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Canadian political thinker: Pierre Elliot [sic] Trudeau : an analysis of his published writings 1950-1966 Haynal, George Leslie 1970

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A CANADIAN POLITICAL THINKER: PIERRE ELLIOT TRUDEAU AN ANALYSIS OF HIS PUBLISHED WRITINGS 1950-1966 by GEORGE LESLIE HAYNAL B.A., Loyola College, 1967 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of P o l i t i c a l Science We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA -July, 1970 In p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s in p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f the requirements f o r an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree t h a t the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and s t u d y . I f u r t h e r agree tha p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be g r a n t e d by the Head o f my Department o r by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s understood t h a t c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Geotg^ L. Haynal Department of P n H t i r . n l Sr.i The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada Date s P r t . P m h P r l / h 1Q70 ABSTKACT Pierre E l l i o t t Trudeau was an active participant i n the decade of social reform and p o l i t i c a l awakening that preceded the Quiet Revolu-tion in Quebec, and continued to act as a non-partisan social and p o l i t -i c a l c r i t i c u n t i l his entry into the federal l i b e r a l party i n 1966. He based his contribution as pamphleteer for various movements of reform on certain basic philosophical principles. These principles can be described as a belief i n the absolute value of humanity, the ef-ficacy of reason in human action, and the necessity of moral participation by the individual i n the determination of a l l phases of his existence. Though these principles are not systematically presented, they are dis-cernable and their understanding i s essential as a f i r s t step i n any appreciation of Trudeau. TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION l a) The Subject of the Study 1 b) Purpose of the Essay 3 c) Organization 4 d) Bibliography 7 e) Biography 8 II MAN, SOCIETY, THE STATE 17 a) Introduction 17 b) Man • 18 c) Society and The State 30 d) The State's Duties 34 II I DEMOCRACY 4 3 IV FEDERALISM 52 V NATIONALISM : 5 8 VI QUEBEC 6 8 VII CANADA 79 - VIII CONCLUSION 9 6 BIBLIOGRAPHY H I CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION a) The Subject of the Study It i s by now almost a gratuitous observation that Trudeau is an Actonian. He i s , i t i s true, but i n much the same way that Harold Laski, Jacques Maritain and a host of lesser p o l i t i c a l thinkers today are Acton-ians. I f we r e s t r i c t ourselves purely to the negative face of Trudeau's p o l i t i c s we could say that, yes, he i s a disciple of the nineteenth cen-tury l i b e r a l school, yes, he fervently mistrusts p o l i t i c a l power. But i f we turn the literature to i t s more positive side, we can instantly be-come convinced that, far from i t , Trudeau feels the need for a positive state, or i f we read some of his e a r l i e r less known pieces i t would be very easy to mistake his writings for good French translations of Harold Laski's earnest pluralism. I f the reader was more c l a s s i c a l l y oriented, Platonist and Aristotelian ideas on the Pol i t y , on the role of p o l i t i c a l responsibility, and on the nature of society would leap at him from Trudeau's pages. Though some have claimed to see Karl Marx re-incarnated i n the polished prose of Pierre Trudeau, the simi l a r i t y strikes only those (un-fortunately many) who are completely ignorant of what both men said, or worse, those who have some l i t t l e and second-hand information on Marxism, not Marx.''' We can "accuse" Trudeau of being Marxian to the degree that 1 Pierre E. Trudeau, "Materiaux pour servir a une enque*te sur le c l e r i c a l isme", C i t / Libre, # 7, May, 1953. 2. any democratic s o c i a l i s t thinker or even as any social scientist can be accused of i t . Since the subject i s far too wide to deal with and has only an incidental relevance, only a few observations are necessary here. Trudeau i s a democrat. He believes i n human ra t i o n a l i t y , i n free w i l l aid most important, i n individual responsibility. He believes i n the natural obsolescence and consequent demise of the free enterprise economy, and i s confident in the future of socialism. His main concern i s not for the coming of this future, but whether this future w i l l be democratic or t o t a l i t a r i a n . He could hardly pass for a good Marxian with such a set of ideas. The di a l e c t i c i s not among contending economic classes: i t i s between democratic forces and the t o t a l i t a r i a n , between the "essences" of reason and i r r a t i o n a l i t y within men. What philosophy does he follow then? If he i s not a Marxian, Trudeau has used Marx. Nor is he a Platonist, an Actonian, a Fabian, nor in the last resort a Laskian, but has used their thoughts i n forming his own. Are we trying to evade the question? Definitely not. Such an elu-siveness is in fact the answer: Trudeau belongs completely to no philos-ophical tradition, and yet he belongs to them a l l . He i s perhaps the closest that Canada has achieved i n a cosmopolitan p o l i t i c a l thinker; he ranges across the nations, rarely but sometimes the cultures and the ages of c i v i l i z a t i o n . He has attempted to synthesize within a highly personal construct what he finds the best i n a l l p o l i t i c a l thought. Though he may be no more than the Renaissance midget on the shoulders of c l a s s i c a l giants, 3. Trudeau has constructed a complex and internally unassailable philosophy. His greatest interest and greatest f a i l i n g stem together from the " t o t a l " -2 ness of this thought, b) Purpose of the Essay The purpose of this essay is a straightforward examination of the writings of Pierre E l l i o t t Trudeau. Although he deserves a far wider treat-ment, there are a number of reasons why we cannot, at this point, attempt a p o l i t i c a l or philosophical biography. The subject of our study i s not only i n the prime of l i f e but i s the occupant of an important and sensitive office. Information about his personality and personal l i f e beyond glimpses 3 in his own writing are unavailable. Though we shall try to place Trudeau i n the Canadian p o l i t i c a l con-text as far as possible, we shall do so only to the degree that the context has a bearing on the content and import of his thought. We are not, I must emphasize at the beginning, studying Trudeau as the "prime minister in l a t -ency". Though this may seem the most obvious rationale for a study of this nature, there are others of equal, i f not higher, v a l i d i t y . 2 But Trudeau i s not so purely a normative theorist as this description by association may imply. For though he was already writing a number of years before i t s publication, a good deal of his p o l i t i c a l theory i s strongly re-miniscent of the systems approach taken by Gabriel Almond in the "Civic Culture" and i t i s far from impossible to alternate the name 'just society' based on rational responsibility with Almond's term 'civic society' based on a 'civic culture's 1 participatory p o l i t i c s . It must not be forgotten either that much of Trudeau's fame stems from his sociological examination of Quebec in the f i r s t chapter of Trudeau (ed.), La Greve de l'Amiante, Editions du Jour, Montreal, 1956. 3 Martin Sullivan, Mandate 1968, Doubleday Canada Ltd., Toronto, 1968,p.372. 4. Trudeau i s the embodiment of a period i n the i n t e l l e c t u a l and p o l i t i c a l history of French Canadian society, whose complexities are only now beginning to receive serious academic attention. The role that Tru-deau1 s Cite Libre group played in the development of Quebec would be suf-fici e n t cause to examine his writings. We shall pay some attention to the concrete manifestations of their struggle later on i n the paper. We cannot regard Trudeau's written material as the expression of an original p o l i t i c a l philosophy. But the failure to be original ( i f we can even use such value terms) cannot detract from the innate social and intellectual value of Trudeau's writings. They never claimed to be orig-i n a l , but they were didactic. Trudeau was a pamphleteer i n the c l a s s i c a l tradition, a tradition that has u n t i l very recently been t o t a l l y absent from a l l but the French speaking part of this continent. Trudeau, the pamphleteer-ing social c r i t i c was a phenomenon inseparable from Quebec of the 1950's, the environment were public social c r i t i c i s m was so important, and could be ex-pressed in the medium Trudeau found so congenial - the journal. c) Organization The research task involved in this paper has been very complicated at times; this is not because of any scarcity of material, but rather as a result of the way that the material was written. Trudeau wrote in response to issues. Each a r t i c l e had to be a com-plete exposition of the writer's view point and had necessarily to contain 5. a capsulated i f incomplete version of the p h i l o s o p h i c a l premises of the argument. Reading Trudeau has consequently been r e p e t i t i o u s , and i t has been our major task to glean the p h i l o s o p h i c a l argument which forms the connecting thread. The organization of the paper has consequently often followed a t h e o r e t i c a l structure of i t s own, rather than any chronological or t o p i c a l construct. Since Trudeau has been, i f anything, a l l too consistent, the former approach would have been purely d e s c r i p t i v e , and since h i s w r i t i n g i s t o p i c a l , the l a t t e r would have consisted l a r g e l y of indexing the a r t i c l e s Trudeau applies a number of basic p r i n c i p l e s to p o l i t i c s . These can be summed up as a b e l i e f i n the d i g n i t y and uniqueness of a human being, i n human freedom and s o c i a l l y expressed r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . On these he b u i l d s h i s conception of the values of p o l i t i c a l l i f e . He applies them to Canadian society, and i n the process becomes one of the few, genuine p o l i t -i c a l thinkers i n the country. In the e f f o r t to r e f l e c t t h i s pattern of thought, we are d i v i d i n g the paper into two main sections: the f i r s t to o u t l i n e Trudeau's p h i l o s -ophic and p o l i t i c a l commitments and the second, to study h i s a t t i t u d e s to Canadian problems and issues. The d i s t i n c t i o n i s necessary since, though Trudeau's more general p h i l o s o p h i c a l ideals stand quite independently of any p a r t i c u l a r context, the Canadian analysis r e s t s completely i n h i s philosophy. 6. The remaining part of the introduction contains bibliographical notes on the essay and a biographical sketch of Trudeau. The bibliograph-i c a l limitations involved i n the research for the paper have been most important i n delimiting i t s scope. Eor this reason i t appeared useful to include a brief note on the question. The biography i s a brief device to introduce the subject of the study in a general perspective. The general philosophical section is divided into four chapters. The f i r s t chapter i s a discussion of the central place of the individual in his thought, and of his concept of human nature and social relations. The second seeks to define Trudeau's ideal society and to discuss his be-l i e f i n democracy as the p o l i t i c a l system closest to the ideal. The t h i r d chapter i s an attempt to show that, for Trudeau, federalism i s the supreme form of democracy. The fourth chapter deals with the question of ra t i o n a l i t y and i r r a -t i o n a l i t y in p o l i t i c s , contrasting the federal with the nationalist a l t e r -natives. For Trudeau, Reason, not some "destiny", i s the motive force of human progress; any p o l i t i c a l system based on i r r a t i o n a l goals i s consequently unacceptable. The second section i s a treatment of Trudeau's more specific concern - Canadian and Quebec p o l i t i c s . The f i r s t chapter in the section describes Trudeau's analysis of Quebec's history wherein he seeks to show that i n English-French relations, the province, as the country, has permitted i t s e l f to reach barren stalemate. This discussion should lead to the question of where Canada stands now, and 7. what are the alternatives open to her. The treatment of this subject w i l l constitute the second chapter. The concluding section i s envisioned as a c r i t i c a l discussion of Trudeau's p o l i t i c a l philosophy, content and style, his place i n Canadian p o l i t i c a l thought, his importance as a p o l i t i c a l figure. d) Bibliography Our examination is of the pre-Liberal Party Trudeau, the p o l i t i c a l thinker, and to this end we have examined a l l of his printed material within the scope of Canadian university l i b r a r i e s , from the period between 1950 and 1966. Even within the purely chronological limitations, we encountered d i f f i c u l t y i n finding a complete bibliography. His a r t i c l e s for Quartier Latin, i f any, were unavailable, and since Le Devoir i s just now (1969) undergoing indexing, we have simply used fragments that were cited else-where. The main source is undoubtedly Cxti Libre, to which Trudeau contri-buted consistently from i t s foundation u n t i l 1966. The other major source was Jacques Hebert's weekly Vrai which appeared in Montreal between 1954 and 1959, at which point i t ceased publication after certain revelations reflecting unfavourably on members of the Quebec hierarchy. Trudeau appears to have written only one a r t i c l e s p e c i f i c a l l y for a professional journal, and this highly untechnical piece appeared in the McGill Law Journal in 1962. The remarkable profusion of his a r t i c l e s in English Canadian periodicals are translations for the most part, although several of his articles appeared orig i n a l l y i n English language collections. The now famous "Obstacles to Democracy in Quebec", for which, ostensibly, he won the Governor General's medal is almost a l i t e r a l transcription, although updated, of an a r t i c l e that appeared in Cite"" Libre in 1952, under the t i t l e "Reflexions sur la Politique au Canada Francais". Several of his 4 later articles also tend to be repetitive, though this may be less a re-flection on him than on the readership that demanded the reiteration of his basic message without seemingly being able to understand i t . The "monumental" and somewhat mythologized f i r s t chapter to " La Greve da L'Amiante" as well as the completely forgotten epilogue he wrote in the same volume, have been used in this study, although with what may strike some readers as unwonted skimpiness. While a very solid and inter-esting social history of Quebec, "La Province de Quebec a l'Heure de l a Greve" is not in any but a derivative way a philosophical work, and i t has been used here to i l l u s t r a t e his analysis of Quebec's problems and nothing more. e) Biography The Trudeau clan dates i t s a r r i v a l in Quebec to the 17th century. The family lived in Napierville, a somewhat exceptional town i n that i t lay 4 Most notably the essay "Quebec and the Constitutional Problem", which was originally a brief for submission to the Constitutional Committee of the Quebec Legislative Assembly in March, A p r i l -1965. A year later the most significant part of the essay appeared in Cite Libre under the title.,"Le Que'bec, E s t - i l As siege-", (No. 86, April-May 1966). In 1968 i t appeared in Federalism and the French Canadians, MacMillan of Canada,Toronto, 1968. 9. in a progressive farming area on the edge of Eastern Townships, and was bi l i n g u a l . Trudeau spent his early summers in this environment. The E l l i o t t family is United Empire Loyalists and Mme. Trudeau was educated in private schools i n Ontario. She i s also completely b i l i n g u a l . But P e l l e t i e r feels called upon to be defensive in his mention of her: Quebecoise, e l l e aussi, bien au f a i t de l a vie, de l a societe canadiennes - frangaises, pas du tout "minoritaire anglophone", n i de mentalite, n i surtout par la langue, puisqu'elle s'exprime en franc_ais avec le plus parfait naturel, a tou-jours fre'quente' des amis de langue franchise et collabore'' aux i n i t i a t i v e s culturelles du milieu francophone. 5 Trudeau was born in Montreal in 1919; there went to private grade school, and later to the French Jesuit College de Jean de Breheuf, rather than the more assimilationist English Loyola, which many others of the French Canadian e l i t e preferred. He travelled widely through the province in this period. Only his own speeches in the 1968 campaign give us some concrete information on these t r i p s , but he seems to have wandered both the South and North shores of the St. Lawrence and struck up further north to Rouyn Noranda, either by motorcycle, canoe or hitching rides. He also worked in the coal and iron mines for at least one period of summer vacation. The f i r s t record of his public p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y appears in Le Devoir's November 26, 1942 issue when he participated in Jean Drapeau's 5 Re'ponses de Pierre E l l i o t t Trudeau. Introduction by Gerard P e l l e t i e r . 2e edition, Editions du Jour, Montreal, 1968, p. 13. 10. campaign for "La Ligue pour la Defense du Canada".0 Trudeau's sense of language and sense of humor are obvious in the headline "Finie la Fleche du Conquerant - Vive le Drapeau de la Liberte".' 7 The speech starts in a nationalistic tone, but proceeds far more in style to attack the undemo-cratic processes of the Liberal party. Pelletier speaks of this period: De'jel, pourtant, c'est l'aspect proprement politique qui retensit son attention plutQt que 1'emotion na-tional i s t e soulevee par ces evenements. I I s'elevait contre la trahison d'une promesse ... I I refusait des moeurs politiques ou la franchise n'avait aucune place. I I derendait le droit pour le Quebec de de-mander des comptes a un par t i qui l'avait tenu dans 1'illusion, et refusait a la majorite' anglophone le droit de condamner comme tra i t r e s ou comme laches des gens qu'on avait berne's par des promesses pour obtenir leurs voix, au lie u de leur presenter courageusement une real i t e internationale transformed. II condamnait, au fond, une politique de mensonge larve' de demi-verite's, de louvoiements perpetuels dont le resultat inevitable n'etait que trop evident; on avait encourage'' le Quebec a rester dans son isolement; on l u i f a i s a i t desormais un crime de n'en pas vouloir s o r t i r . 8 It was probably during this time that p o l i t i c s was revealed as his true "vocation". After law school in Montreal he went on to an M.A. i n p o l i t i c a l economy at Harvard, then to Paris and the London School of Econ-omics. He le f t there in 1948 before he gained a degree, and the same year 6 Pierre E. Trudeau, Le Devoir, November 26, 1942. 7 General Lafleche was Mackenzie King's candidate in Outremont, and Jean Drapeau was, at the time, a vigorous opponent of Conscription. 8 Re'ponses, Introduction, p. 16. 11. started travelling i n what Pe l l e t i e r c a l l s "des cours pratiques", to exper-ience the social problems of the world f i r s t hand, and apparently to have some adventure. He made his "famous" sortie into Koumintang Shanghai i n 1949. He came back that year i n time to take part i n the strike in Asbestos, and paradoxically to join the Federal Service as "economic advisor" to the Privy Council. In the year and a half that he was in Ottawa he spent week-ends in the founding of Cite Libre, successively to be director, co-editor and writer of the journal u n t i l 1966. He l e f t Canada again in 1952, toured Africa and vis i t e d the U.S.S.R., sending a series of reports to Le Devoir, 1© c r i t i c a l of the English position i n Egypt and of Western views of Russia. He was to travel constantly and almost always on a shoestring. Apart from this consistency, he was a "dabbler", albeit an incredibly ef-fective one. Though called to the bar, he seems not to have practiced,yet he acted as legal counsel to the C.S.N., and to Jacques Hebert, when the latter faced contempt charges arising out of the Coffin case.^ He wrote for Cite* Libre and contributed to Hebert's weekly Vrai - the organ of sev-eral p o l i t i c a l reform groups, such as the Comite pour l a Moralite* Politique and Drapeau's Ligue de L'action Civique. His f i r s t series of ten ar t i c l e s for Vrai in 1956 were excerpts from the introductory essay to "La Greve de 1 'Amiante", The book appeared the same year and drew strong reactions from 9 Reposes, Introduction, p. 20. 10 Trudeau, Le Devoir, February 2, 5 and June 14,16,17,18,19,20,21,1952. 11 Trudeau, "Au Palais de Justice", Vrai, February 22, 1958. p.5. 12. a l l sides and violent, i f ineffectual rebuttals from i t s main target -12 the Quebec e l i t e . During the 1950's Trudeau became actively involved in two popular fronts of democratic opposition to the Union Nationale. Of these, the Rassemblement was a fa i l u r e , and the Union des Forces Democrat -ique i n the f i n a l analysis was only a p a r t i a l success. The failure of the C C F . to lend i t s support to the U.F.D. turned Trudeau against the Social-i s t party. He continued to travel and to write. "Deux Innocents en Chine" is the f r u i t of six weeks spent in China in 1961. The year also marked the Quiet Revolution in Quebec, and Trudeau, who for years had been excluded from an academic post in the province, joined the Law faculty at University of Montreal, to become a member and later, director of a newly founded Institut de la Recherche en Droit Publique. He continued to write for Citd Libre while at Montreal and was i n -volved i n commissions dealing with the constitution for the Privy Council. Then in 1965, he, Pell e t i e r and Jean Marchand shocked their s o c i a l i s t c o l -leagues at Cite Libre by joining the Liberal Party and deciding to run for Parliament. Why Trudeau i n particular chose to do this i s open to a number of interpretations, but most clearly i t stems from his ever changing reaction to Quebec's p o l i t i c a l r e a l i t y . 12 Jacques Cousineau, S.J. "Notes dans la Merge de l a Greve de l'Amiante -Contribution critique a une recherche." Les Cahiers de l'Institute Social Populaire, No. 4, September, 1958. Francois Albert Angers also wrote a long series of articles in L'Action Nationale in rebuttal to Trudeau. 13. Trudeau's changing relations with a changing Quebec are reflected 13 in his work and f a l l roughly into four segments. The period between 1950 and 1958 was possibly Trudeau's finest and purest as a zealous social c r i t i c . There was v i r t u a l l y nothing in Quebec's socio-economic p o l i t i c a l structure, except the unions, of which he could approve. It was a period 14 of t o t a l blackness, t o t a l war, and he spared no one. Trudeau was convinced that Quebec's fundamental e v i l , i t s nation-alism, prevented the growth of Democracy i n the province. The import of his realization can only be f u l l y appreciated given a sense of Trudeau's expectations of democracy which w i l l be outlined further i n this paper. Trudeau fought to wake the Reason of the e l i t e prisoners of "nationalism". He spared no effort and p r a c t i c a l l y no conventions or politeness or t o l e r -ance in decrying what he saw as Quebec's almost hopelessly reactionary social structure. Then in 1958, Trudeau sensed the f i r s t signs of the death c r i s i s of this reactionary Quebec. Ironically and almost alone, he saw i t in Quebec's support of John Diefenbaker and the Conservatives. Regardless of the rather low opinion he had of both, Trudeau was elated. Quebec was at last on the threshold of democracy. It seemed to have shaken off, i t appeared to Trudeau, the archaic ideas of Ottawa as a distant battleground 13 Re ponses, Introduction. Pp. 18-25. 14 Pierre E. Trudeau, "De l a Verite' et de la Liberte en Politique: Les Canadiens Francais et le Defi Fe'ae'ral", J.P. Meekison, ed., Canadian Federalism: Myth or Reality, Methuen, Toronto, 1968, p. 3 91. 14. for the preservation of the race. For the f i r s t time Quebecers voted for a party because of economic and social proposals, rather than because i t posed as the defender of the French Canadian r a c e . ^ The nationalist ideology had, Trudeau f e l t , at last began to lose i t s grip, and democracy was on the ascendant. Between 1958 and 1960 his hopes mounted; the Union Des Forces Democratiques. though i t failed to get the C.C.F.'s support, helped i n the somewhat tainted consummation of the years of the bi t t e r struggle for democracy in Quebec - the overthrow of the Union Nationale. Trudeau would have liked to have voted for a s o c i a l i s t party but he blamed the C C F . for refusing to respect the U.F.D. 's mild nationalism. They lost their chance in Quebec and their ostracized potential leader, Ren/ Levesque, 16 broke away to help lead the Quiet Revolution. The two years to the end of 1962 were years of mingled anticipation, satisfaction and apprehension for Trudeau. Then in May 1962 the prodigal son, who found his home in the New Quebec, decided once again to return p a r t i a l l y to exile. He had not joined the Liberals, though as early as 1954 he had been invited to In any case, he returned to the attack in "Les Progres de 1'Illusion". 15 Trudeau, "Note sur la Conjoncture Politique", Cite'Libre, #49, August, September 1962, p. 2. 16 Trudeau, "L'Homme de Gauche et les Elections Provinciales - L'Opinions de Pierre E. Trudeau", Cite^Libre, # 51, November, 1962, p. 5. 17 Georges Lapalme in an interview, January 17, 1970 on C.B.C. Montreal programme Hourglass. Some indications for his reasons not to do so may be found i n : Trudeau, "L'Avenir du Pajrti Liberal", Vrai, November, 8, 1956,p. 9. 15. The Quebec Revolution had achieved some reform, talked about more, but was changing nothing fundamental. His fears in 1960 that the Liberals would stagnate i f not alert to the corruptive influence of power seemed to have come true. The democratic revolution was not at a l l complete and i t 18 would be a mistake to take a new progressive Quebec for granted. Trudeau had not changed his target. In 1962 he was s t i l l c a l l i n g for basic social reform i n Quebec. He warned then, and he was to inten-s i f y the warning later on that the forces of reaction were far from dead, that the Union Nationale was s t i l l to be reckoned with. Nationalism had 19 risen in a new guise to pose a greater danger to Quebec than ever before. As he f e l t the revolution betrayed, his attacks became more vehement. As he saw the appeal of this ideology infect those whom he f e l t were the most able to lead Quebec into modernity, the student and the young generally, he came to emphasize a theme that he had previously relegated to a secondary place. The failure and p o s s i b i l i t i e s of the Canadian federa-tion which had always been overshadowed in his thought by the internal questions of establishing democracy in Quebec, now took dominance in his writing. The failure of democracy i n Quebec stemmed from problems within the Confederation. The i n a b i l i t y of English Canadians to treat French 18 Trudeau, "Les Progres de 1'Illusion", Cite'* Libre, # 47, May, 1962, p. 1, 2. 19 Trudeau, "Note sur la Conjoncture Politique", Cite'' Libre, # 49, August, September, 1962, p. 2-3. 16. Canadians as equal citizens in the country as a whole and even i n Quebec was largely to blame for the Province's i n t e l l e c t u a l and p o l i t i c a l history of isolation. Trudeau became convinced that the solutions to Quebec's problems had to come from the country as a whole. It was probably instrumental in his decision to enter p o l i t i c s . He wrote as much i n explanation of the decision to friends and readers in 1965: Par a i l l e u r s , nous pensons que le nationalisme extrelniste est presque toujours le produit d'un echec; 1'inaptitude des regimes ant/rieurs a i n -staurer l a justice dans le secteur ethnique. Sans doute que la facon la plus efficace de gu/rir 1' alienation nationaliste, c'est d'instaurer un re-gime meilleur. C'est a cela aussi que nous vou-lons nous employer. 21 20 Trudeau, "La Nouvelle Trahison des Clercs", C i t / Libre,# 46, A p r i l , 1962, p. 8. 21 Pierre E. Trudeau et Gerard P e l l e t i e r , "Pelletier et Trudeau s'expli-quent," C i t / Libre, # 80, October 1965, p. 4. CHAPTER II MAN, SOCIETY, THE STATE a) Introduction There are potent objections to undertaking this following chapter, let alone including i t in the main body of the work. The evidence i s extremley skimpy. Yet the p o l i t i c a l thought that Trudeau has championed for twenty years i s based on these rarely and vaguely stated, but a l l too clear and evident premises about the nature of man 22 and society. Trudeau has never published a philosophical essay. It would have made the researcher's chore a good deal easier i f he had done so, and more important, i t would have made Trudeau for better or for worse, much less of a mystery to his readers, to his p o l i t i c a l colleagues, his "fans" and his enemies. The inner contradictions of the testimonials and criticisms alone make i t obvious that they were based on an i n a b i l i t y to understand what Trudeau has been saying for so long. This public mystery i l l u s t r a t e s a serious shortcoming in what i s a broad body of pol-i t i c a l writing.. Trudeau, for reasons we can only guess, has never f u l l y explained himself. Though a l l his thought in concrete issues rests on the basic premises we shall try to outline in this chapter, he has not 22 At times in this paper, the statement of these premises may seem too much like a catechism. Given Trudeau's statement of these beliefs however, any less descriptive an approach would confuse the presentation and misrepresent the subject. 18. made the effort to state them. Perhaps they seemed so obvious to him that he f e l t i t only natural that a l l intelligent men of good w i l l would feel them self evident; his i n a b i l i t y to engage those whose premises d i f f e r fundamentally from his own, most notably the nationalists of Quebec,would support the hypothesis. b) Man Ge qui prime toute autre consideration quand on fa i t le choix d'un systeme politique, c'est l a personne humaine. Non pas la personne comme notion abstraite; ce qui importe ,ce sont les gens biens concrete ... 23 Though this i s electioneering rhetoric from 1968, Trudeau has clearly f e l t i t for a long time. What is his conception of this "per-sonne bien concrete"? We can extract the essence i n the following: La liberte' est un don gratuit, un attribut de naissance qui distingue l'homme de la btte. 24 Trudeau's idea of human Freedom i s very structured and quite specific. Man i s Alone, and hence at least negatively free, owing no obligation to anything outside himself. This i s only the f i r s t prere-quisite of "human freedom", however. It is Reason that makes man aware of Loneliness, of his freedom. This awareness of self i s unique to man, 23 Reponses. Pg. 111. From a speech delivered to the Richelieu Club in Montreal, A p r i l 2, 1968. 24 Trudeau, "Les Chemeniments de la Politique - IX - Un Etat Fait sur Mesure," Vrai, A p r i l 12, 1958,p.7. 19. though the existential freedom i s common to a l l things. Reason on a practical level i s most basically the application of this realization to thought and action. In other words, i t i s "pragmatism". In making man aware of his loneliness, Reason makes man the measure of a l l things, the goal of a l l human action. In the awareness of an independent self i s the element of independent action, of free choice, and unavoidably t o t a l i n -dividual responsibility. Trudeau judges human action i n terms of this freedom. The freer the act, the better the act. Human freedom _is Reason, and since Reason in act-ion i s pragmatism, the more pragmatic act, the freer, the better. It is just this s p i r i t of pragmatism that motivates man to j o i n society. " ... les hommes vivant ensemble puissent se realiser plus pleinement que s ' i l s vivaient seyoarement" 25 Society has no other purpose or j u s t i f i c a t i o n than service to the individual. Si les hommes ne pouvaient (pas) orienter leurs efforts c o l l e c t i f s a cette f i n i l s ser-aient mieux d'aller vivre tout seuls dans les bois et sur les collines. 26 It i s interesting that though Trudeau assigns the social side of human l i f e so great an importance, he sees society i t s e l f as so expendable. 25 Trudeau, "Les Cheminements de la Politique - VII - Saper l a Majeste de l'Etat", Vrai,March 29, 1958, p. 7. 26 Loc. C i t . 20. By making society a "simple arrangement of convenience" that can as easily be repudiated as i t was espoused, Trudeau lays the basis of his position on a l l social and p o l i t i c a l questions. The connection between the indiv i d -ual and the society, the individual and any c o l l e c t i v i t y i s always depen-27 dant on the individual. It i s up to him to judge the degree to which i t satisfies him; indeed i t i s his duty to do so. This duty devolves around Trudeau's general concept of Morality. Reason makes man free, and hence freedom means responsibility; res-ponsibility in i t s turn i s one facet of yet another element - morality. Morality i s the acceptance of individual responsibility, the exercise of freedom on a plane s l i g h t l y higher than, though incorporating the pragmatic. It i s more than pure reason; i t i s meant to be "social reason" - a form of enlightened self interest, modified by incorporating an extraenous element, the "golden rule". Trudeau doesn't introduce the concept of human dignity and equality as a way of modifying what may seem too cynical a view of human nature. It is elemental to his concept of man. Man i s free; the social corollary of individual freedom i s that a l l individuals are free and that one person cannot exercise his freedom to the detriment of the freedom of others, be-cause in doing so, he denies the essence of human freedom i n himself. In effect this "golden rule" i s another aspect of human pragmatism. The preservation of human Freedom is Trudeau's central preoccupa-tion in discussing the individual i n society. 27 Trudeau, "Les Cheminements de l a Politique'- VI - Obe'ir, Mais k Qui?" Vrai, March 22, 1958, p. 2 ( f o r example). L'homme 'disait Renan' n'appertient n i a sa langue, n i a sa race; i l n'appartient qu'a. l u i meme, car c'est un etre l i b r e , c'est-a-dire un etre moral". 28 The social corollary of this is that, A / " L'ordre social et politique doit etre fonde au premier chef sur les attributs universels de l'homme, non sur ce qui le particularise. Un ordre de p r i o r i t e , au niveau politique et social, qui repose sur la personne est t o t a l -ement incompatible avec un ordre de pr i o r i t e appuye sur la race, la r e l i g i o n , ou la nation-a l i t y . 29 Society brings the moral face of freedom to the fore. Outside the social context, the moral quality of man refers only to the fact that he i s alone responsible for the efficiency of the methods he used for sur-v i v a l . With the entry into social relations, this pragmatism has to be judged on yet another level. For the question of efficiency refers not only to the survival of the individual now, but to a l l the individuals who are affected by the decision; the quality of the act has now to be judged by the added dimension of i t s effect on other human beings. It is unavoid able then that i n considering social actions, means and ends are judged to gether. Every act or every failure to act i s judged in terms of morality or social pragmatism, in terms of how successfully i t reaches how valuable a goal, and how in the process i t affects others. 28 Julien Benda, La Trahison Des Clercs. Paris, 1946, p. 143, quoted in Trudeau, "La Nouvelle Trahison des Clercs", Cite Libre, # 46, A p r i l 1962, p. 6. 29 Trudeau, et. a l . "Pour Une Politique Fonctioncielle", Cite Libre, # 67, May 1964, p. 11. 22. For example: " ... lorsqu'une forme donne*e d 1 autorite' brime un homme injustement, c'est tous les autres hommes qui en sont coupables; car ce sont eux qui par leur silence et consentement permettent a l'au-torite' de commettre cet abus. S ' i l cessaient de consentir, 1' autorite'tomberait. 30 31 Since Trudeau accepts man's so c i a b i l i t y as a given, i t i s not unnatural that his conception of morality equates the personal and the p o l i t i c a l . The power that society has in molding individuals, i n regu-lating their a f f a i r s , makes i t imperative that people participate i n the society's a c t i v i t y and do so morally. " Ce qu ' i l en coffte aux gens de ne pas s'occuper de politique, c'est d'etre gouvernes par des gens pires qu'eux me\nes." 32 Trudeau prefaced his long series of a r t i c l e s i n Vrai with this dictum. Individual freedom, and individual responsibility i n society are inseperable from freedom and responsibility in the society as a whole. In order to be moral on the personal level i t i s essential that the i n d i -vidual participate i n the guiding of the society, i n the actions of the society. This participation is Trudeau's broadest understanding of P o l i t i c s . Man created not only his own environment, but that of a l l his fellows through society; i f he t r i e s to abrogate his social responsibility, he denies 30 Trudeau, "Les Cheminements de l a Politique - IV - Le Juste Doit A l l e r en Prison", Vrai, March 8, 1958, p. 4. 31 Trudeau, "Les Cheminements de la Politique - I I I - Pour Pre'venir Les Seditions", Vrai, March 1, 1958, p. 5. 32 Trudeau, "Les Cheminements de la Politique,,- I - Gouverne's par des Me'diocres", Vrai, February 15, 1958, p. 5. 23. responsibility not only for others but for his own actions through the society as well. I f he does not participate but allows and accepts the decisions made in the name of society, he has simply lost his freedom and any p o s s i b i l i t y of a f u l l individuality. The concrete results of such behaviour are what Trudeau has used Plato to say; the destiny of the society and the individual not only pass into other hands but hands that are necessarily worse than his own would have been i f he had p a r t i -cipated. Those who would accept the individual's abrogation of his free-dom and take advantage of i t to exercise power over others are immoral and bound for f a i l u r e . Trudeau adopts a quantitative approach to social morality. When one man or a few men decide the actions of many, not only have they rob-bed others of their freedom, but they have condemned themselves and the society to fail u r e . In robbing people of their freedom, they had also to let the society to do without the people's pragmatism. " Les tyrans pr/tendent toujours fonder leur ordre social sur le bien commun et sur le bien de l a race, mais i l s se re'servent a eux memes le droit de definir ces biens, et leurs l o i s obligent les citoyens a agir en consequence. OE pretendre qu'un ou plusiers dirigeants sav-ent mieux que le plus grand nombre quel ensem-ble d'actes est bon pour tous c'est porter at-teinte au fondement meme de la mora l i t e ' sociale. Car un acte n'est bon et ne peut avoir de valeur morale que s ' i l est librement voulu, c'est k dire choisi par la conscience eclairee de celui qui le pose". 33 But the power of the few to decide,is no more than the decision 33 Trudeau, "Les Cheminements de la Politique - V - F a u t - i l Assassiner le Tyran?" Vrai, March 15, 1958, p. 4. 24. -of the many to obey. Trudeau comes doggedly back to this point. P o l i t -i c a l power i s simply p o l i t i c a l obedience. The quality of the decision to obey is the key to the form of society a people w i l l have. If obedience is the product of pragmatism, the act of responsibility of the c i t i z e n , the society's leadership shall always rest in the hands of the people. On the other hand, 11 Un Etat ou les citoyens se^desinteressent de ^ la chose politique est vouee a 1'esclavage." What is i t then that w i l l determine the quality of the people's decision to obey? It is worthwhile to ask Trudeau this question i f only to demon-strate the stupidity of the claim that he i s a "Marxist". His concept of man and society are fundamentally opposite to those of "S c i e n t i f i c Social-ism". They both see a "Dynamic" to history, but where Marxists see i t i n economics, Trudeau saw i t in the individual's search for freedom through Reason. " Le progres pour l'humanite, c 'est son lent ^ acheminement vers la liberte de l a personne." Men are not determined by class or economics or anything else. They are their own destiny. They are free and able to understand their 34 Trudeau, "Manifeste pour Une Politique Fonctionnelle I I " , Cite Libre, Vol. 1, # 2, February 1951, p. 28. 35 Trudeau, "Les Separatistes: Des Contre-Revolutionnaires", Cite Libre, # 67, May 1964, p. 4. 25. society to the point where they can consciously use i t , change i t . Given correct information, man w i l l institute the necessary changes that morality dictates. He i s not predetermined. In concluding a discussion of nationalism, for instance, he quotes Father Delos' "La Nation" " La question est de savoir s i l'homme est f a i t pour abonder en son £tre historique, s i I'his-toire est au dessus de 1 'homme, s i l'humain ne constitue pas une reserve qui deborde toute culture, toute c i v i l i s a t i o n re'alisee par l ' h i s -toire et portant un nom de Citef s i ce n'est pas nier la valeur de l'homme que de l a reauire I s' i d e n t i f i e r avec un peuple." 36 The argument applies with equal v a l i d i t y to a definition by economic class as to one by 'blood'. Marx's Moral Individual i s born once the d i a l e c t i c has eradicated economic classes. Trudeau disagrees; for him the inequalities are elim-inated by moral man, not classes. Men are free to act, and have a respon-s i b i l i t y to do so. The key to action i s the awareness whose quality w i l l determine the quality of the action. Just as the oppressed can accept their oppression only u n t i l they become aware of i t , the oppressors too reject oppression when they become aware of i t . In effect thought can, does and should precede practice. Trudeau stands Marx on his head, for where Marx counted on the coincidence 36 J.T. Delos, La Nation Montreal, 1944, Vol. I, p. 196 quoted i n Trudeau, "La Nouvelle Trahison des Clercs", Cite Libre # 46, A p r i l , 1962, p. 6-7. 26. of oppressive objective conditions and subjective awareness by the op-pressed of both their power and their oppression to start the revolution, Trudeau sees pure pragmatism as the force of change. I f material condi-tions become intolerable, awareness w i l l make revolution inevitable. But i t i s precisely this that Trudeau hopes w i l l be forestalled by an aware-37 ness before the f i n a l deterioration makes violence unavoidable. He agrees with the existence of a "false consciousness", but de-nies that i t i s surmountable only in a material d i a l e c t i c . On the con-trary i t can be, i t must be eradicated before material misery forces ignorant people to realize the shortcomings of their society. But Trudeau's false consciousness does not relate to economics. It is con-cerned with the perennial issue of freedom and responsibility. On peut done dire que l a force des gouvernements vient d'une disposition psychologique chez la plupart des gens a croire q u ' i l est "bon" d'obe^ir et "mauvais" de "de*sobeir . .. La disposition psychologique a" l'obeissanee est e'galement entretenue dans la masse par tous ceux qui exercent quelque forme d' autorite' ... de la sorte, on est assure d'/lever un bon petit peuple avec lequel on n'aura pas d'histoxres. L' autorite' a condition qu'elle ne depasse pas toutes les bornes de la stupidite' . . . est bien certaine de rester en place. 38 37 Trudeau, "Les Cheminements de la Politique - XVII - Un Me'pris de Legislature", Vrai, June 7, 1958, p.7. 38 Trudeau, "Les Cheminements de l a Politique - IV - Le Juste Doit A l l e r en Prison", Vrai, March 8, 1958, p. 4. This "obedience" i s not "natural" to man, on the contrary: Les hommes croient q u ' i l est bon d'obeir a de tel l e s personnes et k de t e l l e s l o i s parce que ces hommes sont nes et ont grandi dans une c i v i l i s a t i o n ou on leur a dit que cela est naturel. 39 But "Man does not l i v e by bread alone, and he w i l l never be content u n t i l the dichotomy between those who may a r b i t r a r i l y command and those who must humbly obey i s abolished." 40 It i s up to the individual to question his obedience to make i t 41 contingent on the degree to which the laws he obeys satisfy him. Society i s man's tool for controlling and shaping his environment. The attainment of these ends i s possible only i f the individual uses the society he has created^and uses i t effectively. The awareness of human freedom, of the cooperative nature of society, of individual responsibility for social as well as personal action, i s the means to assure a just society. This awareness, this "correct consciousness", is an integral part of any society's history. It varies only i n the mode of i t s a r r i v a l . Should i t be the desparate product of misery, i t becomes a cat-alyst for violent action*, i f i t i s a constant presence, i t i s the element of equity and harmony in the society's a f f a i r s . It i s the people's responsibil-39 Loc. C i t . 40 Pierre E. Trudeau, "Economic Rights", McGill Law Review, Vol. 8, No.2, June, 1962, p. 124. 41 Trudeau, "Les Cheminements de la Politique - V - F a u l - i l Assassiner le Tyran?" Vrai, March 15, 1958, p. 4. 28. i t y to charge the state with fostering awareness; giving i t both expressi and power. . . . 1'Etat ne pourra et ne devra faire que les lo i s qui correspondent en gros a ce que les citoyens veulent; autrement i l s de'sobeiront aux loi s en attendant de renverser l'Etat. Conse-quement les l o i s ont pour (leur) fonction d'e^iuquer le citoyen sur le bien general, de le persuader a agir en vue de 1'interSt commun bien plus que de commander et de contraindre. 42 Trudeau reaffirms his f a i t h in men, when he quotes Jefferson's dictum: Je ne connais de depositaire sur pour les ultimes pouvoirs de la societe que le peuple lui-meme; et s i nous ne croyons pas que le peuple soit assez eclaire pour exercer son autorite avec une salu-taire discretion, le remede n'est pas de nier son authorite mais d'eduquer sa discretion. 43 The question then i s what society w i l l be the one most conducive to this end? To answer t h i s , we must f i r s t specify what Trudeau expects of the society for the individual. Les hommes vivent en societe afin que chacun puisse se realiser au maximum; et l'autorite n'a de j u s t i f i c a t i o n que pour permettre l ' i n -stauration et le developement d'un ordre qui favorise une t e l l e r e a l i s a t i o n . 44 42 Trudeau, "Les Cheminements de l a Mesure," Vrai, A p r i l 12, 1958, p Politique 7. - IX -Un Etat Fait sur 43 Trudeau, "Les Cheminements de la Democratie", Vrai, July 8, 1958, Politique p. 7. - XX - Pour que vive la 44 Trudeau, "Les Cheminements de la en Prison," Vrai, March 8, 1958, Politique p. 4. - IV -Le Juste Doit A l l e r 29. Society has value only insofar as i t furthers the purpose for which men joined i t . This end i s Liberty, personal freedom pragmatically defined. But studying the complication of this concept leads us into a philosophical dimension. For Trudeau, freedom occupies a secondary place; i t i s only a means, not necessarily the " f i n a l end". Self-perfection i s the f i n a l end for which the individual uses society; freedom within the society i s the secondary end permitting this perfection. This belief i s a corollary of his f a i t h i n individualism. Man must act for himself, pit himself against the elements that act upon him, and do his best to emerge freer, wiser. This f i n a l perfection i s nowhere described by Trudeau. He emphasizes freedom as an ultimate social value, presumably since i t i s a prerequisite, one s t i l l remote enough to require clear defin-i t i o n and defense, whereas human perfection i s too remote and personal an issue for profitable speculation. He refuses to deal with the question of individual perfection for a more positive reason. Self perfection i s after a l l a t o t a l l y private enter-prise by definition - an act of personal morality which the society should encourage with amenable environment, but never interfere with. Trudeau i s not a philosopher or theologian, he is a social c r i t i c whose goal i s the establishment of a society to permit the individual a f u l l p o s s i b i l i t y of self perfection. He refuses doubly since his society i s based on Free W i l l . Here Trudeau i s very much a cl a s s i c a l eighteenth century 'philosophe 1, be-lieving in human perfectability given "freedom and the facts". 30. ... i t must be borne i n mind that the idea of a better l i f e can be interpreted according to many different standards ... economic pres-sures may be counterbalanced by moral,patriotic or sentimental forces. 45 The evidence does not permit us to speculate further on Trudeau's philosophical foundations. It is necessary only to understand that individ ual freedom is the highest social goal; beyond that, questions become i r r e l evant, for once the individual i s able to achieve freedom, he w i l l have to achieve enlightenment alone and internally. c) Society and The State To understand the relation of man and society, we must f i r s t exam-ine "society" i n more de t a i l . Simply put, Trudeau's society i s a given aggregation of individuals and groups of individuals bound together for while common purposes, and which/by no means necessarily complementary, con-stantly interact. The purpose of a social structure above the particular i n f r a -structures, what Trudeau ca l l s the state, i s twofold. On the one hand, i t i s to regulate the conflict of the particular structures and on the other to act positively for the promotion of the common good. It is also far more than t h i s . It is the one instrument that the whole society shares in promoting i t s welfare.^ 45 Pierre E. Trudeau, Federalism and the French Canadians. "Quebec and the Constitutional Problem", The MacMillan Co. of Canada Ltd., Toronto. 1968, p. 10. 46 Trudeau, "Les Cheminements de la Politique - VII - Saper la Majeste de l'Etat", Vrai, March 29, 1958,p.7 This makes the relationship between the people and the state i n t -imate. The individual has an obligation to use social structures only as long as he feels them useful. But, says Trudeau, he i s obliged to partic-ipate in the use of the state because the state i s always relevant, always affects the individual. It i s the tool for the direction of the society by the society. Or L'Etat, c'est pre'cisement l 1 instrument par lequel l a societe' humaine s'organise et s'ex-prime collectivement. 47 Since man i s man only i f he i s responsible for his actions, man as member of society must be responsible for the actions of the state. P o l i t i c s , the participation in the use of the state, becomes a moral imper-ative i n Trudeau's society. The state's highly complex role i s to f i l l society's mission to liberate the individual. It i s the people's shield and their means to the promotion of their welfare, functions which in application can become dangerously close to contradicting each other. The balance between these roles i s a theme to which he returns often, as i s another, that the state can function well only under s t r i c t control. Trudeau's concept of the state as servant makes i t essential that i t always be held responsible, that i t never rise above the individual i n society,that i t serve as the membership of society wants i t to serve, not as i t feels i s 47 Trudeau, "Les Cheminements de l a Politique - VII - Saper la Majeste de l'Etat", Vrai, March 29, 1958, p. 7. 32. 48 the best way to do so. The expressed and sovereign authority of the people i s the most pragmatic guide the state could have. The people should know to what degree p r i o r i t y should be assigned to freedom or welfare, to what degree, i n short, the state may act. The forces influencing human decision are many and varied, And this i s precisely where p o l i t i c a l fac-tors become important. The state may resist certain pressures, but not others ... But the state must take great care not to infringe on the conscience of the individual. I believe that i n the last analysis, a human being i n the privacy of his own mind has the exclusively auth-ority to choose his own scale of values and to decide which forces w i l l take precedence over others. A good constitution i s one that does not prejudge any of these questions, but leaves citizens free to orient their human destines as they see f i t . 49 As we shall see later, this kind of thought underlies Trudeau's firm commitment to a federalist society. A l l sizes and forms of organiza-tion have a value, since different social tasks require different tools. The value of a social structure l i e s t o t a l l y i n i t s fitness, moral, and practical for the task assigned to i t . This judgement applies to a l l as-sociational groups, and i s equally v a l i d for the state; i t too must -accom-modate i t s e l f constantly to meet the demands placed on i t by citizens, who in turn are influenced by changing forms of social organization, changing 48 Trudeau, "Les Cheminements de l a Politique - XIII - L'Homme d'Etat: un serviteur", Vrai, May 18, 1958, p. 7. 49 Trudeau, Federalism and the French Canadians, "Quebec and the Con-sti t u t i o n a l Problem11, p. 11. 33. styles of technology. No form of government i s sacred, and i s to be valued only so long as i t can respond effectively and acceptably to the peoples' demands as they arise: ... aucun gouvernement n i aucun regime n'a un droit (absolu) a 1'eXistence. I I n'est pas de droit divin, n i de droit naturel, n i contrat social qui tienne i c i : un gouvernement c'est une organisation dont l a fonction est de sat-i s f a i r e les besoins des hommes et des femmes, qui groupes en societe 7, acceptent d'y obe'ir. Consequemment l a valeur d'un gouvernement ne de'coule pas des promesses q u ' i l f a i t , n i de ce q u ' i l pre'tend eNire, n i de ce q u ' i l affirme prote'ger: la valeur d'un gouvernement reside dans ce q u ' i l accomplit en pratique, et c'est a chaque citoyen d'en juger. 50 This firmly puts the state i n i t s place; the individual i s re-affirmed as the ultimate legitimate decision maker i n society. Since the state i s only an instrument to execute these decisions, then the judgment (and judgment there must be) of the state i s to be solely i n terms of i t s responsiveness to the wishes of the people. Oe qu'est-ce que les citoyens desirent? Voila. la question que doit sans cesse poser tout gouvernement democratique. Et c'est i c i que-mieux que tout autre - l'Etat democratique met a* profit l a liberte** cre*atrice des personnes vivant en societe. Car s ' i l veut instaurer un ordre auquel les citoyens consentiront a. adherer, l'Etat doit non seulement s'enquerir de leurs besoins, i l doit aussi les encourager a re'clamer ce qu'ils estiment juste. 50 Trudeau, "Les Cheminements de la Politique - V - Eaut-il Assasiner le Tyran?" Vrai, March 15, 1958, p. 4. 34. Dans un t e l Etat, la liberte* des citoyens est voulue pour e l l e mime; les autorite's n'en con-siderent pas l'expression avec irritation,mais la souhaitent au contraire et l a favorisent ^ comme le plus sur des guides vers le bien commun. Only a state that values the w i l l of the individual for i t s own sake, and as a guide to action w i l l successfully respond to the challenges before i t . Trudeau puts i t i n the following way: Nationhood being l i t t l e more than a state of mind, and every sociologically distinct group within the nation having a contingent right of secession, the w i l l of the people was i n con-stant danger of s p l i t t i n g up - unless i t were transformed into lasting concensus. ... A concensus can be said to exist when no group within the nation feels that i t s v i t a l inter-ests and particular characteristics could be better preserved by withdrawing from the na-tion than by remaining within. A (modern) state needs to preserve and develop this concensus as i t s very l i f e . 52 d) The State's Duties Just the maintenance of freedom i s a goal of the state. Hence in "laissez f a i r e " i t f u l f i l l s a duty, one i t may have to balance against a need for material improvement, but one i t cannot repudiate in any case. 51 Trudeau, "Les Cheminements de l a Politique - XVII - Un Mepris de Legislature", Vrai, June 7, 1958, p. 7. 52 Trudeau, Federalism and the French Canadians, "Federalism, Nationalism, and Reason", p. 189. Originally delivered to a joint meeting of the Canadian P o l i t i c a l Science Association and the Association of Canadian Law Teachers i n June 1964, and subsequently published i n P.A. Crepeau and C.B. Mac-Pherson (eds.), The Future of Canadian Federalism, University of Toronto Press, Toronto, 1965. 35. The means (the relation of state to people) and the ends (in part this same relation of the state to the people) once again prove inseper-v-, • 53 able xn social action. The state's role i n ensuring individual freedom i s many faceted: i t must not only desist from overruling or s t i f l i n g individualism but i t has the obligation to control those particular forces within society that may detract from individual freedom. Mon ide'e d'un Etat " f a i t sur mesure" s'applique abondamment i c i : L'Etat ne doit user de force que dans la mesure ou des personnes ou des organ-isations tentent elles-m§mes d'en user contra le bien commun. S ' i l est vrai qu'en derni^re analyse, l'Etat doit devenir le monopole de l a force, ce n'est pas tant pour en faire usage que pour empe^ cher quelqu'un d'autre den usurper les foudres. 54 But the state's role as champion of the "bien commun" goes beyond the preservation of the fundamental c i v i l and human rights and the protec tion of the public good from the power of particular interest; the state must guarantee such a degree of material welfare as to permit the individ ual to experience f u l l enjoyment of his freedom. The case for economic rights might then be stated as follows: Since economic goods are necessary to satisfy the needs of mankind, and since these goods - to become serviceable - must in some way be produced, i t follows that every social order should guarantee the rights of man, as a consumer, and as a producer. As a producer, man has a right to demand from society that i t offer him a market 53 Trudeau, "Practice and Theory of Federalism" i n Federalism and the French Canadians, p. 124, and e.g. "Quebec and the Constitutional Problem" in Federalism and the French Canadians, p. 12. 54 Trudeau, "Les Cheminements de l a Politique - XVII - Un Mepris de Legislature", Vrai, June 7, 1958, p. 7. for his useful labour ... As a consumer, man has a right to a share of the t o t a l pro-duction of society, sufficient to enable him to develop his personality to the f u l l e s t extent possible. 55 This passage bears testimony to Trudeau's concern with the balance between freedom and welfare. Though liberalism i s the most overt philosophy of freedom, i n practice i t s a b i l i t y to guarantee the individual's economic welfare has been woefully ins u f f i c i e n t . A state whose philosophy i s based on a dedication to the principle that least interference in the social forces constitutes the best form of government i s patently out of place in societies where powerful infrastructures constantly jeopardize the material freedom of the individual c i t i z e n . Though liberalism was an acceptable philosophy at a time when material progress was hindered by state interference, i t is for the identical reason as unacceptable at a time when unrestrained capitalism hin-ders individual freedom. In both cases i t affected the struggle of society to achieve a higher material level for i t s members. During the Industrial Revolution l i b e r a l democracy replaced an outdated state structure; i n the case of the "corporate, post-industrial revolution" i t i t s e l f became the backward system which begged to be replaced. As Trudeau puts i t , "That ... erroneous concept of (private) pro-perty has erected a wall of prejudice against reform and a wall of money again democratic control." 55 Trudeau, "Economic Rights", McGill Law Review, p. 122, June 1962, Vol.8, No. 2. 56 Ibid., p. 125. Yet i f this society does not evolve an entirely new set of values, i f i t does not set i t s e l f urgently to producing those services which p r i -vate enterprise i s f a i l i n g to produce,if i t i s not determined to plan i t s development for the good of a l l rather than for the luxury of a few, and i f every c i t i z e n f a i l s to consider himself as the co-insurer of his fellow c i t i z e n against a l l socially-engineered economic calamities, i t i s vain to hope that Canada w i l l ever really reach freedom from fear and freedom from want. 57 Quant a moi, i l me semble evident que le regime de la libre entreprise s'est avere incapable de r£soudre adequatement les problemes qui se posent dans le domaine, de l'education, de la sante, de I'habitation, du plein emploi etc. C'est pourquoi personellement je suis convaincu que devant les boulversements promis par 1'automation, la cyber-netique et l'ehergie thermonucleaire,la democratic liberate ne pourra pas long-temps satisfaire nos exigences grandissantes pour la justice et la l i b -erte, et qu'elle devra evoluer vers des formes de democratie sociale. 58 The belief in democratic socialism i s integral to Trudeau's com-mitment to human liberation. But Socialism, as expressed i n the state's sophisticated and responsible use of power for the regulation of powerful private interests, and for a more equitable distribution of the society's resources, is valuable only as means to freeing the individual for self fulfilment. Consequently, i t should be no surprise when he proceeds: / v Mais je prefere renoncer au socialisme plutot que d'admettre qu'on doiveledifier sur des fondements non democratiques: la Russie nous a demontre que c'est l a voie du totalitarisme. Quant au "national" - socialisme, tres peu pour moi, merci bien. 59 57 Ibid., p. 125. 58 Trudeau, "Un Manifeste Democratique", Cite'Libre, # 22, October 1958, p. 21. 59 Ibid., p. 20. 38. For the state then as for the individual in social act±on}means and ends are Inseperable. In the f i n a l analysis both are only means to a f i n a l end - inner human freedom and perfection. Both ends and means of social action affect people and the good effects of one cannot excuse the bad effects of the other. So the state's role i s most delicate. If i t s means are autocratic, i f i t imposes more on the individual than harmony requires, i t violates freedom. But i f on the other hand, i t does not impose i t s e l f enough, i t f a i l s as well. Omission and commission can be equally s i n f u l . The sword's edge on which the state must balance - between auto-cracy and anarchy - i s being constantly honed with the progress of social complexity, for as the social forces increase in size and number, the scope of the state's intervention has to grow and the chance of totalitarianism grows with i t . Let us follow Trudeau's exposition of this dilemma: " ... states are free to intervene i n the action of demographic, economic and technical forces, but they must pay the price of their interven-tion." 60 We get a taste of the complexity as he proceeds: In a very general way these /^social objectives*/ consist i n so organizing a p o l i t i c a l community that a l l i t s members have the essential, before a few are allowed to enjoy the superfluous. 61 60 Trudeau, Federalism and the French Canadians, "Quebec and the Con-stit u t i o n a l Problem", p. 14. 61 Ibid., p. 25. 39. But this goal does not necessarily mean a set of d i r i g i s t i c pol-i c i e s . On the contrary, Trudeau presents us with a rather conservative view of the state's relations with the economy: Economic forces operating ... according to certain laws but unhampered by administrative red tape or t e r r i t o r i a l b a r r i e r s - w i l l tend to enrich the community as a whole. 62 Once the economy accords with certain basic social norms, i t must be l e f t as free as possible to develop on i t s own. Economic just as a l l other social structures perform a role i n human liberation and must be encouraged rather than set upon. Government protection can only hurt the economy by limiting the competition i t has to meet, and thus discouraging 63 the essential technological progress which free markets stimulate. Beyond the problems in the state's economic involvement lurk complexities s t i l l : ... social objectives sometimes conflict with economic objectives; and whereas the latter can only command limited state intervention, the former can command a great deal. For example, automation i s good for the progress of industry but bad for the labourer who becomes redundant as a result; and a state that allows automation must also be responsible for the workers affected by i t . 64 "The conflict i s not always easy to resolve ..." and although i t i s obvious that Trudeau always places the social objectives above the 62 Loc.cit. 63 Ibid., p. 22. 64 Ibid., p. 25. 40. economic, the l a t t e r i s the means to the former, " ... unless the economy i s fundamentally sound, a strong progressive s o c i a l p o l i c y can be neither 6 5 conceived or applied", and thus s o c i a l p r i o r i t i e s have constantly to be redefined i n terms of economic f e a s i b i l i t y . But we have s t i l l not reached the l i m i t s of the state's respon-s i b i l i t i e s . We have seen that the state must occ a s i o n a l l y intervene i n the play of economic forces to better ensure the pursuit of s o c i a l o b j e ctives. But i t must not stop here; i f i t does we could f i n d ourselves promoting the development of a community that was r i c h , t e c h n o l o g i c a l l y advan-ced, equitably structured, but completely deper-sonalized. 66 An i n e v i t a b l e c u l t u r a l l e v e l l i n g Trudeau as s e r t s , follows uniform affluence. As the consumer becomes the mass man, the d e f i n i t i o n of the taste and mores of the s o c i e t y come to be seen i n terms of the lowest common denominator , as simply the readiest l e v e l at which to gear pro-duction. Though Trudeau gives disproportionately and s u r p r i s i n g l y short treatment to the subject of c u l t u r a l freedom, i t i s c l e a r l y an indispen-sable part of a good society. Creative l i b e r t y can only f l o u r i s h i n c u l t u r a l heterogeneity, and so m a t e r i a l progress must be o f f s e t with a s p i r i t u a l , a c u l t u r a l freedom, to ensure that man can enjoy technology and that machines and production economics do not create a "consumer" man. 65 I b i d . , p. 26. 66 I b i d . , p. 28. 41. Technology, which brings abundance and m a t e r i a l happiness, presupposes an u n d i f f e r e n t i a t e d mass of consumers; i t also tends to minimize the values that l e t a human being acquire and r e t a i n h i s own i d e n t i t y , values that I am grouping here under the vague term ' c u l t u r a l ' ... In other words j u s t as the state intervenes i n economic matters to pro-tect the weak through s o c i a l l e g i s l a t i o n , so i t must intervene to ensure the s u r v i v a l of c u l t u r a l values i n danger of being swamped by a flood of d o l l a r s . 67 But Trudeau goes on to say, the same r i s k s for the state e x i s t here as d i d for i t s interference w i t h the economy. The protection of the culture may make i t too weak, too s e l f r e f l e c t i v e to be of any r e l -evance, and every act of state interference c a r r i e s the danger that the state, and not the people, w i l l come to define t h e i r c u l t u r e . For i t presupposes that the state knows better than the c i t i z e n what i s 'good' f o r him c u l t u r -a l l y , and such a hypothesis must always be ap-p l i e d w i t h the utmost prudence and consideration. More than any other, t h i s k ind of value i s i n t e r -n a t i o n a l and common to a l l men; i n the long term then, the state should promote an open c u l t u r e . 68 Trudeau's i d e a l state then, e x i s t s w i t h i n a series of constantly changing balances. I t must weigh ma t e r i a l welfare against the i n d i v i d u a l ' s personal freedom. I t must weigh i t s own power against the powers of the p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t s that may be a danger to society, but always w i t h i n the understanding that i t s own power i s the power of the people, and i t s very existence i s contingent on the support of the people. I t must weigh the necessity of i n t e r f e r i n g i n the economy to protect s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l 67 I b i d . , p. 28-29. 68 I b i d . , p. 29. 42. values against the need of the economy f o r maximum freedom. Trudeau's state i s i n constant and tense a c t i v i t y , operating on a t i g h t l i n e between possible d i s a s t e r s . I t s sole guide i s the wisdom of the people which i t must consult constantly. As the executor of the people's decisions, i t has to make i t s decisions and i t s acts as e f f e c t i v e as possible. I t needs to be a t t e n t i v e , strong, clever, responsive and j u s t . What form of government approximates t h i s f d e a l ? CHAPTER I I I DEMOCRACY Certains nous ont reproche' notre "angelisme". Est-ce done qu'ils refusent de concevoir qu' une societe'* politique puisse se guider dans son devolution sur des normes ratio imelles? 69 But the c r i t i c i s m to which he refers i s unjustified on the one hand as Trudeau is as aware of the dark side, the corrupting side of p o l i t i c a l power as he i s of i t s usefulness to society. It is correct, on the other hand, in that i t identifies the drive for the purification of p o l i t i c s as the force behind Trudeau's preoccupation with the subject. The state i s power. It is the machine invested with the trust of the whole society to carry out certain tasks. The state i s dangerous be-cause the complexity of society requires a matching complexity in i t s tasks, i t s structures, and these complexities can easily serve to put i t beyond the control of the society. Je veux que l'Etat agisse d'avantage mais seulement apr^s que nous aurons cesse de le conside'rer comme un maitre absolu. En effet augmenter les pouvoirs de l'Etat sans avoir multiplie nos moyens de "contro'ler" cet Etat ^ ce serait aggraver un peu plus notre esclavage. It has a mu l t i p l i c i t y of relationships with society. At the same time i t i s their servant, somewhat as a steward i s a servant, as a pedag-ogue i s a servant, as a doctor who is trusted to heal i s a servant. And 69 Trudeau, et. a l . "L'Agriculture au Quebec", Cite Libre, # 78, July 1965, p. 9. 70 Trudeau, "Les Cheminements de la Politique - VII - Saper l a Majeste de l'Etat", Vrai, March 29, 1958, p. 7. 44. the state machinery is in the f i n a l analysis a part of the people them-selves . It i s a cr i t i c i s m that can be made of Trudeau that while he seems conscious of a l l these relationships, he chooses to over-emphasize the concept of state as steward-servant. 7^ Trudeau i s perpetually of two minds about the state. It i s a "good" i f i t performs e f f i c i e n t l y . But i t can't perform e f f i c i e n t l y without the guidance, the control of the people. The delicacy of his position leads him into issueless obscurities. The state i s a machinery staffed by individuals, and i t i s at the service of a society of individuals. It is conditionally invested with the power to make decisions which affect a great number of people, but as a machine i t is incapable of the inner responsibility for i t s actions. It has no free w i l l , no conscience. The masters, the people whose commands and wishes i t must follow, add the moral element to the functioning of the state. Without the exer-cise of control by free individuals the state becomes dumb, powerless, whimsically autocratic, or worse s t i l l , f a l l s under the control of the 72 minority that sees the advantage in exploiting i t s power. The state machinery must be clever, e f f i c i e n t , but most important, subservient. To construct the "good po l i t y " Trudeau posits a dialec t i c 71 Trudeau, "Les Cheminements de la Politique - XIII - L'Homme d'Etat: un serviteur", Vrai, May 10, 1958, p.7. 72 Trudeau spends the a r t i c l e "La Nouvelle Trahison des Clercs" (Cit// Libre #46, A p r i l 1962) i n discussing the issue. 45. within the state, a tension between the state machinery, the bureaucracy, whose raison d'etre i s efficiency and whose greatest l i a b i l i t y i s the irresp o n s i b i l i t y of those who act for others, and the popular means of 73 control, the legislature and the laws. Since the state must be pragmatic and expert i n f i l l i n g i t s tasks, the means of controlling i t must be equally e f f i c i e n t and pragmatic. Trudeau returns insistently back to this time and again. The only way for a society to preserve i t s freedom and progress materially at the same time i s to have an e f f i c i e n t and active legislature represent the people both as watchdog on the state machinery and as the i n i t i a t o r of policy. La liberte', disent les Anglais, se paye au prix d'une vigilance eternelle. Mais pour e*tre v i g i l -ant, i l faut £tre renseigne sur ses droits. I I importe done de savoir sur quoi notre statut d 1 hommes libres est fonde' et en quoi l'Etat a autorite'pour le resteindre ... i l faut etablir les limites strictes a 1'interieur desquelles un homme a le droit de commander a un autre homme... 74 For the sake of human freedom, i t i s essential that the state be so constituted as to be an ef f i c i e n t societal tool under the highest pos-sible public control. Constitutional democracy, says Trudeau, i s the system that best f i t s this need. Let us see how. Trudeau's love of democracy is unquestionable. Constitutional dem-ocracy ensures the highest degree of popular control over the state; i t most clearly recognizes the state's l i f e force as the w i l l of the people. The 73 Trudeau, "Manifeste pour une Politique FonctionnelLe I I " , Cite Libre, # 2, Vol. 1, February 1951, p. 25. 74 Trudeau, "Les Cheminements de la Politique - I - Gouverne's par des Mediocres", Vrai, February 15, 1958, p. 5. 46. constitution formalizes and protects this relationship. Dans une societe' constitutionelie, ce ne sont pas tant des hommes qui nous commandent, mais plutot les l o i s . Les gouvernants sont eux memes soumis aux l o i s , et i l s ne peuvent exer-cer d'autorite' que dans l a mesure exacte ou l a l o i le permet. Nous n'obe'issons done pas a des individus, mais plutSt a la volonte' ge'ne'rale de la nation, volonte" incarnee dans des l o i s , au service et a I'exe'cution desquelles les gouver-nants sont pre'pose's. 75 The Constitution i s the accumulated wisdom of the society, the people's ultimate expression of the common norms of equity and justice. "It i s time", Trudeau says, "that people realized that in a dem-ocratic country the constitution is the shield protecting the weak from the arbitrary intervention of power." To be an effective shield It must be fle x i b l e enough to adjust to changing conditions: I do not consider a state's p o l i t i c a l structures or constitutional forms to have absolute and eter-nal value,... With the exception of a certain number of basic principles that must be safeguarded such as liberty, and democracy, the rest ought to be adapted to the circumstances of history, to t r a -ditions, to geography, to cultures and to c i v i l i z a -tions. 77 The concession to culture implied here i s more apparent than real It i s not enough even that the laws protect; they must also guarantee 75 Trudeau, "Les Cheminements de la Politique - XIII - L'Homme d'Etat: un serviteur", Vrai, May 10, 1958, p. 7. 76 Trudeau, Federalism and the French Canadians, "Quebec and the Constitutional Problem"p• 8. 77 Ibid., p. 6. 47. popular decision making. Trudeau sees parliamentary democracy as the means to f i l l both these requisites. Parliamentary democracy I take to be a method of governing free men which operates roughly as follows: organized parties that wish to pursue - by different means - a common end, agree to be bound by certain rules according to which the party with the most support gov-erns on the condition that leadership w i l l revert to some other party whenever the l a t -ter 's means become acceptable to the greater part of the electorate. The common end - the general welfare - which is the aim of a l l par-ti e s may be more or less inclusive and may be defined in different ways by different men. Yet i t must in some way include equality of opportunity for everyone in a l l important fields of endeavour; otherwise "agreement on fundamentals" would never obtain. 78 It may be somewhat unexpected that a p o l i t i c a l thinker who desires both the utmost liberty and maximum efficiency possible i n government should opt for representative democracy. In fact i t i s not, i f we remember that on the one hand the stress on the "Possible" i s an important part of the entire theory, and that on the other, these goods, freedom and e f f i c -iency, are of equal value. Efficiency i n the means of the state can never be the excuse to intrude on the individual freedom which the state must seek to promote. One i s impossible without the other. Parliamentary dem-ocracy i s the system best able to maintain them in balance. Trudeau ex-78 Trudeau, Federalism and the French Canadians, "Some Obstacles to Democracy in Quebec", p. 114. Originally appeared i n : Mason Wade, ed., Canadian Dualism. Toronto, University of Toronto Press, I 9 6 0 , a n d Canadian Journal of Economics and P o l i t i c a l Science, Vol. XXIV, No.3, August 1958. 48. plains: ... i l faut remarquer que l a democratie parlem-taire n'exige pas que la decision des gouverne's s'exerce a propos de chacun des problemes tech-niques que pose l'art complexe de gouverner dans le monde modern. I I serait i l l u s o i r e d'espeirer, par exemple, qu'on puisse se refeirer au vote des citoyens pour e'tablir les details d'une politique fiscale ... L'ensemble des citoyens ne peut juger de t e l l e s mesures que par les re^sultats qu'ils ont produits, ou semblent devoir produire, pour la bon-heur de l'ensemble. C'est pour cela que les democraties modernes n ' u t i l -isent qu' exceptionellement le plebiscite ... Au contraire le systeme electoral exige seulement de chaque citoyen q u ' i l se prononce sur un ensemble general d'idees et de tendances, et sur des hommes capables de les penser et les mettre en oeuvre. Ces ensembles d'id/es et d'hommes constituent les partis politiques, indispensables au fonctionnement de la ddmocratie parlementaire. 7 9 Representative democracy is able to combine the best virtues of state systems that aim at freedom, and those that emphasize efficiency. The ultimate power of consent l i e s with the people, through the choice of representatives who stand both for their constituents, and for a set of ideas they propose for the approval of the citizens. The everyday af-fairs of state as well as the complexities of policy are in the hands of responsible legislators and expert administrators. While the decisions of the state are based on the expert and rational consideration of a small number, these act at the conscious free command of the citizenry. There 79 Trudeau, "Les Cheminements de la Politique - XX - Pour que Vive la Democratie", Vrai, July 5, 1958, p. 7. 49. i s a rational implementation of the popular w i l l , and i f the citizenry is moral, a condition which the state must seek to promote, the popular w i l l 80 also be based on reasonable estimates of the common good. No other system can come as close to satisfying the state's duty as can representative democracy. The plebiscitary system i s bound to be in e f f i c i e n t , since i t asks the people without the time or expertise to judge complex questions of state. It is the most open to demagoguery as a result. Autocracy i s even less acceptable. Les tyrans pretendent toujours fonder leur ordre social sur le bien commun et sur le bien de la race; mais i l s se re'servent a eux-memes le droit de de'finir ces biens ... Or pre'tendre qu'un ou plusieurs dirigeants savent mieux que le plus grand nombre quel ensemble d'actes est bon pour tous, c'est porter atteinte au fondement meme de la moral-ite' sociale. Car un acte n'est bon et ne peut avoir de valeur morale que s ' i l est librement voulu^c'est-a-dire choisi par la conscience eclaire's de celui qui le pose. 81 Trudeau is convinced that despotism carries the seeds of i t s own destruction. In denying the individual his responsibility to participate in deciding the society's future, i t denies half the j u s t i f i c a t i o n for the state's existence: i t s duty to protect freedom, and denies the rest, i.e., i t s responsibility to manage society e f f i c i e n t l y , by implication. For in denying the people's voice, the tyrant has deprived himself of the surest guide to the people's wishes and leads the state inevitably to the point 80 e.g. Trudeau, "Les Cheminements de la Politique - XX - Pour que vive la Democratie", Vrai, July 8, 1958, p. 7. 81 Trudeau, "Les Cheminements de la Politique - V - Faut-il assassiner le Tyran?" Vrai, March 15, 1958, p.4. 50. 82 where popular dissatisfaction w i l l destroy i t . No amount of coercion can compensate for the people's refusal to accept the state's authority; i t can only delay and make more violent the f i n a l confrontation. Parliamentary democracy can prevent the violence inherent in authoritarianism. By recognizing the people's sovereignty and the rules of the democratic game, i t enables peaceful succession to p o l i t i c a l power, whereas violence would be the norm in autocratic systems. Democracy i s the surest way to prevent revolutions; the people w i l l not oppress them-selves; people can not revolt against themselves. The democratic system is also the one best able to respect not only individual, but group freedom. Implicit in the concept of popular sovereignty i s the tolerance that should come from rule by numbers. "Simplement, nous croyons que sa /Jproblemes ethniques.7 solution durable ne peut venir que par 1'organisation d'une societe moderne, appuye'e sur les caracteres universels de 1' homme; L'elaboration de solutions rigoureuses aux difficulte's resultant de la vie en commun produira une organisation sociale diversifie'e, qui tiendra netessairement compte des d i f f e r -ants particularismes, y compris le linguistique et le culturel. " 83 The right of the minority to exist and propagate is guaranteed by this respect, which in turn i s guaranteed by the concept of "rule by number". This view of democracy implies a good deal about Trudeau's expectations of people. It demonstrates that for him, permanent group-82 Trudeau, "Les Cheminements de la Politique - I I I - Pour Prevenir les Seditions", Vrai, March 1, 1958, p. 5. . 83 Trudeau, et. a l . "L'Agriculture au Quebec", Cite Libre # 78, July, 1965, p. 9. 51. 84 ings on a l l social issues are incompatible with democracy. It r e i t e r -ates as well his belief i n the pragmatic ra t i o n a l i t y of human beings. He re l i e s on people's a b i l i t y to change their minds, to be open to new and different ideas, and to respect the rights of others to do the same. Without any of these elements, democracy, or at least his democracy, be-comes impossible. A certain contradiction becomes manifest when the theory i s ap-plied to r e a l i t y however. Trudeau i s , or would be, at the same time, a cultural p l u r a l i s t and a moral absolutist. Consider his comments on the ideal constitution that we cited above. Such a constitution may stem com-pletely from i t s culture, "with the exception of a number of basic prin-ciples that we must safeguard, such as liberty and democracy". In other words, any p o l i t i c a l system i s a l l right as long as i t is Trudeau's p o l i t -i c a l system - moral, rational, tolerant, pragmatic, etc. ad infinitum. The problems that result of this inner inconsistency become clear when "within the bosom of one state two cultures do exist". It i s largely to this problem that he addresses himself in the further refining of the democratic by the federalist ideal. 84 Trudeau, Federalism and the French Canadians, "Some Obstacles to Democracy in Quebec", p. 114. CHAPTER IV FEDERALISM Trudeau i s unwilling to categorize forms of association. A l l have one f i n a l end - the improvement of some aspect of the l i f e of i t s participants,and a l l can be equally judged in the means they use to the goal. I f the means are democratic, the organization i s beneficial; i f not, i t i s harmful. The organization's ultimate right to existence is then judged uniformly. When acceptable associations compete for the same support, though for varying means, to a common purpose, i t w i l l be the individual who decides which to support;if they compete for support for different interpretations,different aspects of the good,the individ-ual w i l l have to decide again on the way to apportion his support. As far as Trudeau is concerned, this is what society i s a l l about It i s the daily task of the individual to choose and participate in the different forms of social organization. The state i s only one such organ ization, albeit the only one to involve a l l members of a society. This changes nothing about i t s right to exist: the state has the moral right to do so only as long as i t i s democratic. However, i t s universality doe throw the necessity for the individual's participation into high r e l i e f . F i r s t some observations we must reiterate. There is no such thin as state sovereignty. The state i s never master; i t i s always the people that are the sovereign. This established, i t i s relatively easy to re-introduce the feder alism that forms the armature to Trudeau's Canadian polity. 53. Since a l l social structures share an ultimate right to existence (as long as they are democratic) the state must co-exist as best i t can with a l l the others. In fact, as the people's servant, i t has an obligation to help 85 the other systems achieve their goals. It i s obliged to nourish plural-ism i n i t s society, an obligation i t must f u l f i l l with considerably more r e l i s h than i t s opposite role of controlling the lesser social elements. In this latter respect i t must proceed with care lest i t destroy organs that benefit the common good. But again Trudeau balances his basic c a l l for "lai s s e z - f a i r e " with the emphasis of the state's positive role i n human l i b e r a t i o n . ^ The lesser social substructures to which the state has an obliga-tion include the gamut of economic, religious, cultural, professional and other associational groupings whether formally organized or loosely struc-tured. The state's obligation i s aimed within as well as outside society; i t deals with problems on many levels; and, in order to most e f f i c i e n t l y and most democratically deal with them, i t must exist on many levels too. Though a perfect federal p o l i t i c a l system i s s t i l l in the realm of theory, i t ... would have divided the t o t a l i t y of i t s sovereign powers between regional and central governments with such sharpness and adequacy 85 Trudeau, Federalism and the French Canadians, "Quebec and the Constitu-tional Problem", p. 21-29 (for example), and "Manifeste pour une P o l i t -ique Fonctionnelle I I " , Cite Libre, Vol. I, # 2, February 1951, p. 25. 86 One is reminded of Trudeau's strong common law prejudice in his advocacy of Federalism, presuming a l l organizations f r u i t f u l u n t i l proves other-wise . 54. that those governments would have been able to carry on t h e i r a f f a i r s i n complete independence of one another. 87 But there i s far more to Trudeau's f e d e r a l i s t i d e a l than a sym-me t r i c a l apportionment of j u r i s d i c t i o n s . Les v e r i t a b l e s raisons de t e n i r a une certaine autonomie ... devraient d ' a i l l e u r s r a l l i e r tous ceux qui croient en l a l i b e r t e de l a personne.. ... 88 The i d e a l f e d e r a l system seeks, with a clear dedication to human freedom, to make the authority of the state as d i f f u s e , as f u n c t i o n a l l y oriented as poss i b l e , Le v e r i t a b l e autonomisme ... s'emploiera a donner des pouvoirs r e e l s aux gouvernements locaux, et JLaissera l e JJIUS possible de res-p o n s a b i l i t e s a l a portee du peuple. 11 en-courgera aussi l e principe du s e l f gouverne-ment dans les corps semi-publics: syndicats, fabriques, associations d'etudiants et le reste. 89 Federalism i s the best means to assure pu b l i c control of the state. Trudeau demonstrates t h i s i n the fol l o w i n g way: "Cette l i b e r t e est assuree sous notre forme de gouvernement par l e d r o i t de chaque citoyen de n'etre pas commande contre son gre. I I obeit (aux fonctionnaires) parce que ceux-ci 87 Trudeau, Federalism and the French Canadians, "The Practice and Theory of Federalism", p. 134. O r i g i n a l l y appeared i n : Michel O l i v e r , ed., So c i a l Purposes for Canada, Toronto, U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, 1961. /• 88 Trudeau, "Manifeste pour une P o l i t i q u e Fonctionnelle I I " , Cite L i b r e , V o l . 1, # 2, February, 1951, p. 28. 89 I b i d . , p. 25. 55. administrent des l o i s q u ' i l s'est lui-meme donnees par le truchement des ses represent-ants elus. 90 Or dans un Etat trop centralise, les fonctions executives et legislatives deviendront extre-ment onereuses ... une bureaucratie de plus en plus nombreuse et puissante, c'est-a-dire de moins en moins controlable. 91 The increasing complexity and volume of government makes i t inevitable that even the good bureaucrat t r i e s for the sake of efficiency to free himself of his responsibility to overburdened legislators. But, Ce qui parai\t certain, c'est que toute central-isation est tyrannique, s i la puissance acrue de l a bureaucratie n'est pas assujettie a un controle plus energique des representants du peu-ple ou du pouvoir judicaire. 92 So i t i s even more important that a federal system increase the number of the people's representatives who control the state's a c t i v i t y , that i t allows better representation of local interest than a central parlia 90 Loc. C i t . 91 Loc. C i t . 92 Ibid., p. 26. This i s an interesting revelation of his prejudices. At f i r s t glimpse, i t seems that Trudeau forgets that bureaucrats are people too. Or is i t that he considers them a l l too human and that his i s es-sentially a negative estimation of human nature? He presumes here that unless the bureaucrat i s constantly watched he w i l l s l i p his leash and take decisions for which he cannot possibly be f u l l y responsible. Unless we presume the bureacrat to be a separate entity from common man, we must conclude that in Trudeau's estimation a constant reassertion of a sense of responsibility i s essential to keep individuals moral. Given this est imate, i t i s easy enough to see Trudeau's self image as being one of the "Reminders" for a weak humanity. 56. ment. A unitary system which t r i e d to give as comprehensive representa-tion would be f u t i l e by sheer weight of numbers. And i f the number were smaller, not only popular control but the a b i l i t y to express public opinion 93 would suffer. Federalism strikes the correct balances. Federalism also offers people easier access to these jurisdictions. But such access i s meaningless unless people are ready to take advantage of i t , unless they are motivated by a c i v i c conscience. Here too, federalism has the advantage over centralist systems. With a centralised state, the individual is too far from the "ner-ves of power" to feel effective i n approaching the state. Federalism brings the government within the reach of the people. Des lors 1 autonomisme apparait comme le moyen par excellence de remedier a cette fatale i n d i f -ference, en redant frequents et vitaux les con-tacts entre gouvernants et gouvernes. 94 Trudeau i s not, however, content only to increase public control; he seeks to r e s t r i c t the state to as l i t t l e authority as i t absolutely needs to f i l l i t s duties effectively: The ideal state would therefore seem to be one with different sizes for different purposes. And the ideal constitution for i t would be one that gave the various parts, whatever their size, the powers they needed to attain their own particular objectives. In practice the federal state comes closest to this ideal ... able to create a state that f i t s the dimensions of the problem; ... the measure of sovereignty ... i s dictated by necessity. 95 93 Trudeau, Federalism and the French Canadians, "Practice and Theory of Federalism", p. 133. 94 Trudeau, "Manifeste pour une Politique Fonctionnelle I I " , Cite Libre, Vol. I, # 2, February 1951, p. 28. 95 Trudeau, Federalism and the French Canadians, "Quebec and the Constitu-tional Problem", p. 35. 57. But he does not limit the virtues of federalism to i t s a b i l i t y to prevent the abuse of state power. It i s also the most eff i c i e n t form of government today. In attempting to specify the goals to be sought by p o l i t i c a l communities, we have seen that for some purposes i t is desirable that the state be limited i n size, while for others a larger ter-r i t o r y i s definitely preferable. For example, in social or cultural matters,where needs often vary from region to region and where a cit i z e n must feel that he can communicate directly with the source of power, there i s an advantage in limiting the t e r r i t o r i a l j u r i s d i c t i o n of the state. In other areas, such as economic matters, i t i s much more efficient for the geographical unit to be considerably extended. In s t i l l other areas, such as peace or trade agreements, the trend w i l l be toward international p o l i t i c a l groupings. 96 So what may have seemed a rela t i v e l y modest localized ideal assumes a universal aspect in Trudeau's thought. He seems to have concluded that though the world's societies are a heterogeneous t o t a l i t y , such differences are only superficially greater than those within societies. On both levels, different forms of government are needed for the different areas and needs. The sole moral obligation on the governments for a l l mankind i s that they be democratic, the sole reason for their existence that they be effective in the tasks they are assigned. World government then i s part of Trudeau's p o l i t i c s , but on the same conditions as he imposes on primary groups or national states, that they 97 champion their people's freedom and their welfare. 96 Loc. Cit. 97 Trudeau, Federalism and the French Canadians, "Federalism, Nationalism and Reason", p. 195-196. CHAPTER V NATIONALISM Since Trudeau's universalized concept of p o l i t i c a l organization i s federal, and states have no different or superior right to existence than any other form of human organization, they should have power only to the extent that the area of concern i s most e f f i c i e n t l y and freely handled by them. The role of the state then i s delicate and i n need of constant adjustment. As Trudeau assumes that the state i s naturally unable to maintain i t s proper direction without public control, his concern with the nature of the state's power rests lo g i c a l l y enough on the nature of public responsibility. Popular pragmatic control i s essential. The greatest danger to the people arises when the state i s allowed to assume an independent identity, when i t becomes something above and beyond the control of society, when i t is vested with some value above and beyond the purely pragmatic. Irrationalism, and spec i f i c a l l y Nationalism allows, indeed forces this to happen. ... des lors que l'Etat souverain fut mis au service de l a nation, c'est l a nation qui dev-enait souveraine, c'est-a-dire au dessus des l o i s . 98 98 Trudeau, "La Nouvelle Trahison des Clercs", Cite* Libre, # 46, A p r i l 1962, p. 7. 59. The e v i l of nationalism and a l l other i r r a t i o n a l ideologies i s that rather than being means to the liberation of the individual they are tools for his demoralization. It i s a fundamental principle of na-tionalism that the individual i s not the center of p o l i t i c a l action. The Individual i s an actor i n a struggle for some greater good, he i s not the good i t s e l f . Nationalism identifies the person as collective - as an ex-pression of some organic entity which includes both i t s l i v i n g members, i t s dead and i t s future generations. Since such an entity cannot express i t s e l f in the concrete matters that confront societies, those who define this entity, take i t upon themselves to interpret i t s wishes and i t s destiny. The e l i t e disposes and the common men have no other role than 99 to abide by i t s interpretation. The entire rationale of a "good" society is turned on i t s head. Where Trudeau sees Society's cohesion as the result of a constant and continuing decision by individuals to pool certain of their resources and control their a c t i v i t i e s to ensure their own welfare, the nationalists see the individual born into a society which gives his l i f e meaning and o r d e r . T h e nationalists deem any freedom a g i f t of the society; Trudeau insists that freedom i s innate and that i t s r e s t r i c t i o n by the state, be-yond that necessary for the freedom of a l l , i s immoral. People owe the state nothing for i t s service. Service i s the state's sole reason for , . 101 being. 99 This rather simplistic view of nationalism is a l l Trudeau offers on the subject. He scorns the argument that nationalism i s a way through which the individual w i l l be freed. 100 Trudeau, "La Nouvelle Trahison des Clercs", Cite' Libre, # 46, A p r i l 1962, p. 11. 101 Trudeau, "Les Cheminements de la Politique - XIII - L'Homme d'Etat: un serviteur", Vrai, May 10, 1958, p. 7. 60. Any conception that places an inchoate Whole above the individual is by nature an immoral one. Since only the individual i s rational, only he can be moral. Society i s an aggregation of individuals and can only be moral to the degree that i t s individual members are moral. But the people cannot be moral without a sense of individual responsibility,and Nationalism, positing some higher entity that i s able to define the moral-i t y of an action, absolves the individual of his own responsibility. An interesting practical example of his attitude appears in an art i c l e on Egypt in the February 2, 1952 issue of Le Devoir. He wrote " ... 1'ultra nationalisme ... du gouvernement actuel apparait surtout comme une operation de diversion,destined a distraire I'opinion^^ populaire de la maladministration interne." The nationalists invert Trudeau's conception of morality, calling moral the irresponsible and labelling the free immoral, the cynical, pragmatic. On the subject of nationalism we encounter a basic r i g i d i t y of Trudeau's p o l i t i c s . The moral absolute that people must be responsible, that they cannot be given the chance to forget their responsibility i s essential to his polity. In this way he and the type of nationalist he condemns meet at the opposite ends of the spectrum. He demands a t o t a l involvement from the individual that i s based on the person's moral aware-ness; the nationalists do the same. It i s only the object of the awareness that differs - for Trudeau i t i s individualism and Reason; for the Nation-102 Trudeau, "Les Anglais auraient tort de s'obstiner", Le Devoir, February 2, 1952. 61. 103 a l i s t , the Nation. Once free of the pragmatic rule of the people, ruling by the interpretations of myths and s p i r i t , those in power he says, are inevit-ably immoral, coming to r e s t r i c t the freedom of the people and to view their material welfare as secondary to some "greater cause". The end of p o l i t i c a l freedom cannot help but usher the end of the social and the economic liberty. The need for machinery of opinion, expression and collection i s obviated since the only acceptable opinions 104 are those that agree with those already expressed by the leadership. Democratic structures in nationalist states are impossible at whatever level of social organization they occur. Basic freedoms can only be a part of the system to the degree that they do not transgress o f f i c i a l l y defined codes. Cultural pluralism must be eradicated since the national-i s t s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l ethos is defined in terms of a monolithic culture. We should re-emphasize the point here that Trudeau is not, as he has often been called, only an anti-Nationalist. He i s , almost i r o n i c a l l y , an a n t i - t o t a l i t a r i a n . His objections to Stalinism are identical to those to Fascism or Quebec separatism. It i s in the immoral denial of the supre-103 It i s l i k e l y this proximity that makes Trudeau so violent a c r i t i c of nationalism. A treatment of Quebec's current p o l i t i c a l thought which puts forward similar ideas i s found in an unpublished paper by Daniel LaTouche, "La Nouvelle guerre des religions, un survol de l'ideologie anti-separatiste au Quebec depuis Duplessis". 104 Trudeau, "Les Cheminements de l a Politique" - XVI - "Le Peuple au Pouvoir", Vrai, May 31, 1958, p. 7 62. 105 macy of the individual that for him, these systems are identical. For Trudeau, there i s no higher cause for the state than the wel-fare of the individual. A p o l i t i c a l philosophy based on the assumption of some other higher value necessarily debases the individual as i t i n -evitably debases the society. The only appeal of a state founded on dogma is i r r a t i o n a l and hence in i t s e l f demoralizing. But i f nationalism i s such an immoral and impracticable basis for a p o l i t i c a l society, why is i t so frequently a p o l i t i c a l philosophy? Though we shall examine his h i s t o r i c a l interpretation early in this sec-tion, Trudeau also offers a brief p o l i t i c a l analysis of the appeal of nationalism. He sees p o l i t i c a l society founded on consensus. The state der-ives i t s existence and i t s power only from the consent of the people. If i t i s unable to gain this confidence, i t i s unable to effectively partic-ipate i n society and hence becomes irrelevant, or i t seeks to participate in spite of the people and becomes a positive e v i l . Since i t i s d i f f i c u l t to persuade great numbers through national argument alone, the politicians are often tempted to reach out for emotional support. 105 This i s a f a i r l y good demonstration that Trudeau's p o l i t i c s do not revolve around economics. Any economic system is acceptable i f i t works and i s freely accepted; any p o l i t i c a l philosophy i s good i f i t i s based on individualism. Trudeau i s not interested in the smaller discussions within a democratic eschatology. His target, his preoccupation has been with the defense of the whole democratic realm fromthe anti-democratic forces that constantly threaten i t . He ventured forth, determined to meet challenges that lesser men failed to recognize from ignorance, weakness or lassitude. 63. ... the most convenient support has obviously been the idea of nationalism. It becomes morally "right",a matter of "dignity and honour", to pre-serve the integrity of the nation. Hence, from the emotional appeal called nationalism i s derived a psychological inclination to obey the constitu-tion of the state ... 106 Those who wish to control the state and have no respect for i t s people w i l l use nationalism to achieve their ends. We have a succinct summary of Trudeau's h i s t o r i c a l analysis of nationalism in one of his most stimulating a r t i c l e s . U n t i l the middle of the 18th century ... The existence of certain peoples inhabiting cer-tain land areas, speaking certain languages or dialects, and practicing certain customs, was generally taken as data - choses donne'es - by the European states which arose to est-ablish their authority over them. It was not the population who decided by what states they would be governed; i t was the states which ... determined the area of t e r r i t o r y over which they would govern. And for that reason they could be called t e r r i t o r i a l states. .. f o r the philosophers, too, te r r i t o r y and population were just data; their philosophies were mainly concerned with discovering the foundations of authority over a given territory and the sources of obedience of a given population. ... the theories of contract which they derived from na-tural law or reason were meant to ensure that within a given state bad governments could readily be replaced by good ones ... 107 Quite frankly Trudeau too would probably be happier not to concern himself with "what section of the world's population occupying what segment 106 Trudeau, Federalism and the French Canadians, "Federalism, Nationalism and Reason", p. 189. 107 Trudeau, Federalism and the French Canadians, "Federalism, Nationalism and Reason", pp. 182-83. 64. of the world's surface should f a l l under the authority of a given state".'"'" He seems to deem the question irrelevant, a waste of time. But he i s forced to admit that the question does occupy many minds. Regretfully he plunges on to ask why. The answer i s an interesting, i f not overly original analysis of c l a s s i c a l nationalism. Though he i s not an outstanding historian nor an especially methodical thinker, he i s an exceptionally perspicacious obser-ver of his own society, and i s quick — perhaps too quick -- to begin to draw a fascinating analogy; In America, i t became necessary for the people not merely to replace a poor government by a better one, but to switch their allegiance from one t e r r i t o r i a l state to another ... ... the consent of the population was required not merely for social contract, which was to be the foundation of c i v i l society, or for a choice of responsible rulers, which was the essence of self-government; consent was also required for adherence to one t e r r i t o r i a l state rather than to another; which was the beginning of national self-determination. 109 ... henceforth i t was to be the people who f i r s t defined themselves as a nation, who then declared which ter r i t o r y belonged to them as of right, and who f i n a l l y proceeded to give their allegiance to a state of their own choosing or invention which would exercise authority over that nation and that te r r i t o r y . 110 108 I b i d . , p. 182. 109 Ibid., p. 183-84. 110 Ibid., p. 184-85. 65. So far Trudeau should not be able to see anything wrong with what has happened. These peoples were seeking only self government after a l l . But he does: As I see i t , the important transition was from the t e r r i t o r i a l state to the nation state. But once the latter was born, the idea of the national state was bound to follow, i t being l i t t l e more than a nation state with an ethnic flavour added. With i t the idea of self-determination became the principle of nationalities. I l l Trudeau makes a logical mistake, because for him the concept of the "nation state" i s an extremely limited one. La democratie en effet ouvrait aux classes bour-geoises, d 'abord, puis aux classes populaires, beau-coup plus tard, les voies par ou tous pouvaient participer a 1'exerciCe du pouvoir politique. L 1 Etat apparut alors comme 1'instrument par lequel eVentuellement toutes les classes, c'est-a-dire la nation entiere, pouvaient s'assurer la paix et la prospe*rite. 112 But he continues: Et par un effet naturel tous voulurent que cet instrument fut le plus fort possible vis \ vis les autres Etats-Nations. C'est ain s i que le nationalisme est nehde 1'union de la democratie libe*rale avec l a mystique e*galitaire. 113 He is almost casual i n the way he manages to glide above the dis-tinctions he has drawn. He has described the nation state as the result 111 Ibid., p. 185. 112 Trudeau, "La Nouvelle Trahison des Clercs", Cite 7 Libre, # 46, A p r i l , 1962, p. 7. 113 Loc. Cit. 66. of the people's revolt against a feudal state whereby the whole people of a geographic area - the nation - the society assumes i t s r i g h t f u l res-ponsibility to rule. He manages to assume that the elevation of the "na-tion" to sovereignty and the displacement of the individual w i l l follow this automatically. This unexpected grossness i n an otherwise refined argument results perhaps from his projection of anxieties about modern Quebec onto history, making his reading of the particular into a universal absolute with which 114 to cudgel his contemporaries. He makes the assumption that the build-ing of the state to serve the nation w i l l turn the nation into a protec-tive totem of the state, and w i l l turn the people from citizenry to sun worshipers. He t r i e s to distinguish the nation state from the national state by this transition. While the state i s s t i l l an instrument of responsible self government (in the sense of individual participatory self government), i t i s an acceptable form of p o l i t i c a l organization."'""' Once, however, and he views the change as inevitable, the state becomes the champion of an abstract Nation whose glory, rather than whose people, i t serves, i t be-comes the unacceptable undemocratic National State. The transition from one to the other i s the thing of real interest here, and i t i s doubly so because the " f a l l " seems a result of two goods, l i b e r a l democracy and the egalitarian ethos. With the failure of individ-114 Examples of this would be "La Nouvelle Trahison des Clercs" and "Quebec, E s t - i l Assiege?" both in Cite'.Libre. 115 Trudeau, Federalism and the French Canadians, "Federalism, Nationalism and Reason", p. 185. 67. ual members of the polity to maintain s t r i c t control over i t by allowing i t i t s own j u s t i f i c a t i o n , the state w i l l inevitably become i t s own master and the people's despot. He ponders a body-soul explanation of such a f a l l : Whereas self-government was based on reason and proposed to introduce l i b e r a l forms of government into existing states, self-deter-mination was based on w i l l and proposed to challenge the legitimacy and the very exist-ence of the t e r r i t o r i a l states. 116 But Trudeau i s not being entirely f a i r to himself here. While reason may be superior to w i l l in the conduct of the affair s of state, he maintains at another point, that the w i l l of the people must be the basis of the decisions of state. In effect then i t is not the fact that nation states are based on w i l l that he holds immoral, but that the w i l l is based on undemocratic premises. 116 Trudeau, Federalism and the French Canadians, "Federalism, National! and Reason", p. 185. CHAPTER VI QUEBEC His argument with nationalism leads Trudeau to what i s perhaps a more extreme position on modern history than that he would really care to take. The claim that the Wilsonian doctrine of self determination was aimed at the free self government of peoples, in the sense of "people" 117 as individuals, not "nations" as cultural groups sounds quite false. More serious i s the extreme assumption he makes about nationalism in Quebec, for he presumes that: C'est a. 1'interieur du phe'nomene nationaliste global q u ' i l faut conside'rer le sous-sous-cas qu^b/cois du sous-cas Canadien. 118 It i s the assumption that history i s a repetition of themes that leads him to identify the post 1960 nationalists of Quebec as t r a i t o r s , as irresponsible s e l f i s h petty tyrants. Let us follow what, in spite of i t s limitations, i s an incisive treatment of this h i s t o r i c a l example "le sous-sous-cas Quebecois". ... les nations dominees, ampute'es, ex p l o i t e r s et humilie'es concurent une haine sans mesure pour leurs oppresseurs; et solidaires dans cette haine i l s inventerent contre le nation-alisme aggresseur, un nationalisme de"fensif. 119 English Canadian nationalism created i t s own nemesis i n French Canada. 117 Trudeau, "La Nouvelle Trahison des Clercs", C i t / Libre, # 46, A p r i l 1962, p. 4. 118 Ibid., p. 7. 119 Loc, Cit. 69. Aussi bien, les Anglais qui mirent tant d'adresse et de genie politique a devel-opper chez eux le culte des libertes civ-i l e s , n'eurent jamais l'idee de proteger les droits minoritaires (au Canada). 120 v Canadian history consisted of "toute sorte de stratag&mes grace auxquelles l a democratie ne vint qu'a s i g n i f i e r le gouvernement par la minorite." So, "Le nationalisme canadien britannique engendra, comme c'etait inevitable le nationalisme canadien-fracais." Trudeau goes to lengths to show that p o l i t i c a l tradition in Quebec was a defensive nationalism. Longtemps, 1 1adversite nous donna un principe d'action. Dire non fut toute notre politique, et a bon droit nous ap-pelions chefs ceux qui dirigerent une resistance efficace. Notre peuple alors etait entoure de dangers reels, surtout 1'assimilation ethnique et religieuse,et notre bien se definissait dans une con-tradict iore. Mais ca n'est pas tout d'eviter le mal, i l faut faire bien ... Helas! c'est le f a i t de certains peuples, qui, ayant trop lutte, finissent par croire que la vertu est une negation. 122 This f u t i l e ideology managed only to keep Quebec progressively further behind the l i f e of North America. 120 Ibid., p. 8. 121 Loc. Cit. 122 Trudeau, "Manifeste pour une Politique Fonctionnelle I", Cite Vol. I, # 1, June 1950, p. 20. 70. L'histoire impartiale demontrera, que nous avons commence7 de tout perdre le jour ou des ennemis devenus subtils, rendirent i n j u s t i f i a b l e nos negations. Maintenant notre langue est devenue s i pauvre que nous n'entendons plus a quel point nous la par-Ions mal] . .. 123 This defensive nationalism, the "lamentable masse des negations" was an anachronism among the p o l i t i c a l currents which dominated the last two centuries of world history. Quebecers had never reached awareness of the usefulness of the state. The classic precondition for nationalist revolution 3 a people 124 with su f f i c i e n t l y advanced p o l i t i c a l ideas to include popular consent, was patently absent in Quebec. What the Quebec "pense'e" rejected in the republican nationalisms of Europe however, i t managed to substitute with indigenous reactionary elements. The ideal of popular devotion to the "nation" was replaced by the acceptance of a divine authority in p o l i t i c s , but the state was used as freely by the e l i t e to define the nation as i t was in cases where the people had invented, rather than ignored the state. Why Quebec nationalism never became expansionist i s explicable by 125 just the same negativity that had created i t . 123 Loc.cit. 124 Trudeau, Federalism and the French Canadians, "Federalism, Nationalism and Reason", p. 184. 125 Trudeau, La Greve de l'Amiante, Chapter I, La Province de Quebec au Moment de la Greve, pp. 87-88. 71. The state was u s e f u l only to maintain an archaic s o c i a l structure; i t was never used for i t s advancement. The e l i t e s did not even bother to use the p o l i t i c a l system for n a t i o n a l and personal glory. They were con-tent largely to ignore i t . Totally contrary to the European n a t i o n a l i s t s , those of Quebec had no respect or use for p o l i t i c s . It was for them an e x p l o i t a t i v e but c o n t r o l l a b l e game. Ideals were not involved. Its only r e a l function was to i s o l a t e rather than propagate the c u l t u r e . Pre 1960 Quebec was: ... un Elat p r o v i n c i a l dont l ' e s s e n t i e l de l a p o l i t i q u e a £t£ d'aliener les meilleurs et les plus accessibles de nosressources n a t u r e l l e s , et d'abdiquer toute j u r i s d i c -t i o n sur 1'organisation s o c i a l e et 1'orien-t a t i o n i n t e l l e c t u e l l e des Canadiens fr a n c a i s . Cette p o l i t i q u e ... nous a xmpos ie par nos E l i t e s cle'rico-bourgeoises; de tout temps celles - c i ont empe'che' de s'accre'diter parmi ^ nous l a nation d'un Etat dont l a fonction eut e t e d'intervenir activement dans les processus histo r i q u e s et d'orienter positivement les forces communataires vers le bien ge'ne'ral. . . . dans chaque cas de prote*ger des inte're vts de classe et de caste contre un pouvoir c i v i l dont 1'affaire exclusive eut dte l ' l n t e ^ t ge'ne'ral. 126 It i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note how Trudeau q u a l i f i e s and r a t i o n a l i z e s t h i s c r i t i c i s m to sustain h i s general p o l i t i c a l p r i n c i p l e s : Je ne veux pas d i r e , evidemment^que les c l e r c s et bourgeois pretendaient rechercher autre chose que le bien commun; mais i l s se croyaient seuls aptes a. en concevoir l a d e f i n i t i o n , et 126 Trudeau, "L*alienation Nationaliste", Cite' Libre, # 35, March 1961, p. 3-4. 72. par consequent i l s ne voulaient pas d'un Etat democratique qui eute/quelque r e a l i t e en dehors d'eux-memes, n i d'hommes p o l i t i q u e s qui eussent pu exercer quelqu' autori te en c o n f l i t avec l a leur . 127 But the student must ask why t h i s society grew as i t d i d . The answer c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y i s both simple and complex. Most b a s i c a l l y i t rests on Trudeau's single assertion about Quebec h i s t o r y . Depuis le debut de leur h i s t o i r e jusqu'a nos jours , les Canadiens francais n'avaient guere crua la democratie. C'est du moins cette hy-pothese qui me permit d'expliquer de nombreuses constantes de leur comportement p o l i t i q u e de-puis la^conque'te: amoralisme profondj i n c i v -isme, mefiance de l ' E t a t conservatisme s o c i a l , esprit de p a r t i mu par des ressorts tantSt nat ional is tes e^23 tantot i n d i v i d u a l i s t e s , mais rarement ideologiques. Trudeau's pre-*conquest Quebec i s possessed of none of the glamour attached to i t by the Groulx group. He accepts Gustav Lanctot 's d e s c r i p -129 t i o n of an autocratic oppressive society, more feudal than the home country, l i v i n g more under the power of the clergy, and seigneurs than the near revolutionary France. The conquest changed the society d r a s t i c a l l y ; the r icher seigneurs and the higher clergy returned to France, leaving minor c l e r i c s as the only part of the old e l i t e to guide the society . 127 I b i d . , p. 4. 128 Trudeau,"Note Sur la Conjoncture P o l i t i q u e " , Cite L i b r e , # 49, August-September, 1962, p. 1. 129 Trudeau, Federalism and the French Canadians, "Some Obstacles t Democracy i n Quebec", p. 103-104. o 73. ...As i t turned out, she £the Church/ discovered that her position had i n a sense improved.For after the debScle of 1760 she remained alone as a social beacon to give strength and guid-ance to a vanquished people, and to the victor she had the potentialities of a formidable op-ponent . 130 For the only remaining French Canadian leadership then: When the f a i t h lay safe, no distant c a l l to democratic lib e r t y held much appeal ... 131 Its task was to preserve the fa i t h and with this f a i t h , the social structure, the "Mystical Body" that nourished and guarded i t . Democracy was associated with the French Revolution, and later with the English conquerors, and the Church was not eager to support a philosophy potentially so antithetical to i t s self-defined interests. French Canada's failure to appreciate Democracy stemmed from other aspects of Quebec's history. Before 1763, French Canadians knew only an authoritarian rule founded on the divine right of kingship. Authority and the state were always conceived of as above and separate from the society. ... forms of sovereignty which were to give an ever widening place to the principles of self government /jwere"7 f i r s t brought about ... by the English colonists. 132 The end result was that ... regardless of how li b e r a l were the conqueror's p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u -tions, they had no i n t r i n s i c value in the minds 130 Trudeau, Federalism and the French Canadians, "Some Obstacles to Democracy in Quebec", p. 108. 131 Loc.Qir,. 132 Ibid., p. 104. 74. of a people who had not desired them, never learned to use them, and who f i n a l l y only accepted them as a means of loosening the conqueror's grip. 133 The resulting popular attitude was a com-bination of p o l i t i c a l superstition and social conservatism, wherein the state -any state - was regarded as an ominous being whose uncontrollable caprices were just as l i k e l y to lead i t to crush famil-ies and devour Crucifixes as to help the needy and maintain order. 134 When we compare this traditional attitude to Trudeau's, the enor-mity of the gulf between them appears staggering. It may help explain the intensity of his language and the heat of his argument. They (the French Canadians) had succeeded so well i n subordinating the pursuit of the commonweal to the pursuit of their partic-ular ethnic needs that they never achieved any sense of obligation towards the general welfare of the French Canadians on non r a c i a l issues. 135 To cross the t's, we may say: Dans nos relations avec l'Etat nous sommes passeblement immoraux:... 136 P o l i t i c a l ignorance made justice in the non-political spheres impossible. Equity stems from the society's agreement on common standards and common goals. The state's role i n the application, cultivation and defense of these i s indispensable. 133 Ibid., p. 106. 134 Ibid., p. 109. 135 Trudeau, Federalism and the French Canadians, "Some Obstacles to Democracy in Quebec", p. 107. 136 Trudeau, "Reflexions sur la Politique au Canada Francais", C i t / Libre, Vol. 2, #3» December 1952, p. 53. S i nous vivons encore au stade de l a democratie combattante, s i par conse-quent, les obstacles antidemocratiques resistent avec succe's aux forces dont nous disposons pour les renverser ..., la dialectique de 1'action nous impose imperieusement de concentrer nos effec-t i f s sur un object i f unique: la democra-t i c . ... Car i l faut a tout prix f a b r i -quer l'enveloppe democratique avant de se diviser sur la definition de son con-tenu. 137 Trudeau refuses to temper the c r i t i c i s m he heaps on the Quebec e l i t e , not because they espouse the defense of the French Canadian cul-ture but because: " I l s ont tous les uns apres les autres, amb i t tonne*'l'honneur de la doctrine' et c e l l e - c i a f i n i par s t e r i l i s e r com-pletement leur esprit." 138 In adopting defense as an ideology, they lost a l l the positive ambitions for their culture. They failed utterly to give French Canada the practical leadership that modernization required, " ... i l s ont formule* une pensee sociale impossible \ realiser et qui a toutes fins pratiques l a i s s a i t le peuple sans direction in t e l l e c t u e l l e efficace." 139 Its leadership was content to leave the people's welfare by the wayside for the sake of their "cultural purity", a thing in which only the e l i t e were ever able to share. 137 Trudeau, "Un Manifeste Democratique", Cite* Libre, # 22, October,1958, pg. 19-20. 138 Trudeau: La Greve de l'Amiante, Chapter I, p. 14. 139 Loc. Cit. The social sciences, the legal system, the technical and physical sciences i n Quebec were a l l successfully isolated from the modern world, and remained as servants of the " f a i t h " , ineffectual, but harmless. The l i s t of Quebec's backwardness is staggering and Trudeau dedicated the best part of his introduction to "La Greve de l'Amiante" to i t . The indictment of his society i n 1958 sums i t up. Deux forces surtout commandent a nos destines; le capitalisme international et le cl^ricalisme qu/bec-ois. Elles ne composent pas avec un Etat qui repres-enterait le bien commun temporeljelles composent entre elles,et i l ne reste plus a l'Etat qu' a sanctionner leur modus vivendi. 141 When we place this conclusion beside Trudeau's conception of a "good" state/society, the revolutionary character of his work becomes f a i r l y clear. The 1950's was the f i r s t conscious decade of the "quiet revolution". Men more or less l i k e Trudeau added to the impact of a developing h i s t o r i c a l dialectic in that they made coherent a turmoil growing of i t s own v o l i t i o n . They were at the inte l l e c t u a l front of the battle, confronting the ideolog-i c a l dodoism of the established i n t e l l i g e n t s i a . Their confidence in the in e v i t a b i l i t y of change brought a heterogeneous group of rebels together, each fighting for different revolutions and united essentially only i n a vaguely st a t i s t commitment. Many of them i t may be shown, were those who 140 Ibid, p. 38-80. 141 Trudeau, "Un Manifeste Democratique", Cite Libre, # 22, October 1958, p. 2.-3 77. benefited and f e l l so quiet under Sauve and Lesage; a number were s o c i a l i s t nationalists seeking now to incorporate the state in the struggle for the 142 "nation". A few, l i k e Trudeau, were deeply committed (social) democrats. A l l , including the few English among them, were proudly Quebecois. The Liberals i n 1960 campaigned under the slogan "Time for a Change". That they succeeded i s in no small way due to the decade long enlightenment campaign of the radicals. But i t was not long after the Quiet Revolution when the old maurassism seemed dead and the negative nationalism, crumbled, that the New Nationalism took i t s place. Trudeau had seen the seeds of i t s perversion in the revolution i t s e l f ; Quebec society was s t i l l unable to pro-duce genuine democracy. Pour ma part, je croirais a quelque chose d1analogue au sentiment democratique d'ou naquirent les nationalismes en Europe, i l y a un s i ^ c l e ou deux. La mort de Duplessis c'est l a f i n d'une dynastie et de 1'obigarchie qu'elle favorisait. L'instauration de l a demo-cratie l i b / r a l e est la promesse que dorenavant toutes les classes nouvelles pourront acc/der au pouvoir. Mais en pratique, ces classes de-couvrent que plusiers des voies de promotion sont obstruees: le Clerge conserve sa main mise sur l'education, les Anglais dominent notre f i n -ance, les Americains envahissent notre culture. Seul, l'Etat du Quebec est a 1'ensemble des Canadiens francais: on veut done pour cet Etat l a plenitude des pouvoirs ... Bref on croit a une energie creatrice qui donnerait du genie a des gens qui n'en ont pas, qui apporterait le courage et 1'instruction a une nation indolente et ignor-ante. 143 142 Louis Savard, "L'ideologie politique et religieuse de Cite Libre, premiere serie". Resume: Recherches Sociographiques. IV, 2, 1963, p. 228-236; and Trudeau, "La Nouvelle Trahison des Clercs", Cite Libre, # 46, A p r i l 1962, p. 11. Vadeboncouer, Morin,Dagenais would be examples. 143 Trudeau, "La Nouvelle Trahison des Clercs", C i t / Libre, # 46, Apri 1962, p. 13. 78. So where before the state was nothing, i t must now be everything. The c l a s s i c a l , the unavoidable pattern of nationalism came, i f a hundred years late, to Quebec. Trudeau applies the analysis he did to the clas-144 s i c a l national revolutions to Quebec. He i s content to see the f i r s t stage of such a revolution, where the state i s recognized as the most important organ of society. But the issue i n Quebec, as in a l l other nationalist revolts i s deeper than merely the extending of the power of the state. There was no coordinate extension of the people's control over the state. Et, inconsequence criminelle, les se'par-atistes en fermant les frontieres remet-traient inevitablement les pleins pouvoirs souverains a ces e l i t e s monies qui etaient responsables de l'e'tat abject d'ou les 145 separatistes se faisaient forts de nous t i r e r . If isolation results i n exploitation and degradation similar to what characterized Quebec's history, the alternative obviously l i e s in the opposite direction, not in a Canadian nationalism, or a greater isolation, but i n Canada none the less - in a Federal system that exists i n a form 146 that offers the greatest opportunities for a l l Canadians. 144 Trudeau, Federalism and the French Canadians, "Quebec and the Constitutional Problem", is devoted to such an analysis. 145 Trudeau, "L'Alienation Nationaliste", Cite Libre, # 35, March 1961, p. 4 . 146 Trudeau, "Quebec e s t - i l assiege?", Cite^Libre, # 86, April-May 1966, p JB,10. CHAPTER VII CANADA Trudeau approaches the "Canadian Problem" with surprising aplomb. But rather more unusual i s the degree of objectivity which someone so emotionally involved could bring to the subject. Canada's problem, simply stated, has been that statesmen and citizens have allowed Confederation's original pragmatic s p i r i t to degen-erate into a contest of dogmas. The real purpose of the federation, a rational purpose, has been forgotten. The "re a l " purpose as Trudeau sees i t was simply to establish order i n chaos. " ... I am inclined to believe that the authors of the Canadian federation arrived at as wise a compromise and drew up as sensible a consti-tution as any group of men anywhere could have done. Reading that document today, one i s struck by i t s absence of principles, ideals,or other f r i l l s ; even the regional safeguards and minority guarantees are pragmatically presented, here and there, rather than proclaimed as a t h r i l l i n g b i l l of rights. It has been said that the binding force of the United States of America was the idea of lib e r t y , and certainly none of the relevant constitutional documents let us for-get i t . By comparison, the Canadian nation seems founded on the common sense of empirical p o l i t i c -ians who had wanted to establish some law and order over a disjointed ha1f-continent. If rea-son be the governing virtue of federalism, i t would seem that Canada got off to a good start. 147 Trudeau, Federalism and the French Canadians, "Federalism, National-ism and Reason", p. 197. 80. The purposes are those of any state, the material welfare of a l l i t s people, the enjoyment of a l l possible freedom by the members of i t s society. In a hundred years Canada has managed to give i t s people the sec-ond highest standard of l i v i n g i n the world. It is also, as Trudeau rat-148 her melodramatically puts i t , among the last free countries on earth. Since i t has achieved so much, Canadians must give Confederation a chance, and few Canadians ever have. The French Canadians mistrusted federalism as an English t r i c k to use their overwhelming numbers to suppress French 149 Canada. English Canadians rejected the true federalism, by doing just that. The egoist attitude of the federation's richer members also contri-buted to i t s problems. By expecting to receive no less than they contribu-ted, they widened the gap between ri c h and poor parts of Canada. Canada then faces two aspects of this one problem. Both French Canadian nationalism and regional disparity result from the failure of the majorities in Canada to apply the Federalist ideal equitably. Duplessis's passivity was eminently acceptable as far as English Canadians were concerned:^® they regarded French Canada as an anomaly of language and an alien "priest-ridden" society. They did what seemed, at least to French Canadians, their best to keep French Canada an unequal asso-ciate . 148 Trudeau, "De Nouveau, l a Carte d'identite", Cite* Libre, # 33, January 1961, p. 18. 149 Trudeau, "La Nouvelle Trahison des Clercs", Cite Libre, # 46, A p r i l 1962, p. 8; but there are always two sides to these issues, c.f. "De 1'Inconvenient d'etre Catholique", Cite Libre, # 35, March 1961. 150 Trudeau, "De Libre, Tributo et Quibusdam A l i i s " , Cite Libre, # 10, October 1954, pp. 6-8. 81. French Canadians' reaction to the pressure of assimilation was predictable. " Ce peuple se crea un systeme de securite, mais qui en s'hypertrophiant l u i f i t at-tacher un prix parfor's demesure a tout ce qui le distinguait d'autrui et consid-erer avec h o s t i l i t e tout changement (fut-ce un progres) qui l u i e t a i t propose de 1' exterieur." 151 We are familiar with this analysis from the previous chapter. We can describe Trudeau's view of the pre-1960 period as one of complementary nationalisms in Canada. Confederation was viewed as a partnership. English Canada never made an attempt to accept Quebec as an equal partner; the French Canadians did their best to avoid any such p o s s i b i l i t y , and as a result, Can-adian federalism was in stalemate, and what i s more, was accepted as such. Leadership and people accepted an unavoidably negative compact federalism. The English proceeded with industrialization within their own areas, and in Quebec they le f t the French society to stagnate u n t i l well into the early part of this century, at which point they started a massive exploitative i n -dustrialization in the province. French Canada's socio-economic situation was worse than this agree-ment to d i f f e r would indicate. While, or because Quebec missed a l l the advantages of progressive labour legislation and labour structures i n the 151 Trudeau, La Greve de l'Amiante, Le Province de Quebec a l'heure de Greve, Chapter 1, p. 12. 82. 20th century, i t suffered a l l the dislocation of rapid industrialization. As the agricultural economy sank into decline an ever increasing popula-tion was forced into the c i t i e s - and there, uneducated, unorganized,they 152 were exploited for cheap uncomplaining labour. With l i t t l e provision for the protection of labour and almost no guarantees for the rational development of i t s natural resources, Quebec's industry was primarily exploitative, and was consciously placed i n the hands of outside business concerns, which the e l i t e preferred for their desire to not interfere with the social structure and culture. It was f i t t i n g that in cooperating with Union Nationa]£the English Canadian and American companies became the 153 Colonialist bogeyman which h e l p e d arouse the revolution. For the"English" companies used their own people for responsible positions and excluded French Canadians consciously from industry and corporate business; they thus managed to turn a r i s i n g group of profession-als from natural a l l i e s into fervid enemies. Similarly, arrogant labour policies turned what were or i g i n a l l y designed to be docile, domestic and 154 Catholic syndicates into militant unions. But to a l l t h i s , for over f i f t y years there was no constructive pro-test from o f f i c i a l French Canada; only reaction in the form of nationalism, whose sole solutions consisted of carefully nurtured negation, and whose 152 Trudeau, La Greve de l'Amiante, Chapter I, p. 78-80. 153 Trudeau, Federalism and the French Canadians, "Quebec and the Constitu-tional Problem", p. 24-25. 154 Trudeau, La Greve de l'Amiante, Introduction, p. 80-83. 83. early objectives were centered on a hopeless effort to maintain Quebec in isolation. These efforts, as were to be expected, were f u t i l e . In an age when even legally sovereign states have retained almost only a purely legal sovereignty, Quebec in one corner of North America would pay an impossible price for maintaining i t s isolated s p i r i t u a l g a r d e n . B u t s t i l l the opin-ion makers of Quebec persisted i n believing a l l states, including Quebec's, e v i l , and so they withdrew from p o l i t i c s , leaving the state to those who appreciated i t , the English. And indeed the state served French Canada i n only one respect. By accepting and encouraging the French Canadians' re-fusal to participate, the state in Quebec acted alone in f u l f i l l i n g a self defined mandate to preserve French Canadian culture. If we accept Trudeau's interpretation of the culture's shortcomings, this apparent service was in fact the gravest disservice the state could have performed for French Canada. The state, in accepting the citizens' abrogation of responsibility, became i t s e l f irresponsible in both a moral and practical sense " In the f i e l d of p o l i t i c a l culture no less than in other f i e l d s , our institutions do not deserve to survive at a l l unless they can successfully survive external compet-i t i o n . " 156 Quebec governments, with the possible exception of the Godbout Liberals, relied for their p o l i t i c a l strength on their image of the defen-155 Trudeau, Federalism and the French Canadians, "Quebec and the Constitu-tional Problem", p. 11-21. 156 Ibid., p. 35. 84. der of the Nation and the F a i t h . A n y t h i n g i t did as a result was by definition done for the nation and could consequently be questioned only at the questioner's ris k of being branded t r a i t o r and heretic. The Federal Government was equally irresponsible. It could pose as the defender and propagator of English Canadian nationalism on the one side, vis a vis the United States and French Canada, or as a passive guarantor of Quebec's cul-158 ture on the other (as the Liberals so long and so successfully did). In neither case were they called on to answer for their actions on any grounds but the nationalist, which the politicians easily enough turned into emo-tional putty. They used i t to cover incompetence, corruption and their failure to concern themselves with the material issues facing the country. Both levels of government failed in their duty. In sealing the two cul-tures from each other, they betrayed their duty toward cultural and individ-ual freedom; and by exploiting the tensions of race, they ignored the real socio-economic questions facing the society. By the t a c i t consent that federal-Quebec relations were fundamentally nationalist, they managed to aggravate the economic and social tensions within Quebec and the rest of the country. The realization of the inadequacy of Quebec p o l i t i c s and con-federation i t s e l f became manifest with the Quiet Revolution, when the real-ization suddenly blossomed among the majority of Quebeckers that the state had a usefulness i n promoting their welfare. They became discontent to 157 Trudeau, "Un Manifeste Democratique", Cite' Libre, # 22, October 1958, p. 2-3. 158 Trudeau, Federalism and the French Canadians, "Some Obstacles to Democracy in Quebec", p. 119-120. 85. leave i t a passive bystander, though s t i l l without a precise idea of what this welfare was, nor of how effectively to use i t to achieve these ends. But things had not changed overnight in Quebec. In fact, the con-scious Revolution against the Old Order got under way after the Second War. And i f ever proof be required that nationalism i s a s t e r i l e force, let i t be considered that fifteen years of systematic non-nationalism and sometimes ruthless anti-nationalism at a few key points of the society were enough to help Quebec to pass from a feudal into a modern era. 159 But the reaction which followed the European revolutions came nat urally on the heels of the revolution. The essential element of public control of the state was not lost, as in 1789; i t had simply not existed in Queb ec. When in Europe the dynasties and traditions had been toppled, the new societies quickly found a new cohesive agent in nationalism; and no sooner had privilege within the na-tion given way to internal equality than privilege between nations f e l l under attack; external equality was pursued by way of na-tional self determination. In Quebec today the same forces are at work; a new and mod-ern society i s being glued together by na-tionalistrij i t i s discovering i t s potential-i t i e s as a nation, and i s demanding equality with a l l other nations. This i n turn i s causing a backlash in other provinces, and Canada suddenly finds herself wondering whether she has a future. 160 159 Trudeau, Federalism and the French Canadians, "Federalism, Nationalism, and Reason", p. 201. 160 Ibid., p. 201-202. 86. Trudeau i s very careful to distinguish the nationalist p o l i t i c a l "victory" from the pragmatic social modernization of the 1950's. He i s proud of his own role i n i t . ^ ^ ' ' " The progress the reformers achieved was destined to be short lived however since no p o l i t i c a l reform to support them was forthcoming. As a result of the e l i t e ' s preoccupation with the ideological questions of nationalism, the social reforms achieved in the private sector never became the concern of the state. The latter managed in spite of everything, to stay irrelevant in Quebec, even after 1960. French-English relations has been permanently upset by the Quiet Revolution, but the change i n the Quebec government's role was only formal. It now became an active, rather than a passive champion of the French Canadian nation. That this role entailed a stronger involvement in social questions only camouflaged the nationalist role that the state s t i l l played in Quebec. Because i t was a revolutionary date in Quebec's development, 1960 was an even more important moment in Canadian history. For while profound changes had occurred in Quebec's social structures, i t s p o l i t i c s and i t s relations to the rest of the country, there was no compensatory change in 163 English Canada. The trends that characterized i t s relations towards Quebec continued unchanged, thereby aggravating an increasingly sensitive situation. So that when i n 1960, Quebec was ready for a new relationship of the two societies, English Canada failed to perceive, let alone respond 161 Ibid., p. 201. 162 Trudeau, "Les Progres de l ' l l l u s i o n " , Cite 7 Libre, # 47, May 1962,p.1-2. 163 Trudeau, Federalism and the French Canadians, "Federalism, Nationalism and Reason", p. 200-201. 87. 164 to the common challenge. Now that complementary nationalisms became impossible, confederation was confronted with the absolute necessity of a new alternative that the majority of the country was not prepared to see introduced. Instead of the old relationship or a constructive new form of federalism, a result was reached by d e f a u l t . T h e two nationalisms rea-ched a stage of confrontation (or better, the moment of h i s t o r i c a l d i a l e c t i c that Trudeau sees as the inevitable result of the failure of the undemocra-t i c p o l i t i c s i n Quebec and Canada). What is to be done? ... i f not a pure product of reason, the p o l i t i c a l tools of the future w i l l be designed and ap-praised by more rational standards than anything we are currently using in Canada today. 166 ... because i t seems obvious to me that nationalism - and of course I mean the Canadian as well as the Quebec variety, has put (Canada) on a c o l l i s i o n course, I am suggesting that cold, unemotional rati o n a l i t y can s t i l l save the ship ... (functionalism i n p o l i t i c s ) perhaps w i l l prove to be inseparable from any workable concept of federalism. 167 Though Trudeau i s always eager to characterize p o l i t i c a l actions and theories as either functional and good or ideologically dogmatic and bad, we are hard put to define " p o l i t i c a l pragmatism" in any but the crud-est form."''0^ Trudeau gives i t certain attributes, but these are generally 164 Ibid., p. 201. 165 P.E. Trudeau and Gerard Pe l l e t i e r , "Pelletier et Trudeau s'expliquent", Cite Libre, # 80, October 1965, p. 4. 166 Trudeau, Federalism and the French Canadians, "Federalism, Nationalism and Reason, pp. 202-203. 167 Ibid., p. 203. 168 Trudeau, e t . a l . "Pour Une Politique Fonctionnelle; Un Manifeste", Cite Libre, # 67, May 1964, p. 17. too vague to be anything but hints. Functionalism eschews the emotional in p o l i t i c a l appeal and p o l i t i c a l decision making. Trudeau holds a crea-tive freedom as the highest p o l i t i c a l value, the only means to direct society well. Therefore, any p o l i t i c a l form that seeks to manipulate the individual i s ipso facto i dysfunctional. It neglects i t s real duties, i t s concern with the equitable inner workings of the society, i t places free-dom below some irrelevant t o t a l i t y . The state i s a servant, at best a clever but a dumb machine which can only have i t s proper goals i f i t i s directed by a free people. The state must seek to champion i t s people's freedom at the expense of i t s own. Given the scope of the state's responsibilities, i t i s imperative that i t carry them out e f f i c i e n t l y . Since service i s i t s only reason for being, the two consequences of i t s fa i l u r e , the people's unhappiness, and i t s own demise are both things to be avoided. This may be the core of functional p o l i t i c s then: the state's realisation of i t s subservience, and the efficiency of i t s service. How then do we apply so vague a concept to the Canadian context? The f i r s t step, Trudeau i n s i s t s , i s to free Canadian p o l i t i c s of the Nationalist emotionalism with which lesser men than the Fathers of 169 Confederation have loaded i t . Cultural heterogeneity must cease to be a point of argument. It is a Value, and the only discussion concerned with 169 Trudeau, Federalism and the French Canadians, "Federalism, Nationalism and Reason", p. 200. 89. i t should be about the best means to i t s promotion. Canadians must stop shadow-boxing with problems which have substance only as long as they i n -si s t on seeing them. The second step i s to understand what the "re a l " problems are. That achieved, the necessary machinery must be established to solve them. Then at the bidding of the people or at least with their active support, the state must solve them. Let us for the sake of argument accept his premise that Nationalism i s a wicked invention that ruling classes, or those aspiring to power would use to dupe people.'''7''' Let us further accept Trudeau's assumption that i t has ruled i n Quebec and in Canada by default. We can now try to understand what Trudeau plans to offer Canadians as an alternative. In his writings and his active p o l i t i c s the emphasis on language rights and regional disparity have unquestionably been dominant. In com-bination they offer an extremely powerful alternative indeed. 172 "The f i r s t rule of p o l i t i c s i s to start from given facts." Canada as i t stands i s Trudeau's given, although he applies the principle somewhat too selectively to the society. Canada is ten provinces and a federal government. It i s an immense and extremely varied terrain. The majority of i t s people are English speaking, and a large minority live a French cul-ture. Smaller groups find other cultures cogenial. From these givens Trudeau entirely and consciously excludes the fact that the large French 170 Trudeau, Federalism and the French Canadians, "Quebec and the Constitu-tional Problem", p. 44. 171 Trudeau, Federalism and the French Canadians, "Federalism, Nationalism and Reason, p. 195. 172 Trudeau, Federalism and the French Canadians, "Quebec and the Constitu-tional Problem", p. 8. 90. minority is concentrated i n one area, and for the most part within the jurisd i c t i o n of one provincial government. This s e l e c t i v i t y on Trudeau's part i s intentional because his entire attack on the r i v a l nationalisms rests on the somewhat a r t i f i c a l premise that the two great cultures have free play in the entire t e r r i t o r y 174 of Canada. By acting on this theory, Trudeau can bypass the provincial structures which have given p o l i t i c a l power to French Canadian nationalism. He has proposed legi s l a t i o n , both before and since actual participation i n party p o l i t i c s to ensure the congenial environment for the practice of both 175 cultures in the whole of Canada. There can be no denying that his plea refers to French rather than English language rights (which he feels have always been safe in Quebec anyway). He has wanted to make i t very clear that French Canadians have a home i n Canada, not only in Quebec. This t a c t i c may be viewed as another version of the "divide and conquer" policy. In ensuring French Canadians that they are not solely dependant on the government of Quebec for protec-tion of their culture, Trudeau can effectively n u l l i f y the province's claim to nation-state status. Though not as completely, the theme of regional disparity i s also aimed at Quebec. It is the positive aspect of the "r e a l " economic issue in Canada. Quebec's real problem Trudeau i n s i s t s , the nationalists notwith-173 This is not to say that the Quebec government does not bear a heavy responsibility for the preservation of French culture, but i t does this as i t s duty towards the majority of i t s citizens, who happen to be French speaking. cf. "Le Quebec e^st-il Assiege'?" Cite' Libre #86, April-May 1966, p. 9-10. 174 Trudeau, Federalism and the French Canadians, "Quebec and the Constitu-tion a l Problem", p. 47. 175 Ibid., p. 48-51. 91. 176 standing, i s i t s socio-economic backwardness. J"/'D The answer to this i s not further withdrawal from the mainstream of North American l i f e , but rather a more vigorous participation in i t . The way to satisfy the real demands of the ordinary majority of Quebeckers i s to give them the mater-i a l welfare that modern technology can offer. Defense of the culture i s a provincial responsibility that should occupy a place secondary to the assurance of an economic base which w i l l make the enjoyment of cultural freedom possible. Trudeau wants Quebec incorporated into the economic l i f e of the country as a whole, by the country as a whole. The emphasis on regional equalization i s not restricted to Quebec however. It i s fundamental to Trudeau's policy that a l l , or at least the majority of the people in a state be satisfied with l i v i n g in the state, and that none be permanantly disaffected. The great inequalities within the country pose an unavoidable source of just such permanent discontent and i t i s to preventing their aggravation, that he addresses himself. The answer is a concerted effort by the country as a whole to bring the poorer areas nearer the general level of prosperity. The task is enormous, as Trudeau is very much aware. His feeling that in Canada good p o l i t i c s must be nationally desirable and provincially 177 feasible is adequate testimony to th i s . The richer members must be brought to realize that the sacrifices required to promote the poorer areas are in their own interest as members of a larger society which can render 176 Trudeau, "Pour une Politique Fonctionne lie :Un Manifeste", Cite* Libre, # 67, May 1964, pp. 11-17 177 Trudeau, Federalism and the French Canadians, "The Practice and Theory of Federalism", p. 128. 92, them higher benefits, than they, as smaller units, could gain alone. They must be persuaded of this just as they must be persuaded of the necessity of satisfying the cultural needs of the French part of the population. Canadians must be persuaded that the healthy functioning of Canada is to their greater advantage than the satisfaction of particular regional egoisms. The responsibility for persuading the people of this l i e s with the p o l i t i c a l parties. Though these may disagree on methods to their achieve-ment, a l l democratic parties are dedicated to freedom and equality. Given this i t i s the parties' responsibility to champion both language rights and regional equalization i n Canada. The CCF and the NDP fai l e d , and Trudeau never ceases to damn them for i t , because of a r i g i d i t y of dogma. While they were strong advocates of economic justice, they ignored French Canada's cultural demands almost com-178 pletely. He calls more i n sorrow than in anger to Canadian socialism. " Federalism must be welcomed as a valuable tool which permits dynamic parties to plant so c i a l i s t governments i n certain provinces, from which the seed of radicalism can slowly spread." 179 The other parties failed equally badly because they lacked any coherent ideology at a l l . P a r t i a l l y this failure stems from the lack of democratic s p i r i t within the parties. Not being included to trust to the leadership 178 Trudeau, Federalism and the French Canadians, "The Practice and Theory of Federalism", pp. 129-130 and "L'Homme de Gauche et les Elections Provinciales I , Les Opinions de Pierre E l l i o t t Trudeau", Cite Libre,# 51, November 1962, pp. 3-5. 17 9 Trudeau, Federalism and the French Canadians, "The Practice and Theory of Federalism", p. 127. 93. and advice of their membership, the Liberals and the Conservatives failed 180 to understand what the people wanted. The p o l i t i c a l parties f a i l e d to define the society's democratic goals, and the different levels of execu-tive power ignored this basic question in order to concentrate on i r r e s -ponsible squabbles about j u r i s d i c t i o n . The value of a federal structure l i e s in i t s a b i l i t y to distribute p o l i t i c a l power in proportion to the need for i t . Being a pragmatically conceived form of government, jur i s d i c t i o n in Canada is functionally and f l e x i b l y apportioned. Trudeau noticed an unfortunate tendency though for governments to raid jurisdictions, on the excuse that the level responsible was not performing i t s duty. He objected most vehemently to this kind of paternalism when the Saint Laurent government insisted on federal support for Quebec's univer-181 s i t i e s . This instance was about the only time that Trudeau and the 182 Union Nationale found common ground. His objection was founded on a pro-found conviction of the role of responsibility in democratic government. A government is responsible to i t s own citizenry for the policies pursued within i t s j u r i s d i c t i o n , and only the government with this responsibility can act j u s t i f i a b l y within i t . I f , for example, the federal government steps into a f i e l d where only provincial governments have jur i s d i c t i o n , i t acts for and on a population to whom i t i s only p a r t i a l l y responsible. This example, as well as i t s reverse, i s an outright denial of the principle of 180 Trudeau, "Diefenbaker Monte en Ballon", Cite Libre # 26, A p r i l 1960 and "Pearson ou I'abdication de I'Esprit", Citd Libre # 56, A p r i l 1963. 181 Trudeau, "Les Octrois Fe'deraux aux Universites", Cite Libre # 16, February, 1957. 182 Trudeau, "Projet de lettre a M. Duplessis", Vrai, December 11, 1954,p.2 94. self government. Trudeau is convinced that the parties and the different levels of government failed even to approach the f i r s t step towards truly functional and democratic p o l i t i c s . As to how he proposes to institute i t we have only the vaguest indications. The f i r s t step is the democratization of 183 the parties. Essentially this process would involve a change in the decision-making process of the parties, shifting the power from the leader to the caucus and even further, the membership as a whole. This change would give the leaderships the necessary sources of public opinion that a more hierarchically organized structure does not allow i t s e l f . The second major step is to turn the p o l i t i c a l parties into educational i n s t i -tutions aimed at acquainting the citizenry with the democratic alternatives towards the major "re a l " problems which the society faces. Given the tasks, the state must make i t s structures as efficient as possible in their execution. The responsibilities^the jurisdictions must be clear, allowing the public to exercise i t s control in the most effective manner, as well as enabling the establishment of the most functional channels for the duties concerned. Equally important as the structure i s the quality of the men constituting the executive machine. P o l i t i c a l and technological expertise equal to the task is essential for Functional P o l i t i c s . Apart from these simple aspects, Functional P o l i t i c s i s more a 184 state of mind than an actual p o l i t i c a l structure. It is the practice 183 Trudeau, "L'Avenir du Parti Liberal", Vrai, November 3, 1956 and "M. Pearson ou 1'Abdication de l'esprit", Cite" Libre # 56, A p r i l 1963. 184 Trudeau, e t . a l . "Pour une Politique Fonctionnelle :Un Manifeste", Cite'' Libre # 67, May 1964, p. 17. 95. of a morally motivated pragmatism, the constant weighing of a l t e r n a t i v e s , the constant sense i n the p o l i t i c a l leader of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and f e a s a b i l -i t y . Though such a d e s c r i p t i o n for Canada's p o l i t i c s may seem oversim p l i -f i e d , there i s l i t t l e i n what Trudeau has w r i t t e n with s p e c i f i c reference to federal p o l i t i c s which would enable us to say more. The t h e o r e t i c a l construct of the servant state we had described i n chapter I I I applies u n i v e r s a l l y , Canada not excluded. The single mindedness expressed i n such u n i v e r s a l concepts of m o r a l i t y and " c o r r e c t " p o l i t i c s may be the most s i g n i f i c a n t a t t r i b u t e of the body of w r i t i n g we have examined. I t may be both Trudeau's major strength, or h i s greatest weakness. Truly, i t i s probably both. Some observations on h i s approach to p o l i t i c s are a l l we can o f f e r as a pre-liminary evaluation, of how as public thinker he has been a successful or Utopian i n t e r p r e t e r of the subject. CHAPTER VIII CONCLUSION It i s interesting to note how really sacred Trudeau holds p o l i t i c s , how far above other human a c t i v i t y . It i s the means to the real social 185 ends. It i s "serious" business and i t must be approached "seriously". Emotion may be acceptable i n private l i f e , i n anything real l y , but not p o l i t i c s . Here the participants (ideally a l l citizens) play with f i r e . They play with the li v e s , the welfare, the perfection of their fellow men. Here one could not afford to act on impulse but only with the most exacting ra t i o n a l i t y , the most precise information. P o l i t i c s i s r e a l l y a sort of sacred sphere, where we must leave behind mortal flaws, where we i must seek to be perfect i n order to be worthy to partake. Trudeau's has always been a moralistic approach to p o l i t i c s . He has applied the norms of an universal ethic to the Canadian case. Demo-cracy, though j u s t i f i e d simply as the most pragmatic and successful of p o l i t i c a l systems, is far more. I t is an ultimate form of human organiza-tion. P o l i t i c s is the ultimate social a c t i v i t y , and social a c t i v i t y i s the means to human fulfillment. Man is destined for self perfection. Any-thing that helps him to achieve i t then i s necessarily a Good, anything that impeded i t a Bad. P o l i t i c s i s the ultimate tool of both salvation and damnation, and is necessarily then the act i v i t y of the deepest moral sign-ificance . 185 Trudeau, Federalism and the French Canadians, "Federalism, Nationalism and Reason", pp. 195, 202-203. 97. The commitment to this philosophy has never seemed to change in what he wrote. The approach varied at times, but the insistance on the absolute value of democracy has remained. This commitment may be germinal to the most significant paradox in the thought of Pierre Trudeau. He considers himself a pragmatist. By this he means something rather more particular than a common distaste of dogma. Pragmatism is f l e x i b i l i t y in the rational pursuit of human freedom. We discussed the concept earlier in this paper and there seems no need to re-elaborate here. Of importance, however, is the fact that Trudeau dis-dains any definition of human purposes other than the search for liberty and material welfare of individuals. Dogma for him i s any ideology other than his humanism. Such ideology takes on the proportions of an obstacle to human progress and thus becomes elevated onto the moral plane; i t be-comes E v i l . It corrupts. We see ample demonstration of this attitude throughout his work. It i s his dominant negative theme. In effect, rather than a pragmatist, Trudeau i s an anti-Dogmatist. The attitude slips easily into a dogmatism i n i t s own right, and presents a serious doubt about the inner consistency of Trudeau's own personal code of p o l i t i c s . The f i r s t law of p o l i t i c s , he has told us, i s to start with given facts. The question raised i n an observer's mind is i f he i s capable of following his own f i r s t law. It would seem that Trudeau i s unable to con-ceive of people who in good fai t h and with a modicum of intelligence, have different premises about society and humanity from his own. The intolerance 186 Trudeau, et. a l . "Pour une Politique Fonctionnelle: Un Manifeste", Cite 7Libre # 67, May 1964, p. 17. 98. so often evident in his tone of righteous indignation has brought the fre-quent charges of arrogance in Quebec, where he is after a l l , best known. As we have seen, Trudeau is l i t e r a l l y quite merciless with the nationalists. He refuses to take their aspirations as expressions of sincerity, and has taken several occasions to characterize the movements 187 as pet i t bourgeois, feudal, reactionary, f a s c i s t i c and t o t a l i t a r i a n . Declarations of this nature would hardly lead one to believe that the man could engage i n any kind of meaningful exchange with his ideological op-ponents. Given that the nationalist school in i t s various shades expresses an important, and certainly the most vocal part of French Canadian p o l i t i c a l thought, i t may be wise to reflect on Trudeau's a b i l i t y to practice prag-matic democracy in this most important of Canadian areas. The r i g i d i t y of the basic commitment to Reason prevents him from exercising a p o l i t i c a l pragmatism that by definition must contain some tolerance of the non symet-r i c a l . Like other thinkers who start with unquestionable premises, Trudeau has unavoidably tried to sidestep anything that may have been anti-thetical to his theory. Though his philosophy i s almost geometrically consistent i f viewed in isolation, the thought i t spawned has often teemed with contradiction. A most noteable example is in his attitude to the repatriation of the Canadian economy. There is nothing extraordinary in his argument. It is i n fact a sober analysis which points out that in order to achieve econ-187 Trudeau, "Les Separatistes: des Contte-Revolutionnaires", Cite 7 Libre, # 67, May 1964. (p.4.) 99. omic independence, which he deems a s l i g h t l y desirable democratic objec-t i v e , Canadians would have to accept some material deprivation. The rate of saving, of course, can only rise with a drop i n spending. He feels Canadians w i l l accept the sacrifice and expresses confidence that they -It A 1 8 8 w i l l do so. On the identical issue, the repatriation of control of the Quebec 189 economy, he is equally confident of the opposite. It seems here as elsewhere, that Trudeau succumbs to a perverse and wishful thinking. He deems Canada as a p o l i t i c a l entity, a value, and Quebec as a lower p o l i t i c a l entity, a value of a much more limited kind. The sacrifices he expects of people are equally proportioned. Trudeau i s certain that legal sovereignty for Quebec evokes passive repulsion from i t s citizens while Canadian economic independence meets with active sacr-i f i c e . This emotionally based rationalization appears frequently in his writing and always for much the same reason; a dogmatic convict ion in the universal power of Reason. We have made allusion early i n this paper to differences that so readily distinguish Trudeau from the Marxians, and pointed to their one significant simi l a r i t y . The Marxian concept of correct and False Conscious-ness i s reflected in Trudeau's concepts of Reason and Irr a t i o n a l i t y . The states of grace, correct consciousness and Reason are the inevitable porters 188 Trudeau, "A Propos de Domination Economique", Cite'Libre # 20, May 1958, p. 9. 189 Trudeau, "La Nouvelle Trahison des Clercs", Cite / Libre # 46, A p r i l 1962, p. 12. 100. of Utopia. The broad popular achievement of both is equally miraculous. Trudeau's concept of Rationality suffers primarily from his ambi-valence in defining i t . In effect his definition i s as perverse as the Chinese concept of the Mandate of Heaven. A decision i s rational i f i t calculates for contingencies, takes a long view (adlnfl.nlturn ) i n other words, i f i t i s successful. A rational act, i.e., a moral act, i s a suc-cessful act and the same applies in reverse, an immoral act i s an act with dysfunctional consequences. One cannot help contemplating a p a r a l l e l Marxist definition of correct consciousness as being "when people revolt". Rationality i s pragmatism. It deals with p o s s i b i l i t i e s , weighs alternatives and seeks success. This cold pragmatism and the frequent failure to refer rationality to the higher moral levels which we elabor-ated i n the f i r s t chapter has led some observers to see a p o l i t i c a l cynic-ism i n what Trudeau has written. There i s no question that his idealism, his express and implicit belief i n human perfectability, and his succinct pragmatism make confusing mixture. What then is the significance of the p o l i t i c a l thinker Trudeau? He is not original or especially methodical as a philosopher; he is neither a revolutionary nor a leader of reaction as a p o l i t i c i a n . Servan Schreiber thinks him the statesman of the 21st century; others see him a child of the sixteen hundreds. Socialists disown him, supporters of "free enterprise" are afraid of him. The paradoxes run into i n f i n i t y . But perhaps i t i s in the very essence of Paradox that Trudeau i s most at ease. 101. His idealism i s unbounded, and yet he exposes his Utopian social system i n terms of functional pragmatism. He seeks to free the individual through social behavior. He wants a world of reason through the w i l l of numbers. These, as a l l paradoxes, harbor an inner consistency. His t o t a l f a i t h in the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of humanity help explain away whatever may seem a contradiction and lead him to expect too much of people. It may be this t o t a l f a i t h that gives him what has bean now called charisma, (the religious implication of the term not being altogether out of place). But i t would be outside the bounds of our analysis to attempt a description of interpre-tations of Trudeau's personality; i t i s our aim only to seek an understand-ing of the p o l i t i c a l critique he has applied to Canada. He i s without a doubt one of the most striking of modern Canadian thinkers. Though his emphasis on Reason, which i s the main character of the work, may i t s e l f seem sometimes unreasonable, this should not detract from the innate interest of what he holds; i t does reflect on the way he holds his beliefs. He i s at his worst a dogmatist. The strong, sometimes seemingly arrogant position he takes with the more human men, the weaker less self assured, the "petits bourgeois Quebecois" Is Trudeau at his most determined and most in f l e x i b l e . At best, he i s a strongly committed but highly pragmatic a c t i v i s t . The insistence on " l i b e r a l i z a t i o n " of the Criminal Code, and the systematic presentation of the case for regional equalization both represent this side of him. He i s above a l l the "messenger", the advocate of a social philosophy based t o t a l l y on rational acceptance. He appeals to human reason, eager to 102. 190 explain, to argue, to advocate, to discuss and to dispute. He has a l -ways made the effort to be understood, to persuade, but he has restricted his appeal to peers, who very largely understood already. The style i s elegant, the thought often profound, but the pearls, disjointed, dulled, were most usually cast in front of unappreciative eyes. Though Trudeau's message and his principles stayed the same, his audiences changes radically with the Quiet Revolution and once again in 1966. The failure of the Liberal e l i t e s to institute the democratic struc-tures he yearned for i n Quebec led Trudeau to concern himself more with the young, the university group, and somewhat more with the English. When even this far wider and s t i l l limited audience failed him, Trudeau turned to the "People" i n active p o l i t i c s . There is nothing inconsistent in this change. Rather i t demon-strates the strength of the ideals motivating him, and constituted a purely t a c t i c a l change. For while i t i s the e l i t e which is the spark that wakes the people to democracy, i t i s the conscience of the people which must 191 f i r s t wake the e l i t e . The question i s where to i n i t i a t e the process? The ambivalence of Trudeau's p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y reflects this i n t e l -lectual ambivalence well. He tried to be the conscience to the e l i t e s . But during the f i f t i e s he insists that he also spent himself in waking the com-mon people. His f i n a l disillusionment with the Quebec e l i t e s , and we may add, with the English e l i t e , (as i t were, in translation) was the preclude 190 But to say that he was eager to engage in discussion and explanation i s not to say that he succeeded. 191 Trudeau, "Manifeste pour une Politique Fonctionnelle I I " , Cite"' Libre, Vol. 1,' # 2, February 1951, p. 28, illustrat e s this. 103. to his entry into popular p o l i t i c s . What he couldn't persuade the e l i t e of, he sought to preach to the people. A good deal militated against the majority of people however, in spite of his own hopes for them, ever understanding what the Functional p o l i t i c s r e a l l y were. To internalize such a concept one must understand i t s rationale, and Trudeau has unfortunately never described the inner pro-cess of his own rationalization. We have had to piece the inner structure together, as best we could, i n this paper. His audiences have seen what i n r e a l i t y i s a Creed, rather than a philosophy. Trudeau has expected his readers to have done the prior reasoning with him, to be ready to l i s t e n for i t s reaffirmation, i t s coherent expres-sion. But to understand, we also need the moral code on which Trudeau based his thinking just as much as geometry needs i t s axioms. What has seemed the r i g i d i t y in Trudeau's thought may l i k e l y stem from this inflated expectation of people. He expects clear accord with complicated ideas he never explains; he expects selfishness to be metamor-phasized into social conscience at the revelation of these ideas; he expects pure reason to replace mingled human decision making. He seems i n fact to expect an almost complete revolution in human behaviour - one so t o t a l as to be Utopian. This element i n his writings is well reflected in the published observations concerning his p o l i t i c a l style and thought. The word "charisma" appears frequently in contexts that seem to imply more than the Weberian meaning of the term and verge on Messianism. The appearance of a "thoughts 104. of ..." style book entitled "The Gospels According to Saint Pierre" and more significantly Servan Schreiber's estimation of Trudeau also indicate that i n the view of some, he i s sufficiently removed from the common run of l i f e , s u f f i c i e n t l y s p i r i t u a l and uncompromising to be thought a Utopian, or a visionary or a man before his time, depending on the writer's prejud-ice. The "totalness" of his thought is probably i t s most distinguishing characteristic. He c a l l s for absolutes; the servant state as robot state, the citizens as conscious, i n t e l l i g e n t , morally motivated, sensitive, yet firm, pragmatic yet long-sighted. As Utopian thought, i t i s bound to be r i g i d . Trudeau is able to dismiss a l l the incongruencies of the socio-p o l i t i c a l r e a l i t y that seem a permanent bar to the functional good society. He presumes that i f only people were as he would like them to be, the system would bring i t s e l f into being. This r i g i d i t y and totalness i s unfortunate i n that i t alienates pre-cisely the type of sensitive pragmatism he would li k e to attract and engen-ders the dogmatism i t i s meant to supplant. Foremost example of the former is Claude Ryan's critiques of Trudeau's 'pens/e', which he finds repellant in i t s moralistic ascetism and unreality. The reaction of the more extreme nationalists in French and English Canada provide an example of the l a t t e r , polarizing around what they have legitimately (given i t s weak exposition) construed Trudeau's position to be. But the power of these ideas, even i f they seem excessive, had also given him extraordinary fortitude in the pursuit of their attainment. "La 105. 192 Guerre! La Guerre!", his c a l l for Total War, sums up his position well. The violence of the contrast between his ideals and those of his society, and the energy with which he proceeded i n exposing i t , contribute, more perhaps than anything, to making him an outstanding radical i n Canad-ian p o l i t i c a l , social and int e l l e c t u a l history. The a r t i c l e s examined i n this study represent an important and neglected phase of Quebec's p o l i t i c a l development in a period Trudeau has called "years of un-nationalism, or even violent anti-nationalism". These years were also the point at which an i n f l u e n t i a l segment of one of the two "partners" in the Confederation compact, came seriously and construct-ively to question the nature of Canadian federalism. These two moments find a focus in Trudeau himself, for in the questioning of the worn Quebec social superstructure, the Cite' Libre c i r c l e came inevitably to challenge the French Canadian isolationism that constituted the sum and substance of Quebec's external policy. To question Quebec's defensive passivity was to challenge English Canada's cynical aggressivity, and thus to destroy what had become an accepted and respectable basis for the country's constitution. The Cite 7 Libre group was l i t t l e supported outside the province. This may be one of those great missed opportunities of which French-English rela-tions are so f u l l , for i t i s l i k e l y that i f their proposals had received a serious hearing in Canada, they would have been able to slow the violent hardening of advanced Quebec opinion which followed the statist victory of 192 Trudeau, "La Guerre! La Guerre!", C i t / Libre i # 42, December 1961, p . l 106. the provincial liberals i n 1960. The Functional P o l i t i c s proposals that were last stated by Trudeau in 1959 were in fact never adopted, and the cycle of nationalist conflict in Canada grew ever steeper. The ancient and 'respectable' passivity that Trudeau depicted so clearly as the mo-tive force of the "ancien regime" was replaced by the inevitably more violent and a c t i v i s t nationalism of a generation which differed from their predecessors only in a cynical awareness of the state's power. From the point of view of Canadian p o l i t i c s , then Trudeau was significant, even i f unnoticed. From a more detached perspective of purely the in t e l l e c t u a l and liter a r y history of French Canada too, Trudeau i s an important phenomenon. It may seem too harsh to describe the quality of Quebec social thought of the period as l i t u r g i c a l , but with the significant exception of the Laval group under Father Levesque, most students of contemporary Quebec were more ideological than analytic, and failed abysmally to reach the level of scholarship attained by Siegfeid's study of Quebec in 1907. In such an atmosphere, Trudeau must often have seemed even more of a 'bloody' revolutionary than he really was. Though observers have inevit-ably compared him to Laurier, the resemblances are more apparent than re a l . As an in t e l l e c t u a l and a p o l i t i c a l figure Trudeau is far more reminiscent of Bourassa, though the obvious differences in their social contexts make even the parallels between the Cite' Libre c i r c l e and "Les Rouges" of l i t t l e value. The times made Trudeau far more a threat to the traditional social structures than they did Bourassa though the two were equally condemned by the e l i t e s . The clergy's heightened erudition allowed them only to elabor-ate this to make Trudeau into the "Canadian Marx". 107. Trudeau's form of thought was completely at odds with the norm in Quebec. His sophistication in the social sciences, his disregard of the national myth, his English approach to law, his social-democratic orientation, his erudition i n French, a l l combined to make him an outstand-ing example of the small group of reformists pamphleteers that the Cite 7 Libre group was. The journal as a form had occupied an honored place in Quebec literature, but i t had been usually for reaffirmation rather than rebuttal of the Catholic nationalism which formed the foundations of the French Canadian e l i t e ' s ethos. Trudeau was, unlike Bourassa, very much an outsider i n Quebec's p o l i t i c a l and int e l l e c t u a l l i f e . P e l l e t i e r and Trudeau himself have been on the defensive about his credentials as a good Quebecker, and while he is one, he is in some ways very much a foreigner. His early career was orthodox enough, but once he l e f t the University of Montreal, he drifted from from the usual path of the French Canadian e l i t e . Harvard and London were rather unorthodox, especially the former. His globe travels in 1949-50 were so unusual that Jacques Hebert was able, at approximately the same time, to have published accounts of similar travels in prominent spots in Le Devoir. Trudeau's admiration for Laski and Blum brought him severe c r i t i c i s m from the clerico-establishment, and his objective reports from Moscow in 1952, though innocuous enough read today, must have taken con-siderable courage to print them. Both his participation in and his later report on the Asbestos strike put him very far outside the o f f i c i a l pale. But this does not mean that he inevitably found his home among the rebels either. On the contrary,the strength of his convictions, and the 108. seeming weakness of many colleagues made their gradual separation inevit-able. As the majority of the Cite Libre group came to accept the Quiet Revolution for i t s reformism and came to terms with the nationalism that underlay i t , Trudeau went his own way and gradually drifted away from the journal and the group. But were we to accept that Trudeau was very much an outsider in Quebec, we should s t i l l have to ask why he stayed so long and so persist-ently in Quebec. His proclamations of love for the country and the people may explain i t i n part, but as he travelled he must have encountered far more congenial places for a man of his tastes and resources. The answer may l i e to a degree in the totalness of thought to which we referred above. Trudeau was a revolutionary, and by circumstance of bir t h had chosen Quebec as his revolution. Both his formal education and the exposure to social thought in i t s most advanced form abroad puts his thought far outside the Quebec context. In contrast to most other French Canadian reform thinkers of the period he applied a universal and consistent personal synthesis to the particular situation i n Quebec, while the others, perhaps as a result of i n t e l l e c t u a l or cultural limitations, applied a large degree of Quebec localism to the formulation of a universalist thought which they f i n a l l y applied back to the very circumstances from which i t had sprung. Trudeau has remained constantly loyal to his ideals to the exclu-sion of the loyalty to more temporal r e a l i t i e s . His c r i t i c s , though admit-ting his intellectual integrity, i n s i s t that i t would have been better to remain honest in adjusting his thoughts to new situations, rather than trying to adjust the r e a l i t i e s to his thought. This questionable integrity 109. makes of him an unusual figure in a number of ways. He has been rejected by the in t e l l e c t u a l vocalists whom he has sought to persuade in Quebec as a Utopian, or worse, a conscious tool of those cynical interests that would eradicate French Canadian nationalism for the benefit of a colonialist interest. As sad as this present rejection i s , i t may be that Functional-ism w i l l become the potent ideology i n the rest of the country that he hoped i t would be. With the increase in Canadians' sophistication, i t i s possible that in the long run, as i t is adopted by one party to the great Canadian misunderstanding, i t may help to reconcile the other. But this i s only speculation and time alone can show i t s accuracy. Trudeau has been an outstanding figure i n this country's i n t e l l e c -tual history. He had brought a degree of cosmopolitanism, pragmatism, cold-ness of thought and logic that has been a novelty i n Canada. He has played an active role in a phase of social history that makes of him a genuine hero of Canadian labour. He engaged i n a struggle to topple an anachronistic and despotic government, and so helped to bring on a p o l i t i c a l revolution he feared and yearned for. He has developed and propounded p o l i t i c a l ideas that could bring with them a revolution in the thought on, and conduct of, the country's public a f f a i r s . He has achieved more in the varied phases of p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y than any man in this country. He has been revolution-ary, reformer, ideologue and philosopher. This essay has sought to describe what he, at a time when he stood in opposition to the p o l i t i c a l l i f e of his society, would have wanted to see that system replaced with ... and why. There are innumerable other ap-proaches to the compiling of a p o l i t i c a l and intellectual biography, that are, i t is to be hoped, forthcoming. BIBLIOGRAPHY ESSAYS BY PIERRE ELLIOTT TRUDEAU 1. CITE LIBRE Manifeste pour une Politique Fonctionnelle I. Cit<g" Libre, Vol. I, #1, June 1950. Manifeste pour une Politique Fonctionnelle I I . Cite" Libre, Vol. I, #2, February 1951. Reflexions sur la Politique au Canada Francais, Cite' Libre, Vol. 2, #3, December 1952. Materiaux pour servir a une Enquete sur le Clericalisme I, Cite Libre, #7, May 1953. L'Election federate due 10 aout 1953, Prodromes et Conjectures, Cite Libre, #8, November 1953. Fluctuations economiques et Methodes de Stabilisation, Cite Libre, #9, March 1954. De Libro, Tributo et Quibusdam A l i i s , Cite Libre, #10, October 1954. Essais sur le Quebec Contemporain, Cite Libre, #10, October 1954. Les Octrois Federaux aux Universites, Cite Libre, #16, February 1957. In Memoriam: Albert Be"guin et Jacques Perrault, Cite Libre, #17, June 1957. A Propos de Domination Economique, Cite Libre, #20, May 1958. L'Affaire Coffin, Cite Libre, #21, July 1958. Un Manifeste Democratique, Cite Libre, #22, October 1958. Le Pere Cousineau, S.J., et "La greve de l'Amiante", Cite Libre, #23, May 1959. Mauvais Foi et Bonne Conscience: 1'argumentation selon Saint Ignace? Cite Libre, #24, January-February 1960. Lecon de science Politique dans un Pare qu'ils s'agiront de Preserver, Cite Libre, #25, March 1960. Diefenbaker Monte en Ballon, Cite Libre, #26, A p r i l 1960. De l a Notion d'Opposition Politique Cite Libre, #27, May 1960. Notes sur 1'Election Provinciale, Cite Libre, #28, June-July 1960. L'Election du 22 Juin, Cite Libre, #29, August-September 1960. De Nouveau, la carte d'ldentite, Cite' Libre, #33, January 1961. A 1'ouest rien de Nouveau, Cite - Libre, #34, February 1961. L'Alienation Nationaliste, Cite Libre, #35, March 1961. Note sur le Parti C l e r i a l i s t e , Cite Libre, #38, June-July 1961. La Guerre! La Guerre! Cite Libre, #42, December 1961. La Nouvelle Trahison des Clercs, Cite Libre, #46, A p r i l 1962. Les Progres de 1'Illusion, Cite Libre, #47, May 1962. Note sur la Conjoncture Politique, Cite Libre, #49, August-September 1962. L'Homme de Gauche et les Elections Provinciales I L'Opinions de Pierre E l l i o t t Trudeau, Cite Libre, #51, November 1962. Pearson ou 1'Abdication de 1'Esprit, Cite Libre, #56, A p r i l 1963. Les Separatistes: des Contre-Revolutionaires, Cite Libre, #67, May 1964. Pour une Politique Fonctionnelle: Un Manifeste, Cite Libre, #67, May 1964. with: BRETON, Albert BRETON, Raymond BRUNEAU, Claude GAUTH1ER, Tvon 1AL0ND, Marc PINARD, Maurice L'Agriculture au Quebec, Cite Libre, #78, July 1965. Pelle t i e r et Trudeau a'Expliquent, Cite Libre, #80, October 1965. Le Quebec e s t - i l Assiege? Cite Libre, #86, April-May 1966. VRAI: Series of 20 articles under the general t i t l e "Cheminements de la Politique." Gouvernes par des Mediocres, Vrai, February 15, 1958. Quand les Fous Pensent Etre Ministres et Deputes, Vrai, February 22, 1958. Pour Prevenir les Seditions, Vrai, March 1, 1958. Le Juste Doit A l l e r en Prison, Vrai, March 8, 1958. Fau t - i l Assasiner le Tyran? Vrai, March 15, 1958. Obiir, Mais a Qui? Vrai, March 22, 1958. Saper l a Majeste de l'Etat, Vrai, March 29, 1958. Les Elections, Vrai, A p r i l 5, 1958. Un'Etat f a i t sur Mesure, Vrai, A p r i l 12, 1958. Le Tyrannicide, les Jesuites et la Pere de Lery, Vrai, A p r i l 19, 1958. La Revolution et M. Andre Dagenais, Vrai, A p r i l 26, 1958, Contrat Social et Souverainete Populaire: Doctrines Condamnables, Vrai, May 2, 1958. L'Homme d'Etat: un Serviteur, Vrai, May 10, 1958. L'Argument d'Autorite, Vrai, May 17, 1958. La Tr o u i l l e , Vrai, May 24, 1958. Le Peuple au Pouvoir, Vrai, May 31, 1958. Un Mipris de Legislature, Vrai, June 7, 1958. Le Droit de Protester, Vrai, June 21, 1958. Saint Thomas d'accord avec Karl Marx, Vrai, June 28, 1958. Pour que Vive la Democratie, July 5, 1958. Vrai. LE DEVOIR Lettre d'Egypte. Les Anglais auraient tout de s'obstiner, Le Devoir, Saturday, February 2, 1952. A series of seven articles from the USSR under the general t i t l e "Je reviens de Moscow." L'Auberge de l a grande URSS, Le Devoir, June 14, 1952. Premieres Rencontres, Le Devoir, June 16, 1952. Un Peuple Sympathique, mais Conventionel jusqu'a la Nausee, Le Devoir, June 17, 1952. Le Citoyen Sovietique Demeure un "Cochon de Payant", Le Devoir, June 18, 1952. La Conference Commence, Le Devoir, June 19, 1952. Les Conclusions de l a Conference, Le Devoir, June 20, 1952. ESSAYS ORIGINALLY PUBLISHED IN COLLECTIONS "Quebec a 1'heure de la greve," the introductory essay to "La Greve de l'Amiante", Pierre E l l i o t t Trudeau (ed.). Les Editions Cite" Libre, Montreal, 1956. 115. "Epilogue" to "La Greve de l'Amiante", Pierre E l l i o t t Trudeau (ed.), Les Editions C i t / Libre, Montreal, 1956. "Quebec and the Constitutional Problem", translated from the French by Joanne l'Heureux. "A Constitutional Declaration of Rights". Originally an address delivered to the 49th Annual Meeting of the Canadian Bar Association in Quebec City on September 4, 1967. Both published in Federalism and the French Canadians, Pierre E l l i o t t Trudeau, (ed.), Introduction by John T. Saywell, MacMillan Company of Canada Ltd., Toronto 1968. Originally published in French with the t i t l e Le Federalisme et la Societe^, Canadienne-franchise. Editions HMH LtSe, Mto. 1967. "Practice and Theory of Federalism" in Oliver Micheal (ed.), Social Purpose for Canada, University of Toronto Press, Toronto, 1961, reprinted in Trudeau: Federalism and the French Canadians. "Federalism, Nationalism and Reason", in Crepeau, P.A., and Macpherson, CB (eds.), The Future of Canadian Federalism. University of Toronto Press, Toronto, 1965. Reprinted in Federalism and the French Canadians. 5. ESSAYS APPEARING IN ACADEMIC JOURNALS Economic Rights - McGill Law Review, June 1962, Vol. 8, No. 2. "Some Obstacles to Democracy in Quebec" in the Canadian Journal of Economics and P o l i t i c a l Science, Vol. XXIV, No. 3, August 1958, reprinted in Federalism and the French Canadians. B. BOOKS BY PIERRE ELLIOTT TRUDEAU Trudeau, P.E. (ed.) - La Greve de 1'Amiante Editions Cite' Libre, Montreal, 1956. Trudeau, P.E. and Hebert Jacques, Deux Innocents en Chine, Editions du Jour, Montreal, 1961. Trudeau, P.E. , Responses de Pierre E l l i o t t Trudeau, Edition du Jour, Montreal, 1968. Note: Other than those pieces cited above, there has been no indication that Trudeau has published orig i n a l l y in English. The plethora of his art i c l e s in English Canadian magazines: (most notably Canadian Forum) are without exception translations (sometimes s l i g h t l y revised) of articles previously published in French. CRITIQUES OF PIERRE ELLIOTT TRUDEAU Until recently, there have been hardly any articles in journals or collections that dealt exclusively with Trudeau. For the most part even the flood of articles on Trudeau which appeared after his ascent on the horizon in 1968 were, as Joseph Wearing pointed out, more intent on the phenomenon, the image than the intellectual content of the subject. This, i t must be said is with the major exception of Claude Ryan's editorials in Le Devoir, and isolated, and unpublished comments such as D.V. Smiley's paper to the Conservatives Thinkers Conference in 1969 at Niagara F a l l s . His comment expressing astonishment at the lack of any serious academic attention to Trudeau's "pensee" seems a l l too accurate. Of the comments on Trudeau that have been published, the following may constitute an unrepresentative sample, as they include on the one hand the more perceptive, and on the other hand the most widely read: Bergeron, Gerard Ne Bougez Pas, Edition du Jour, Montreal, 1968. Harbron, John This is Trudeau, Longmans, 1968 Toronto. Peacock, Donald Journey to Power: The Story of a Canadian Election, Ryerson, Toronto, 1968. Smiley, D.V. Rationalism or Reason: Alternative Approaches to Constitutional Revision in Canada. Paper delivered at the National Policy Convention of the Progressive Conservative Association of Canada at Niagara F a l l s , Ontario, October 1969. 117. Ryan, Claude La Devoir, March 15, 1967, A p r i l 5, 1967, A p r i l 6, 1967, A p r i l 18, 1967, September 8, 1967, October 30, 1967, December 23, 1967. Servan Schreiber, Jean Jacques l'Express, December 25, 1968. Taylor, Charles The Pattern of P o l i t i c s , McLelland Stuart, Toronto, 1969. Of less direct personal relevance, though throwing some light on the background of the subject i s the a r t i c l e by Andre Carrier in the Canadian Journal of P o l i t i c a l Science. Carrier, Andre "L'Ideologie Politique de la Revue Cite Libre." Canadian Journal of P o l i t i c a l Science Vol. 1, December 1968, No. 4 The decade of the 1950"s for Cite Libre was discussed in an unpublished paper: Savard, Louis "L'Ideologie Politique et Religieuse de Cite Libre, premiere se'rie." Resume published in Recherches Sociographiques IV, 2 (1963) pp 228-36 Of a more dated vintage are a t o t a l l y different class of critiques, unleashed at various times during the 1950's by c l e r i c a l propagandists and l i k e minded individuals. Angers, Francois-Albert A series of articles attempting to rebut Trudeau's essay in La Greve de l'Amiante appeared in L'Action Nationale in 1957. Pere Jacques Cousineau "Notes dans la Marge de La Greve de l'Amiante - Contribution critique a une recherche." Les Cahiers de L'Institute Social Populaire. No. 4, Sept. 1958. A host of less imposing c r i t i c s engaged in the often personal and sometimes bit t e r attack on Trudeau. Some of these were: Dagenais, Andre "Detourner la Revolution", Le Salaberry March 13, 1958. Pere de Lery Relations, A p r i l 1958. 118. Richer, Leopold in Notre Temps, the week of June 15, 1958. Abbe St. Pierre "Le Royaume de Diable" in Le Nouvelliste, (Trois Rivieres), February, 1961. Le S o l e i l , (Quebec) , Montreal Matin in anonymous editorials the week of June 15, 1958. Trudeau brought an unsuccessful l i b e l suit against Abbe St. Pierre as a result of this a r t i c l e . c f . "Note sur le Parti Glercaliste", Cite' Libre, No. 38, June-July 1961. 


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