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Ethnic differences in the relative effectiveness of incentives Cameron, Catherine Ann 1964

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ETHNIC DIFFERENCES IN THE RELATIVE EFFECTIVENESS OF INCENTIVES by CATHERINE ANN CAMERON B.A., The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I960 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF Master of Arts i n the Department of Psychology We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA A p r i l , 1 9 6 4 i i Abstract An experiment was performed to test the hypothesis that the performance of B.C. Indian children for non-material incentives would be i n f e r i o r to t h e i r performance on the same task for mat-e r i a l incentives. The reverse was expected to be true of middle-class white Canadian c h i l d r e n . Working-class white c h i l d r e n were expected to be intermediate. S i x t y - s i x male Ss from 6 to 13 years were given f i f t y t r i a l s on a d i s c r i m i n a t i o n task. They were reinforced either by candy or by a l i g h t f l a s h . Middle-class Ss were s i g n i f i c a n t l y superior to Indian and working-class Ss under non-material but not under material conditions. There was, however, no s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r -ence between Indians and working-class whites. Other measures included TAT s t o r i e s scored, for n Achievement and an immediate-delayed reward choice. Each of these d i s c r i m i n -ated middle-class white Ss from the other two groups, but did not discriminate between Indian and working-class ch i l d r e n . Middle-class Ss were much more l i k e l y to show achievement imagery and to choose a l a r g e r , delayed reward. Reservations about making generalizations from the r e s u l t s of ...this sample were discussed; refinements i n the procedures were proposed; and behavioral contrasts between the three subcultural groups were described with the view of presenting suggestions for further research i n t h i s area. I n p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements f o r an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y of • B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r reference and study. I f u r t h e r agree that per-m i s s i o n f o r extensive copying of t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s understood that copying or p u b l i -c a t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g ain s h a l l not be allowed without my w r i t t e n permission.. Department of The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver 8, Canada Date i v Acknowledgement I am g r a t e f u l to my advisor, Dr. T.F. Storm, for h i s exten-sive guidance throughout t h i s project, and to Dr. W.K. Caird for h i s h e l p f u l suggestions and c a r e f u l reading of the manuscript. Without the most w i l l i n g cooperation of the p r i n c i p a l s and s t a f f s of Southlands Elementary School and Immaculate Conception School, and the enthusiastic p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the boys i n my sample, t h i s study could never have been succ e s s f u l l y completed. I should l i k e to acknowledge the kind assistance, f l e x i b i l i t y , and understanding of Dr. E.I. Sign o r i and of my family throughout a l l my u n i v e r s i t y work. My gratitude for the steadfast support of my husband and my boys cannot be overstated. i i i Table of contents Page Introduction 1 Pro c © duip Q • • • • » • • • • 8 Results 17 D i s c vis s ion • • « • • « • • • • • • « • • • • « • • « 22 Summary and s p e c i f i c conclusions . . . . . 28 Bibliography . . . . . 30 - 1 -Introduction Recent work on the achievement motive has suggested that the strength of t h i s motive d i f f e r s s i g n i f i c a n t l y from one society to another and even from group to group w i t h i n a society (McClelland, Atkinson, Clark, and Lowell, 1953; Rosen, 1958; McClelland, I.96I). McClelland (I96I) has suggested that differences In the economic development of s o c i e t i e s can he r e l a t e d i n part to differences i n achievement motivation. Achievement motivation has been r e l a t e d to r i s k - t a k i n g behavior, to preference for easy or d i f f i c u l t tasks, and to differences i n performance under task-oriented or achieve-ment-arousing i n s t r u c t i o n s (Atkinson, 1958). Rosen (1959) found differences between ethnic, r e l i g i o u s , and socioeconomic groups w i t h i n American society i n the achievement motive as measured i n projective responses. T e r r e l l , Durkin, and Wiesley (1959) found differences between ch i l d r e n from d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l classes i n the r e l a t i v e effectiveness of incentives more or less r e l a t e d to achievement. Middle-class c h i l d r e n did better i n a d i s c r i m i n a t i o n learning task for non-material (symbolic, achieve-ment-related) rewards than for material rewards (candy). The re-verse was true of lower-class c h i l d r e n . F i n a l l y , Mische1 (196la) has ,shown that the projective measure of the achievement motive i s s i g n i f i c a n t l y r elated to a preference for l a r g e r , delayed rewards over small, but immediate ones. The studies summarized suggest -the existence of an "achieve-ment syndrome" including a number of s p e c i f i c behavioral t r a i t s which are c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of western European and North American middle-class culture and which are p a r t i c u l a r l y w e l l adapted to - 2 -the s o c i a l , economic, and educational systems of western cul t u r e . This syndrome i s expressed p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the a b i l i t y of an i n -d i v i d u a l to work for rather abstract rewards which suggest to him an evaluation of the q u a l i t y of h i s performance, and to work to-ward long-range rather than immediate goals. Rosen (1958, p.508) has described t h i s general observation i n the foll o w i n g terms; "Middle-class c h i l d r e n are more l i k e l y to be taught not only to believe i n success, but also to be w i l l i n g to take those steps that make achievement pos s i b l e ; i n short, to embrace the achievement value system which states that given the wil l i n g n e s s to work hard, plan and make the proper s a c r i -f i c e s , an i n d i v i d u a l should be able to manipulate his en-vironment so as to ensure eventual success." Such minority groups as the North American Indian i n Canada (Hawthorn, Belshaw and Jamieson, 1958), the Negro i n the United States (Myrdal, 1962), and the Maori i n New Zealand (Ausubel, i960) as they are gradually i n t e g r a t i n g with the c u l t u r a l m a j o r i t i e s , are showing evidence of being incapable, at le a s t i n i t i a l l y , of competing i n terms of the larger cultures. Their progress In school i s slow and t h e i r average academic attainment i s compara-t i v e l y low. Related to t h i s i s the fact that members of these groups form a disproportionate amount of the labour pool, and therefore they are i n an insecure p o s i t i o n economically as w e l l as s o c i a l l y and academically. Hawthorn et a l (1958, pp.SOS-OV-) say of B.C. Indians, for example: "In some Indian communities, generally among the remoter ones, the person who has never attended school l i v e s without s u f f e r i n g much disadvantage, since a l l the common occupations of the region are open to him. In the majority of communi-t i e s , however, schooling opens a p o s s i b i l i t y , perhaps a slim one, of other occupations, better paying or more stable. In seeking such occupations, or i n ordinary business dealings, or i n the r e l a t i o n s h i p of sociable Interchange, the i l l i t e r -ate or the person of l i t t l e schooling i s at 9 disadvantage. _ 1 _ Assuming that the future i n t e g r a t i o n of the Indian with the White economy and society i s l i n k e d with such jobs and r e l a -t i o n s h i p s , retardation and truncation of schooling create a b a r r i e r . " I t would seem p r o f i t a b l e , then, to Investigate the e f f e c t of motivation on the performance of these Indians i n comparison with the performance of the members of the majority culture with whom they w i l l i n c r e a s i n g l y be competing. Basic achievement o r i e n t a t i o n , according to McClelland and his associates i s learned r e l a t i v e l y early i n l i f e (McClelland, 1958)5 i n the home p a r t i c u l a r l y and i n the school to some extent. C h i l d - r e a r i n g p r a c t i s e s , parental example, the motivational o r i -entation of teachers, and the reward system of the schools and other s o c i a l i z i n g agencies should correlate with the type of goals for which'the i n d i v i d u a l w i l l u l t i m a t e l y s t r i v e and the type of behavior which he w i l l e x h i b i t i n h i s s t r i v i n g s . Concerning these formative influences, Bandura end Walters (1963> pp. 166-7*+) suggest, " S e l f - c o n t r o l i s . , , exhibited In the postponement of c u l t u r -a l l y approved immediate reinforcements i n favour of sorae pot-e n t i a l l y more rewarding long-term goal. Professional status can often be achieved only through long hours of arduous study and t r a i n i n g ; s i m i l a r l y , the attainment of some valued possession, such as a home, may e n t a i l the s a c r i f i c e of many day-to-day pleasures,,.. The influence of modeling i s most c l e a r l y apparent i n those s o c i e t i e s i n which the majority of adults c o n s i s t e n t l y display self-denying or self-Indulgent .. behavior. In s o c i e t i e s i n which deni a l or indulgence i s a c u l t u r a l norm, the children have l i t t l e opportunity to ob-serve any other patterns of behavior and consequently are forced to model themselves after the prevalent s e l f - c o n t r o l patterns.... The transmission 01 self-indulgent patterns may be associated with a low l e v e l of technology and a pre-carious economic and s o c i a l l i f e which p e r s i s t i n spite of contact with more provident s o c i a l groups." Members of seme minority groups, i n p a r t i c u l a r the non-white minorities mentioned above which occupy a low p o s i t i o n socioeco-nomically, have d i f f e r e n t forces brought to bear upon t h e i r c h i l d -hood behavior and, consequently, have d i f f e r e n t sources of moti-vation, d i f f e r e n t behavioral patterns toward goals, and d i f f e r e n t goals from those of t h e i r white middle-class counterparts. Many of the hypotheses concerning c u l t u r a l v a r i a t i o n s In motivation and performance lend themselves to experimental invest-i g a t i o n . McClelland et a l (1953) suggest that fantasy productions y i e l d an index of an i n d i v i d u a l ' s need for achievement (n Achieve-ment). They define t h i s need i n terms of " a f f e c t i n connection with evaluated performance". The suggestion i s that an i n d i v i d u -a l who has learned to compete to c e r t a i n "standards of excellence", as defined by McClelland, w i l l reveal the degree of his need to do so In his i n t e r p r e t a t i o n and r e s t r u c t u r i n g of such ambiguous s t i -muli as are found i n Murray's Thematic Apperception Test (TAT) cards (Murray, I9V3). Some measure of standardization has been attained i n the use of these and other tools with the i n t e n t i o n of obtaining a quantitative measure of an i n d i v i d u a l ' s , or of a group of i n d i v i d u a l s ' , need f o r achievement (Atkinson, 1958). The use of t h i s type of procedure would seem to be of value In a c r o s s - c u l t u r a l study of motivation i n the context of a comparative index of tendencies to p a r t i c i p a t e i n achievement oriented behav-i o r s . T e r r e l l and his colleagues present a considerable body of experimental findings concerning the d i f f e r e n t i a l effectiveness of various types of incentive ( T e r r e l l , 1958; T e r r e l l and Kennedy, 1957), and i t has been suggested ( T e r r e l l , Durkin and Wiesley, 1959) that middle-class c h i l d r e n i n a simple problem-solving s i t u a t i o n w i l l perform best for a non-material ( i . e . a l i g h t flash) rather than a material (candy) reward. The reverse i s true of lower class c h i l d r e n . These i n v e s t i g a t o r s (1959? p.271) have pointed out that: "There i s evidence to indicate that parents of middle-class c h i l d r e n place a greater emphasis on learning for learning's sake than do parents of lower-class c h i l d r e n . . . . I t would appear that the most important feature i n the learning of middle-class Ss i s merely some i n d i c a t i o n that they are pro-gressing.... /However,/ the presence of a material, incent-ive i s very important to lower-class Ss." These f i n d i n g s , I f substantiated with the lower-class In minority groups, and. I f they can be generalized to school s i t u a t i o n s , may provide evidence to suggest that schools, while appealing s a t i s -f a c t o r i l y to the motivational complexes of middle-class c h i l d r e n i n t h e i r grading and promotional systems, are not designed to e l i c i t performance of a high q u a l i t y from the majority of c h i l d r e n from lower-class white groups or non-white minority groups. In connection with performance toward delayed as contrasted with immediate g r a t i f i c a t i o n , Mischel (1958, 1961a, 1961b, 1962), i n h i s studies of West Indian school c h i l d r e n , has suggested re-l a t i o n s h i p s between socioeconomic l e v e l , n Achievement score, and choice of immediate vs. delayed rewards, along with other per-tinent v a r i a b l e s . Here i s Mischel 1s (1961a, p.$kh) i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the f i n d i n g s : "L i k i n g to work for I t s own sake i s generally assumed to be a basic ingredient of the high n Achievement pattern. Pre-sumably, persons high i n n Achievement have learned to l i k e to work, and they have learned t h i s i n part as a response to demands to forgo immediate g r a t i f i c a t i o n In favour of long-term goals. That i s , they have learned to tolerate waiting periods and i n the course of such s o c i a l i z a t i o n have b u i l t up a general readiness to delay when I t i s demanded by con-d i t i o n s or people. Consequently, when persons high i n n - 6 -Achievement are given choices between immediate, smaller re-wards and delayed, l a r g e r ones, the balance between the neg-ative valence of waiting and the p o s i t i v e valence of a delay-ed larger reward i s weighted i n favour of the l a t t e r because the former i s r e l a t i v e l y minor f o r them." He reports that c h i l d r e n from higher socioeconomic homes tend both to score higher on several indices of l e v e l of a s p i r a t i o n and to choose more often a la r g e r delayed over a smaller immediate reward ( i n h i s experiments, d i f f e r e n t sizes of candy bar) than do chi l d r e n of lower socioeconomic backgrounds. The present study i s designed as a preliminary i n v e s t i g a t i o n of differences i n these three aspects of the "achievement syndrome" between Indian and white c h i l d r e n i n B.C. I t i s hoped that t h i s w i l l provide suggestions and predictions f o r fu r t h e r , more exten-sive experimental studies concerning the motivation and performance of B r i t i s h Columbia Indians. Since such a u t h o r i t i e s as Hawthorn et a l (1958) have suggested that the behavior and motivational patterns of B.C. Indians are those c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of lower economic groups i n general, both middle-class and lower-class c h i l d r e n are included. Indians are expected to d i f f e r most from middle-class whites, and l e s s , i f at a l l , from lower-class whites. This study, then, was designed to te s t the following s p e c i f i c hypotheses: 1. White Canadian ch i l d r e n from w h i t e - c o l l a r f a m i l i e s w i l l perform more suc c e s s f u l l y i n a simple problem-solving task for a non-material than for a material i n c e n t i v e , whereas Canadian Indian children w i l l perform more successfully for a material than for a non-material incentive. White Canadian children from b l u e - c o l l a r homes w i l l be intermediate. - 7 -2. White c o l l a r c h i l d r e n are more l i k e l y to t e l l more achievement-related s t o r i e s i n response to projective s t i m u l i than are Indian or b l u e - c o l l a r c h i l d r e n . White Canadian c h i l d r e n from b l u e - c o l l a r homes w i l l be intermediate. 3. White-collar c h i l d r e n w i l l more often choose a lar g e r de-layed reward than an immediate but smaller one, and Indian c h i l d -ren w i l l more frequently choose a smaller immediate reward i n pre-ference to a larger delayed reward. B l u e - c o l l a r c h i l d r e n w i l l again be intermediate. - 8 -Procedure Subjects Indian Ss were drawn from the elementary school population of the Musqueam reserve. A l l male c h i l d r e n from t h i s reserve attend-ing either Southlands Elementary School ( a p u b l i c school admin-istered, by the Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia, School Board) or Imma-culate Conception School (a Roman Catholic private school) were tested. There were twelve boys In Southlands School whose ages ranged from 7 years, 2 months to 13 years, and ten boys i n Immac-ulate Conception School ranging i n age from 6 years, 10 months to 13 years, 6 months. The white males i n the two schools were divided into two groups: those whose fathers held " w h i t e - c o l l a r " jobs, and those whose fathers held, " b l u e - c o l l a r " or manual labouring jobs. For each Indian S i n each of four age groups, one white boy was selec-ted randomly from the same age group i n each of the four popula-tions defined by f a t h e r s 1 occupation and school. In t h i s way, w h i t e - c o l l a r and b l u e - c o l l a r groups were approximately matched to the Indian group i n terms of age and public or private school attendance. No attempt was made to match the groups i n I n t e l l i g e n c e or school achievement. One reason for t h i s was the p r a c t i c a l d i f f i -c u l t y . Indian c h i l d r e n are w e l l behind white c h i l d r e n of the same age, and a white group matched to thejn i n either i n t e l l i g e n c e test performance or school achievement would have been unrepresentative of the white population of these schools as a whole. I f only those Indian children had been used whose achievement matched that of - 9 -the white c h i l d r e n of the same age, the numbers av a i l a b l e for t e s t i n g would have been too small to permit a reasonable chance of f i n d i n g s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e s . There was also a more theo-r e t i c a l reason for ignoring these differences. I t i s part of the r a t i o n a l e f o r the programme of research of which t h i s study i s a preliminary step that differences i n school achievement p a r t i c u -l a r l y , and probably differences i n standard t e s t performance as w e l l , are p a r t l y due to differences i n motivation of the type to be manipulated i n t h i s study. Ethnic and occupational groups As a r e s u l t of the s e l e c t i o n procedure, three groups of twenty-two boys were obtained. Differences between these three groups were the major concern of t h i s study. The expected d i f f e r -ences are assumed to r e s u l t from the differences In s o c i a l back-ground t y p i c a l of Indian, middle and lower-class whites. Some de s c r i p t i o n of these differences i s therefore d e s i r a b l e , although a thorough ethnographic and s o c i o l o g i c a l account i s beyond the scope of the present i n v e s t i g a t i o n . • Generalizations made here are intended to summarize personal observations, reports from school and health a u t h o r i t i e s ; they are Impressionistic, but do seem to coincide with many statements In Hawthorn et a l (1958) concerning B.C. Indians i n general, t h e i r family l i f e , finances, and t h e i r children's school attendance. The Indian ch i l d r e n belong to the Musqueam band of the Coast S a l i s h Indians. The Musqueam reserve i s situated to the southwest of the predominantly middle-class r e s i d e n t i a l d i s t r i c t of Vancouver - 1 0 -i n which the white population of the two schools l i v e s . The re-serve i s bounded on the south by the Fraser E l v e r , and some of i t s a l l u v i a l land i s leased out by the Indians to farmers, who are p r i m a r i l y O r i e n t a l s , and some to golf and country clubs. The area i s e s s e n t i a l l y r u r a l . Houses are small: few have more than two bedrooms; they are e i t h e r unfinished or p a r t i a l l y f i n i s h e d and unkempt, and probably of l i t t l e f i n a n c i a l value. The homes inside are also unfinished, but most have a t e l e v i s i o n set and several household appliances. The white c h i l d r e n attending these two schools l i v e i n an area on the o u t s k i r t s of southwestern Vancouver. Dwellings are either l a r g e , older middle-class homes or smaller, more modern residences, a l l i n good repair with well-kept yards. The average home has two to four bedrooms. The area includes several golf and country clubs and r i d i n g schools. The Musqueam Ss In t h i s sample have an average of about seven s i b l i n g s each. The w h i t e - c o l l a r Ss have an average number of s i b -l i n g s close to three, and with the b l u e - c o l l a r c h i l d r e n , t h i s ave-rage i s closer to four. Occupational v a r i a t i o n s among the three groups are extensive. The d i v i s i o n of white c h i l d r e n into w h i t e - c o l l a r and b l u e - c o l l a r groups was an attempt to c o n t r o l s o c i a l class i n comparing ethnic groups. The b l u e - c o l l a r group was intended to be s i m i l a r to the Indian group i n s o c i a l class status,-at l e a s t i n respect to fathers' occupation. This aim was only p a r t i a l l y achieved. While the In-dian fathers f i s h , l og, are mechanics on boats, or do various lab-oring jobs, the majority of them are, at one time or another during - 11 -each year, unemployed, for varying periods of time. The blue-c o l l a r fathers are mechanics, plumbers, carpenters, bus and truck d r i v e r s , or fishermen. They probably have s i g n i f i c a n t l y higher average incomes than the Indian f a t h e r s , and more regular employ-ment, although we cannot present evidence for t h i s . Differences i n fathers' occupation, then, w i l l not be ruled out of the explan-a t i o n for any differences between the b l u e - c o l l a r and Indian c h i l d -ren. The w h i t e - c o l l a r fathers of t h i s sample are such profession-als as engineers, teachers, lawyers, chartered accountants, etc., and businessmen, e.g., a f u r n i t u r e store owner, r e a l estate agents, and an investment analyst. Experimental procedure Each S was taken i n d i v i d u a l l y , during regular school time, from his classroom to the experimental room which was, i n South-lands School proper, a l a r g e , rather bare men's staff-room. In Southlands Annex, where the primary grade c h i l d r e n are housed, the o f f i c e of the public health nurse was used; and at Immaculate Con-ception School, the small school l i b r a r y . While attempting not to appear forbidding, E kept communication to a minimum. She explained simply that she had "some things" that she wanted S to do, Includ-ing a "game" she wanted him to play. S was seated before a table on which was placed v e r t i c a l l y a large (3' by 5') board. In the middle of the board, and side by side, were two small shuttered windows ( 3 i " by 3t") which E could open and close from behind the board. Below each window was a knob which S was instructed to p u l l to s i g n i f y h i s choices during - 12 -the game. Above and between the windows was a small red l i g h t which E could f l a s h on from behind the board, and below and be-tween the knobs projected a piece of f " copper pipe through which candies were dispensed. Behind, each window were placed f i f t y -cards, each containing a d i f f e r e n t design of v a r i o u s l y coloured and shaped small pieces of construction paper and s t a r s . Each time the windows were opened, two d i f f e r e n t cards were presented, one of which always contained four green stars i n i t s design. Choice of the card with four green stars on i t constituted a "cor-r e c t " guess which was rewarded eithe r by a l i g h t f l a s h or by a candy. The window i n which the "correct" card, appreared each time was randomly designated. Children from each of the three subcultural groups were ran-domly assigned to one of two experimental conditions. Ss i n the M a t e r i a l reward group (Mat) received the following i n s t r u c t i o n s : "This i s a guessing game. I want you to choose one of these two pictures and p u l l the knob below the one you choose, and then I w i l l show you two more and you are to do the same thing. One picture w i l l be r i g h t each time and one w i l l be wrong. I f you p u l l the r i g h t knob a candy w i l l drop i n t h i s container for you; i f you p u l l the wrong one nothing w i l l happen. Re-member, you are to choose one of the two pictures and p u l l the knob below the one you choose. See how many times you can guess r i g h t , " Each c h i l d was asked to p u l l each knob several times and was then presented with a pa i r of practise cards, E saying: "Let's practise with these." I f S hesitated, pulled both knobs, or i n any way indicated that he did not understand the i n s t r u c t i o n s , they were completely re-peated with: " L i s t e n now, I ' l l t e l l you the rules again." - 1 3 -When each c h i l d showed that he understood the requirements, E proceeded with the f i r s t t r i a l , saying: "Go ahead and choose one of these p i c t u r e s . " A f t e r each correct response a candy was dropped i n t o the pipe from behind the board, through which i t f e l l into a p l a s t i c container i n front of the c h i l d . No i n s t r u c t i o n s were given about taking the candies out of the container and no S attempted to do so. F i f t y t r i a l s were given. Ss i n the Non-Material reward group (Non-Mat) were given the same i n s t r u c t i o n s except for the sentence beginning, " I f you p u l l the r i g h t knob...." Instead, they were t o l d ; " I f you p u l l the r i g h t knob, t h i s l i g h t w i l l f l a s h ; i f you p u l l the wrong one, nothing w i l l happen." Communication between S and E was kept to a minimum during t h i s task. E scored each choice of each subject while manipula-t i n g the choice cards and dispensing the rewards behind the board. When the t r i a l s were completed E sa i d : "That's good; we're done now. Can you t e l l me why you chose . the pictures you did?" I f S indicated that he did not know, he was shown the f i r s t p a i r of cards again and asked: "Show me which one i s r i g h t . " I f S indicated c o r r e c t l y , he was asked: "Why i s i t r i g h t ? " and i f he chose i n c o r r e c t l y he was t o l d : "N 0, t h i s i s the r i g h t one; can you t e l l me why?" - Ih -P r o j e c t i v e t e s t i n g E then proceeded d i r e c t l y to the second phase of the experi-ment, walking around to the front of the hoard, p u l l i n g up a chair to the l e f t of S and placing Thematic Apperception Test card IBM i n front of him saying: "Wow I would l i k e you to make up some s t o r i e s for me. I have some pictures here and I want you to t e l l me a story about each one. Make the sto r i e s as e x c i t i n g as you can. You can make up any kind of a story that you want. T e l l me what i s happening i n each p i c t u r e , what happened before, and what i s going to happen l a t e r . This i s the f i r s t p i c -ture. T e l l me a story about i t . Make i t as i n t e r e s t i n g as you can." I f S hesitated for very long, or said he didn't know how, the f o l -lowing prompts were used: 1. "What1s happening i n the picture?" 2 . "Who i s the person (people)?" 3. "What has been happening before?" V. "What i s being thought (wanted)?" 5. "What w i l l happen?" or "What w i l l be done?" When S indicated that he had f i n i s h e d with the f i r s t card, he was shown TAT card 8 B M with the i n s t r u c t i o n : " W i l l you t e l l me a story about t h i s picture now?" The' same prompts (as above) were used when necessary. TAT card 13B was s i m i l a r l y presented. In t h i s part of the experiment E t r i e d to change the atmosphere somewhat and encouraged the subjects to t a l k quite f r e e l y . These s t o r i e s were scored simply for the presence or absence of achievement re l a t e d m a t e r i a l . The c r i t e r i a were those used by McClelland et a l ( 1 9 5 3 ) : "The scorer must f i r s t decide whether or not the story con-tains any reference to an achievement goal.... By achieve-ment goal Is meant success i n competition with some standard - 15 -of excellence. That i s , the goal of some i n d i v i d u a l i n the story i s to be successful i n terms of competition with some standard of excellence. The i n d i v i d u a l may f a i l to achieve t h i s goal, but the concern over competition with a standard of excellence s t i l l enables one to i d e n t i f y the goal sought as an achievement goal. This, then, i s our generic d e f i n i -t i o n of n Achievement." (pp.110—11) Preference for immediate or delayed reward When S f i n i s h e d the t h i r d TAT card, E said: "That's a l l there i s . Thank you very much. I would l i k e to give you a chocolate bar f o r helping me /holding out a 10^' and a 25p chocolate bar i n each hand/. I don't have enough of these / I n d i c a t i n g the large candy bar/ with me today, so you can either get t h i s one / i n d i c a t i n g the smaller bar/ r i g h t now, today, or, i f you want, you can wait f o r one l i k e t h i s /"indicating the large bar/ which I w i l l bring back next /"'Monday', or mentioning the day one week from the present/". After a choice was made by S a great deal of emphasis was placed on-the f o l l o w i n g : " I must ask you to promise that you won't t e l l anyone what we have been doing here u n t i l I have f i n i s h e d with a l l the c h i l d -ren. I w i l l be coming back here every day for about two weeks and i f anyone knows before they come i n here what he i s going to be doing, the whole thing w i l l be spoiled. After I have f i n i s h e d , you can t e l l anyone you l i k e about i t , but u n t i l then i t i s very important that you help me keep i t a secret. W i l l you promise not to t e l l anyone? (You can t e l l your par-ents what we have done but ask them to keep the secret t o o ] ) " S was then t o l d that E would keep h i s candies with her u n t i l a f t e r school when he could come and pick them up. The candies were put i n a paper bag and l a b e l l e d i n S's presence. I f S was a member of the Non-Mat reward group, he was t o l d : " I also have some of these for you." He was shown the candies which the Mat reward Ss received, and a few were put i n a bag f o r him. This was done so that i f compari-sons were made between Ss, Non-Mat Ss would not f e e l u n f a i r l y dealt - 16 -with, and thus would not f e e l i n c l i n e d to " s p o i l " the "game" for E . I f S had chosen a large chocolate bar, he was reminded that he was to pick i t up i n a week's time. A session l a s t e d approximately twenty-five minutes, on the average, with considerable v a r i a t i o n between c h i l d r e n , the older w h i t e - c o l l a r c h i l d r e n taking the longest time, and the younger In-dian c h i l d r e n the shortest. The younger children usually took Ion er to do the problem-solving task and the older c h i l d r e n took long er t e l l i n g the projective s t o r i e s . - 17 -Results Results of the learning task w i l l be presented f i r s t , followed by the analyses of n Achievement and reward choice data. Since there was no evidence of a. c o r r e l a t i o n between performance and age, age i s ignored i n these analyses. A two-way analysis of variance was calculated for each of the f i v e blocks of ten t r i a l s i n order to test the eff e c t s of subcul-t u r a l group ( w h i t e - c o l l a r , b l u e - c o l l a r and Indian) and of incentive condition (material and non-material rewards). In the f i r s t four blocks of t r i a l s , there was no s i g n i f i c a n t between-groups v a r i a t i o n . The analysis of the f i f t h block of t r i a l s i s presented i n Table 1. As the table shows, the eff e c t of subculture i s s i g n i f i c a n t at the . 0 5 l e v e l . There' i s no s i g n i f i c a n t main e f f e c t of incentive condi-t i o n alone. The i n t e r a c t i o n between subculture and incentive con-d i t i o n Is s i g n i f i c a n t at the . 0 5 l e v e l . Table 1 Analysis of variance for f i f t h block of t r i a l s Source of v a r i a t i o n Sum of squares df Mean squares F Group 29.302 Condition 2 ,561 I n t e r a c t i o n : group x condition 22.937 Within groups 202,660 2 1 2 60 Ik.651 2. 561 11.^69 3.378 ^.337 4 0.758 3 .395 A Totals 2 5 7 A 6 0 65 4 indicates s i g n i f i c a n c e at better than , 0 5 l e v e l Comparison of the means of the subcultural groups i n the l a s t ten t r i a l s shows that the wh i t e - c o l l a r Ss had higher scores than either the Indian or b l u e - c o l l a r Ss, The mean of the white-c o l l a r - 18 -Ss i s s i g n i f i c a n t l y greater than both that of the b l u e - c o l l a r Ss (t= 2.41, df= 42, p_<.025) and that of the Indian Ss (t= 2 .27 , df- 42, p_<.025). Indian and b l u e - c o l l a r means are not s i g n i f i -cantly d i f f e r e n t from each other (t= 0.59)• In order to assess the nature of the i n t e r a c t i o n between sub-c u l t u r a l group and incentive condition, comparisons were made be-tween subcultural group means under the same incentive condition. The means and standard deviations are reported i n Table 2, and the comparisons i n Table 3. As the l a t t e r table shows, the differences between the mean of w h i t e - c o l l a r Ss and the means of the other two groups reaches s t a t i s t i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e only i n the non-material incentive condition. Table 2 Means and standard deviations of s i x experimental groups, f i f t h block of t r i a l s Group White-collar material White-collar non-material B l u e - c o l l a r material B l u e - c o l l a r non-material Indian material Indian non-material 1 6.55 7.82 6.27 5.oo 6.55 5.36 S.D. 2 .35 1.64 1.21 2.41 1.36 0,88 Table 3 Comparisons of the differences between means of the s i x experimen-t a l groups, f i f t h block of t r i a l s Reward condition Material Material M a t e r i a l Non-material Non-material Non-material Subcultural groups compared1" White-collar vs. b l u e - c o l l a r White-collar vs. Indian B l u e - c o l l a r vs. Indian White-collar vs. b l u e - c o l l a r White-collar vs. Indian B l u e - c o l l a r vs. Indian "* df for each group i s 20 i i f T n d i c a t e s significance at better than .01 l e v e l 0 .335 0.000 0 .484 3.055 4.126 Jm 0.443 - 19 -Summarizing these analyses, then, there i s a s i g n i f i c a n t tend-ency for w h i t e - c o l l a r children to perform better a f t e r f o r t y t r i a l s than either Indian or b l u e - c o l l a r c h i l d r e n , regardless of incent-ive condition. The s u p e r i o r i t y of the whit e - c o l l a r children's per-formance i s much more marked, however, under non-material incentives. White-collar c h i l d r e n performed better for non-material than mat-e r i a l i n c e n t i v e s , although t h i s difference i s not s t a t i s t i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t (t= l . 1 +02, df = 21, £ <. 10). Both b l u e - c o l l a r and In-dian c h i l d r e n performed better f o r material than for non-material incentives. The difference between incentive conditions was not s i g n i f i c a n t for the b l u e - c o l l a r Ss (_t= 1 A 8 7 , df= 21, p_<,10), but i t was s i g n i f i c a n t for the Indian group (t= 2.307, df- 21, p_<.025). Evidence of learning can be obtained by a comparison of the means for each group i n the f i r s t ten t r i a l s with i t s mean i n the l a s t ten t r i a l s . These comparisons are presented i n Table h. There i s s i g n i f i c a n t evidence of learning for a l l groups except blue-c o l l a r and Indian groups working for non-material incentives. This r e s u l t indicates again the ineffectiveness of the non-material I n -centives for these c h i l d r e n . Table h Comparisons of the differences i n performance of each of the ex-perimental groups between f i r s t and l a s t block of t r i a l s Reward condition Subcultural group* t Ma t e r i a l White-collar 2.51*+ & M a t e r i a l B l u e - c o l l a r 3.*+98 M a t e r i a l Indian 1.916 & Non-material White-collar 3.186 Non-material B l u e - c o l l a r 0,599 Non-material Indian O.863 * df for each group i s 10 k indicates s i g n i f i c a n c e at better than .05 l e v e l indicates significance at better than ,01 l e v e l - 2 0 -n Achievement and reward choice Stories for n Achievement were typed on separate sheets and given a code number. They were rated independently by two scorers for presence (AI) or absence (UI) of achievement imagery, using McClelland 1s c r i t e r i a (1953). Neither of the scorers knew the group o r i g i n of the s t o r i e s . Since the second two cards used i n t h i s experiment were not included i n McClelland's standardization, and since achievement imagery i n response to these cards was very rare, these s t o r i e s were not Included i n the analysis. On the remaining s t o r i e s , those given i n response to TAT card IBM, there was disagreement "between scorers on only one of s i x t y -s i x s t o r i e s . These scores were considered s u f f i c i e n t l y r e l i a b l e , therefore, to be used i n group comparisons. There was no s i g n i -f i c a n t r e l a t i o n s h i p between achievement imagery and either length of story t o l d or reward condition i n the problem-solving task, so these variables were ignored In subsequent analyses. The AI and UI t o t a l s for each subcultural group are reported i n Table 5 and chi-squares of the differences between s o c i a l groups i n scored achievement Imagery are included In Table 6. D i f f e r e n -ces were very s i g n i f i c a n t between the whi t e - c o l l a r and b l u e - c o l l a r , and the w h i t e - c o l l a r and Indian groups, the white-collar group ob-tai n i n g more AI scores than either of the other two groups. Table 5 Totals of n Achievement scores and reward choices for each sub-c u l t u r a l group Group # scoring AI # scoring UI # choosing DelR # choosing Imfi White-collar 16 6 13 h B l u e - c o l l a r 6 16 9 13 Indian 6 16 5 17 - 21 -Table 6 Comparisons of frequency of achievement Imagery and reward choices between subcultur Groups compared * Achievement i m a g e r yX 2 Reward c h o i c e ^ 2 White-collar vs. B l u e - c o l l a r 10.5!+ M 7.76 M. White-collar vs. Indian 10,5k 15.H-0 Mt B l u e - c o l l a r vs. Indian 0.00 1.68 + df for each comparison i s 1 M: indicates s i g n i f i c a n c e at better than .01 l e v e l The reward choices of each of the subcultur a l groups are shown i n Table 5. There i s no r e l a t i o n s h i p between reward condition i n the problem-task and reward-choice. The comparison of the choices of each subcultural group shows (Table 6) that the w h i t e - c o l l a r Ss were s i g n i f i c a n t l y more l i k e l y to choose the large, delnyed reward than were the other two groups of subjects. Indian Ss chose the most imraediate rewards. 22 -Discussion In the problem task, Indian Ss performed s i g n i f i c a n t l y better fo r material than for non-material rewards. A s i m i l a r trend was observed with b l u e - c o l l a r Ss, and the reverse trend ( i . e . better performance for non-material than for material incentives) with w h i t e - c o l l a r Ss. The o r i g i n a l hypothesis was thus confirmed. S i m i l a r l y , w h i t e - c o l l a r Ss t o l d more s t o r i e s rated as con-t a i n i n g achievement imagery than did the boys i n the other two subcultural groups. They were more l i k e l y to choose the l a r g e r , delayed rewards than were the Ss i n the other s o c i a l groups. Indian Ss, again according to p r e d i c t i o n , were most l i k e l y to choose immediate, smaller rewards and they obtained the l e a s t number of AI scores on the TAT procedure. B l u e - c o l l a r Ss scored s i g n i f i c a n t l y fewer AI ratings and were l e s s l i k e l y to choose de-layed rewards than were the w h i t e - c o l l a r Ss. Their reward choices, i n accordance with the hypothesis, were intermediate between the w h i t e - c o l l a r and Indian groups. Their achievement imagery t o t a l s were, however, the same as those of the Indian group. I t i s rather s u r p r i s i n g , i n view of the f a i l u r e to equate fathers' occupation (and l i v i n g standard) between Indian and white b l u e - c o l l a r groups, that there i s no s i g n i f i c a n t difference between them eithe r i n response to incentives (though the d i r e c t i o n of the differences was appropriate) or i n achievement content of fantasy. Thus the r e s u l t s suggest that, while the two groups may be d i f f e r -ent i n many respects, they are s i m i l a r i n that neither shares the s p e c i f i c a l l y middle-class achievement syndrome. With the exception of the f a i l u r e to f i n d a s i g n i f i c a n t difference between Indians and - 23 -b l u e - c o l l a r whites, however, the i n i t i a l hypotheses were confirmed. There are, however some l i m i t a t i o n s of t h i s study which should be mentioned. I t should he remembered that the Indians i n t h i s sample are not representative of other Indians i n B r i t i s h Columbia. The reserve on which, they l i v e i s not only v i r t u a l l y surrounded by an urban middle-class r e s i d e n t i a l d i s t r i c t , hut i s also the c l o s -est reserve to the largest c i t y i n the province. Th•• contrast i n socioeconomic status between whites and Indians i n the school pop-u l a t i o n sampled here i s probably more extreme than i t would be i n the more r u r a l areas where the majority of Indians l i v e s . Also, the measures used, here are crude. The range of types of incentive to which our "material — non-material" dichotomy can he applied awaits" further i n v e s t i g a t i o n . The promotional system of schools could, for example, he referred to as being l a r g e l y "non-material", but here, &s i n any actual behavioral s i t u a t i o n , an i n t e r a c t i o n of various types of incentive i s operative. In addi t i o n , such gradations of incentive value as those reported by Z i g l e r and Kanaer ( 1 9 6 1 ) indicate the over s i m p l i f i c a t i o n of our two incentive conditions. They found that of verbal r e i n f o r c e r s , "praise" i s more e f f e c t i v e with lower-class, ch i l d r e n , and knowledge of "correctness" with middle-class Ss. F i n a l l y , the pertinence of the d i f f e r e n t i a l effectiveness of various incentives, both with c e r t a i n age groups of Ss and with the s p e c i f i c type of performance r e q u i re d, mu s t be c onside r ed. Beyond refinements of incentive conditions i n the task s i t u -a tion, i n v e s t i g a t i o n of the s u i t a b i l i t y of the task i t s e l f i s i n order. Since t h i s was an experiment concerning incentive values. I t i s l i k e l y that the d i f f i c u l t y of the task i t s e l f was a hind-rance to the demonstration of the d i f f e r e n t i a l e f fects of the i n -centives themselves. The absolute l e v e l of performance i n the l a s t ten t r i a l s , although there was s i g n i f i c a n t evidence of learning i n a l l but two subgroups, was not very great. The task's d i f f i -c u l t y for the majority of the Ss probably introduced cognitive as w e l l as motivational factors In the r e s u l t s , Ther- \>a3 possibly a confounding of differences between groups i n means of approaching the task, i . e . i n mediating responses. For example, i t i s not known whether the Indian and b l u e - c o l l a r Ss r e a l i z e d i t was more than a guessing game, or whether they had had practice i n using hypotheses to search systematically for solutions. Bruner (1964) suggests that differences of t h i s kind are important sources of subcultural differences. Such, factors ss these might account for the o v e r a l l better performance of w h i t e - c o l l a r Ss, but not for the i n t e r a c t i o n e f f e c t , for s i g n i f i c a n t i n t e r a c t i o n was obtained i n spite of c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the task that might have obscured i t . However, a task which i s a purer measure of motivation, one that involves l i t t l e use of words and well-learned types of responses such as that used by Storm, Porsolt and Anthony (1964) might pro-duce clearer evidence of the effects of motivation on performance. The a b i l i t y to delay g r a t i f i c a t i o n may be confounded with the desire of the S either to remain as inconspicuous as possible, or to e s t a b l i s h further contact with E. The Ss' personal h i s t o r i e s concerning the a d v i s a b i l i t y of t r u s t i n g or not t r u s t i n g an adult's word in t h i s type of s i t u a t i o n may also be a f a c t o r . The e f f e c t s of the sex and ethnic group membership of E, and the Ss' f a t p i l i -a r i t y with E, need Investigation as w e l l , Cnce these problems are solved, a clearer estimate may be made of what the a b i l i t y to delay g r a t i f i c a t i o n f o r one week indicates i n reference to l o n g -term involvement i n goal-oriented behaviors. Attempts In t h i s d i r e c t i o n are being made by Mischel (1962). The r e l a t i o n s h i p between, on the one hand, the a b i l i t y to work toward non-material rewards, the production of achievement f a n t a s y and the delay of g r a t i f i c a t i o n ; and, on the o t h e r hand, school performance, and both educational and. occupational a s p i r -ations of these three Canadian subcultural groups would be of i n t e r e s t i n future research of t h i s type. Keeping i n mind c e r t a i n reservations both about the sample and about the measures used, here, we can say that these findings of the d i f f e r e n t i a l effectiveness of two classes of incentives w i t h three subcultural groups, and the a b i l i t y to d i f f e r e n t i a t e between the t h r e e groups i n terms of t h e i r achievement f a n t a s y productions and t h e i r reward choices, indicate that r e f i n e m e n t s o f these types of procedure would r e s u l t In Increased support of the hypothesis. In general, Ss were enthusiastic about the problem task. Thi enthusiasm may be a t t r i b u t a b l e p a r t l y to the task, p a r t l y to the rewards, and p a r t l y to the fact that the boys were mis.sing some school work. The t a s k took a p p r o x i m a t e l y f i v e minutes f o r most subjects. Some older white Ss d i s p l a y e d embarrassment concerning the candy rewards, and may expressed i n t e r e s t i n the mechanics o f the experimental board. I t w i l l be remembered that E attempted to keep communication with the Ss to a minimum through th i s f i r s t par - do -of the experiment. This ves often d i f f i c u l t with the white Ss, p a r t i c u l a r l y those i n the wh i t e - c o l l a r group. In contrast, In-dian Ss seldom i n i t i a t e d discussion and did not t e l l E i f i n s t r u c -tions were unclear to them. This, however, probably does not mean-that Indian performance was of a lower l e v e l because they could not understand the i n s t r u c t i o n s , since they performed w e l l com-pared with the white Ss when material incentives VLX-: employed. The lack of approach to E, the shyness of the Indian c h i l d r e n , would seem to indicate an anxiety concerning white adults. This f a c t o r could have affected t h e i r performance. Indian Ss also work-ed more slowly at the task than did most white Ss. A contrast between white and Indian Ss i n verbal f a c i l i t y was also noted. Many Indian c h i l d r e n w e l l into the intermediate grades did not speak In complete sentences. I t does not seem l i k e l y that these c h i l d r e n e x h i b i t a problem i n b i l l n g u a l i s m , Dr, Wayne Sutti-l e s , of the U n i v e r s i t y of Nevada, who has worked extensively with the Musqueam Indians, was of considerable help on t h i s point. In personal communications concerning the home l i v e s and languages spoken by the Indian Ss i n t h i s sample, he says that few of the parents and fewer c h i l d r e n on t h i s reserve speak Musqueam, or any other S a l i s h d i a l e c t . Since the educational l e v e l of the parents i s low, few chi l d r e n probably hear any language spoken w e l l at home. This contrast i n verbal ease between whites and Indians i s undoub-ted l y highly magnified i n the classroom, where school success and verbal a b i l i t y are so cl o s e l y a l l i e d . Instead of verbal responses to E, Indians displayed consider-able evidence of emotional expressiveness. This was seen, for instance, i n t h e i r reaching for a chocolate bar rather than I n d i -cating t h e i r choice v e r b a l l y , and i n t h e i r responding to a question with a smile rather than a "yes". I t was also observed that i n t h e i r 1AT s t o r i e s Indian children often mentioned "having" or "get-t i n g " f r i e n d s . An i n v e s t i g a t i o n using a measure such as Heyns, Veroff, and Atkinson's n A f f i l i a t i o n protocol (1958) might prove f r u i t f u l , i n view of Ausubel's report (i960) discussing the s t r i v -ing of Maoris for secondary rather than for primary status. A l l subjects seemed to accept the reward choice i n a matter-o f - f a c t manner. The fact that there was a considerable difference i n size between the two chocolate bars probably helped to accent-uate the effectiveness of t h i s device. In conclusion, while recognizing the l i m i t a t i o n s of t h i s study one can state that there was confirmation of the o r i g i n a l p r e d i c -tions and consistency of r e s u l t s In a l l three measures. The d i f -ferences between the three subcultural groups are i n keeping with the hypotheses, the w h i t e - c o l l a r children performing better for non material incentives than the other two groups, e x h i b i t i n g more achievement imagery and choosing more delayed rewards, Indian c h i l d r e n performed better for material incentives i n the task s i t -uation, exhibited, les s achievement fantasy, and chose more immedi-ate rewards. B l u e - c o l l a r c h i l d r e n , on the whole, were Intermedi-ate. The findings j u s t i f y further exploration. - 28 -Summary and S p e c i f i c Conclusions This study was designed, to investigate motivational d i f f e r -ences i n chi l d r e n of three Canadian subculturai groups. The to-t a l population of elementary school age Musqueam Indian boys (N=22) was paired for age with equal numbers of wh i t e - c o l l a r and blue-c o l l a r boys attending the same schools. The age-range of t h i s sample was seven to t h i r t e e n years. Three tasks were presented to each S. For the f i r s t task, h a l f of each of the subculturai groups was assigned at random to a material reward group, and the other h a l f to a non-material re-ward group. The material reward group received a candy and the non-material reward group a l i g h t f l a s h for each correct response. The successful s o l u t i o n of the problem was expected to be i n part a function of subculturai group membership and incentive condition. I t was predicted that w h i t e - c o l l a r Ss would perform better f o r non-material than for material rewards. Indian c h i l d r e n were expect-ed to perform better for material than for non-material rewards. It was predicted that b l u e - c o l l a r Ss would perform at an i n t e r -mediate l e v e l . Analysis of performance on the l a s t ten t r i a l s showed a s i g -n i f i c a n t i n t e r a c t i o n of the two var i a b l e s , subculturai group mem-bership and incentive condition. Indian Ss, as predicted, per-formed s i g n i f i c a n t l y better for material than for non-material rewards. The same trend, approaching s i g n i f i c a n c e , was noted with b l u e - c o l l a r Ss. White-collar Ss performed s i g n i f i c a n t l y better than the other two groups of Ss for non-material incentives, and the trend for them to perform better for non-material than for - 2 9 -material rewards approached s i g n i f i c a n c e . A l l subjects were presented with the same n Achievement and reward choice s i t u a t i o n s . In the f i r s t of these, thev were ashed to t e l l a story about each of three 1A1 cards. In the l a t t e r they were to choose between getting a large chocolate bar i n a week's time, or a small one immediately. I t was predicted that white-c o l l a r Ss would, be more l i k e l y to t e l l s t o r i e s containing achieve-ment imagery and to choose more l a r g e r , delayed rewards. Indian c h i l d r e n were expected to t e l l fewer achievement imagery s t o r i e s and to choose the most immediate rewards. B l u e - c o l l a r Ss were ex-pected to be intermediate on both of these measures. On TA1 card IBM, the story productions yielded differences between subcultural groups generally i n the predicted manner. White-collar c h i l d r e n r e l a t e d s i g n i f i c a n t l y more s t o r i e s scored as containing achievement imagery than did the other two groups. The expected difference between b l u e - c o l l a r and Indian Ss was not ob-tained. In the reward choice s i t u a t i o n , w h i t e - c o l l a r Ss were s i g -n i f i c a n t l y more l i k e l y to choose l a r g e r , delayed rewards than were the other two groups, and Indian Ss were more l i k e l y to choose smaller, Immediate rewards. B l u e - c o l l a r Ss were intermediate. Observations of behavioral differences between the subcultu-r a l groups were reported, i n r e l a t i o n to each experimental task. Limitations of the generality of the findings were discussed, and refinements i n the procedures were suggested. The confirmation of predictions and the consistency of r e s u l t s on a l l three proced-ures suggest that further exploration i n t h i s area might be re-warding. - 30 -Bibliography Atkinson, J , W. Motives i n fantasy, action and society. Prince-ton, Van Nostrand, 1958. Ausubel, D. P. Aeeulturative stress i n modern Maori adolescence. C h i l d Development, I960, 31, pp. 617-31. Bandura, A. and Walters, P.. H. S o c i a l learning and personality development. New York, Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1963. Brunei-, J . S. The course of cognitive growth. Amer. Psychologist, 1964, 1Q_, pp. 1-15. Hawthorn, H. B., Belshaw, C. D., and Jamie son, D. M, The Indians of B r i t i s h . Columbia. Toronto, U n i v e r s i t y of Toronto Press, I95BT: Heyns, R, W., Veroff, J . , and Atkinson, J. W. A scoring manual for the a f f i l i a t i o n motive. In J. W. Atkinson (Ed.), Motives i n fantasy, action and society. Princeton, Van Nostrand, 1958, pp. 205-18. McClelland, D, C., Atkinson, J. W., Clark, R. A., and Lowell, E. H, The achievement motive. New York, Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1953. McClelland, D. C. The importance of e a r l y learning i n the formation of motives. In J. W. Atkinson, (Ed.), Motives i n fantasy, a c t i o n and society. Princeton, Van Nostrand, 1958, pp."437-52. McClelland, D. C. The achieving society. Princeton, Van Nostrand, 1961. Mischel, W. Preference for delayed reinforcement: an experimental study of a c u l t u r a l observation, J. abnorm. soc. Psychol., 1958, 16, pp. 57-61. Mischel, V/, Delay of g r a t i f i c a t i o n , need for achievement, and acquiescence i n another cultur e , J. abnorm. soc. Psychol.. 1961, 62, pp. 543-52. (a) Mischel, W. Father-absence and delay of g r a t i f i c a t i o n : cross-c u l t u r a l comparisons. J. abnorm soc. Psychol., 1961, 63, pp. 116-24. (b) Mischel, W. Preference for delayed reinforcement and s o c i a l res-p o n s i b i l i t y . J. abnorm. soc. Psychol., I96I, 62, pp. 1-7. (c) Mischel, W, and Metzner, R. Preference for delayed reward as a function of age, i n t e l l i g e n c e , and length of delay i n t e r v a l . J. abnorm. soc. Psychol., 1962, 64, pp. 425-31. - 31 -Murray, H. A. Thematic Apperception Test manual. Cambridge, Harvard U n i v e r s i t y Press, 19^3• Myrdal, Gunnar. An American dilemma; The Negro problem i n modern democracy. New York, Harper and Row, 1962. Rosen, B. C. The achievement syndrome: a psychocultural dimension of s o c i a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n . In J. W. Atkinson (Ed.), Motives i n fantasy, a c t i o n and society. Princeton, Van Nostrand, 1958, pp. ^95-508. Rosen, B. C. Race, e t h n i c i t y , and the achievement syndrome, Amer. S o c i o l . Rev. , 1959, 2h, pp. 1+7-60. Storm, T. F., P o r s o l t , R, and Anthony, W. Ethnic and s o c i a l class differences i n the effectiveness of incentives: New Zealand Maori and pakeha. Unpublished manuscript. T e r r e l l , G. and Kennedy, W. A. Discrimination learning and trans-p o s i t i o n i n c h i l d r e n as a function of the nature of the reward. J. exp. Psychol., 1957, 53, pp. 257-60. T e r r e l l , G. The role of incentive i n d i s c r i m i n a t i o n learning i n chil d r e n . C h i l d Development, 1958, 29, pp. 23I-36. T e r r e l l , G'. , Durkin, K. and Wiesley, M. S o c i a l class and the nature of the incentive i n d i s c r i m i n a t i o n learning. J. abnorm. soc. Psychol., 1959, 125 PP. 270-72. Z i g i e r , E. and Kanzer, P. The effectiveness of two classes of verbal r e i n f o r c e r s on the performance of middle and lower class c h i l d r e n . J. Pers., 1962, 3 d pp. 157-63, 

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