n S m i t h ' s were h i g h l y e f f e c t i v e .  sup-  the  On p o l l i n g d a y  92  there  was a l a n d s l i d e v o t e f o r  Smith.  1 2  W h i l e R a l p h S m i t h was t h u s b e i n g e l e c t e d legislative  first  t e r m , R o b e r t M a c p h e r s o n was w i n n i n g h i s s e c o n d  t i o n i n Vancouver. ist  to h i s  A l t h o u g h he was d e s i g n a t e d a s a n  and h a d no d i s t i n c t i v e  platform or —  so f a r  elec-  Opposition-  a s i s known  a n y l a b o r o r g a n i z a t i o n b e h i n d h i m , he c o n t i n u e d t o m a i n t a i n certain  bias for labor interests  officially it  and was l a t e r  t o be  i d e n t i f i e d w i t h t h e l a b o r movement.  should at  least  For  1894.  this  reason,  be n o t e d t h a t he was r e - e l e c t e d i n 1898 a s  of  transition  action in British  in  the h i s t o r y  Columbia, passed by;  one c a n d i d a t e a p p e a r e d w i t h a n y c l a i m t o  t h e name o f  of  only  "labor."  F o r t h e moment, t h e l a b o r movement a p p e a r e d t o be a s p e n t so f a r  as p o l i t i c a l In  13  force  i n f l u e n c e was c o n c e r n e d .  there  was a g r e a t  i n t h e l a b o r movement.  33  1 4  t h e s h o r t p e r i o d i n t e r v e n i n g between t h e 1898 a n d  1900 e l e c t i o n s erest  re-  1 3  Thus 1898, a year labor p o l i t i c a l  a  again  an O p p o s i t i o n i s t , w i t h a l m o s t e x a c t l y t h e same v o t e h e h a d ceived i n  —  Smith Walkem  awakening o f p o l i t i c a l  S e v e r a l r e a s o n s may be 193 53  (CFG,  ~™~  1898-99, p.  int-  advanced  248).  I n 1894 he came s e c o n d on t h e p o l l w i t h 1766 v o t e s ; i n 1898 he a g a i n came s e c o n d , w i t h 1795 v o t e s . I t w o u l d seem t h a t t h e N a t i o n a l i s t P a r t y , w h i c h b a c k e d h i m i n 1 8 9 4 , was n o t much of a vote-getter. I n 1 9 0 0 , t h e Nanaimo H e r a l d s t a t e d e d i t o r i a l l y t h a t a l a b o r c a n d i d a t e h a d o p p o s e d James D u n s m u i r i n Comox i n 1 8 9 8 . (May 1 9 , 1 9 0 0 , p. 2 ) . T h i s w o u l d r e f e r t o M . J . M c A l l a n , the O p p o s i t i o n n o m i n e e . He i s m e n t i o n e d i n t h e Nanaimo F r e e P r e s s o f 1898 ( p a s s i m ) b u t t h e r e i s no i n d i c a t i o n t h a t he was o t h e r t h a n an o r t h o d o x O p p o s i t i o n i s t . 1  4  93  for this;  two r e a s o n s o f b a s i c i m p o r t a n c e s h o u l d be c o n s i d e r e d  here. The f i r s t  o f t h e s e was p o l i t i c a l .  had r e s u l t e d i n a p r a c t i c a l and the  Opposition.  stand-off  between t h e  C.A.  and t h e r e  election  Government  When t h e v o t i n g c l o s e d o n l y s e v e n t e e n  ernment members h a d b e e n e l e c t e d a s a g a i n s t ists,  The 1898  were s t i l l  nineteen Opposition-  two s e a t s f r o m C a s s i a r t o be d e c i d e d : 1  S e m l i n f o r m e d a new C a b i n e t o f f o r m e r O p p o s i t i o n i s t s , w i t h  a precarious majority tically  non-existent  i n the House.  With p a r t y d i s c i p l i n e  1  p o s i t i o n o f c o n s i d e r a b l e power. and Macpherson a l l from i t  Smith,  were i n  his associate  a  McKechnie, extracted  reforms.  F i v e measures o f i n t e r e s t 1899 s e s s i o n .  allies  s u p p o r t e d the S e m l i n m i n i s t r y and  a number o f  prac-  " f r i n g e * members had t o be c o n c i l i a t e d ;  t h i s meant t h a t t h e l o n e l a b o r member a n d h i s  t o l a b o r were p a s s e d i n  A n amendment t o t h e M a s t e r and S e r v a n t  the purpose of medical c a r e .  the  Act,  moved by M a c p h e r s o n , p r o t e c t e d d e d u c t i o n s f r o m wages made  for  Two amendments t o t h e C o a l M i n e s  R e g u l a t i o n A c t , moved b y D r . M c K e c h n i e , i n c l u d e d J a p a n e s e the  Gov-  in  e x i s t i n g p r o h i b i t i o n oh C h i n e s e w o r k i n g u n d e r g r o u n d , a n d  p r o v i d e d t h a t payment f o r c o a l d u g s h o u l d be b y w e i g h t  before  screening.  Sta-  An act  1 7  r e p e a l i n g some o f t h e R a i l w a y A i d 18  tutes  was i n t r o d u c e d b y J o s e p h M a r t i n a n d was p a s s e d .  ally,  a m e a s u r e i n t r o d u c e d by F r a n c i s  the e i g h t - h o u r day and c e r t a i n ^  Hanaimb F r e e P r e s s .  1  6  1  7  1  8  B.C.  I  Journals.  - Ibid.. b  i  d  B  l  l  l  Bill  s  4  July  75.  a  n  d  4  4  •  Carter-Cotton prescribed  protective  1899, B i l l  3  regulations i n metal-  1 3 . 1898. p. 10.  Fin-  4.  94  mining. favor  19  In  addition, a b i l l  i n t r o d u c e d by R a l p h S m i t h  in  o f f e m a l e s u f f r a g e was d e f e a t e d by t h e n a r r o w m a r g i n o f  17=15, a n d S m i t h was made c h a i r m a n o f a S e l e c t C o m m i t t e e  enquir-  i n g i n t o working c o n d i t i o n s under the V i c t o r i a and Esquimalt T e l e p h o n e Company. Such a f l o o d o f l e g i s l a t i v e blems,  o b v i o u s l y connected w i t h the f a v o r a b l e  and h i s a l l i e s ,  c o u l d not f a i l  the value of p o l i t i c a l by s o f e w ,  to  If  what m i g h t n o t s e v e r a l  tended to  pro-  position of  Smith  to impress a c t i v e u n i o n i s t s  action.  The r e a c t i o n o f also  concern with l a b o r  with  s o much c o u l d be a c c o m p l i s h e d l a b o r members be a b l e  t h e mine-owners  to  do?  to the eight-hour  draw t h e l a b o r movement i n t o p o l i t i c s .  law  According  Bennett, T o d e f e a t t h e l a w t h e mine-owners i n t h e S l o c a n f o r m e d a n a s s o c i a t i o n t o k e e p t h e m i n e s c l o s e d t i l l t h e a c t was repealed. E v e r y mine-owner i n t h e d i s t r i c t p u t up a $ 2 , 5 0 0 f o r f e i t not to r e c o g n i z e any union o r l a b o r o r g a n i z a t i o n a n d n o t t o p a y more t h a n $ 3 . 0 0 f o r e i g h t h o u r s o r $ 3 . 5 0 f o r ten hours.20  i n a d d i t i o n , they p e t i t i o n e d the p r o v i n c i a l the l a w .  2 1  It  government t o  was p l a i n t h a t t h e l a w w o u l d h a v e t o  i n the House, i f  it  were t o become a n e f f e c t i v e  repeal  be d e f e n d e d  a n d permanent  measure. T h i s was t h e p o l i t i c a l the recent  aspect;  the  other aspect  was  geographic spread of l a b o r o r g a n i z a t i o n i n the pro-  I b i d . , B i l l 8 0 . The d e t a i l s o f t h e s e m e a s u r e s may be found i n B.C., S t a t u t e s . 1899, passim. 2  0  Op. c i t . .  p.  136.  21 V i d e r e p r o d u c t i o n o f p e t i t i o n i n Nanaimo H e r a l d .  2 6 , 1900*7"?. 1.  January  95  vince.  The development of metal-mining i n the southern moon-  t a i n area had resulted i n a sodden growth of unionism among the incoming workers. men,  Miners, carpenters, p r i n t e r s , r a i l r o a d  and many other workers were organized into t h e i r r e s 22  pective unions, and set up l o c a l Trades and Labor Councils. Organized labor was no longer confined to a handful of c o n s t i tuencies on the Island and Lower Mainland, but could now exert i t s e l f p o l i t i c a l l y i n a s i g n i f i c a n t number of centers. ii.  The 1900 e l e c t i o n , i n which labor was f o r the f i r s t 23  time a r e a l l y serious f a c t o r , was a confused episode.  As has  been noted previously, the Government and Opposition groups were f a i r l y well balanced a f t e r the 1898 e l e c t i o n . In 1900 the Government group s p l i t , and the administration was defeated. Lieutenant-Governor T.R. Mclnnes then c a l l e d upon Joseph Martin, leader of the dissident Government f a c t i o n , to form a new administration.  This Martin attempted to do, but was repudiated by  the House, which included the Lieutenant-Governor i n i t s d i s -  •  approval.  '  An election was at l a s t c a l l;e d , i n which s i x groups  »  There was a Knights of Labor Assembly i n Rossland i n l a t e 1897 — probably the l a s t i n B r i t i s h Columbia ("VTLCM," November 5, 1897). W.F.M. l o c a l s were appearing throughout the area from 1896 onward ( c f . Sandon Paystreak. Rossland I n d u s t r i a l World, etc., passim). By early 1900 D i s t r i c t Association No. 6, W.F.M. comprised eleven unions with 3,000 members. (Ferguson Eagle. February 14, 1900). 23 For a detailed study of the issues involved i n t h i s elect i o n , vide John T. Saywell, "The Mclnnes Incident i n B r i t i s h Colombia." B r i t i s h Columbia H i s t o r i c a l Quarterly. Archives of B r i t i s h Columbia, V i c t o r i a , J u l y 1905, pp. 141-166.  96 O A  two Government and four Opposition —  took part.  The Independent Labor Parties which entered the  1900  election as the successors to the Nationalist Party of Vancouver and the Reform Club of Nanaimo had very l i t t l e organizational unity. Their appearance i n d i f f e r e n t centers seems to have been, at f i r s t , quite spontaneous; f o r example, a "Reform and Labor Association" was organized at Revelstoke as early as 25 February 29, 1899,  with p o l i t i c a l aims and apparently without  outside assistance or guidance.  Similar groups incorporating  the word "labor* i n t h e i r names appeared i n other towns and cities. An attempt was made by organized labor to co-ordinate t h i s growth of p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y .  A convention with delegates  from V i c t o r i a and Nanaimo was held i n Vancouver, and an i n c l u s i v e Labor Party was organized.  I t s platform c a l l e d f o r the eight-  hour day, a r b i t r a t i o n of labor disputes, public ownership, single tax, government control of the medium of exchange, and cessa27 t i o n of A s i a t i c immigration. The platform, so f a r as the conThe Independent i d e n t i f i e d t h i r t y Martin candidates and two L i b e r a l s on the Government side, and nineteen Conservatives, eighteen P r o v i n c i a l Party men, eighteen Turner!tes, and s i x Independent Laborites on the Opposition (June 9, 1900, p. 4 ) . The scene was further complicated by a lack of f i r m d i v i s i o n s between these groups, and the presence of factions within the groups. 2 5  B r i t i s h Columbia Workman. V i c t o r i a , June 10, 1899, p. 7.  Bennett, op. c i t . . p. 136. Cf. Nanaimo Herald. 27, 1899, p. 1. 2 6  December  Bennett, op. c i t . . p. 137. This platform i s not d i s cussed here, since i t s items a l l appear i n operative platforms and can be considered more e f f e c t i v e l y i n that context. 2 7  97 temporary records show, was not used i n any e l e c t i o n . However, i t s provisions undoubtedly were used as a basis f o r the various labor platforms which appeared i n the 1900 e l e c t i o n . During the January, 1900 session of the l e g i s l a t u r e , as the rupture between the Martin and Semlin f a c t i o n s was p l a i n l y leading to defeat of the Government, a f e e l i n g of deep concern began to make i t s e l f evident within the B r i t i s h Columbia labor movement.  The concessions made by the Semlin adminis-  t r a t i o n i n the previous session were f e l t to be endangered by the p o l i t i c a l ambitions of Martin.  A mass meeting at Nanaimo  unanimously passed a r e s o l u t i o n s t a t i n g that "the labor organizations of the c i t y of Nanaimo* condemned Martin f o r attempting to wreck the p r o v i n c i a l government and f o r a l l y i n g himself with 28  James Dunsmuir, thus deserting the cause of labor. Upon the assumption of the premiership by Martin, i t was followed by other resolutions asking McKechnie and Smith to withdraw t h e i r 29 support from the Government. I f Joseph Martin d i d not obtain the support of labor i n the ensuing e l e c t i o n , i t was not f o r lack of t r y i n g .  His  platform included a number of proposed measures which labor had been demanding f o r some time.  He promised, i f h i s group were  v i c t o r i o u s , to abolish the candidates* deposit, to r e - d i s t r i b u t e the e l e c t o r a l seats, to re-enact any disallowed a n t i - O r i e n t a l statutes, to stop the spread of Oriental cheap labor, to have '"W  * 2 9  •  "'  .  1  Nanaimo Herald. January 9, 1900,  I b i d . . January 19,  1900.  p. 1.  98  places of work o f f i c i a l l y inspected, to have a referendum on the eight-hour  law, to make no land grants to railways  inaugurate a p o l i c y of government construction and  but  operation  of railways, and to remove a l l l e g i s l a t i v e power from the 30 Lieutenant-Governor. What more could labor desire? I t was even rumored f o r a while that he had offered Ralph Smith a 31 cabinet p o s i t i o n ,  and i t was considered possible that the  o f f e r might be accepted. But however much labor l i k e d Martin's promises, i t generally distrusted Martin.  The Independent quoted an a r t i c l e  from the s o c i a l i s t i c C i t i z e n and Country, to the e f f e c t that I f i t i s true that Ralph Smith i s going into Joe Martin's cabinet, and i f that means that the labor people of B r i t i s h Columbia have decided to work with him, Joe w i l l be a l l r i g h t . His platform contains many r a d i c a l planks that deserve the support of the people, but Joe has been very e r r a t i c i n many ways, and has not been so trustworthy as h i s friends could have desired.32 In an e d i t o r i a l , the Independent conceded'that ... looking over the s i t u a t i o n i n a general way and i n c l u d ing even Mr. Martin's past career we are forced to the conclusion that there i s no public man i n B r i t i s h Columbia that can compare with him as an opponent of corporate aggression and at l e a s t i n c i d e n t a l l y as the f r i e n d of labor.33 However, t h i s was not good enough.  The e d i t o r immediately made  i t c l e a r that he was not endorsing Martin, by advising h i s readers to Independent. June 9, 1900, 31 Nanaimo Herald. March 6,  p. 4, and other newspapers. 1900.  3 2  Independent. A p r i l 14, 1900,  3 3  I b i d . . A p r i l 21, 1900,  p. 2.  p. 3.  Nominate and elect a straight independent labor man i n every possible constituency. Do t h i s by means of a properly c a l l e d convention and do not allow the candidates to lean either to one side or the other — but come out straight as a labor group, prepared to support i n the new l e g i s l a t u r e any party which goes d i r e c t f o r the reform wanted by the labor party.34 Organized labor was beginning to f e e l confident of i t s strength and therefore was l e s s w i l l i n g than formerly to trust i t s fate to non-labor p o l i t i c i a n s .  I t e s p e c i a l l y distrusted Martin, to  judge from the attitude of the labor press during the elec35  tion period.  No such bitterness was  directed against  the  other competing groups, possibly because i t was f e l t that the "radical * Martin platform was more l i k e l y to a t t r a c t labor 1  voters than were the more orthodox platforms of the Conservat i v e s , Turnerites, and the P r o v i n c i a l Party. As had been the case i n the 1898  election, a certain  amount of obscurity attended the nomination of Ralph Smith. As the s i t t i n g member f o r South Nanaimo, he was pected to contest that constituency again. candidature  generally ex-  Indeed, when the  of James Dunsmuir was announced f o r South Nanaimo,  the Herald informed the public that the "present member w i l l oppose Mr. Dunsmuir on the stump." was not to be.  Such a contest, however,  There would be no elimination of one of these  public figures by the other.  There would be no c o n f l i c t , even  on the e l e c t o r a l f i e l d , which would necessarily end i n the 34  36  L  o  e  '  >  A p r i l 13, 1900,  p. 1.  = — — - — - —  100 defeat of Dunsmuir by Smith or vice versa.  A few days l a t e r  i t was announced that Ralph Smith would be the "People's Party" candidate i n Nanaimo C i t y , held during the l a s t l e g i s l a t u r e by his associate, Dr. McKechnie.  Moreover, he would be  supported  37  by Dr. McKechnie i n t h i s contest. This sudden s h i f t l e f t Dunsmuir unopposed i n South Nanaimo, but the l o c a l labor and reform elements were determined to run a candidate.  A meeting was held at Cedar on  A p r i l 24, at which certain telegrams from W.W.B. Mclnnes were read.  Mclnnes had t i r e d of f e d e r a l p o l i t i c s , and was  deter-  38  mined to enter the p r o v i n c i a l f i e l d . He was e s p e c i a l l y i n s i s t e n t upon running against Dunsmuir, claiming that "his 39  defeat i s imperative." endence of any party.  His one condition was complete indep= Upon t h i s basis h i s candidature  was  endorsed by the meeting. This, however, d i d not s e t t l e the matter.  Upon a r r i v -  i n g i n Vancouver from the East, Mclnnes expressed h i s approval of the Martin program and stated that i t should carry the province.  This was not to the taste of the voters who  had nomin-  ated him, and a second meeting took place at Extension Mines, °' Nanimo Herald. A p r i l 17, 1900, p. 8. Also Sandon Paystreak, A p r i l 28, 1900. He had entertained the idea i n 1898, and was then pledged the support of McKechnie, Smith, Hawthornthwaite, and others. However, he f i n a l l y decided to complete h i s term i n Ottawa. (Nanaimo Free Press. May 25, 1898, p. 1, and June 14, p. 2). a  " Nanaimo Herald. A p r i l 27, 1900, p. 1.  101 40 attended l a r g e l y by miners.  J . Lewis of Gabriola Island  (possibly the James Lewis who had been a Workingmen's candidate i n 1886) explained that, i n view of Mclnnes' remarks i n Vancouver, the convention should not be bound to i t s previous nomination.  The meeting concurred i n t h i s and proceeded to  nominate John R a t c l i f f , a miner who.had been very active i n a recent s t r i k e at Extension. shut on Mclnnes.  However, the door was not e n t i r e l y  A committee was named to confer with him  and o f f e r him a chance to contest the nomination with Rat41  c l i f f at a future convention. Such a procedure was not acceptable to Mclnnes, desp i t e h i s e a r l i e r eagerness to confront Dunsmuir.  He withdrew  42  from South Nanaimo, constituency.  and a new convention was c a l l e d i n that  I t met May 5 with Ralph Smith as chairman to  stake a f i n a l choice of a candidate and to adopt a platform. The platform placed before the meeting had already been adopted by Ralph Smith's supporters i n Nanaimo C i t y .  4 9  I t was accepted with the minor a l t e r a t i o n that clause 12 (b), which referred s p e c i f i c a l l y to the E.& N. Railway B e l t , was changed to read "Taxation of a l l lands held by corporations." R a t c l i f f was re-nominated as candidate over Rev. George Taylor, Loc. c i t . This was reported as a P r o v i n c i a l Party meeting. Although the e a r l i e r meeting had apparently accepted Mclnnes' proviso of complete independence, there was a continu i t y of business which j u s t i f i e s regarding the two meetings as being of the same organization. 4  0  Ibid.  4 1  A p r i l 27, 1900, p. 1, and May 1, p. 1.  I b i d . , May 4, 1900, p. 1.  4 2  4  t  3  vide Appendix, p. x x v l H .  102  h i s only competitor f o r the honor, and the question of Dunsmuir's 44  opponent was f i n a l l y s e t t l e d . The confusion over the South Nanaimo candidature having been resolved, new c o n f l i c t — Mclnnes —  centered again upon W.W.B. 45  broke out i n North Nanaimo,  On A p r i l 29 a conven-  t i o n , probably of the P r o v i n c i a l Party as i n South Nanaimo, 46 nominated an old-time resident, one Dixon, upon the under47 standing that Mclnnes was running i n South Nanaimo. Then V  Mclnnes announced h i s a v a i l a b i l i t y as an Independent L i b e r a l , and was h a s t i l y nominated by the same group which had already put up Dixon.  Dixon, however, was unwilling to r e t i r e under 48  these conditions, and remained i n the contest. were three candidates i n North Nanaimo:  Thus there  John Bryden, represent-  i n g the Dunsmuir i n t e r e s t s , the s i t t i n g member; W.W.B. Mclnnes, the Independent L i b e r a l ; and Dixon, supporting the platform of 49 the Nanaimo Labor Party (Smith's group). Of the three Nanaimo labor pp. candidates, Ralph Smith Nanaimo Herald. May 8, 1900, 1,2. AC  had by Very f a r the supportabout was s to hl i sd . d i s l i t teasiest l e of atask. s o l i d l His y f a clabor t u a l nature pute appeared i n the press, e s p e c i a l l y i n the early stages. T More I has to be inferred than i n the South Nanaimo nomination. 46 He was referred to i n the press as "Dixon" or "Mr. Dixon;" CPC gives no i n i t i a l s or f i r s t name. 47 Nanaimo Herald. June 1, 1900, p. 1. 4 8  I b i d . . May 15, 1900, p. 1, and June 1, p. 1.  4 9  I b i d . , May 29, 1900, p. 1.  103 He was agent f o r the M.M.L.P.A., and now had the added prestige of being president of the T.& L.C. of Canada.  The Nanaimo  T.& L.C. unanimously approved h i s c a n d i d a t u r e .  50  In addition,  his only opponent was the Martinite J.S. Tates, a V i c t o r i a man who was also contesting a seat i n the c a p i t a l c i t y . outsider, Yates' chances were slim.  Being an  To make matters worse, he  did l i t t l e or no active campaigning i n Nanaimo.  The only prac-  t i c a l r e s u l t of h i s being on the Nanaimo b a l l o t was that i t forced a vote.  The vote i t s e l f gave the impression that Smith 51  had the s o l i d support of Nanaimo. Being p r a c t i c a l l y unopposed i n Nanaimo, Smith was able to give considerable attention to the promotion of labor candidates i n other parts of the province.  He attempted, with52  out success, to have a labor man nominated i n A l b e r n i . He was chairman at the nominating convention of the Vancouver 53 Labor Party.  He toured the I n t e r i o r , helping to organize  l o c a l Labor P a r t i e s .  5 4  U t i l i z i n g h i s influence and connections  as president of the T.L.C.C. and as M.L.A., he provided the l i a i s o n between and was adviser to the scattered labor p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n i s t s of B r i t i s h Columbia. Nanaimo Herald, May 4, 1900, p. 1. o u  5 1  Smith  763  Yates  86 (CPG, 1901, p. 409).  ** Nanaimo Herald, May 8, 1900, p. 1. 5 3  Independent. May 19, 1900, p. 1.  54; * ' I b i d . , p. 2.  104 The p o l i t i c a l action of Vancouver labor, which Smith helped to organize, was quite a d i f f e r e n t proposition to that of labor i n Nanaimo.  The e l e c t o r a l t a c t i c i n Nanaimo generally  seems to have been that unionists entered i n t o an agreement with an e x i s t i n g party, whereby that party l o c a l l y endorsed a labor candidate and a labor platform.  In Vancouver, i n 1900,  L.C. i t s e l f acted as a p o l i t i c a l party, convening the  the  T.&  organiza-  t i o n and nominating meetings and providing the campaign p l a t form.  There was no r e a l labor party i n Nanaimo; what did exist  was a grouping of reformers and unionists about the f i g u r e of Ralph Smith, with no f i r m organization.  Moreover, Ralph Smith  had a close r e l a t i o n s h i p with one of the non-labor p o l i t i c a l parties.  On one occasion "... he was asked i f he would come out  straight i n favor of the party that represented 55 Government.  He  ... r e p l i e d "Yes.""  v  the old Semlin  As i f to j u s t i f y  his  stand, the Herald (a staunch supporter of Smith) ran i n the same issue which reported t h i s statement an a r t i c l e e n t i t l e d  "Pro-  eg v i n c i a l Party I n i t i a t e d Workingmen's Rights." The Vancouver labor movement was slow to take p o s i t i v e action i n regard to the e l e c t i o n .  When the matter was  broached  i n the T.& L.C., ... i t was resolved a f t e r much discussion, that the Trades and Labor Council completely ignore the d i f f e r e n t p o l i t i c a l parties and request union men to act up to the resolution framed at the 11899) Dominion Trades and Labor Congress.57 „  .  [  —  "  . Nanaimo Herald, A p r i l 17, 1900, p. 8. I b i d . , p. 5. The P r o v i n c i a l Party, of which the leading s p i r i t was Carter-Cotton, was the h e i r to the Semlin administration. Independent. A p r i l 21, 1900, p. 1, 9  5 6  5 7  In other words, do not vote f o r any labor man  who stands on  the platform of an o l d - l i n e party. This d i r e c t i v e was merely a stop-gap.  Already a  questionnaire had been submitted to the member unions of the Vancouver T.& L.C. asking f o r t h e i r opinions on taking p o l i t i c a l action i n t h i s e l e c t i o n , and enquiring what f i n a n c i a l support they would be prepared to give labor candidates. The response was not tabulated u n t i l May 4 ; i t was then found that out of thirty-two unions fourteen had expressed themselves i n favor of running independent labor candidates.  The remainder  58  had not committed themselves to any p o l i c y . Despite t h i s somewhat discouraging response, the T.& L.C. decided to hold a special meeting and pursue the matter further.  The f i f t y delegates present at t h i s meeting 59  voted unanimously to nominate two independent candidates. At the actual nominating convention 127 delegates from twentyf i v e unions named the president of the Vancouver T.&  L.C,  Joseph Dixon, a carpenter, and Treasurer F r a n c i s Williams, a 60  t a i l o r , as t h e i r candidates. Others, however, were also bidding f o r the votes of the workers of Vancouver, and two of these come d e f i n i t e l y within the f i e l d of labor p o l i t i c a l action.  Robert Macpherson  was running i n h i s tMay h i r d 5,e l e1900, c t i o n ,p. t 1, h i s and time as a supporter Independent. Nanaimo Herald. of Independent, May 11, i960, p. 2.  S59T  Independent. May 12, 1900, p. 1. 6 0  I b i d . . May 19, 1900, p. 1.  106 Joseph Martin's platform, and W i l l MacClain was i n the contest as "the f i r s t S o c i a l i s t candidate i n a Canadian e l e c t i o n . "  6 1  Both men were connected with the trade onion movement, and both based t h e i r campaigns upon what they conceived to be the needs of the working-class.  Therefore they are to be regarded as  labor candidates, although they were not the o f f i c i a l nominees (" of the T.& L.C. unions. It seems that Macpherson made no e f f o r t to obtain the support of the T.&  L.C*  In any case, organized labor's a n t i -  pathy to Martinism made i t certain that such an e f f o r t would fail.  Insofar as the o f f i c i a l l y recognized labor candidates  had t i e s , they were with the predominantly Conservative Prov i n c i a l Party.  Macpherson joined the Martin group some time  i n A p r i l because, he said, John C. Brown, "an honest man,"  had  62  been taken into Martin's cabinet.  The f i n a l word on the a t t i -  tude of the T.& L.C. to Macpherson was pronounced by J.H. Watson, an executive member of the Council. He stated that Macpherson was unlikely to get the support of the labor party, since he had 6q  d e l i b e r a t e l y gone over to Martin a f t e r promising not to do so. Macpherson's nomination was rather d i f f e r e n t from the usual type. A meeting of from two hundred to three hundred Bennett, op. c i t . . p. 137. 6 1  62  Independent, June 2, 1900, p. 2. Macpherson also stated that he l e f t the Labor Party at the same time, a statement that seems d i f f i c u l t to reconcile with the fact that the Vancouver Labor Party was not organized u n t i l J u l y Of that year. A possible explanation i s that Macpherson was associated with the rather tenuous p r o v i n c i a l Labor Party organized i n December 1899. (v. sup.-. p. 96). 6 3  Nanaimo Herald. May 11, 1900, p. 2.  107  unorganized laborers took place i n the City H a l l , with Macpherson as chairman and Sam Gothard, a prominent member of the l o c a l T.& L.C,, as secretary.  Ralph Smith was also present,  but took no part i n the proceedings.  Three proposals were  debated: to support the Government (Martin) platform, to adopt the reform platform generally accepted i n Canada, bine the two. endorsed —  or to com-  Upon a vote being taken the Martin platform was  but with the reservation that t h i s did not mean  endorsation of Martin himself.  Then delegates were named rep65  resenting different wards, to hold a nominating  convention.  As a r e s u l t Macpherson came before the voters as the nominee of unorganized labor, supporting the platform of Joseph Martin but giving only conditional support to Martin. The nomination of W i l l MacClain by the United S o c i a l i s t Labor Party injected a new element into B r i t i s h Columbia p o l i t i c s which was to bring about a great d i v i s i o n within the labor movement and would, f o r a time, absorb p r a c t i c a l l y a l l the p o l i t i c a l energies of labor.  U n t i l t h i s time, labor's  interest i n p o l i t i c s had been almost completely r e s t r i c t e d to curbing the power of b i g c a p i t a l , as represented by the railway and mining i n t e r e s t s , and to obtaining the passage of s p e c i f i c measures dealing with the grievances of labor i n general and of the trades unionists i n p a r t i c u l a r . proposed — £-|——  Now  there was a group which  even i f only as an "ultimate objective" — " —  ..'' "•  .  —*  1  that  '•—'  "the platform presented under t h i s designation was almost i d e n t i c a l to that l a t e r accepted by the Vancouver T.& L.C. 6*5  Information on t h i s meeting i s derived from the Independent. A p r i l 28, 1900, and the Nanaimo Herald. May 1, 1900.  108  labor's problems could only be solved by the a b o l i t i o n of p r i vate ownership i n the means of production and the substitution gg  f o r i t of c o l l e c t i v e ownership. S o c i a l i s t i c ideas were not new  i n B r i t i s h Columbia.  The p r i n c i p l e s of d i r e c t democracy commended by Marx i n h i s 67  defence of the Paris Commune  had f i r s t been advocated i n  B r i t i s h Columbia i n connection  with the K. of L. i n 1886.  deriv-  class struggle c a rAmerican r i e d intof rp o nl ti it ei rc s t had by a ing then from the r a d i been t i o n . enunciated The idea of 68  Thomas Keith i n 1890.  Government ownership of public services was a long-standing demand of B r i t i s h Columbia labor.69 The single-taxers had long attacked rent as the basic cause of poverty; the s o c i a l i s t s would say the same of "surplus value" as a whole, of which rent was only a part.  A l l these ideas were  preparing the way f o r a movement and a s o c i a l philosophy which would f i t them into a u n i f i e d pattern and advance an o v e r - a l l solution to the problems of labor.  Far from f i n d i n g " v i r g i n ,  yet f e r t i l e , ground* i n B r i t i s h Columbia, as Saywell puts i t , socialism found f e r t i l e s o i l w e l l - t i l l e d and developed by i t s gg i .. vide Appendix, pp. xx.  7 0  1  ...  .  I  I  .  .  67  New  Karl Marx, C i v i l War i n France, International Publishers, York, 1940, pp. 57, 58. 68 v. sup., p. 51. vide Appendix, passim. 6 9  70  John T. Saywell, "Labour and Socialism i n B r i t i s h Columbia: A Survey of H i s t o r i c a l Development before 1903," B r i t i s h Columbia H i s t o r i c a l Quarterly. Archives of B r i t i s h Columbia, V i c t o r i a , July-October, 1951, p. 137.  109 predecessors. The f i r s t appearance of organized Socialism i n B r i t i s h Colombia was i n December 1898, when Arthur Spencer 71 i n i t i a t e d the S o c i a l i s t Labor Party i n Vancouver. The S.L.P. was at t h i s time under the leadership of Daniel DeLeon i n the United States; i t had repudiated the orthodox trades unions, and was organizing the S o c i a l i s t Trade and Labor A l l i a n c e i n opposition to the A.F. of L. i n order to achieve the early 72 a b o l i t i o n of capitalism.  The S.L.P., however, was too ad-  vanced f o r the times; some of i t s members s p l i t o f f and formed, with other s o c i a l i s t i c a l l y minded people, the United S o c i a l i s t Labor Party, which coupled with i t s general indictment of c a p i t 73 alism a program of immediate reforms. The U.S.L.P. candidate, W i l l MacClain, was, l i k e most other early labor and r a d i c a l candidates, neither a native-born B r i t i s h Columbian nor an Eastern Canadian; he was an Englishman 74 who had been i n the navy and had "jumped ship * i n Seattle.  As  1  delegate from the Machinists' union to the Vancouver T.&  L.C.  and as an organizer i n the 1900 fishermen's s t r i k e on the Fraser, he was an active and well-known figure i n labor c i r c l e s . His connection with the T.& L . C ,  no doubt, was  the  75 means of h i s getting endorsement of h i s candidacy by that body. _  i  7 2  ;  1  ,  1  Bennett, op. c i t . . p. 135. Bimba, op. c i t . . pp. 201, 202. vide Appendix, pp. xx.  7  4  mc  Bennett, op. c i t . . p. """""~  137.  Independent. June 2, 1900, p. 2. This newspaper, desT p i t e theHF7&T"TcTS endorsation of MacClain, did not advise i t s readers to support him as i t advised them to support Dixon and Williams. I t d i d , however, give h i s speeches f a i r l y f u l l coverage.  110 The latent c o n f l i c t between the "pure and simple" unionists and the s o c i a l i s t s was not yet i n evidence, as may be judged by the appearance of s o c i a l i s t i c news items and short a r t i c l e s i n the columns of the orthodox unionist  Independent.  Possibly the trades unionists d i d not yet recognize the imp l i e d challenge to t h e i r own attitudes and p o l i c i e s ; more poss i b l y , they saw i n MacClain an added means of taking votes away from Macpherson and the other Martinite candidates without 76 weakening t h e i r own nominees. I t appears that another s o c i a l i s t i c group besides the U.S.L.P. had a finger i n the 1900 e l e c t i o n —  and i n a  rather peculiar way. The newspaper C i t i z e n and Country, of Toronto, stated i n a post-election a r t i c l e that Richard HcBride, M.P.P. f o r Dewdney, B.C., Minister of Mines, endorsed the platform of the Canadian S o c i a l i s t i c League, and was supported by the s o c i a l i s t s . He gave a written pledge, but afterwards denied doing so. This caused Organizer Cameron to make a f f i d a v i t and c i r c u l a t e photographed copies of McBride's written pledge and s i g nature. He pledged himself i n favor of a, referendum on Later i n the year T u l l y Boyce, i n a dispute c a r r i e d on i n the Nanaimo newspapers, accused Ralph Smith of encouraging h i s "stool pigeons," Dixon and Williams, to run i n Vancouver f o r the express purpose of defeating Macpherson. (Nanaimo Free Press. October 17, 1900, p. 2). No previous r i v a l r y appears to have existed between Smith and Macpherson, but the a l l i a n c e of the two men with opposing factions could be advanced as a cause f o r such action. I t i s a fact that Ralph Smith was involved In the nomination of the two I.L.P. candidates i n Vancouver, and i t i s p r a c t i c a l l y c e r t a i n that the votes drawn by Dixon, Williams and MacClain were the cause of Macpherson's being defeated. I t should also be noted that there was only one P r o v i n c i a l Party candidate i n Vancouver — Carter-Cotton; t h i s would make a complete labor-favored s l a t e of two I.L.P., one U.S.L.P., and one P.P. candidate. Beyond t h i s point, any d e f i n i t e statement would be unwarrantedly speculative.  Ill woman suffrage, employment f o r unemployed, eight-hour day, and union l a b e l on Government work, public ownership, free school books, and exemption of improvements from taxation. As Mr. McBride i s now Minister of Mines h i s course w i l l be watched with i n t e r e s t . 7 7 I t i s possible, of course, that McBride may have signed such a pledge without r e a l i z i n g i t s f u l l nature.  The  story, however, i s not i n c r e d i b l e , and receives' a c e r t a i n amount of circumstantial support from McBride's  l a t e r co-  operation with the s o c i a l i s t members i n the l e g i s l a t u r e . Following the lead of Nanaimo and Vancouver labor, the workers of the southern mountain area of B r i t i s h Columbia s t i r r e d themselves to take a hand i n p o l i t i c s .  This was the  metal-mining area, where f e e l i n g s were now running high over the mine-owners* opposition to the new eight-hour law.  The  miners were determined to r e t a i n the law, despite a l l opposing tion.  I t was obvious that a law passed i n V i c t o r i a could be  repealed i n the same place, and they r e a l i z e d that t h e i r best move would be to return members who would f i g h t to keep the eight-hour law on the books.  To t h i s end the l o c a l miners'  unions and T.& L.C.'s adopted the standard t a c t i c of the A.F. of L.  They canvassed the e x i s t i n g candidates, and gave t h e i r  support to those who promised to vote i n the i n t e r e s t s of labor on measures a f f e c t i n g labor. Carrying out t h i s p o l i c y , the miners' unions of Sandon, S i l v e r t o n , Whitewater, New Denver and Kaslo gave t h e i r 7 7  Independent, June 30, 1900, p. 3.  78  The W.F.M. protested that the law must stand, even i f i t closed a l l the mines. (Rossland I n d u s t r i a l World. January 20, 1900).  112  endorsation to R.F. Green, an independent candidate associated 79 with the P r o v i n c i a l Party, i n Slocan.  Although Green was a  Conservative i n federal p o l i t i c s , h i s campaign platform included public ownership and eontrol of railways and other public u t i l i t i e s where desirable, the eight-hour law and compulsory a r b i tration of labor disputes, as well as reasonable r e - d i s t r i b u t i o n of seats, the r e s t r i c t i o n of A s i a t i c labor, and an improved edu80 cational system. In Nelson the l o c a l T.& L.C. a f f i l i a t e s , comprising ten unions with 800 members, named John Houston, an editor and a supporter of the Provincial Party, as t h e i r chosen 81 candidate. In Revelstoke, where Ralph Smith took a hand i n the nomination, matters became somewhat confused.  Frank Craig, a  carpenter, was entered as a labor candidate; the l o c a l T.& L . C , however, endorsed Archie HcRae, an independent Martinite. Ralph Smith persuaded Craig to r e t i r e , and got the Council to rescind i t s endorsation of HcRae.  Council then endorsed  Thomas Taylor, a Conservative, as i t s choice f o r the Legis82 lature. In Rossland, matters were somewhat more s t r a i g h t forward. F i r s t , a mass meeting of workers discussed p o l i t i c a l Independent, June 2, 1900, p. 4. 7 9  8  0  Sandon Paystreak, May 12, 1900.  81 Independent. supplement, June 2, 1900, p. 2. This interpretation was pieced together from apparently c o n f l i c t i n g reports i n the Nanaimo Herald, May 25, 1900, p. 1, the Independent, May 26, 1900, p. 1, and the Lardeau Eagle, May 30, 1900. 8 2  113 action,  a n d v o t e d t o p u t up a n i n d e p e n d e n t c a n d i d a t e .  I n d u s t r i a l World, result  organ o f the W . F . M . ,  i n the e l e c t i o n  feared  that  o f an a n t i - l a b o r man,  t r a d e s u n i o n i s t s t o o k p l a c e on May 1.  The  this  might  and a meeting o f  T h i s meeting endorsed  S m i t h C u r t i s , who was g e n e r a l l y r e g a r d e d a s a f r i e n d o f it  was f e l t  that at a l l costs C . H . Mackintosh, the  c a n d i d a t e , must be d e f e a t e d , a n d i t  was t h o u g h t  labor;  Conservative  that a  straight  84 l a b o r c a n d i d a t e c o u l d n o t do t h i s .  Smith C u r t i s ,  incidentally,  was somewhat o f a n a n o m a l y i n t h e r a n k s o f l a b o r - s p o n s o r e d c a n didates;  he was t h e o n l y o n e , a p a r t  the M a r t i n i t e  platform.  Victoria politically  8 5  laborj  inactive.  f r o m M a c p h e r s o n , t o r u n upon  it  s h o u l d be n o t e d h e r e ,  was  still  E a r l y i n A p r i l the l o c a l T.& L . C .  consid-  86 ered the matter, affiliated  and d e c i d e d t o r u n a c a n d i d a t e .  u n i o n s , however,  Three of the  o p p o s e d t h e i d e a , a n d n o t h i n g was  87 done. One e p i s o d e i n V i c t o r i a a t mention.  this  time a l s o  A m e e t i n g o f u n o r g a n i z e d workers  endorsed Joseph M a r t i n and h i s p a r t y ;  it  deserves  took p l a c e , and  also  deplored the  88 appearance i n the f i e l d o f Independent report  o f t h e m e e t i n g e l i c i t e d a prompt l e t t e r ;  ,  ,., .,  •April 2 1 , 1900. 8  4  8  5  .  I n d u s t r i a l W o r l d . May 5, 1 9 0 0 . Ibid..  June 7, 1900.  8fi Independent,  7 A p r . 1 9 0 0 , p.  7  Ibid..  May 5, 1 9 0 0 , p .  8 8  Ibid.,  June 2, 1900, p.  8  Labor candidates.  1.  1.  1.  .  The  from the p r e s i d e n t ——  -J.  114  of the V i c t o r i a T.& L . C , explaining that organized labor had nothing to do with the matter, and that the only unionists 89  present were the chairman and the seconder of the resolution.  The Labor Party platforms which appeared i n d i f f e r ent centers i n 1900 display a certain uniformity of approach, 90 although the emphasis varies according to l o c a l conditions. A l l of them contained anti-Kongolian  demands; the Nanaimo p l a t -  form was the most sweeping i n t h i s regard, while the Vancouver platform, i n i t s o r i g i n a l form, merely demanded that a minimum wage be paid on a l l public works. (The intent of the l a t t e r was l a t e r c l a r i f i e d by the addition of an extra clause almost as sweeping as the Nanaimo demand).  A l l the platforms c a l l e d f o r  the general recognition of the eight-hour day, while Nanaimo added a r i d e r demanding the maintenance of the e x i s t i n g eighthour law.  They a l l c a l l e d f o r a degree of government ownership  i n communications and transportation services.  Three of them —  the United Labor platform and the Vancouver and V i c t o r i a p l a t forms —  wanted government inspection of mines e s p e c i a l l y , and  of places of work generally, i n the i n t e r e s t s of health and safety.  Demands f o r a f a i r or minimum wage on public works  appeared i n the Vancouver, V i c t o r i a , and Nanaimo platforms. V i c t o r i a c a l l e d f o r a Compensation Act, while Vancouver demanded recognition of l i a b i l i t y of employers f o r i n j u r i e s suffered by workmen. i i  A r b i t r a t i o n of disputes, a l l i e d with the implementa-  i  Independent. June 9, 1900, p. 2. Presumably from the unions whicn bad blocked the nomination of labor candidates by the T.& L.C. vide Appendix, pp. x v - x v i i i .  tion of the 1894 law s e t t i n g up a Labor Bureau, appeared i n a l l platforms except the V i c t o r i a one. Besides these b a s i c a l l y economic demands, there were others of a p o l i t i c a l and a general nature.  Two programs  the United Labor and the Vancouver platforms —  —  called for  direct democracy i n the form of the i n i t i a t i v e and referendum. V i c t o r i a , Vancouver, and Nanaimo wanted the candidate's depo s i t abolished.  Nanaimo wanted the secret e l e c t i o n of road  foremen l o c a l l y , i n order to end p o l i t i c a l appointments. also wanted r e - d i s t r i b u t i o n of constituencies — demand i n the under-represented  It  a continual  urban d i s t r i c t s .  Vancouver  c a l l e d f o r free compulsory education, and continued to uphold the banner of single tax;; It i s noticeable, i n comparing the labor platforms of 1900, how the Nanaimo program d i f f e r e d from the others. The Nanaimo I.L.P. standard-bearer was Ralph Smith, member of the past Legislature and a man with considerable p o l i t i c a l experience; h i s f a m i l i a r i t y with the procedures and immediate p o s s i b i l i t i e s of l e g i s l a t i v e action i s shown i n h i s platform. Whereas the other platforms were couched i n general terms, expressing p r i n c i p l e s which should be enacted into l e g i s l a t i o n , the Nanaimo platform suggested detailed measures —  f o r instance  a minimum wage of $2.50 per day on public works, and the spec i f i c duties of a Minister of Labor.  In addition, whereas labor  generally was interested i n bettering i t s own p o s i t i o n and l e t t i n g the c a p i t a l i s t s attend to t h e i r concerns, Smith's p l a t form contained a d e f i n i t e proposal f o r the a t t r a c t i o n of more  116  c a p i t a l to B r i t i s h Columbia by means of advertising.  In addi-  t i o n , i t made no mention of i n i t i a t i v e or referendum, as did the United and Vancouver platforms.  Smith's platform  was  that of the established and experienced p o l i t i c i a n , aimed to c o n c i l i a t e as many groups as possible i n order to get c e r t a i n d e f i n i t e measures passed. labor men  who  The other platforms were those of  knew what they wanted, i n general terms, and were  stating t h e i r wants to the public —  not c o n c i l i a t i n g or man-  oeuvring, but merely making known the demands of labor. The program of immediate demands put forward by the 91  United S.L.P. i n Vancouver was a d i f f e r e n t matter.  Although  many of the suggested measures were materially the same as those i n the Labor platforms, a d i f f e r e n t s p i r i t l a y within them.  \  The c a l l f o r government ownership of the means of trans-  portation and communication included a proviso f o r actual "worker c o n t r o l * of the operation of these services.  The  U.S.L.P.'s f i s c a l proposal was not single tax, but a progressive income tax and an inheritance tax.  Instead of an eight-  hour day, i t wanted hours of work reduced i n proportion to increased production.  I t c a l l e d f o r free use of inventions.  Host noticeable of a l l , i t included no a n t i - O r i e n t a l clause; i t made no a l l u s i o n to the problem of cheap A s i a t i c labor, no doubt upon the basis that t h i s could only be solved through the emancipation of labor as a whole. for compulsory, free education  Along with the usual demand  to the age of fourteen i t made  the necessary concomitant proposal f o r p r o h i b i t i o n of employ-  \  117 meat of children under fourteen.  Where previous labor H.L.A.'s  had t r i e d to get equal p o l i t i c a l r i g h t s f o r women, the U.S.L.P. added a c a l l f o r economic equality i n the form of equal pay. Indeed, the p o l i t i c a l demands i n the program envisioned a comp l e t e l y democratic system such as nowhere exists even yet. Some of the ideas enunciated i n these platforms were by now acquiring a certain venerability; they had been i n B r i t i s h Columbia labor platforms since 1886. The anti-Chinese a t t i t u d e , now broadened to include the Japanese, was stronger than ever.  The "direct democracy planks were put forward 0  more c l e a r l y now than i n the past, as l e g i s l a t u r e s continued to  pass measures which labor f e l t were against the interests  and desires of the public.  Opposition to the land grants and  the great companies b u i l t thereon s t i l l existed, but was now c r y s t a l l i z i n g into a demand f o r nationalization of monopolies, e s p e c i a l l y i n transportation and communication.  Single tax  was s t i l l advocated, i f not so strongly as i n former years. The o l d demand f o r an eight-hour day, f a r from being allayed by i t s p a r t i a l r e a l i z a t i o n i n 1899, had grown i n force; i t was e s p e c i a l l y stimulated by the mine-owners' attempts to have the measure reversed.  A l l these points had by now become thor-  oughly acclimatized i n the province; they were recognized and accepted as the regular demands of labor. A number of the newer demands i n the Labor platforms bear evidence of i n s p i r a t i o n , d i r e c t l y or otherwise, by the A.F. of L.  That organization had, during the years 1893 to  1895, considered a number of l e g i s l a t i v e measures; i n 1894 i t s  118  convention s i g n i f i e d approval of these measures separately, and i n 1895 voted to regard them as the  legislative  tt  demands'* of  92  the A.F. of L.  In 1898 the T.L.C.C. also adopted a l e g i s -  l a t i v e platform, which p a r a l l e l l e d i n many of i t s aspects the 93 A.F. of L. formulation. suggested  Common features, which were no doubt  to the Canadian organization by f a m i l i a r i t y with the  American l i s t of demands, were compulsory education, inspection of places of work, and public ownership of services generally used.  These three points, be i t noted, were not p u b l i c l y  pro-  claimed by B r i t i s h Columbia labor u n t i l the l a t e 1890»s; the l a s t of them —  public ownership —  had been adopted by the  Nationalists i n 1894, but was not publicized by them. The influence of the A.F. of L. "platform" on B r i t i s h Columbia labor's p o l i t i c a l demands was exerted not only i n d i r e c t l y through the T.L.C.C., but also d i r e c t l y .  On several occa-  sions i n the early part of 1900 the Independent published the American l i s t of demands f o r the consideration of the l o c a l labor movement.  Items which appeared there and i n the 1900  Labor Party platforms, without any apparent connection through the T.L.C.C. platform, included demands f o r the a b o l i t i o n of the contract system on public works, and employers* l i a b i l i t y f o r injury;  t h i s l a t t e r found i t s way unchanged from the A.F.  of L. "platform" into the V i c t o r i a T.& L.C. platform. The United S.L.P. manifesto, platform and resolutions J.R. Commons et a l . , History of Labour i n the United States. Macmillan, New York 1926, I I , 509,510. For the " l e g i s l a t i v e demands," vide Appendix, p. x i i i . Vide Appendix, p. x i v .  119  show a mixed o r i g i n .  The Manifesto section i s p r a c t i c a l l y pure  Marxist; the Platform appears as an attempt to convey the Marxian analysis of c a p i t a l i s t society i n the t r a d i t i o n a l terms of American p o l i t i c a l radicalism, even unto "the inalienable r i g h t of a l l men to l i f e , l i b e r t y and the pursuit of happiness;" the Resolutions are i n substance very s i m i l a r to those curr e n t l y put forward by the Independent Labor candidates, but they have a f l a v o r of p o l i t i c a l and economic theory not found i n the pragmatic demands of the "pure and simple" unionists.  The  material basis f o r the appearance of a s o c i a l i s t party existed i n B r i t i s h Columbia, i n the grievances expressed i n labor p l a t forms from 1886 onwards.  In a contemporary comment, the New  York Sun s a i d of the spread of Socialism i n B r i t i s h Columbia: I t i s , i n the f i r s t place, l a r g e l y a development of the single-tax movement, which i t s e l f grew out of the acquis i t i o n , l a r g e l y by non-resident speculators, of much of the best land about the coast and Vancouver Island c i t i e s . Then there i s no doubt that a lack of sympathy between too many large employers and t h e i r white workmen i n B r i t i s h Columbia i s responsible f o r the r e v o l t of labor, which there, as elsewhere, l a b e l s i t s e l f Socialism. This lack of sympathy i t s e l f mainly r e s u l t s from the undue dispossession of white labor by Mongolians i n such i n dustries as lumbering, salmon canning, f i s h i n g , t a i l o r i n g and some departments of shipping, mining and r a i l r o a d work.94 Single tax, as a doctrine, had not the same o v e r a l l appeal to the i n d u s t r i a l workers that Socialism was able to exert; f o r a time i t attracted the more r a d i c a l workers, but l o s t i t s hold when challenged by the more complete economic, p o l i t i c a l and philosophical s o c i a l i s t theory.  Although swallowed up, s i n g l e  Prom B.C. Workman, August 12, 1899, p. 7.  120  tax contributed part of the American tinge which was noticeable i n the Marxism of the S o c i a l i s t Party of Canada. Once the candidates were nominated, nothing  unusual  or s i g n i f i c a n t occurred i n the course of the e l e c t i o n .  The  Independent Labor candidates made the usual speeches based upon t h e i r platforms — who,  with the exception of Dixon i n North Nanaimo,  to judge by the reports i n the Nanaimo Herald, r e s t r i c t e d  his speech-making to the reading of a five-minute talk at one 95 meeting.  The U.S.L.P. candidate, W i l l MacClain, however, did  succeed i n i n j e c t i n g two new items into B r i t i s h Columbia p o l i tics.  He pointed to the reform and labor l e g i s l a t i o n of 96  Zealand as an example of s o c i a l j u s t i c e ,  New  and he advocated the  use of non-interest-bearing s c r i p f o r financing public works such as railways, pointing to the Channel Islands as an instance 97 where t h i s p r i n c i p l e had been put i n t o p r a c t i c e .  The f i r s t item  has been used extensively i n recent years by the C.C.F., which has tended to make extensive reference to the experiences of New  Zealand i n the f i e l d of s o c i a l l e g i s l a t i o n ; the second i s go  a central tenet of S o c i a l Credit theory. 1  """95  In connection with the North Nanaimo contest, i t should be mentioned that the Herald, always c l o s e l y i d e n t i f i e d with the cause of Ralph Smith, supported Dixon and was markedly cool towards Mclnnes. This may have been due to Mclnnes' r e f u s a l to commit himself f i r m l y to an anti-Martin l i n e . It marks the end of several years of co-operation between Smith and Mclnnes, and the beginning of a short r i v a l r y between them. 96 Independent. June 9, 1900, p. 4. 97 I b i d . . p. 1. The writer heard Mr. Noel Murphy of the S o c i a l Credit Party use the same example from the Channel Islands as a demons t r a t i o n of S o c i a l Credit i n operation, i n a speech at the Univ e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia i n the winter of 1952-53. 9 8  121  The r e s u l t s of the election were very mixed, but on go  the whole were favorable to labor.  Although the i n a r t i c u l a t e  Dixon t r a i l e d badly behind the eloquent Mclnnes and Dunsmuir*s son-in-law, Bryden, i n North Nanaimo, i n South Nanaimo Rate l i f f put up a remarkably by only a few votes.  strong f i g h t and l o s t to Dunsmuir  However, i n Nanaimo C i t y Smith won a  smashing v i c t o r y over h i s absentee opponent.  The score on the  Island was not too discouraging from the standpoint of future contests; at l e a s t , one candidate had been elected. In Vancouver, a l l the labor men took a beating. Macpherson was edged out by twenty-six votes, while Dixon, Williams and MacClain shared the bottom of the p o l l with t h e i r a l l y , BB—  - •  —  '  '  Provincial e l e c t i o n , 1900; r e s u l t s i n constituencies contested by labor-supported candidates. Nanaimo C i t y Vancouver Garden (Cons.) 1787) Smith (Lab.) .... 753 Tates (Martin) 86 Martin (Martin) 1787) Tatlow (Cons.) 1645) North Nanaimo Gilmour (Martin) 1465) Mclnnes (Lib.) ...238 Wilson (Cons.) 1457 Bryden (Turner) 195 Macpherson (Martin) 1435 Dixon (Lab.) 73 McQueen (Martin) TMI Wood (Cons.) 1344 South Nanaimo Dixon (Ind.Lab.) 853 Dunsmuir (Turner) 249 Carter-Cotton (Prov.) 802 R a t c l i f f (Lab.) 225 Williams (Ind.Lab.) 716 MacClain (U.S.L.P.) 683 Slocan Nelson Houston (Prov.) 747 Green (Prov.) 342 HainLib.) 293 Keen (Cons.) 234 Fletcher (Cons.) 508 Kane (Martin) 170 Revelstoke Rossland Curtis (Martin) 1353 Taylor (Prov.) 513 Mackintosh(Cons.)1287 McRae (Martin) 368 (CPG 1901, pp. 409, 410). ( C l a s s i f i c a t i o n according to table i n Independent. June 9, 1900, p. 4).  122  Carter-Cotton.  Carter-Cotton remarked In h i s newspaper, the  News-Advertiser. that the labor candidates had reduced the Mart i n i t e vote and thus allowed the election of two C o n s e r v a t i v e s .  100  This must have pleased at least "Parm Pettipiece, editor of the n  Lardeau Eagle, who had stated that "the most sincere and i n f l u e n t i a l friends of labor i n B.C. today are Conservatives, taking the party's actions as a w h o l e . "  101  In the metal-mining d i s t r i c t s , the p o l i c y of supporting f r i e n d l y candidates met with complete success, SmithjCurtis, Green, Houston, and Taylor were elected —  a l l men pledged to 102  r e t a i n the e x i s t i n g eight-hour law on the statute books.  The  miners and t h e i r a l l i e s i n the l o c a l T.& L.C.'s might well be s a t i s f i e d with the r e s u l t s of t h e i r e f f o r t s .  On the other hand,  t h e i r success might tempt them to become more ambitious. In the l e g i s l a t i v e session immediately following the e l e c t i o n , James Dunsmuir was c a l l e d upon to be Premier. No l e g i s l a t i o n had been passed i n the previous winter session, so twenty-five members agreed to support the Dunsmuir government f o r one session i n order to transact the necessary business of the province.  Smith, Green, and Taylor were included i n  t h i s group; however, Smith and Green at least reserved t h e i r 103  right to take independent action i f they saw f i t . Quoted i n Independent. June 10, 1900, p. 1. Eagle. May 30, 1900. the eight-hour law). 1 0 1  (The Conservatives had endorsed  The e l e c t i o n r e s u l t s c e r t a i n l y do not support Saywell's statement that the eight-hour law "alienated the majority of the people i n the mining areas." i n B.C. H i s t . Quarterly. July 1950, p. 151. 1°3 independent. June 23, 1900, p. 1. 1  0  2  123  This session of the l e g i s l a t u r e saw  the introduction  of many measures which were of i n t e r e s t to l a b o r .  1 0 4  Mclnnes,  elected on a platform which contained several labor planks, twice attempted to bring i n a Labor Act r e s t r i c t i n g shop hours and the hours of work of young persons therein ( B i l l s 9 and 4 4 ) . The f i r s t attempt was ruled out of order, and the second subjected  to a s i x month's h o i s t .  was  Smith,Curtis succeeded i n  getting the Mechanics' Lien Act made more exact i n meaning ( B i l l 3 2 ) , but f a i l e d to get a measure dealing with the deception of workmen through the House ( B i l l 4 0 ) . A b i l l concerned with conditions of employment on works under government f r a n chise, ( B i l l 4 2 ) introduced  by Dr. Helmcken, was  passed.  So  was a j o i n t resolution by Helmcken and Smith condemning abuses i n the sub-letting of government contracts and i n s i s t i n g on the payment of current wage-rates i n a l l such works.  An attempt by  Mclnnes and Curtis to add an a n t i - O r i e n t a l clause to t h i s resol u t i o n was  defeated. Probably the strangest vote of the session resulted  from a motion by Smith C u r t i s , that the House r e - a f f i r m i t s b e l i e f i n the e x i s t i n g eight-hour law f o r metalliferous mining. I f the House voted i n favor of the motion, i t would s i g n i f y to the mine-owners that they could not expect the law to be rescinded by t h i s l e g i s l a t u r e .  I f , however, the vote went against  the motion, the eight-hour law would seem to be i n an ambiguous position.  Would a r e f u s a l to re-affirm imply r e j e c t i o n of the  Details of the introduction and passage of these measures may be found i n B.C. Journals. 1 9 0 0 , passim. The text of the measures may be found i n B.C. Statutes. 1 9 0 0 . passim. 1 0 4  ^  law, or merely- r e f u s a l to re-consider the matter?  The question  was o f f i c i a l l y s e t t l e d i n favor of the l a t t e r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , and although the House refused to r e - a f f i r m the law the metalminers' eight-hour day was preserved.  iii.  Hardly had the excitement of the unscheduled provin-  c i a l election died down, when B r i t i s h Columbia p o l i t i c a l c i r c l e s were again involved i n a contest.  This time i t was a  federal election, i n which party l i n e s were drawn and erstwhile bedfellows suddenly became bad fellows.' ' 1  05  Labor's  tacit  a l l i a n c e with the predominantly Conservative P r o v i n c i a l Party was quietly shelved and was replaced, to a c e r t a i n extent, by an a l l i a n c e with the L i b e r a l s . B r i t i s h Columbia labor's interest i n federal p o l i t i c s was not new;  i t had been building up f o r several years.  Four years previously, the n a t i o n a l i s t s had i n i t i a t e d the successful candidature of Rev. George R. Maxwell.  In the i n t e r -  vening years several matters had drawn the attention of the labor movement more c l o s e l y to Ottawa.  In 1900 the Laurier  government had enacted an A r b i t r a t i o n and C o n c i l i a t i o n Act, 106  a f a i r wage measure,  and had arranged f o r the publication  of a labor gazette and created a Department of Labour to supervise the operations of these laws. Labor M.P.'s would be able ~~ For a recent p a r a l l e l consider the campaigns of 1948, when B r i t i s h Columbia L i b e r a l s and Conservatives contested the p r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n as a united c o a l i t i o n , then divided to oppose each other i n the federal e l e c t i o n . 1 0 5  106  Canada, Government, Department of Labour, Labour Legisl a t i o n i n Canada. Ottawa, 1945, p. 10.  125 to press f o r the active implementation of these measures when necessary, and see that they were f u l l y u t i l i z e d .  The L i b e r a l  administration had also raised the entry tax on Chinese from $50 to $100.  On the other hand, i t had disallowed c e r t a i n  anti-Oriental measures passed by the B r i t i s h Columbia l e g i s l a 108 ture. It was p l a i n that the b a t t l e over Oriental labor had 109  to be decided at Ottawa, not V i c t o r i a . Although Smith and others took part i n federal p o l i t i c s i n order to support L i b e r a l l e g i s l a t i o n , some persons favored the e l e c t i o n of independent labor men House f o r opposite reasons.  to the federal  Their viewpoint was expressed by  William McAdams, editor of the Sandon Paystreak. who wrote: The l a s t e l e c t i o n ... hinged l a r g e l y on the school quest i o n , a pure case of r a c i a l and r e l i g i o u s prejudice. The other issues were the t a r i f f , the railway p o l i c y , and i n B.C. the Chinese question of Oriental immigration ... The l i b e r a l s promised to do a number of things, while the conservatives promised that they would not do the things which the l i b e r a l s said they would do. ... the separate schools are s t i l l there. The t a r i f f i s i n healthy condition.... The railway p o l i c y has not been a l t e r e d . . . . the Chinese and Japs are with us yet. In b r i e f , you have your choice between a party i n power that w i l l do nothing and a party i n opposition that w i l l promise nothing. HO In addition to wishing to send representatives to Ottawa, B r i t i s h Columbia labor was  _  encouraged to take action by  '  Independent. J u l y 28, 1900, p. 3. For a general d i s cussion of Laurier's labor l e g i s l a t i o n , vide "Maxwell Interviewed." I b i d . . J u l y 21, July 28, AugusT~4*7 1900. 1  Oft  Labor Regulation Act, 1898, clauses i n the l e g i s l a t i o n of 1899; form, Appendix, p. x v i . ^09 T h reasons were advanced Nanaimo Herald, October 3, 1900, p. e s e  1 1 0  and discriminatory labor c|\ V i c t o r i a T.& L.C. p l a t by Ralph Smith i n the 1.  Paystreak. September 8, 1900.-  126 the  success of Ralph Smith and of the labor-supported Koot-  enay M.L.A.'s i n the p r o v i n c i a l contest.  These v i c t o r i e s had  almost c e r t a i n l y engendered a f e e l i n g of power among the unioni s t s , and the f e e l i n g was i n t e n s i f i e d when t h i s success was coupled with the e l e c t i o n of Arthur W. Puttee, an Independent Labor candidate, i n a federal by-election i n Winnipeg e a r l i e r i n the year.  The way to Ottawa appeared wide open.  The f i r s t move i n connection with labor action i n the new election was made i n Vancouver, by the Parliamentary Committee of the T.& L.C.  I t c a l l e d a convention f o r July 4th, 111  1900 to discuss the formation of an Independent Labor Party. The T.& L.C. had conducted the campaign of Williams and Dixon, and obviously wished to r e l i e v e i t s e l f of the controversial burden of p o l i t i c a l action by s e t t i n g up an autonomous body which would maintain labor's interests i n the p o l i t i c a l  field.  A hearty debate took place within t h i s meeting; W i l l MacClain, the s o c i a l i s t ,  was strongly opposed to the formation  of a competitor to the United S.L.P.; Robert Macpherson, M.L.A., also voiced h i s opposition.  ex-  On the other side, Francis  Williams, the recent candidate of the T.& L . C , and Harry Cowan, chairman of the meeting, argued from the success of the Winnipeg I.L.P. i n e l e c t i n g Puttee that Vancouver should follow the "- 112  example of Winnipeg, i n forming a Labor Party independent of Independent, July 7, 1900, p. 1. — In t h i s period the influence of Winnipeg was much f e l t i n the Vancouver labor movement. The Independent was publishing many short items from Puttee's paper, the Voice', and on several occasions published the constitution and platform of the Winnipeg I.L.P. f o r the consideration of i t s readers. 1 1 1  127 i i q  both the Tories and the G r i t s .  The arguments of Williams  and Cowan prevailed, and a motion f o r the immediate formation  |  of the Vancouver I.L.P. was c a r r i e d . The Vancouver Labor Party, as the organization became known, was formed within the month at a mass meeting of " a l l c i t i z e n s i n sympathy with and w i l l i n g to j o i n the labor p a r t y . "  1 1 4  Its constitution, aims and objects were copied almost verbatim from those of the Winnipeg Labor Party; only minor a l t e r a t i o n s were made to s u i t l o c a l c o n d i t i o n s .  1 1 5  Like the N a t i o n a l i s t Party, the Vancouver Labor Party was organized to f i l l a dual r o l e ; i t was supposed both to educate and to campaign.  I t s objects, as set f o r t h i n i t s con-  s t i t u t i o n , were: To study economic subjects a f f e c t i n g the welfare of Labor and the promulgation of information regarding same; and also to secure f o r Labor a just share of the wealth i t produces by such means as the obtaining (of) representation from our own ranks i n the parliamentary and munic i p a l bodies of the country.116 It i s very u n l i k e l y , however, that the Vancouver L.P. d i d much i n the way of study or economic propaganda.  Born on the eve  of an e l e c t i o n , i t was either occupied with e l e c t o r a l campaigns or s u f f e r i n g from lack of i n t e r e s t ; i t s major a c t i v i t y was cert a i n l y that of campaigning f o r votes. « _  .  .  —  Independent. J u l y 7, 1900, p. 1. 1  1  4  I b i d . . July 25, 1900, p. 1.  c f . Independent. J u l y 21; 1900, p. 4, and J u l y 28, p. 1, f o r the Two documents mentioned. 1  1  5  1  1  6  I b i d . . J u l y 28, 1900, p. 1.  ^  128 Section 1 of the "Qualifications f o r Membership" i s worth noting; i t stated that Any person may become a member of t h i s Party who i s i n sympathy with our p r i n c i p l e s , and who i s w i l l i n g to f o r swear allegiance to a l l other e x i s t i n g p o l i t i c a l part i e s ; Provided: that three-fourths of the members of the Party s h a l l be wage-earners; but t h i s r e s t r i c t i o n s h a l l not apply to farmers.117 The four points enunciated are s i g n i f i c a n t : they mark o f f the Vancouver L.P. --» t h e o r e t i c a l l y , at least -.- from other p o l i 118  t i c a l p a r t i e s , including the Nanaimo Labor Party.  Although -  desiring a broad base of membership, i t i n s i s t e d that voting control should be held by wage-earners —  or by farmers,  who  would not be very numerous i n the geographic area covered by the Party; to that extent, i t was d e f i n i t e l y a class party. It also took i t s e l f seriously; r e j e c t i n g a subordinate position as a pressure group working upon and a s s i s t i n g established p a r t i e s , i t proclaimed i t s d i s t i n c t i o n from other p a r t i e s and i t s equality with them by refusing to allow dual membership. Such an attitude i s normal i n modern p o l i t i c a l parties; i n the loosely-organized p o l i t i c a l world of 1900 i t was unusual, to say the l e a s t . Two months a f t e r i t s organization, the Vancouver Labor Party began e l e c t o r a l a c t i v i t i e s .  The expected federal  election had been c a l l e d , and candidates were being nominated. 1 1 7  Loc. c i t .  As l a t e as January, 1902, the Nanaimo L.P. had neither constitution nor by-laws; moreover, Dr. McKechnie was president of both the L i b e r a l Association and the Labor Party i n Nanaimo. Independent. January 4, 1902, p. 1 and January 11, p. 8/ 1 1 8  The party received an i n v i t a t i o n from T.S. Baxter, secretary of the L i b e r a l Association, to nominate a candidate j o i n t l y with the L i b e r a l s .  The i n v i t a t i o n was accepted, and twenty-  one delegates were selected to take part i n the convention with instructions to put forward the name of Robert Macpherson.1.19 9 n n  I t i s s i g n i f i c a n t that the i n i t i a t i v e f o r t h i s j o i n t convention came i n the form of an i n v i t a t i o n from the L i b e r a l s and not a request from the Labor Party.  I t indicates that  the Labor Party was regarded as a valuable and e f f e c t i v e votegetter, despite the defeat of the Vancouver T.& L.C. candidates i n the recent p r o v i n c i a l elections.  I t also indicated  a L i b e r a l hope of containing the growth of independent  radical  ism by attaching that movement to the L i b e r a l party. The "fusion" convention resulted i n a compromise, the Labor delegates could not secure the nomination of Macpherson, and accepted the L i b e r a l suggestion that Rev. George R. Maxwell be t h e i r candidate.  In return, an understanding  was reached that Maxwell should accept the Labor Party p l a t form.  1 2 0  As might be expected, t h i s compromise by the Vancouver Labor Party provoked some c r i t i c i s m .  Opposition to  i t s action was most c l e a r l y expressed by Arthur W. Puttee's Winnipeg Voice.  Puttee himself had only recently been elec-  ted over the opposition of both older p a r t i e s , and Winnipeg Independent. September 29, 1900, p. 1. Independent. September 29, 1900, p.2. For the p l a t form, vide Appendix, p. x x i i i . 1 2 0  130  labor c i r c l e s were correspondingly somewhat impatient of compromise.  The Voice accused the Vancouver Labor Party of  being composed of "schemers" who were "beating the drum and tooting the horn f o r the L i b e r a l Party," and stated that "the Vancouver Labor men s t u l t i f i e d themselves i n a party conven121  tion."  To t h i s the Independent. as the o f f i c i a l organ of - 122  the Vancouver L.P.,  r e p l i e d that fusion was to be regarded  as only a temporary expedient; labor could not possibly win alone, but by joining forces with the L i b e r a l s i t could send a man to Ottawa who would support the straight labor members on labor matters.  In addition, i t took pride i n being i n v i t e d to 123  fuse with the L i b e r a l s ; i t s growth was being recognized. The nomination of Ralph Smith f o r the seat of Vancouver (Island), recently vacated by W.W.B. Mclnnes, was a far more spectacular a f f a i r than the Vancouver nomination. For one thing, i t was not i n i t i a t e d i n B r i t i s h Columbia but i n Ontario.  The annual convention of the T.& L.C. of Canada,  meeting i n Ottawa September 18, considered the labor l e g i s l a tion of the Laurier administration and concluded that an o f f i c i a l representative of Labor should be present i n Ottawa to 1 24  watch over the implementation of that l e g i s l a t i o n .  The Con-  gress then requested Ralph Smith, i t s president, to transfer Quoted i n Independent. October 13, 1900, p. 2. 1 2 2  I b i d . , September 15, 1900, p. 1.  19°.  I b i d . . October 6, 1900, p. 1, and October 13, p. 2. 1  2  4  Nanaimo Herald. October 3, 1900, p. 1.  131  his p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s from the p r o v i n c i a l to the federal 125  f i e l d , and obtain a seat at Ottawa.  This he agreed to do,  and returned to B r i t i s h Columbia to prepare h i s election as the "new  leader of the Independent labor party of the Dominion.* * 2  While Smith was  5  i n Ontario, however, the p o l i t i c a l pot  had begun to b o i l i n Nanaimo.  A William Sloan, of L i b e r a l s e n t i 127  ments, announced h i s candidature as an independent.  He  fol-  lowed t h i s by securing the endorsement of a L i b e r a l convention, and could therefore appear as the candidate of an established 128  party, yet was not bound to that party.  He was opposed i n  the convention by Dr. R.E. HcKechnie, Ralph Smith's a l l y ,  Hc-  Kechnie, however, apparently had no r e a l hope of blocking Sloan's nomination, and confined h i s a c t i v i t y to proposing motions designed to show that the convention was not properly a L i b e r a l one.  Having demonstrated to h i s own s a t i s f a c t i o n that the con-  vention was not l o y a l to the L i b e r a l Party, HcKechnie and h i s 129  supporters l e f t the meeting. Sloan's acceptance by the L i b e r a l convention was  a  In f a cto t , Smith; Smith he would l i kto e d receive both L i bthat e r a l nomination and Conservative blow had have hoped himself.  130  131  >rsa^ endorsation; he even went so f a r as to ask f o r the l a t t e r ,  T5F  Vancouver Province, September 19, 1900,  1 2 6  Independent, September 29, 1900,  1 2 7  Nanaimo Free Press, September 13, 1900,  1 2 8  Nanaimo Herald, September 22, 1900,  1 2 9  Loc. c i t .  1 3 0  Ibid., October 30, 1900,  1 3 1  Loc. c i t .  p. 1.  p. 9.  p. 1. p. 1.  p. 1.  but  132  i t was refused him. He was forced to appear as an Independent without any party a f f i l i a t i o n s or party support. This incident i l l u s t r a t e s the basic p o l i c y of Ralph Smith, and goes f a r towards explaining h i s other actions. He was a c o n c i l i a t o r , not a f i g h t e r , and he used h i s not inconsiderable talents f o r c o n c i l i a t i o n and f o r oratory i n order to obtain whatever concessions those i n power might be prepared to allow.  He would not take a f i r m stand against the Dunsmuir i n t -  erests or the Hew Vancouver Coal Company.  By discussion he  achieved c e r t a i n concessions involving the observance of some 132  p r o v i n c i a l labor laws,  but he would never press demands beyond  the point of negotiation. He was instrumental i n s e t t l i n g a major labor dispute at Rossland, e a r l y i n 1900, upon the basis of a compromise; Hawthornthwaite l a t e r c r i t i c i z e d him f o r abandoning the wage p r i n c i p l e i n the settlement and accepting a contract sysIn p o l i t i c a l l i f e , he successively supported Semlin, Martin (for a b r i e f time) and Dunsmuir, or promised concessions to labor.  i n return f o r r e a l  In the 1900 p r o v i n c i a l elec-  t i o n he vacated the South Nanaimo seat when Dunsmuir's candidature there was announced.  In the federal e l e c t i o n of the same  year he claimed to be on f r i e n d l y terms with both L i b e r a l s and Conservatives at Ottawa, and therefore able to get the most f o r 132" 1 3 3  134  Nanaimo Herald. October 26, 1900, p. 1. I b i d . , January 21, 1902, p. 1.  I b i d . . A p r i l 17, 1900, p. 8. Independent. supplement, May 29, 1900, pp. 1,2, and June 23, 1900, p. 1.  133 1  the r i d i n g whichever party won.  OB  °"  Only two p o l i t i c a l elements  excited h i s open opposition: Hartinisra i n the 1900  provincial  election, and socialism. The l a t t e r was e s p e c i a l l y obnoxious to him i n that i t s theories challenged h i s p o l i c y of c o n c i l i a t i o n , and i t s practice threatened h i s own position i n the labor movement and i n p o l i t i c a l l i f e .  To him, socialism involved the  r i s k of l o s i n g a l l the concessions which had been granted the labor movement, the cessation of further concessions, and the negation of h i s l i f e work. Although sponsored by the T.L.C.C., Smith's nomination was hardly a "labor" convention.  No l o c a l labor body c a l l e d i t  or took an o f f i c i a l part i n i t , nor were workingmen e s p e c i a l l y i n v i t e d to i t .  I t was openly c a l l e d by Smith f o r h i s p o l i t i c a l 1  36  friends and supporters, i n order to advance h i s candidature. In contrast, the nomination of a labor candidate i n 137 the Yale-Kootenay-Cariboo  r i d i n g was a spontaneous development.  The success of the labor-supported candidates i n the Kootenay and Slocan areas had encouraged the labor people, and e s p e c i a l l y the miners, to go a step further with p o l i t i c a l action.  They  appear to have had no federal grievances apart from those of B r i t i s h Columbia labor i n general, t h e i r main complaint Nanaimo Herald. October 23, 1900, p. 1.  being  x o  I b i d . . October 3, 1900, p. 1. T u l l y Boyce i n Nanaimo Free Press. November i , 1900, p. 1. 137 I t did have an international f l a v o r . In the previous month 225 delegates representing 700 labor organizations had met i n Butte, Montana, to form a "Labor Party." (Rossland I n d u s t r i a l World. August 25, 1900). This large meeting was no doubt an encouragement to the Kootenay miners. 1 3 6  134 that neither L i b e r a l s nor Conservatives labor's demands.  were taking s e r i o u s l y  They f e l t that the l e g i s l a t i o n which the  Liberals had introduced did not deal with labor's basic pro138  blems, but was only of minor importance. The i n i t i a t i v e i n t h i s campaign was taken by the Rossland unionists, who  held a mass meeting i n the middle of Sept-  ember to discuss p o l i t i c a l issues.  The meeting decided unani-  mously to cut loose from e x i s t i n g p a r t i e s and put up an inde139  pendent candidate. i n the meeting.  The unions themselves were concerned  The secretary of the l o c a l T.&  L.C. was i n -  structed to n o t i f y a l l the Trades Councils and labor unions i n the r i d i n g of the meeting's decision, and D.A.  No.6,  W.F.H. was  requested to c a l l a convention of "accredited representatives of labor organizations, independent p o l i t i c a l clubs and  socialistic  bodies" f o r the purpose of naming an I.L.P. c a n d i d a t e .  To  140  make the work more e f f e c t i v e , i t was decided that p o l i t i c a l clubs centered on the idea of r e j e c t i o n of the two old p a r t i e s should be formed throughout the r i d i n g , with a membership broader than that of the unions.  "While the movement w i l l be  fathered by labor organizations, every e f f o r t w i l l be made to make i t thoroly ( s i c ) r e p r e s e n t a t i v e . "  141  The projected convention was held October 3 and  4,  i n Nelson, with 43 delegates representing every miners' union Sandon Paystreak, September 15, 1900. Rossland Indust r i a l World. September 26, 1900. 139 Sandon Paystreak, September 22, 1900. 1 4 0  Loc. c i t .  1 4 1  Loc. c i t .  135 In the r i d i n g and many other labor organizations.  142  On the  f i r s t day the idea of nominating a candidate was endorsed by a vote of 40-10; a resolution to form an Independent Party was passed, and then made unanimous.  Then the platform was drawn  143 up. The main business of the second day was the nomination of a candidate. Four names were suggested: Chris Foley, of the Rossland M.U. executive committee; Arthur F e r r i s , president of the Rossland T.& L . C ; James Wilks, secretary of the Nelson M.U.; 144 and John MeLaren, president of the Rossland Carpenters* Union. McLaren and F e r r i s withdrew t h e i r names from nomination; a vote was taken, and Wilks was declared elected.  Upon being informed  of the vote he immediately declined to stand, and the meeting gave the nomination to Foley. Chris Foley was i n many ways t y p i c a l of the metal miners of the day.  Born i n Toronto, he had worked on a farm  u n t i l the age of fourteen. He had then begun t r a v e l i n g .  After  a few years i n the Southern States he moved into the mountain country and mined and prospected from Mexico City to B r i t i s h Columbia.  An attempt at building contracting i n Vancouver was  ruined by the panic of 1893. —  —  He then moved to Rossland, and .  ,  I b i d . , October 6, 1900. Towns represented were Rossland, Greenwood, Sandon, New Denver, Kimberley, Slocan C i t y , S i l v e r t o n , Whitewater, Ymir, Easlo, Nelson. There was no representation from the a g r i c u l t u r a l or ranching sections of the r i d i n g or from the railway towns. vide Appendix, p. xxiv. 1  4  3  Loc. c i t . The influence of Rossland and of the miners i n t h i s p o l i t i c a l movement i s p l a i n ; of the four candidates, three were from Rossland and three were miners.  136  settled down to mining i n that t o w n .  145  Indeed, he was at h i s work i n the mine when nominated by the Nelson convention.  When the matter of independent p o l i -  t i c a l action was broached i n Rossland he had opposed i t on the basis that i t might r e s u l t i n the election of a Conservative, and he personally favored the L i b e r a l cause.  Upon being over-  ruled he had cheerfully accepted the decision of the meeting. However, he had not been sent to the convention, and had not given h i s consent to nomination.  He was brought word of the  nomination, and gave h i s assent to i t , " i n a d r i f t on the 400 foot l e v e l of the Centre Star mine, standing beside h i s machine 146 d r i l l , chuck wrench i n hand." Only three candidates backed by labor took part i n the 1900 federal election i n B r i t i s h Columbia. ever, was almost nominated —  W i l l MacClain.  Another, howThere had been a  b i g fishermen*s s t r i k e on the Fraser River i n the summer of 1900, centered on the price of salmon.  Considerable bitterness  had been expressed, and the m i l i t i a had been sent from Vancouver to Steveston, ostensibly to keep order.  In the course  of the s t r i k e a considerable amount of organizing had been done, l a r g e l y by W i l l MacClain, Ernest Burns, and Frank Rogers, were a l l sympathetic to the cause of socialism.  who  Consequently,  many of the fishermen were w i l l i n g to express their grievances Independent, November 10, 1900, p. 2. 1 4 5  I b i d . . October 13, 1900, p. 1., from the I n d u s t r i a l World. This passage was reprinted i n a number of newspapers sympathetic to labor, to emphasize the genuineness of t h i s labor candidate. 1 4 6  1  137 by supporting a s o c i a l i s t —  preferably one of t h e i r champions -•  i n an e l e c t o r a l contest. The one to claim t h i s potential support was W i l l MacC l a i n , the most flamboyant of the three.  When the Steveston  fishermen endorsed the request of the Port Guichon and Canoe Pass fishermen that MacClain stand f o r the New federal seat, he immediately a c c e p t e d .  147  Westminster  Upon the basis of  h i s recent a c t i v i t i e s as a p r o v i n c i a l candidate and i n the fishermen^ s t r i k e , he began to appear on public platforms  as  a representative of the s o c i a l i s t wing of the labor movement. He took part i n the Nanaimo Labor Day celebrations, and a month l a t e r returned to that c i t y i n order to lecture on socialism. MacClain s speeches, to judge by the newspaper reports 1  and quotations, were characterized more by f i r e and v i v a c i t y than by l o g i c or d i f f i d e n c e .  Besides explaining his  conception  of socialism, which embodied elements of both the Marxian system and American radicalism, he became embroiled i n a dispute over the leadership of the trade union movement i n Canada. "declaimed strongly" against the labor leaders who  opposed  socialism, saying that they d i d so out of pure ignorance. remarked that It was a f a v o r i t e phrase with pretended labor leaders that the i n t e r e s t s of labor and c a p i t a l were the same and that they had to go hand i n hand .... Their i n t e r ests were diametrically opposed to each other, and no man could stand on both sides of the question.148 i Art  Independent. September 1, 1900, Nanaimo Herald. October 3, 1900,  "''  p. 1. p. 1.  He  He  138 When asked why the Trades and Labor Congress excluded S o c i a l i s t . organizations from i t s ranks, he r e p l i e d that the members of the Congress were ignoramuses, and included i n t h e i r ranks fake labor leaders who would s e l l out t h e i r cause to feather t h e i r  /  own nests.  '  He was also i l l - a d v i s e d enough to attack Ralph  Smith upon the basis of a newspaper report which had stated, somewhat ambiguously, that Smith had said "(MacClain) i s not brought out by the Independent Labor Party, nor has he been 150  endorsed by the Dominion Labor Party." :  MacClain took t h i s  to mean disapproval of h i s candidature; Smith maintained that he had merely stated objective f a c t s .  f  Naturally enough, such episodes brought down upon MacClain the wrath of organized labor and i t s supporters. The Nanaimo Herald disputed h i s economic theories and deplored h i s 151  attack on Smith.  - J.H. Watson, organizer f o r the A.F. of L.  i n Vancouver, wrote a b i t t e r personal diatribe against Mac152  Clain.  The Street Railwaymen's Union demanded that MacClain 153  resign from the Vancouver T.& L . C ,  and h i s own union, the  Machinists', f i n a l l y withdrew him as t h e i r delegate to the 1  54.  Council.  Only one ray of l i g h t shone upon him through a l l Independent. October 6, 1900, p. 4 . the storm; the B.C. S o c i a l i s t s endorsed his candidature i n the Loc. c i t . 1  5  0  TW 1 5 1  October 3, 1900, p. 3.  1  5  2  Nanaimo Herald. October 5, 1900, p. 1.  1  5  3  Independent. October 20, 1900, p. 1.  1  5  4  I b i d . . November 17, 1900, p. 4 .  —  139 1SS New Westminster r i d i n g . However, a f t e r a l l t h i s furore, MacClain did not run as a candidate.  I t appears that on the o f f i c i a l nomination day  his supporters arrived at the place of nomination just ten 156  minutes too l a t e to enter h i s name i n the contest.  I t was  a sorry ending to a l i v e l y incident. There i s a sequel to the story; a l e t t e r addressed to MacClain appeared i n the Independent. asking: 1) Did you not ... claim to he independent of o l d parties and ... say you had no use f o r either of them? 2) Did you hot afterwards take the stump i n favor of Hon. Bd. Dewdney, the Conservative candidate? 3) Previous to your support of Dewdney, were you not closeted with him? 4) What was the weight of the "consideration" which so quickly changed your " p r i n c i p l e s ? " 5) While the expenses i n connection with your candidature i n Vancouver were s t i l l unpaid, d i d you not c o l l e c t subscriptions f o r a campaign i n t h i s r i d i n g , which never came off? How much was c o l l e c t e d , and how much, i f any, was returned to subscribers? 6) What i s a labor f a k i r ? 157 The insinuations are c l e a r l y enough put, and no answering l e t t e r i s known.  Possibly no answer could be made to some of the ques-  tions; MacClain seems to have been of a very mercurial nature, b r i l l i a n t and possessed of abounding energy, but highly i r r e s ponsible and emotional rather than consistent and l o g i c a l . Such men may accomplish a great deal i n a short time, but t h e i r lack of consistency often destroys t h e i r work and d i s c r e d i t s the ideas they hold. Independent. October 6, 1900, p. 2. 156 157  p. 4.  Nanaimo Herald, November 2, 1900, p. 1. John Jonson, Ladner, B.C., Independent. November 17, 1900,  140 Of the three "labor" campaigns, that of Ralph Smith aroused the most f e e l i n g .  His p o l i c y of c o n c i l i a t i o n had  probably appealed to the Nanaimo and d i s t r i c t miners a f t e r the disastrous Wellington s t r i k e of 1890, and i t s consequent disruption of the union; by now, ing a b i t t h i n .  i t s appeal was no doubt wear-  Former leaders of the miners l i k e T u l l y Boyce  and Thomas Keith were now working against him, condemning what they saw as h i s p o l i t i c a l opportunism  and objecting to h i s f a i l 1 RO  ore to put h i s candidature before the l o c a l labor bodies. When i t was moved i n the Nanaimo T.& L.C. that h i s candidature be endorsed, that body decided "to take no part whatever i n 1  politics"  KQ  —  despite the fact that i t had supported him i n  the p r o v i n c i a l election only a few months before.  His  own  M.M.L.P.A. endorsed him, but only a f t e r the supporters of Sloan, the L i b e r a l candidate, had l e f t the meeting.  The V i c t o r i a 161  T.& L.C. was asked to endorse h i s candidature, and refused. Of the Coast and Island labor bodies only the Vancouver T.&  L.C,  through i t s organ, the Independent, and i t s A.F. of L. organizer, J.H. Watson, gave him any r e a l support. over Smith through the l e t t e r columns of the Nanaimo Free Watson and Boyce c a r r i e d on a long and vicious debate 162  Press.  Boyce had opposed Smith i n the 1900 p r o v i n c i a l elec-  155" Nanaimo  Free Press. November 1, 1900, p. 2.  1 5 9  Ibid... p. 1.  1 6 0  I b i d . . November 5, 1900, p. 1.  1 6 1  Independent, October 20, 1900, p. 1.  1 6 2  October 1900,  passim.  141  t i o n , f e e l i n g that the Labor Party should not have become entangled with the P r o v i n c i a l Party.  He and Keith had been 1  go  delegates to the L i b e r a l convention that had nominated Sloan, he having l o s t f a i t h i n Smith a f t e r Smith's alleged working to get Macpherson defeated i n Vancouver.  Boyce also objected  to "blind worshipers at the throne of Smith" ( i . e . , Watson et a l ) a t t r i b u t i n g a l l p o l i t i c a l opposition to Smith to j e a l 165 ousy, envy and malice. T u l l y Boyce, when accused of treachery, dishonesty, and untruthfulness by Watson, demanded proof; he e l i c i t e d a statement to the effect that since Smith had been chosen "Labor's Leader f o r the Dominion," to oppose him was treacherous and dishonest; therefore he (Boyce) was treacherous and dishonest; such a person was always untruthful, i n Watson's 16fi  experience, and so Boyce must be untruthful.  Thomas Keith,  as a r e s u l t of attacks on himself by Watson and by a pseudonymous "Business man" i n the Nanaimo Herald, took more d r a s t i c Nanaimo Herald. September 18, 1900, p. 1. action; he sued both Watson and the editor-manager of the v. sup, . p . 110, n. 76. 1  6  4  lBT  165 Nanaimo Free Press. October 1, 1900, p. 4. He had reason to speak of "blind worshipers at the throne of Smith;" a subsequent l e t t e r - w r i t e r referred to "our honored Leader and Champion — Ralph S m i t h — the b r i l l i a n t Orator and Debater, the Astute Diplomat, the wise General under whose s k i l f u l leadership the hosts of Labor w i l l march on to a magnificent and triumphant v i c t o r y . " James Toung, I b i d . . October 23, 1900, p. 3. 1 6 6  I b i d . , October 13, 1900, p. 2.  142  Herald f o r criminal Hot  libel.  only was  1 6 7  there r e v o l t within the ranks of labor,  bat a very potent p o l i t i c a l figure was  j  arrayed against Smith.  W.W.B. Mclnnes, formerly an a l l y , had become estranged from the Nanaimo Labor Party during the p r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n . he was  campaigning on behalf of Sloan, the L i b e r a l .  quence was  at least a match f o r Smith's, and i t was  How  His eloto be  expected that he would sway a considerable number of votes i n the r i d i n g . Despite a l l t h i s weight being thrown against Smith, he had advantages on his side.  McKechnie was  independent L i b e r a l vote f o r him, c a l labor vote.  He was  now  gathering i n the  and Hawthornthwaite the r a d i -  opposed by two  candidates;  CP.  Wolley, a Conservative, had joined i n the contest and would c e r t a i n l y take votes that would otherwise go to Sloan.  Smith,  moreover, claimed the friendship of both major parties on highest l e v e l .  the  The L i b e r a l s at l e a s t had demonstrated t h e i r  esteem f o r him by o f f e r i n g him the Deputy Ministry of Labour, or a l t e r n a t i v e l y the position of Commissioner on the projected Board of C o n c i l i a t i o n and A r b i t r a t i o n , and Smith had demonstrated h i s labor i n t e g r i t y by refusing to take a government position.  1 6 9  On the l o c a l l e v e l , Smith's c o n c i l i a t o r y p o l i c y  had  I b i d . , October 24, 1900, p. 2., and October 25, p. 2. The case was referred to the spring assizes; i t s d i s p o s i t i o n has not been ascertained. 168 ICQ  Nanaimo Herald. October 23, 1900, I b i d . , September 28, 1900,  p.  1.  p. 1, and October 9, p.  1.  143 gained him the support of a large section of the business element.  A published l e t t e r signed "Churchman  11  stated i n regard  to Smith that Mr. Robins, superintendent of the New Vancouver Coal Company, said °I am proud that the New Vancouver Coal Mining and Land Company, Limited, produced such a man.... Mr. Dunsmuir i s also on record as having perfect confidence i n him."170 An e d i t o r i a l i n the Herald quoted a leading businessman as saying that "... party candidates aside, not four of the business men of t h i s c i t y w i l l f a i l to vote f o r Mr. S m i t h . "  171  The claim  was c e r t a i n l y exaggerated, but i t did have some basis i n f a c t . The contest between the candidates, as d i s t i n c t from the newspaper battle over p e r s o n a l i t i e s , was bare of s i g n i f i c a n t controversy.  Smith published no platform; the only clue  to h i s position i s i n an a r t i c l e headed "Smith's Federal 172 gram;"  Pro-  t h i s merely stated that the candidate advocated l e g i s -  l a t i o n f o r the whole people, that he would always be ready to help the farmers of Vancouver Island — merchants, and c a p i t a l i s t s —  and also the miners,  and that he would be an Indepen-  dent f r i e n d l y to both sides of the House.  A l a t e r issue of the  same paper explained that he was prepared to oppose the L i b e r a l government i f i t did not carry out i t s labor pledges, and that 173 he favored compulsory a r b i t r a t i o n of labor disputes.  His  campaign, on the whole, was calculated to offend the fewest number of people possible, and please the greatest. Nanaimo Free Press. October 25. 1900, p. 2. October 5, 1900, p. 2. Nanaimo Herald. October 23, 1900, p. 1. October 26, 1900, p. 1. 1 7 0  1 7 1  1 7 2 1 7 3  144  The f i n a l days of the campaign saw the publication by the Herald of what i s known as a "roorback" made too l a t e to be answered —  a charge  against the L i b e r a l  candidate.  I t appears that i n 1896 Sloan had considered s e t t l i n g i n the United States, and had completed the form preliminary to naturalization.  This form, n a t u r a l l y enough, contained a repudia-  tion of a l l other allegiance than to the United States, and i n the case of B r i t i s h subjects made especial reference to Queen Victoria.  The Herald printed a reproduction of the document,  and headed i t "Foreswore h i s Queen. " 1  174  The a l l e g a t i o n of d i s -  l o y a l t y conveyed i n t h i s "roorback" was disastrous to Sloan, especially since the South A f r i c a n War was s t i l l i n progress. His vote f e l l even below that of the Conservative.  The r e s u l t  175  was a s o l i d v i c t o r y f o r Smith. Although Smith carried the r i d i n g , he did not carry a l l the coal mining d i s t r i c t s .  He won Nanaimo by a great major-  i t y , as well as Cedar and Cumberland.  Sloan, however, took  Wellington, Extension, and Comox, while Wolley l e d i n South 176  Wellington and Union Bay.  Smith had p l a i n l y l o s t h i s hold  on a great number of the miners; only h i s v i c t o r y i n Nanaimo C i t y and a f a i r l y strong vote i n the a g r i c u l t u r a l areas won him h i s federal seat. November 6 , 1 9 0 0 , p. 1. Ralph Smith C P . Wolley Wm. Sloan A  1 7 5  176 1900,  1256 868 832 ( c p g , 1 9 0 1 ,  p -  1  8  5  )  .  "Report on Votes by P o l l s , " Nanaimo Herald. November 9 , p. 1.  145  Unlike the campaign on the Island, that on the Coast (Burrard) was uneventful.  Both L i b e r a l s and Laborites appeared  to be s a t i s f i e d with t h e i r a l l i a n c e , and there was a minimum of "mud-slinging* i n the e l e c t i o n . 1  Maxwell's emphasis was upon  the immediate, pressing problem of B r i t i s h Columbia — labor and immigration.  Oriental  He was determined that the matter must  be dealt with, and soon.  To the other clauses of the Labor  platform, both the immediate, pragmatic demands such as that f o r d i r e c t employment of day labor on Government works and the more t h e o r e t i c a l points such as single tax and d i r e c t l e g i s l a t i o n , he gave h i s support, but the main theme of h i s campaign was the A s i a t i c question. His Conservative opponent was J.F. Garden, Mayor of Vancouver and a successful candidate i n the p r o v i n c i a l election e a r l i e r i n the year.  Garden's candidature was a strong  one; he was popular i n Vancouver, but h i s voting record i n the 1900 session of the p r o v i n c i a l Legislature was not favorable 177 to labor. However, the combination of labor i n t e r e s t s with L i b e r a l sentiment was even stronger. The v i c t o r y went to Max178 well by a wide margin. 177  Independent, October 6, 1900, p. 1. The Parliamentary Committee of the Vancouver T.& L.C. reported that while Martin and Gilmour had generally supported measures approved by the T.& L . C , Garden and Tatlow had generally opposed such measures. Since i t was widely accepted that the two l a t t e r had been successful only because labor candidates had reduced the Martini t e vote, i t may be conjectured that a c e r t a i n amount of chagr i n was f e l t i n the T.& L.C. G.R. Maxwell 2716 J.F. Garden , 2089 (CPG, 1901, p. 136). 1 7 8  146  The 1900 e l e c t i o n i n Yale-Kootenay-Cariboo d i d not take place u n t i l a month a f t e r the rest of the Dominion had 179 voted. The campaign proceeded without notable incident u n t i l the day of the general election had passed.  Foley concentrated  mostly upon the issue of railway service, financing and control, c r i t i c i z i n g the record of past and present governments i n the 180 matter and advocating government ownership.  The matter of  Oriental labor was not a prime issue i n h i s r i d i n g , since few Chinese or Japanese were l i v i n g i n the metal-mining d i s t r i c t s . In the l a t t e r period of the e l e c t i o n Foley received the active support of Smith, s a f e l y elected on Vancouver Island. While Foley confined h i s campaigning to the south-eastern part of the r i d i n g , among the mining camps and towns, Ralph Smith worked further north.  The Lardeau Eagle paid tribute to h i s  e f f o r t s , remarking: Ralph Smith i s doing yeoman work f o r Chris. Foley and the cause of labor, along the main l i n e , Revelstoke, Golden and Kamloops.181 Within three weeks i t changed i t s stand; the editor published and endorsed a l e t t e r from a f r i e n d i n Revelstoke, who  wrote:  You may not know i t , but Ralph Smith's speech hurt Foley, both here and i n Kamloops. You see, most of the Conservative working men here would have voted f o r Foley, but they had to be cured of the notion that Foley was a L i b e r a l i n disguise. Then Smith spoke and over went our "apple c a r t . " The Burrard voting was s i m i l a r l y deferred; however, i n that case the fact appears to have had no s i g n i f i c a n t r e s u l t s . 1  8  0  Independent. November 10, 1900, p. 1.  1  8  1  December 6, 1900.  147 The correspondent  gave a synopsis of Smith's speech, which had  consisted of damning the Conservatives and p r a i s i n g the L i b e r a l measures of the past session.  A l l that he s a i d i n favor of  Foley's candidature was that he knew Foley to be an honest  man.  The writer concluded by saying, "There's no use t a l k i n g , we w i l l 182 have to get r i d of Smith i f we want to accomplish anything." Foley did not win; the vote was f a i r l y c l o s e l y grouped 18 3 i n the t o t a l ,  but the Labor Party appeal was not strong  enough to carry the r i d i n g .  Foley's platform was,  extent, a verbatim reproduction of the 1898 T.&  to a great  L.C.C. platform;  the clause on immigration was adapted from the platform of the 184 Vancouver Labor Party.  In i t s economic, and i n many of i t s  p o l i t i c a l aspects i t was a platform designed f o r wage-workers; i t made no mention of farmers or of t h e i r s p e c i f i c problems. Foley himself campaigned almost exclusively i n the part of the r i d i n g , where the mining population was  south-eastern concentrated;  he paid l i t t l e attention to the rest of the d i s t r i c t .  The r e -  s u l t was that he carried the Kootenay and Boundary areas, but l o s t heavily to the L i b e r a l i n the north and west. In 1900,  the p o l i t i c a l picture was much confused;  the  attitude of labor had not yet settled into any d e f i n i t e pattern. 109 1 8 3  1  Eagle, December 26, 1900. W.A. G a l l i h e r (Lib.) ... 3,112 Chris Foley (Lab.) 2,652 John McKane (Cons.) .... 2,563  ( £  184 vide Appendix, pp. x x i i i . 1 8 5  Lardeau Eagle. December 13,  1900.  p^  1  9  G  l  j  p  ^  1 9 0 ) >  148  In the p r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n , labor had generally acted i n concert with the Provincial Party of Carter-Cotton, the only exceptions being i n the cases of Curtis and Macpherson, both Martinites.  In the federal election, three attitudes mani-  fested themselves: i n Burrard, a formal Liberal-Labor a l l i a n c e backed Maxwell; i n Vancouver (Island), Smith ran as a labor candidate but claimed friendship with both L i b e r a l and Conservative parties; i n Yale-Cariboo-Eootenay, labor man  Foley ran as a  i n d e f i n i t e opposition to the old p a r t i e s . The r e s u l t s  of t h i s confusion are most c l e a r l y shown i n the I n t e r i o r contest.  Maxwell and C u r t i s , both regarded as friends of the labor  movement, attended the L i b e r a l nominating convention and thus endorsed the candidature of Foley's opponent.  John Houston,  backed by the Nelson T.& L.C. i n the p r o v i n c i a l contest, 187  attended the Conservative convention.  Smith, by h i s p a r t i -  sanship f o r the L i b e r a l Party, possibly damaged Foley's chances of success.  The p o l i c y of l o c a l l y supporting members of the  old p a r t i e s , or of entering into a l l i a n c e s with them, was cert a i n l y damaging to the cause of Independent Labor candidates. iv.  While the federal contest was s t i l l i n progress,  p r o v i n c i a l by-elections were c a l l e d .  two  Smith and Garden had vac-  ated t h e i r seats at V i c t o r i a i n order to run f o r Ottawa, and those seats had to be f i l l e d . 1 8 6  1  Rossland Industrial World. September 8,  87  Lardeau Eagle. October 31,  1900.  1900.  149 In Nanaimo, no contest took place.  In November, the  friends and supporters of the Labor Party nominated J.H.  Haw-  188  thornthwaite f o r the vacancy.  On February 18, the o f f i c i a l  nomination date, no farther names were pat forward so he was declared elected.  Probably, a f t e r Ralph Smith's crashing de-  feat of Tates e a r l i e r i n the year, nobody wished to t r y consequences with a labor candidate i n Nanaimo. Hawthomthwaite »s career up to t h i s time had been somewhat unusual.  Bom  i n Ireland, he had come to B r i t i s h  Columbia i n 1885 and worked as secretary i n the U.S. consulate, V i c t o r i a .  From that p o s i t i o n , he had been promoted to the  p o s i t i o n of U.S. consular agent i n Nanaimo.  Giving up h i s con-  sular duties, he went into the r e a l estate business. He then became interested i n some ideas f o r new mining machinery, and moved to San Francisco to develop h i s ideas; t h i s venture f a i l e d , and he returned to Nanaimo as night-watchman f o r the New Vancouver Coal Company.  From t h i s he soon advanced to  become clerk of the Company's land department. 189 he held at the time of h i s nomination.  This p o s i t i o n  . He had been assoc-  iated with Ralph Smith f o r several years, a s s i s t i n g him i n h i s campaigns by organizing and speaking, and was already quite prominent i n Nanaimo p o l i t i c a l c i r c l e s . In Vancouver, labor suffered defeat.  The Vancouver  Labor Party named the veteran campaigner Robert Macpherson as i t s representative, t h i s February time to 19, be completely independent of Nanaimo Herald. 1901. 1  8  9  Loc. c i t .  150 190 a l l other p a r t i e s .  He did no active p o l i t i c k i n g at f i r s t ;  there was no other candidate or party i n the f i e l d to serve " as a target.  Hopes of acclamation, however, were shattered  when J.F. Garden, the former occupant of the seat and the.unsuccessful opponent of Maxwell i n the federal contest, was nominated to regain the seat. By then, l i t t l e time was l e f t f o r campaigning; the 191 Vancouver T.& L.C. belatedly endorsed Macpherson, but i t i s hard to see how t h i s last-minute action could have a s s i s t e d the candidate i n any way. 192 dorsed him,  The Martinite Opposition likewise en-  without putting any party t i e s upon him.  The  Independent. which had said very l i t t l e about the candidate  or  the contest so f a r , at l a s t published an a r t i c l e contrasting the voting records of Macpherson and Garden i n the House. was a l l of no a v a i l ; i n a f a i r l y close e l e c t i o n , Garden 193  It  was  returned. This defeat p r a c t i c a l l y marked the end of Macpherson *s p o l i t i c a l career.  Successful as a N a t i o n a l i s t i n  and as an Oppositionist i n 1898,  he had been brought down by  the o f f i c i a l labor movement i n 1900. T.&  1894  Making h i s peace with the  L.C.,Independent. he nevertheless f a i l e24, d to get p. the 1. federal nomination. November 1900,  —mr 1 01 1  IblaV. February 16, 1901, p. 2. (T.& L.C.  Report).  Q9  1 9 3  I b i d . . February 9, 1901, p. 4, and February 16, p. 2. J.F. Garden 1942 Robt.Macpherson..1621 (Ibid.. February 23, 1901, p. 3).  151 An apathetic campaign cost him the by-election, and he d i s appeared from the larger p o l i t i c a l stage.  For a few years he  remained active i n the p o l i t i c a l work of the Vancouver T.&  L.C,  especially i n municipal a f f a i r s , and i n the winter of 1904-5 successfully contested Ward Four with the endorsation 194 body.  of that  After serving a year on the C i t y Council he completely  r e t i r e d from p o l i t i c s . The l o c a l Labor Parties set up i n 1900  f o r the  mediate purposes of the elections seem to have continued 1901  without much incident.  imthrough  The only sign of e l e c t o r a l a c t i -  v i t y worth noting was the consideration by the V i c t o r i a L.P. 195 contesting a by-election i n that c i t y .  of  However, second  thoughts were apparently l e s s encouraging, f o r nothing more was reported of the idea. Part 2. i.  The Kamloops Convention, 1902,  Towards the end of 1901  and A f t e r  a movement i n favor of labor  and reform p o l i t i c a l unity appeared and made considerable headway.  A few current situations might be noted as the s t i m u l i of  t h i s movement. Host noticeable was  -  1 11  raj  1  —-  "VTLCM," December 15, 1 9 5  the rapid growth of s o c i a l i s t i c 1904.  Independent. September 14, 1901,  p. 2.  152  groups i n many parts of the province,  196  creating a serious  s p l i t i n the e x i s t i n g labor-reform movement.  |.  The s o c i a l i s t s  were also making t h e i r presence f e l t within the unions. Ernest Burns, secretary of the B r i t i s h Columbia S o c i a l i s t Party, was president of the Fishermen's Union; together with Frank Sogers ( l a t e r k i l l e d i n connection with a 1903 s t r i k e of C.P.R. em197  ployees) he was able to get a number of planks from the S o c i a l i s t Party platform written into the declaration of p r i n 198  c i p l e s of h i s union.  Some attempt had to be made to heal  the growing breach between labor!sm and socialism.  In addition,  the union movement as a whole was f e l t to be i n danger.  The  Rossland mine-owners were suing the l o c a l W.F.M. f o r $50,000 199  as compensation f o r losses sustained i n a recent s t r i k e . 200  They were awarded $12,500.  As the unionists saw i t , the  whole value of the s t r i k e as a weapon was destroyed i f the s t r i k e r s had to make up the company's losses.  This was a mat-  t e r f o r l e g i s l a t i o n , demanding p o l i t i c a l action, and the miners were not s a t i s f i e d with the o v e r a l l r e s u l t of t h e i r previous Independent. December 21, 1901, p.6, l i s t e d S o c i a l i s t Party l o c a l s i n sixteen B r i t i s h Columbia centers. By February 6 there were nineteen, and by March 27 outlying l o c a l s at Calgary, Alberta, and Maple Creek, Assiniboia, had been added to the l i s t . (Lardeau Eagle. February 6, 1902, and March 27). There were also other groups, such as thei).S.L.P. i n Vancouver. 1 9 6  1 9 7  Bennett, op. c i t . . p. 63.  1 9 8  Independent, October 5, 1901, p. 1.  1 9 9  Lardeau Eagle. September 26, 1901. Bennett, op. c i t . . p. 36.  2  0  0  153  efforts.  I t seemed that  ... the v i c t o r y of the labor element i n one d i s t r i c t was frequently neutralized by another labor constituency endorsing an opposite party. For instance ... R.F. Green ... and Smith Curtis ... were elected by the labor party, but u n t i l t h i s session each has been following a d i f f e r e n t f a c t i o n i n the house, voting against each other and thereby making a stand-off.201 Such a s i t u a t i o n would emphasize the value of having a u n i f i e d labor-socialist-reform party. The f i r s t published suggestion f o r u n i t i n g the scattered labor and reform groups came i n the form of an e d i t o r i a l i n the Independent. which c a l l e d upon the Vancouver Labor Party or T.&  L.C. to take the i n i t i a t i v e .  2 0 2  ^ T h i s was followed by a  suggestion from Kamloops Federal Labor Union Ho. 18, that there be a delegate convention at Kamloops to nominate a party leader whose motto would be "A government f o r the people with equal 203  r i g h t s to a l l and special p r i v i l e g e s to none.**  "  The  Parlia-  mentary Committee of the Vancouver T.& L.C. then drew up a r e port i n which i t stated that i t d i d not favor a narrow p o l i t i c a l party, which would nominate only union men  for e l e c t i o n .  2 0 4  Only  about one tenth of the workers were i n the unions, making a 205  union labor party a hopeless gesture. The report concluded: We therefore favor p o l i t i c a l action on a more broad and progressive basis, whereby a l l who hold s i m i l a r views and ideas can j o i n together i n a common cause, united 2 0 1  Sandon Paystreak. A p r i l 19,  2 0 2  September 14, 1901,  2 0 3  2 0 4  2 0 5  1902.  p. 2.  Independent. October 26, 1901, p. 2. l D i d  * * November 23, 1901, p. 1.  I b i d . . Hovember 30, 1901, p. 4.  154 i n f i g h t i n g monopoly — our common enemy — bulwark i s special p r i v i l e g e . 206  whose great  Despite the interest shown by the Vancouver labor movement i n the idea of a " u n i t y convention, the actual n  convention was c a l l e d at the instance of the Western Federation of Miners.  In December, 1901 the Slocan C i t y Miners'  Union voted unanimously i n favor of the question, S h a l l the o f f i c e r s of Dist Assn Mo 6 ( s i c ) c a l l a convention of a l l unions i n the D i s t r i c t f o r the purpose of preparing a P r o v i n c i a l Platform, also to formulate a set of r u l e s f o r the holding of conventions to select candidates to contest the d i f f e r e n t r i d i n g s i n the interest of the Independent Labor Party i n the next p r o v i n c i a l E l e c t i o n . Also to i n v i t e a l l Labour and S o c i a l i s t Bodies i n the Province to a seat i n the convention.207 Apparently there was some f e e l i n g i n the D i s t r i c t Office against the l a s t proviso of the question, since Slocan C i t y M.U. sent a l a t e r communication to Parr, asking that the remainder 208 of the question be put. Parr complied, as i s shown i n another l e t t e r : I am instructed to submit the following question f o r your referendum vote. No. 6. "Shall the Secy, of Dist Aasn No 6. ( s i c ) Invite a l l Labour and S o c i a l i s t bodies i n the Province to a seat i n our convention."209 On the whole, the miners favored the idea of an i n c l u sive conference.  The extant l e t t e r s show that New Denver,  Whitewater, and Slocan City voted f o r i t , the l a t t e r two unani2 0 6  Ibid., November 23, 1901, p. 1,  Letter from D.B. 0'Neail, secretary Slocan C i t y M.U., #62, to A l f r e d Parr, sec-treas. D.A. #6 W.F.M., Ymir, B. C , December 12, 1901. Held by T.&D.S.W.U., T r a i l , B. C. 2 0 7  2 0 8  Slocan C i t y M.U. to Parr, December 27, 1901.  2 0 9  Parr to Ymir M.U. #85, January 2, 1902.  155 mously.  Almost c e r t a i n l y many other l o c a l s did s i m i l a r l y .  Rossland, however, turned i t down withont comment; Nelson M.U. was s p e c i f i c a l l y opposed to the i n v i t a t i o n of S o c i a l i s t bodies, and favored having only a convention of D i s t r i c t No. 6, W.F.M., f o r union b u s i n e s s .  2 1 0  Letters of i n v i t a t i o n to the proposed convention were sent out.  The Vancouver T.-.& L.C. "Minutes  tion from D.A.  0  report a communica-  No. 6, W.F.H. to the e f f e c t that "... a conven-  tion w i l l be held i n Kamloops B.C. on Monday Ap 14 1902 f o r the purpose of discussing p o l i t i c a l action being taken on the part 211 of organized labor," and further: On motion the holding of the proposed convention was approved and that two delegates be appointed to represent t h i s Council at our next meeting. Carried. 212. The two delegates were the persistent Robert Macpherson, and Thomas H. Cross.  The T.& L.C. was s u f f i c i e n t l y interested i n  t h i s p o l i t i c a l convention to pay the transportation of dele213 gates, plus wages of $3.00 per day. x The convention was held at Kamloops i n conjunction with the regular convention of the W.F.M. The miners* meeting took place on F r i d a y A p r i l 11; the p o l i t i c a l convention was New Denver M.U. #97 to Parr, January 4, 1902. Whitewater M.U. #79 to Parr, January 4, 1902. Slocan City M.U. #62 to Parr, January 29, 1902. Parr to F.B. Woodside, sec'y Rossland M.U. #38, January 4, 1902; returned, noted "against X." Nelson M.U. #36 t o Parr, January 7, 1901 ( s i c ) . 2 1 0  2 1 1  March 20,  1902.  2 1 1  Loc. c i t .  2 1 3  OP. c i t . , A p r i l 3. 1902.  156 scheduled f o r Monday and Tuesday, A p r i l 14 and 15. It was the most representative assembly of labor and reform bodies to have gathered i n the province up to that 214 date.  The sixty-three delegates spoke f o r nineteen l o c a l s  of the W.F.M. and D.A. No. 6 as a whole, seven r a i l r o a d unions, ten other l o c a l unions, seven Trades and Labor Councils, three Labor Parties, seven S o c i a l i s t groups, and a Single Tax Club. Although the W.F.M. predominated with i t s twenty-three delegates — and indeed, most of the delegates were from I n t e r i o r points —  there were eleven men present from the Coast, rep-  resenting such i n f l u e n t i a l bodies as the Vancouver, Nanaimo and V i c t o r i a T.& L.C.»s. Among the delegates were several of established standing i n the labor or r a d i c a l world, and others who would l a t e r become well-known.  Chris Foley represented D.A. No 6 of the  W.F.M.; Robert Macpherson was there f o r the Vancouver T.& L . C ; George Bartley, editor of the Independent, spoke f o r the Vancouver Labor Party; William McAdams, editor of the Sandon Paystreak —  one of the most l i v e l y and b i t i n g papers i n Wes-  tern Canada — was sent by the Sandon S o c i a l i s t League; Ernest Burns, secretary of the B r i t i s h Columbia S o c i a l i s t Party and president of the Fishermen's Union, came from the Vancouver S.P.; J.H. Watson, A.F. of L. organizer, brought credentials from the Vancouver Boilermakers. Some who would make t h e i r mark i n public l i f e at a l a t e r date were William Davidson, future Labor M.L.A.,  914  ~  ~  Vide l i s t of delegates, Appendix, p. xxv.  ~  157 from Sandon; B.T.  Kingsley, f o r many years editor of the Western  Clarion, co-editor of the B.C.  Federation!st and a prominent  S o c i a l i s t speaker, from Nanaimo; Charles M. O'Brien, from Fernie, to become S o c i a l i s t M.L.A. i n Alberta; and J.D.McNiven of the V i c t o r i a T.&  L.C,  l a t e r a L i b e r a l M.L.A.  Such a c o l -  l e c t i o n of organizational, l i t e r a r y , and o r a t o r i c a l t a l e n t s , coupled with an immense v a r i e t y of p o l i t i c a l shades of opinion, presaged a l i v e l y meeting but a lack of e f f e c t i v e action. As might have been expected, the main feature of the convention was a struggle between the s o c i a l i s t s and the r e formers.  Over a year before t h i s J.M.  Cameron, S o c i a l i s t  Party organizer, had responded to " u n i t y  0  overtures by s t i -  pulating that i f the I.L.P. would accept the S o c i a l i s t program 215  the S.P.  would support the I.L.P.  Now  the showdown was  here:  would the I.L.P. elements accept a s o c i a l i s t program at Kamloops? The main speakers f o r the s o c i a l i s t view were Ernest Burns of Vancouver and E.T. Kingsley, the crippled p r i n t e r from Nanaimo.  They c r i t i c i z e d a number of the proposed planks b i t -  21 fi  terly,  usually condemning them as t r i v i a l .  When woman suf-  frage was  brought up, Kingsley declared i t i r r e l e v a n t to the  class struggle; only labor and wage questions should be d i s cussed here.  Burns pointed out that the single tax proposal  was absurd, i n that i t merely s h i f t e d taxation from one  capital-  i s t to another; he c a l l e d the i n c l u s i o n of judges i n the demand for free transportation f o r public functionaries " t r i v i a l ; " he 015  Lardeau Eagle. January 2, 2 1 6  1901.  For the platform adopted, vide Appendix, pp. x x v i i .  158  moved to table the "Sunday l a p o r " c l a u s e as being too i n d e f i n 217 ite. Two other s o c i a l i s t delegates moved a r e s o l u t i o n warn* ing against government ownership while government was s t i l l under the control of the c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s . 218 was tabled.  The r e s o l u t i o n  The concern of most of the delegates  was  with s p e c i f i c issues and immediate solutions; the most generalized s o c i a l and economic view they could encompass was s i n g l e tax —  not socialism. Despite the e f f o r t s of the s o c i a l i s t s , the delegates  assembled a platform of immediate demands without 219 any long-term objectives.  expressing  The preamble emphatically en-  dorsed the " r e c a l l " p r i n c i p l e ; the f i r s t clause was a demand for  the i n s t i t u t i o n of single tax, and the t h i r d c a l l e d f o r  woman suffrage.  Beyond that, the main emphasis was upon gov-  ernment intervention i n the economy. own  The government was  to  the railways and means of communication, establish and  operate smelters and r e f i n e r i e s , set aside public lands f o r educational purposes, a r b i t r a t e labor disputes, enforce government s c a l i n g of logs, plan f o r future state-owned coal mines, and municipalize control of the l i q u o r t r a f f i c .  With a l l these  proposals, i t i s no wonder that the s o c i a l i s t s put forward  their  cautionary resolution on government ownership.' Possibly the most s i g n i f i c a n t of these demands was the c a l l f o r government construction and operation of smelters and r e f i n e r i e s ; i t was  the miners' reaction to the fact that  Independent. A p r i l 19, 218 219  1902.  vide p. x x v i i . Loc. cAppendix, it.  T  159 something was the matter with B.C. metal mining.  The ore had  to be shipped i n bulk from the mines to distant smelters, often i n the United States.  Thus a heavy t r i b u t e was imposed upon  metal mining by the transportation companies.  The B r i t i s h Colum-  bia product, moreover, had to compete on the market with American ores not subject to such high-costs of transportation. The miners f e l t that a l o c a l smelter could so reduce the cost of the refined metal as to make B r i t i s h Columbia production competitive on the market, and that the establishment of such a plant was the duty of the government. The other items l i s t e d i n the platform were somewhat more usual.  The demands f o r a l i m i t e d use of the referendum  and the a b o l i t i o n of property q u a l i f i c a t i o n f o r public o f f i c e were not new.  The proposal that farm improvements, implements  and stock be not taxed was an obvious bid f o r farmers' votes. The clause on Oriental immigration was standard, except that i t proposed a new type of l e g i s l a t i o n to achieve exclusion —  the  220  Natal Act.  The change was due to the disallowance of pro-  v i n c i a l l e g i s l a t i o n directed to that end, and the unwillingness of the federal government to embarrass Imperial t i e s with Japan and economic r e l a t i o n s with China by passing openly discriminatory laws. In addition to the formal platform, the convention expressed i t s approval of several subsidiary resolutions, which  •  '  So-called because the colony of Natal had passed an Act i n 1897 r e s t r i c t i n g immigration to those who could write i n the characters of a European language. I t s e f f e c t was to bar Asian immigrants: i n the case of Natal, East Indians; i n the case of Canada, Chinese and Japanese.  160 are best summarized as follows: (1) A l l B r i t i s h Columbia school texts to be printed at the government p r i n t i n g o f f i c e s and sold at cost; (2) Union l a b e l to appear on a l l p r o v i n c i a l government p r i n t i n g and contracts, where a l a b e l i s a v a i l a b l e ; (3) the Dominion Government to pass an Act recognizing the union l a b e l ; (4) the government to take over the Canadian P a c i f i c Telegraphs; (5) the Attorney-General of B.C. and the Minister of Justice to be compelled to enforce the A l i e n Contract Labor Law; (6) the Sunday law to be r i g i d l y enforced; (7) a l l wages to be paid every two weeks, under penalty; (8) to approve Hawthornthwaite*s Workmen's Compensation B i l l and Smith C u r t i s ' B i l l to stop damage s u i t s against trade unions; (9) to organize an independent 221  p o l i t i c a l party; (10) to elect certain o f f i c e r s . The new p o l i t i c a l party was named the P r o v i n c i a l Progressive Party, f o r simple reasons.  I t was p r o v i n c i a l i n i t s  aims; i t s platform was almost e n t i r e l y composed of l e g i s l a t i v e demands on the p r o v i n c i a l government.  The name "Progressive"  was broad enough, i t was hoped, to s a t i s f y a l l reform elements. Although the unions had been instrumental i n forming the party they wished to bring into i t the farmers and the discontented among the " p e t i t bourgeoisie," thus giving i t a chance of elect o r a l success. When i t came to the business of e l e c t i n g o f f i c e r s , the hope of broadening the party took a severe setback.  Almost a l l ,  i f not a l l , the delegates to the convention were unionists. Lardeau Eagle. A p r i l 24, 1902.  161  Consequently, a l l the o f f i c e s were f i l l e d by unionists.  Chris  Foley was elected president, and James Wilks, another miner, became vice-president; J.D. McNiven of V i c t o r i a was named secretary-treasurer, while J.H. Watson, H. Buckle, D.W. and Thomas Buckton made up the Executive Committee, unionists; three —  Foley, Wilks, and Buckton —  Stevens,  A l l were  were metal-  miners, and a fourth, Buckle, was associated with the Nanaimo coal-miners.  The P.P.P. was primarily a miners* party; although  i t extended i t s a c t i v i t i e s to the Vancouver area, i t s core and center never moved f a r from the metal-mining d i s t r i c t s . The f i r s t f a i l u r e of the new party which became apparent  was i t s i n a b i l i t y to please the s o c i a l i s t s .  They had been  unable to impress upon the P.P.P. platform any mark of socialism. ^  j £s M  jz&A,  e^*^?  t^- ^ i ^ - v  Yi  y-J  Althoughftwenty-four s o c i a l i s t s had attended the meeting, most of them had come as union delegates with binding i n s t r u c t i o n s ; hence they had been unable to give support to Burns and Kingsley.  Consequently, i n t h e i r view, "every v i t a l issue to labor  was either ignored or straddled, and the platform f i n a l l y 222  adopted was of a weak and i n d e f i n i t e d e s c r i p t i o n . "  The Execu-  tive Committee of the S o c i a l i s t Party stated that any attempt by any l o c a l o f f i c i a l l y to endorse the platform of the P.P.P. would be e n t i r e l y unconstitutional, explaining that "the Progressive Party d e l i b e r a t e l y rejected a l l that was v i t a l i n our platform; therefore, that party i s no more e n t i t l e d to s p e c i a l consideration at our hands than either the Liberals or the C i t i z e n and Country, i n Independent, May 10, 1902,  22T  162 Conservatives."  I t d i d , however, permit members to use t h e i r  own judgment i n voting where no S o c i a l i s t candidates were nominated.  2 2 3  The most caustic comment upon the new party came from Eugene V. Debs, at the time upon a lecture tour of the Northwestern States and Southern B.C. his  When asked i n Vancouver f o r  opinion of the P.P.P., he described i t as ... a middle-class movement, which proposes to take the short cut to power and d i s t r i b u t e o f f i c i a l favors. In t h i s party are to be found anarchists, single-taxers, d i r e c t - l e g i s l a t i o n i s t s , cast-off c a p i t a l i s t p o l i t i c i a n s , and many honest, but misguided men, who know l i t t l e or nothing about socialism. The party promises those who are i n c l i n e d to socialism that i t i s the very party needed at t h i s time to lead up to socialism. In the next breath i t assures others, who are opposed to s o c i a l ism, that i t i s just the party to head o f f the s o c i a l i s t movement.... The party has no mission except to retard the progress of the bona f i d e s o c i a l i s t movement .... i n twelve months, or l e s s , i t w i l l have ceased to exist.224  And c e r t a i n l y , within twelve months i t had ceased to exist i n most parts of the province. A c t u a l l y , the P.P.P. was doomed by an incident which occurred at Denver, Colorado, only two months a f t e r the Kamloops Convention.  There, i n mid-June, the f u l l convention of  the Western Federation of Miners voted 230-73 i n favor of a resolution that We endorse the platform of the S o c i a l i s t Party (of America) and accept i t as the declaration of p r i n c i p l e s of our organization. We c a l l upon our members as individuals to A £ ,  ° C i t i z e n and Country. May 30, 1902, p. 2.  2 2 4  Sandon Paystreak, J u l y 19,  1902.  163 commence immediately the organization of the S o c i a l i s t movement i n t h e i r respective towns and States.... 225 James Wilks, B.C. Vice-president of the W.F.M., opposed the resolution and, a f t e r i t s passage, declined re-election; h i s O Oft  place was taken by a s o c i a l i s t , James A. Baker of Slocan C i t y . The B r i t i s h Columbia section of the W.F.M. did not immediately commit i t s e l f to implementation of t h i s new p o l i c y . The influence of such men as Wilks and Foley was strong enough to retard any precipitate change of front.  However, a process  was now under way; the s o c i a l i s t s i n D.A. No. 6 found t h e i r position very much strengthened by the convention decision, and were able to b u i l d up their power within the l o c a l unions and the D i s t r i c t .  In general they avoided open c o n f l i c t with the  non-socialists i n the W.F.M.; wherever possible, they quietly assimilated them.  Within two years, D.A. No. 6 was r i p e f o r  f u l l conquest, and i n i t s 1904 convention pledged i t s e l f to 227 support of the S o c i a l i s t Party. The action of the 1902 convention of the W.F.M. depr i v e d the P.P.P. of i t s main base.  That union had been the d r i v -  ing force behind the Kamloops convention, and had provided many of the o f f i c i a l s and members of the new party.  Now that i t s  o f f i c i a l support was given, as a whole, to socialism, the Progressive Party was robbed of i t s l i f e b l o o d ; i t might carry on 9flg  * _ Canadian S o c i a l i s t , Toronto, June 20, Loc c i t .  1902.  2 2 6  Letter, Sandon M.U. #31 to Rossland M.U. 10, 1901, Held by T.& D. S.W.U., T r a i l . 2 2 7  #38, November  164 for a time, bat only as a skeleton animated a r t i f i c i a l l y . The main beneficiaries of the Kamloops convention seem to have been, of a l l people, the r a d i c a l Marxian social-* ists.  The i n i t i a l growth of the S o c i a l i s t Party had brought  i n a number of members who  were l i t t l e more than "sentimental"  s o c i a l i s t s , more interested i n immediate reforms than i n s o c i a l revolution.  These people were drawn toward the P.P.P. i n  and l o s t interest i n the S o c i a l i s t Party.  1902,  This i s at least a  reasonable explanation of the fact that i n the 1902  convention  of the S o c i a l i s t Party of B r i t i s h Columbia, which c l o s e l y f o l lowed the Kamloops convention, the o f f i c i a l l i s t of "immediate 228  demands" was dropped, to the attainment  and the party as a whole was devoted  of socialism through education and a g i t a t i o n .  It i s doubtful that Kingsley and the other " e d u c a t i o n a l i s t s " could have scored t h i s v i c t o r y without the p u r i f i c a t i o n of the S o c i a l i s t Party accomplished ii.  by the Kamloops convention.  The P r o v i n c i a l Progressive Party had elected Chris  Foley as i t s president, he being the leading labor figure i n the I n t e r i o r and being also well-known outside that area. A f t e r h i s defeat i n the federal election of 1900 he had been offered —  and had accepted —  a seat on the Royal Commission  investigating the Chinese problem.  For t h i s act he was  roundly  castigated by the v i t r i o l i c " B i l l y * HcAdams, e d i t o r of the Sandon Paystreak. In an e d i t o r i a l e n t i t l e d "Chris Foley i s ** Gp Weston Wrigley i n Western C l a r i o n . September 28, 1903, p. 3.  165 throwing o f f on himself» ( i . e . , s a c r i f i c i n g p o l i t i c a l p r e s t i g e ) , McAdams gave voice to a widely-held and quite sound analysis of such appointments: He (Foley) knows that Ralph Smith had the b l i n d staggers when he f e l l into the ranks of the l i b e r a l party and that Mr. Smith's services to the labor party i n Yale-CaribooEootenay were not worth hell-room. He knows that the Laurier government has never overlooked an opportunity to put i n f l u e n t i a l labor men out of p o l i t i c s by giving them government jobs which lead to a l e s s or greater subserviency to the party machine at Ottawa. 229 Foley, however, although very much a L i b e r a l i n sentiment, returned to h i s union duties a f t e r the completion of the Commission's work.  A f t e r the Kamloops Convention he l e f t Rossland  and mining and moved to Vancouver.  There he became an active  member of the Building Laborers' Union, and took part i n the 230  formation of a Vancouver branch of the P.P.P.  During the  months of July, August and September he carried out a debate with the l o c a l s o c i a l i s t s (Ernest Burns and others) upon the subject of labor p o l i t i c a l action versus socialism, through the columns of the Independent. seat of Burrard f e l l  Then, i n November, the federal  vacant.  Rev. George R. Maxwell, the labor-supported M.P. Burrard, had been a very active man.  for  He had taken h i s duties  at Ottawa seriously, and had put forward the demands of B r i t i s h Columbia labor with vigor, e s p e c i a l l y i n regard to the Oriental problem. —  Most of h i s work had been done during h i s f i r s t term .  Paystreak, January 12, 1901. Independent, June 28, 1902.  '  166 231  i n the House;* - since the 1900 e l e c t i o n he had been less actOJ  ive,  although i n 1901 he had sponsored, i n concert with Ralph  Smith, an unsuccessful motion i n favor of the referendum p r i n 232 ciple.  In general he had r e s t r i c t e d himself to supporting  the e f f o r t s of Puttee and Smith and had refrained from i n i t i a t ing action i n the House. Maxwell had been much more active i n B r i t i s h Columbia than at Ottawa.  He had contributed many philosophical and 233  s o c i o l o g i c a l a r t i c l e s to the Independent,  and was president  of the B r i t i s h Columbia L i b e r a l Association. The t o t a l amount of work involved was apparently too much f o r a man not natura l l y very robust, and he died November 19, 1902, at the early 234.  age of f o r t y - 3 i x . A large section of the Vancouver labor movement no doubt f e l t a sort of proprietary interest i n the Burrard seat, through labor's association with Maxwell.  The Vancouver Labor  Party appears to have acted r a p i d l y i n the matter.  Before the  new year Chris Foley was i n the f i e l d as an Independent Labor Party candidate. On January 8 h i s union, the Building Laborers, 235 endorsed h i s candidature.  Then h i s candidature was  presented  v. sup., p. to the Vancouver T.& 183. L.C. f o r approval, and f o r the f i r s t time 23T Independent, A p r i l 13, 1901:, p. 3. 2 3 2  2 3 3  1901-02, passim.  2 3 4  Ibid. . November 22,  2 3 5  I b i d . , January 10,  1902. 1903.  167 i n the history of that body the idea of "no p o l i t i c s " was  offi-  c i a l l y brought into action. The proceedings were most s u c c i n c t l y and v i v i d l y r e corded by the secretary, P.J. Russell: Moved Bro Dobbin & sec. that we endorse the candidature of Cris ( s i c ) Foley, refused by the chair (W.J. Lamrick) as reasons that p o l i t i c a l discussions are debarred. Moved that a vote be taken as to whether the chair be sustained. Ruled but of order Moved by Bro Mortimer that candidature of Foley be d i s cussed. Carried A f t e r some discussion again moved that Foley be endorsed. Moved by Bro L i t t l e we adjourn, & during a discussion as to procedure, time ran out & Council was declared adjourned. 236 A s p e c i a l meeting was c a l l e d to discuss the matter of Foley's candidature.  A f t e r an argument as to who  sent, the meeting was reduced to 74 delegates t h i r t y unions.  could be pre-  representing  Then the anti-Foley element took the i n i t i a t i v e :  Moved by Bro Mortimer sec. Bro Lear that t h i s Trades Council do not endorse the candidature of any person i n t h i s by election. The debate was opened & discussion started.... The motion was put and l o s t by a vote of 44 to 22.... Moved by Bro H i l t o n sec by Bro S u l l y that whereas t h i s Trades & Labor Council of Vane i s established f o r the purpose of e f f e c t i n g l e g i s l a t i o n f o r the better recognit i o n of our Labor Unions and f o r contracting our e f f o r t s i n the betterment of the condition of the t o i l e r gene r a l l y and whereas these objects can only be made permanently e f f e c t i v e by e l e c t i n g our own representatives to the P r o v i n c i a l & Dominion Parliaments and whereas further t h i s Council has already established numerous precedents as the records w i l l doubtless show by endorsing straight Labor representatives. Therefore be i t r e solved that t h i s Council endorse the candidature of our Bro. Cris Foley an old member of the Miners Union i n the "VTLCM," January 15,  1903  168  upper country a member of the Building Laborers Union of t h i s c i t y and u n t i l recently a much respected delegate to the Vane Building Trades Council. This motion c a r r i e d 41-20.  237  The invocation of the widely-accepted  n  no p o l i t i c s i n  the union" r u l i n g was not quite what i t appeared to be — den upsurge of a n t i - p o l i t i c a l i s m .  a sud-  Its meaning becomes c l e a r e r  when i t i s noted that Mortimer, the mover of the a n t i endorsation r e s o l u t i o n , was a few months l a t e r a p r o v i n c i a l candidate f o r the S o c i a l i s t Party, and i n 1904 a f e d e r a l candidate f o r that party.  Some of the opposition to endorsing  Foley no doubt came from L i b e r a l or Conservative voters within the Council; the center of i t , without doubt, was the r a p i d l y growing r i v a l of p o l i t i c a l laborism —  socialism.  Although the endorsation of Foley was c a r r i e d and published, nothing was done to follow i t up. ther mention of the campaign i n the T.&  L.C.  There i s no f u r "Minutes," and  i t i s most l i k e l y that the d i v i s i o n over the endorsation was a temporary damper on any p o l i t i c a l discussion.  Even the Indepen-  dent had very l i t t l e to say about Foley's campaign. This by-election drove what must be regarded as the l a s t n a i l i n the c o f f i n of the Provincial Progressive Party. In the previous November the P.P.P. had elected as i t s Honorary President T.R.  Mclnnes, formerly Lieutenant-Governor  B r i t i s h Columbia.  He accepted the t r i b u t e with evident pleasure,  declaring that "For many years he had been an ardent  of  supporter  169 of the cause that they advocated i n the a s s o c i a t i o n . "  2 3 8  In January the Honorary President of the P.P.P. appeared as an Independent candidate i n opposition to Chris Foley, President of the P.P.P.  The absurdity of the s i t u a t i o n was evident; i t  i s no wonder that from t h i s time onward nothing more i s heard of the Progressive Party i n Vancouver. The r e a l reason f o r Mclnnes* entering the contest  was  probably connected with h i s dismissal from the post of LieutenantGovernor by the Laurier cabinet, i n consequence of his r o l e i n the matter of the s h o r t - l i v e d Martin government of 1900. may  It  be p l a u s i b l y argued that h i s 1903 candidature was an attempt  to revive the matter i n Ottawa, and to embarrass the L i b e r a l government.  C e r t a i n l y Mclnnes advanced no more convincing rea-  son than t h i s f o r h i s attempt to win a federal seat, e s p e c i a l l y i n the face of h i s opposing a man  of whose p o l i t i c s he apparently  approved. The main contest was between Foley and the L i b e r a l Party candidate, R.G.  official  Macpherson (not to be confused  Robert Macpherson, former M.L.A.).  In t h i s e l e c t i o n there  no Liberal-Labor fusion such as had distinguished the 1900, more loosely, the 1896 party man,  election.  with was and,  The L i b e r a l s wanted a straight  not an Independent; the Labor Party f e l t confident  that i t could win unaided.  In addition, there was no Conserva-  t i v e candidate to spur united a c t i o n ; f o r t h e i r own reasons, poss i b l y connected with the established strength of the L i b e r a l and Nanaimo Herald, November 9, 1902,  p. 3.  170  Labor elements which had elected Maxwell, the Conservatives d i d not contest the by-election. No s p e c i f i c platform appeared as an expression of Foley's p r i n c i p l e s or of labor's demands.  Most probably the  Vancouver Labor Party s t i l l adhered to i t s 1900 platform, which had been endorsed by Maxwell i n the election of that year; no evidence exists to the contrary. Although Foley ran as an Independent Laborite, h i s actual p o l i t i c a l sentiments were b a s i c a l l y L i b e r a l ; he opposed the L i b e r a l Party only on what he considered to be i t s neglect of the problems of B r i t i s h Columbia labor.  He claimed, on occa-  sion, to be a s o c i a l i s t , but he was generally at odds with the S o c i a l i s t Party on the basic issues of economics and p o l i t i c s . Even i n the course of t h i s campaign he advertised h i s basic Liberalism by saying U n t i l two years ago I had always been a L i b e r a l i n Dominion p o l i t i c s , but I w i l l never vote a L i b e r a l t i c k e t again u n t i l the L i b e r a l government changes i t s Immigration p o l i c y ; f u l f i l s i t s pledges to B r i t i s h Columbia on the Mongolian question, and enforces the provisions of the A l i e n Contract Labor Law .... 239 In other words, he had been a L i b e r a l up to the time of h i s nomination i n 1900, and would again support the L i b e r a l Party i f i t would make some moves to s a t i s f y labor's demands. These three points can be considered as summarizing Foley's campaign issues.  The L i b e r a l p o l i c y of a s s i s t e d immi-  gration had been attacked i n the federal Labor platforms of 1900: organized labor then, as today, saw the current i n f l u x  171  of workers used to a lower standard of l i v i n g than was prevalent i n Canada, and unfamiliar with labor organization, as a threat to Canadian l i v i n g standards and to the existence of unions.  Despite the r a i s i n g of the entry tax on Chinese, Orien-  t a l immigration to B r i t i s h Columbia continued.  F i n a l l y , although  there existed a federal law against the importation of a l i e n labor under private contract, the labor movement f e l t that i t s 240 provisions were often evaded.  Sometimes the law was enforced,  but the complaints of i t s v i o l a t i o n exceeded i t s use. The entry of Mclnnes into the by-election had one r e s u l t ; i t was almost c e r t a i n l y the cause of Foley's  defeat.  Those who voted f o r Mclnnes were most l i k e l y habitual a n t i Liberals or temporarily discontented L i b e r a l s ; t h e i r votes would c e r t a i n l y have gone to Foley rather than to h i s opponent.  When  the votes were counted there were very few f o r Mclnnes, but they more than made up the difference between Foley's t o t a l and Macpherson s . (  Thus the Honorary President of the P r o v i n c i a l Pro-  gressive Party repaid that party, i n the person of i t s p r e s i 241 dent, f o r the honor accorded him. This second defeat was the end of Chris Foley's t i c a l career.  poli-  For a short time he had ranked next to Ralph  Smith as a labor figure i n B r i t i s h Columbia. He had contested Cf. Labour Gazette. 1901-02. passim. Almost-complete returns showed R.G. Macpherson..,1867 Chris Foley 1754 T.R. Mclnnes 349 (Independent. February 7, 1903). 2 4 0 2 4 1  y  (to f o l l o w page 171)  James H. Hawthornthwaite Member of the L e g i s l a t i v e 1901-1912 (Labor, S o c i a l i s t )  Assembly,  Nanaimo  Parker W i l l i a m s Member of the L e g i s l a t i v e 1903-1917 (Socialist) Newcastle  Assembly,  172  two federal seats, and on both occasions had suffered damage at the hands of supposed a l l i e s — T.R. Mclnnes.  f i r s t Ralph Smith, and second  His former p o l i t i c a l base, the W.F.M., was  now  o f f i c i a l l y committed to socialism, and the s o c i a l i s t influence i n the Vancouver T.& L.C. was growing; there was becoming less scope f o r h i s Liberalism within the B.C. labor movement.  Fin-  a l l y , he was no longer a young man, and h i s eyesight was  fail-  ing; l a t e r i n the year he resigned from the Parliamentary ComO AO  mittee of the T.& L.C.  iii.  and disappeared into obscurity.  While the Western Federation of Miners was organizing  the Kamloops Convention, and while Vancouver labor was attempting to get Foley elected, events i n Nanaimo were following quite a different course.  There, the s p l i t between laborism and s o c i a l -  ism was precipitated more r a p i d l y , and was quickly resolved i n favor of socialism.  The comparative speed of the development  there was probably due to two causes.  The roughness and danger  of the miners' work and the politico-economic power of the mineowners i n c l i n e d the miners toward a thorough-going remedy; the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of Ralph Smith's p o l i c y of c o n c i l i a t i o n and p o l i t i c a l opportunism with laborism gained support f o r Smith's socialist  opponents. The d i v i s i o n between the two elements was fore-  shadowed i n 1901 at a Labor Day speech i n V i c t o r i a , when J.H. Hawthornthwaite expressed the conviction that, although the 2 4 2  "VTLCM," November 19, 1903.  173 extreme remedies of socialism were not yet necessary i n the remedy which would eventually be applied to s o c i a l  B.C., ills  243  was socialism, pure and simple. Ralph Smith's left-hand man man)  Since Hawthornthwaite was  (Dr. HcKechnie being h i s right-hand  the statement had some s i g n i f i c a n c e . The s i g n i f i c a n c e of Hawthornthwaite's s h i f t to the  l e f t became more clear upon the publication of an interview by the Nanaimo Free Press. Hawthornthwaite displayed great d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n with the Nanaimo Labor Party i n both i t s organization and i t s p o l i c y , and i m p l i c i t l y c r i t i c i z e d Ralph Smith's c o l l a b o r a t i o n i s t ideas. He stated: I believe there i s no such party as a Liberal-Labor party; that combination i n the l o c a l house as advocated by Smith-Curtis and supported by myself simply means a temporary c o a l i t i o n of both parties f o r a joint action against the Dunsmuir administration. The L i b e r a l and Labor p a r t i e s are quite d i s t i n c t , both i n p r i n c i p l e s and methods. The L i b e r a l party does not believe i n c l a s s l e g i s l a t i o n , and does not advocate progress along s o c i a l i s t i c l i n e s . The Independent Labor party was formed i n Canada, England and New Zealand to study economic subjects a f f e c t i n g the welfare of labor, and to obtain direct l e g i s l a t i o n f o r the benefit of the labor c l a s s , which includes a l l wage workers. The Independent Labor party i s not supposed to form a permanent a l l i a n c e with either of the older p a r t i e s . 244 The matter was then taken up i n a meeting of the Nanaimo Labor Party.  Hawthornthwaite repeated h i s contention, and  asked the party to endorse his p o s i t i o n . He was who  immediately opposed by many of the members,  wanted to attend a L i b e r a l convention and take part i n the  nomination of delegates to the coming p r o v i n c i a l convention Independent. September 7, 1901, p. 3. I b i d . , January 4, 1902,  p. 1.  of  174  the L i b e r a l Party.  The leadership of that party was to be  decided, and they considered the choice to be v i t a l to the Nanaimo Labor Party and to the labor movement generally. Hawthornthwaite r e p l i e d that, whether Bodwell or Martin (the two leading contenders) were chosen leader, he personally could not support him. Furthermore, he wanted to know, why should labor men concern themselves with the L i b e r a l leadership? Could they not be content with having t h e i r own convention? The main opposition to Hawthornthwaite*s position was made by Ralph Smith himself. f i r s t making h i s complaint  He attacked Hawthornthwaite f o r  to the press, s t a t i n g that since the  Nanaimo Labor Party had neither constitution nor by-laws, to declare that i t endorsed c e r t a i n p r i n c i p l e s to the exclusion of others was an attempt to dictate p o l i c y .  He opposed class l e g -  i s l a t i o n , and favored the L i b e r a l Party only as i t rose above class p r e j u d i c e .  2 4 5  His speech was, on the whole, that of an  experienced p o l i t i c i a n defending an uncertain position; smooth, yet sharp. The debate was continued a week l a t e r ; although Smith had the majority of the Nanaimo Labor Party with him, Hawthornthwaite was able to force a compromise.  The meeting  agreed ...that members of one p o l i t i c a l party who would support the candidate of the Labor Party might be a f f i l i a t e d members of that party during the time such support was given but would not be e l i g i b l e f o r o f f i c e . 246 2 4 5  Independent. January 11, 1902, p. 8.  2 4 6  Nanaimo Herald. January 19, 1902, p. 1.  175  This had one r e s u l t ; Dr. McKechnie, who  was not only president  of the Nanaimo L.P. hut also president of the l o c a l L i b e r a l Association, r e t i r e d from h i s Labor Party p o s i t i o n and was re247  |  placed by a miner, George Johnston. Despite the compromise, the battle s t i l l raged. Smith warned Hawthornthwaite that i f they were to rebuff the L i b e r a l s and Conservatives neither of them, nor any other labor candidate, could get elected.  Nevertheless, Hawthornthwaite objected  again to the Labor-Liberal overlap —  e s p e c i a l l y to Labor Party 248  members taking an active part i n the L i b e r a l convention.  His  conviction was that the Labor Party, to be anything, must stand on i t s own feet and f i g h t the established p a r t i e s , and take whatever consequences came; i n i t s present state the Labor Party was l i t t l e more than a semi-autonomous appendage of the L i b e r a l Party. The f i n a l s p l i t i n the Nanaimo L.P. followed immediately.  Hawthornthwaite c a l l e d a public meeting to a i r the mat-  ter, and proceeded to make a number of charges against Ralph Smith,  S p e c i f i c a l l y , he charged him with (1) accepting railway  passes, thus o b l i g a t i n g himself to the railway companies; (2) making the settlement at Rossland i n 1900  upon a contract rather  than a wage basis; (3) weakening the p o s i t i o n of the C.P.R. trackmen i n t h e i r 1901  s t r i k e by opposing t h e i r connection  with  the A.F. of L.; (4) advocating the employment of cheap labor, i n that he had expressed a q u a l i f i e d approval of Japanese; and 2 4 7  I b i d . , p. 3.  2 4 8  I b i d . . pp.2,3.  176  (5) using his p o l i t i c a l influence f o r the economic benefit of 249 Dr. HcKechnie. *  Smith, i n h i s reply, cleared himself of  these charges to the s a t i s f a c t i o n of h i s supporters but not, of course, to the s a t i s f a c t i o n of his opponents.  The d i v i -  sion had already become too deep f o r resolution by reason; i t would have to be fought out. At about t h i s time, Hawthornthwaite was dismissed from h i s job at the New Vancouver Coal Company; i t was immed i a t e l y assumed i n some quarters that the dismissal was con250  nected with h i s disagreement with Smith.  The incident f u r -  ther embittered r e l a t i o n s between the two wings of Nanaimo labor. The f i n a l break between Ralph Smith and the Nanaimo Miners* Union soon followed.  In the spring of 1902, Smith went  on a t r i p to Europe; while there, he wrote to the M.M.L.P.A. requesting that meeting the union as i t s delegate to the coming T.L.C.C. i nelect B e r l i nhim(Kitchener), Ontario. In251  d ol stead of complying, the miners tabled the request, 6  250  and  Nanaimo Herald, January 21, 1902, pp. 1,3.  Ladysmith Leader, i n Lardeau Eagle. January 30, 1902. The idea that opponents of Ralph Smith were i n danger of d i s missal was not new, nor did i t die e a s i l y . As early as J u l y 22, 1899, the Herald carried a denial by Smith of an accusation that the men i n the Miners* Union could not speak t h e i r minds without fear of being f i r e d ; Jimmy P h i l l i p s o n , who came to Nanaimo i n 1907, stated that the basic reason f o r the miners* turning against Smith was the f i r i n g of men who spoke against Smith. (Interview, J u l y 1954). Certainly, many of the miners regarded Smith as a Company man running under Labor colors; the approval of Smith by Dunsmuir and other employers r e i n forced t h i s b e l i e f . Canadian S o c i a l i s t , J u l y 12, 1902, p. 1. 2 5 1  followed up t h i s action by d i s a f f i l i a t i n g from the T.L.C.C.  252  The reasons f o r d i s a f f i l i a t i o n were explained by Parker Williams, a new figure i n the miners  1  movement.  253  According to him, Congress had become a part of the L i b e r a l p o l i t i c a l machinej a number of employees and f a v o r i t e s of the Laurier government were holding important 254 gress.  places i n the  Con-  To make matters worse, L i b e r a l l e g i s l a t i o n was  not  of r e a l benefit to the workers; the Laurier administration was importing labor at public cost (assisted immigration) to compete with e x i s t i n g labor, and, despite the A l i e n Labor Act, Pennsylvania miners were being brought to Fernie to replace those"murdered" i n a recent coal-mine disaster. It was also claimed that the T.L.C.C. was  worthless,  since i t gave no general assistance i n time of s t r i k e s or other 255 contingencies.  It may have been f a i r l y true that the Con-  gress was wanting i n t h i s respect, but then i t was a delegate and deliberative body; action was not i t s function. not s a t i s f a c t o r y to many of the miners, who  This  was  wanted a connection  with a body which could and woald a i d them i n times of s t r e s s . Their own organization was l o c a l , without a nation-wide or con050 tinental union l i k e the carpenters or the metal-miners. Nanaimo Free Press. August 18, 1902, p. 1.  253 254  Nanaimo Herald, August 20, 1902,  p. 2.  This assertion was not contested by the Nanaimo Herald; i t was accepted as evidence that the L i b e r a l s recognized the value of these men. Nanaimo Herald, August 17, 1902, p. 1. 2 5 5  178  Although a meeting of the M.M.L.P.A. decided to d i s a f f i l i a t e , the matter was not s e t t l e d immediately.  A referendum  vote of the members taken as to whether or not to resume a f f i l i a t i o n with the Congress resulted i n an almost even s p l i t ; 260 voted f o r a f f i l i a t i o n , and 264 a g a i n s t . 257  2 5 6  The a f f i l i a t i o n  was shelved f o r a year. The coal miners then looked f o r another body with which to a f f i l i a t e , and apparently found the Western Federation of Miners to t h e i r taste. The W.F.M. had just now endorsed socialism, and was also organizing the coal miners of the Crow's 258 Nest Pass.  This appeared to be what the more active union-  i s t s among the coal miners wanted, and the M.M.L.P.A., reduced i n numbers, voted 128-59 i n favor of a f f i l i a t i o n with the W.F.M.  259  The coal miners' repudiation of Ralph Smith and the T.L.C.C. was supported i n another quarter.  In August, the  Phoenix T.& L.C. joined the W.F.M. i n endorsing, nem. con., ORCi  the  international s o c i a l i s t  movement and p r i n c i p l e s .  It  followed t h i s up by a l e t t e r to the T.L.C.C., c r i t i c i z i n g  that  body f o r inaction, attacking i t s president, Ralph Smith, and withdrawing i t s Herald. support September from the T.L.C.C. Nanaimo 5, 1902, p. 1. 2 5 7  Ibid.  t  September 28, 1902, p. 1.  Independent, A p r i l 5, 1902; D.A. No. 7, W.F.M. was formed f o r the Crow's Nest miners. 2 5 8  2 5 9  Nanaimo Herald, November 2, 1902, p. 1.  2 6 0  Independent, September 6, 1902.  2 6 1  Ihid., October 4, 1902.  179  On the whole, i t s c r i t i c i s m s were much the same as those being voiced by Hawthornthwaite and Williams i n Nanaimo about the same time; i t s main addition was that the check-off of union dues as practised i n Nanaimo benefited only Smith and Dunsmuir, by keeping a submissive M.M.L.P.A. i n existence as a base f o r Smith's union and p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s . The Phoenix charges were investigated by a committee of the T.L.C.C, and rejected as " u n j u s t i f i a b l e and untrue." Ralph Smith was again nominated f o r the presidency, but i n view oc q  of h i s r e j e c t i o n by the Nanaimo miners refused to stand.  Thus  his connection with the dominion labor movement was terminated; from being a national figure he was p r a c t i c a l l y reduced to l o c a l proportions.  He could no longer speak f o r the Trades and Labor  Congress of Canada; he represented only the Nanaimo Labor Party, which i n i t s turn seems to have represented more business and professional elements than labor i n t e r e s t s . Hawthornthwaite's s h i f t to the l e f t , p a r a l l e l l i n g that of the Miners' Union, reached i t s l o g i c a l conclusion i n October. Under the heading "Is Now a S o c i a l i s t : Nanaimo*s M.P.P. Joins the Reds," the Herald reported that Hawthornthwaite had made application to j o i n the Revolutionary S o c i a l i s t Party. Ralph Smith, the miner, had become the f a v o r i t e of the mineowners; Jim Hawthornthwaite, the former real-estate agent, now represented the miners.  28T Independent. September 20, 1902, 2  6  3  Loc. c i t .  264 October 14, 1902, p. 1..  180  Two d a y s b e f o r e C h r i s t m a s , 1 9 0 2 , t h e r e political  test  of  the s t r e n g t h of s o c i a l i s m i n  came t h e  t h e Nanaimo  a r e a . W.W.B. M c l n n e s h a d been g i v e n t h e C a b i n e t p o s t o f vincial  Secretary,  his constituents. contest  the s e a t ,  Pro-  a n d was o b l i g e d t o a s k r e - e n d o r s a t i o n The s o c i a l i s t s  of N o r t h f i e l d decided  a n d named a s t h e i r  first  representative  from to  Parker  Williams. W i l l i a m s h a d been b o r n i n W a l e s i n 1 8 7 3 .  He h a d  worked h i s way f r o m t h e Welsh c o a l m i n e s t h r o u g h t h o s e  of  A l b e r t a a n d W a s h i n g t o n a n d t h e l u m b e r camps o f  Ontario to  l u m b e r camps a n d m i n e s o f  self-educated  man, he h a d f o r  British  Columbia.  A  y e a r s been a c t i v e i n u n i o n work,  come i n t o p r o m i n e n c e u n t i l o f s o c i a l i s m on V a n c o u v e r  his identification  with the  not  cause  Island.  The e l e c t i o n c a m p a i g n was a s h o r t p l a t f o r m was a l s o s h o r t .  but d i d  the  o n e , and  It c a n be summed up i n a  Williams'  sentence:  I h a v e b u t one p r o m i s e t o m a k e , n a m e l y , t h a t i f e l e c t e d I w i l l g r a s p e v e r y o p p o r t u n i t y t o i n t r o d u c e and promote l e g i s l a t i o n i n the i n t e r e s t o f the wage-earner, a p p l y i n g to every question the t e s t , " w i l l t h i s l e g i s l a t i o n advance t h e i n t e r e s t s of the worker, and a i d him i n t h e class struggle?" 265 He c l a i m e d t h e whole p r o d u c t o f l a b o r f o r accused Mclnnes of  the worker,  and  e n d o r s i n g e x p l o i t a t i o n by s u p p o r t i n g t h e 966  capitalist  system. The a t t i t u d e  o f t h e Nanaimo H e r a l d i n  Q u o t e d i n Nanaimo H e r a l d . December 6 , 2  6  6  Ibid..  December 5,  1902, p.  1.  this  contest  1902, p.  2.  181  reveals very c l e a r l y the re-alignment of p o l i t i c a l forces on Vancouver Island at t h i s time.  Although i t had broken with  Mclnnes i n 1900, most c l e a r l y oyer Mclnnes' support of Sloan against Smith, i t was now becoming reconciled. gave Mclnnes a better press than Williams;  I t consistently the growth of  socialism was uniting a l l other p o l i t i c a l elements,  except  possibly the most hardened Conservatives. The r e s u l t s of the by-election were s u r p r i s i n g to those who expected the s o c i a l i s t to be swamped.  Mclnnes was  elected with a s o l i d majority, but Williams was i n no danger of OgQ  l o s i n g h i s deposit.  The r a d i c a l s o c i a l i s t idea had apparently  at least as much appeal as the moderate labor appeal. The reasons f o r the large s o c i a l i s t vote, at l e a s t i n 269  part, appeared i n the Herald before voting day.  The central  point, apparently, was the enforced move of miners from Wellington,  f i r s t to Extension and then to Ladysmith, by the c l o s i n g of  old mines, the opening of new ones and the establishment of a port at the l a s t place.  Many miners had b u i l t homes at Welling-  ton, and had to choose between abandoning them and transporting them to a new s i t e ; the double move had enhanced resentment, and was throwing votes to Williams. og*7  Ibid. . early December, 1902, passim. 2 6 8  2 6 9  Mclnnes .... 263 Williams ... 155  (CPG, 1903, p. 384).  December 16, 1902, p. 1.  182  The early part of 1903  saw a lack of p o l i t i c a l a c t i -  v i t y i n B r i t i s h Colombia, so f a r as the labor movement was concerned.  In March, a lecture was  given i n Vancouver on the 270  subject of socialism by a Father Haggarty,  a Catholic p r i e s t  who had taken up the doctrines of the S o c i a l i s t Labor Party. In the same month there was considerable discussion of the p o s s i b i l i t y that Ralph Smith might become p r o v i n c i a l leader of 271 the L i b e r a l Party. However,, he would not exert himself to a t t a i n that p o s i t i o n , taking the attitude that " i t must come 272 unsolicited,"  and he was not chosen.  In A p r i l , one event should be noted as symptomatic of the growing radicalism of B r i t i s h Columbia labor.  A dis-  cussion of the r e l a t i v e merits of i n d u s t r i a l unionism and  trade  unionism had been c a r r i e d on f o r some time i n the Vancouver T.&  L.C.  The proponents of i n d u s t r i a l organization won  out i n  the Council, and attempted to convert the T.L.C.C. to t h e i r beliefs.  Although they received widespread support, they were  unable to carry the point through the Congress, and 1903  they followed the example of the M.M.L.P.A. and  Phoenix T.&  L.C. by severing Vancouver's connection 273  in^April the with the  national body. The episode i s s i g n i f i c a n t f o r two reasons. "VTLCM," March 5, 1903. F i r s t , i t was part of the r e b e l l i o n of B r i t i s h Columbia labor, Vancouver Province. March 1903, passim. 2T0" 2 ibid..March 26, 1903, pp. 1,2. 2 7 1  27  273 Bennett, op. c i t . . p.  40.  183  engrossed with i t s s p e c i a l problems, against the relativelyconservative trade unionism of Eastern Canada. issue involved —  i n d u s t r i a l unionism —  Second, the  has a close r e l a t i o n -  ship to labor p o l i t i c a l attitudes; i t implies a broad class outlook rather than narrow group i n t e r e s t s , and i s therefore l i k e l y to occur i n conjunction with r a d i c a l p o l i t i c a l ideas.  Most  s o c i a l i s t i c movements have regarded i n d u s t r i a l unionism as the economic counterpart  iv.  to class p o l i t i c a l action.  In the p r o v i n c i a l election of 1903,  there was a marked  decline i n p o l i t i c a l laborism and an enormous increase i n s o c i a l ist activity.  Throughout the province there appeared ten candi-  dates professing allegiance to socialism, and not more than 274,  eight claiming the "labor" designation.  The tide within the  labor movement had d e f i n i t e l y set i n favor of socialism. Government i n the past l e g i s l a t u r e had been precarious. The Dunsmuir administration had been succeeded by a P r i o r cabinet, which had i n turn given way to McBride s administration. f  In t h i s unstable period, Hawthornthwaite had been able to obtain Three of these "labor" candidates are not dealt with here, mainly because material on them i s lacking. Their r e l e vance to the topic was not discovered u n t i l t h i s thesis was almost completed. The Western C l a r i o n . January 12, 1907, p. 1. referred to J.D. McNiven, M.L.A., as the "•Liberal-Labor representative of the Trades Unionists of V i c t o r i a . " "VTLCM,* September 1903, p. 189 (no date recorded) notes a l e t t e r from John Hirkland, "Labor candidate at A t l i n , " requesting cooperation i n the coming campaign. "Happie" Dunning, Vancouver, (retired metal-miner) informs me (conversation, August 1954) that a labor candidate contested Ymir i n 1903; t h i s was most l i k e l y A l f r e d Parr, former secretary-treasurer of D.A. No. 6, W.F.M. 1  some reform measures.  275  In 1901 he had i n i t i a t e d an amend-  ment to the Coal Mines Regulation Act whereby miners, i n the interests of safety, were required to hold c e r t i f i c a t e s of competency.  In 1902 he had secured the passage of a Workmen's  Compensation Act and a measure allowing workers time o f f to vote, and had supported Joseph Martin and Smith Curtis i n putting through a Trades Union Act ( a r i s i n g out of the s u i t against the Rossland Miners' Union) protecting unions against lawsuits based upon i l l e g a l acts of t h e i r members.  These measures,  coupled with Hawthornthwaite's conversion to socialism, tended to make p o l i t i c a l action through the S o c i a l i s t Party a t t r a c t i v e to active unionists. Hawthornthwaite had been e s p e c i a l l y successful i n h i s r e l a t i o n s with McBride, somewhat to the chagrin of the L i b e r a l elements i n Nanaimo.  The chagrin was evidenced i n the f i r s t 276  remarks of the Nanaimo Herald on the coming e l e c t i o n .  It  was suggested that an "unholy a l l i a n c e " was i n the making: that McBride was a s s i s t i n g Hawthornthwaite by promises of roads and the enforcement of a law against employing Chinese underground, and by d i r e c t i n g public communications  to Nanaimo through Haw-  thornthwaite rather than through the recognized l o c a l Conservat i v e leaders. The nomination of Hawthornthwaite by the S o c i a l i s t Party took place on August 20.  I t was immediately followed by  "Class War i n Local House," Western Clarion. January 12, 1907, pp. 1, 4j t h i s a r t i c l e goes into some d e t a i l on labor l e g i s l a t i o n 1901-1907. 2 7 6  July 18 and 19, 1903, p. 1.  185 a meeting of the Nanaimo Labor Party.  277  A f t e r some discussion,  the Nanaimo L.P. decided that although Liberals and Conservatives might remain, a l l S o c i a l i s t s should be excluded from the proceedings.  The meaning of t h i s decision was made p l a i n  when the meeting named a committee, including Ralph Smith, to confer with the L i b e r a l and Conservative organizations with a view to combining against the S o c i a l i s t s . The L i b e r a l s accepted the idea, but the Conservatives turned i t down.  The reasoning of the l a t t e r cannot be d e f i n i t e l y  established, but a reasonable presumption would be that they knew any fusion nominee would be a L i b e r a l i n the l e g i s l a t u r e and opposed to the Conservative Party.  Hawthornthwaite would  give at least conditional support to a Conservative government, and a Conservative, i f elected, would be a d e f i n i t e party 278 They put up B. Quennell  man.  as t h e i r o f f i c i a l candidate, thus  ensuring a three-way contest i n which the a n t i - S o c i a l i s t vote would be s p l i t . The candidate of the Labor Party was Harry Sheppard, a long-time resident of Nanaimo, but with no other especial claim upon public esteem.  He had not been a public f i g u r e i n  any way u n t i l t h i s nomination.  As had been agreed, he was given  the o f f i c i a l blessing of the L i b e r a l s , and p u b l i c l y l i s t e d among his supporters were W.W..B. Mclnnes, William Sloan, and T u l l y Boyce.  279  I b i d . . August 23, 1903, p. 1. F i r s t name not given i n available sources. Ibid. . September 10, 1903, p. 1. (Boyce seems to have had no association with the Labor Party, despite h i s record i n union work; he seems to have preferred the L i b e r a l Party). 2 7 7  2 7 8  2 7 9  186  In Vancouver, the T.& L.C. again took a d i r e c t hand in politics.  The Vancouver Labor Party and the P r o v i n c i a l Pro-  gressive Party i n Vancouver must have gone into obliviop since the federal by-election i n January, f o r there i s nowhere mention of them i n the arrangements f o r the campaign.  Instead, a reso-  l u t i o n of the T.& L.C. provided That we appoint a committee of f i v e , to issue c i r c u l a r s to a l l the unions, c a l l i n g on them to appoint delegates to a convention to draw up a platform & formulate plans to run a campaign. The number of delegates from each union to be regulated according to membership. 280 It must be concluded that the Labor Party was r e activated as a r e s u l t of the convention, which took place on 281 June 29.  A l a t e r minute gave permission f o r the Vancouver  Labor Party to use the Labor Temple auditorium f o r a mass meet-  mg.  2 8 2  In sharp contrast to Nanaimo labor, the Vancouver labor men kept clear of a l l i a n c e s with other p a r t i e s .  A resolu-  tion introduced by Mortimer, a s o c i a l i s t , " t u r n i n g down reported 280 » v n j 3 T L C M >  281  u  n  e  4 j  1 9 G  #  Nothing d e f i n i t e can be said about the proceedings of t h i s convention, since they were not entered i n the T.& L.C. minutes and, as the Province rather a c i d l y noted, no press report was issued. (July 7, 1903, p. 1). The same i s true of other L.P. conventions i n Vancouver during 1903. 282 ttyTLCM, *» August 6, 1903. The committee named must have kept i t s own records; no f u l l report appeared i n the Council minutes. It should be noted that, f o r some time early i n the century, references to p o l i t i c a l matters are accompanied by the information that f u l l reports are to be found i n the minutes of the Parliamentary Committee. The location or present existence of such minutes i s not known.  187  overtures of L i b e r a l s f o r T.L.C. support; also any Conservative 283  bids," was carried without opposition.  In t h i s , s o c i a l i s t s  and l a b o r i t e s were i n agreement.They were both out to fight the o l d - l i n e parties, not to c o n c i l i a t e them. Por the f i v e seats open i n Vancouver the revived Labor Party put up three candidates: Francis Williams, i t s 1900 candidate, A.G.  Perry, a motorman, and J . Edwards, a machinist. 284  Robert Macpherson was offered a nomination, but he declined. Edwards l a t e r withdrew from the contest f o r personal reasons, and was replaced by J . McLaren. Three s o c i a l i s t s ran i n Vancouver, without the backing of the T.&  L.C. or the Labor Party.  They represented two f a c -  tions: the S o c i a l i s t Labor Party nominated William G r i f f i t h s , while the B r i t i s h Columbia S o c i a l i s t Party put up A.R. and J.T. Mortimer.  Stebblngs  Of these, G r i f f i t h s represented the uncom-  promising, anti-trades-union outlook; Stebbings and Mortimer were more f l e x i b l e . In the metal-mining  d i s t r i c t s of the I n t e r i o r several  S o c i a l i s t Party candidates appeared, but there were only two with a " l a b o r designation 0  Parr i n Ymir.  William Davidson i n Slocan and A l f r e d  Davidson's candidature, at l e a s t , had d e f i n i t e  s o c i a l i s t aspects.  Despite the endorsation of socialism by the  international convention of the W.F.M., the S o c i a l i s t Party had "VTLCM," June 18, 1903. Independent, J u l y 25, 1903. 283  2 8 4  n o e  F i r s t names of Edwards and McLaren not given i n a v a i l able sources.  (to f o l l o w page 187)  188  not yet completely captured the B r i t i s h Columbia miners.  How-  ever, i n contrast to the Coast areas, i n the I n t e r i o r d i f f e r -  ,  ences between the s o c i a l i s t s and the labor!tes tended to be reconciled rather than fought out. The Labor Party campaign i n Slocan was i n i t i a t e d at a 286  l o c a l convention of the W.F.M., held at New Denver on J u l y 11. S i l v e r t o n , New Denver, and Sandon Miners  1  Unions were represented,  but Slocan C i t y was missing from the deliberations.  A resolution  was passed that the coming election be contested under the auspices of the P r o v i n c i a l Progressive Party, using the platform of that party.  The meeting then made provision f o r a nominating  convention, to be held i n the same town on August 1. The method of e l e c t i n g delegates to the nominating convention deserves recording, since i t shows some evidence of an attempt to use American p o l i t i c a l procedures i n B.C. The resolution stated: That, where such organization e x i s t s , the c a l l i n g of P r i maries f o r the nomination and election of Delegates to the proposed Convention s h a l l be under the control of each l o c a l Labor Union. That the basis of representation be as follows: One Delegate f o r each P o l l i n g Station & an additional vote or Delegate f o r each f o r t y votes or majority f r a c t i o n thereof polled at such point on the occasion of the l a s t Provincial E l e c t i o n . Seventeen delegates, carrying twenty-five votes from Sandon, Three Forks, McGuigan, New Denver, S i l v e r t o n , Nakusp, and Slocan attended the August 1 convention. "'' '  1  1  "  They immediately pro-  ' "*" '  Information on t h i s campaign i s derived from the actual minutes of meetings, reports, and correspondence, unless otherwise stated. These documents are held by T.& D.S.W.U., T r a i l .  189  ceeded to remodel the P.P.P. platform i n the d i r e c t i o n of t h e i r 28T  own, admittedly s o c i a l i s t i c , ideas. The preamble, endorsing the r e c a l l , was adopted without change.  The p r i n c i p l e of single tax was approved, but an a p p l i -  cation of i t (clause 6) was rejected.  Government ownership i n  transportation, communication, and smelting was approved.  Land  speculation was condemned, and the financing of education from the revenue of public lands was recommended.  Labor disputes were  to be subject to a r b i t r a t i o n , but not under compulsion. Oriental l e g i s l a t i o n was demanded.  Anti-  Female, franchise, universal  and compulsory suffrage, and the i n i t i a t i v e and referendum were approved.  On the whole, the platform as adopted was not greatly  d i f f e r e n t from the labor platforms of previous years. However, i t was quite different to the o r i g i n a l P.P.P. platform.  I t no longer contained most of the s p e c i a l appeals  to non-labor i n t e r e s t s . was eliminated. disappeared.  The b i d f o r the farm vote (clause 6)  The clauses on f o r e s t r y (12 and 13) likewise  The l i q u o r clause (15) went out. The demand f o r  free transportation f o r public functionaries (17) was likewise omitted.  The platform of the Slocan Labor Party was mainly con-  cerned with the problems of wage-workers, and was not quite the c a t c h - a l l program put forward by the Kamloops convention. Having got the platform s e t t l e d , the meeting then turned to the nomination of a candidate — matter.  a r e l a t i v e l y easy  Several persons were proposed, but the choice f e l l ,  190  without much hesitation, upon William Davidson of Sandon, a miner of S c o t t i s h b i r t h .  The only Labor Party candidate i n  288  the mountain country  was now i n the f i e l d , using the f i r s t  adaptation of the P.P.P. platform to appear i n an actual election. The e l e c t i o n contests i n the d i f f e r e n t constituencies took on different aspects, according to the l o c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s between the l a b o r i t e s and the s o c i a l i s t s . no apparent dissension.  In Slocan there was  In Vancouver a coolness existed, but i t  was hot widely publicized; the open c o n f l i c t which d i d appear in Vancouver was associated with the Nanaimo s i t u a t i o n , where a state of f u l l warfare existed between l a b o r i t e and s o c i a l i s t . The Nanaimo Labor Party did not advertise any platform i n the newspapers i n 1903. Passing reference was made to a p l a t form, but the reports of Sheppard's meetings give l i t t l e hint as to i t s contents.  I t would be f a i r to say, from the published  reports, that he had two planks: a n t i - s o c i a l i s m , and the support of Smith and Mclnnes. stressed.  These were the things that he  He tended to ignore the Conservative  candidate,  Quennell; instead, he attacked the p r i n c i p l e s of socialism and extolled the l e g i s l a t i v e records of Ralph Smith and W.W.B. Mclnnes.  He put forward l i t t l e or nothing i n the way of a posi-  t i v e program. In Vancouver, the Labor Party's case was put forward most f o r c e f u l l y by Francis Williams, with some assistance from For what i t i s worth. Parr i s l i s t e d i n CPG, 1903. p. 443 as a L i b e r a l . The labor press on the coast did not pay him any special attention. 2 8 8  191  McLaren.  Perry s contribution was not i n any way notable. 1  Williams, i n f a c t , was much more aggressive than he had been i n 1900; i n one of h i s speeches, he took the stand f o r which Ralph Smith had c r i t i c i z e d Hawthornthwaite.  Characterizing a l l  past history and present l e g i s l a t i o n as "class l e g i s l a t i o n , " he l a i d down the challenge, "We are out f o r class l e g i s l a t i o n , and 289 we are not going to be quiet u n t i l we get i t . "  He also  i m p l i c i t l y c r i t i c i z e d Ralph Smith, by saying that he was surprised Smith had approved the draft compulsory a r b i t r a t i o n act now be290  fore the House at Ottawa.  •  McLaren's major contribution was  to j u s t i f y the running of Labor Party candidates upon the grounds that e x i s t i n g labor l e g i s l a t i o n was not properly en291  forced; only labor i n government would enforce i t . The Vancouver Labor Party candidates, according to the reports of t h e i r campaign, did not go out of t h e i r way to attack the s o c i a l i s t s ; something l i k e an armed truce prevailed between the two groups.  However, Vancouver was the scene of the most  violent clash of the campaign between the Laborites and the S o c i a l i s t Party. The occasion of t h i s clash was the regular Labor Day celebration, at which prominent members of the labor movement 289 290  ''  Independent. September 26, 1903.  Ibid., September 19, 1903. Other labor men were no doubt surprised, too, e s p e c i a l l y since the T.L.C.C. had condemned compulsory a r b i t r a t i o n at i t s 1902 convention by a vote of 78-12. Ibid.September 20, 1902. I b i d . . September 26, 1903. 2 9 1  192  were c a l l e d upon to speak. J.C. Watters, S.P. candidate i n V i c t o r i a , devoted h i s time to a discussion of the l i m i t a t i o n s of trades unionism — i t could not do.  what i t could hope to accomplish, and what He was followed by Ralph Smith, who opened  his t a l k with the remark that he "differed from state s o c i a l ism. »  2 9 2  War had been declared; the s o c i a l i s t s i n the audience, f e e l i n g that Smith had misrepresented Watters tested loudly.  1  p o s i t i o n , pro-  When Smith went on to say that Watters had des-  cribed trades unionism as "absolutely* no good, the meeting went into an uproar.  Smith was not allowed to speak further, and  f i n a l l y l e f t the h a l l with his supporters. Por the f i r s t time, he had been rejected by a labor meeting at which he was present. The clash i n Vancouver seemed to have l i t t l e e f f e c t on the election as a whole.  Smith expressed a hope that i t  would d i s c r e d i t the s o c i a l i s t s generally; the e l e c t i o n r e s u l t s indicate that i t d i d not.  I t d i d c a l l f o r t h a l e t t e r to the  Nanaimo Herald from Smith's f a i t h f u l henchman, J . H. Watson, to the e f f e c t that "every S o c i a l i s t must be thrown out of our trades 293 ns i unions i f we mean to uphold t h e i r i n t e g r i t y . " Watson's sug—  —  —  " ~  The account of the meeting i s taken from the Nanaimo Free Press (September 8, 1903) whose p o l i t i c a l reporting was less partisan than that of the Herald. By state socialism i s meant a society characterized by predominant government ownership and control, known among s o c i a l i s t s as "state capitalism;" to i t i s opposed the p o l i t i c a l concept of socialism, that a l l the repressive aspects of the state, and f i n a l l y the state i t s e l f , s h a l l be done away with. September 10, 1903, p. 2. Watson had v i o l e n t l y attacked Smith's c r i t i c s i n the 1900 p r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n , and subsequently made i t h i s business to resent a l l s l u r s upon Smith. He appears to have regarded a l l things o f f i c i a l within the T.& L.C. as 2 9 3  193  gestion came too l a t e ; such a move would have s p l i t the  B.C.  unions i n two. Compared to the Coast campaigns, that i n Slocan dull.  was  The heat and fury generated by a divided labor movement  was missing.  It was a s t r a i g h t two-way f i g h t : Davidson, on a  Labor t i c k e t with s o c i a l i s t support, t r y i n g to take the seat desired by Hunter, a Conservative.  The issues were not spec-  tacular; i n the main, the miners wanted a man  i n the L e g i s l a -  ture to defend t h e i r i n t e r e s t s whenever an issue touching them arose. The r e s u l t s of the voting were disappointing to the a n t i - s o c i a l i s t Laborites.  In Nanaimo, Hawthornthwaite had a  good lead over both h i s opponents, and Sheppard ran a poor third.  In Vancouver the Laborites led the S o c i a l i s t candi-  dates, but both groups ran f a r behind the Conservatives the L i b e r a l s .  and  Only i n Slocan, where the labor forces were 294,  united, did the Labor Party score a v i c t o r y . sacred, and i r r e g u l a r actions as akin to blasphemy. His present position i n the movement was somewhat anomalous, since i n February the Vancouver T.& L.C. had requested the T.L.C.C. and A.F. of L. to withdraw him as t h e i r organizer upon the grounds that (1) he was a government o f f i c i a l , (2) he p u b l i c l y supported an old p o l i t i c a l party, i n defiance of a r e s o l u t i o n of the 1899 T.L.C.C. convention, (3) he was a disrupter of labor unity, and (4) he had been a p o l i t i c a l partisan i n the Burrard by-election. "VTLCM, February 5 and March 19, 1903. 294 Results i n labor-contested constituencies, 1903. Nanaimo Vancouver Hawthornthwaite (Soc.) ... 486 Tatlow (Cons.) ...2,660 Quennell (Cons.) 325 Garden 2,464 Sheppard (Lib.Lab. ) 294 Wilson 2,416 Bowser :.2,304 Macgowan 2,300 Martin (Lib. ) 1,546 (Continued on next page) n  194  In f a c t , the S o c i a l i s t Party did much better than the Labor Party; Parker Williams was elected i n Newcastle to keep Hawthornthwaite company, and i n Greenwood Ernest H i l l s came within nine votes of v i c t o r y .  Only i n V i c t o r i a and Van-  couver d i d the s o c i a l i s t s lose t h e i r deposits.  v.  The f e d e r a l e l e c t i o n of 1904 need not be discussed  here.  S o c i a l i s t Party candidates contested f i v e r i d i n g s , but  their e f f o r t s properly belong to the history of socialism i n B r i t i s h Columbia —  not the history of laborism.  Only Ralph  Smith i n Nanaimo claimed to be i n the t r a d i t i o n of labor p o l i t i c a l action, but he cannot be regarded as a Labor candidate. Running under the name of Liberal-Labor, the L i b e r a l element f a r outweighed any laborism. 295 of the T.L.C.C.,-  He was given the o f f i c i a l blessing  but did not receive the support of any labor  organization within h i s r i d i n g . Opposed by a Conservative and a Results i n labor-contested constituencies, 1903. (Cont*d.) Slocan Vancouver (Cont'd.) Davidson (Lab.) 358 Brydone-Jack 1,461 Hunter (Cons.) 2"8"9" Baxter 1,411 .„ Williams (Lab.).... 1.357 Mortimer (Soc.).... TTSZs Si£ J i i w f U M l Perry (Lab.) 1,248 v  r  w  4 8 q  T~?|fe (Lib.).... ifm McLaren (Lab.) 1.164 236 Stebbings (Soc.)... 9*B6 202 Monck (Ind.) 910 G r i f f i t h s (SLP).... 284 (CPG, 1905, pp. 440-443, and Vancouver Province. October 5, 1903, p. I ) . Note: CPG i s very unreliable f o r party a f f i l i a T I o n i n 1903 and 1907 elections. Nanaimo Herald. September 23, 1904.  Parr (Labor.(?) Atlin Young (Cons.). Kirkland (Lab.)  2 9 5  323  —  ull  \  195  comparatively unknown S o c i a l i s t , he carried Nanaimo City with d i f f i c u l t y and l o s t the mining centers of Northfield and 296  Ladysmith to the S o c i a l i s t .  Smith had always made h i s elec-  tion appeals as broad as possible —  indeed, p r a c t i c a l l y uni-  v e r s a l , and he explained i n t h i s e l e c t i o n , "I an a L i b e r a l , I cannot be only a Trades Unionist," since the only unions i n the 297 r i d i n g were at Nanaimo, Ladysmith, and Mt. Sicker.  He had so  f a r over-stepped the bounds of laborism that even the Herald, a f t e r the e l e c t i o n , referred to him as "the L i b e r a l memberelect."  2 9 8  What must be regarded as the f i n a l blow to the p o l i t i c a l laborism of t h i s period was struck i n October, 1906, 299  r i g h t after the T.L.C.C. convention i n V i c t o r i a .  At the con-  vention ... a resolution was passed that while the congress a f firms the i n d i v i d u a l right of the wage earners of Canada to organize themselves, either S o c i a l i s t or Independent Labor, separate from Congress, that i t w i l l be The mining centers went as follows: Smith (Lib.Lab.) Wolley (Cons.) Fenton (Soc.) Nanaimo 382 250 377 S. Wellington 11 6 7 Northfield 15 11 53 Ladysmith 165 140 183 Mt. Sicker 23 19 18 Ibid. . November 6, 1904. Nanaimo Free Press. October 4, 1904, p. 1. 9 Q C  2 9 8  —  November 4,  —  —  —  —  —  —  —  —  —  —  _  —  _  —  —  —  —  1904.  In September of that year the Vancouver T.& L.C. resumed i t s a f f i l i a t i o n to the national body, and named delegates to the convention. "VTLCM," September 5, 1906. 2 9 9  196 for the best Interest of the wage workers i f they w i l l v o l u n t a r i l y sever t h e i r connection with a l l parties not organized i n the interests of the proletarian c l a s s . 300 To f i l l the gap thus created, Congress endeavored to create a national Labor Party on the l i n e s of the l o c a l Labor Parties which had existed over the past several years.  It 301  recommended a platform f o r t h i s proposed Canadian Labor Party, set  up the machinery f o r i t s organization upon a p r o v i n c i a l basis,  and then disbanded f o r the year. The convention to organize the B r i t i s h Columbia sect i o n of the Canadian Labor Party was c a l l e d f o r October 29. It took place i n Vancouver under the authority of G.F. Gray, who had been named by the T.L.C.C. as B r i t i s h Columbia vice-president of the C.L.P.  I t included representatives of a number of unions  on the Coast, as well as delegates from the W.F.M. l o c a l s i n the Interior.  3 0 2  The f i r s t d i f f i c u l t y of the meeting was over the chairmanship.  In the process of nominating of a chairman, i t  became noticeable that none of the more i n f l u e n t i a l delegates wanted that p o s i t i o n f o r himself; each preferred to remain free to use the f l o o r .  At l a s t Francis Williams was persuaded to  preside over what promised to be a l i v e l y meeting. It had been understood that voting i n the convention would be held to one vote f o r each delegate. Now William MeVancouver World. September 18, 1906, p. 1. 3 0 0  vide Appendix, p.xxx. The account of t h i s convention i s based upon f u l l r e porting i n the Vancouver World. October 29, 30, 31, 1906, i n the Vancouver Province, same dates, and the Western Clarion, November 3, 1906, p. 1. 3 0 2  197  Kenzie of the United Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners, seconded by F.B. Shearme of the Britannia M.U.,  proposed that  votes should he apportioned to delegates according to the number of unionists they represented.  This provoked a considerable  amount of debate, but was f i n a l l y passed by the narrow margin of 26-23. The damage had been done.  D.A.  No. 6 of the W.F.M.  had already endorsed the S o c i a l i s t Party, and i t had the support of the Crow's Nest Pass coal miners and of a few other unions.  The necessary report on union membership showed that  the W.F.M. delegates alone represented 4,063 unionists, while a l l the others represented only 2,610.  Upon the voting strength  being calculated, the metal miners were allowed a t o t a l of 81 votes as against 61 f o r the other delegates. The axe was ready to f a l l upon the Canadian labor Party i n B r i t i s h Columbia, and the blow was not delayed. William Davidson, M.L.A., r e c e n t l y converted to socialism, introduced a r e s o l u t i o n condemning the formation of a Labor 303 Party and c a l l i n g f o r support of the S o c i a l i s t Party. was seconded by Archie Berry of the Rossland M.U.  He  The r e s o l u -  t i o n passed by a vote of 90-12, with 42 abstentions, and with i t passed the f i r s t period of labor p o l i t i c a l a c t i o n i n B r i t i s h Columbia.  Vide Appendix, p. xxxvi.  CHAPTER V  CONCLUSION AND REFLECTIONS  i.  Of coarse, the capture of the Canadian Labor Party  convention by the supporters of the S o c i a l i s t Party d i d not mean the end of p o l i t i c a l laborism i n B r i t i s h Columbia.  As  soon as the passage of Davidson's resolution became a p r a c t i c a l certainty Gray, Williams and twenty of t h e i r supporters l e f t the meeting and held a "rump" convention of t h e i r own.  This  group decided to continue the attempt to organize the Canadian Labor Party.  I t made some amendments to the platform proposed  by the T.L.C.C, the most important being r e j e c t i o n of the "minimum Wage and " c o l l e c t i v e ownership* clauses, and then n  adjourned to commence the work of o r g a n i z a t i o n .  1  The new Labor Party was not very successful i n organizing the workers.  Its main center was V i c t o r i a , where  Gray l i v e d , and by t h i s time V i c t o r i a was much less of a workers town than i t had been i n the e a r l i e r years of rapid construction and expansion.  In the 1907 provincial election the four V i c -  t o r i a seats were contested by two Labor Party candidates and two S o c i a l i s t Party nominees.  In Vancouver f i v e S o c i a l i s t s  appeared, but only Francis Williams represented the Labor Party. In Cranbrook, Edward K e l l y advanced a platform based upon that Vancouver World. October 31, 1906, p. 8.  199 prepared f o r Davidson^ 1903 campaign i n Slocan — echo of the Kamloops convention of 1902.  a last faint  Harry Sheppard again  contested Hawthornthwaite's seat i n Nanaimo.  None of these  o  Laborites was elected. In contrast to these f i v e Laborites, twenty-two Soci a l i s t s contested the 1907 election and of them three, Hawthornthwaite , Williams, and John Mcl^nnls^^f^ Grand Forks, were successful.  The S o c i a l i s t Party had d e f i n i t e l y become the p o l i -  t i c a l expression of discontent among the B r i t i s h Colombia workers. The ascendancy of the S o c i a l i s t Party never became quite complete.  In 1910 the Vancouver T.&  to prepare a platform of i t s own, an election campaign.  L.C. went so f a r as  but i t d i d not carry i t into  The S o c i a l i s t Party was also challenged  by the r i s e of the S o c i a l Democratic Party a f t e r 1911.  This  party, reformist and not revolutionary, succeeded i n winning over Parker Williams and i n addition elected Jack Place as M.L.A. f o r Nanaimo.  In 1917  i t was absorbed into the Federated Labor A  Party, a creation of the B r i t i s h Columbia Federation of Labor. The formation of the F.L.P., together with the nation-wide campaign of the labor movement i n 1917 against the introduction of conscription, marked the re-assertion of laborism as the dominant 2  CPG, 1908, i s useless as a guide to the 1907 e l e c t i o n i n British "Columbia. I t u t t e r l y confuses Labor, S o c i a l i s t , and L i b e r a l candidates, and should be used only i n conjunction with contemporary newspapers. "VTLCM," A p r i l 10 and May 2, 1910. Bennett, op. c i t . . p. 141. -  3  4  p o l i t i c a l attitude of the B r i t i s h Columbia workers, and the end of the major period of s o c i a l i s t p o l i t i c a l action. The S o c i a l i s t Party of Canada had opposed the World 5 War  i n 1914,  continued.  and maintained i t s opposition as long as the war This stand caused many members and supporters to  f a l l away, usually seeking refuge i n the milder S o c i a l Democ r a t i c Party.  The October, 1917 revolution i n Russia i n s p i r e d  the more impatient members of the S o c i a l i s t Party to "throw away the books" and prepare f o r violent action.  The energies  of many prominent S o c i a l i s t s were diverted into the formation of the s y n d i c a l i s t One Big Union i n 1919.  These men had become  d i s i l l u s i o n e d with p o l i t i c a l action, but retained t h e i r f a i t h i n the necessity of transforming society. Their energies were, on the whole, soon returned to politics.  The three years 1917-18-19, Bennett says, "... rep-  resent one long continued s t r i k e i n B.C., 6 place now,  another place next."  breaking out i n one  Concessions were won by the  workers, but the most important s t r i k e of the period was broken by state intervention. The Winnipeg General S t r i k e of 1919 collapsed under police and m i l i t a r y pressure, and  sympathetic  s t r i k e s i n other Western c i t i e s were c a l l e d o f f . The f a i l u r e of large-scale i n d u s t r i a l action weakened the appeal of syndicalism, and turned the ideas of many workers back to p o l i S o c i a l i s t Party of Canada, Dominion Executive Committee, Manifesto to the Workers of Canada. Vancouver, August 6, 1914. 6  OP.  c i t . , p. 86.  201 tics.  7  The p o l i t i c a l action of the 1920*s took two forms. On the one hand, the Federated Labor Party and independent labor candidates accepted the major premises of c a p i t a l i s t soci e t y and endeavored to obtain reforms f o r the workers.  On the  other hand, the Leninists s p l i t o f f from the S o c i a l i s t Party and i n 1921 formed the Workers  1  Party.  This organization a g i -  tated f o r immediate reforms, bat also strove to prepare f o r s o c i a l revolution. Of the two movements, the revived laborism was by f a r the more noticeable on the p o l i t i c a l f i e l d .  I t ran candidates  i n elections throughout the 1920's, and succeeded i n getting some elected.  In 1920 Tom UphilLwon the Fernie seat, which he  s t i l l occupies; at the same time R.H. Neelands was elected f o r the f i r s t of two terms from South Vancouver, and Sam Guthrie became the member f o r Newcastle.  In 1925 A.W.  by Comox-Alberni as an Independent Labor M.P,,  N e i l l was elected and i n 1930  Angus Maclnnis won the South Vancouver federal seat with the 9 i\f  supj>o£t_oj^jthj*JL^  D  In 1920 there were three labor members of the B r i t i s h Columbia l e g i s l a t u r e , but i n 1930 there was only one, Tom U p h i l l . This decline i n strength demanded a re-appraisal of labor p o l i t i c a l action, and the depression of the following years added „  -I  Robert W. P r i t t i e , "Some Aspects of the History of the Winnipeg General Sympathetic S t r i k e , e t c . , " Vancouver, Univers i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1947, unpublished graduating essay, p. 51. Vide also Bennett, op, c i t . . pp. 89-91, f o r an account of the sympathetic s t r i k e i n Vancouver. P r i t t i e , op. c i t . . p. 55. 8  9  Bennett, op. c i t . . p. 148.  202  weight to the demand.  The Co-operative Commonwealth Federation  was organized as a loose grouping of labor, farm, and s o c i a l i s t i c elements, national i n scope but with i t s main strength i n the western provinces.  In the 1933 e l e c t i o n i t contested nearly  every seat i n B r i t i s h Columbia, and saw seven of i t s members elected.  In the following years i t maintained i t s e l f as a  major p o l i t i c a l force i n the province, although often rent by disputes among the component groups.  The r a d i c a l wing of the  party has been much weakened over the years by the retirement from active work of some of i t s leaders, and by the "mellowing of others.  11  The other two groups have come to dominate the party,  t h e i r v i c t o r y having been f a i r l y well established at the 1951 p r o v i n c i a l convention i n Vancouver. Part of t h i s process may be attributed to the growth of unionist influence within the C.C.F.  A f t e r the resolution  of the post-war struggle between C.C.F. and L.P.P. elements f o r control of the Canadian Congress of Labor unions i n B r i t i s h Columbia, the B r i t i s h Columbia Federation of Labor (C.C.L.) has tended to give increasing p o l i t i c a l support to the C.C.F. Prominent members of the C.C.L. unions, such as George Home, James Bury, Rae Eddie, and Tom Barnett have successfully contested seats i n the interests of the C.C.F.  A smaller number  of T.& L.C. leaders, including Tom Alsbury, now president of the Vancouver T.& L . C , have s i m i l a r l y i d e n t i f i e d themselves with the C.C.F. Although the C.C.F. has t r a d i t i o n a l l y attempted to represent the i n t e r e s t s of both labor and farm groups, the  203 recent growth of o f f i c i a l labor support (and, concomitantly, of the influence of union leaders i n the party) seems l i k e l y to bring about a re-orientation of C.C.F. p o l i c y within the province.  The growth of the S o c i a l Credit Party, which party ap-  pears to be based mainly upon farm and small business support and has aroused the opposition of many labor leaders, may accelerate the process of turning the C.C.F. i n B r i t i s h Columbia into an orthodox Labor Party based upon the unions.  Such a  development would be a major re-alignment of p o l i t i c a l forces i n the province; i t s t o t a l effect would be extremely d i f f i c u l t to foresee at t h i s time. Bearing i n mind t h i s present tendency, a study of labor p o l i t i c a l action i n the period 1879-1906 has i t s value. That was a time of experimentation.  B r i t i s h Columbia labor a t -  tempted various techniques of obtaining favorable l e g i s l a t i o n . P o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s i d e n t i f y i n g themselves with the labor cause but unconnected with the unions, such as the N a t i o n a l i s t Party, the Nanaimo Labor Party, and the S o c i a l i s t Party were not responsible to the unions and were not d i r e c t l y supported by the unions.  Hence they tended to lose the support of the unions  by merging with established parties, as did the N a t i o n a l i s t and Nanaimo Labor Parties, or by advocating measures not compatible with the immediate aims of trade unionism, as did the S o c i a l i s t Party.  Individual candidates of o l d - l i n e p a r t i e s , such as those  endorsed by the W.F.M. i n 1900, were subject to party p o l i c y and could not be r e l i e d upon f o r consistent action i n favor of labor.  The M.M.L.P.A. of Nanaimo i n 1890 and the Vancouver  T.&  L.C. i n 1900 acted d i r e c t l y i n p o l i t i c s , nominating candidates  204 and running t h e i r campaigns.  This gave the unions control of  labor representatives, but also brought p o l i t i c a l issues and dissension into the unions.  In Vancouver, the T.&  L.C.  tried  the expedient of s e t t i n g up a party d i s t i n c t from the unions yet at the same time dependent upon the Council f o r i t s e x i s tence.  This anomaly appears to have had l i t t l e success; i t did  not remove p o l i t i c s from the C o u n c i l ,  1 0  but i t did cause a very  confused s i t u a t i o n which prevented e f f e c t i v e action. Another d i f f i c u l t y with labor p o l i t i c a l action appears to be a lack of agreement between the union o f f i c i a l s and membersi  the  Evidence f o r i t i s the small vote often polled by  union-sponsored candidates, ganized labor was  even i n constituencies where or-  very strong.  The union leaders might c a l l  for p o l i t i c a l action and be nominated as labor candidates, the union members would not necessarily vote f o r them.  but  This  was the case with Francis Williams and Joseph Dixon i n Vancouver i n 1900;  s i m i l a r lack of support caused the defeat of Joe White  i n Nanaimo i n 1945  195a,  and of James Bury i n Vancouver Centre i n  (to note only two instances).  Labor p o l i t i c a l action has been  too often the work of a few active leaders, not representing  the  sentiments or desires of the unionists as a whole. An exception must be made to the generalization.  The  Labor and S o c i a l i s t candidates sponsored or endorsed by the Western Federation of Miners and by the coal miners' unions did enjoy the support of the majority of unionists i n t h e i r areas, 1 0  169.  Cf. Foley's candidature  i n 1902-1903; v. sup.. pp. 167-  205  as shown by the large votes which they r e g u l a r l y polled.  This  i s best explained by the fact that, of a l l the workers of B r i t i s h Columbia, the miners were the most proletarianized.  They  had been furthest divorced from the tools of production; the miners l i v i n g i n any one town were usually employees of one company, l i v i n g under f a i r l y uniform conditions and a l l having much the same economic problems.  Such a s i t u a t i o n tended to  make f o r a homogeneity of outlook and the growth of a class s p i r i t ; the d i v e r s i f i e d economic and s o c i a l pattern of Vancouver would produce a less united labor movement. In assessing the p o l i t i c a l action of labor to-day i n r e l a t i o n to that of h a l f a century ago, these economic factors must be taken into account.  To what degree are the workers of  to-day, with the expansion of government employment and the most recent growth of big industry (for example, Alcan and Frobisher i n aluminum production and Hacmillan-Bloedel i n wood products) becoming more uniform i n t h e i r employment?  To what extent are  housing projects and apartments making them more uniform i n t h e i r home and s o c i a l l i f e ?  To what extent does the current 11  d i s t r i b u t i o n of wealth lead them to f e e l poor or rich? general, how  In  strong are the modern economic and s o c i a l factors  favoring the development of a sense of class unity? To answer these questions, as well as others of a s i m i l a r nature, would require the assistance of economists and sociologists.  The questions cannot be answered i n t h i s study,  ; : ;:  .  ,  ,,  Poverty and wealth being r e l a t i v e and not absolute terms, determined by the experience of the i n d i v i d u a l rather than by a set standard of possessions.  206 which deals with another topic.  However, the writer f e e l s that  the events and courses of action outlined i n t h i s work are r e l evant to the current p o l i t i c a l s i t u a t i o n i n B r i t i s h  Columbia,  and that consideration of them w i l l a s s i s t i n understanding present developments. One point needs to be made with reference to the r e l a t i o n s h i p between t h i s study and other writings i n the general f i e l d of B r i t i s h Columbia labor and reform p o l i t i c a l action. An H.A.  thesis has been written on the s o c i a l i s t movement here, 12  and a graduating essay on the C.C.F.  In addition, a r t i c l e s  on and discussions of the C.C.F. and the labor movement appear f a i r l y frequently i n the public press and other quarters.  The  matters dealt with here are basic to the development of B r i t i s h Columbia labor i n i t s p o l i t i c a l aspects during the past half-century, and should be considered i n connection with any study of that development.  This t h e s i s , then, may be regarded  as i n some part an attempt to complement these other writings by providing them with a background i n time, against which the events they describe may be seen more c l e a r l y . In a l l the h i s t o r y of p o l i t i c a l action by.labor, there i s one strong c r i t i c i s m which may be made from the viewpoint of democratic content. The tendency was always to b u i l d up leaders " 4*'" ' Ronald Grantham, "Some Aspects of the S o c i a l i s t Movement i n B r i t i s h Columbia, 1898-1933," Vancouver, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1942, unpublished H.A. thesis. Douglas Patterson Clark, "Some Aspects of the Development of the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation i n B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1945, unpublished graduating essay.  207 who came to expect —  and i f they were at a l l successful i n  p o l i t i c s , received —  l o y a l t y and deference from the workers 13  which sometimes reached nauseating proportions.  From being  the agents of the workers the p o l i t i c a l representatives tended to become r u l e r s of the workers, invested with a new kind of  1A "divine r i g h t . "  Sometimes the r u l e r was repudiated, as Ralph  Smith was repudiated by the miners of Nanaimo, but he was usua l l y replaced by a more congenial leader: Hawthornthwaite succeeded, f o r a time, to the throne of Smith.  The basic c r i -  t i c i s m of parliamentary action was expressed most l u c i d l y by Anton Pannekoek, the Dutch Marxist theoretician, when he wrote: Le pariementarisne est l a forme typique de l a l u t t e par l e moyen des chefs, ou l e s masses elles-m&mes jouent un rftle secdndaire. Sa pratique consiste dans l a f a i t que des deputes, des personnalites p a r t i c u l i e r e s , menent l a l u t t e e s s e n t i e l l e . l i s doivent, par consequent, e v e i l l e r dans les masses 1 ' i l l u s i o n que d'autres peuvent mener l a l u t t e pour e l l e s . Jadis on croyait que l e s chefs pourraient obtenir des r£formes importantes pour l e s ouvriers par l a vole parlementaire, ou meme avait COOTS 1 ' i l l u s i o n que l e s parlementaires pourraient r e a l i s e r l a revolution s o c i a l i s t e par des me'sures l e g i s l a t i v e s . . . . Mais toujours 1'importance d e c i s i v e est a t t r i b u t e aux chefs. Naturellement, se sont dans cette s i t u a t i o n l e s gens du metier qui dirigent l a p o l i t i q u e — au besoin sous l e dlguisement democratique des discussions et resolutions de congrfes.15 Pannekoek's c r i t i c i s m was directed s p e c i f i c a l l y at the S o c i a l Democracy of h i s day, and Gorter turned i t against Bolshevism; i t applies equally well to p o l i t i c a l laborism, and, Cf. remarks on Ralph Smith, quoted on p.141, n.165. For a discussion of the p o l i t i c a l phenomenon known as "Bonapartism," vide James Burnham, The Machiavellians, New York, John Day, 1943, pp. 152-162, 238-24"?! 1 4  • Quoted i n Herman Gorter, Re" pons e "k Lenine. L i b r a i r i e Ouvriere, P a r i s , 1930, pp. 53-54. l5  (1920),  208  indeed, to almost any p o l i t i c a l organization or movement. The problem has not yet been solved.  It i s the opinion of the  writer that the tendency toward acceptance and adulation of leaders i s e s s e n t i a l l y anti-democratic,  and that the f a i l u r e  and breakdown of consciously pro-democratic p o l i t i c a l movements can often be traced to t h i s "leadership complex," which destroys within the organization what the organization seeks i n society as a whole. The answer to t h i s dilemma i s s t i l l a matter of d i s pute.  The most reasonable remedy appears to involve a constant  c r i t i c a l watchfulness over those i n positions of t r u s t , and i n d i v i d u a l determination treatment may  to make one's own  decisions.  an  The  be d i f f i c u l t to prepare and unpleasant to apply,  but nothing else seems to come near curing the malady. In summing up, the writer wishes to draw attention to three points.  F i r s t , t h i s work has a c e r t a i n d i r e c t r e l e -  vance to present p o l i t i c a l developments i n B r i t i s h Columbia and may  be useful i n an analysis of these developments. Second,  i t should not be regarded as a completely self-contained unit. Rather, i t deals with one period i n a continuing process,  and  should be considered as complementary to studies of l a t e r parts of the process.  Third, i t points up c e r t a i n d i f f i c u l t i e s which  labor p o l i t i c a l action has encountered i n the past, and which have also been a source of weakness to non-labor p o l i t i c a l groups. No ready solution f o r these d i f f i c u l t i e s i s propounded within the l i m i t s of t h i s topic.  The p r e s c r i p t i o n of remedial  measures would take us out of the f i e l d of h i s t o r i c a l study and  209 into that of p o l i t i c s i t s e l f , and i s therefore not warranted i n a work of t h i s type.  The writer has conceived  of t h i s  thesis as a recounting of past events and, where possible, analysis of those events i n r e l a t i o n to t h e i r own environment and to present conditions.  No more than that has been  attempted here. The f i e l d of h i s t o r y dealt with i n t h i s thesis has many complexities, and the significance of i t s events i s often obscured by a lack of records.  The writer has endeavored as  f a r as possible to c l a r i f y i t s trends and indicate t h e i r importance.  He hopes that h i s e f f o r t s w i l l be of use to others  who w i l l work i n the f i e l d of B r i t i s h Columbia h i s t o r y .  * * *-  210  BIBLIOGRAPHY I.  UNPUBLISHED MATERIALS 1. Manuscript Sonrces S h i l l a n d , Andy, "Correspondence and other papers," held by T r a i l and D i s t r i c t Smelter Workers' Union, 910 Portland S t . , T r a i l , B. C. Shilland was secretary of the Sandon Miners' Union and the Sandon S o c i a l i s t Party, ca. 1900-1918. The papers are unsorted, and are mixed with the papers of Thomas B. Roberts, secretary of the One Big Union, Sandon,ca. 1919-1930. A valuable source of information on many aspects of labor history. Vancouver Trades and Labor Council, "Minutes," held by Vancouver T.& L . C , 307 West Broadway, Vancouver, B.C. F i l e s of the "Minutes" are incomplete, due to losses at the time of the O.B.U. s p l i t , 1919. Extant "Minutes" run from November 21, 1889, to December 17, 1897, from A p r i l 20, 1902, to January 20, 1916, and from August 7, 1919, to date. As the actual and immediate records of discussions and decisions, these papers are of very great value. 2. Interviews Dunning, "Happie," (Vancouver) has given the writer con siderable information on the l i f e of the metalminers and i t s e f f e c t on t h e i r a t t i t u d e . (September, 1954). Mr. Dunning was i n Ymir i n 1903 and succeeding years, and i n the Rossland area around 1920. His knowledge of the miners' movement i s both broad and deep. Lewis', Lew, (Nanaimo) was able to give the writer (August, 1954) some background material on Vancouver Island coal-mining early i n the century. Mr. Lewis came to the Nanaimo area around 1901, and spent most of h i s working l i f e i n the mines there and i n Washington State. P h i l l i p s , Dai, (Fernie) gave the writer some useful information on coal-mining i n the Crow's Nest Pass area. (December, 1953). Mr. P h i l l i p s was working in the d i s t r i c t as early as 1902, and i s very fami l i a r with early p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l conditions there.  211  P h i l l i p s , B i l l , (Fernie) was able to give the writer material on labor matters i n the southern and sooth-eastern mountains (December, 1953). Mr. P h i l l i p s was at one time a very active union organizer. He was f o r many years associated c l o s e l y with Tom U p h i l l ' s p o l i t i c a l campaigns. P h i l l i p s o n , Jimmy, (Nanaimo) supplied the writer with information on the S o c i a l i s t Party and Ralph Smith. (August, 1954). Mr. P h i l l i p s o n has l i v e d i n the Nanaimo area since 1907, and has always been active i n p o l i t i c s . 3. Unpublished Theses, e t c . Clark, Douglas Patterson, "Some Aspects of the Develop* ment of the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation i n B r i t i s h Columbia, * a graduating essay at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver, 1945. 1  Useful i n r e l a t i n g t h i s thesis to more recent developments. Grantham, Ronald, "Some Aspects of the S o c i a l i s t Hovement i n B r i t i s h Columbia, 1898-1933," an M.A. thesis at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver, 1942. Of limited d i r e c t use to t h i s topic. r e l a t i n g the topic to l a t e r events.  J  Good f o r  P r i t t i e , Robert W., "Some Aspects of the H i s t o r y of the Winnipeg General Sympathetic S t r i k e , e t c . , " a graduating essay at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver, 1947. Deals d i r e c t l y with the r e v i v a l of laborism i n Western Canada a f t e r 1919. U n d e r b i l l , H. Fabian, "Labor L e g i s l a t i o n i n B r i t i s h Columbia," a Ph.D. d i s s e r t a t i o n a t the University of C a l i f o r n i a , Berkeley, 1935. (Copy i n Provinc i a l Library, V i c t o r i a , B.C.). A very useful factual h i s t o r y of p r o v i n c i a l l e g i s l a t i o n a f f e c t i n g labor. A minimum of interpretation. Wrinch, Leonard A., "Land Policy of the Colony of Vancouver Island, 1849-1866," an M.A. thesis at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver, 1932. Valuable background material on one of the major issues of labor p o l i t i c a l action i n t h i s province.  PRINTED WORKS 1. Government Publications B r i t i s h Columbia, L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly, Journals. V i c t o r i a , Queen's (King's) P r i n t e r , 1890-1906. An essential reference f o r a c t i v i t i e s i n the p r o v i n c i a l House, including b i l l s introduced, t h e i r disposal, and voting records of the Members. It also contains the following useful Reports of Select Committees: 1891, p. c c x l i "Wellington S t r i k e . " 1891, "Attack on Funeral Procession of E l l i c e Roberts," p. l x v . 1900, " C a l l i n g out M i l i t i a at Steveston," p. c x l i . B r i t i s h Columbia, L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly, Sessional Papers V i c t o r i a , Queen's (King's) P r i n t e r , 1890*1906. The following items were e s p e c i a l l y relevant: 1891, p. 311, "Correspondence — Sending M i l i t i a to Wellington." (1890). 1894, V o l . I, p. 1005, "Labour S t a t i s t i c s . " 1898, p. 963, "Correspondence Respecting A l i e n Labor Act 1897." 1900, p. 1005, "Correspondence respecting Fishermen's Strike at Steveston." 1900, pp. 463, 451, "Correspondence Respecting Eight Hour Law." 1900, p. 497, "Correspondence Respecting Labour Regul a t i o n Act." 1901, p. 629, "Correspondence Respecting Acts of 1900." 1903, p. J9, "Report of Commission on Coal Mines Explosions." 1903, CI, "Fernie Coal Mines Explosion." B r i t i s h Columbia, L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly, Statutes. V i c * t o r i a , Queen's (King's) P r i n t e r , 1890-1906. A necessary source f o r the exact content of measures passed into law. Canada, Government, Census of Canada, Ottawa, Queen's (King's) P r i n t e r , 1861*1911.. The decennial reports of population changes, esp* e c i a l l y concerning national o r i g i n s , are highly relevant to t h i s topic. Canada, Department of Labour, Labour Gazette. Ottawa, King's P r i n t e r , 1900-1906. Deals with the economic and l e g a l aspects of labor i n Canada; very useful.  213  Canada, Department of Labour, Labour L e g i s l a t i o n i n Canada. Ottawa, King's P r i n t e r , 1945. A h i s t o r i c a l survey of federal and p r o v i n c i a l l e g i s l a t i o n on labor matters. A convenient f a c t u a l record. Canada, Parliament, House of Commons, O f f i c i a l Report of Debates. Ottawa, Queen's (King's) P r i n t e r , 1896-1906. Vide indexes f o r references to the parliamentary work" of Maxwell (1896-1902) and Smith (1900-1906). 2. Periodicals and Newspapers (by place of publication) Ferguson, B r i t i s h Columbia Lardeau Eagle From 1898 to 1901 t h i s paper was edited by "Parm'' P e t t i p i e c e , and was consistently devoted to the cause of labor and socialism. A useful source of information and comment during the years noted. (Known f o r the f i r s t few issues as Ferguson Eagle). Nanaimo, B r i t i s h Columbia Nanaimo Free Press Throughout the period 1886-1906 t h i s paper devoted considerable space to labor news (1898 excepted). Its reporting was eminently f a i r and honest. Nanaimo Herald This paper was published f o r several years from 1899 onward. Although i t s p e c i a l i z e d i n labor news, i t s partisanship f o r Ralph Smith rendered i t s reporting unreliable. Useful when checked against the Free Press. New Westminster, B r i t i s h Columbia B r i t i s h Columbian Gave l i t t l e coverage to labor matters i n the years consulted (1886-1894). Rossland, B r i t i s h Columbia Rossland I n d u s t r i a l World The o f f i c i a l organ of D i s t r i c t Association No. 6, Western Federation of Miners. Endorsed by the Rossland T.& L.C. A good source f o r o f f i c i a l labor p o l i c y from ca. 1398.  214 Sandon, B r i t i s h Columbia Sandon Paystreak The e d i t o r , William McAdams, was a r a d i c a l of independent temperament. He supported the miners, socialism, and the P r o v i n c i a l Progressive Party, but f e a r l e s s l y c r i t i c i z e d any apparent weaknesses i n the labor movement. The Paystreak f i l e s f o r 1899-1902 are both useful and entertaining. Toronto, Ontario C i t i z e n and Country A s o c i a l i s t i c newspaper which i n 1902 was moved to Vancouver and became the Canadian S o c i a l i s t (c. v ) . Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia B r i t i s h Columbia Federationist O f f i c i a l organ of the Vancouver T.& L.C. and the B.C. Federation of Labor from 1911 onward. Relevant to t h i s topic only f o r two h i s t o r i c a l a r t i c l e s (v. i n f r a . "Articles.*'). Appeared f o r a short time i n 1895. Although noted by Bennett.(op. c i t . , p. 127). as a labor paper, perusal of i t s f i l e s discloses nothing of especial relevance to t h i s topic. Canadian S o c i a l i s t Edited by "Farm" Fettipiece i n 1902. Changed name to Western S o c i a l i s t , (c.v.) Quite useful i n r e f erence to the growth of socialism. Daily Hews-Advertiser Operated by Francis Carter-Cotton i n the 1890•s and early 1900•s. In general, a good source. Conservative viewpoint. Daily Province A very useful source, consulted f o r the years 19031906. Conservative viewpoint. D a i l y World F a i r l y f u l l labor and p o l i t i c a l reporting throughout the period 1894-1906, but a tendency toward sensationalism. Should be used with caution. L i b eral i n p o l i t i c s . Independent Ran from 1900 to 1905 as the organ of the Vancouver T.& L.C. An essential source f o r o f f i c i a l labor p o l i c y and f o r labor matters i n general.  215  People's Journal Ran from February to June, 1893, under the e d i t o r ship of 6.F. Leaper, a member of the Knights of Labor. Emphasized labor matters. Useful. Western Clarion Successor to the Western S o c i a l i s t (q.v.), and endorsed by the Vancouver T.& L . C , the W.F.M., and the American Labor Union. S o c i a l i s t to the eore. More interested i n serious a r t i c l e s than i n "timely* topics. A valuable source, both f o r ideas and f o r f a c t u a l information. 1  Western S o c i a l i s t Successor to the Canadian S o c i a l i s t . Merged with (Nanaimo) Clarion i n 1903 to form the Western Clarion. V i c t o r i a , B r i t i s h Columbia B r i t i s h Columbia Workman Published f o r a few months i n 1899, with the endorsation of the V i c t o r i a T.& L.C. Sympathetic to socialism. Moderately useful. D a i l y Colonist A good and generally r e l i a b l e source. Strong i n t erest i n p o l i t i c s . Consulted f o r important matters i n the period 1879-1906. D a i l y Standard Useful f o r the years 1879-1886, e s p e c i a l l y to complement the Colonist. I n d u s t r i a l Mews Published from December 1885 to December 1886 by J.M. Duval, a member of the Knights of Labor and a candidate i n the 1886 p r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n . Essent i a l to a study of labor's part i n that e l e c t i o n . 3. Books (a) Works of Reference Gemmill, J.A., (ed.), The Canadian Parliamentary Comanion, Ottawa, J . Durie & Son, published i r r e g u a r l y " u n t i l 1897.  ¥  Ma gum, J . Arnott, The Parliamentary Guide, Ottawa, James Hope & Sons, 1899, Magurn, J . Araott, The Canadian Parliamentary Guide, Ottawa, published i r r e g u l a r l y from 1901,  216 These works form a s e r i e s containing current i n formation on federal and p r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n s , elected members, and, i n general, the parliamentary l i f e of the country. The s e r i e s i s extremely valuable f o r reference, but the Guide f o r 1905 and 1908 contains many inaccuracies i n i t s B r i t i s h Columbia e l e c t o r a l reports. (b) S o c i a l and Economic Theory George, Henry, Progress and Poverty. Hew enbach Foundation, 1935.  York, Schalk-  E s s e n t i a l to c l a r i f i c a t i o n of labor p o l i t i c a l action i n the period under study. The foundation of B r i t i s h Columbia labor's economic thought i n the 1890's. Marx, K a r l , and Engels, Frederick, Manifesto Communist Party. Chicago, Kerr, 1915.  of the  Contains a number of s p e c i f i c recommendations f o r action by the working c l a s s . These recommendations had a strong e f f e c t on s o c i a l i s t i c programs. Marx, K a r l , The C i v i l War i n France. Hew national Publishers, 1940.  York, Inter-  In t h i s work Marx analyzed and praised the p o l i t i c a l measures taken by the Paris Communards i n 1871. The "direct democracy" p r i n c i p l e s involved i n t h i s episode influenced much of s o c i a l i s t thought. (c) B r i t i s h Columbia History Hartley, George, An Outline History of Typographical Union Ho. 226. 1887-1938. Vancouver. Typographical Union Ho. 226, 1938. B a s i c a l l y composed of extracts from the Union "Minutes." Useful to t h i s topic as a crossreference. Begg, Alexander, H i s t o r y of B r i t i s h Columbia. Toronto, Briggs, 1894. Contains much of value i n the matter of s o c i a l economic development i n the province (land grants, i n d u s t r i a l growth). Bennett, William, Builders of B r i t i s h Columbia. Vancouver, 1937. The only recent h i s t o r y of the B r i t i s h Columbia labor movement i n general. A valuable guide to any det a i l e d work i n t h i s f i e l d . Communist viewpoint.  217 Howay, F.W., and S c h o l e f i e l d , E.O.S., B r i t i s h Colombia. Toronto, Clarke, 1913(?) 2 vols. An exhaustive h i s t o r y of the province. A useful source of economic and p o l i t i c a l backgrounds. (d) Extra-provincial Labor and Reform Bimba, Anthony, The H i s t o r y of the American Working Class. Hew York, International Publishers, 1936. A convenient reference f o r outside influences. Communist viewpoint. Brissenden, Paul W., The I.W.W.. Hew York, Columbia University, 1920. A very sympathetic study of the I n d u s t r i a l Workers of the World. Useful here f o r i t s references to the W.F.M. Commons, J.R., et a l . . History of Labour i n the United States. Hew York, Macmillan, 1918-35, 4 vols. Dulles, Foster Rhea, Labor i n America, Hew York, Crowell, 1949. ' Sympathetic to "moderate* unionism. Should be used i n conjunction with Bimba s work. !  1  Logan, H.A., Trade Unions i n Canada. Their Development and Functioning. Toronto. Macmillan. 1948. The basic work on Canadian unionism i n i t s various aspects. Morton, William Lewis, The Progressive Party i n Canada. Toronto, U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, 1950. A thorough study of the Western farmer i n p o l i t i c s , ca. 1919-1930. Could be made the basis of some i n t e r e s t i n g comparisons with the contemporary p o l i t i c s of labor. Reynolds, L I . G., The B r i t i s h Immigrant; His S o c i a l and Economic Adjustment to Canada. Oxford. 1935. Has some useful information on the B r i t i s h immigrat i o n to t h i s province i n r e l a t i o n to the l o c a l labor movement. Sharp, Paul Frederick, The Agrarian Revolt i n Western Canada, Minneapolis, U n i v e r s i t y of Minnesota Press, 1948. Hot very relevant to t h i s topic, except as a basis f o r comparing the p o l i t i c a l ideas of the p r a i r i e farmers with those of the B r i t i s h Columbia wageworkers .  Webb, Sidney and Beatrice, The History of Trade Unionism. London, Longmans, 1950. The d e f i n i t i v e study of B r i t i s h unionism. source of background material.  A good  Articles (a) Signed Bartley, George, "The Rise of the Labor Press,* B r i t i s h Columbia Federationist. November 9, 1917, pp. 1,2. An excellent guide to "labor" newspapers i n B r i t i s h Columbia, 1860-1917. Dobie, Edith, "Some Aspects of Party History i n B r i t i s h Columbia, 1871-1903," P a c i f i c H i s t o r i c a l Review. June, 1932, pp. 235-251. Useful, i n that i t p a r a l l e l s the present topic i n the f i e l d of orthodox p o l i t i c s . Saywell, John T., "Labour and Socialism i n B r i t i s h Columbia: A Survey of H i s t o r i c a l Development before 1903," B r i t i s h Columbia H i s t o r i c a l Quart e r l y . Archives of B r i t i s h Columbia, V i c t o r i a , July-October, 1951, pp. 129-150. A very good introduction to the study of t h i s period and f i e l d . Saywell, John T., "The Mclnnes Incident i n B r i t i s h Columbia, * B r i t i s h Columbia H i s t o r i c a l Quarterly. Archives of B r i t i s h Columbia, V i c t o r i a , J u l y , 1950, pp. 141-166. This a r t i c l e i s based upon an H.A. thesis by the same author. I t throws considerable l i g h t upon the 1900 p r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n , and i s thus of value to the present topic. (b) Anonymous "Brief H i s t o r i c a l Review,* Western C l a r i o n . January 12, 1907, pp. 1,2,3. An excellent h i s t o r y of the growth of the S o c i a l i s t Party i n B r i t i s h Columbia to 1907. A very usef u l reference.  219  "Class War i n Local House," western C l a r i o n . January 12, 1907, pp. 1, 4. A thorough and well-documented study of labor l e g i s l a t i o n i n B r i t i s h Columbia from 1901 to 1907: mainly centered about the work of Hawthornthwaite. "Twenty-Five Years of B.C. Movement," B r i t i s h Columbia Federationist. November 18, 1911 to Hay 6, 1912. This was intended to be a s e r i a l h i s t o r y of unionism i n the province, but was discontinued as of the date l a s t noted. The seven parts which appeared covered the years 1886-1888 i n considerable d e t a i l .  ADDENDUM F.W.  Ho way, W.N. Sage, and H.F. Angus, B r i t i s h Columbia and the United States. Toronto, Ryerson, 1942.  N.J. Ware, H.A. Logan, H.A. Innis, Labor i n Canadian American Relations. Toronto, Ryerson, 1937. These books provide valuable background material for t h i s topic.  # # *  A P P E N D I C E S  APPENDICES Page I. L e g i s l a t i v e Platforms and Resolutions. 1. Workingmen*s Platform, V i c t o r i a , 1886  . i  2. Workingmen's E l e c t i o n Appeal, Nanaimo, 1886 . . . . i i i 3. Typographical Union Resolution, Vancouver, 1890 . . 4. Workingmen*s Platform, Nanaimo, 1890  . . . . . . .  v vi  5. Nationalist Party Platform, Vancouver, 1894 . . . . v i i i 6. Labor-Nationalist C i v i c Platform, Vancouver, 1895 . 7. Workingman*s Platform, Nanaimo, 1894  x xi  8. American Federation of Labor Platform, 1894 . . • . x i i i 9. Trades and Labor Congress of Canada Platform, 1898. x i v 10. United Labor Platform, 1900  xv  11. Trades and Labor Council Platform, V i c t o r i a , 1900 . x v i 12. Trades and Labor Council Platform, Vancouver, 1900.xvii 13. Labor Party Platform, Nanaimo, 1900  xviii  14. United S o c i a l i s t Labor Party Platform, 1900 . . . . x x i 15. Labor Party Platform, Vancouver, 1900  xxiii  16. Independent Labor Party Platform, Nelson, 1900. .  xxiv  17. L i s t of Delegates to Kamloops Labor Convention, 1902. . . . . . . . .  . .  xxv  18. P r o v i n c i a l Progressive Party Platform, 1902 . . . x x v i i 19. Amendments to P.P.P. Platform, New Denver, 1903 .  xxix  20. S o c i a l i s t Party of B r i t i s h Columbia, "Immediate Demands, • xxx 21. S o c i a l i s t Party of B r i t i s h Columbia Platform, 1902 xxxi 22. "Immediate Demands" of S.P. Candidates, Vancouver, 1903 xxxiii 23. "Canadian Labor Party" Resolution of T.L.C.C, 1906 xxxiv 24. Canadian Labor Party Platform, 1906 xxxv 25. " S o c i a l i s t Party" Resolution at C.L.P. Convention, 1906 26. Labor Party Platform, Cranbrook, 1907  xxxvi xxxvii  I I . Explanatory Key to Abbreviations Used * *i*n Thesis  xxxviii  i WORKINGHES »S PLATFORM  (Victoria,  May 1 8 8 6 )  1. t h a t t h e p r i n c i p l e o f R e p r e s e n t a t i v e Government a i m s a t the g r e a t e s t good o f t h e g r e a t e s t number, and whereas t h e l e g i s l a t i o n o f the c o u n t r y has h i t h e r t o been p r i n c i p a l l y d i r e c t e d by t h e w e a l t h i e r p a r t o f t h e c o m m u n i t y , we b e l i e v e t h e t i m e h a s t i m e when t h e t o i l i n g m a s s e s s h o u l d h a v e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s on t h e f l o o r o f t h e H o u s e o f A s s e m b l y t o a d v o c a t e t h e i r i n t e r e s t s , men who u n d e r s t a n d t h e i r n e e d s , a n d w i l l l a b o r f o r t h e i n d u s t r i a l p r o s p e r i t y of the p r o v i n c e . 2 . T h a t t h e p u b l i c domain i s t h e h e r i t a g e o f t h e p e o p l e , a n d experience has proved t h a t the aggregation o f l a r g e q u a n t i t i e s o f l a n d i n the hands o f c o r p o r a t i o n s and i n d i v i d u a l s i s i n i m i c a l to the b e s t i n t e r e s t s o f the p r o v i n c e and the Dominion, a n d a s t h e P a r l i a m e n t o f t h e U n i t e d Kingdom i s now l e g i s l a t i n g t o b r e a k up t h e l a r g e l a n d e d e s t a t e s i n I r e l a n d , r e c o g n i z i n g the p r i n c i p l e t h a t a monopoly o f l a n d i s an u n m i t i g a t e d e v i l , we v i e w w i t h a l a r m t h e p o l i c y o f t h e p r e s e n t g o v e r n m e n t o f t h e p r o v i n c e i n a l i e n a t i n g l a r g e a r e a s o f t h e p u b l i c domain as conducive to monopoly, d e t r i m e n t a l t o the best i n t e r e s t s o f the p e o p l e , and c a l c u l a t e d t o burden coming g e n e r a t i o n s w i t h t h e w o r s t s o r t o f f u e d a l i s m , — a n d t h e r e f o r e we demand t h a t what i s l e f t o f t h e p u b l i c l a n d s h a l l be r e s e r v e d f o r a c t u a l s e t t l e m e n t , and that a l l l a n d s h e l d f o r s p e c u l a t i v e purposes t o be t a x e d t o t h e i r f u l l v a l u e . 3 . T h a t we condemn t h e p o l i c y o f c r e a t i n g a n d f o s t e r i n g mono» p o l i e s , as they prevent l e g i t i m a t e c o m p e t i t i o n and enable a v a r i c i o u s c o r p o r a t i o n s and i n d i v i d u a l s t o impose an i n j u s t burden on t h e p e o p l e , t h a t t h e a c t s o f t h e H o u s e o f A s s e m b l y i n t h e s p e c i a l l e g i s l a t i o n of the l a s t s e s s i o n to p r o t e c t the l e g a l a n d m e d i c a l p r o f e s s i o n s , t h e a p o t h e c a r i e s a n d d e n t i s t s was a n a r b i t r a r y u s e o f t h e i r powers a n d we demand t h e r e p e a l o f s u c h special legislation. 4. T h a t a s t h e l e g i t i m a t e r e q u i r e m e n t s o f t h e P r o v i n c e f o r r o a d s and b r i d g e s n e c e s s i t a t e s a l a r g e e x p e n d i t u r e o f p u b l i c money, we condemn t h e e x t r a v a g a n t u s e o f p u b l i c money i n some f a v o r e d d i s t r i c t s t o t h e i n j u r y o f o t h e r s a n d demand a n i m p a r t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of the p u b l i c purse. 5. T h a t a s t h e g r e a t m a j o r i t y o f t h e p e o p l e o f t h i s P r o v i n c e have r e p e a t e d l y e x p r e s s e d t h e i r wishes a g a i n s t t h e c o n t i n u e d r e s i d e n c e i n t h i s p r o v i n c e o f l a r g e numbers o f C h i n e s e , a n d a s t h e p r e s e n t g o v e r n m e n t on a c c e p t i n g o f f i c e were p l e d g e d t o a b a t e t h e e v i l but t h e y have u t t e r l y f a i l e d t o redeem t h e i r p l e d g e s a n d t h e i r a c t s h a v e b e e n l i t t l e more t h a n a m o c k e r y a n d a f a r c e , we demand t h a t o u r r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s s h a l l i n t r o d u c e a n d c a r r y o u t s u c h l e g i s l a t i o n a s may be r e q u i r e d t o p e a c e f u l l y and l a w f u l l y a t t a i n t h i s end.  ii 6. That as the development o f the m i n e r a l r e s o u r c e s o f the p r o v i n c e c o n s t i t u t e s i t s c h i e f hope o f p r o s p e r i t y f o r t h e f u t u r e , i t i s t h e d u t y o f t h e government t o a d o p t a b r o a d a n d e n l i g h t e n e d p o l i c y t o a i d i n t h e p r o s p e c t i n g a n d o p e n i n g up o f our m i n e r a l r e s o u r c e s , and f u r t h e r t h a t i t i s t h e d u t y o f t h e government t o p a s s s u c h m e a s u r e s a s w i l l e f f e c t u a l l y p r o * t e c t the l i v e s o f m i n e r s w h i l e engaged i n t h e i r p e r i l o u s avocation. 7. That a s the a r e a o f a g r i c u l t u r a l l a n d i n t h i s p r o v i n c e i s l i m i t e d , i t i s t h e d u t y o f t h e government t o r e n d e r e v e r y p o s s i b l e a i d t o the farmers i n s e t t l i n g i n t h i s P r o v i n c e , to a s c e r t a i n the l o c a l i t i e s best s u i t e d f o r settlement and a s s i s t as promptly as the s t a t e o f the t r e a s u r y w i l l a l l o w i n the o p e n i n g up o f r o a d s t o new s e t t l e m e n t s a n d t h e f a c i l i t a t i n g to t h e s e t t l e r s the g e t t i n g t o and from the markets o f the p r o v i n c e , t r a n s p o r t a t i o n c h a r g e s h i t h e r t o h a v i n g been a l m o s t prohibitory* 8. That a s t h e m o r a l , i n t e l l e c t u a l and p h y s i c a l p r o g r e s s o f t h e p e o p l e s h o n l d be t h e f i r s t a i m a n d o b j e c t o f a g o v e r n m e n t o f t h e p e o p l e , a n d a s t h e t o i l i n g m a s s e s t h r o u g h o u t t h e Domi n i o n and a l s o the n e i g h b o r i n g r e p u b l i c a r e demanding a r e d a c t i o n i n the hours of l a b o r to a t t a i n that end, i t i s the duty o f the r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s o f the p e o p l e t o use e v e r y l e g i t i m a t e means t o a i d t h e mass o f t h e p e o p l e t o s e c u r e t h e i r d e s i r e s a n d b r i n g a b o u t a c l o s e r f e e l i n g o f u n i t y between a l l c l a s s e s o f the community. 9. That t h e i n t e r e s t o f law and o r d e r and t h e p r e s e r v a t i o n o f t h e m o r a l s o f t h e community r e q u i r e a r e v i s i o n o f t h e l i c ense law. 10. That w i t h the i n c r e a s e o f p o p u l a t i o n and the consequent m u l t i p l i c a t i o n o f d e a l i n g s i n r e a l e s t a t e t h e o l d cumbrous a n d e x p e n s i v e mode o f c o n v e y a n c e i s e a c h d a y b e c o m i n g more o n e r o u s , a n d t h a t a more s i m p l e a n d i n e x p e n s i v e mode o f t r a n s f e r r i n g r e a l e s t a t e h a v i n g been f o u n d t o work a d v a n t a g e o u s l y i n o t h e r B r i t i s h C o l o n i e s , we deem l e g i s l a t i o n t o s e c u r e a s i m i l a r a d v a n t a g e i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a much n e e d e d a n d a r e o f o p i n i o n t h a t i t s h o u l d be i n t r o d u c e d w i t h a l l p o s s i b l e d e s p a t c h . A n d we a l s o demand t h a t some p r o v i s i o n be made f o r t h e more e x p e d i t i o n s a n d l e s s c o s t l y r e c o v e r y o f s m a l l d e b t s a s a want much f e l t b y t h e b u s i n e s s community i n g e n e r a l . 11. Representatives being e l e c t e d to give v o i c e i n the h a l l s of the l e g i s l a t u r e to the w e l l a s c e r t a i n e d wishes o f t h e i r e l e c t o r s , we t h i n k p r o v i s i o n s h o u l d be made b y p l e d g e , i f n o t b y l a w , f o r t h e e n f o r c e m e n t o f t h e r e s i g n a t i o n o f a n y member whose l i n e o f c o n d u c t h a s b e e n u n q u e s t i o n a b l y shown t o be d i s t a s t e f u l and u n s a t i s f a c t o r y to the m a j o r i t y o f the c o n s t i t u e n t s whom he r e p r e s e n t s . (Adopted a t a p u b l i c meeting i n V i c t o r i a Hay 2 7 , 1 8 8 6 ; p r i n t e d i n I n d u s t r i a l H e w s . May 2 9 ) .  iii WORKINGMEN S CANDIDATES* ELECTION APPEAL 1  To the E l e c t o r s  o f Nanaimo E l e c t o r a l  (Nanaimo,  1886)  District:  G e n t l e m e n , — H a v i n g r e c e i v e d t h e n o m i n a t i o n a s t h e Workingmen*s C a n d i d a t e s , we come b e f o r e y o n h o p i n g t h a t we w i l l r e c e i v e y o u r s u p p o r t i n t h e c o m i n g g e n e r a l e l e c t i o n f o r members t o r e p r e s e n t your i n t e r e s t i n the P r o v i n c i a l L e g i s l a t u r e , A n d we t r u s t t h a t o u r p r i n c i p l e s a n d h o n e s t y o f p u r p o s e i s w e l l known t o t h e g r e a t m a j o r i t y o f t h e p e o p l e o f Nanaimo C i t y a n d D i s t r i c t . We b e l i e v e i n and w i l l s u p p o r t a law f o r the enforcement o f the r e s i g n a t i o n o f a n y member whose c o n d u c t i s n o t s t r i c t l y i n a c c o r d a n c e w i t h h i s p l e d g e s g i v e n t o h i s c o n s t i t u e n t s , when shown t o be d i s s a t i s f i e d a n d u n s a t i s f a c t o r y t o t h e m a j o r i t y o f t h o s e whom he represents. We w i l l now p r e s e n t f o r y o u r c o n s i d e r a t i o n t h e f o l l o w i n g p r i n c i p l e s , t h a t we w i l l a d o p t a n d s u p p o r t i f g i v e n y o u r c o n f i d e n c e , a n d we do n o t d o u b t t h a t j u s t i c e w i l l p r e v a i l i n t i m e . I t i s now i n t h e i n t e r e s t o f a l l who a r e s u f f e r i n g f r o m i n j u s t i c e t o e n d e a v o r t o h a s t e n t h e d a y when j u s t i c e s h a l l be p r a c ticable. The l a n d o f a c o u n t r y i s n a t u r e ' s t r u s t t o a l l its people. T h e p r o d u c e r s c r e a t e a l l w e a l t h by l a b o r f r o m l a n d a n d W a t e r s , a n d a l l men s h o u l d h a v e a s h a r e i n N a t u r e ' s r e s o u r c e s . The o p p o s i t i o n t o a l l l a w s u n d e r w h i c h p u b l i c l a n d now p a s s e s i n t o the hands o f c o r p o r a t i o n s , the most o f i t by f r a u d . The f o r f e i t u r e o f a l l unearned l a n d g r a n t s to i n d i v i d u a l s and c o r porations. The p r o h i b i t i o n o f the p o s s e s s i o n o f l a n d t o f o r e i g n e r s and n o n - r e s i d e n t s . The p a s s i n g o f a l a w d e f i n i n g t h e amount o f l a n d t o be a c q u i r e d o r h e l d b y a n y one c i t i z e n b y g i f t , purchase or i n h e r i t a n c e . P r o t e c t i o n t o t h e workingman from c o m p e t i t i o n w i t h imported cheap l a b o r c o n t r a c t s ; Chinese l a b o r and c o n v i c t p r i s o n l a b o r . The enactment o f such laws as w i l l g i v e t o M e c h a n i c s a n d L a b o r e r s n o t o n l y a f i r s t l i e n on t h e i r work f o r t h e i r f u l l w a g e s , b u t a l s o t h e l e g a l r i g h t t o c o l l e c t t h e s a i d wages w i t h o u t a n y c o s t t o them w h a t s o e v e r i n the c o u r t s o r e l s e w h e r e . The e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f an a r b i t r a t i o n b o a r d t o s e t t l e d i s p u t e s between e m p l o y e e s a n d e m p l o y e r s , a n d render s t r i k e s unnecessary. Temperance — t h e r e g u l a t i o n o f t h e L i q u o r t r a f f i c s h o u l d be d i r e c t l y i n t h e h a n d s o f t h e p e o p l e . The e s t a b l i s h i n g a P r o v i n c i a l U n i v e r s i t y where a l l e a n r e c e i v e a f r e e e d u c a t i o n . T h a t a l l j u r o r s be p a i d f o r t h e i r t i m e a n d e x p e n s e s . The r e p e a l o f a l l p r o f e s s i o n a l and o t h e r monopolies t h a t e x i s t i n our Provincial Statutes. We a r e n o t i n f a v o r o f t h e p r e s e n t g o v e r n m e n t o r a n y o t h e r government t h a t w o u l d g i v e away t h e p u b l i c l a n d s a n d g r a n t m o n o p o l i e s o f t h e p e o p l e ' s r i g h t s ; a l l i m p o r t a n t l a w s s h o u l d be r e f e r r e d t o t h e p e o p l e , v i z : L a n d , M o n e y , Commerce, P u b l i c I m provements and F o r e i g n R e l a t i o n s . The enactment o f such laws  iv as w i l l afford a more speedy, e f f e c t u a l and inexpensive remedy f o r employees who may have reasonable claims f o r damages against persons or corporations. We w i l l use our best endeavors to encourage a l l honest industries and promote the interest of Capital and Labor so that they may work harmoniously to develop the resources of the Province. The above i s r e s p e c t f u l l y submitted to the Electors of Nanaimo E l e c t o r a l D i s t r i c t . .... Samuel H. Myers, James Lewis. (Nanaimo Free Press. June 2, 1886, p. 2).  V UNANIMOUS RESOLUTION  OF TYPOGRAPHICAL UNION, VANCOUVER (7 F e b . ,  1890)  T h a t whereas e v e r y m a l e o f t h e age o f 21 y e a r s who h a s r e s i d e d i n any p o r t i o n o f the Dominion o f Canada, i s a B r i t i s h s u b j e c t a n d who e n j o y s a n a n n u a l i n c o m e o f n o t l e s s t h a n $ 3 5 0 , i s e n t i t l e d t o h a v e h i s name p l a c e d on t h e v o t e r s ' l i s t o f the Dominion and t o c a s t a vote f o r the e l e c t i o n o f any c a n d i d a t e f o r t h e F e d e r a l House o f Commons. A n d w h e r e a s a n y m a l e o f t h e a g e o f 21 y e a r s b e i n g a B r i t i s h s u b j e c t a n d h a v i n g r e s i d e d i n t h i s P r o v i n c e f o r 12 months i n a c e r t a i n e l e c t o r a l d i s t r i c t , n o t o t h e r w i s e d i s q u a l i f i e d i s e n t i t l e d , b y h a v i n g h i s name p l a c e d on t h e P r o v i n c i a l v o t e r s l i s t to v o t e f o r any c a n d i d a t e f o r the B r i t i s h C o l o m b i a House o f A s s e m b l y . A n d whereas i t i s i m p e r a t i v e t h a t e v e r y m a l e p e r s o n o f t h e C i t y o f V a n c o u v e r s i t u a t e d a s s t a t e d i n t h e two p r e c e d i n g clauses shoold take a decided part i n a l l f o t u r e e l e c t i o n s f o r t h e H o u s e s named A n d w h e r e a s i t i s a l s o n e c e s s a r y f o r t h e good o f t h e c o u n t r y and the working c l a s s e s g e n e r a l l y that the f i t t e s t a n d b e s t men s h o o l d be c h o s e n a s t h e i r r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s b o t h a t Ottawa and V i c t o r i a so t h a t s u c h l e g i s l a t i o n a s w i l l m o s t l y b e n e f i t t h e w a g e - e a r n e r s o f t h e D o m i n i o n w i l l a c c r u e t o them as a r e s u l t o f t h e i r u n i t e d a c t i o n i n t h i s m a t t e r A n d w h e r e a s i t i s o r g e a t t h a t i m m e d i a t e s t e p s s h o o l d be taken f o r the a d o p t i o n o f a p l a t f o r m from which t o take a l i n e of a c t i o n , o r i f that i s not p r a c t i c a b l e at the p r e s e n t time f o r t h e a d o p t i o n o f m e a s u r e s whereby t h i s a n d o t h e r a n i o n s now e x i s t i n g i n V a n c o u v e r s h a l l be a b l e t o s e c u r e t h e m o s t d i s i n t e r e s t e d r e p r e s e n t a t i o n , b o t h i n t h e s a i d H o u s e o f Commons a n d H o u s e o f A s s e m b l y T h e r e f o r e be i t r e s o l v e d t h a t t h i s o n i o n t h r o u g h i t s a p p o i n t e d d e l e g a t e s u r g e upon t h e T r a d e s a n d L a b o r C o u n c i l o f the C i t y o f Vancouver t h e immediate n e c e s s i t y o f c a n v a s s i n g t h e w o r k e r s u n d e r i t s j u r i s d i c t i o n a n d s h o w i n g them t h a t o n l y b y h a v i n g t h e i r names o n t h e s e v e r a l v o t e r s ' l i s t s c a n t h e y e v e r hope t o s e e o r e b y a h a r m o n i o u s , o n i t e d a n d d e c i d e d s t a n d the o b j e c t s which the s a i d C o u n c i l has i n v i e w , namely, the e l e v a t i o n o f the working c l a s s e s , m e n t a l l y , m o r a l l y and phys i c a l l y ; and that t h i s o n i o n h e a r t i l y and unanimously c o o p e r a t e w i t h t h e C o u n c i l i n i t s e f f o r t s t o a t t a i n t h e ends desired. (Minutes  o f V a n c o u v e r T . & L.  C . , February 14, 1890).  vi  WORKINGMEN«S PLATFORM  ( N a n a i m o , 26 M a y ,  1890)  B e l i e v i n g t h a t the f i r s t p r i n c i p l e s o f Representative Government s h o u l d be t o a c c o m p l i s h t h e g r e a t e s t g o o d f o r t h e g r e a t e s t number. To s e c u r e the workers the f u l l enjoyment of the w e a l t h t h e y c r e a t e , s u f f i c i e n t l e i s u r e i n which t o d e v e l o p t h e i r i n t e l l e c t u a l , m o r a l a n d s o c i a l f a c u l t i e s , i n a word t o e n a b l e them t o s h a r e i n t h e g a i n s a n d h o n o r s o f a d v a n c i n g civilization. T o s e c u r e t h e s e o b j e c t s , we must h a v e men t o a d v a n c e o u r c a u s e on t h e f l o o r o f t h e L e g i s l a t i v e H a l l o f o u r Province. T h e r e f o r e v o t e o n l y f o r men who w i l l a d v o c a t e t h e f o l l o w i n g demands: 1. t h a t t h e l a n d , t h e h e r i t a g e o f t h e p e o p l e be r e s e r v e d f o r a c t u a l s e t t l e r s , not another acre f o r Corporations or s p e c u l a t o r s , a n d a l l l a n d s o h e l d a t p r e s e n t t o be t a x e d t o i t s f u l l rental value. 2. The a d o p t i o n o f m e a s u r e s p r o v i d i n g f o r t h e h e a l t h and s a f e t y o f t h o s e engaged i n m i n i n g , m a n u f a c t u r i n g and b u i l d i n g i n d u s t r i e s , and f o r the i n d e m n i f i c a t i o n o f t h o s e engaged t h e r e i n f o r i n j u r i e s r e c e i v e d through l a c k of necessary s a f e guards. 3. The e n a c t m e n t o f l a w s p r o v i d i n g f o r a r b i t r a t i o n between employer and employes, and t o e n f o r c e the d e c i s i o n o f the arbitrators. 4 . The a d o p t i o n o f a M e c h a n i c s L i e n Law g i v i n g t o M e c h a n i c s a n d L a b o r e r s a f i r s t l i e n upon t h e p r o d u c t o f t h e i r l a b o r t o t h e e x t e n t o f t h e i r f u l l wages. 5. T h a t a c l a u s e be i n s e r t e d i n a l l C h a r t e r s g r a n t e d b y t h e P r o v i n c i a l G o v e r n m e n t , p r o h i b i t i n g t h e employment o f C h i n e s e . 6 . The r e p e a l o f t h e u n j u s t l a w s p a s s e d a t t h e l a s t s e s s i o n g i v i n g v a s t t r a c t s o f l a n d a n d r o y a l t i e s on m i n e r a l s t h e r e i n to r a i l r o a d c o r p o r a t i o n s . 7 . T h a t we condemn t h e p o l i c y o f c r e a t i n g a n d f o s t e r i n g monopolies, as they tend to prevent l e g i t i m a t e c o m p e t i t i o n , l e a v i n g i t p o s s i b l e f o r t h e few t o a c c u m u l a t e v a s t f o r t u n e s a t t h e e x p e n s e o f t h e many. 8 . T h a t we c o n s i d e r t h e p r e s e n t s y s t e m o f t a x a t i o n t o be u n j u s t , t h e r e f o r e we demand t h a t a g r a d u a t e d i n c o m e t a x be levied. of  9 . T h a t we do a l l i n o u r power t o f u r t h e r t h e s h o r t h o u r s movement.  the  advancement  10. In the Interests of Education we consider that the control of the Schools should he l e f t i n the hands of the l o c a l Board, the Government merely exercising a general supervision over them. (prepared by The Workingmen's Campaign Committee; publ i s h e d i n the Nanaimo Free Press with separate endorsements by Keith and Forster May 27 and May 31, 1890).  viii PLATFORM o f t h e NATIONALIST  PARTY  1. We demand f o r t h e p r o d u c e r s a n d w a g e - e a r n e r s product of t h e i r l a b o r .  the  2 . T h a t p o p u l a t i o n be t h e o n l y b a s i s o f l e g i s l a t i v e tion.  full representa-  3. T h a t a l l o b s t a c l e s t o f r e e r e p r e s e n t a t i o n be r e m o v e d , a n d no p r o p e r t y o r f i n a n c i a l q u a l i f i c a t i o n w h a t e v e r be r e q u i r e d o f c a n d i d a t e s f o r any e l e c t i o n . 4 . T h a t a l l members o f t h e L e g i s l a t u r e be c o m p e l l e d t o r e s i g n t h e i r s e a t s at the request of a two-thirds m a j o r i t y of t h e i r constituents. 5.  T h a t a l l c i t i z e n s , i r r e s p e c t i v e o f s e x , o v e r t h e a g e o f 21 y e a r s , be e n f r a n c h i s e d , a n d t h a t no o t h e r q u a l i f i c a t i o n be r e q u i r e d f o r any e l e c t i o n , m u n i c i p a l , P r o v i n c i a l , o r F e d e r a l .  6. That a l l  e l e c t i o n d a y s be d e c l a r e d l e g a l  holidays.  7. T h a t t h e l e g i s l a t i v e s y s t e m known a s t h e i n i t i a t i v e r e f e r e n d u m be a d o p t e d . 8.  and  T h a t t h e p o l l t a x a n d p e r s o n a l p r o p e r t y t a x be a b o l i s h e d , a n d t h a t a l l r e v e n u e f o r p u b l i c p u r p o s e s be d e r i v e d b y a t a x on l a n d v a l u e s .  9 . T h a t t h e P r o v i n c i a l Government p r o v i d e i m m e d i a t e r e l i e f f o r t h e u n e m p l o y e d , b y o p e n i n g up a n d o p e r a t i n g c o a l a n d o t h e r m i n e s , by c l e a r i n g and c u l t i v a t i n g t h e P r o v i n c i a l l a n d s , a n d p r o d u c i n g t h e r e f r o m many o f t h e n e c e s s a r i e s o f l i f e now imported. 1 0 . T h a t no s u b s i d y o f l a n d o r money be g r a n t e d t o a n y company o r c o r p o r a t i o n f o r a n y p u r p o s e w h a t e v e r .  individual,  1 1 . That a l l r a i l w a y s , waterways, t e l e g r a p h s and t e l e p h o n e systems be made n a t i o n a l p r o p e r t y , a n d t h a t a l l w a t e r , l i g h t a n d t r a m way s e r v i c e s be c o n t r o l l e d b y m u n i c i p a l i t i e s , a n d t h a t no e x i s t i n g f r a n c h i s e be r e n e w e d . 1 2 . T h a t a l l b a n k s be n a t i o n a l i z e d a n d t h a t t h e Government a n d c o n t r o l t h e medium o f e x c h a n g e . 1 3 . That a l l e d u c a t i o n , elementary and advanced, w i t h b o o k s , be f r e e .  issue  necessary  ix 14.  That e i g h t hours s h a l l c o n s t i t u t e  15. That the c o n t r a c t  a l e g a l workaday.  s y s t e m on p u b l i c works be a b o l i s h e d .  16. That the i m p o r t a t i o n o f l a b o r under c o n t r a c t ( f r o m The D a i l y W o r l d . V a n c o u v e r ,  be p r o h i b i t e d .  14 May 1 8 9 4 ) .  JOINT LABOR-NATIONALIST C I V I C PLATFORM (as a d o p t e d by V a n c o u v e r T . & L . C . , 6 D e c . 1895) No  1 That any v o t e r s h a l l O f f i c e o f Mayor o r Alderman  be e l i g i b l e  f o r e l e c t i o n to  the  No 2 T h a t t h e ward s y s t e m be a b o l i s h e d No 3 That t h e system o f d i r e c t l e g i s l a t i o n by the p e o p l e known a s t h e i n i t i a t i v e a n d r e f e r e n d u m be a d o p t e d No 4 T h a t t h e c o n t r a c t s y s t e m o n a l l m u n i c i p a l works be abolished. No 5 That eight hours s h a l l c o n s t i t u t e m u n i c i p a l work  a d a y s l a b o r on  all  No 6 That t h e p r i n c i p l e o f exemption o f improvements from t a x a t i o n be a d h e r e d t o a n d a n y d e f i c i t c a u s e d t h e r e b y be made a d i r e c t c h a r g e on l a n d v a l u e s No 7 That a l l gas and e l e c t r i c l i g h t p l a n t s t e l e p h o n e s f e r r i e s waterworks and s t r e e t R a i l w a y l i n e s w i t h i n t h e bounds o f t h e C i t y be owned a n d o p e r a t e d b y t h e M u n i c i p a l i t y No 8 That the a s s e s s o r s l i s t and an o f f i c i a l statement o f r e v e n u e a n d e x p e n d i t u r e f o r t h e C i t y be p u b l i s h e d a n n u a l l y in detail No 9 That the C i t y C o u n c i l s h a l l e s t a b l i s h and maintain a Mechanics I n s t i t u t e i n c o n j u n c t i o n with the f r e e P u b l i c Library No 10 T h a t s t e p s s h o u l d a t o n c e be t a k e n t o h a v e a p o r t i o n o f S t a n l e y P a r k c l e a r e d a n d made s u i t a b l e f o r a f r e e p u b l i c r e c r e a t i o n ground To S c h o o l T r u s t e e s No l That s c h o o l books and a l l  n e c e s s a r y s u p p l i e s be  No 2 T h a t a n o f f i c e r whose d u t y I t s h a l l be t o i n s u r e a t t e n d a n c e o f p u p i l s s h a l l be a p p o i n t e d (from M i n u t e s o f the Vancouver T . & L . C . , above d a t e )  free the  xi NANAIMO FORKINGMAN'S To tbe E l e c t o r s  of  the E l e c t o r a l  PLATFORM, 1894 Districts  o f Nanaimo:  G e n t l e m e n : - t h e f o l l o w i n g p l a t f o r m h a s been a d o p t e d by t h e Nanaimo R e f o r m C l u b , t h e M i n e r s ' a n d M i n e - L a b o r e r s ' P r o t e c t i v e A s s o c i a t i o n , and t h e v a r i o u s T r a d e s U n i o n s o f the C i t y o f Nanaimo. and a l l c a n d i d a t e s brought out under t h e i r a u s p i c e s w i l l be p l e d g e d t o s u p p o r t i t . T o t e f o r t h e men who a d v o c a t e these measures: 1. T h a t a l l women, r e s i d e n t w i t h i n t h e P r o v i n c e a n d b e i n g B r i t i s h s u b j e c t s o f t h e f u l l a g e o f t w e n t y - o n e y e a r s , be e n t i t l e d t o v o t e a t t h e P r o v i n c i a l e l e c t i o n s upon t h e same t e r m s a n d c o n d i t i o n s t h a t men a r e s o e n t i t l e d . 2 . T h a t t h e Government n e g o t i a t e w i t h t h e E s q u i m a l t a n d Nanaimo R a i l r o a d Company f o r t h e p u r c h a s e on f a i r a n d e q u i t a b l e t e r m s o f a l l l a n d s a t p r e s e n t owned b y t h e s a i d company i n V a n couver I s l a n d t o g e t h e r w i t h the m i n e r a l and o t h e r r i g h t s t h e r e i n a n d t h a t t h e s a i d l a n d s be t h e n o p e n e d up f o r s e t t l e m e n t . 3. T h a t t h e Government n e g o t i a t e f o r t h e p u r c h a s e o f t h e E s q u i m a l t a n d Nanaimo R a i l r o a d a n d i n t h e e v e n t o f a p u r c h a s e b e i n g e f f e c t e d t h a t t h e Government do e x t e n d t h e s a i d r a i l r o a d a s f a r a s Comox D i s t r i c t a n d do assume c o n t r o l a n d o p e r a t e t h e s a i d r a i l r o a d o r l e a s e t h e same on r e a s o n a b l e t e r m s f o r p e r i o d s not exceeding f i f t y years. 4 . T h a t h e n c e f o r t h n o t a n o t h e r a c r e o f l a n d be g r a n t e d a s a bonus t o any r a i l r o a d o r o t h e r c o r p o r a t i o n w i t h o u t f i r s t s u b m i t t i n g the question to a d i r e c t vote of the e l e c t o r s . 5. T h a t h e n c e f o r t h no l a n d be g r a n t e d t o a n y p e r s o n c o r p o r a t i o n whatsoever, f r e e from t a x a t i o n .  or  6. That a l l unoccupied l a n d s , not w i t h i n the boundaries o f a m u n i c i p a l i t y , be t a x e d t o t h e i r f u l l r e n t a l v a l u e . 7.  T h a t t h e t a x on m o r t g a g e s be r e p e a l e d .  8 . T h a t e i g h t h o u r s be a d o p t e d a s t h e t i m e l i m i t o f a d a y ' s work u n d e r a l l Government a n d m u n i c i p a l c o n t r a c t s a n d t h a t w o r k i n g o v e r t i m e on s u c h c o n t r a c t s be p r o h i b i t e d e x c e p t i n c a s e o f emergency. 9 . T h a t no p e r s o n o f t h e C h i n e s e o r J a p a n e s e r a c e be e m p l o y e d u n d e r a n y Government o r m u n i c i p a l c o n t r a c t , d i r e c t l y o r indirectly.  xii  1 0 . T h a t a c l a u s e be i n s e r t e d i h a l l c h a r t e r s g r a n t e d b y t h e Government p r o h i b i t i n g t h e employment o f a n y p e r s o n o f t h e C h i n e s e o r Japanese r a c e i n any c a p a c i t y f o r any o f the p u r p o s e s f o r w h i c h t h e c h a r t e r be g r a n t e d . 1 1 . T h a t no p e r s o n be a l l o w e d t o be e m p l o y e d i n a n y c o a l mine i n a n y c a p a c i t y w h a t e v e r u n d e r g r o u n d w i t h o u t f i r s t p a s s i n g a s a t i s f a c t o r y examination as t o the d u t i e s o f h i s p o s i t i o n and the p r e c a u t i o n s r e q u i r e d a g a i n s t the dangers i n c i dental to working i n a mine. 1 2 . T h a t t h e Government s e e t o t h e s t r i c t e r e n f o r c e m e n t o f the l i q u o r laws and e s p e c i a l l y i n r e g a r d t o the s e l l i n g o f i n t o x i c a n t s t o p e r s o n s u n d e r t h e age o f s i x t e e n a n d t o i n e b r i a t e s and i n r e g a r d t o the Sunday C l o s i n g c l a u s e o f t h e l i q u o r License Regulation A c t , 1891. 1 3 . T h a t t h e Government h a v e f u l l c o n t r o l o f e d u c a t i o n a l m a t t e r s a n d s c h o o l s a n d do e r e c t a n d m a i n t a i n s c h o o l h o u s e s a n d do p a y t h e s a l a r i e s o f t e a c h e r s a n d o t h e r o f f i c i a l s c o n nected therewith. 1 4 . T h a t t h e l a w r e q u i r i n g a $200 d e p o s i t c a n d i d a t e f o r t h e L e g i s l a t u r e be r e p e a l e d .  t o be made b y a  1 5 . T h a t a l a w be e n a c t e d p r o h i b i t i n g t h e i m p o r t a t i o n f o r e i g n l a b o r under c o n t r a c t .  of  I n a l l m a t t e r s h o t t o u c h e d upon i n t h i s P l a t f o r m o u r c a n d i d a t e s w i l l be p l e d g e d t o t a k e an i n d e p e n d e n t s t a n d i n t h e i n t e r e s t s of t h e i r c o n s t i t u e n t s , at a l l times g i v i n g preference however t o t h a t p a r t y w h i c h w i l l a s s i s t i n c a r r y i n g t h i s p l a t form i n t o e f f e c t . ( f r o m Nanaimo F r e e P r e s s .  T Mar.  1894, p.  1).  xiii  AMERICAN FEDERATION 1.  OF LABOR PLATFORM  Compulsory e d u c a t i o n .  2. D i r e c t referendum. 3. A l e g a l  legislation,  through the i n i t i a t i v e  work d a y o f n o t more t h a n e i g h t  and  the  hours.  4 . S a n i t a r y i n s p e c t i o n o f w o r k s h o p , m i n e a n d home. or  5. L i a b i l i t y life.  of employers f o r i n j u r y  6 . The a b o l i t i o n o f works. , 7.  The a b o l i t i o n o f  to health,  the c o n t r a c t  system i n a l l  the sweating  system.  body public  8 . The m u n i c i p a l o w n e r s h i p o f s t r e e t c a r s , w a t e r w o r k s , gas and e l e c t r i c p l a n t s f o r the p u b l i c d i s t r i b u t i o n o f l i g h t , heat and power. 9 . The n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n o f roads and m i n e s .  the t e l e p h o n e ,  telegraph,  rail-  1 0 . The a b o l i t i o n o f the monopoly system o f l a n d h o l d i n g and s u b s t i t u t i o n t h e r e f o r a t i t l e o f occupancy and use o n l y . 1 1 . R e p e a l o f c o n s p i r a c y a n d p e n a l l a w s a f f e c t i n g seamen a n d o t h e r workmen i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t h e f e d e r a l a n d s t a t e l a w s of the United S t a t e s . 1 2 . The a b o l i t i o n o f t h e m o n o p o l y p r i v i l e g e o f i s s u i n g money a n d s u b s t i t u t i n g t h e r e f o r a s y s t e m o f d i r e c t i s s u a n c e a n d by t h e p e o p l e . ( a d o p t e d by A . F .  of L,,  (from The I n d e p e n d e n t .  1894-95). A p r i l 28, 1900, p.  4).  to  L E G I S L A T I V E PLATFORM OF THE TRADES AND LABOR CONGRESS CANADA  (adopted i n Winnipeg,  OF  1398)  1.  Free compulsory e d u c a t i o n .  2.  L e g a l w o r k i n g d a y o f e i g h t h o a r s a n d s i x d a y s a week.  3. Government i n s p e c t i o n o f a l l 4. The a b o l i t i o n of the c o n t r a c t works. 5. A minimum l i v i n g wage,  industries. s y s t e m on a l l  b a s e d on l o c a l  6. P u b l i c ownership o f a l l f r a n c h i s e s , t e l e g r a p h s , waterworks, l i g h t i n g , e t c .  public  conditions.  such as  railways,  7 . T a x r e f o r m , b y l e s s e n i n g t a x a t i o n on i n d u s t r y i n c r e a s i n g i t on l a n d v a l u e s . 8. A b o l i t i o n o f  the Dominion senate.  9. E x c l u s i o n of  Chinese.  1 0 . The u n i o n l a b e l on a l l m a n u f a c t u r e d g o o d s , p r a c t i c a b l e , on a l l government s u p p l i e s .  and  where  1 1 . A b o l i t i o n o f c h i l d l a b o r b y c h i l d r e n u n d e r 14 y e a r s o f age; and of female l a b o r i n a l l branches o f i n d u s t r i a l l i f e such as mines, workshops, f a c t o r i e s , e t c . 12. A b o l i t i o n of property q u a l i f i c a t i o n f o r a l l offices. 13.  Compulsory a r b i t r a t i o n  of a l l  labor  public  disputes.  14. P r o p o r t i o n a l r e p r e s e n t a t i o n and the c u m u l a t i v e 15. labor.  Prohibition  of p r i s o n l a b o r i n competition with  ( f r o m The I n d e p e n d e n t .  A p r i l 14, 1900, p.  3).  vote. free  X V UNITED LABOR PLATFORM. 1900 1.  We demand o f t h e P r o v i n c i a l the e i g h t - h o u r law, and i t s o f manual l a b o r .  L e g i s l a t u r e the enforcement of a p p l i c a t i o n to a l l branches  2. L e g a l r e c o g n i t i o n b y i n c o r p o r a t i o n o f l a b o r u n i o n s , a n d t h e e x t e n s i o n t o them o f t h e same r i g h t s e n j o y e d b y o t h e r corporate bodies. 3. To p r o v i d e f o r a d j u s t m e n t o f wage d i s p u t e s b y a r b i t r a t i o n on p l a n s s i m i l a r t o t h o s e now i n f o r c e i n New Z e a l a n d . 4. T o p r o v i d e f o r t h e s e t t l e m e n t o f p u b l i c q u e s t i o n s by v