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Negro settlement in British Columbia, 1858-1871 Pilton, James William 1951

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i <r\~i  %  fW Mi NEGRO SETTLEMENT IN BRITISH COLUMBIA 1858  -  1871  by . JAMES WILLIAM PILTON A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of History  We accept this thesis as conforming "to. the standard required from candidates for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS  Members of the Department of History  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September, 1951  NEGRO SETTLEMENT IN BRITISH COLUMBIA 1858  -  1871  by . JAMES WILLIAM PILTON  ABSTRACT This i s a study of the negro migration to B r i t i s h Columbia i n the mid-19th century. I t i s the story of the early coloured pioneers who came to the colony from C a l i f o r n i a to escape oppression. Here i s a glance at the early history of the Canadian west coast from the standpoint of one of the many minority groups who once s e t t l e d there. The f i r s t of the negro immigrants arrived i n V i c t o r i a , Vancouver Island i n A p r i l of 1858, when the gold rush to the Fraser River was just beginning. While many preferred to t r y t h e i r luck at the d i g gings, others remained i n the town where they prospered as merchants, barbers, restaurant and saloon keepers and ordinary labourers. Not wishing to l i v e i n segregation as they had been forced to do i n C a l i f o r n i a , they f i t t e d themselves into the l i f e of the settlement to a remarkable degree. The coloured townspeople were p a r t i c u l a r l y active i n c o l o n i a l p o l i t i c s , and when they voted en bloc» they could, and sometimes d i d control the outcome of elections, a s i t u a t i o n which aroused antagonism toward them;. Several negroes ran as candidates i n c o l o n i a l and munic i p a l elections and one of them, M i f f l i n Wistar Gibbs was not onlyelected to the C i t y Council, but l a t e r on leaving the colony became the f i r s t negro Judge i n the United States and was eventually appointed United States Consul to Madagascar. The f i r s t volunteer m i l i t a r y u n i t on Vancouver Island, the V i c t o r i a Pioneer E i f l e Corps was composed e n t i r e l y of coloured men. After much discouragement at the hands of the whites, the negro soldiers disbanded, but at l e a s t they deserve the credit f o r being the f i r s t t o volunteer and to prepare themselves f o r the defence of the colony© i  Other important centers of negro settlement were on S a l t Spring Island, where they established themselves as farmers and ranchers, and i n the gold f i e l d s where they panned the bars of the Fraser River and the creeks of the Cariboo country. While i t i s doubtful i f many became wealthy as miners, some became prosperous business men supplying the economic needs of the pioneer settlements. The coloured people had not e n t i r e l y escaped prejudice by t h e i r northward migration however, f o r i t followed them from C a l i f o r n i a on every gold rush steamer, and even the B r i t i s h s e t t l e r s were not e n t i r e l y blameless. Attempts were made i n V i c t o r i a to segregate them i n the churches and theatres, and to exclude them from the public bars. On S a l t Spring Island the s i t u a t i o n appears to have been somewhat d i f f e r e n t , f o r on the fringe of settlement, any neighbour, regardless of his colour, was a decided asset, and i n the mining country men were generally judged by the amount of money i n t h e i r pockets rather than by the colour of their skin. v  28  By the mid-1860 s the gold excitement had almost died away bringing a period of depression to Vancouver Island* In the United States the C i v i l War had come to an end and slavery had been abolished. Now i t was no longer necessary f o r the coloured people t o continue t h e i r s e l f imposed e x i l e and many decided t o return t o the United States. As t h i s movement progressed, the race problem i n the colony diminished, and i n time the f a c t that there had ever been an extensive settlement of negroes i n B r i t i s h Columbia was forgotten. 1  i  CONTENTS  CHAPTER I; THE BACKGROUND OF SLAVERY  ...  .  .  .  .1  The beginnings of modern slavery - 1, Negro slavery in America - 3» Opposition to the system - 5 , Effect of the Industrial Revolution - 6, Beginnings of emancipation - 6, Sectionalism and slavery - 7, Compromise of 1850 - 8, Prelude to the C i v i l War - 8, The War -9, Emancipation Proclamation - 10, End of the War and period of reconstruction -11. CHAPTER II: THE MIGRATION  12  Gold in California - 12, The trek west - 13, Hostility towards negroes - L i , Pro-slavery movement - 16, California's "black laws" - 18, The fight for equality - 19, The Poll Tax - 20, The case of Archy Lee - 21, Exclusion from the public schools - 26, Meetings of the coloured people - 28, Decision to leave C a l i fornia - 32, Departure for Vancouver Island - 32. CHAPTER H i t VICTORIA'S NEGRO COLONY  38  Arrival of the Commodore - 39, The gold rush town - 40, Negroes invest in real estate - 42, Types and classes of coloured immigrants - 43, Morality - 44, Intermarriage - 45» Occupations - 47, Religious l i f e - 52, Social l i f e - 53, The arrival of a fugitive - 57, Biographical sketches - 60. CHAPTER IV i MIFFLIN WISTAR GIBBS  72  Childhood in Philadelphia - 73, As an abolitionist - 76, Arrival > i n San Francisco - 79, On to Victoria - 80, The Gibbs family 81, Victoria House - 82, Queen Charlotte Coal Mining Company 83, Departure from the colony - 85, His legal career - 87, Appointment as United States Consul - 88. CHAPTER V: THE POLITICAL IMPACT  8g  Government of the Island - 89, The gold discovery - 90, The mainland colony - 90, The disputed election of i860 - 92, Negroes removed from the voters' l i s t s - 96, A coloured candidate - 98, P o l i t i c a l power of the negro community - 101, The election of I864 - 103, Municipal politics - 108, The Yale Convention - 109.  Ii  CHAPTER VI; VICTORIA PIONEER RIFLE CORPS  Ill  The Rifle Movement i n England - 111, Coloured men form the . f i r s t volunteer corps on the Island - 112, Description of the unit - 112, Attitude of Governor Douglas - 113, Formation of a white unit - 114 » Request for financial aid - 115, Formation of a brass band - 116, Anticipated arrival of Governor Kennedy 117, Presentation of colours to the Corps - 120, Address by the Pioneer Rifles to Governor Kennedy - 121, Last days of the V.P.R.C. - 123. CHAPTER VII; SALT SPRING ISLAND  127  Colonial lands policy - 127, Land reform meeting - 128, Application for lands on Salt Spring Island - 130, Description of the Island - 132, Rev. Ebenezer Robson meets the negro settlers - 134, Education - 135, Religion - 136, Communications - 136, Indian troubles - 139, Louis and Sylvia Stark - 142. CHAPTER VIII; IN THE GOLDFIELDS  148  The gold discovery -148, Beginnings of the rush - 149, The goldfields - 151, Occupations of the negroes - 153, A legal dispute 154» Barkerville - 160, Crime and criminals - 162, Two barbers of Barkerville - 162, The Blessing murder - 166, Barkerville burns - 168, The Leech River excitement - 171. CHAPTER IX; THE PROBLEM OF RACE  .  .  .  .  .  .  176  Hostility towards negro police - 177, Prejudice in the church 178, Negroes partially responsible for racial antagonism - 181, Politics and prejudice - 184, Exclusion from public bars -184., The Jacob Francis case - 186, The theatre incidents - 187, Other examples of discrimination - 201, The problem on Salt Spring Island - 204, The problem in the goldfields - 204.  APPENDICES "A" - Partial l i s t of coloured immigrants to British Columbia * 1858-1871  ;207  "B" - Laws of the State of California, Third Session, Chapter XXXIII, "Respecting Fugitives from Labor, and Slaves brought to this State prior to her admission into the Union . . 21J "C" - Extracts from the diary of the Reverend Edward Cridge having reference to the arrival of the negroes • ...  215  iii  "D" - Some punishable offences committed by negroes i n Victoria,  1858—18V1  •  •  "E" - Letters from M.W.  •  •  •  •  •  a  o  218  o  Gibbs to the San Francisco Elevator  222  .  "F" - Resolutions published i n the Pacific Appeal after the election of January I864 « . . « • » "G" - Memorial and Financial Statement from the Victoria Pioneer Rifle Corps  228 230  "H" - Resolutions and Petition passed at the Land Reform Meeting, July 2, 1859  0  •  •  «  •  .  «  •  "I" - Isaac Dickson's Letters to the Cariboo Sentinel "J" - Population statistics BIBLIOGRAPHY  ©  «  »  •  •  «  .  0  •  232  *  234  .  237  •  238  I L L U S T R A T I O N S 1. The Commodore  •  •  2. Victoria, July 1858  » .  » e  3» Peter Lester and his wife  .  <  »  o  >  «  » • .  .  •-  •  <  »  .  .  71  ©  7J  •  10« Sylvia Stark and her son Willis l l o Barkerville before the f i r e Barkerville after the f i r e  13« Samuel Booth 14.  9  The "Industry" Claim  «  70  «  9» Victoria Pioneer R i f l e Corps - Presentation of the colours .  12o  66  69  «  * »  61  .  .  >  *  41  .  .  «  .  «  .  .  .  3_8  . .  .  7. Mrs. John Thomas Pierre, Richard Stokes 8» Mifflin Wistar Gibbs  • »  •  o  6. Robert Clanton and his wife  * .  . «  4« Charles and Nancy Alexander  5. James and Mary Barnswell  •  •  • •  « .  • •  •  •  * «.  «  .  0  .  9  . « .  .  I45  <,  169 •  e  » « .  170 172  ». •  124  •  173  iv  MAPS  1. Sectionalism and slavery in the United States  »  2*, Islands in the Gulf of Georgia, British Columbia 3« British Columbia, 1871  ,  .  '  o  .  « •  9  10 o 13J.  « Back Cover  V  PREFACE This i s the story o f a people, who because of persecution i n the United States, decided t o establish new homes under the B r i t i s h f l a g . I t i s the story of t h e i r migration from C a l i f o r n i a and of t h e i r l i f e i n the colonies of Vancouver Island and B r i t i s h Columbia.  The t a l e of the  coloured migration i s a very human one, and an attempt has been made t o t r e a t the subject not only i n terms o f cold facts and figures, but t o recreate character and personality and t o place them i n t h e i r authentic setting* For t h e i r assistance i n the w r i t i n g of t h i s t h e s i s , the author i s indebted t o the many coloured persons who gave him such a f r i e n d l y r e ception and t o the s t a f f s of the Bancroft Library and of the P r o v i n c i a l Archives o f B r i t i s h Columbia*  Because o f the constant interest of Miss  Madge Wolfenden, Assistant P r o v i n c i a l A r c h i v i s t , much material was made available which might otherwise have been neglected, and as the r e s u l t of her welcome c r i t i c i s m and advice, many p i t f a l l s were avoided.  Thanks  i s a l s o due to Dr. Walter N. Sage, Head of the Department of History, f o r reading and c r i t i c i z i n g the manuscript, and t o Dr. Gilbert Tucker f o r h i s valuable suggestions.  r August 30, 1951.  J.W.P.  vi  And the Lord s a i d , I have surely seen the a f f l i c t i o n of my people which are i n Egypt, and have heard t h e i r cry by reason of t h e i r taskmasters; f o r I know t h e i r sorrows|  And I am come down t o d e l i v e r them out of  the hand of the Egyptians> and t o b r i n g them up out of that land unto a good land and a large, unto a land flowing with milk and honeyj »o»  Exodus 3:7,8  1 CHAPTER I THE BACKGROUND OF SLAVERY The migration of coloured people to British Columbia in the mid-19th century was only one small movement among many in the attempts of the American negroes to escape oppression and to improve their economic status. Almost a l l such schemes were destined to f a i l , as was the immigration to the British colony i n many respects, for the opposing factors which had evolved over the centuries were much too powerful to be overcome in a few short years. It is only by making a comparison with their past and by having some understanding of their problems however, that one can evaluate what the negro pioneers actually did achieve by coming to Vancouver Island. Only by a study of negro history does one find possible answers to such questions as: "How had their social and cultural level reached such a high state of development by the time of the northward migration?" "Why were they divided among themselves despite their common slave ancestry and their common purpose i n coming to the Island?"  "Why did they react as they did to  their new environment?" Their background of slavery was ever present i n British Columbia; they could not escape i t . Not only was i t responsible for their coming to the colony i n the f i r s t place, but i t was even to determine the duration of their stay, for after Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation and the end of the C i v i l War there was no longer any need to continue their self-imposed e x i l e  0  The history of modern slavery begins with the breakdown of feudalism and the rise of the towns. The accompanying commercial revolution placed trade and commerce i n a leading a  state  century,  could  gain  the Portuguese  wealth  position and  had discovered  as  the means by  which  power. By the end of the 15th how  important  the trade  2 i n A f r i c a n negroes could be as a means t o t h i s end, and soon the buying and s e l l i n g of slaves became a part of the commerce of Europe*  But the  European economy was such that i t could not absorb large numbers of negroes f o r white labour was p l e n t i f u l and cheap and there was l i t t l e place f o r black slaves i n the merchant and banking houses that had recently become established.  The discovery of America was the solution t o the problem,  f o r i n the new world resources were great and labour was scarce. Although the e a r l y Spanish, Portuguese and French explorers had brought negroes with them t o America, the slave trade i t s e l f d i d not f o r mally begin u n t i l 1517 when Bishop Las Casas permitted each Spanish c o l o n i s t t o import twelve negro slaves.  Las Casas, who became known as the "Apostle  of the Indians", was convinced of the e v i l o f using Indians as slave labour, so much so. that i n 1815 he returned t o Spain t o plead t h e i r cause. A.commission was soon sent t o Hispahiola t o investigate conditions, but i t proceeded, too slowly and with too much caution for.the Bishop'8 l i k i n g , so he returned once again t o Spain i n 1517 with h i s plan f o r colonizing the Indians and r e p l a c i n g them as labourers with negro slaves. never succeeded and he l i v e d t o regret having i n s t i t u t e d i t .  His: scheme ?  olc  'iy.^Y^As the plantations grew, so d i d the need f o r labour, and the Dutch,  French:and English took up the trade on a large s c a l e . They transported the blacks under t e r r i b l e conditions, f o r the more they carried oh t h e i r smalliships t h e greater were;the p r o f i t s . was commonplace among the human cargo.  Death from disease and suicide d.  -aAr.nc';,,  j  By the 17th century, Spain had l o s t her dominant p o s i t i o n i n the islands of the Caribbean, and Denmark, Holland, France and England having now acquired possessions there, attempted t o get the greatest possible r e turns from them by large scale a g r i c u l t u r a l developments.  They used slaves  3 extensively on the tobacco plantations, and when tobacco dropped in value because of over-production, sugar cane was substituted and even more negroes were required to cultivate i t . This condition existed until the early years of the 18th century when crops were becoming more expensive to produce because of s o i l exhaustion.  But by this time attention was  being directed to the North American colonies which were rapidly becoming of greater economic importance than the West Indies. Here was a new market for slaves, and in response to the demand, many were exported from the Caribbean islands. In 1619 the f i r s t group of slaves on the mainland was landed at Jamestown, Virginia by a Dutch frigate, but i t was many years before the white colonists were to realize the obvious advantages of negro slaves over Indian slaves or white labour.  Indentured servants sometimes ran  away and were d i f f i c u l t to recover; negroes on the other hand could a l ways be recognized as slaves and were readily returned to their masters. Another advantage was that the use of negro slaves assured a permanent labour supply while the whites could leave their masters at the end of their period of indenture.  In any case as time went on and the tobacco,  rice and indigo plantations increased in size and numbers, there were not enough whites to f i l l the increased demand for labour; then negro slaves became a necessity. In 1661 Virginia passed a law recognizing slavery and from then on the black population rose with astonishing rapidity,  especially after  England secured the monopoly of the slave trade by the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713.  So many negroes were now introduced into the colony that they  became a menace to the whites whom they frequently plotted to massacre. This fear of the negroes  resulted  in  the  infamous  "Black  Codes",  the extreme forms of punishment used against them f o r even minor offences. Maryland soon followed V i r g i n i a i n adopting slavery, then North and South Carolina did likewise, although the Quakers i n North Carolina t r i e d t o discourage i t .  F i n a l l y , a f t e r frequent agitations by the c o l o n i s t s ,  Georgia l i f t e d i t s r e s t r i c t i o n s against slavery i n  1750.  In the southern colonies, slaves were needed on the plantations; . i n the middle colonies the economic s i t u a t i o n was New  York and New  quite d i f f e r e n t f o r i n  Jersey the farms were small and the Dutch, Swedes and  Germans were not interested i n negro labour, slaves were more important here f o r t h e i r commercial value; i n the New  England colonies they were  also of greatest importance as a commodity of trade, and the Puritans entered extensively into the business.  Whether they a c t u a l l y believed  i t or not, the Puritan traders j u s t i f i e d t h e i r actions by claiming that they were bringing a cursed people within God's grace. the New  Conditions i n  England colonies improved considerably when the Quakers arrived  e a r l y i n the 18th century, f o r these people frequently educated negro children along with t h e i r own,  and encouraged the coloured people to  attend church and become converted.  L i f e was  easiest here f o r the negro  f o r care was taken not to import too many slaves, and without the fear of insurrection there was  constant  l i t t l e necessity f o r the whites to pass  harsh "black" laws. With the coming of the American Revolution many colonists began t o oppose slavery a c t i v e l y , aware no doubt that while condemning England f o r her oppression, they too were oppressors.  Some even blamed George I I I  f o r the existence of the i n s t i t u t i o n i n America, and when Thomas Jefferson f i r s t submitted a d r a f t of the Declaration of Independence to the Continental  1 Congress, i t contained a section reprobating slavery.  This had to be  removed on the insistence of the southern delegates to the Congress however, f o r they r e a l i z e d that i f i t remained, once the colonies gained t h e i r independence there would no longer be any excuse f o r the 2 of the system.  continuance  In the Revolutionary War negroes fought on both sides,  although at f i r s t George Washington and h i s War Council decided to exclude them.  This d e c i s i o n was reversed a f t e r Lord Dunmore, governor of  V i r g i n i a , i n v i t e d the slaves to j o i n the B r i t i s h f o r c e s .  Then Washington  e n l i s t e d negroes, and many a l l black u n i t s were organized to serve i n the Revolutionary  armies.  After the war, perhaps because of the p r e v a i l i n g philosophy of f r e e dom,  laws were passed i n some states l i b e r a t i n g a l l negroes who  served i n the army.  had  The manumission of slaves now began on a large scale  p a r t l y because so many owners no longer believed i n the system. Societies were formed both during and a f t e r the Revolution to f i g h t slavery, and some states now prohibited the trade e n t i r e l y , while others erected high import duties against them.  This movement was n a t u r a l l y strongest i n the  north and the most powerful resistance to i t came from the south where the economy seemed to demand slave labour.  At the Constitutional Con-  vention of 1787, the fear of s e c t i o n a l s t r i f e which seemed t o be r a p i d l y developing resulted i n the extension of the slave trade f o r another twenty years, although by the Northwest Ordinance slavery wasto be prohibited i n the lands to the northwest of the Ohio River.' 1 C a r l Becker, The Declaration of Independence, a study i n the h i s t o r y of p o l i t i c a l ideas. N.I., Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1922, p. 167. 2 Notes of Thomas Jefferson, c i t e d i n Becker, op. c i t . , p. 171.  6 The I n d u s t r i a l Revolution brought new prosperity t o the southern states, f o r with the new methods of producing cotton t e x t i l e s , agriculture s h i f t e d from the r a i s i n g of r i c e , indigo and tobacco, to the more p r o f i t able crop of cotton.  I t was now c u l t i v a t e d so extensively that even more  slaves were required, and the trade continued t o f l o u r i s h at the end of the 18th and beginning of the 19th centuries. i. In the meantime the slaves i n the Caribbean were r i s i n g i n r e v o l t . Insurrections broke out on the Island of San Domingo i n 1791, and i n 1794- Toussaint L'Cuverture l e d a negro u p r i s i n g i n H a i t i .  Such incidents  had a great e f f e c t upon American slavery, f o r although the southern planters wanted more negroes, they were a f r a i d to import them f o r fear of s i m i l a r outbreaks.  Movements f o r a b o l i t i o n now became more assertive and the  numbers of slaves.who attempted and succeeded i n escaping r a p i d l y increased* The Fugitive Slave Law passed i n 1793 was an i n e f f e c t u a l remedy. By L December 1805, anti-slavery;groups had brought so much pressure,to bear that a : b i l l was introduced i n t o the government p r o h i b i t i n g the t r a d e " a f t e r January 1, 1808.  I t became law on March 2, 1807, shortly: a f t e r England  had,passed similar l e g i s l a t i o n , but i t was never r e a l l y enforced and the trade continued on just as large a scale i f not quite so openly.  'is  A f t e r the Revolutionary War, the coloured people, with the assistance of manumission and a b o l i t i o n s o c i e t i e s i n the New England and Middle;; A t l a n t i c states, began t o r a i s e t h e i r own status i n society.  More were  becoming educated i n the north i n contrast to the south where the education of negroes was discouraged.  I t was i n t h e i r r e l i g i o u s l i f e that they  gained t h e i r greatest independence and i n 1794 they were able to organize t h e i r own Bethel African Methodist Church i n Philadelphia, followed two  7 years l a t e r by the establishment of the African Methodist Episcopal Zion Church.  A l l negro f r a t e r n a l organizations were also coming into existence,  the most important being the negro Freemasons.  F i f t e e n negroes had been  i n i t i a t e d into a B r i t i s h army lodge stationed near Boston i n 1775, and although they were r e j e c t e d by the American Masons, they were accepted by the Grand Lodge of England i n 178*4. During the f i r s t h a l f of the 19th century large numbers of American negroes gained t h e i r freedom.  Some were v o l u n t a r i l y released by t h e i r  masters; others were able to purchase t h e i r l i b e r t y by doing extra work, and many of these eventually bought t h e i r parents, wives and children from slavery. The free mulatto population was also growing very r a p i d l y and by 1850 i t i s estimated that there were 159,000 of them i n the United  S 3 : ; ^Higher i n s t i t u t i o n s of learning such as Franklin, Rutland and Oberlin colleges opened; t h e i r doors t o the coloured people, and'many educatediand i n t e l l i g e n t negroes began t o make t h e i r appearance and t o take t h e i r places as leaders of t h e i r race.  There were negro as w e l l as white a b o l i t i o n i s t s ,  and of:these Frederick Douglass i s regarded as being the most outstanding. During the ten years preceding/ the C i v i l War, the coloured people became more determined  i n t h e i r struggle, and to give force to t h e i r protests,  i n 1853 they formed t h e i r National Council of Colored People i n Rochester, New York.  N^-^''  -.-i  >^  mvp  ' The d i v i s i o n between north and south which had been apparent from the e a r l i e s t years o f the Unionj became even more so as the 19th century progressed.  The question of slavery was one o f the major i r r i t a n t s , f o r  so many northerners were giving shelter and assistance t o escaped  negroes,  8 that a great f i n a n c i a l l o s s was being sustained by the southern planters. Hatred f o r the northern a b o l i t i o n i s t s was  the l o g i c a l outcome.  By  1850  the i n t e r s e c t i o n a l c o n f l i c t had become serious and i t was r e a l i z e d that something had to be done immediately about the unsettled condition of the nation.  The Compromise of 1850,  an attempted solution, provided f o r the  admission of C a l i f o r n i a as a free state; New Mexico and Utah were to become t e r r i t o r i e s without mention of slavery; a f u g i t i v e slave law  was  enacted; slavery was to be abolished i n the D i s t r i c t of Columbia; and Texas was  to cede c e r t a i n lands to New Mexico f o r which i t would be com-  pensated.  Neither the a b o l i t i o n i s t s nor the slave owners: were r e a l l y  s a t i s f i e d however, and the anti-slavery people continued to help runaways, whose owners> with the assistance of the new Fugitive Slave Law were more determined than ever to get them back.  The Compromise brought only  a temporary l u l l , f o r i n 1854 the c o n f l i c t was brought into the open by the Kansas-Nebraska B i l l , which organized the two t e r r i t o r i e s of Kansas and Nebraska, allowing the s e t t l e r s there to decide for themselves whether they would enter the union as f r e e or slave.  In Kansas the b a t t l e between  the slaveholders and the anti-slavery f a c t i o n was merely a prelude to a greater one, f o r the nation was marching s t e a d i l y towards war. Dred Scott decision of 1857, closer.  a v i c t o r y f o r the south, was  The  a step even  Scott, a Missouri slave had been taken by h i s master t o l i v e i n  f r e e I l l i n o i s , but l a t e r when returned to Missouri, he sued f o r his f r e e dom,  claiming that residence on f r e e s o i l had given him his l i b e r t y .  The  v e r d i c t of the court was that as the negro was not considered an American c i t i z e n he could not b r i n g s u i t , but what disturbed the northern states was the decision of Chief Justice Roger B. Taney that Congress could not  exclude slavery from the t e r r i t o r i e s and that masters were quite at l i b e r t y to take t h e i r slaves anywhere i n the t e r r i t o r i e s and s t i l l r e t a i n them i n servitude.  One of the l a s t events leading to open c o n f l i c t was  John Brown's r a i d on Harper's Ferry.  V i o l e n t l y opposed to slave-holding,  he had the hopeless dream of attacking the slave owners i n V i r g i n i a i n an attempt t o l i b e r a t e t h e i r negroes, and t o obtain arms and ammunition f o r t h i s purpose, he and a few followers attacked the f e d e r a l arsenal at Harper's Ferry on October 16, 1859*  A f t e r his execution f o r t h i s rash  act, John Brown was regarded as a martyr by the northern a b o l i t i o n i s t s , and the f a m i l i a r "John Brown's body..." became t h e i r b a t t l e hymn.  The south  was frightened. In the e l e c t i o n of I860, Abraham Lincoln, the Republican candidate f o r the presidency was known t o be opposed t o the slave system, and when he was elected, the south regarded h i s party as being revolutionary and destructive.  Lincoln had no intention of immediately abolishing slavery  i n the south however, i n f a c t he could not have done so even i f i t had been h i s wish f o r i t could only have been accomplished by an amendment of the constitution, an i m p o s s i b i l i t y at that time.  But by now the breach  had become too wide and seven of the cotton states decided to secede from the Union.  In February of 1861 they formed the Confederate States  of America and elected Jefferson Davis as t h e i r provisional President. Four other states soon joined them and on A p r i l 12, 1861, Confederate guns opened f i r e on Fort Sumter i n Charleston Harbour.  The "Brothers'  War" had begun. With the advent of war many slaves escaped t o freedom behind the Union l i n e s , while others were taken as contraband by northern forces. Although these "contrabands" were given t h e i r freedom, no preparations had been made to care f o r them, and frequently they were forced t o l i v e  10 Tinder f a r worse conditions t h a n they had ever known i n slavery. often so hungry and  They were  badly treated that private organizations such as the  National Freedmen's R e l i e f Association i n C i n c i n n a t i , were established to care f o r them.  (Reproduced from A l l a n Nevins and Henry Steele Commager, The Pocket History of the United States. N.Y., Pocket Books, Inc., 1943.)  In the meantime Lincoln's movement towards emancipation was r a p i d l y progressing.  In 1861 he had believed that owners of emancipated slaves  should be compensated by the government, and t h i s was done i n the D i s t r i c t of Columbia i n 1862  despite the opposition of the a b o l i t i o n i s t s .  of the same year slavery was  In June  abolished completely i n the t e r r i t o r i e s , and  i n July i t was proclaimed that a l l slaves should be free who by d i s l o y a l masters behind the Union l i n e s .  were owned  F i n a l l y on January 1,  1863  came the great Emancipation Proclamation f r e e i n g a l l slaves held i n any state i n r e b e l l i o n against the Union.  11 When Lee surrendered h i s army at Appomattox and v i c t o r y was ceded to the north on A p r i l 9th, 1865, t h e i r period of reconstruction. by the Republican party was  con-  the United States entered upon  In the south, the program i n s t i t u t e d  humiliating to the whites who  f i c u l t to think of the slaves as being f r e e .  found i t d i f -  By the L4th and 15th amend-  ments, the negroes were placed on an equal footing with them, and even the most i l l i t e r a t e were given the vote.  For a time many of the state l e g i s -  latures were controlled by the negro electors and large numbers of coloured men  even occupied minor o f f i c i a l p o s i t i o n s .  While the majority  were quite u n f i t t e d f o r such appointments, there were a few such as Jonathan Gibbs of F l o r i d a who were highly competent men.  The white  population would not long endure t h i s power held by the negroes however, and the Ku Klux Klan was them away from the p o l l s .  employed to t e r r i f y the coloured people to keep F i n a l l y by 1877  the Democratic party had gained  control of every southern state, bringing to an end the period of Republican reconstruction and i t s p o l i c y of negro r u l e .  12  CHAPTER  II  THE MIGRATION  The simple heading "GOLD MINE FOUND", over a short paragraph i n the San Francisco C a l i f o m i a n  announced to the world on March 15,  gold had been discovered i n C a l i f o r n i a .  I848  But scant attention was  that  paid  to the f i n d at Sutter's m i l l on the American Fork, i n fact a few weeks l a t e r , the r i v a l C a l i f o r n i a Star hoax, a "supurb take-in as was  maintained that the whole a f f a i r was 1  ever got up to guzzle the gullible.?  But Sam Brannan, owner of the Star  was  to regret t h i s rash  published by his e d i t o r , f o r within a few hours, i t was (May 29, i t was  I848)  who,  a  1  accusation  Brannan himself  waving a b o t t l e , shouted at the top of his voice that  "Goldt Goldl from the American R i v e r t i l "  The rush had begun.  The news spread r a p i d l y up and down the P a c i f i c coast and as f a r as the Sandwich Islands, but the. A t l a n t i c seaboard was  slow to become excited  and refused t o take the discovery s e r i o u s l y u n t i l December 7th, when Lieutenant Loeser of the T h i r d A r t i l l e r y arrived i n Washington with his famous tea caddy.  The 230 ounces of gold i t contained was  f e c t the eastern states with gold fever, but as i t was  enough t o i n -  too l a t e i n the  year to make the western trek, thousands passed the winter months i n preparation f o r the journey to C a l i f o r n i a i n the spring and summer of U9» t  The route chosen by these forty-niners was upon t h e i r point of departure.  Those who  generally dependent  l i v e d i n the A t l a n t i c states  and were accustomed t o sea voyages frequently s a i l e d around South America 1 Milo Milton Quaife, ed., Pictures of Gold Rush C a l i f o r n i a . Chicago. The Lakeside Press, 1949, p. xv.  13 and up the west coast to C a l i f o r n i a , but t h i s way was  long and expensive;  /  a shorter and cheaper one was the Chagres River route across the Isthmus of Panama; some even combined the sea and land routes, voyaging as f a r as Texas or Mexico and journeying overland from there.  Of the overland  trails,  the famous Oregon-California Road was the most heavily t r a v e l l e d , and  those  who used i t reported that they were seldom out of sight of a wagon and that frequently the t r a i n s extended as f a r as the eye could see.  The  heavy t r a f f i c was the cause of many of the hardships that plagued these pioneers, f o r the dust r a i s e d was  almost beyond endurance f o r animals and  humans a l i k e , and i t was not long before large numbers of c a t t l e died of starvation a f t e r the pasturage along the roadside had become exhausted. Almost the e n t i r e length of the 2,000 mile t r a i l to C a l i f o r n i a from Independence, S t . Joseph, Council B l u f f s and other s t a r t i n g points, was marked by a t r a g i c debris - s k e l e t o n s of animals, graves of humans,-broken wagons and f u r n i t u r e and baggage jetissoned to l i g h t e n the load.  A l l were id  mute reminders of the p r i c e that,must be paid.  It was no uncommon sight t o see i n d i v i d u a l negroes or even•entire f a m i l i e s o f f r e e coloured people t r a v e l l i n g to C a l i f o r n i a : b y a l l these routes•  Many free- mulattoes,  excited by dreams of wealth,had sold;out  small'businesses i n the east, and had invested t h e i r c a p i t a l i n covered wagons, supplies and mining equipment. :Many of the negroes walking r  be-  side the wagons on the Oregon t r a i l or t r a v e l l i n g on the coastal steamers to San Francisco were being brought to the coast as slaves, or since C a l i f o r n i a had by t h i s time adopted a f r e e state c o n s t i t u t i o n , they were r e f e r r e d to as "indentured servants". negligible.  Few  The difference between the two  i f any refugees from the slave states ever made t h e i r  was  14 way t o t h e P a c i f i c c o a s t ;  i t was t o o f a r from t h e southern  and t h e t r i p t o o arduous and d a n g e r o u s . i n g to Canada was a much e a s i e r r o a d t o  plantations  The "underground r a i l w a y " l e a d freedom.  The f r e e m i n i n g p o p u l a t i o n o f C a l i f o r n i a was opposed t o s l a v e r y i n any form and i n s i s t e d on t h e c o n t i n u a n c e o f an u n r e p e a l e d Mexican l a w o f 1829 b y t & i c h s l a v e r y was f o r b i d d e n i n t h e t e r r i t o r y .  Some i n d i c a t i o n  o f p u b l i c o p i n i o n towards s l a v e l a b o u r , and i n f a c t towards t h e c o l o u r e d p e o p l e i n g e n e r a l , was e x p r e s s e d i n t h e p r e s s as e a r l y as M a r c h , 1848: N o t a s i n g l e i n s t a n c e o f precedence e x i s t s i n the shape o f p h y s i c a l bondage o f o u r f e l l o w m e n . . . . W e d e s i r e o n l y a w h i t e p o p u l a t i o n i n C a l i f o r n i a ; even t h e I n d i a n s among u s , as f a r as we have seen, a r e more o f a n u i s a n c e t h a n a b e n e f i t to t h e c o u n t r y ; we w o u l d l i k e to get r i d o f t h e m . . . . i n c o n c l u s i o n we dearly l o v e the Union, but declare our p o s i t i v e preference f o r an independent c o n d i t i o n o f C a l i f o r n i a t o t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f any degree o f s l a v e r y , o r even t h e i m p o r t a t i o n o f f r e e blacks.  2 W i t h so much o p p o s i t i o n t o h a v i n g any c o l o u r e d element i n t h e p o p u l a t i o n , i t i s n o t s u r p r i s i n g t h a t when t h e c o n s t i t u t i o n a l c o n v e n t i o n s a t i n C o l t o n H a l l i n Monterey i n September and O c t o b e r o f 1849, adopted a f r e e s t a t e c o n s t i t u t i o n .  it  The f r e e m i n e r s , who had formed t h e i r  own t r a d e u n i o n , d i s c u s s e d a t t h e i r m e e t i n g s how t h e mines s h o u l d b e operated,  and e s t a b l i s h e d c e r t a i n r e g u l a t i o n s t o w h i c h t h e e n t i r e m i n i n g  community must adhere-  T h i s was t h e group t h a t b r o u g h t t h e  strongest  p r e s s u r e t o b e a r a g a i n s t any a t t e m p t s a t l e g i s l a t i o n f a v o u r a b l e t o negro 3 slavery.  I t was c l a i m e d t h a t t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n o f c o l o u r e d p e o p l e i n t o  t h e s t a t e , whether s l a v e o r f r e e , w o u l d degrade l a b o u r ;  furthermore  t h e y tsould be i m p o s s i b l e t o a s s i m i l a t e and would p r o v e a v i c i o u s and '^ C a l i f o r a i a n , March 1 5 , 1848, c i t e d i n L u c i l e E a v e s , A H i s t o r y o f C a l i f o r n i a L a b o r L e g i s l a t i o n w i t h an I n t r o d u c t o r y S k e t c h o f t h e San F r a n c i s c o L a b o r Movement, B e r k e l e y , The U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1910, p . 8 2 . 2  x e  3 Eaves, 0 £ .  cit.  t  p.  8.  15 d i s o r d e r l y element i n society which would almost c e r t a i n l y become a f i n a n c i a l burden on the white community.  To prevent such a condition,  an amendment was suggested providing that "The Legislature s h a l l , at i t s f i r s t session, pass such laws as w i l l e f f e c t u a l l y prohibit free persons of color from immigrating t o and s e t t l i n g i n t h i s State, and t o e f f e c t u a l l y prevent the owners of slaves from bringing them into t h i s 4 State f o r the purpose of s e t t i n g them free. ' 1  After much debate, t h i s  amendment was l o s t by a vote of 9 t o 33, the f i n a l blow against i t being  the announcement of a San Francisco delegate that his constituents 5  were unanimously opposed.  .  This was not the end of the movement t o exclude a l l persons of colour from the state, f o r the f i r s t governor of C a l i f o r n i a , Peter H. Burnett was well-known f o r his h o s t i l e f e e l i n g s towards negroes. When he served as a member of the Oregon l e g i s l a t i v e committee, he had i n t r o duced a b i l l intended to r i d the state of free negroes and mulattoes by advocating that i f they had not departed within a certain l i m i t e d period, they should be flogged every s i x months thereafter u n t i l they did  so*  This act was never enforced, and l a t e r an amendment was  intro-  duced by Burnett providing that such coloured people should be hired out  t o persons who would guarantee to remove them from the state a f t e r  6 shortest period of s e r v i c e . This law was repealed however, i n 1845. 4 J * Ross Brown, Report of the Debates i n the Convention of C a l i f o r n i a on the Formation of the State Constitution i n September and October, 1849, Washington, 1850, pp. 43-44, c i t e d i n Eaves, op. c i t . . p. 82. the  5 Eaves, op. c i t . , p.  88.  6 Charles H. Carey, A General History of Oregon, Portland, Oregon, Metropolitan Press, 1932, v o l . 1, p. 342.  ,  i  16  Burnett's attempts to introduce s i m i l a r l e g i s l a t i o n into C a l i f o r n i a 7 i n h i s inaugural address of 1849  8 and again i n 1851,  proved just as  un-  fears of the C a l i f o r n i a miners and of the l e g i s l a t o r s who  re-  successful. The  presented them were well-founded, as contemporary newspaper reports c l e a r l y indicate.  Most of the southerners appear to have brought t h e i r  slaves into the state as indentured servants who  would not be  entirely  free u n t i l they had purchased t h e i r l i b e r t y with either money or labour. Naturally, not wishing t o lose control of t h e i r slaves at the end of t h i s period, masters began more openly to advocate that C a l i f o r n i a become a slave state.  Various arguments were put forward i n favour of slavery,  among which was  the claim that negro labour was  of the state both i n agriculture i n agriculture f o r i t was poison oak which was  and mining.  important to the economy  This was  e s p e c i a l l y true  said that white labourers could not stand the  so prevalent there.  This pro-slavery group of southerners made l i t t l e progress with t h e i r schemes, although t h e i r representatives i n the l e g i s l a t u r e did succeed i n passing i n 1852  "An Act respecting f u g i t i v e s from labor 9  and  slaves brought to t h i s State p r i o r to her admission into the Union."  This law was  almost i d e n t i c a l to the one  government i n 1850  when C a l i f o r n i a had  already passed by the  entered the Union as a free  7 Journals of the C a l i f o r n i a Legislature, Eaves, op. c i t . , p. 89. 8 Ibid., 1851,  federal  1850,  pp. 38-9,  pp. 19-29, c i t e d i n Eaves, OP. c l t . . p.  state.  cited i n  89.  9 See appendix "B". Statutes of C a l i f o r n i a , 1852, "An Act respecti n g f u g i t i v e s from labor and slaves brought to t h i s State p r i o r to her admission into the, Union."  17 I t provided that any owner or agent could recover a f u g i t i v e slave and that the negro could not give testimony i n h i s own behalf. ing to protect the runaway was  Anyone t r y -  to be subject to a f i n e and  imprison-  ment and i f the f u g i t i v e were to escape from custody, the o f f i c e r responsible must pay h i s value to the owner.  The purpose behind t h i s law was not to  return refugees from the slave states, since they seldom i f ever made t h e i r way to C a l i f o r n i a , but to a s s i s t masters i n removing t h e i r negro «servants" from the s t a t e .  According to the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n previously  given by the courts of C a l i f o r n i a to the f e d e r a l Fugitive Slave  Law,  such indentured servants could not be removed by force to another s t a t e . Section four of the C a l i f o r n i a law of 1852 was  an e f f e c t i v e remedy:  Any person or persons held to labor or service i n any State or T e r r i t o r y of the United States of America, and who s h a l l r e fuse to return to the State or T e r r i t o r y where he or they owed such labor or s e r v i c e , upon the demand of the person or persons, h i s or t h e i r agent, or attorney, to whom such service or labor was due, such person or persons so r e f u s i n g to return, s h a l l be held and deemed f u g i t i v e s from labor within the meaning of t h i s Act, and a l l the remedies, r i g h t s , and provisions herein given claimants of f u g i t i v e s who escape from any other State' into t h i s State are hereby given and conferred upon claimants of f u g i t i v e s from labor within the meaning of t h i s section. 10 In an amendment, the time l i m i t set f o r the recovery of f u g i t i v e slaves was  one year, but t h i s was l a t e r extended to 1855,  the law lapsed.  at which time  Since the c o n s t i t u t i o n of C a l i f o r n i a provided that  there should be no involuntary servitude within the state, masters could only reclaim " f u g i t i v e s " to remove them from the s t a t e .  Now  indentured  servants, who may have earned t h e i r freedom honestly enough, could be l e g a l l y returned to t h e i r masters.  The c o n s t i t u t i o n a l i t y of the law  was tested i n the well-known Perkins case.  1G See appendix "B",  op., c i t .  Perkins had brought three  18  negro slaves to C a l i f o r n i a i n 1849 under the agreement that they were to work f o r t h e i r freedom.  This they d i d , and were so successful that  when they were arrested i n 1852, they had saved four hundred d o l l a r s , and had a span of mules and a wagon.  Now  i n conformity with the  new  l e g i s l a t i o n , they were returned once more to slavery i n Georgia.  After  the passage of t h i s law i n 1852 u n t i l i t s expiration by l i m i t a t i o n i n 1855, and with the Perkins case as a precedent, there was not a negro who was brought to C a l i f o r n i a as a "servant" who was not s t i l l a slave. Most of the anti-negro laws i n C a l i f o r n i a were not unique to that state, but were merely copies of the "black laws" already enacted i n the older s t a t e s .  One such law passed i n 1850 provided that no black or  mulatto person or Indian should be permitted to give evidence i n a court 11 of law against a white man.  In 1852 an unsuccessful attempt was made  to repeal t h i s and i n the following year a memorial from the coloured people was presented to the l e g i s l a t u r e praying that the C i v i l Practice Act be amended t o allow them to t e s t i f y .  When i t was presented i n the  Assembly, one of the members suggested that i t be rejected by i t out of the window.  The r e j e c t i o n was  throwing 12  carried by an unanimous vote.  Under such a law, the negro had l i t t l e protection f o r h i s l i f e ,  liberty  or property, f o r almost Invariably any i n j u s t i c e to which he might be subjected would be at the hands of white men In his autobiography,  and not men  of h i s own race.  Shadow and Light. M i f f l i n Wistar Gibbs,  one  of the leading coloured merchants of San Francisco at t h i s period, gives a s t r i k i n g example of the l e g a l p o s i t i o n of the negroes, and what could 11 T.H. H i t t e l l , History of C a l i f o r n i a . San Francisco, N.J. Stone & Co., 1897, v o l . I I , pp. 806-7. 12 Ibid*, v o l . IV, p.  111.  19 and did happen because of i t .  An incident which Gibbs claims i s t y p i c a l  once occurred when a well-known customer came into h i s store on Clay Street and asked to have a p a i r of boots put aside, saying that while he d i d not need them a t the moment, nevertheless he would think about buying them l a t e r .  A few minutes a f t e r his departure, his f r i e n d arrived  and i n s i s t e d on buying the same p a i r of boots.  Although Gibbs, and h i s  partner Peter Lester t r i e d t o discourage him, the white man refused t o remove the boots, assuring them that he would explain the s i t u a t i o n t o his  f r i e n d and that a l l would be w e l l .  The coloured men forgot the i n -  cident u n t i l a few minutes l a t e r when both the purchaser and would-be purchaser returned. With the foulest of language, the f i r s t customer assaulted Peter Lester. The proprietors of the store were helpless, f o r i f either had puttp any show of resistance, they could have been shot and there would have been no redress. Even i f Lester had been murdered, Gibbs, an eye-witness, could have given no evidence i n a court of law. 13 There was no alternative t o submission. Naturally the f e e l i n g of i n j u s t i c e ran high among the coloured people f o r they owned and paid taxes on projgrty valued at $5,000,000 yet  d i d not have the l e g a l protection that the whites took f o r granted.  Some of the better educated were stubborn and would not meekly submit to  oppression.  As early as 1851, M i f f l i n Wistar Gibbs, Jonas P. Town-  send, W.H. Newby and others published i n the A l t a C a l i f o r n i a , a l i s t of resolutions protesting against t h e i r treatment and attempting t o get 14 f u l l r i g h t s of c i t i z e n s h i p . In t h i s same year some of the leading 13 M.W. Gibbs, Shadow and Light, Washington, D.G., n.p., 1902, p. 4 6 . 14 Ibid., p. 49.  20  coloured men i n San Francisco commenced publication of the Mirror of  15 the Times, a .journal dedicated t o obtaining equal r i g h t s f o r a l l . Negro conventions were continually being held at Sacramento where memorials were drawn up to be presented to the l e g i s l a t u r e by white f r i e n d s , but such complaints were generally completely ignored. Another of the many grievances of the coloured people was the compulsory payment of the PoLLJTax, the voter's tax i n C a l i f o r n i a .  They  d i d not object as long as they were to have the franchise, but whenever they t r i e d to exercise that r i g h t they were driven away from the polls.  By t h e i r r e f u s a l t o pay t h i s tax because they were disfranchised  and denied the r i g h t of oath, Lester and Gibbs made a t e s t case of the matter.  The state r e t a l i a t e d by s e i z i n g enough of t h e i r goods to pay  the tax and costs, but when the boots were put up f o r auction, there were no bidders and they were f i n a l l y returned to the owners.  When the  sale was f i r s t advertised, Gibbs published a notice s t a t i n g that even i f t h e i r goods were taken every year, they would never pay the tax.  This  card had the desired e f f e c t , f o r as the coloured men l a t e r learned, a pro-negro southerner mingled with the crowd at the sale, t e l l i n g them i t s purpose and advising them to give the goods a " t e r r i b l e l e t t i n g alone"•  The auctioneer, also f r i e n d l y to the cause, offered the shoes,  winked at the customers, and said "no bidders". This stand taken by Lester and Gibbs was one more step towards the emancipation of the coloured residents of C a l i f o r n i a , f o r although the law regarding the P o l l Tax was never repealed, they were seldom i f ever again forced t o 16 pay i t . !  15 Gibbs, og. c i t . , p. 49. 16 I b i d . , p. 50.  _ o\\-..'.3;'  21 The early months of 1858 brought a series of events h o s t i l e to the interests of C a l i f o r n i a ' s negro population, such as the case of the escaped slave boy Archy Lee, the exclusion of negro children from the public schools and the attempt to pass l e g i s l a t i o n p r o h i b i t i n g negro immigration e n t i r e l y .  These incidents culminated i n the d e c i s i o n of  several hundred coloured people to emigrate to the B r i t i s h colony of Vancouver's Island. The case of Archy Lee, the l a s t and most widely discussed of the C a l i f o r n i a f u g i t i v e slave cases, aroused a great deal of controversy between the pro and anti-slavery groups.  Archy, a nineteen year old  slave, described as"a t o l e r a b l e specimen of a young negro whose blood 17 i s not debased by an admixture of Anglo-Saxon stock," was brought to C a l i f o r n i a i n the spring of 1857 by his master Charles A. S t a v a i l * S t o y a l l claimed.that he had come to C a l i f o r n i a because of his. d e l i c a t e health,and had not intended remaining, i n the state f o r more than 18,,;..:\ months, but he;, was prevented from leaving because h i s oxen were mot;., i n condition t o cross, the mountains again. He s e t t l e d temporarily i n the Carson V a l l e y , but around October 2, 1857, he had taken Archy t o Sacramento -where the slave boy had been hired out while S t o v a l l himself*had opened and taught a private school.  A f t e r two months the school f a i l e d ,  and Archy being taken i l l was no longer able to work.  Dogged by such  misfortunes, S t o v a l l decided t o return t o M i s s i s s i p p i and with t h i s i n mind the negro was placed on board a r i v e r steamer at Sacramento bound f o r San Francisco where he was to be placed i n charge of an agent-to--be returned home*  Before the steamer l e f t however, the boy made h i s escape  and hid i n a negro boarding house. 17 Eaves, op. c i t . . p. 99*  S t o v a l l swore out a warrant"for the  22  arrest of his slave, and a short time l a t e r Archy was captured and placed i n the c i t y prison u n t i l released on a writ of Habeas Corpus  which a  coloured f r i e n d , Charles W. Parker, the proprietor of the Hacket House 18 had wasted no time i n procuring* The case now passed from the j u r i s d i c t i o n of the State Court i n t o the hands of tbe United States Commissioner, George Pen Johnston, who was i n Sacramento at the time, but who refused to give any decision u n t i l he had conferred with Judge M c A l l i s t e r of the U.S. C i r c u i t Court i n San Francisco.  According t o the interpretation of the federal Fugitive Slave  Law i n C a l i f o r n i a , I f a slave should escape from his master while they were merely t r a v e l l i n g through the state and without any intention of taking up permanent residence there, then that slave must be returned t o the master;  i f on the other hand the owner of the slave should take  up permanent residence i n C a l i f o r n i a where slavery was forbidden, then the slave must be freed.  Was S t o v a l l merely passing through the state  or was he a permanent resident?  That was the question before the court.  Judge Robinson's decision was that as the boy had not escaped into the state but had rather been brought there v o l u n t a r i l y and had then escaped, the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850 did not apply to him.  By now the C a l i f o r n i a  law by which Archy could have been quite l e g a l l y returned t o h i s owner, had lapsed, and i t was decided that Archy could not be taken out of the state by f o r c e .  Unhappily f o r the negro boy, the Judge had made public  what his decision would be, an hour before a c t u a l l y g i v i n g i t , which was ample time f o r S t o v a l l t o obtain another warrant of  h i s slave  on the very  moment  f o r the re-arrest  of the negro's  was promptly marched back t o j a i l , and a  writ  18 D a i l y Evening B u l l e t i n . Jan. 11, 1858.  produced  release.  Archy  which had  23 been issued by Justice Bidleman, bringing him to t r i a l before the Supreme Court of C a l i f o r n i a . Judges Terry and Burnett now t r i e d the case, and by ignoring the e x i s t i n g laws, decided i n favour of the master, S t o v a l l .  I t was already  anticipated what the decision of ex-governor Burnett would be. He was a southerner and advocated slavery on every occasion, but h i s reasoning i n t h i s case was rather s t a r t l i n g .  As S t o v a l l was i n poor health and i n  poor f i n a n c i a l circumstances, he said, and as t h i s was the f i r s t case of i t s kind, the law would not be enforced t h i s time.  Judge C.J. Terry  agreed, but both declared quite emphatically that t h i s case was not t o 19 form a precedent.  Needless t o say the decision was r i d i c u l e d , and  with much sarcasm i t was suggested that i n future when a law was broken f o r the f i r s t time, the defendant could not be punished i f he were i n poor health or bankrupt. S t o v a l l now concealed Archy, and i t was some time before i t was discovered that the boy was being held under lock and key i n the San Joaquin County j a i l .  The coloured people once again applied f o r a writ  of Habeas Corpus, but before i t could be served, the negro had been secreted elsewhere u n t i l March 4th when an attempt was made t o take him on board the Orizaba  bound f o r Panama.  In the meantime a warrant  had been made out against S t o v a l l f o r kidnapping the negro, and armed with t h i s as w e l l as a warrant f o r the arrest of the slave, the deputy s h e r i f f and two policemen from San Francisco s a i l e d with the Orizaba u n t i l the ship was opposite Angel Island whence master and slave, accompanied by four companions set out i n a small boat. 19. Ex Parte Archy, 9, C a l i f o r n i a Reports, p.. 147.  When they boarded  24 the steamer they were taken into custody, but not before they had drawn p i s t o l s and had attempted some show of r e s i s t a n c e . The return of the party t o San Francisco s t i r r e d up considerable excitement i n the c i t y and the coloured population turned out en masse as a welcoming committee.  Archy  was the c e l e b r i t y of the moment and the center of a l l attention while on h i s way once again t o the c i t y  jail.  James Riker, the coloured man who had f i l e d the writ of Habeas Corpus by which the boy had been arrested, had also l a i d the charge of kidnapping against S t o v a l l , who he said had refused Archy h i s l i b e r t y . The coloured boy was a f r e e man and not a slave, he claimed, and the 20 white man had broken the laws of the state by keeping him imprisoned. The day following the rescue, notices were posted throughout the c i t y where a l l the negro residents would be sure t o see them: NOTICE There w i l l be a public meeting of the coloured c i t i z e n s of San Francisco t h i s (Friday) evening March 5th, at Zion M.E. Church, P a c i f i c , above Stockton St., t o commence at 8 o'clock. Signed by a Committee. 21 Long before the appointed hour the church was f i l l e d , and the gathering was not e n t i r e l y negro f o r there were many ardent a b o l i t i o n i s t s i n the c i t y who were always ready t o champion the cause of the coloured people.  The meeting was c a l l e d to order, and the chairman advised h i s  audience not to l e t the excitement of the moment lead t o any rash measures which might eventually make t h e i r cause appear r i d i c u l o u s .  A f t e r several  leading negro c i t i z e n s had taken the platform and urged t h e i r fellows t o 20 D a i l y Evening B u l l e t i n . March 6, 1858. 21 Loc. c i t .  25 do nothing that might lose rather than add to the growing public sympathy towards Archy, an appeal was made f o r funds with which t o carry on the f i g h t f o r the coloured boy.  $150.00 was collected from the gather?  ing, and at the same time a committee of seven men and seven women was appointed to canvass f o r further funds. In mid-March the case continued, and although Judge Freelon d i s charged Archy from a r r e s t , he was immediately re-arrested by United States Marshal Solomon.  With t h i s turn of events, the court was f i l l e d with  confusion, and as the boy was l e d away followed by an excited mob,  several  negroes were arrested f o r assault and battery, although no attempts were made t o e f f e c t a rescue.  Through h i s attorneys, Crosby and Tomkins,  Archy now started a counter s u i t against S t o v a l l , claiming $2,500 damages f o r assault and battery and f a l s e imprisonment.  In the meantime the case  dragged wearily on and new evidence was introduced by S t o v a l l s brother, 1  who swore out an a f f i d a v i t s t a t i n g that Archy had attacked a white man i n M i s s i s s i p p i , and had then escaped only to be recaptured i n the T e r r i t o r y of Nebraska.  When examined on the witness stand however, he  changed h i s mind saying that he d i d not know whether ApChy had run away from M i s s i s s i p p i or not, as possibly he had l e f t with the consent of h i s 22 master. Was the boy a f u g i t i v e slave or was he not, continued to be the question u n t i l United States Commissioner, George Pen Johnston handed down the f i n a l decision on A p r i l 6, 1853.  According t o Johnston the  case against the negro was not covered by either the l e t t e r or the s p i r i t 23 of the Fugitive Slave Law,  f o r the evidence c l e a r l y indicated that  Archy had v o l u n t a r i l y come t o C a l i f o r n i a with his master, who having 22 D a i l y Evening B u l l e t i n . March 30, 23 I b i d . . A p r i l 6,  1858.  1858.  26  then gone into business proved that he was not merely passing through the state, but had taken up permanent residence there, and by h i r i n g out the boy and c o l l e c t i n g h i s wages, was p r a c t i s i n g slavery i n the state of C a l i f o r n i a .  Archy went free and the case was concluded on A p r i l 14th,  1858. The coloured people had at l a s t won a v i c t o r y i n the courts of law, but there were other complaints f o r which there seemed t o be no remedy. In February 1858, the Board of Education i n San Francisco held meetings at which i t was decided that no negro children should be permitted to attend the same public schools as white children, and those already i n 24 attendance were t o be removed t o a s p e c i a l school set aside f o r them. It was even suggested that the r u l i n g should apply to those who were as l i t t l e as one-eighth coloured. The Board was by no means unanimous i n i t s decision however, f o r several members d i d not wish to exclude the 25 daughter of Peter Lester  who had been admitted to the High School by  the examining committee.  I t was argued unsuccessfully that exceptions  should be made i n cases such as hers where coloured students were no darker i n complexion than many of t h e i r white classmates. The worst i n s u l t of a l l was Assembly B i l l 339 which was introduced i n March o f 1858 by Assemblyman Warfield i n an e f f o r t t o drive a l l mulattoes and negroes from the state of C a l i f o r n i a .  E n t i t l e d "An Act  to R e s t r i c t and Prevent the Immigration t o and Residence i n t h i s State of Negroes and Mulattoes" i t proposed to transport out of the state a l l such persons who did not leave at once.  The s h e r i f f was t o be author-  ized t o h i r e them out " f o r such reasonable time as s h a l l be necessary t o pay the costs of the conviction and transportation from t h i s State, 24 D a i l y Evening B u l l e t i n . February 10, 18, 1858. 25 See page 61 f o r photographs of Peter Lester and h i s wife.  27 26 before sending such negro or mulatto therefrom."  Furthermore, a l l  coloured people were to be forced to r e g i s t e r and those who d i d not do so were g u i l t y of a misdemeanor as were also a l l white persons found g u i l t y of bringing negroes i n t o the state with the intention of f r e e ing  them.  Fortunately the b i l l was contested, and one assemblyman,  Charles £. De Long, rose and stated that the b i l l "...has become a s t i n k ing  thing....I do not want to vote against a b i l l of t h i s naturej but  I cannot t o l e r a t e t h i s proposition at a l l *  I believe that a negro i s a  human being; I believe that, under the operations of t h i s b i l l , negroes coming i n t o t h i s State may  be made slaves f o r l i f e .  I am i n favor of  the passage of a b i l l which w i l l properly r e s t r i c t the immigration  of  negroes i n t o t h i s State, giving them due notice of i t s existence.  If  they come i n after the passage of such a law, we may hang, or do  any  other reasonable thing with them (laughter); but I am most decidedly opposed to making slaves of them i n t h i s way.  I consider t h i s b i l l  one  of the most outrageous t y r r a n i c a l propositions I ever heard of i n my 27 life." The b i l l f i n a l l y passed both houses i n s p i t e of long and 28 b i t t e r opposition, but not being pressed, i t d i d not become law. Such l e g i s l a t i o n would have prevented the coloured people of the state from purchasing members of t h e i r f a m i l i e s s t i l l i n slavery and bringing them to t h e i r new homes.  In any case t h i s law was f e l t to be quite un-  26 C a r l I. Wheat, ed., " C a l i f o r n i a ' s Bantam Cock - The Journals of Charles E. DeLong, 1854-1863," Quarterly of the C a l i f o r n i a H i s t o r i c a l Society, v o l . IX, no. 2, June 1930, pp. 281-2, footnote 87. 27 Loc. c i t . 28 Assembly Journal 1858, v o l . IV, p. 244.  408, 462, c i t e d i n T.H. H i t t e l l , og. c i t . ,  28  necessary f o r during the previous year hardly twenty-four negroes had 29 a r r i v e d i n C a l i f o r n i a from the f r e e states,  and these were among the  most t h r i f t y and industrious i n the country, f o r only a s e l e c t few could bear the expense or had the i n i t i a t i v e t o make the long and dangerous journey.  At a meeting held i n Zion Church on the day o f Archy s release, 1  i t was declared that "...they [would] not be degraded by the enactment of such an unjust and unnecessary law against them by t h e i r own (American) 30 countrymen,"  and the suggestion was put f o r t h that they emigrate to  Vancouver's Island or t o Sonora i n Mexico, f o r the purpose of founding a permanent home f o r themselves on the P a c i f i c coast. The following evening a second meeting was held at which Archy was presented, amid much cheering and speech-making, t o an audience of f i v e hundred people, and a f t e r i t was announced that there was s t i l l a $400.00 d e f i c i t i n the "Archy Fund," and that contributions would be i n order, a hymn was sung e s p e c i a l l y f o r the occasion: THE YEAR OF ARCHY LEE Blow ye the trumpet! BlowI The gladly solemn sound, Let a l l the nations know To earth's remotest bound The year of Archy Lee i s come, Return, ye ransomed S t o v a l l , home. Exalt the Lamb of GodI The sin-atoning Lamb; Redemption f o r His blood Through a l l the land proclaim. The year of Archy Lee i s come, Return, ye ransomed S t o v a l l , home. Ye slaves of s i n and h e l l , Your l i b e r t y receive; And safe i n Jesus dwell, And b l e s t i n Jesus l i v e , The year of Archy Lee i s come Return, ye ransomed S t o v a l l , home. 29 D a i l y Evening B u l l e t i n . A p r i l 15, 1858. 30 Loc. c i t .  29 The gospel trumpet hear The news of pardoning grace; Ye happy should draw near Behold your Saviour's face. The year of Archy Lee i s come, Return, ye ransomed S t o v a l l , home. r  Ik  The money flowed i n during the singing, and when contributions began to abate another song encouraged further donations: A SONG OF PRAISE For the Benefit of Those Named Therein Sound the glad t i d i n g s o'er land and o'er sea Our people have triumphed and Archy i s f r e e ! Sing, f o r the pride of the tyrant i s broken. The decision of Burnett and Terry reversed. How v a i n was t h e i r boasting! Their plans so soon broken; Archy's f r e e and S t o v a l l i s brought t o the dust. Praise to the Judges and praise to the lawyers1 Freedom was t h e i r object arid that they obtained. S t o v a l l was shown i t was time t o be moving; He l e f t on the steamer t o l a y deeper plans. But there was a Baker, a Crosby, and Tompkins, Before Pen Johnston and d i d plead f o r the man.  While the negroes were having t h e i r problems i n C a l i f o r n i a , James Douglas, the governor of the B r i t i s h colony of Vancouver's Island was a l s o faced with a d i f f i c u l t s i t u a t i o n , f o r he had been instructed to provide accommodation f o r seven o f f i c e r s and t h i r t y N.C^O.'s and  men  who were coming to j o i n a s i m i l a r party from the United States f o r the purpose of l a y i n g out a boundary l i n e between the two countries. fortunately  the Governor was  forced to report to the C o l o n i a l O f f i c e  that there were no labourers a v a i l a b l e to construct a barracks: I have moreover to communicate f o r your information that the f l o a t i n g population of t h i s Colony have, with very few ex^ceptions, wandered o f f to the newly discovered gold diggings at Thompson's River, and there w i l l therefore be great d i f 31 D a i l y Evening B u l l e t i n . A p r i l 16, 32 L b c ^ c i t .  Un-  1858.  i/"  30  f i c u l t y , unless the mines prove a f a i l u r e , i n engaging l o c a l white labor. Indian labourers can however be engaged i n any number required though i t would not be advisable t o employ a large proportion of that class of labourers, as they are a rather unruly f o r c e , r e q u i r i n g very close and constant superintendence*  Douglas would undoubtedly receive the C a l i f o r n i a newspapers and would be quite aware o f the discontent among the negro population there* Here was a labour force available f o r the asking*  Why not contact  Captain Jeremiah Nagle, master of the ship Commodore, and ask him t o extend an i n v i t a t i o n t o the coloured people t o come t o V i c t o r i a t o e s t a b l i s h t h e i r homes? Jeremiah Nagle, a frequent v i s i t o r to V i c t o r i a and well-known t o Governor Douglas, was i n San Francisco at the time, so i t comes as no surprise t o f i n d him at Zion Church when the coloured people assembled i-" f o r t h e i r t h i r d meeting.  S i t t i n g on the platform with h i s maps and  charts o f Vancouver's Island, he was prepared t o answer any questions that the would-be c o l o n i s t s might care t o ask. i n r a p i d succession. i s the Island?  The questions followed  What i s the climate l i k e ?  What degree of l a t i t u d e  By whom i s i t governed l o c a l l y ?  The captain had a ready  answer f o r everyone, as he had recently received a l e t t e r from V i c t o r i a from a "gentleman i n the service of the Hudson ( s i c ) Bay Company of 34 undoubted v e r a c i t y " giving a l l the l a t e s t d e t a i l s . The gentleman was 35 probably the Governor of the colony himself. 33 James Douglas t o Benjamin Hawes, Esqr., 7th A p r i l , 1858, i n Vancouver Island Miscellaneous L e t t e r s , June 22, 1850 t o March 5. 1859. 31 D a i l y A l t a C a l i f o r n i a . A p r i l 15. 1858. 35 References mentioning the f a c t that i t was Governor Douglas who sent Captain Nagle to i n v i t e the negroes t o come t o V i c t o r i a are t o be found i n the V i c t o r i a B a i l y Press. Nov. 19. 1861: Letter signed "Monitor," and i n D e l i l a h H. Beasley, The Negro T r a i l Blazers of C a l i f o r n i a . Los Angeles, C a l i f o r n i a , 1919, p. 263.  31 Only one man had any objection t o the choice of the Island as a future home. He d i d not think the climate would s u i t the p h y s i c a l constitutions of the coloured people; neither d i d he quite understand the methods employed by the Hudson's Bay Company nor whether t h e i r r u l e extended over the e n t i r e Island.  He feared that the coloured people would not l i k e  the Company, and i f the founding of a settlement was t o become a necessity, he favoured Sonora i n Mexico* for  I f the object i n going north was t o hunt  gold rather than t o found a permanent settlement, then he would have 36  nothing t o say i n opposition.  In r e p l y , the chairman of the meeting  said that they would discuss the advantages and disadvantages of the B r i t i s h possession f i r s t , and that they would consider the p o s s i b i l i t y of going t o Sonora some other time*  As pointed out i n the D a i l y A l t a  C a l i f o r n i a . Sonora would have been a very poor choice, f o r eventually i t was almost c e r t a i n t o become an i n t e g r a l part of the United States and the pioneers who would go there f i r s t would be the same type as were 37 already found i n C a l i f o r n i a .  This being the case, the negroes would  s t i l l have the same problems with which t o contend. The p o s s i b i l i t y of going t o Central America had also been discussed, and a l e t t e r had been sent t o General Bosques, the coloured president of the Senate of Panama, enquiring as to how the coloured people would be received there. His very favourable r e p l y d i d not arrive u n t i l mid38 July however,  and by that time the decision had been made i n favour  of Vancouver Island, and i n f a c t the f i r s t group of negro colonists had already a r r i v e d i n V i c t o r i a . 36 D a i l y Evening B u l l e t i n . A p r i l 17, 1858. 37 D a i l y A l t a C a l i f o r n i a . A p r i l 16, 1858. 38 I b i d * , July 23, 1858.  32  Although the D a l l y Evening B u l l e t i n predicted that nothing would come o f these meetings held i n the l i t t l e church on Stockton Street, nevertheless on A p r i l 19th, the coloured c i t i z e n s gathered once again t o make further plans f o r the mass exodus, and t o say good-bye to the advance  39 party of s i x t y - f i v e  who had registered t o leave the following afternoon  on board the Commodore f o r the northern colony. I t was not only t h i s handful o f negroes who were t o s a i l on the Commodore on A p r i l 20th, f o r such extravagant claims had been made i n the press regarding the gold discoveries  on the Eraser River, that the  rush t o the diggings was about t o begin i n earnest.  Captain Nagle had  U  given such e x c i t i n g accounts of the wealth t o be had that his vessel was overloaded with passengers bound f o r the mines. By four o'clock i n the afternoon on the day the steamer was t o leave f o r Puget Sound and V i c t o r i a , Montgomery Street i n San Francisco was as deserted as on a Sunday afternoon.  The curious had been attracted  t o the P a c i f i c and Folsom Street wharves where the ships Golden Age. Commodore and Columbia were a l l embarking passengers f o r the north. Representatives from the competing companies had stationed themselves at the heads of the wharves proclaiming the advantages v e s s e l and the disadvantages  of the others.  Orange and apple vendors,  newsboys and book-sellers mingled with the crowd. as 5.30, the hour of departure approached.  of t h e i r own  Excitement  increased  During the afternoon pas-  sengers had been squeezing t h e i r way on board the Commodore, dressed i n the usual rough miner's garb and loaded with blankets, canteens, t i n pots, 39 Although t h i s may have been the number who r e g i s t e r e d , as reported i n the D a i l y Evening B u l l e t i n . A p r i l 21, 1858, probably only t h i r t y - f i v e a c t u a l l y s a i l e d on the Commodore. This i s the f i g u r e recorded i n the d i a r y of the Rev. Edward Cridge shortly a f t e r he v i s i t e d the new a r r i v a l s i n V i c t o r i a . The D a i l y A l t a C a l i f o r n i a . A p r i l 20, 1858 gives the highly exaggerated f i g u r e o f 150.  33 miner's wash-pans, picks, spades, firearms, and some who had formed companies had even purchased whale boats which were stowed on the decks. A considerable crowd had been attracted a l l day by a map River posted on the starboard side of the a f t e r cabin.  of the Fraser At 5s30 the  gangplanks were hauled i n , and as f r i e n d s on the wharf shouted to those on board t o "write sure," the Commodore drew away from the wharf and headed out to sea, carrying the f i r s t load of adventurers  to the  new E l Dorado, and the f i r s t party of negro immigrants t o Vancouver 40 Island. The San Francisco D a i l y Evening B u l l e t i n carried a very touching and f i t t i n g e d i t o r i a l comment on the negro exodus: A l l t h i s puts one i n mind of the Pilgrims, and the address of pastor Robinson, when those adventurers embarked f o r t h e i r new homes across the seas. When the colored people get t h e i r "poet", he w i l l no doubt sing of these scenes which are passing around us almost unheeded, and the day when colored people f l e d persecution i n C a l i f o r n i a , may yet be celebrated i n story. This i s an important epoch f o r t h i s class of our inhabitants. The s i x t y - f i v e yesterday went o f f i n the Commodore and are now pushing up towards the north, bearing t h e i r l a r e s and penates to found new homes. I t i s said that i f the attempt to make a settlement on Vancouver's Island should prove abortive, a number who favour P. Anderson's proposition f o r a settlement i n Sonora, Mexico, w i l l make an attempt i n that d i r e c t i o n . Whatever may be t h e i r destiny, we hope the colored people may do w e l l .  With t h i s advance party of negroes were Mercier, Richard  and  Moses, who had been appointed as a delegation to interview the Governor. Within two weeks a f t e r t h e i r a r r i v a l i n V i c t o r i a , Mercier had returned to San Francisco, and at another meeting at Zion Church, read h i s report along with l e t t e r s from the other members of the committee, to the exc i t e d gathering of three hundred and f i f t y persons.  40 D a i l y A l t a C a l i f o r n i a . A p r i l 21, 41 D a i l y Evening B u l l e t i n . A p r i l 21,  1858. 1858  The report was more  than merely favourable, i t was  almost more than the coloured people could  b e l i e v e , f o r t h e i r persecuted race had been welcomed h e a r t i l y to the land of "freedom and humanity" and t h e i r representatives had found themselves quite at ease i n the presence of Governor Douglas, whose grace and dig-^ 42 n i t y made the interview very cheerful and agreeable. The delegates reported that they cbuld purchase land i n the colony at the r a t e of twenty s h i l l i n g s per acre (actually t h i s was an exorbitant p r i c e at that period), but that the down payment was the balance was  only one f o u r t h , and that  to be paid i n four annual instalments.  Interest of 5% 43 must be paid on the amount owing, but there was no tax on the land. They understood that anyone holding land a f t e r nine months had the r i g h t t o vote, to s i t on j u r i e s , and t o be protected by a l l the laws; but before they could claim a l l the r i g h t s of B r i t i s h subjects, they must l i v e i n the colony f o r seven years and take the oath of a l l e g i a n c e . A l e t t e r was  also read at t h i s meeting from Wellington Delaney Moses, one of  the Pioneer Committee, describing h i s adopted country i n a highly commendatory manner: To describe the beauty of the country my pen cannot do i t . I t i s one of the most b e a u t i f u l l y l e v e l towns that I was ever i n . . . . I consider V i c t o r i a to be one of the garden spots of t h i s world.... The climate i s most beautiful? the strawberry vines and peach trees are i n f u l l blow. ...there are two churches and two schools. The Protestant school i s taught by an educated Indian. A l l the colored man wants here i s a b i l i t y and money....it i s a God-sent land f o r the colored people.  J /  The negroes, excited over the prospect of t h e i r new home, held another meeting the following week, at which i t was proposed to form a company of one hundred persons from among themselves, from which they 42 D a i l y Evening B u l l e t i n . May 7,  1858.  43 No tax was l e v i e d on r e a l estate u n t i l 1860 44 D a i l y Evening B u l l e t i n . May 7,  1858.  35 would choose nine to act as a Board of Managers, along with a President, , , v  Treasurer and Secretary.  Members were to pay $25*00 each to the Secretary,,  which would be deposited i n some bank by the Treasurer, and as soon as $2500.00 had accumulated, a ship was  to be chartered, large enough  transport the entire party along with t h e i r household possessions provisions.  to  ^  and  After t h e i r a r r i v a l i n V i c t o r i a , the company would be d i s -  solved and the i n d i v i d u a l s e t t l e r s would then be on t h e i r own  resources.  Before the meeting was adjourned, twelve resolutions were read, preceded by the following preamble: Whereas, We are f u l l y convinced that the continued aim of the s p i r i t and p o l i c y of our mother country, i s to oppress, degrade and outrage us. We have therefore determined to seek an asylum i n the land of strangers from the oppression, prejudice and r e l e n t l e s s persecution that have pursued us f o r more than two centuries i n t h i s our mother country. Therefore a delegation having been sent t o Vancouver's Island, a place which has unfolded to us i n our darkest hour, the prospect of a bright future; to t h i s place of B r i t i s h possession, the delegation having ascertained and reported the cond i t i o n , character, and i t s s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l p r i v i l e g e s and i t s l i v i n g resources. This mission i n the highest degree creditable, they have f u l f i l l e d and rendered the most f l a t t e r i n g accounts to t h e i r constituents i n t h e i r report; i n view of which i t may be r e solved as follows: ^ The resolutions themselves expressed appreciation f o r the work of the delegation t o V i c t o r i a , f o r the kindness of the Governor, and f o r the f r i e n d l y reception accorded them by the Reverend Edward Cridge. again any who wished to emigrate were advised to invest i n l a n d .  Once It  was also decided that copies of the resolutions should be d i s t r i b u t e d throughout the state f o r the signatures of any other negroes outside of San Francisco, who might wish to j o i n the exodus.  Upon a r r i v a l i n  ^  V i c t o r i a i t was resolved to avoid a l l s o c i a l d i s t i n c t i o n s such as coloured churches, coloured schools and coloured associations such as they had 45 D a i l y Evening B u l l e t i n . May 12,  1858.  36  been forced to adopt i n the United States because of the prejudice against t h e i r race. The day following t h i s meeting, the African Methodist Episcopal ministers of San Francisco held t h e i r own convention at which the migration was discussed. They f e l t that just when they were asking themselves "Where s h a l l we go?" God had himself come t o t h e i r a i d and had opened the door f o r them.  I t was resolved:  That i n the opinion of t h i s convention we deem i t expedient t o c a l l upon our people throughout C a l i f o r n i a i n p a r t i c u l a r , and the A t l a n t i c States i n general, to save a l l the money they can and prepare themselves to emigrate to a country where the color of ^/ t h e i r skin w i l l not be considered a crime and where they can i n f i n e , enjoy a l l the r i g h t s and p r i v i l e g e s which w i l l alone make them a great and mighty people.  £6  So began the movement that brought three or four hundred negro  ^  47 families to Vancouver Island.  For many i t was to become the scene  of tragedy rather than the haven they had been l e d to expect; others prospered and were better able to e s t a b l i s h themselves when they r e turned to the United States a f t e r emancipation; s t i l l others found the province e n t i r e l y to t h e i r l i k i n g , and with t h e i r families spent the remainder of t h e i r l i v e s there. The genuine thankfulness of the coloured people toward t h e i r benefactors i n the B r i t i s h colony was expressed i n a poem by P r i s c i l l a Stewart, a C a l i f o r n i a negress who regarded the i n v i t a t i o n t o Vancouver Island as having been extended by Queen V i c t o r i a  46 D a i l y Evening B u l l e t i n . May 13, 47 M.W.  Gibbs, op. c l t . . p. 63.  1858.  herself:  37 A Voice From the Oppressed to the Friends of Humanity Composed by one of the s u f f e r i n g c l a s s . Mrs. P r i s c i l l a Stewart Look and behold our sad despair Our hopes and prospects f l e d , The tyrant slavery entered here, And l a i d us a l l f o r dead. Sweet home I When s h a l l we f i n d a home? I f the tyrant says that we must go The love of gain the reason, And i f humanity dare say "No". Then they are t r i e d f o r treason. God bless the Queen's majesty, Her sceptre and her throne, She looked on us with sympathy And offered us a home. 48  Far better breathe Canadian a i r Where a l l are f r e e and w e l l , Than l i v e i n slavery's atmosphere And wear the chains of h e l l . Farewell to our native land, We must wave the parting hand, Never t o see thee any more, But seek a foreign land. Farewell to our true f r i e n d s , Who've suffered dungeon and death. Who have a claim upon our gratitude Whilst God s h a l l lend us breath. May God i n s p i r e your hearts, A Marion r a i s e your hands; Never desert your p r i n c i p l e s U n t i l you've redeemed your land.  42 48 The colonies of Vancouver Island and B r i t i s h Columbia were not at t h i s period part of Canada. 49 D e l i l a h Beasley, o£. c i t . , p.  263.  38  CHAPTER I I I  VICTORIA'S NEGRO COLONY A f t e r the Commodore had set out from San Francisco on A p r i l 20, 1858, carrying several hundred miners bound f o r the gold f i e l d s as w e l l as the small advance party of negroes on t h e i r way t o e s t a b l i s h new homes on Vancouver Island, i t was discovered that there was a large number of white stowaways and rowdies on board, many of whom had no money and not the s l i g h t e s t i n t e n t i o n of paying t h e i r passage.  Fights were  common occurrences among them, and trunks and supplies were frequently broken i n t o .  On occasion the trouble-makers made l i f e unpleasant f o r 1 the coloured passengers by kicking over t h e i r pans of food.  The Commodore  1 D a i l y A l t a C a l i f o r n i a . May 6, 1858  39  On A p r i l 25th, the ship steamed into the harbour at V i c t o r i a , and so thankful were some of the negroes f o r t h e i r safe a r r i v a l that upon land2 ing, they f e l l on t h e i r knees and asked blessings on t h i s land of freedom. At f i r s t the townspeople were somewhat h o s t i l e towards the newcomers, who,  armed as they were with revolvers and bowie knives, had the appear-  ance of an invading army*  Once the miners started spending t h e i r money  f r e e l y however, the permanent residents regarded them with a more kindly eye, immediately r a i s i n g the p r i c e of the foodstuffs stored i n t h e i r 3 larders.  Almost at once the t h i r t y - f i v e coloured men  formed a mess  f o r themselves, at Laing's the meeting, carpenter's, where within an hour ofs e tt ht el ii rn g a temporarily r r i v a l they held a prayer singing  4 hymns and thanking God f o r t h e i r health and safety.  2 John Sebastion Helmcken, Reminiscences of John Sebastion Helmcken, v o l . 1, p. 182, B.C. P r o v i n c i a l Archives. (Transcript). ;/ • -  1892,  3 In h i s despatch to the Colonial Secretary, Governor Douglas ment i o n s the a r r i v a l of the Commodore, but makes no reference to the negro passengers on board. Douglas to Labouchere, May 8th, 1858, i n Vancouver Island Letters to the Secretary of State, 10th Dec. 1855 to 6th June 1859: On the 25th of l a s t month the American Steamer "Commodore'' arrived i n t h i s Port, d i r e c t from San Francisco, with 450 passengers on board, the chief part of whom are gold miners, f o r the "Couteau" country. Nearly 400 of those men were landed at t h i s place, and have since l e f t i n boats and canoes f o r Fraser*s River. I ascertained through i n q u i r i e s on the subject that those men are a l l well provided with mining t o o l s , and that there was no dearth of c a p i t a l or i n t e l l i g e n c e among them. About 60 B r i t i s h subjects, with an equal number of native born Americans, the r e s t being c h i e f l y Germans, with a smaller proportion of Frenchmen and I t a l i a n s composed t h i s body of adventurers. 4 D a i l y A l t a C a l i f o r n i a . May 6,  1858.  40 The following afternoon the Reverend Edward Cridge and h i s wife were drinking tea at the home of Mrs. Blinkhorn, and during the course of the conversation t h e i r hostess mentioned the a r r i v a l of the negroes the previous day, and of hearing them singing hymns and worshipping  God.  Cridge was n a t u r a l l y impressed, and the next morning paid them a v i s i t . The coloured men were very pleased to receive him and r e a d i l y t o l d t h e i r l i f e s t o r i e s and spoke of the conditions i n C a l i f o r n i a that had forced them to leave.  Edward Cridge was most f r i e n d l y and promised t o 5  do everything possible t o be of assistance t o them. Crowded steamers arrived every few days bringing more negro immigrants and miners from C a l i f o r n i a .  Other thousands of adventurers also arrived  from Oregon, Washington, Minnesota and Utah*  In four months i t i s  estimated that 20,000 human beings from every l e v e l of society completely overwhelmed the few o r i g i n a l inhabitants of the f u r trading settlement. At the end of A p r i l , the town had presented a very picturesque and peaceful appearance, i t s stump studded f i e l d s dotted with simple whitewashed cottages with crooked chimneys. settlement was hardly recognizable.  S i x weeks l a t e r the l i t t l e  New buildings, some l i t t l e better  than shanties, had been erected on the recently surveyed s t r e e t s ; tents of a l l shapes and sizes and of a l l materials were scattered about the outskirts and upon the h i l l s i d e s and i n the evenings the miners gathered 6 before them, s i t t i n g around the campfires to t a l k and sing and reminisce. Coffee stands were everywhere, and Indians padded through the streets and encampments s e l l i n g clams.  Trade flourished i n the boom town, and  anyone who had brought extra supplies from C a l i f o r n i a could r e a d i l y 5 See appendix "C . Complete entries from the Cridge D i a r i e s having reference to the a r r i v a l of the negroes. n  6 Kinahan Cornwall!s, The New E l Dorado; or B r i t i s h Columbia* London, Thomas Cautley Newby, 1858, pp. 270-273*  u s e l l them at many times t h e i r o r i g i n a l value.  The only s t a b i l i z i n g i n -  fluence was  the Hudson's Bay Company whose prices were generally lower 7 than those of the speculators. In the streets was the almost never ending din of construction work; new  buildings appeared d a i l y ; the cost  of labour mounted, and so d i d the p r i c e of town l o t s .  VIKW~OF  VICTORIA,  VANCOUVER  ISLAND.  .11 L Y . " i f  Following the advice they had been given before leaving C a l i f o r n i a , many of the negro s e t t l e r s invested i n r e a l estate with the fortunate r e s u l t that some became comparatively  wealthy when the gold-rush reached  i t s peak and property i n V i c t o r i a sold at a premium.  The  regulations  governing the sale of land on Vancouver Island were explained  by  Governor Douglas i n one of his despatches: A l l public land i n Vancouver's Island i s sold by the Colonial Surveyor i n the public o f f i c e s of the Colony at the f i x e d Government p r i c e of 20 s h i l l i n g s an acre, and no change has up to t h i s day, been made; neither has the Governor any authority to a l t e r that standard p r i c e . 7 Cornwallis, op_. c i t . . p.  291.  42  In no Instance have Town or suburban l o t s been sold by the Colonial Government f o r the reason that the Colonization law of Vancouver's Island, provides that no grant of land s h a l l contain less than 20 acres. Tracts of d i f f e r e n t sizes have been offered f o r sale by i n d i v i d u a l proprietors of land i n t h i s Colony and the Hudson's Bay Company to meet the public demand, have s o l d a few suburban, and a great number of Town l o t s near Fort V i c t o r i a , where they hold about 1200 acres of land belonging to t h e i r Fur Trade concern. The Hudson's Bay Company have always sold suburban l o t s , consisting of 5 acres of land at the rate of £25 each l o t ; and Town l o t s measuring 120 x 60 f e e t , at f i r s t sold f o r £10-8-4, have now (^October 1858} r i s e n to £20-16-8 a l o t .  As the population swelled and choice s i t e s became scarce, speculation was i n e v i t a b l e . Town l o t s 60 by 120 f e e t , that had been sold by the Company f o r f i f t y and seventy-five d o l l a r s , were resold a month afterwards at prices varying from f i f t e e n hundred to three thousand d o l l a r s , and more. Amongst others, one h a l f of a f i f t y d o l l a r corner l o t , the whole of which had been offered successively f o r 250, 500, 750, and 1000 d o l l a r s , and f i n a l l y sold f o r 1100 d o l l a r s , was r e s o l d a f o r t n i g h t a f t e r wards, that i s to say the h a l f of i t , f o r 5000 d o l l a r s . Old town l o t s , w e l l situated brought any p r i c e , and frontages of 20 and 50 f e e t , by 60 deep, rented from 250 to 400 d o l l a r s per month.  2 When M i f f l i n Gibbs a r r i v e d from San Francisco i n June of 1858, he intended t o buy two or three l o t s which he had heard could be purchased for  $100 each, but unfortunately that day had already passed.  Now the  land o f f i c e was closed, not only because a l l the surveyed l o t s had already been sold, but because i n the rush of purchasers the b u i l d i n g had been so damaged that i t was now i n need of extensive r e p a i r s . In 8 Governor James Douglas t o S i r E. Bulwer Lytton, Oct. 13, 1858, i n Vancouver Island Letters to the Secretary of State, 10 Dec. 1855 to 6 June 1859. * !  9 A l f r e d Waddington, The Fraser Mines Vindicated, or The History of Four Months, V i c t o r i a , 1858, p. 19.  43 the meantime the e a r l i e r buyers who were the only ones with property to s e l l , began asking highly i n f l a t e d p r i c e s .  The day a f t e r h i s a r r i v a l ,  Gibbs paid $100 on account on a l o t and house, the price of which was to be $3,000, with $1,400 to be paid i n two weeks and the remainder within s i x months.  Before buying the property he had c a r e f u l l y c a l -  culated the cost of a l t e r a t i o n s , and the r e n t a l value once such changes were carried out.  By doing the carpenter work himself, the  investment  proved a p r o f i t a b l e one, f o r within twenty days he had not only supplied accommodation f o r the firm of Lester and Gibbs, but had rented the r e 10 mainder of the property f o r $500 monthly. I f Gibbs  1  investment proved so p r o f i t a b l e , when he was a r e l a t i v e l y  l a t e comer, how much more so must have been the purchases of the f i r s t negroes who arrived when town l o t s were sold f o r $50.00 each, with a ^ maximum of s i x to a customer.  Some of the coloured pioneers had even  b u i l t houses on t h e i r lands and rented them t o the l a t e a r r i v a l s , i n 11 eluding the Bishop of B r i t i s h Columbia himself.  - 0 THE NEGRO SOCIETY The structure of the negro s o c i e t y i n V i c t o r i a was very s i m i l a r to that of the white society and the one does not appear to have been i n f e r i o r i n any way to the other.  A l l types and classes were represented  i n the negro community, ranging from the well-bred mulatto merchants, some of whom had been educated i n the north and had never known slavery, to the sometimes crude and i l l i t e r a t e f u l l blooded ex-slaves only r e 10 M.W. Gibbs, Shadow and Light. Washington, D.C., 1902, pp. 61-62. 11 Columbia Mission, Occasional Paper, London, Rivington, June I860, p. 13.  44 cently released from servitude. The places of b i r t h of the negro colonists, were as diverse as t h e i r shades of colouring, and although the impression i s that the majority were born i n Missouri and V i r g i n i a , others came from the northern states, as w e l l as from Scotland, Ireland, L i b e r i a , Trinidad and Jamaica. One who said he was born i n England, claimed that h i s father had fought 12 at Trafalgar.  Many who were B r i t i s h subjects by b i r t h considered  themselves somewhat superior t o the American born negroes, and sometimes resented the attempts of the l a t t e r t o become naturalized subjects of the Queen. While many of V i c t o r i a ' s coloured colonists were of very l i m i t e d i n t e l l i g e n c e , others were on the l e v e l of the best thinkers i n the settlement, and on occasion proved themselves so by the eloquent speeches they made from the public platformj too often however t h e i r choice of language and subject matter were signs o f mere a f f e c t a t i o n .  Generally  they were a quiet and reserved people, but perhaps as a reaction t o t h e i r background of slavery, they could on occasion become overly f a m i l i a r .  A  few affected such a i r s of d i g n i t y as t o appear r i d i c u l o u s , always addressing one another as "Mr." and whenever possible wearing black coats with 13 gold studs and watch chains. A l l degrees of morality were t o be found i n the community, f o r there were negroes who would not even attend the theatres because they were members of a church, and at the other extreme came the frequenters of the squaw brothels on Cormorant Street, who made and sold whiskey t o 12 Colonist. Jan. 10, I860. 13 Commander R.C. Mayne, R.N., F.R.G.S., Four Years i n B r i t i s h Columbia and Vancouver Island. London, John Murray, 1862, pp. 351-2.  45 the Indians, and were continually reported i n the newspapers f o r being drunk and d i s o r d e r l y .  As i n any large community, the negro society i n  V i c t o r i a had i t s share of degenerate and criminal types, yet the crimes f o r which they appeared i n p o l i c e court during the period under consideration were not excessive i n number and many were of a very minor 14 nature.  The impression i s that t h e i r criminal record was no worse  than that of the white population. 15 A large number of the coloured pioneers were mulattoes,  and  intermarriage between negroes and whites and negroes and Indians, produced an increasing p a r t l y coloured population i n the town.  Matthew  Macfie comments on the various marital combinations to be found there: Among the many remarkable matrimonial a l l i a n c e s t o be met with, I have known Europeans married t o pure squaws, Indian half-breeds and Mulatto females r e s p e c t i v e l y . One case has come under my observation of a negro married t o a white woman. A gentleman of large property, reported to be of Mulatto o r i g i n , i s married t o a half-breed Indian. From these heterogeneous unions, and from i l l i c i t commerce between the various races just enumerated, i t i s evident that our population cannot escape the i n f u s i o n of a considerable hybrid o f f s p r i n g . 16 Intermarriage does not appear to have been welcomed s o c i a l l y by either whites or blacks, and problems sometimes arose such as the following, which gives some i n s i g h t into the character of the lower class negro: A Rumpus Among The Negroes Yesterday morning Timothy Roberts, a negro drayman, appeared i n court to answer a charge of using disgusting language towards a buxom negress, named Elizabeth Leonard. Roberts came i n t o court with h i s wife, a diminutive Irishwoman, who stood by her husband's . s i d e during the investigation, and prompted him occasionally as he made h i s defence. 14 See appendix "D". Table of punishable offences committed by negroes i n V i c t o r i a , 1858-1871. 15 The term mulatto i s here used t o designate a l l persons of negrowhite blood. 16 Matthew Macfie, Vancouver Island and B r i t i s h Columbia. London, Longman, Green, Longman, Roberts & Green, 1865, pp. 378-9.  46  Mrs. Leonard said that l a s t Sunday morning some of her chickens got over into Roberts yard, and that R. wrung t h e i r necks, and used i n s u l t i n g language, c a l l i n g her a "black ," e t c . 1  A witness, c a l l e d t o substantiate Mrs. L., t e s t i f i e d that she saw Roberts twist the necks of the chickens, and Mrs. Leonard said to him, "That i s an u n l i b e r a l , unchristianized act." Roberts s a i d , "Git out, you black - — , " and t o l d her to do something vulgar. The Judge asked Roberts what he had to say f o r himself? Roberts—You see, Judge, t h i s 'ere woman, and a l l the other colored f o l k s , i s down on my wife because she's I r i s h . I can't help i t because she's I r i s h — ' t a i n t my f a u l t . (Sensation i n court, and s l i g h t hissing.) They c a l l s my wife I r i s h , and keeps a using i n s u l t i n g language torrads t s i c ] her whenever she goes i n the yard, and says I'm a nadgey-headed nigger. Mrs. Roberts—Your honor. I want pertection; but I suppose I must put up with undecent remarks because I l i v e s i n a low neighborhood. I am rebuked and r e v i l e d every time I go i n t o the yard. The Judge—Well. Roberts, you w i l l have t o f i n d two sureties i n £20 each t o be of good behavior i n future, or i n default suffer one month's imprisonment. The negro, c l o s e l y followed by h i s white wife, was then l e d o f f t o prison, grumbling at his hard streak of luck. We learn that he afterwards furnished the bonds and was set a t l i b e r t y . 12 The coloured pioneers i n V i c t o r i a f i t t e d themselves i n t o the l i f e of t h e i r adopted community to a remarkable degree.  They were p a r t i c u l a r l y  active i n c o l o n i a l p o l i t i c s and some even ran f o r public o f f i c e .  Their  children were educated with the white children o f the town, and some  ^  parents who were f i n a n c i a l l y able, even sent t h e i r sons back t o Oberlin, Ohio t o attend school.  An attempt at l e a s t was made to s t a r t a l i b r a r y ,  and t o r a i s e funds f o r i t , an exhibition was given by the negro children 18 i n Pioneer H a l l .  There were even negro Masons i n V i c t o r i a during the i/  c o l o n i a l period, and i n 1871, M.A. Phipps was appointed D i s t r i c t Deputy 17 Colonist. Sept. 20, I860. 18 D a i l y Chronicle. Feb. 26, 1866.  47 19 Grand Master of the coloured Masons of B r i t i s h Columbia.  Throughout  the period the negro colonists were kept well informed about conditions among t h e i r people i n the United States by the two negro newspapers, the Elevator and the P a c i f i c Appeal, both from San Francisco. agents and correspondents  Each had  i n V i c t o r i a , New Westminster, and i n the Cariboo.  - 0 OCCUPATIONS  The negroes who  f i r s t arrived i n the colony had no d i f f i c u l t y at  a l l i n f i n d i n g employment, and when they v i s i t e d the farms around the settlement, were quite pleased when they were well received and given 20 a l l the milk they could drink to quench t h e i r t h i r s t . was  ^  Farm labour  scarce f o r the mines were proving too strong a l u r e f o r transient  workers.  Augustus Pemberton recorded i n h i s d i a r y the work done on h i s  farm by coloured men during the weeks following the a r r i v a l of the f i r s t party: A p r i l 29 - Three blk men commenced s p l i t i n g ( s i c ) r a i l s |2.50 for 10 f t $3 f o r 15 f t per 100.... May 1 - Two blacks s p l i t r a i l s today.... May 7 - Another blk man came t o work. May 12 - Blk man cleaned sheep f o l d . May 13 - Two blks grubbed bushes per acre. May 18 - Old black man repaired fence of the lawn. May 19 - Old blk man absent. May 21 - Two blkmen, 3-1/2 Indians, 1 boy, 1 woman shore 103 sheep and attended them. May 22 - Paid the old Blkman $4* May 25 - Sold a black hog t o one of the black men f o r £4«... Lodged the £4 i n store and drew $2 to pay black man 5 days work c u t t i n g sheep, etc. 21 19 Colonist, August 16,  1871.  20 D a i l y Evening B u l l e t i n , May 7, 21 Augustus F. Pemberton, Diary.  1858. Copy i n B.C. P r o v i n c i a l Archives.  48 Many who  followed the rush northward found t h e i r gold not on the  bars of the Fraser River, but i n the town of V i c t o r i a i t s e l f , where they supplied some of the economic needs of the pioneer community.  Merchants,  artisans and labourers who had goods or services to s e l l found a ready market there, and consequently  almost over night some of the negro  colonists became established as prosperous business men. trade was  The barbering  ^  almost monopolized by them, and there were also numerous 22  farmers, draymen, carpenters, bakers, cooks and ordinary labourers. Peter Lester and M i f f l i n Gibbs closed t h e i r store i n San Francisco and established themselves as the f i r s t large merchant house i n the colony outside of the Hudson's Bay Company. r e g u l a r l y i n the newspapers of the  Their advertisements  appeared  day:  LESTER & GIBBS, DEALERS IN GROCERIES, PROVISIONS, BOOTS, SHOES, & c , WHOLESALE & RETAIL L. & G. HAVING PERMANENTLY ESTABLISHED themselves i n V i c t o r i a , would r e s p e c t f u l l y c a l l the attention of Families, Miners and the public generally to t h e i r very superior stock, to which they are r e c e i v i n g additions by every a r r i v a l . N.B.-Consignments s o l i c i t e d , and attended to with promptness and despatch.  _23_ Nathan Pointer who had once operated the Philadelphia Store i n San Francisco with Gibbs as h i s partner, opened one of the l a r g e s t clothing stores i n V i c t o r i a - open 6 A.M. 22 See appendix "A".  L i s t of names and  23 V i c t o r i a Gazette. March 22,  1859.  to 10 P.M.  w  occupations.  ^  49 The f i r s t l a w y e r M  n  t o advertise i n the town was Joshua Howard, a  negro from V i r g i n i a :  JOSHUA HOWARD (Late of Botetourt County, State of V i r g i n i a , ) Attorney and Counsellor at Law, Copeland's Buildings, Victoria. Advice i n Law, to the poor g r a t i s .  SL Whether or not Howard had ever had any professional status i n the United States i s unknown, but h i s l e g a l career i n V i c t o r i a was short lived.  In September 1858, he was himself taken into custody f o r t r y i n g  t o i n t e r f e r e with the p o l i c e who were conducting a drunken prisoner t o the c e l l s .  Joshua, thinking t h i s a valuable opportunity f o r free p u b l i c i t y ,  behaved i n such a  manner as  t o a t t r a c t a crowd, and eventually f i n d i n g  himself i n p o l i c e court with h i s would be c l i e n t , was ordered t o pay a 25 f i n e of £5. During the e a r l y summer of 1858, negroes were appointed as p o l i c e ^ " in Victoria!  This was a most s u r p r i s i n g occupation, f o r they were now  i n a p o s i t i o n of authority over the same white men who only a few weeks before had regarded them as the lowest element of the population of San Francisco.  Governor Douglas was quite aware of t h i s race c o n f l i c t ,  and I t i s d i f f i c u l t t o understand h i s reasons f o r p o l i c i n g the town 24 V i c t o r i a Gazette. J u l y 28, 1858. 25 I b i d . . Sept. 2, 1858.  50  with coloured men.  Was he merely t r y i n g to show h i s authority?  Was  i t h i s method of impressing upon the Americans that t h i s was a B r i t i s h colony and not part of the United States?  Whatever were h i s motives,  the negro police d i d not long remain, f o r the white population would 26 / not t o l e r a t e them and they had t o be withdrawn from s e r v i c e . Wellington Delaney Moses, one of the Pioneer Committee sent with the f i r s t party to interview Governor Douglas, opened a barber shop shortly a f t e r h i s a r r i v a l .  He remained i n V i c t o r i a only u n t i l 1862  however, when he moved on to the Cariboo where he established a shop i n Barkerville* PIONEER SHAVING SALOON AND BATH R00MTATES STREET. Above Broad, near the American Exchange, Victoria. This establishment, under the management of W.D. Moses, w i l l be opened on Thursday morning, (July 29th). Private Entrance f o r Ladies.  27 26 The question of who was responsible f o r the appointment of negro p o l i c e i s an i n t e r e s t i n g one. In E.O.S. Scholefield. and F.W. Howay, B r i t i s h Columbia from E a r l i e s t Times t o the Present* Vancouver. Chicago, (etc.), S.H. Clarke publishing company, 19l4> v o l . IV, p. 97, i t i s said that Augustus F. Pemberton appointed them, but he was not made Commissioner of P o l i c e u n t i l July of 1858, and the negroes were already p o l i c i n g the town in/June* In Kinahan Cornwallis, op« c i t . . Comwallis mentions seeing the newly appointed negro p o l i c e , and as he l e f t V i c t o r i a during the l a s t week of June, 1858, they must have been appointed p r i o r to that date* Such being the case, who else but Governor Douglas himself would have the authority to give them t h i s p o s i t i o n . 27 V i c t o r i a Gazette, July 29, 1858.  51 During the mid-1860's Moses  1  "Hair Invigorator" became a well-known  product i n the colony:  - MOSES HAIR INVIGORATOR To PREVENT BALDNESS, restore h a i r that has f a l l e n o f f or become thin,, and to cure e f f e c t u a l l y Scurf or Dandruff. I t w i l l also r e l i e v e the Headache, and give the h a i r a darker and glossy color, and the free use of i t w i l l keep both the skin and h a i r i n a healthy s t a t e . Ladies w i l l f i n d the Invigorator a great addition t o t o i l e t , both i n consideration of the d e l i c a t e and agreeable perfume, and the great f a c i l i t y i t affords i n dressing the h a i r , which when moist with i t , can be dressed i n any required form, so as t o preserve i t s place, whether p l a i n or i n c u r l s . When used on children's heads, i t lays the foundation f o r a good head of h a i r . Prepared only by W.D. Moses At Randal Caesar',8 Barber Shop Yates Street, next Hibben & Carswell. 28 Another unusual p o s i t i o n f i l l e d by a negro i n c o l o n i a l V i c t o r i a was that of messenger i n the government o f f i c e s .  F i e l d i n g Smithie ^  was a very impudent young coloured man who was never regarded very highly by h i s fellow negroes.  Once when sent with a message from the  Governor t o the Assembly, he boldly opened the gate and walked i n among the members, something not even permitted white persons.  In r e t a l i a t i o n  f o r being ordered outside he sent an unpleasant l e t t e r to Captain Doggett, 29 the Clerk o f the House, f o r which he l a t e r received a public reprimand. Undoubtedly his attitude aroused antagonism among the white c i t i z e n s , and probably contributed much t o the anti-negro f e e l i n g so prevalent at the time. 28 Colonist. Feb. 22, 1866. 29 Ibid. . July 26, I860.  52 RELIGIOUS LIFE  When the coloured people decided t o come to Vancouver Island i t was with the intention of becoming an i n t e g r a l part of the new community. They hoped t o avoid a l l d i s t i n c t i o n s because of complexional differences, and with t h i s in.mind refused to form a separate church of t h e i r own. Their insistence on mingling as equals with white congregations  caused  a s p l i t i n two of the churches where r a c i a l prejudice was so strong 30 that there was a demand f o r segregation.  L>'  Edward Cridge, who regarded  a l l human beings as being equal i n the eyes of God refused to have a negro g a l l e r y i n h i s church however.  On t h e i r a r r i v a l he had assured  the coloured people that he would do everything he could t o help them and now he would not go back on h i s word.  I t i s not s u r p r i s i n g then t o  note i n his records the names of negro pioneering f a m i l i e s who were pew holders i n h i s church, as w e l l as records o f the baptismal, confirmation, and marriage ceremonies that he performed f o r them. ; Many negroes brought, l e t t e r s of introduction from t h e i r pastors i n San Francisco, and when the Reverend J . J . Moore, the negro minister from C a l i f o r n i a v i s i t e d V i c t o r i a i n September 1858, he wrote t o Edward Cridge giving a l i s t of some of the coloured persons who wished t o attend ^church i n the colony:  :%  ., V i c t o r i a , Sepr. 4, 1858  Rev. & dear f r i e n d I hereby f u r n i s h you with the names of persons who wish to communicate at the Table of the Lord on To-morrow should they present themselves I think worthy.  30 See below, p.178.  53 Elisabeth Strong Catharine Gant Charles B. Smith Henry Perpeno Thornton Washington Mary Glasco Elizabeth Hudson  Emma Stewart Mary Stewart Malinda Perpeno Chas Alexander Amanda Savage William Glasco William Dyer Yours i n C h r i s t i a n friendship John J . Moore.  Negro children attended Edward Cridge's Sabbath School, and a f t e r v i s i t i n g i t on Sunday, May 11, 1862, Charles Hayward, a c i t i z e n of V i c t o r i a , made the following entry i n h i s d i a r y :  " D e l i g h t f u l weather -  V i s i t e d by i n v i t a t i o n the Sabbath School of Mr. Cridge - Was appointed teacher of f i r s t class ef having i n i t 6 or 8 very i n t e l l i g e n t boys 32 three of them natives of A f r i c a . . . . "  - 0 SOCIAL LIFE While V i c t o r i a ' s coloured pioneers d i d not wish t o segregate themselves from t h e i r fellow c i t i z e n s , nevertheless there were occasions of s p e c i a l significance t o the negro community when they held t h e i r own celebrations.  August 1st was the anniversary of the emancipation of  the slaves i n the B r i t i s h West Indies, and every year on that day ( u n t i l the anniversary of Lincoln's emancipation o f the slaves replaced i t ) negro businesses would be suspended, and sometimes as many as 200 persons would go by horseback or carriage to the beaches at Cadboro Bay or the  ^  31 Reverend J . J . Moore to Reverend Edward Cridge, Sept. 4, 1858. Copy i n Edward Cridge, Record Book (9). p. 60. MS i n B.C. P r o v i n c i a l Archives. 32 Charles Hayward, Diary, p. 49. Transcript i n B.C. P r o v i n c i a l Archives.  54 Willows t o spend the afternoon i n playing games, dancing, singing and speech making.  In the evening a f t e r the p i c n i c , the party would return  f o r dancing i n the h a l l o f the African R i f l e s , the all-negro m i l i t i a u n i t which had been founded i n the colony. Sometimes parties were given t o r a i s e funds f o r philanthropic purposes, such as the r e l i e f of the "contrabands" i n the United States during the C i v i l War.  Many of these l i b e r a t e d slaves were i n a very  p i t i a b l e state as l i t t l e was being done to care f o r them.  To t r y t o  help i n some small way the coloured l a d i e s of V i c t o r i a held a "donation party" on New Year% Eve, 1862-63, the time at which President Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation was t o go i n t o e f f e c t .  The $150 r a i s e d at  t h i s party was sent t o the Central Committee i n Philadelphia f o r r e l i e f 33 purposes• In A p r i l of the same year further funds were r a i s e d at a 34 bazaar, at which music was played by an all-negro brass band.  The  proceeds were sent t o Hannibal Hamlin, Vice-President of the United States, and were accompanied by the following l e t t e r s V i c t o r i a , A p r i l 13, 1863  ;  Sirs By order of the Committee of Colored Ladies of the B r i t i s h Colony o f V i c t o r i a (V.I.), please f i n d inclosed a d r a f t f o r £86 14s 9d, s t e r l i n g on London, made payable t o your order. Please send i t t o Beaufort (S.C.) f o r the benefit of the contrabands. One of the reasons f o r sending t h i s money t o Beauf o r t i s , i t s being the f i r s t place a colored regiment was formed, according t o law. This money has been raised by and through the colored people of t h i s place, and who are o r i g i n a l l y from the United States.  33 D a i l y Chronicle. Jan. 3, 1863 34 I b i d . . A p r i l 7, 1863.  55 We have also sent $170 t o the C i t y of Philadelphia f o r the same purpose, to be used there. You w i l l please accept our thanks as a people f o r the great i n t e r e s t you have taken i n the cause of humanity; and though many miles d i v i d e us from those who have the burden t o bear i n t h i s great struggle f o r human l i b e r t y , our hearts are with you even unto death. Please acknowledge the r e ceipt of t h i s money through the New York Tribune. EMILY ALLEN, President Hon. Hannibal Hamlin  31 The following month, Peter Lester and some other coloured men sent another donation amounting t o $152.00 t o the S o c i a l , C i v i l and S t a t i s t i c a l 36 Association o f Colored People of Pennsylvania. On January L4th, 1863, i t was decided to hold a celebration i n honour of President Lincoln's recent emancipation  of the slaves.  Part  of the program was to be a salute f i r e d from Beacon H i l l , and to make certain that t h i s would be within the law, the coloured men f i r s t obtained permission from the Mayor and the Attorney General.  That a f t e r -  noon two hundred of V i c t o r i a ' s negro c i t i z e n s assembled and f i r e d guns f o r the president and t h i r t y - t h r e e f o r the Union.  fifty  While they were  marching down the h i l l again t o f i n i s h t h e i r f e s t i v i t i e s with the usual banquet and b a l l , the navy, aroused by a l l the commotion, was making preparations to set out t o sea i n search of a non-existent v e s s e l i n distress.  A week l a t e r , the three coloured celebrants who had f i r e d  the cannon, came before Judge Pemberton charged with disturbing the peace. They were informed that they ought t o have known that Beacon H i l l l a y outside the c i t y l i m i t s j , and therefore was beyond the j u r i s d i c t i o n of the Mayor.  A p p l i c a t i o n should have been made t o the Acting C o l o n i a l  35 B a i l y Chronicle. July 10, 1863. 36 Colonist. May 16, 1863.  56 Secretary who i n turn would have n o t i f i e d the navy.  The Judge enjoyed  the humour of the s i t u a t i o n and compared i t to the old story of the hunter, who, not having had much luck, paid a stranger lounging at the gate of a farmyard f o r permission to shoot some of the duckac i n s i d e , only to learn a f t e r k i l l i n g several that they had never belonged t o the stranger i n the f i r s t place. Pemberton released the negroes on payment of costs, saying that he had no desire to punish them as the coloured people were generally so well-behaved.  He made i t clear however that such things  must be better regulated i n the future as i t would never do to have the navy say that when guns were f i r e d a f t e r dark i t was only the people 37 of V i c t o r i a enjoying themselves. The anniversary of Lincoln's emancipation proclamation was brated i n grand s t y l e every year.  The f i r s t time i n  cele-  I864, the h a l l  of the R i f l e Corps was decorated with evergreens and on either side of the chairman were hung the Stars and Stripes and the Union Jack, while behind him was suspended a large banner carrying simply the word "Liberty".  Two hundred guests sat down to the dinner, a f t e r which  toasts were drunk t o "West Indian Emancipation", "The E n t i r e Slave Reform i n America", "The Day we Celebrate", "John Brown the Hero of Harper's Ferry", and f i n a l l y "The Press", i n honour of the Evening  38 Express which had proclaimed the celebration t o be i n bad t a s t e . The following year when another banquet was held f o r the same purpose, the Express s t i l l maintained that there should be no celebration i n connection with Lincoln's name.  I t would be more i n keeping t o celebrate  the West Indian emancipation i t said, f o r the B r i t i s h had made a noble 37 Colonist. Jan. 16, 21, 1863. 38 Evening Express, Jan. 2,  I864.  ^  57 s a c r i f i c e , while i n the United States "There has been a constitution abrogated, a people robbed of t h e i r r i g h t s and a f i e n d i s h war carried on by which every p r i n c i p l e of j u s t i c e and humanity have been outraged. We hope that the coloured population w i l l abandon a celebration i n future  39 i n which they have not the sympathies of t h e i r fellow subjects."  - 0 THE ARRIVAL OF A FUGITIVE Although the negro residents of V i c t o r i a today t e l l many s t o r i e s of the a r r i v a l of escaped slaves, the case of Charles M i t c h e l l i s the only one f o r which there i s documentary proof.  Charles, the slave boy,  arrived as a stowaway aboard the E l i z a Anderson i n September I860, and although the captain t r i e d to keep him prisoner, the coloured people of the town soon heard the news and went immediately t o Attorney-General Cary, who i n turn applied to Chief Justice Cameron f o r a writ of Habeas Corpus.  The s h e r i f f found Charles i n the lamp room of the ship, and  under protest from the captain brought him back to the court i n V i c t o r i a . The negro boy had been l i v i n g with his master, Major J . T i l t o n , i n Olympia, Washington T e r r i t o r y , when somehow hearing of Vancouver Island and i t s coloured c o l o n i s t s , he had stowed away on the mail ship bound f o r V i c t o r i a .  Charles was not discovered u n t i l the vessel was  f a r from port, and as Captain Fleming was not successful i n inducing passing ships to take h i s unwelcome passenger back to Olympia, there was nothing he could do but carry the slave on to the B r i t i s h colony. When the case came before the Supreme Court, Attorney-General Cary, determined to set the boy f r e e , c i t e d many cases to prove that the j u r i s d i c t i o n of the court extended three marine leagues from shore, the supposed distance of a cannon shot, and that the E l i z a Anderson, t i e d t o 39  Evening Express, Jan. 3, 1865.  58  the  wharf c e r t a i n l y came within that distance.  Besides, he added,  "there stands the boy on B r i t i s h s o i l and having touched B r i t i s h s o i l 40 he i s e n t i t l e d to the immunities of that act."  Captain Fleming then  rose and read the following protest: United States Mail Steamship E l i z a Anderson V i c t o r i a September 26th i860 Whereas a Negro boy c a l l e d "Charles" the property of James T i l t o n Esq of Olympia Washington T e r r i t o r y d i d on the 24th i n s t run away from h i s Master and secrete himself on board t h i s v e s s e l , and upon the f a c t being made known t o the undersigned the said negro was placed i n charge of one of the o f f i c e r s of the ship that he might be returned to h i s Master and whereas upon the a r r i v a l of the Ship at V i c t o r i a a writ of "Habeas Corpus" was issued by Chief Justice Cameron and placed i n the hands of the S h e r i f f of V i c t o r i a who demanded of the undersigned the delivery of the said Negro and upon the r e f u s a l of the undersigned t o del i v e r the Negro the said s h e r i f f threatened to force open the room i n which the Negro was confined on board of said v e s s e l . Whereupon the undersigned to prevent the destruction of property and i n a l l p r o b a b i l i t y much bloodshed opened the door of said room and upon doing so the S h e r i f f took the Negro from on board said v e s s e l . Now therefore the undersigned protests against the whole proceedings as i l l e g a l and a breach of international Law, and demands the immediate d e l i v e r y of the said Negro Charles that he may be returned to h i s Master. John R. Fleming Captain of U S M Steamship E l i z a Anderson Sworn to and Subscribed before me t h i s 26th day of September AD i860 George Pearkes Notary Public  41  40 V i c t o r i a Weekly Gazette. Sept. 29, i860. The precedent* f o r t h i s r u l i n g was the case of Somerset v. Stewart,.May 14, 1772, London, England. When Stewart t r i e d to remove h i s slave, Somerset, from England, to s e l l him i n Jamaica, Lord Mansfield ruled that as slavery d i d not exist i n England, the negro was f r e e as long as he was on English s o i l , and could not be removed from i t by f o r c e . 41 MS i n B.C. P r o v i n c i a l Archives.  59 Since Captain Fleming's attempt to recover the boy was  unsuccessful.  Captain James T i l t o n took the matter to the Acting Governor of Washington Territory: Olympia, Ter. Wash. Sept. 30th, 1860. Hon. H.M. M c G i l l Acting Governor of  W.T.  Sir: As a c i t i z e n of the United States and of Washington T e r r i t o r y , I beg to c a l l your attention to an act or acts of the B r i t i s h authorities of V i c t o r i a , Vancouver's Island, by which a slave boy belonging to my r e l a t i v e R.R. Gibson, of Talbot County, Maryland, and f o r the l a s t 5 years h i r e d and employed by myself, by arrangement with the owner, was taken from the Mail Steamer, p l y i n g between t h i s port and a l l the ports of Pugets ( s i c ) Sound. On the 24th of Sept. the slave secreted himself on board the Mail Steamer " E l i z a Anderson" and on the 25th as the steamer touched at port of V i c t o r i a , was boarded by the c i v i l authorities there and the slave f o r c i b l y taken therefrom. I therefore r e s p e c t f u l l y request that you bring the fore our Government at Washington C i t y , to the end that or ( s i c ) the slave may have j u s t i c e and the f l a g of our be vindicated and r e l i e v e d from the assumption of r i g h t thus made and enforced i n t h i s case.  case bethe owner country of search,  I am S i r , Very Respectfully, JAMES TILTON.  Despite t h i s request, Charles was not recovered, remained i n freedom under B r i t i s h  L2  and as f a r as i s known  law.  42 "Documents," Washington H i s t o r i c a l Quarterly, v o l . 1, no. Oct. 1906, p. 71.  1,  60 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES So f a r the negro colony i n V i c t o r i a has been examined as a group, but certain individuals who rose to positions of prominence i n the community are worthy of a more d e t a i l e d study.  Among these are M i f f l i n Gibbs  and Peter Lester, leading merchants i n the town, and W i l l i s Bond the negro orator and house mover.  Other families such as the Alexanders,  the B a r n 8 w e l l s , and the Spotts are of s p e c i a l interest because many of t h e i r descendants are s t i l l l i v i n g i n B r i t i s h Columbia today. M i f f l i n Wistar Gibbs was by f a r the most outstanding of the early coloured pioneers, but as the following chapter i s devoted e n t i r e l y t o h i s career, he w i l l not be considered here.  His partner Peter Lester  was by no means as prominent i n the community, although he d i d run as a candidate i n one of the municipal elections, and both he and h i s wife are mentioned i n the press occasionally f o r t h e i r philanthropic works. The Lesters came to V i c t o r i a during the summer of 1858,  shortly a f t e r  Gibbs had established the f i r m of Lester and Gibbs i n the town.  It  may be remembered that i t was t h e i r daughter who was excluded from the High School i n San Francisco even though she could hardly be recognized as being coloured.  The Lesters l i v e d i n one of the f i n e r homes i n  V i c t o r i a on Vancouver Street, where Sarah Lester gave piano lessons.  - MUSIC S.A. Lester begs leave to announce that she w i l l give i n s t r u c t i o n on the Piano. Residence Vancouver s t r e e t , between Belot ( s i c ) and Belcher.  November 4-th  43 V i c t o r i a Gazette. Dec. 23,  1859.  61  Peter Lester and his wife*  One of the more d i s t i n c t i v e personalities i n V i c t o r i a during the l a t e r c o l o n i a l period was the negro orator W i l l i s Bond. been born a slave i n Tennessee i n 1824,  Bond, who  had  and had come to V i c t o r i a i n 1858,  became well-known i n the town as a l o c a l p o l i t i c i a n , auctioneer, orator, house-mover, and contractor.  There was  seldom any p o l i t i c a l question  of importance on which he d i d not l e c t u r e , i n f a c t he went so f a r as to b u i l d a lecture h a l l , conveniently located behind a bar of which he  was  also the proprietor. A huge man with a deep, booming voice, h i s humour was never f a i l i n g , e s p e c i a l l y when c a l l e d upon to defend himself i n p o l i c e court, as he was  on frequent occasions.  e d i t o r and proprietor of the Colonist  D.W.  Higgins, one-time  and Speaker of the House i n 1889,  says of him, "He was one of the cleverest men white or black that I have 44 ever met." Higgins had known Bond i n San Francisco, where the l a t t e r , apparently having been brought into the state as a "servant" had earned 45 enough money to buy h i s freedom. He followed the gold rush to the 44 D.W.  Higgins, The Mystic Spring. Toronto, William Briggs, 1904,  45 Ibid., p.  46.  p.  121.  62  Fraser River and i n J u l y of 1858 was working at Yale with a Yorkshireman as a partner.  By means of a d i t c h they were supplying water to the miners  46  f o r the purpose of washing gold out of the bank i n front of the town. By 1861 he had returned to V i c t o r i a where h i s advertisements frequently appeared, announcing himself as a general contractor, engaged i n "Raising or Removing buildings, making roads, b l a s t i n g or quarrying stone, clearing  47  land, etc."  During the l a t e 1860's many of the contracts f o r grading  the roads i n the town were given to him. Bond, who was not of a r e t i r i n g nature was involved i n one scrape or another.  continually becoming  His appearances i n p o l i c e court 48  were frequent and the charges against him were numerous and v a r i e d . He was accused of s e l l i n g unwholesome food, of f i g h t i n g and brawling i n the streets, of owing money to h i s workmen, of obstructing Government Street f o r two days by leaving a house i n the middle of i t , and even of tearing down ex-councillor Copland's fence because of a difference of opinion. The "Bronze Philosopher" was best known f o r h i s lectures, generally given i n h i s Athenaeum H a l l , an unplastered room which he had dedicated i ^ - " 49 to the public f o r " l i t e r a t u r e , debating, public meetings, etc."  He  spoke on such topics as "Borrowing money f o r c i t y purposes", "The advisab i l i t y of u n i t i n g the o f f i c e s of Mayor and Magistrate", and "The word 46 Higgins, The Mystic Spring, op. c i t . . p. 46. 47 D a i l y Press. Nov. 21, 1861. 48 See appendix "D . Table of punishable offences committed by negroes i n V i c t o r i a , 1858-1871. n  49 D a i l y Chronicle, Jan. 14, 1865•  63 negro and i t s a p p l i c a t i o n " .  Bond always took sides i n any l o c a l p o l i t i c a l  contest and c a l l e d public meetings to discuss such important questions i n the colony as Free Trade and union with B r i t i s h Columbia.  This  question of union he debated with Major Downie, Bond taking the negative 50 and Downie the affirmative side i n the argument. The negro orator seldom f a i l e d t o entertain h i s audience, and perhaps that i s why so many turned out to hear him.  An amusing anecdote, t o l d  by one of V i c t o r i a ' s early c i t i z e n s , would indicate that Bond was not always too c e r t a i n about the meaning of the words he used.  When James  Anderson had refused t o buy some manure from the would-be orator, saying that he could get a l l he needed from over the way f o r nothing, Bond r e p l i e d "You don't get nothing f o r nothing, Mr. Anderson, depend upon i t the owner of that manure w i l l circumbent ( s i c ) you, and i n the long run you w i l l f i n d yourself defrauded." Anderson.  "You are a pessimist", said  "No, S i r , I a i n ' t , I a i n ' t " , r e p l i e d Bond.  "What was that  word Mr. Anderson, I would l i k e t o use i t i n my next speech?"  And 51  apparently he d i d , but with l i t t l e concern f o r i t s proper meaning. A very e x c i t i n g time was had by both l e c t u r e r and audience a l i k e when Bond decided t o discuss whether or not the Mechanics' I n s t i t u t e should have government a i d . Since negroes were excluded from the I n s t i t u t e , the coloured man was opposed t o any f i n a n c i a l assistance being given, and was determined t o l e t the people of V i c t o r i a know of h i s opinion. Needless to say, the opposition was strongly represented among the 100 persons who gathered to hear him speak.  Shortly a f t e r he started, the  50 D a i l y Chronicle. Jan. 14, 1865. 51 James Robert Anderson, Notes and Comments on E a r l y Days i n B r i t i s h Columbia. Washington, and Oregon, Including an Account of Sundry Happenings i n San Francisco; Being the Memoirs of James Robert Anderson, p. 250. Transcript i n B.C. P r o v i n c i a l Archives.  64 smell of something burning came from the stove.  There was coughing and  sneezing from the audience and then came the shout "Pepper on the stove." followed by a rush f o r the s t a i r s .  W i l l i s Bond was  soon l e f t alone,  and refused to withdraw even when someone threw a package of f i r e crackers at him.  After three quarters of an hour some of the audience returned  and Bond once again too up his condemnation of the I n s t i t u t e , asking his  l i s t e n e r s i f they d i d not think that when the Governor heard of the  commotion, he would be suspicious that something was  "Rotten i n Denmark?"  "There's something rotten i n t h i s room" came a reply, and more f i r e crackers went o f f . Bond t r i e d to make an exit but was brought back, f i n a l l y leaving when a package of cayenne pepper with f i r e crackers attached, 52 was thrown into the center of the room. In p o l i c e court the b i g negro not only appeared as h i s own  counsel,  but on two occasions at l e a s t defended other coloured persons, one of whom was h i s own son, John, who had been arrested on a charge of horse stealing.  The other negro was a small boy, Rufus H a l l , who  accused of s t e a l i n g a watch and some t r i n k e t s from a Chinaman.  was Pro-  ceedings of t h i s case were reported i n the D a i l y Chronicle: Magistrate - Boy, are you g u i l t y or not guilty? Boy - (emphatically) Not g u i l t y . Policeman - Did you s t e a l the watch? Boy - Yes; I s t o l e 'em (laughter). Bond - I do not appear to defend t h i s l a d , but I doubt very much i f he knows the meaning of the word s t e a l i n ' ; I would now ask the Chinaman what reason he has f o r supposin' the boy would s t e a l . Magistrate - He has pleaded g u i l t y and I cannot reopen the case. Bond - In that case I must make a suggestion to your Honor. Magistrate - You made one t h i s morning.  52 Colonist. March 26,  1867.  53 D a i l y Chronicle. June 23,  1865.  65 Bond - But now, your Worship, I see a thing which i s p o s i t i v e l y a f a c t j t h i s l a d was brought here by a Southern gentleman who i s now i n B r i t i s h Columbiaj now t h i s Southern gentleman would know the boys brothers and s i s t e r s , mothers and fathers (great laughter) and I f e e l that i f I could have time f o r communicatin' with t h i s gentleman that I should f e e l excused f o r making myself obnoxious by standing up before t h i s 'ere Court (laughter)• Magistrate - What's the meaning of obnoxious? Bond - Offensive. Magistrate - You are not at a l l offensive? you are a micuscuras [amicus curiae]] you made a good suggestion t h i s morning about a convocation (laughter) of the colored people to consider t h i s case. Bond - I s h a l l put f o r t h my best endeavors to e s t a b l i s h a Reformatory School. (Laughter).  k The accused was remanded and a week l a t e r Bond informed the court that a lady had offered t o take care of the boy, and that he personally would see that the young negro was removed t o S a l t Spring Island. Judge Pemberton was not sympathetic and his decision was three months 55 i n j a i l or a f i n e of #10.00. On December 22, 1892, W i l l i s Bond died i n V i c t o r i a , but he had l i v e d such an active l i f e i n the town that h i s name i s s t i l l remembered and many of the older residents today t e l l anecdotes about the negro orator and house-mover, who once l i v e d at the corner of View and Quadra Streets. Among the more prominent coloured c i t i z e n s of V i c t o r i a today are the  numerous descendants of Charles and Nancy Alexander who were married  i n S p r i n g f i e l d , I l l i n o i s , on Christmas Day, 1849.  Both were of mixed  blood, Nancy's mother having been a negress and her father an Irishman, while Charles' mother was a negress and h i s father an Indian. Both the Alexanders were free negroes and had never been i n slavery.  They s e t t l e d  i n S t . Louis, Missouri where Charles operated a g r i s t m i l l f o r sixteen years u n t i l 1857 when the gold mines of C a l i f o r n i a proved too powerful 5L D a i l y Chronicle, July 18, 1865. 55 Colonist. July 25, 1865.  66 an a t t r a c t i o n .  Then Alexander placed h i s wife and two children i n a  wagon pulled by a five-yoke bullock-team and along with four friends and a guide headed west by way of the P l a t t e River, Sweet Water River, P a c i f i c Springs, S a l t Lake Road and Humboldt River road.  The Indians  were occasionally a menace, s t e a l i n g the c a t t l e and other possessions carried by the party*  Charles Alexander was not long s a t i s f i e d i n  Charles and Nancy Alexander  67 C a l i f o r n i a , a r r i v i n g as he d i d when there was so muclr discontent among the coloured people and when rumours of new discoveries were beginning to come down from the north.  On July 1, 1858 he arrived at V i c t o r i a  i n the Oregon, and shortly afterward l e f t f o r the gold country.  In  1861  a f t e r having some success at the mines, he returned to h i s wife and children i n V i c t o r i a where he worked at h i s trade as a carpenter at $6.00 per day.  Eventually, having a growing family that f i n a l l y  numbered  twelve children, he moved to Saanich where he remained as a prosperous 56 farmer f o r t h i r t y - t h r e e years. Another f a m i l i a r name i n V i c t o r i a i s that of the Spotts family. F i e l d i n g Spotts, a cooper by trade arrived i n the town i n 1859 and the following year was  joined by h i s wife J u l i a and t h e i r two year old son  F i e l d i n g William, who  came from San Francisco.  For a number of years  1  '  the family l i v e d at the north end of S a l t Spring Island, but they also stayed f o r a time i n Saanich, near V i c t o r i a , where F i e l d i n g constructed a cabin b u i l t e n t i r e l y of hand hewn logsj dove-tailing and wooden 57 plugs alone held the timbers together.  Spotts became a school t r u s t e e ^  i n Saanich i n the I860 s and inspected the school occasionally as i s l  indicated by an entry i n the South Saanich Public School V i s i t o r s Journal, dated as l a t e as November 5, 1877s  "Mr. Spotts paid school a v i s i t and 58 56 Newspaper c l as i p p pleased i n g (unidentified) based of on the an interview expressed himself with the progress p u p i l s . " with Charles and Nancy Alexander i n 1909* In possession of Barton Alexander, V i c t o r i a , B.C. 57 The Spotts cabin was given to the Saanich Pioneer Society i n 1936 to be used as a museum, but when an attempt was made to remove i t to the a g r i c u l t u r a l grounds i n Saanichton, i t was found to be i n too advanced a a state of decay and was demolished* 58 V i s i t o r s Journal* South Saanich Public School. Archives.  In B.C.  Provincial  68  Another member of the family, Mary Cecelia Spotts, wife o f Charles Spotts (probably a son of F i e l d i n g and J u l i a Spotts) was the daughter of one of V i c t o r i a ' s pioneer t a i l o r s , T.W. P i e r r e , who had brought her t o the colony from San Francisco when she was a very young c h i l d .  According t o 59  family t r a d i t i o n she was educated at Angela College i n V i c t o r i a . The name of Bamswell i s also a f a m i l i a r one i n V i c t o r i a .  James  Barnswe11 was bora i n Kingston, Jamaica and came t o the colony v i a Cape Horn during the gold rush.  Mary Barnswell, h i s wife was born at  San Juan, Puerto Rico, on the estate of a sugar planter. When her father was k i l l e d i n the r e b e l l i o n there, Mary was brought to C a l i f o r n i a , and 60 i n the 1880*s t o V i c t o r i a by Captain and Mrs. John Devreux. Frank Skelton who was born i n Orange County, V i r g i n i a , was brought to C a l i f o r n i a by h i s parents i n the 1840's.  His father must have been  prosperous, f o r Frank received an education from private teachers u n t i l the time when the Rev. J . J . Moore organized h i s school f o r coloured children.  He followed the rush to B r i t i s h Columbia and a f t e r much  success i n the mines returned t o San Francisco where he prospered as a 61 dealer i n new and second-hand f u r n i t u r e . In 1853 two coloured s i s t e r s , Mary and J u l i a Hermandez arrived i n C a l i f o r n i a from F l o r i d a .  Here they remained u n t i l the migration  to B r i t i s h Columbia, when they went t o the colony to work as cooks at $100 per week. They had brought with them t h e i r young niece, Emma, the daughter of James and E l i z a b e t h Segee who were operating a laundry at 59 V i c t o r i a Times. May 12, 1931, p. 1. 60 Colonist. Jan. 5, 1945. 61 D e l i l a h H. Beasley, The Negro T r a i l Blazers of C a l i f o r n i a . Los Angeles, C a l i f o r n i a , 1919, p. 122. "  70 Marysville, C a l i f o r n i a at the time.  Emma remained i n V i c t o r i a u n t i l  a f t e r the C i v i l War, then returned to Marysville where she became the 62 f i r s t coloured public school teacher i n the town.  62 Beasley, o£. c i t . , p. 122.  SOME REPRESENTATIVE COLOURED PIONEERS  Robert Clanton and h i s wife.  Richard Stokes  72  CHAPTER IV  MIFFLIN WISTAR GIBBS  Tamatave, Madagascar, A p r i l 3, 1901 - the f l a g s of the French residency and the foreign consulships were f l y i n g i n honour of the occasion, f o r a f t e r almost four years of service the American consul was leaving f o r home. Expressions of regret at h i s departure such as the banquet given the previous evening by the German consul, were not mere empty diplomatic gestures, f o r t h i s e l d e r l y gentleman was w e l l l i k e d and respected on the Island. A group of well-wishers boarded the steamer with the departing American.  "Judge," said a f r i e n d s t r i v i n g at l a s t minute j o v i a l i t y ,  "don't be too sure of the meaning of the f l a g s f l y i n g at your departure from Tamatave, f o r we demonstrate here f o r gladness, as w e l l as f o r regret.'' "Well," came the reply, " i n either event I am i n unison with the sentiment intended to be expressed: f o r I have both gladness and regret gladness with anticipations of home, and with regret that, i n a l l human p r o b a b i l i t y , I am taking leave of a community from whom f o r nearly four years I have been the r e c i p i e n t , o f f i c i a l l y , of the highest respect; 1 and s o c i a l l y of unstinted f r i e n d l i n e s s . " Respect and f r i e n d l i n e s s had sometimes been little-known i n the l i f e of t h i s man,  although frequently h i s personality and a b i l i t y had  won them from even the most reluctant. had not been handicapped  Here at l e a s t i n Madagascar he  by prejudice because of h i s race, f o r M i f f l i n  Wistar Gibbs, the American consul, was a negro. '  1 M.W.  Gibbs, Shadow and Light. Washington, D.C. 1902, p. 312.  73  • M i f f l i n Wistar Gibbs. The story of M.W.  Gibbs records success seldom p a r a l l e l e d , f o r  although one would not be greatly surprised to read of a white man  rising  from a very humble environment to the position of Judge and United States consul^ the fact that he was of coloured blood makes h i s case almost unique. who  Gibbs was by f a r the most outstanding of the negro pioneers  s e t t l e d i n B r i t i s h Columbia, and i s the only one whose l i f e can be  studied i n d e t a i l , f o r one of the l a s t accomplishments i n a long and eventf u l career was the w r i t i n g of h i s autobiography. Shadow and L i g h t. I t was on A p r i l 17, 1823 i n Philadelphia that M i f f l i n Wistar was born to Maria and Jonathan Gibbs, a Methodist minister i n that c i t y  74 U n t i l the age of seven, when he was enrolled i n the Free School, the boy's l i f e was quite uneventful, but then his father died and h i s mother could not afford to give him any further education.  Instead, he went to work  holding and d r i v i n g a doctor's horse at a wage of  , y  $3.00 per month.  Similar jobs were to follow, u n t i l he reached sixteen, when h i s mother i n s i s t e d that both he and h i s brother become carpenters.  Despite her  f a i l i n g health and her f i n a n c i a l dependence on her sons, she r e a l i z e d how necessary i t was  f o r them to acquire a trade i f they were ever to  r i s e above the p o s i t i o n of poor coloured labourers. I t was not unusual i n those days f o r negroes to become s k i l l e d mechanics and tradesmen, f o r frequently i n the southern states, a master would choose h i s most i n t e l l i g e n t slaves and would teach them carpenteri n g , blacksmi thing, painting, boot and shoe making, coopering, and i n f a c t any occupation that might make them more valuable i n the event of r e - s a l e , or more u s e f u l to himself on the p l a n t a t i o n . Many owners would even permit such slaves to h i r e themselves out and with t h e i r earnings to buy t h e i r freedom. a fat;\good-natured  One such fortunate i n d i v i d u a l was James Gibbons,  carpenter, who a f t e r buying h i s l i b e r t y had come north,  and at the time when M i f f l i n and Jonathan Gibbs were growing up,  was  teaching h i s trade to coloured boys i n Philadelphia. The Gibbs brothers became h i s apprentices and remained with him f o r a number of years. I t was during t h i s time that M i f f l i n became aware of h i s lack of> formal schooling and i n an attempt to educate himself not only spent long hours i n laborious reading, but also joined the Philadelphia L i b r a r y Company, a group of i n t e l l i g e n t coloured men who met to discuss the problems of t h e i r race.  Jonathan Gibbs was more fortunate than M i f f l i n ,  f o r a f t e r both boys had been converted at a r e v i v a l meeting, the Presby-  75 t e r i a n Assembly sent him t o Dartmouth College, and on graduation he became a minister i n Philadelphia. Although young M i f f l i n had heard of slavery i n h i s home, he f i r s t became r e a l l y aware of the significance of the word i n 1831 when the Nat Turner insurrection aroused excitement i n the Philadelphia coloured community.  Turner, a labourer i n the woods during the week and a Baptist  preacher on Sunday, had i n s t i l l e d i n h i s negro followers the urge to r e v o l t , and after arming themselves with stolen weapons they staged t h e i r i n surrection i n South Hampton? V i r g i n i a .  Soldiers were despatched t o put  down the r i s i n g and Turner and a few henchmen f l e d i n t o the swamp where they remained u n t i l the threat of starvation forced them t o surrender. Stories such as t h i s , as w e l l as t a l e s of f u g i t i v e s and of families separated f o r ever on the auction block made a l a s t i n g impression.on the mind of the boy, but he was twelve years of age before he was.personally confronted-by the f a c t that many of h i s race were treated l i t t l e better than animals.  His employer, a wealthy Philadelphia lawyer, owned  a plantation and slaves south of the slavery l i n e .  One day he i n v i t e d  M i f f l i n t o accompany him on the t h i r t y mile journey t o h i s farm; i n Maryland.  The young coloured boy was excited by the prospect, f o r never  before had he been away from Philadelphia.  His pleasure d i d not l a s t  long however, f o r once across the border into slave country, he saw sights never t o be forgotten.  Gazing f e a r f u l l y on gangs of negroes being; lashed  by overseers' whips, he turned to the white "Who  man:  are these people?"  "They are slaves." So these were slaves.  He understood now the expression on his mother's  face when she had talked to her neighbours about Nat Turner.  Now  he  76  knew the meaning of those guarded whisperings. " M i f f l i n , how would you l i k e to be a slave?" said the lawyer. "I would not be a slaveI  I would k i l l anybody that would make me  a slaveI" 2 " l o u must not t a l k that way down here." I t was not long before there were equally frightening scenes i n Philadelphia i t s e l f , where Pennsylvania H a l l was razed because i t was the meeting place of the anti-slavery people, and where the negro c i t i z e n s were kept i n a constant state of t e r r o r by the "Moyamensing K i l l e r s " who  carried murder and the torch into t h e i r homes and churches.  For  several weeks at a time the coloured people of the c i t y guarded t h e i r Bethel Church against h o s t i l e mobs, digging up the cobble pavement and taking the stones up to the g a l l e r y to be hurled on the attackers i f necessary.  And t h i s was i n a f r e e s t a t e .  As a young man,  Gibbs became an active agent on the  "underground  railway" of which Philadelphia, because of i t s p o s i t i o n so close t o the slave states, was  a very important " s t a t i o n " .  The most i n t e r e s t i n g  case i n which he was concerned was that of William and E l l e n C r a f t , whose oft-repeated story has become a t r a d i t i o n i n negro h i s t o r y .  One  day, having been i n v i t e d to a negro boarding house t o meet these new a r r i v a l s from the south, Gibbs was surprised at being introduced to a young, fashionably dressed "white" man, equally young and handsome negro.  accompanied by " h i s " slave, an  The white man was of course E l l e n  C r a f t , and the slave, her husband, William. Having a very l i g h t complexion, her r o l e had been an easy one, and both she and her husband 2 Gibbs, op. c i t . , p. 18.  77 had t r a v e l l e d f i r s t class throughout the entire journey with no questions being asked.  E l l e n Craft's i n a b i l i t y to write might have attracted  attention, but she h i d the f a c t by carrying her arm i n a s l i n g , and the signing of hotel r e g i s t e r s was l e f t to her husband.  The couple temporarily  s e t t l e d i n Boston, but the passing of the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850, compelled them to go t o England where they were well received.  After  the C i v i l War they returned t o Savannah, Georgia, where i n 1871 Gibbsrenewed acquaintance with them when he found that they were the host and hostess of a h o t e l at which he was staying. Nightly i n the northern border states, meetings were held by the coloured people, at which escaped slaves t o l d t h e i r s t o r i e s .  This was  part of a propaganda program anticipated t o arouse anti-slavery s e n t i ment, and frequently such eminent coloured men as Frederick Douglass, Henry Highland Garnet and Charles L. Remond would address the gatherings.  I t was i n  I848 that Gibbs made h i s f i r s t appearance as an orator,  and although-his speech was an impromptu one, i t was h i g h l y successful. The occasion was the monster meeting i n Philadelphia Square to honour the Hungarian l i b e r a t o r , Louis Kossuth.  The Liberty B e l l was garlanded  with flowers, and each n a t i o n a l i t y had erected a platform i n the square provided with i t s own speaker. at  "Freedom" was the keynote of the meeting  which the negroes were unwelcome guests, f o r they alone had come  uninvited.  To them the i n s c r i p t i o n on the great b e l l , "Proclaim  l i b e r t y throughout the world and t o a l l the Inhabitants thereof" was sheer hypocrisy.  Taking advantage of the opportunity t o plead t h e i r :  case, they used a dry-goods box as a platform and i n s t a l l e d Gibbs on top of i t .  Here he made h i s debut as a public speaker and attracted a large  and s u r p r i s i n g l y tolerant and receptive audience.  78  It was the following year i n 1849 that he began to speak i n earnest against the i n s t i t u t i o n of slavery, when he toured western New York state, with Frederick Douglass, the great negro emancipator.  ^  Gibbs  had consented t o accompany Douglass with great misgivings, f o r aside from r e c e i v i n g no payment f o r his e f f o r t s , except f o r donations received along the way, he was very conscious of h i s own inadequacy i n the campaign.  The two advocates f o r the coloured people frequently met with  h o s t i l i t y and often when refused the use of churches and h a l l s were forced to hold t h e i r meetings i n stables and blacksmith shops where some l i s t e n e r s d i d not hesitate t o throw eggs at them. The tour over, Gibbs was l e f t penniless and discouraged, but h i s secret formula when his s p i r i t s were lagging was to say t o himself, 3 "What! discouraged?  Go do some great thing."  New York at the time  was being swept by the news of the gold discovery i n C a l i f o r n i a , so the "great thing" decided upon was a journey t o San Francisco.  For-  tunately the young negro had a few friends who were able t o finance his  steerage passage, and so he s a i l e d from New York, crossed the Isthmus  of Panama and after several days on board the Golden Gate, arrived i n San Francisco, where f o r the f i r s t time i n his l i f e , he was completely without friends and money. Fortunately, immediately upon a r r i v a l he found lodgings at a hotel operated by a negro on Kearny Streetj an unpretentious-looking b u i l d i n g on the outside, but inside i t was furnished with a w e l l patronized faro table and bar.  Over the bar hung a sign prominently displayed "Board  twelve d o l l a r s a week i n advance".  A f t e r paying the drayman to bring  his trunk from the ship, Gibbs had only a dime l e f t , and with t h i s he bought a cigar, deciding to l e t the future look a f t e r i t s e l f . 3 Gibbs, op., c i t . , p. 37.  Should  79 he eat f i r s t and keep the manager i n ignorance of h i s f i n a n c i a l state u n t i l a f t e r the meal, or should he t e l l now and r i s k going hungry?  The  question was answered f o r him by the sound of the dinner b e l l and a c o r d i a l i n v i t a t i o n to the t a b l e . After dinner the immigrant wandered the streets of the town i n an aimless search f o r employment. Repeatedly he was turned away and about to give up when he came upon a house under construction.  was  The  contractor considered h i s request and decided that i f the coloured man would work f o r $9.00 per day instead of the usual $10.00 paid the white carpenters, he could have a job. a carpenter without t o o l s . who  Gibbs h a s t i l y accepted, but what was  This problem was solved by a nearby merchant  offered him a l l he needed on c r e d i t .  I t was not long before the  white carpenters discovered that the coloured man was working f o r a lower wage, and with a s t r i k e imminent, the contractor approached Gibbs with a plan:  "I expect you w i l l have t o stop, f o r t h i s house must be f i n i s h e d  i n the time s p e c i f i e d j but i f you can get s i x or eight equally good workmen, I w i l l l e t these fellows go. ing  f o r your people.  Not that I have any s p e c i a l l i k -  I am giving these men  a l l the wages they demand,  and I am not w i l l i n g to submit to the tyranny of t h e i r d i c t a t i o n i f I  4  can help i t . "  Gibbs was unable to f i n d any other negroes to j o i n him,  so was soon hunting elsewhere f o r employment.  One menial job a f t e r  another eventually l e d to the position of porter and bootblack at the 5 Union Hotel, to  and soon by careful management he had saved enough money  enter into partnership with another negro, Nathan Pointer, i n a  clothing store known as Philadelphia House.  About a year l a t e r , he l e f t  4 Gibbs, op. c i t . . p. 44» 5 D e l i l a h H. Beasley, The Negro T r a i l Blazers of C a l i f o r n i a . Los Angeles, C a l i f o r n i a , 1919, pp. 110-113.  80 Nathan Pointer and joined Peter Lester to form the f i r m of Lester and Gibbs, importers of f i n e shoes.  Their shop at 636 Clay Street was w e l l  patronized, f o r they imported only the f i n e s t stock from Philadelphia, London and P a r i s , and as Lester was himself a bootmaker by trade, the business both wholesale and r e t a i l was a p r o f i t a b l e  one.  Throughout the years of h i s evolution from bootblack to business man,  Gibbs continued h i s struggle to get f u l l r i g h t s of c i t i z e n s h i p  for himself and h i s fellows. coloured men  As early as 1851, he and several other  had published i n the A l t a C a l i f o r n i a  a protest against  t h e i r disfranchisement and denial of the r i g h t of oath. a considerable s t i r among the whites who  This caused  had assumed that the negroes  were contented with t h e i r p o s i t i o n . This same group of coloured  men 6  began publication i n 1855 of a newspaper, the Mirror of the Times, which advocated equality f o r a l l Americans regardless of colour. was  Gibbs  also a member at the several conventions held by the negroes at  Sacramento during the 1850's, at which resolutions were drawn up to be introduced into the state l e g i s l a t u r e by white f r i e n d s . He could never be accused of "Uncle Tomism", f o r he would not meekly accept white domination and was  ever ready to f i g h t whatever he considered to be  i n j u s t i c e s towards h i s race. In A p r i l of 1858 the f i r s t group of coloured colonists l e f t  San  Francisco f o r V i c t o r i a and i t was Gibbs who made the farewell speech u at t h e i r departure.  On June 7th, according to a card published i n the  D a l l y Evening B u l l e t i n , he himself embarked f o r V i c t o r i a , taking a large 6 The only copy of the Mirror of the Times known to e x i s t i s i n the C a l i f o r n i a State L i b r a r y at Sacramento.  81 stock of miners' o u t f i t s consisting of f l o u r , bacon, blankets, picks and shovels and other items required i n the gold f i e l d s . goods he sold immediately  This load of  on a r r i v a l at a handsome p r o f i t , and a f t e r  sending to San Francisco f o r further supplies he set about f i n d i n g a location f o r the V i c t o r i a branch of the f i r m .  So well d i d t h e i r business  prosper i n V i c t o r i a that very shortly Lester and Gibbs closed out t h e i r store e n t i r e l y i n San Francisco. The year following h i s a r r i v a l on Vancouver Island, Gibbs returned to the United States to marry Maria A. Alexander, a coloured g i r l from Kentucky who had been educated at Oberlin College i n Ohio.  Their honey-  moon was the 4-,000 mile journey back to V i c t o r i a where they s e t t l e d i n the fashionable James Bay d i s t r i c t . 7 and returned to Oberlin i n 1867, Columbia u n t i l 1870.  Maria f o r some reason l e f t the colony  but her husband remained i n B r i t i s h  Speaking of his wife i n l a t e r years, Gibbs says,  "I have had a model wife i n a l l that the term implies, and she has had 8 a husband migratory and uncertain." Their children, a l l born i n V i c t o r i a 9 and baptized i n Christ Church,  appear to have succeeded.  Donald became  a machinist, Horace a p r i n t e r , Ida graduated from Oberlin College and became a teacher of English i n a Washington, D.C. High School, while Hattie graduated from the Conservatory of Music at Oberlin and became a teacher of music at the Eckstein-Norton University at Cave Springs, Kentucky. As one of the wealthiest negroes i n V i c t o r i a , and having great 7 Elevator. Sept. 6, 1867. 8 Glbba, op., c i t . , p. 63. 9 Baptismal R o l l s , Christ Church. Archives.  Photostat copies i n B.C.  Provincial  82 natural q u a l i t i e s of leadership, i t was but a short time before Gibbs was accepted by both white? and coloured people a l i k e as one of the leaders of the community, and i n f a c t was even elected to the c i t y c o u n c i l . He was accepted and respected  by a l l except f o r a few residents who were  too blinded by prejudice t o be conscious of h i s a b i l i t i e s .  He was sub-  jected to several unpleasant r a c i a l i n d i g n i t i e s during his f i r s t years (/  i n the colony, most spectacular being when a container o f f l o u r was thrown 10 over him while he was attending a concert at the V i c t o r i a Theatre, and the r e f u s a l t o admit him t o the farewell banquet given f o r the departing 11 Governor i n 1864*  In h i s autobiography, Gibbs chose t o ignore a l l  ^  v /  such unpleasant occurrences however, and t o r e f e r t o the people of V i c t o r i a i n only the kindest terms. In November 1868, he commenced construction on h i s l o t at 170 Government Street of what was to be the most modern and elaborate store i n i/ the town. B u i l t t o accommodate V i c t o r i a House, the dry-goods business operated by Findlay, Durham and Brodle, i t s well-advertised features included large mirrors, chandeliers, and highly polished counters of s o l i d mahogany.  The front of the store was very ornate, the woodwork  being carved i n imitation of bronze, and with display windows that ex12 tended almost from f l o o r t o c e i l i n g .  In January 1873, Denny, the manager  of the store went i n t o partnership with David Spencer, and they bought the business from i t s previous owners. Not u n t i l 1881 however d i d Gibbs 13 f i n a l l y s e l l the store t o Denny, who i n turn sold out t o Spencer. 10 See below, p. 191. 11 Ibid., p.201. 12 Colonist. March 23, 1869. 13 According t o the Tax R o l l s , C i t y H a l l , V i c t o r i a , B.C.  83 I t was t h i s l i t t l e store, b u i l t by M i f f l i n Gibbs, that was to be the f i r s t of the great chain of David Spencer stores which became so well-known 14 i n B r i t i s h Columbia. Another of Gibbs' business ventures was i n the Queen Charlotte Coal Mining Company, an organization which had o r i g i n a l l y been formed i n 1865,  but which had remained dormant u n t i l 1869 when t h e i r  engineer  assured them that the coal deposits on the Queen Charlotte Islands could become a paying proposition. although there was  The mines looked promising at the time, f o r  a large output of bituminous coal at Nanaimo, i t was  anthracite coal that the Indians had discovered at Skidegate Bay when they had b u i l t a f i r e on a broken seam, and as anthracite burned with l i t t l e flame, i t was  e s p e c i a l l y valuable f o r smelting purposes.  After  spending $60,000 to locate the paying deposits which were found on the east side of Seymour Mountain about a mile and a h a l f from the shore at Anchor Cove, the company c a l l e d f o r tenders f o r the construction of a short railway from the mines to the coast, and f o r a shipping wharf. Gibbs resigned as one of the directors of the company and submitted bid,  a  and although h i s tender was not the lowest, the contract was awarded  to him.  After obtaining a leave of absence from h i s p o s i t i o n as c i t y  c o u n c i l l o r , he set out f o r the Islands. In January 1869, the Queen Charlotte Coal Mining Company  v  chartered  the Hudson's Bay Company steamer, Otter, and Gibbs, accompanied by f i f t y men,  including labourers, blacksmiths, carpenters and a surveyor,  from V i c t o r i a f o r Skidegate harbour.  sailed  The Queen Charlottes were inhabited  by only a few t r i b e s scattered along the coast, and as the Otter s a i l e d up the Skidegate River to the company's quarters, i t was followed by a 14 The David Spencer Company has since been bought out by the-T. Eaton Company, Limited.  84 swarm of canoes', whose occupants quickly climbed on board t o welcome the "King George's men".  As f a r as the newcomers were concerned, the Indians  were a peaceful people and r e a d i l y a s s i s t e d i n unloading the v e s s e l . Once s e t t l e d i n h i s quarters, the new contractor made an inspection of the company's holdings.  Volcanic eruptions had thrust veins of coal  above the surface near Mount Seymour, and i t was here, several hundred feet above sea l e v e l that the best paying vein was located.  The task  which Gibbs had undertaken was t o b u i l d a railway over the most d i f f i c u l t grades to the sea.  Three months, the extent of h i s leave from the C i t y  Council, was a l l that he had anticipated requiring to complete the proj e c t , but there were unexpected delays, f o r not only d i d i t r a i n i n cessantly, but occasionally the Indians went on s t r i k e - not f o r more wages, but f o r more time.  They were paid i n tobacco f o r each bag of  coal delivered t o the ship, but they would not be hurried on the job. Fourteen months a f t e r Gibbs' a r r i v a l on the Island, the railway was completed.  I t was b u i l t on two grades, the upper one coming about  one t h i r d o f the way from the mines and ending i n a chute down which the coal was dumped to cars on the lower l e v e l which carried i t t o the loading dock.  Throughout the period of construction, four miners had  been at work on the coal vein, so as soon as the tracks were l a i d , the Otter was loaded and the f i r s t cargo of anthracite coal ever mined on the P a c i f i c coast was shipped t o San Francisco.  As the company's  superintendent now returned t o V i c t o r i a , Gibbs assumed that p o s i t i o n , but only remained u n t i l May of 1870, when he also l e f t f o r Vancouver Island, preparatory t o h i s f i n a l departure f o r the United States.  The  mine i t s e l f was abandoned i n 1872 when the owners became d i s s a t i s f i e d with the returns from t h e i r investment.  85 After spending over ten years i n V i c t o r i a , Gibbs was saddened at the thought of leaving, f o r the natural charms of the c i t y had c a p t i vated him, i t s people had graciously accepted him, and h i s children had been born there.  But he f e l t that i t was now time to go home, and home  was the United States where his family had already preceded him. The C i v i l War and emancipation made i t no longer necessary t o remain i n e x i l e , and he undoubtedly f e l t that there was a place f o r him i n the reconstruction of the southern states, where h i s brother Jonathan had  ^  already become an important o f f i c i a l . Gibbs had made many friends during h i s twenty years on the P a c i f i c coast, and among those he considered the most estimable was P h i l i p A. B e l l , editor of the Elevator i n San Francisco. B e l l was responsible f o r what was probably Gibbs* f i r s t serious attempt at journalism, f o r i t was while serving on the V i c t o r i a C i t y Council, that he was i n v i t e d by the C a l i f o r n i a editor to become h i s V i c t o r i a correspondent.  At t h i s request, Gibbs wrote  a series of l e t t e r s dealing with p o l i t i c a l and economic'conditions i n 15 B r i t i s h Columbia, as w e l l as the thorny question of confederation. Among the persons o f note that he met while i n V i c t o r i a were Lady Franklin, wife of the A r c t i c explorer, and Schuyler Colfax, Speaker i n the American House of Representatives.  Lady Franklin landed a t Esquimalt  i n 1861 s t i l l i n search of information that might throw new l i g h t on the disappearance of her husband.  I t would be i n t e r e s t i n g t o know why she  took such an interest i n the negro c o l o n i s t s , f o r not only does M i f f l i n Gibbs make s p e c i a l mention of her, but ten years a f t e r her v i s i t , W.D. Moses also commented i n h i s diary on the death of h i s f r i e n d Lady F r a n k l i n . 15 See appendix E . n  w  M i f f l i n Gibbs' l e t t e r s t o the Elevator.  86  Schuyler Colfax, a close f r i e n d of Lincoln v i s i t e d V i c t o r i a i n the summer of 1865  and was met at the S t . Nicholas Hotel by Abner Francis  and M i f f l i n Gibbs, representing the coloured community.  Colfax said  that he f e l t honoured by t h e i r v i s i t , and l a t e r when interviewed by the D a i l y Chronicle  said that the address presented to him by the coloured  committee was among the best that he had received on the coast.  Colfax  t o l d Gibbs and Francis that he had always used h i s influence against slavery, but that he could not agree to giving the vote to a l l negroes as was demanded by c e r t a i n sections of the population.  The  ability  to read and write, he said, should be a basic q u a l i f i c a t i o n f o r the 16 franchise.  Gibbs was never i n accord with t h i s a t t i t u d e , b e l i e v i n g  as he d i d that the vote was the r i g h t of every man regardless of h i s educational q u a l i f i c a t i o n s . While s t i l l i n V i c t o r i a , Gibbs had planned to go to the  southern  states to p r a c t i s e law, and with t h i s i n mind had read English Common ^ Law under D.6. Ring, a b a r r i s t e r i n the town.  On h i s return to the  United States he was then prepared to undertake further studies i n the law department of an Oberlin, Ohio, business college.  I t i s remarkable  that he should attempt to begin such a career at f i f t y years of age, and even more remarkable that he should prove so successful at i t . doubt the example set by h i s brother Jonathan was  No  a great i n s p i r a t i o n ,  for he had become Secretary of the State of F l o r i d a during the period of reconstruction.  A f t e r graduating from the Ohio business college,  Gibbs v i s i t e d his brother i n Tallahassee where having been threatened by the Ku KLux Klan, the l a t t e r was l i v i n g i n the a t t i c of h i s home surrounded by a small arsenal.  Jonathan introduced h i s brother to  Governor Hart, and although both promised t h e i r support should he decide 16 V i c t o r i a D a i l y Chronicle. July 29,  1865.  87 to remain i n F l o r i d a , Gibbs decided not to do so, f e e l i n g that he would be p r o f i t i n g by h i s brother's success. Before leaving Ohio on this tour of the south, he had been appointed a delegate t o a convention of negroes being held i n Charleston, South Carolina.  Here he met several delegates from Arkansas who painted such  an a l l u r i n g picture of the advantages offered by that state, that he decided to s e t t l e there permanently.  I t was one Sunday morning i n May,  1871 that he arrived, an absolute stranger i n L i t t l e Rock, where he entered a law f i r m t o continue his studies preparatory t o being admitted to the bar.  In 1872, i n partnership with another lawyer, he opened h i s  own o f f i c e .  From now on nothing could stop h i s progress, f o r the follow-  ing  year he was appointed County Attorney of Pulaski County, and shortly  a f t e r was elected Municipal Judge by the people o f L i t t l e Rock.  This  ^  was a high honour, f o r the majority of the electors were white and not coloured.  The e l e c t i o n attracted considerable attention i n the United  States, f o r as f a r as was known, Gibbs was the f i r s t negro to hold such an o f f i c e .  In 1877 came h i s appointment by the President as Register ( s i c )  of United States Lands i n the L i t t l e Rock d i s t r i c t , and f i n a l l y he was made Receiver of Public Moneys. Before deciding to make his home i n the south, Gibbs had read widely on the subject of p o l i t i c s and p o l i t i c i a n s , and i t i s therefore not surprising that he played an active r o l e i n the p o l i t i c a l l i f e of h i s s t a t e .  As a supporter of General Grant he was elected at the  Arkansas Republican State Convention i n 1880 to be a delegate at the National Convention of that year, and as a souvenir of t h i s occasion was  given a bronze medal naming him one of the " h i s t o r i c 306" who t r i e d  unsuccessfully t o nominate the President f o r a t h i r d term.  88  In October 1897, a telegram from Washington arrived i n L i t t l e Rock f o r Judge Gibbs, bringing the news of h i s appointment as United States consul f o r the Island of Madagascar.  On Christmas Eve, h i s friends  gave him a farewell party and on January 1, 1898, he set s a i l i n the Champagne  on the f i r s t l a p of a 10,000 mile journey to h i s new post.  M i f f l i n Wistar Gibbs had followed h i s own advice and "had gone and done great things". At times the obstacles i n h i s way seemed almost insuperable, but perhaps the very f a c t that he was of coloured blood increased h i s determination t o r i s e above h i s background of slavery. In writing of his l i f e , he says "the portrayal might be of benefit t o those who,  eager f o r advancement, are w i l l i n g to be laborious students 17  to a t t a i n worthy ends."  I f one of the greatest values of h i s t o r i c a l  biography i s to give i n s p i r a t i o n , then the story of M i f f l i n Wistar Gibbs has f u l f i l l e d i t s purpose.  17 Gibbs, og. c i t . , p. i i i .  89  CHAPTER  V  THE POLITICAL IMPACT The colony of Vancouver Island was  s t i l l i n i t s infancy at the  beginning of the gold rush, f o r hardly ten years had passed since i t had been ceded by Royal Charter to the Hudson's Bay Company on condition that i t form a colony there. was  Under the terms of the charter, the Company  to use the money received from the sale of lands and from the mineral  deposits, l e s s ten per cent, f o r improvements and colonization.  I f these  conditions were not f u l f i l l e d , the Crown could demand the return of the land a f t e r f i v e years, and when the r i g h t of the Company to exclusive trade terminated i n 1859, the Crown could regain control by repaying 1  the  Company the t o t a l cost of i t s investment. The government of the colony was  to consist of a governor, a nomi-  nated council and an elected l e g i s l a t i v e assembly.  While James Douglas,  f a c t o r at Fort V i c t o r i a , was the Company's choice f o r governor, Richard Blanshard, an English lawyer, was  selected by the home o f f i c e .  After  a short and unhappy stay i n the colony, Blanshard returned to England, but not before he had established some form of government by  appointing  James Douglas, John Tod and James Cooper as a provisional c o u n c i l .  After  Blanshard's retirement, Douglas, the senior man  on t h i s council, became  governor, but i t was not u n t i l 1856  instructed to form the  long awaited assembly.  that he was  To do t h i s he divided the colony into four  1 Charter of Grant of Vancouver's Island to the Hudson's Bay Company, Dated 13 January 1849, i n Miscellaneous Papers Relating to Vancouver Island. 1848-1863, pp. 13-16.  90  e l e c t o r a l d i s t r i c t s , but there were so few persons outside of V i c t o r i a who had the necessary property q u a l i f i c a t i o n s f o r the franchise, that i t was only i n V i c t o r i a where there was any actual competition.  In the other  d i s t r i c t s , the candidates merely took t h e i r seats upon nomination.  This  f i r s t l e g i s l a t i v e assembly of s i x members met on August 12, 1856, with Dr. J.S. Helmcken as speaker. May 30th, 1859 was the date on which the Hudson's Bay Company monopoly was to expire, but the Company wanted to know i t s f a t e well i n advance, and i n an attempt to answer i t s enquiries, a select committee 2 was set up i n England i n 1857.  Twenty-four witnesses were examined  t o decide whether or not the monopoly should :be continued, but something else had by t h i s timerentered into the question and was to be the deciding factor - gold had been discovered.  Gold was f i r s t reported i n  the Queen Charlotte Islands i n 1851, and i n 1855 i t was located on the Columbia River; by the end of 1857 excitement was r a p i d l y growing and by the spring of 1858 the rush was on. The r u l e of the Company was over, but i t s influence was to be f e l t f o r many years to come. Up t o 1858 James Douglas was governor of the Island colony only, the mainland being outside of h i s j u r i s d i c t i o n .  Now with the rush of  miners t o the gold f i e l d s , some authority was needed there, and the p o s i t i o n of governor was offered t o him on condition that he separate" himself from the Company. Douglas accepted, and B r i t i s h Columbia came into being by an Act of Parliament i n August 1858. This colony, which was s t i l l quite separate from Vancouver Island, was to include the t e r r i t o r y bounded by the United States on the south, the Rocky Mountains 2 Report from the Select Committee on the Hudson's Bay Company; Together with the Proceedings of the Committee. Minutes of Evidence. Appendix and Index. Ordered, by the House of Commons, t o be Printed, 31 July and 11 August 1857.  91 on the east, the Nass River and F i n l a y branch of the Peace River on the north, and the P a c i f i c Ocean on the west.  The coastal islands were also  to be included with the exception of Vancouver Island i t s e l f . Langley, on November 19, 1858, colony took place.  At Fort  the o f f i c i a l ceremony establishing the  new  Douglas swore i n Matthew B a i l l i e Begbie as Judge of  B r i t i s h Columbia, and himself took oaths of o f f i c e ; then he  proclaimed  the end of the Hudson's Bay Company trading monopoly i n the new  colony.  Ordinances passed by Douglas and his o f f i c i a l s were now v a l i d , and English law was to be i n f o r c e . U n t i l March of governorship,  I864 James Douglas occupied h i s p o s i t i o n of dual  a s i t u a t i o n which aroused much discontent on the mainland  f o r the seat of government remained at V i c t o r i a , the c a p i t a l of the s i s t e r colony.  Because of complaints, the treasurer and attorney-general moved  to New Westminster.  Douglas was the sole law making authority however,  f o r although he had a council of sorts there was as yet no elected assembly. Naturally the s e t t l e r s on the mainland wanted the same representative i n s t i t u t i o n s that existed on Vancouver Island; as i t was, voice i n the a f f a i r s of government.  no  Petition after petition carried  t h e i r grievances to the Crown, and eventually i n May Governor Douglas was  they had  and June of  informed that the mainland colony would be  1863, enlarged  and would have a separate governor and l e g i s l a t i v e c o u n c i l . This council would not be e n t i r e l y representative however, f o r i t was one-third government o f f i c i a l s , one-third magistrates and one-third elected by the colonists themselves.  to consist of  from the  colony  The Duke of Newcastle,  who was now Secretary of State f o r the Colonies, f e l t that i t would be impossible to make i t e n t i r e l y representative owing to the nature of the population which was  continually on the move from mining camp to mining  92  camp.  With the end of Douglas' term of o f f i c e i n  I864, thetro colonies  were given separate governors u n t i l 1866 when the Island and the mainland were united as B r i t i s h Columbia.  I t was  during the years  preceding  t h i s union, and i n the Island colony only that the negro s e t t l e r s were 1 / an important p o l i t i c a l f a c t o r .  I t was  i n V i c t o r i a alone that a large,  /  c l e a r l y defined negro community existed and there they fought by p o l i t i c a l means to acquire a l l the r i g h t s and p r i v i l e g e s that they considered  to  be t h e i r s . On Vancouver Island, the 1856 1859,  and i n January of i860 a new  This was so.  assembly continued  i n existence u n t i l  fifteen-member assembly was  a turbulent e l e c t i o n and i t was  elected.  the negro voters who made i t  <^  There were four candidates competing f o r the two seats available  f o r V i c t o r i a Town.  George Hunter Cary, the Attorney-General and Selim  Franklin, an auctioneer were supporting Douglas and the government party, while i n opposition were Amor DeCosmos, editor of the Colonist. and Edward E. Langford, a farm b a i l i f f of the Puget Sound A g r i c u l t u r a l Company. Langford soon withdrew, leaving DeCosmos alone against Cary and F r a n k l i n . According to the law of the colony at that time, only B r i t i s h subjects had the r i g h t t o vote, and since there was no n a t u r a l i z a t i o n law on the Island t h i s meant that one could not become a B r i t i s h subject there, but must have been born such or have become naturalized i n B r i t a i n or i n one of her colonies other than Vancouver Island.  The majority of  the coloured people, having been born i n the United States, d i d not have the franchise.  Cary and Franklin were quite aware of t h i s , but very  c r a f t i l y suggested to the negro colonists that since, according to the Dred Scott decision, they were l e g a l l y c i t i z e n s of no country, they  93 could vote i n the coming election by merely taking an oath of allegiance. Later Cary i n s i s t e d that he had merely suggested t o M i f f l i n Gibbs that  ^  the coloured men put t h e i r names on the voters' l i s t s t o t e s t the question. The franchise was regarded very highly by the negroes who saw i n i t a symbol of equality, and when i t was offered t o them by leading government o f f i c i a l s , who were they t o question i t ? Undoubtedly by getting a l l the coloured men out t o vote, Cary hoped t o secure the few good votes of those who were already B r i t i s h subjects.  DeCosmos understood the  strategy of his opponents and published a warning: Our advice t o the foreign portion i s not t o record a s o l i t a r y vote....Hereafter when there i s a n a t u r a l i z a t i o n law enacted, then w i l l be the time t o become B r i t i s h subjects, and t i l l then naturali z a t i o n w i l l not be l e g a l .  k  The system of elections i n the colony was very imperfect and f o r t h i s reason was the source of much discontent.  In order t o vote, one  must f i r s t r e g i s t e r as a voter, then, a f t e r the period of r e g i s t r a t i o n was over, a Court of Revision was held at which time objections could be r a i s e d t o names on the l i s t .  Unqualified voters sometimes remained on  the l i s t merely because no one raised any objection t o them, while others, who should have been l e f t on, were sometimes struck o f f when they could not prove themselves to be B r i t i s h subjects. In the case of the negroes, they were assured that i t would be quite l e g a l f o r them to r e g i s t e r , and when they appeared at the S h e r i f f ' s Office t o do so, t h e i r names were taken a f t e r they had taken an oath of allegiance, even though the l e g a l period f o r r e g i s t r a t i o n had expired.  3 Colonist. May 21, 1861. 4 I b i d . . Nov. 21, 1859.  ^  94 Neither the s h e r i f f nor the r e v i s o r objected to t h e i r r e g i s t r a t i o n , f o r both o f f i c i a l s were friends of Cary.  Although DeCosmos could have ob-  jected at t h i s time he d i d not do so, apparently hoping f o r the negro vote himself. Some time before when there had been attempts t o segregate the coloured people i n one of the churches, he had championed them: now he probably expected the negroes t o return the favour. Such was not to be however, f o r the eighteen negroes who voted, a l l registered f o r Cary and Franklin, and these were enough to defeat DeCosmos:  ^  Cary - 137 Franklin - 106 DeCosmos - 91 On the evening following the e l e c t i o n the coloured supporters of the government party held a "grand j o l l i f i c a t i o n " at the P i s t o l Gallery  6 on Johnson Street to celebrate the successful return of t h e i r candidates. Selim Franklin was there with some of his friends and a f t e r Peter Lester had made a few introductory remarks, he thanked the negroes f o r supporting him.  Then M i f f l i n Gibbs expressed the happiness of h i s people at  having been given the p o l i t i c a l r i g h t s which had been denied them i n a country c a l l i n g i t s e l f f r e e .  " I t i s an i l l wind that blows nobody good"  he said, f o r the storm that had sent them from C a l i f o r n i a to Vancouver Island was now enabling them t o r e t a l i a t e against those Americans  and  sympathizers who had been so i l l - f a v o u r e d towards the coloured people i n the United States.  He went on to say that England would f i n d her new  coloured colonists among her most l o y a l and devoted subjects who would be ever ready to bare t h e i r breasts against her enemies.  By the next  e l e c t i o n he hoped 200 negroes would have the franchise instead of only 5 See below, p. 178. 6 V i c t o r i a Gazette, Jan. 9, 1860.  Colonist, Jan. 10, i860.  ,  95 the twenty-five^ who  7 had registered t h i s time.  There was further speech-  making and then the meeting broke up with much h i l a r i t y a f t e r singing "Rule Britannia" and "God Save the Queen". DeCosmos, knowing that he had been defeated by i l l e g a l votes was not going t o accept the r e s u l t s of the e l e c t i o n .  But why,  asked the  Gazette, had not one of the opposition challenged the r i g h t of the coloured men to the franchise at the time of the r e g i s t r a t i o n ?  Had DeCosmos 8 hesitated because he himself hoped f o r the negro vote? No doubt "Shears",a correspondent to the Colonist, was quite r i g h t  when he said that the negro voters were not i n the l e a s t concerned about who was the best candidate, but merely asked themselves "Who  i s most  9 f r i e n d l y to the 'nigger', or who w i l l promise most to the coloured man?" In reply a negro correspondent countered by saying that h i s people asked only the p o l i t i c a l and r e l i g i o u s equality granted by the B r i t i s h constitution.  I t was t h e i r r i g h t t o decide who was the best candidate.  Why  should they vote f o r DeCosmos and h i s followers, who had referred to them 10 i n the press as "niggers" and "slaves"? Immediately a f t e r the e l e c t i o n , DeCosmos began proceedings t o have the election l i s t s investigated, but Governor Douglas refused to permit the examination of the p o l l books, and the matter was postponed f o r s i x months. When the complaint came before the election committee i n 7 V i c t o r i a Gazette. Jan. 9, 8 I b i d . . Jan. 11, i860. 9 Colonist. Jan. 12, I860. 10 Ibid .. Jan. H ,  i860.  1860.  96 July I860, they too refused to open the r e g i s t r a t i o n l i s t s since they 11 had been closed by the r e v i s i n g b a r r i s t e r .  On hearing t h i s decision,  DeCosmos l o s t his temper and was only quietened by the threat of p o l i c e action. So many objections continued to be made however, that a Court of Revision was f i n a l l y held i n the P o l i c e Court rooms on March 11,  1861.  Although most ofethe persons there were coloured, DeCosmos was present, determined that no negroes should be i l l e g a l l y registered t h i s time.  As  had been predicted, the r e v i s i n g b a r r i s t e r found that twenty-four of the twenty-six coloured men who had voted were American negroes and not e n t i t l e d to the franchise! the remaining two had been naturalized i n 12 Canada and had voted l e g a l l y . The Colonist had the l a s t words We held them t o be a l i e n s ; treated them as such; warned them of the consequences of being made the tools of Cary & Co.; and a f t e r sixteen months from the time of our f i r s t warning they are t o l d to t h e i r sorrow, by the very same party who deceived them, that t h e i r votes are i l l e g a l .  /  v  12  The election had at least proven the need of a n a t u r a l i z a t i o n law i n the colony, and i n May of 1861 when Attorney-General Cary held a meeting i n the Lyceum to inform the public of h i s course of action i n the l e g i s l a t u r e during the preceding months, he announced that i t was h i s intention to introduce such a b i l l at the next s i t t i n g of the assemblys We want an A l i e n B i l l here, and t o put an end to the miserable, d i s j o i n t e d state of the Colony, I s h a l l introduce one at the next session, giving aliens nearly every p r i v i l e g e . (Applause.) We can't get along prosperously unless we admit t o c i t i z e n s h i p nearly every foreign resident i n the Colony.  11 V i c t o r i a Gazette, July 23, 25, i860. 12 V i c t o r i a D a i l y Press. March 23, 13 Colonist. March 23, 14 Ibid .. May 21,  1861.  1861.  1861.  97 Once again the disputed election was the audience and Cary was  brought up by the opposition i n  examined on the  subject:  Mr. Nias - Why d i d you put 50 or 60 foreigners on the voters' l i s t l a s t year without an A l i e n B i l l ? Mr. Cary - I t o l d Mr. Gibbs (colored) that he had better put h i s name on the l i s t and t e s t the question as t o whether they were e n t i t l e d to vote. Mr. Gibbs said Mr. Cary t o l d him that colored people who had no p o l i t i c a l status i n any other country had a perfect r i g h t t o vote here on taking an oath of allegiance (Sensation.) Mr. Cary - Didn't I t e l l you that you had better put your names on the l i s t to t e s t the question? Mr. Gibbs - You might have done so - I don't remember. (Renewed laughter.)  21 On the following evening the opposition also held a public meeting for  the purpose of reviewing the acts of George Hunter Cary as well  as to organize a Reform Association.  DeCosmos, the p r i n c i p a l speaker  of the evening, condemned the work of Cary, and when Wellington: D. Moses, the negro barber, mounted the platform presumably i n defence of the Attorney-General,  the Colonist  him and that he was  reported that no one would l i s t e n to  forced to withdraw.  Regarding t h i s statement,  Moses wrote: V i c t o r i a , May  23d,  1861.  Editor B r i t i s h Colonist:I see i n your report of the meeting at the Lyceum on Tuesday night that ,1 am represented as having mounted the stand i n a contemptuous manner, as "a colored man named Moses and creating confusion." Now, s i r , you know me as well as you do any other man i n the Colony. I was not the cause of the confusion, as you s t a t e . I was loudly c a l l e d f o r arddid not have the s l i g h t e s t motive i n taking  15 Colonist. May  21,  1861.  98  any part i n the meeting. I was c a l l e d f o r at the meeting the night previous and declined speaking. I t i s not my desire t o thrust myself upon any set of men or any society. On e l e c t i o n day my vote w i l l t e l l which side I am on. I w i l l e x e r c i s e i i t as an Englishman* Respectfully, yours, W.D. MOSES. 16 While i t was now admitted that American bora negroes could not have the same rights and p r i v i l e g e s as B r i t i s h subjects, how about negroes who were B r i t i s h subjects by b i r t h or naturalization, would they be given the same p o l i t i c a l rights as the whites?  They had been permitted t o vote;  what would happen should one decide t o run f o r o f f i c e ?  The case of  Jacob Francis was t o be the t e s t . In the f a l l of 1861, a vacancy occurred i n the L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly and Jacob Francis, a negro born i n England, advertised h i s intention of running as an independent  candidate:  INDEPENDENT CANDIDATE  TO THE ELECTORS OF THE DISTRICT OF VICTORIA Gentlemen,- Having been s o l i c i t e d by many of the voters of your D i s t r i c t t o come forward as a candidate f o r your suffrages, and as a vacancy has recently occurred I now beg t o o f f e r myself as a candidate t o represent you i n the House of Assembly. Were I a member o f the House of Assembly, I should devote a l l my energies i n advocating wholesome laws, a l i b e r a l Incorporation Act, a.Reform i n the Courts of Justice and reduction of exhorbitant fees; a B i l l f o r the easy and cheap recovery of small debts, repeal of the infamous Registration of Deeds Act and a better l a v i n i t s place. In short I should endeavor t o have no law on the Statute book that would not conduce t o the safety and happiness of the country. I should not do, what we as a people are accused of doing 7 attending s o l e l y t o the advancement of our own class - but I should j consult the interests of the country i n general, and those of the / District i n particular. 16 Colonist. May 23, 1861.  99 I f you do me the honor to return me you w i l l f i n d me up t o my work, I was born i n England, and have spent much time i n the study of c o l o n i a l p o l i t i c a l economy. I have the honor to be, Your obedient servant JACOB FRANCIS Probably as a joke and with no serious intention of seeing the negro elected, James Thorne mounted the steps of the V i c t o r i a Schoolhouse and nominated Francis as a candidate i n the coming e l e c t i o n , with 18 J.D. C a r r o l l , another prominent c i t i z e n as seconder.  At the same time  Joseph Trutch was also nominated, but as he was absent from V i c t o r i a a t the time he was objected to because he would be unable to take the oath required by law, before the e l e c t i o n .  The objection was withdrawn be19  fore the p o l l however, and the nomination allowed to stand. There were four candidates f o r the two available seats, and on the following day a f t e r the vote was taken, the returns were, Trimble 38, Trutch 36, Francis 11, and Young 4.  Trimble and Trutch were the two  members t o represent V i c t o r i a D i s t r i c t . Of the f i v e coloured votes i n the d i s t r i c t , only two had been registered f o r Francis, and most of the whites who had voted f o r him admitted having done so f o r the purpose 20 of "creating a row i n the House of Assembly". been elected? D a i l y Press  But had Joseph Trutch  In denying his r i g h t to the seat the Colonist and the  were f o r once i n agreement.  As Trutch was not even i n the  colony, he obviously could not have taken the required oath before the e l e c t i o n , therefore he could not even be a candidate.  While neither  paper considered Francis a suitable representative, they upheld h i s 17 V i c t o r i a D a i l y Press. Nov. 12, 18 Colonist. Nov. 16, 19 I b i d . . Nov. 18, 20 Loc. c i t .  1861.  1861.  1861.  100  l e g a l r i g h t to the seat i n the assembly.  Apart from the r a c i a l aspects  of the case, i t was a matter of p r i n c i p l e and precedent.  Was  the law  so a r b i t r a r y that i t could be changed t o s u i t the government i n power? Could the government absolutely ignore i t s own laws? Francis hired a lawyer and was determined to t e s t the v a l i d i t y of 21 the e l e c t i o n . His p e t i t i o n was drawn up and presented, and i t appeared very much as i f the government was trapped by i t s own Franchise Act. The Daily Press commented:  .'  I t may be objected that he wears h i s necktie i n a peculiar manner - that he keeps a drinking saloon - or that he d i d not take his degree at Oxford - but we do not think the members w i l l f i n d such objections v a l i d according t o Blackstone or any of the other l e g a l authorities of Great B r i t a i n . 22 The controversy created a great deal of excitement In the colony and r a p i d l y became a race question.  /  I t was said that i f Francis were  elected, the House would be dissolved as the members were gentlemen and 23 would not s i t with negroes who were only f i t t e d to be bootblacks. They had to admit however that the negro had the necessary q u a l i f i c a t i o n s and that he was  just as i n t e l l i g e n t as many of the white members.  Colour  was the main objection. The government was determined to r e j e c t Francis, and i t was that some way should be found to do so.  inevitable  Trimble and Trutch were sworn  i n and took t h e i r seats, and an election committee was appointed to consider the p e t i t i o n and to decide whether or not the coloured man was to be substituted f o r Trutch. rejected.  They found a loophole and the p e t i t i o n was  The f a u l t l a y not i n the content of the p e t i t i o n , which could  21 V i c t o r i a D a i l y Press, Nov. 20, 22 I b i d . . Nov. 21, 23 Loc« c i t .  1861.  1861.  101 not be disputed, but i n the way the document was drawn up*  I t was  ob-  jected to because there were erasures and i n t e r l i n e a t i o n s , although these had been made before  the paper had been signed.  In the meantime the time  l i m i t f o r submitting the p e t i t i o n had expired, and Francis was not given 24 an extension i n order to have a new document drawn up*  The committee  had succeeded i n i t s purpose and the case was closed* As long as the negroes voted en bloc as they had i n i860, they were a p o l i t i c a l power i n the community and were feared and fawned upon by local politicians.  But they also had to accept unfortunate consequences,  f o r by so doing they must always earn the enmity of the party they chose not t o support.  After the election of i860 most of the negroes had been  removed from the e l e c t i o n l i s t s , but by 1863 a n a t u r a l i z a t i o n law had been passed (Alien Act of 1861), and f i f t y - t w o coloured men s u f f i c i e n t amount of property to permit them to vote.  owned a  Once again Amor  DeCosmos was a candidate i n the coming e l e c t i o n , and undoubtedly  fearing  a r e p e t i t i o n of h i s previous experience with the negroes, he spent  two 2$  hours with M i f f l i n Gibbs, t r y i n g unsuccessfully to s o l i c i t h i s vote. Shortly a f t e r , when the coloured people held a public meeting t o discuss the coming election, De Cosmos was present to t r y to make amends f o r h i s previous behaviour, but i n s p i t e of t h i s , W i l l i s Bond condemned him f o r what he had done i n the past, accusing him of d r i v i n g many coloured people to misery, d e s t i t u t i o n and death.  When .Gibbs took the platform,  he was no more charitable towards DeCosmos than Bond had been.  DeCosmos  should be put on h i s good behaviour f o r three' years before the coloured people would vote f o r him, Gibbs p u b l i c l y stated. Then, he continued, 24 Colonist. Dec. 10, 1861. 25 D a i l y Chronicle. July 18, 1863*  102  " I f you are elected we w i l l see i f your professions are sincere: i f you are defeated, we w i l l see how you behave yourself under the disappoint26 ment." On election day the Chronicle  c a r r i e d a reminder to the negro  voters: The colored voters w i l l p o l l FIFTY-TWO VOTES. Whichever way t h e i r ^ influence i s cast today, so goes the e l e c t i o n . The colored man who f a l t e r s i n the present emergency and votes f o r his arch-enemy w i l l betray his race. 27 But  the negroes p a i d l i t t l e a t t e n t i o n , f o r DeCosmos was  safe margin.  Not only d i d many coloured men  f a i l to vote at a l l , but  a few even voted f o r the "arch-enemy" himself. community since 1860?  elected by a  What had happened i n the  Perhaps some preferred to make a f r i e n d of the  enemy. Since there was no secret b a l l o t he would know how voted by merely consulting the p o l l books. or economic reasons why  each had  Perhaps there were s o c i a l  a few negroes gave him t h e i r vote.  Did some  r e a l i z e the h o s t i l i t y aroused against them by bloc voting?  In i860,  as f a r as the negroes were concerned, the main issue was to the franchise: but now  their right  they had the vote, and the very f a c t that  they had been given t h i s symbol of equality i s a possible reason some d i d not vote at a l l . i t ; when i t was  why  When they d i d not have the vote, they wanted  f i n a l l y given to them, they were no longer interested  i n making use of i t . did  Whatever were the reasons why  every negro elector  not turn out to the p o l l and vote against DeCosmos, the f a c t alone  proves that the coloured community was no longer a p o l i t i c a l u n i t y : no longer would the negroes b l i n d l y follow t h e i r leaders.  26 D a i l y Chronicle. July 18, 27 Loc. c i t .  v/  1863.  103 In  I864 a seat i n the assembly representing V i c t o r i a f e l l vacant  and as i n the other elections, the negro vote was once again something to  bargain f o r . Franklin, Searby and Welch were the candidates t h i s time,  and Searby, fearing the popularity of Franklin, decided t o t r y t o win the support of the coloured e l e c t o r s .  Candidate Searby, following the  example already set by De Cosmos the previous year, v i s i t e d Gibbs to s o l i c i t h i s vote and that of his followers. Gibbs, who had p o l i t i c a l ambitions himself was annoyed by a law providing that only B r i t i s h subjects by b i r t h and not by n a t u r a l i z a t i o n could occupy seats i n the House of Assembly.  As few except the coloured  c i t i z e n s of V i c t o r i a had become naturalized i n the colony, t h i s law seemed to be directed against them i n p a r t i c u l a r and was- a source of constant i r r i t a t i o n to them.  Naturally since they made up such a large  proportion of the population of the colony, and had t o abide by i t s laws, they f e l t that they should have some part i n making these laws, or at l e a s t have the p r i v i l e g e of putting up one of t h e i r own people as a candidate f o r the assembly. At  the l a s t session of the l e g i s l a t u r e , the Honourable Mr. Ridge  had introduced an A l i e n B i l l  (not to be confused with the A l l e n Act of  1861) which would have remedied the s i t u a t i o n by giving naturalized subjects a l l the r i g h t s of B r i t i s h born subjects, a f t e r a residence of f i v e years i n the colony and a f t e r taking an oath of allegiance. to  Needless  say, the negroes would support the candidate who would vote f o r t h i s  bill.  Searby, t o win "60 colored votes" gave h i s promise.  This was a  most "unholy a l l i a n c e " f o r a few years before, because-of his prejudice, Searby had been one of those responsible f o r d r i v i n g the coloured people out of the Rev. Matthew Macfie's church; furthermore when Gibbs had been  104 nominated f o r a seat on the Municipal Council, i t was W.M.  Searby who  had  p u b l i c l y stated that he would refuse to s i t on any board i f the coloured man should be elected to i t .  Selim Franklin, on the other hand, who had  won the negro vote i n i860 by assuring them that they had a l l the rights of B r i t i s h subjects, now refused them these r i g h t s by h i s f a i l u r e t o promise support f o r the A l i e n B i l l .  The question of whether or not  he would vote f o r the B i l l was put t o Searby by M i f f l i n Gibbs, and t h e i r correspondence was published i n the Colonist: V i c t o r i a , V.I. Jan. 18th, Mr. for the any  I864.  W.M. Searby- S i r : - Would you have supported Mr. Ridge's B i l l the n a t u r a l i z a t i o n of Aliens, as presented t h i s session of L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly? - and w i l l you support such a b i l l at subsequent period should you be returned? Very r e s p e c t f u l l y yours, M.W.  Gibbs. 28  V i c t o r i a , Jan'y 18th,  I864.  Mr. M.W. Gibbs- S i r - I am i n receipt of your communication of t h i s date asking me whether I should have supported Mr. Ridge's b i l l f o r the n a t u r a l i z a t i o n of aliens had I been i n the Legisl a t i v e Assembly, and whether I w i l l support such a b i l l at any subsequent period. In reply I beg t o say that I am prepared to vote f o r such a measure whenever I t i s introduced into the House of Assembly should I be elected. I am, S i r yours very t r u l y , W.M.  Searby. 22  These l e t t e r s aroused the supporters of Selim Franklin, and from now on the Evening Express became v i o l e n t l y anti-negro. I t claimed that the Alien B i l l would only be the means of enabling Lester and Gibbs t o 28 Colonist. Jan. 19, 29 L o c . c i t .  I864.  105 30 enter the L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly of the colony. other aliens i n  I t was s a i d that a l l the  the community remained l o y a l to t h e i r homelands and d i d  not wish to give up t h e i r n a t i o n a l i t i e s ; most c e r t a i n l y they d i d not wish to meddle i n the p o l i t i c s of a strange country and were quite content to l i v e under the laws of the people among whom they had come to l i v e .  The  negroes however owed l o y a l t y to no country and f o r t h i s reason i t was claimed were the only a l i e n group who had any ambitions to enter the parliament of the colony.  But Englishmen would not be governed by  negroes, the Express maintained, and furthermore  ^/  they d i d not l i k e t o  see one class of men banding together f o r p o l i t i c a l reasons. We (believe that on calm r e f l e c t i o n t h e i r modesty w i l l reassert i t s sway over t h e i r minds, and that, when t h i s l i t t l e temporary e b u l l i t i o n of ambitious yearnings has passed away, that they w i l l be ready to acknowledge t h e i r own i n t e r e s t s , and also the interests of the community are best served by leaving the l e g i s l a t i o n of the Colony i n the hands of t h e i r English f r i e n d s .  32 Here i s genuine fear that negroes might get into the l e g i s l a t u r e and i s i n d i c a t i v e of the power s t i l l held by the coloured community.  For  two weeks the Evening Express d i d everything i t could t o d i s c r e d i t the negroes i n the eyes of the whites, and t o discourage them from v o t i n g . A few days before the election, a p o l i t i c a l meeting was held i n the Pioneer H a l l where before a gathering of four hundred people of a l l races and p o l i t i c a l leanings, M i f f l i n Gibbs t o l d the story of the "celebrated l e t t e r s " , of how he had t o l d Searby that he would not vote for  anyone who would not support the A l i e n B i l l .  Searby, he said, could  not make up h i s mind on the question, but l a t e r had come back t o say that he had read the b i l l and was w i l l i n g t o support i t ; he would also support common schools where a l l races would be treated as equals.  W i l l i s Bond  as usual spoke to the gathering and injected a l i t t l e humour when he 30 Evening Express, January 25, 1864» 31 Loc.  cit.'  106  announced that he would mention the good q u a l i t i e s of Searby and only the bad ones of h i s opponents. 32 meeting broke up.  A f t e r pledging t o support Searby, the  The entire coloured population was by no means unanimous i n t h i s decision, f o r there was a small group of British-born Jamaican negroes who refused to j o i n the American coloured people.  Being British-born,  they would not benefit by the A l i e n B i l l and so refused t o support i t . One Jamaican wrote t o the press giving his point of view, and i n so doing aroused the h o s t i l i t y of the American negroes: To the E d i t o r of the Evening Sir:-  Express  That question, the a l i e n question, what a f e a r f u l bugbear i t must be. I know of no question originated in V i c t o r i a , that created such bickerings among p o l i t i c i a n s of every creed and clergymen of every denomination. But i t i s as much a coloured question as an a l i e n . Mr. Searby's friends and voters say, then why do you oppose i t ? your own i n t e r e s t . I am opposed also to the hypocracy Csic}of h i s supporters. When I glance at t h e i r faces t o see t h e i r boldness, d u p l i c i t y and legerdemain manner of remonstrating f o r t h e i r pet candidate, I abhor the thing more. Who are these men? the very parties who banded themselves together most strenuously and b i t t e r l y i n opposing Mr. Gibbs at the f i r s t Municipal e l e c t i o n on no other grounds than being a man of colour. When I look at them c o o l l y and calmly the remembrance of that piece of r e l i g i o u s mockeryI they aided a certain clergyman i n carrying out that damnable doctrine of church proscription, which gives the i n f i d e l a chance to say r e l i g i o n i s mere speculation and trade. Every true C h r i s t i a n points to that church with the finger of scorn, f o r while every other church's congregation i s on the increase, i t i s only with i t s few hearers. My friends among the Aliens consider w e l l , don't be too hasty, don't mistake a p o l i t i c a l and electioneering dodge for a philanthropic measure. I say f r i e n d s , f o r I think I have some among you{sic] the Americans are opposed t o the B i l l f o r they are not wishful of seeing any coloured Aliens i n the l e g i s l a t u r e . Readers don't misunderstand me, I do not believe the Englishman (sic] are a l l angels, f o r some of them oppose me as w e l l as you, I say as f a r as I can see, whether you be a coloured Portuguese or a black Frenchman the same amount of animosity i s advanced against us, i t i s enough to be coloured i n these waters. But I say f o r a l l that, dare the man black or white t o impeach the l i b e r a l i t y of the B r i t i s h Constitution, [sic] The only enemy i s despotism. I f e e l the pangs of the white man's prejudice and for that reason I am d i a m e t r i c a l l y opposed to the A l i e n B i l l , [sic} 32 C o l o n i s t . Jan. 20,  I864.  107  My a l i e n friends do you believe the f a l l a c i o u s argument of those two-faced gentlemen? Why those very men a f t e r Mr. Searby's r e turn (no danger of that though) w i l l prompt him to vote against any such question. You must pardon me, I cannot help i t , i t appears natural to me (or at any rate i t i s not acquired) I am doggedly arrayed against any foreigners assuming the reins of government. I was p e r f e c t l y cautious on that question, but when I hear and see the h o s t i l i t i e s i t has created among the a l i e n s , and the expressions they have given utterance to against the author of t h i s and others, i t tended to create" an impassable g u l f . But the course [sic]minded men I think ought to hide t h e i r diminished heads a f t e r the e l e c t i o n . Yours J . CATHCART a l i a s JAMAICA  3J The election campaign progressed, and the rumour was spread that should Searby be elected, he would t r y to create a P r i v y Council with W i l l i s Bond at i t s head as a reward f o r h i s assistance.  On the day of  I864) there was a large turnout of coloured  the election (January 27,  voters led by Lester, Gibbs and Bond, and by mid-day, i t appeared as i f they would succeed i n putting Searby into the l e g i s l a t u r e .  When  the votes were f i n a l l y counted however, the r e s u l t was F r a n k l i n 181, Searby 174 and Welch 3»  A l l the a l i e n American negroes except three  had voted f o r Searby, while the Jamaicans had voted f o r F r a n k l i n .  It  was the Jamaican vote that had given F r a n k l i n his majority. Shortly a f t e r the e l e c t i o n the American negroes held a meeting at Sam Ringo's saloon on Johnson Street; they wanted r e t r i b u t i o n and were determined to get i t * who  The Jamaicans and the three American negroes  had voted with them were trait'oss, especially' Cathcart who had damaged  t h e i r cause by his l e t t e r t o the press.  Lester and Bond headed t h i s  meeting, f o r Gibbs was probably too wise a man to become involved i n anything so r a d i c a l .  He must have been aware that h i s own people were  33 Evening Express, Jan. 22,  I864.  108  t r y i n g t o deprive others of t h e i r freedom, f o r the purpose of the meeting was to pledge a l l coloured c i t i z e n s t o boycott Cathcart's business, and by so doing t o attempt t o starve him out of the community. Resolutions were passed against him and the other " t r a i t o r s " and i n spite of the t  feelings o f one negro that i t was wrong t o condemn any B r i t i s h subject f o r the way i n which he voted, and who opposed the publication of these resolutions, they appeared a few days l a t e r i n the negro newspaper o f 34 San Francisco, the P a c i f i c Appeal. With the publication of these resolutions, the Evening Express commented that maybe now the people of V i c t o r i a would r e a l i z e that the negroes had been granted too many p r i v i l e g e s , and that the only way t o put an end to t h e i r arrogance was to extend the period of residence required f o r n a t u r a l i z a t i o n . 35  This i t proposed should be the t e s t at the  next e l e c t i o n . So f a r the negroes have been considered i n r e l a t i o n t o c o l o n i a l p o l i t i c s only, but they also had a part to play i n the municipal p o l i t i c s of V i c t o r i a town.  In 1862, a year i n which r a c i a l prejudice was at i t s  height i n V i c t o r i a , M i f f l i n Wistar Gibbs was nominated as a candidate 36 f o r the town council.  I t was admitted that he was a man of con-  siderable knowledge and experience, and w e l l c q u a l i f i e d f o r the p o s i t i o n , but he was coloured, and that was the greatest handicap of a l l .  Never-  theless he had many friends, and when a meeting was held t o hear a l l the candidates speak, f o r the f i r s t time i n V i c t o r i a , a negro speaking 37 from the public platform was l i s t e n e d to with respect and applause. 34 See appendix "F". Resolutions published i n the P a c i f i c Appeal. 35 Evening Express, February 25, 1864« 36 V i c t o r i a Daily Press. Aug. 11, 1862. 37 Ibid.. Aug. 12, 1862.  1G9 While prejudice no doubt accounts f o r h i s defeat i n t h i s e l e c t i o n , out of fourteen candidates, of which the top s i x were to be c o u n c i l l o r s , Gibbs came seventh at the p o l l and was defeated by only seven votes. In 1868, with the help o f Dr. Helmcken, he was elected t o the V i c t o r i a C i t y Council t o represent the James Bay d i s t r i c t , a p o s i t i o n which he retained u n t i l h i s departure from the town.  A glance at the minutes  of the C i t y Council during those years proves that as chairman of the Finance Committee he was an important personage i n the community, and was loudly acclaimed whenever he made a public appearance.  On one such  occasion when a meeting was being held i n the theatre t o discuss moving the c a p i t a l back from New Westminster, to Victoria., i t must have been • h i g h l y . g r a t i f y i n g t o Gibbs when the large and respectable audience loudly demanded a few words from him.  He was l e d to the platform by Dr. Helmcken  and a f t e r thanking the gathering f o r paying him such a t r i b u t e , he urged 38 them t o unite to accomplish t h e i r object. .  The most important p o l i t i c a l issue i n the colony i n 1868 was the  suggested union of B r i t i s h Columbia with the Dominion of Canada, a proposal which i n spite of i t s allurements attracted much opposition. .The advocates of union, formed the Confederation League which held i t s f i r s t meeting at Smith's H a l l on May ZL, 1868 with the purpose not only of having B r i t i s h Columbia enter the Canadian federation, but t o obtain a government representative of the people to replace the one-man government with his s t a f f o f supposedly do-nothing o f f i c i a l s .  At t h i s meeting  a constitution was adopted and the following o f f i c e r s elected:  38 Colonist, January 8, 1867.  110  James Trimble, Esq., Mayor of V i c t o r i a , President5 the Hon. Edward Stamp, p Q W. Powell, M.D., and J.F. McCreight, Esq. B a r r i s t e r , Vice-Presidents; R. Beaven, Esq., Recording, and Corresponding Secretary, and J.G. Norris, Esq., F i n a n c i a l Secretary; Messrs George Pearkes, R. Wallace, Charles Gowan, M.W. Gibbs, Amor De Cosmos, and George Fox, Executive Committee and J.M. Thain, Sergeant-at-Arms.  v  .  Branches of t h i s League were established throughout the colohy>eand i n August i t was decided to hold a convention.  I t was to be held on  September 14th at Yale, probably because an A g r i c u l t u r a l E x h i b i t i o n was t o be held there at the same time and thus the delegates would be able to attend both.  Among those elected t o represent V i c t o r i a was  M i f f l i n Gibbs, but as he was subsequently elected to represent S a l t Spring Island, he withdrew as a V i c t o r i a delegate. After the mid-i860's the coloured people i n V i c t o r i a began to lose t h e i r i d e n t i t y as a pressure group.  No doubt one reason f o r t h i s was  the r a p i d l y diminishing negro population as the r e s u l t of emigration. Naturally people who no longer intended making V i c t o r i a t h e i r permanent home would lose Interest i n the government of the colony.  Now  they  were more concerned about conditions i n the United States than i n B r i t i s h Columbia.  Although t h e i r influence a f t e r 1865 was l i t t l e f e l t ,  t h e i r power before t h i s date should not be underestimated.  By v o t i n g  i l l e g a l l y i n i860, they had hastened the passage of a n a t u r a l i z a t i o n law.  Their frequent p o l i t i c a l meetings and gatherings had stimulated  p o l i t i c a l interest i n the colony, and f i n a l l y t h e i r leader became one of the major figures i n the municipal government of V i c t o r i a .  Ill  CHAPTER VI  THE VICTORIA PIONEER RIFLE CORPS  The years 1859 and I860 were ones of growing tension between England and France, and the r e s u l t i n g fear of a French invasion aroused the  v English and stimulated the development of a " R i f l e Movement" on a nation1 wide scale«  R i f l e corps were organized i n every c i t y and town, and i t  i s estimated that over a hundred thousand young men became amateur s o l d i e r s . So many volunteered i n f a c t , that at f i r s t there were not enough r i f l e s for  a l l , and some units had only broomsticks with which to d r i l l .  Even  the shopkeepers made the most of the excitement and f i l l e d t h e i r windows with " r i f l e boots", " r i f l e hats", " r i f l e razors", and even " r i f l e 2 gin". It was not long before news of the movement reached Vancouver Island 3 and was much publicized i n the press of the colony.  Concerned over  the lack of adequate protection f o r the l i t t l e settlement, the newspapers suggested that i t was time t o follow the example of the motherland. The idea of forming a volunteer m i l i t a r y u n i t was not a new one i n V i c t o r i a however, f o r S h e r i f f Heaton had already suggested i t to Governor Douglas  4  i n August 1859*  Although Douglas was agreeable at that time, nothing  was done about the matter immediately, possibly because, as Heaton had pointed out, such a project would need some f i n a n c i a l support from the government® 1 "Volunteers," Encyclopaedia B r i t a n n i c a . 11th ed., v o l . XXVIII, pp. 208-209. 2 V i c t o r i a Gazette. May 30, I860. 3 I b i d . . June 2»5, i860. 4 G. Heaton t o Governor Douglas, August 15, 20, 1859. P r o v i n c i a l Archives.  MSS i n B.C.  112  Because of the constant danger of f i r e i n the l i t t l e town, a group of s e t t l e r s organized a volunteer f i r e company patterned a f t e r similar companies i n the United States, and with equipment purchased i n San Francisco. When some of the negroes t r i e d t o j o i n the brigade however, they were[/ b l u n t l y refused.  In r e t a l i a t i o n , the coloured men decided to form a  r i f l e corps such as the newspapers had been advocating.  They approached  the Governor with t h e i r plan, but unlike the white c i t i z e n s of the previous year, asked permission only and no mention was made of f i n a n c i a l assistance.  Governor Douglas was quite aware of the value of such a  u n i t and r e a d i l y gave h i s consent.  So many troublesome Indians had moved  into the region i n recent months that he was pleased to have the coloured men prepare themselves  just In case an emergency should a r i s e i n which  t h e i r services might be required. Recruiting started immediately, and by A p r i l of i860, the V i c t o r i a Pioneer R i f l e Corps had become a r e a l i t y , although I t was over a year 5 l a t e r on July 4 , 1861 before i t was o f f i c i a l l y sworn i n by Judge Cameron. 6 At f i r s t the u n i t was  composed of about s i x t y men,  including one captain,  two lieutenants, and one sergeant; but during the course of t h e i r existence t h i s number diminished and the numbers and ranks of the o f f i c e r s were elected annually, were never d e f i n i t e l y f i x e d .  who  None had had any  previous m i l i t a r y experience, but Governor Douglas co-operated i n t h i s respect by procuring a D r i l l Sergeant f o r them from whichever of Her Majesty's ships happened to be i n port at the time.  6 V i c t o r i a Gazette. May 28, i860. gives the t o t a l number as 45»  The Colonist. Sept. 20,  1861  113 7 The uniforms of the Pioneers were green with orange facings, and included white belts and shakoes.  These o u t f i t s were made i n England  and as blanket c l o t h was frequently used f o r t h i s purpose at that time* the story may be true that they were manufactured from Hudson's Bay, Company blankets. MAlmost  immediately  a f t e r the inception of t h e i r corps, the negro  soldiers constructed a small d r i l l h a l l at the upper end of Yates S t r e e t , which-they l a t e r moved one block over to t h e i r l o t on View S t r e e t .  Here  even the children played at being s o l d i e r s when t h e i r elders were not using i t .  When the Weather was favourable, the Volunteers d r i l l e d i n  the open on a ten acre common on Church H i l l , but Beacon H i l l was  their  favourite ground f o r mock skirmishes and manoeuvres. > : • • " . ' • ' • The greatest problem with which the coloured men had t o contend was t h e i r lack of proper armament.  As the colony owned no arms or  ammunition of any kind, the Corps had to r e l y on a few o l d f l i n t l o c k s loaned by the Hudson's Bay Company, but these, being too outdated and useless were soon discarded.  Their appeal f o r more e f f i c i e n t weapons  was relayed to the home o f f i c e by Governor Douglas, who  had already  been informed i n a despatch from Downing Street dated October 17, I860 that'he should encourage the formation of a volunteer force because of the growing Indian menace.  In h i s r e p l y , Douglas mentioned the existence  of the negro u n i t and that he had given them every encouragement, but because of the smallness of the c o l o n i a l revenue, had not been able to supply them with arms.  He was  certain that i f Her Majesty's Government  would send 500 stand of arms t o the colony he could form a volunteer  7 V i c t o r i a D a i l y Press. Sept. 21, 1861. The Evening Express. March 14» I864, describes, the uniform as being blue with yellow facings.  1U 8 corps that would be no d i s c r e d i t to the Empire. The Governor a n t i c i p a t i n g that hie request would be granted, assured the negroes that the B r i t i s h government f u l l y appreciated t h e i r services and would not f a i l t o provide them with proper arms *  On the a r r i v a l of  the Speedy i n the spring o f 1862, the colony received 29 cases of r i f l e s 9 and 250 barrels of ammunition and these were soon followed by 500 more r i f l e s of a l a t e r design t o be used by volunteer forces on Vancouver Island.  Although the negro u n i t made application f o r some of these, i t  i s very doubtful i f they ever received any, f o r two years l a t e r they were s t i l l asking to be equipped with r i f l e s . In the summer of 1861, the negro u n i t was not the only volunteer corps i n existence i n V i c t o r i a , f o r a white corps, the Vancouver Island Volunteer R i f l e Corps had by now come into being.  Naturally the negroes  wondered how the two u n i t s would combine i n an emergency, and b e l i e v i n g that the o f f i c e r i n command of the whites would also take charge of them, they suggested that they be allowed to take part i n h i s e l e c t i o n .  Need-  less to say t h i s plan was immediately r e j e c t e d . The coloured volunteers were highly regarded by many of the white residents of the colony who admired t h e i r enthusiasm and t h e i r interest i n becoming e f f i c i e n t , or who d i s l i k e d the white corps and the clique that had formed i t so much that i t gave them pleasure and a sense of revenge t o f l a t t e r and praise the negro u n i t .  Some distrusted the Van-  couver Island Volunteers because i t was suspected that the true motive behind their formation was a p o l i t i c a l one. 8 governor Douglas to the Duke of Newcastle, Feb. 19, 1861, i n Vancouver Island Despatches t o the Secretary of State, 8th June 1859 t o 28th December 1861. pp. 251-253. [ 9 V i c t o r i a Daily Press. May 2, 1862.  115 Although the V.P.R.C. was beginning to f i n d i t s e l f i n f i n a n c i a l d i f f i c u l t i e s , nevertheless u n t i l the end of 1861, the negroes refrained from asking a i d of the Governor.  Funds were r a i s e d among themselves  by holding small entertainments i n t h e i r d r i l l h a l l on View Street, and sometimes donations were received from the coloured ladies of the 10 munity.  com-  Such an uncertain income was hardly enough to be t h e i r main  support however, and eventually they were forced to approach the  govern-  ment: To the Colonial Secty. of V. I . Sir hearing that the sum of £250 have been passed i n the estimates f o r the year f o r the d i f f e r e n t Volunteers corps of the coloney I have the honor to apply to you, i n behalf of the Volunteers Corps of colored men duley sworn-in, and c a l l e d the V i c t o r i a Poeneer (slcj R i f l e corps f o r such portion of that sum as h i s excellency s n a i l think f i t to allow us. I may be pardon f o r observing that t h i s companey has been regular and attentive i n i t s d r i l l and w i l l be found wherever circumstances s h a l l c a l l f o r i t s employment f u l l e y as e f f i c i e n t i n the f i e l d and second t o none i n steady l o y a l t y to the f l a g which i t has adopted as i t s own - trust that you w i l l be so good as to l a y t h i s our respectful application before h i s Excellency and further our request by your favorable interest. I have the honor to be your obediant humble servant. Fortune Richard Capt. of V i c t o r i a R i f l e Corps.  ^  In reply, on December 9, 1861, Governor Douglas authorized the payment of £4-5 to the Corps. 10 Colonist. Jan. 9,  1862.  11 MS i n B.C. P r o v i n c i a l Archives  s  116  In the spring of 1862,  the Secretary of State f o r the Colonies,  the Duke of Newcastle, requested that Douglas make a return of the M i l i t i a and Volunteer Corps then i n existence i n the colony.  From t h i s  return, i t i s evident that the A f r i c a n R i f l e s were the only organization of t h i s kind i n V i c t o r i a , t h e i r white counterpart having disbanded 12 constant quarrelling among themselves.  after  Not only d i d the negro soldiers  give the Governor the information required f o r t h i s statement, but they also submitted t h e i r f i n a n c i a l report and asked f o r a government grant 13 of 1700.00 to be used f o r improvements to t h e i r armory. This l a t e s t appeal brought no response and i t was the same the following year when 14 again they asked f i n a n c i a l assistance. apparently the Assembly was not.  I f Governor Douglas was  The V.P.R.C. was  willing,  completely ignored,  and while they had been designated the previous year i n the M i l i t i a Return as the only m i l i t a r y u n i t on the Island, i n 1863, according to the Vancouver Island Blue Book, there were "No M i l i t i a forces i n the Colony.'' As 1863 was a year of extreme anti-negro f e e l i n g i n V i c t o r i a , perhaps that was the reason the government would not grant them any money: perhaps by r e f u s i n g assistance i t was hoped to discourage the negroes from maintaining t h e i r own l i t t l e regiment. In January 1863, the Corps acquired eight band instruments, from among t h e i r members, the V i c t o r i a C i t y Brass Band was Their leader was a white man 15 of the Topaze.  organized.  ^  as was also t h e i r instructor, the bandmaster  12 V i c t o r i a D a i l y Press. Oct. 9, 13 See appendix "G".  and  1861.  Memorial and f i n a n c i a l statement from the V.P.R.C.  14 R.H. Johnson, E.A. Booth to James Douglas, March 3, 1863. MS i n B.C. P r o v i n c i a l Archives. 15 D a i l y Chronicle. Jan. 28th,  1863.  117  In May the coloured soldiers t r i e d to replenish t h e i r funds by holding an entertainment i n t h e i r h a l l , but t h i s was not enough, and 16 once again they wrote to the Governor t e l l i n g of t h e i r problem. Once again nothing was gained by t h e i r l e t t e r and being now discouraged the Corps became inactive and according to the D a i l y Chronicle "went the 17 •way of a l l f l e s h ' and became defunct."  This statement was  retracted  the following day however, when the Chronicle announced that i t had been requested to say that the Corps was s t i l l a c t i v e . Early i n 1864 a controversy over the negro regiment revived i t temporarily.  Governor Kennedy was to arrive i n the colony i n March of  that year to replace Governor Douglas who was r e t i r i n g from o f f i c e . Plans were started i n February f o r h i s reception, and a committee was appointed to arrange f o r a welcoming parade.  Lieut. R.H.  Johnson, of  the negro corps approached i t with the suggestion that h i s u n i t should march i n the procession, and t h i s was favoured by Lieut. Verney as long 18 as t h e i r uniforms and accoutrements could pass inspection. For the moment the coloured men seem to have been accepted, and planned to 19 turn out i n f u l l dress under the command of a white sergeant.  As yet  however, the managing committee had not decided on what position they were t o occupy i n the parade. The question of whether or not they should be i n the parade at a l l , seems t o have s t i r r e d up more excitement and controversy than the a r r i v a l 16 Lieut. R.H. Johnson, E.A. Booth to James Douglas, June 19, MS i n B.C. P r o v i n c i a l Archives. 17 D a i l y Chronicle. Sept. 11, 18 I b i d . . Feb.  26, I864.  19 I b i d . . Feb. 28, I864.  1863.  1863.  118 of the new Governor i t s e l f .  A l l those who disapproved were careful not  to base t h e i r objection on the ground of colour, but camouflaged t h e i r prejudice with a v a r i e t y of excuses.  Captain Kennedy, they said, was  a m i l i t a r y man and to him the negro soldiers were bound t o appear r i d i culous with a l l t h e i r m i l i t a r y d e f i c i e n c i e s .  One correspondent to the  D a i l y Chronicle suggested, with much sarcasm, that i t might be a good plan to include the coloured men i n the procession i f only to amuse Kennedy and put him i n a good humour on h i s a r r i v a l .  They might also  draw up an address asking His Excellency to take command of t h e i r corps, which he would undoubtedly do.  The w r i t e r continued by suggesting that  they make some show of m i l i t a r y d i s c i p l i n e however, and that the famous order given to a Yankee Volunteer Corps should be repeated on t h i s occasion by posting the words '"Umbrellas and cornstalks to the rear" i n front of the Pioneer R i f l e H a l l before the Corps turned out.  I f they  r i g i d l y adhered to t h i s r u l e and showed enough s h i r t c o l l a r i n the front 20 ranks they could not f a i l t o produce a most imposing e f f e c t . In the meantime the negro soldiers went on with t h e i r plans, and i n preparation f o r the great day, wrote to the Colonial Secretary asking 21 f o r r i f l e s with which to d r i l l , and t o carry i n the parade. Since they stressed the f a c t that they were already paying a d r i l l sergeant f i v e dollars a day to t r a i n them, the r i f l e s were forthcoming almost 22 immediately. The controversy continued i n the newspapers and the rumour spread that even i f they were barred from the procession, the negro regiment 20 D a i l y Chronicle. March 2,  I864.  21 R.H. Johnson, T.P. Freeman, N. Pointer, P. Lester to W.A.G. Young, March 3, I 8 6 4 . MS i n B.C. P r o v i n c i a l Archives. 22 W.A.G. Young t o Messrs. Richard H. Johnson, J.T. Dunlop, March 3, i n Vancouver Island Miscellaneous Letters, March 2 4 , 1863 t o Sept. 20, 1864. I864,  119 would p e r s i s t i n taking part, and would even equip themselves with b a l l 23 cartridges to force the issue i f necessary. This outrageous idea was of course immediately denied by the Pioneer Corps.  Actually the feud was  being carried on by two opposing white f a c t i o n s , and the negroes had l i t t l e part i n i t .  The supporters of Governor Douglas had already  denied the coloured people the r i g h t to attend the farewell banquet being given f o r the r e t i r i n g governor, yet they were doing everything possible t o put the negroes i n the procession welcoming Governor Kennedy. Undoubtedly by so doing they hoped t o make the committee i n charge appear 24 ridiculous. In r e j e c t i n g the application of the negro regiment, the committee said that they had not done so because of prejudice.  They had made  t h e i r decision to have no m i l i t a r y display, because the twenty-five or t h i r t y men of the coloured u n i t would, according to custom, have taken the leading position i n the procession, and i t was feared that i f t h i s 25 happened, the f i r e departments and other s o c i e t i e s would withdraw. The V.P.R.C. s t i l l continued to d r i l l , and made a public announcement that they would appear at the reception, not as r i o t e r s as some had suggested, but as peaceable subjects of Her Majesty.  At the proper  time they would report to the Marshal of the Day t o be assigned t h e i r p o s i t i o n i n the parade.  I t was not. u n t i l they had informed the committee  of t h e i r plan that they were o f f i c i a l l y informed that they were not t o participate. A l l t h i s p u b l i c i t y and excitement had at least put new l i f e i n t o the dying Pioneer R i f l e Corps, f o r now the coloured soldiers began a 23  D a i l y Chronicle. March 5,  24 Ibid .. March 8, I864. 25  I b i d . . March  6, I864.  I864.  120 campaign f o r public sympathy and support. i n the evenings, and on March 14th,  Their band paraded the streets  I864, at a s p e c i a l ceremony to which  the public was i n v i t e d , the ladies of the negro community presented the Corps with a s i l k Union Jack.  The u n i t was drawn up i n two ranks i n the  area adjoining t h e i r h a l l , and Sarah Pointer came forward, a f t e r l a y i n g the handsomely embroidered colours across the drum, and read the following address: Captain and members of the V i c t o r i a Pioneer R i f l e Company, i n behalf of the Ladies of V i c t o r i a , I present to you t h i s f l a g . I t affords us much pleasure so to do as we know your l o y a l t y to t h i s government i s proverbial. The f o s t e r i n g care i t has shown to the oppressed of our race, leaves us under many obligations t o the sagacity and wisdom of her statesmenI Yet i n t h i s f a r distant Colony of Her Majesty's dominion we have many causes to complain. True you have not as yet been c a l l e d on to r a l l y under t h i s f l a g f o r i t s protection; yet the war of complexional d i s t i n c t i o n i s upon us, and i s more ravaging to us as a people than that of Mars. But men, as long as ^ t h i s f l a g s h a l l wave over you, you may r e s t assured that no man, or set of men, or nations, can successfully grind you down under the i r o n heel of oppression. Then s o l d i e r s , look up t o t h i s i n s i g n i a of l i b e r t y , that has waved a thousand years over the b a t t l e and the breeze. In committing t h i s color to your charge, we only hope that you w i l l guard i t w e l l , and yourselves be untarnished as the c o l o r . I t w i l l inspire you i n the hour of p e r i l ; i t i s a nation's proudest boast; " i t ' s a t e r r o r t o a foe, and a canopy of peace to a freeman".  26 Captain Johnson, sinking on one knee, received the f l a g , and after del i v e r i n g i t to the colour sergeants, r e p l i e d that i f i t had not been f o r the interest always shown by the l a d i e s , the Corps should have died long ago.  When h i s speech was ended, the colours were f u r l e d , and l e d  by the band the Corps marched through the main streets of the town. F i n a l l y the day arrived when Governor Kennedy landed at Esquimalt (March  25, I864) and was greeted by the welcoming parade at V i c t o r i a .  Everyone who  owned a uniform or could carry a banner seems to have been  i n the procession, but where was the most splendid assemblage of a l l ,  26 D a i l y Chronicle. March 15, I864.  121 the V i c t o r i a Pioneer R i f l e Corps?  Where were the A f r i c a n R i f l e s a f t e r  a l l t h e i r d r i l l i n g with t h e i r new r i f l e s and with t h e i r splendidly embroidered flag?  The committee had kept to i t s word, and the negro  s o l d i e r s , instead of marching i n the procession, paraded to the restaurant of one of t h e i r fellows on Beacon H i l l where they held t h e i r own 27 bration.  cele-  They were not to be outdone however, and a- week l a t e r , pre-  ceded by t h e i r brass band, marched across the wooden bridge to the L e g i s l a t i v e Buildings where they presented t h e i r own address to the Governor: To His Excellency Arthur Edward Kennedy,  C.B.  May i t please your Excellency.-We, the members of the V i c t o r i a Pioneer R i f l e Company, beg leave to express our thankfulness and g r a t i f i c a t i o n , at the safe a r r i v a l of your Excellency and family* and our unaltered devotion to the person and Government of Her most gracious Majesty Queen V i c t o r i a . Cur only regret i s that i n the general r e j o i c i n g over your Excellency's a r r i v a l we were precluded, on account of an anti-English ( s i c j prejudice against our color, of doing ourselves the honor as . w e l l as pleasure of taking part i n the procession as a m i l i t a r y company - a company whose highest aim i s to be of service to Her Majesty and whose greatest p r i v i l e g e i s to be her Majesty's most l o y a l subjects. To your Excellency's predecessor*,. S i r James Douglas, i s due the organization of t h i s Company, which with a l l i t s imperfections, i s at least the only representative of the B r i t i s h volunteer element i n the Colony. We hope under your Excellency's administration no occasion may a r i s e requiring our m i l i t a r y services; i f , however the time should come when i n t e r n a l or external dangers should threaten the country, we hope to prove by deeds that the arms we carry are i n no unworthy hands, and that the allegiance which we owe to her Majesty we are ready with our l i v e s to pay. I t i s t o us a source of extreme s a t i s f a c t i o n to know that your Excellency's opinions agree with that basis upon which the greatness of the B r i t i s h law i s b u i l t - the non-recognition of d i s t i n c t i o n i n  27 Major J.S. Matthews, " B r i t i s h Columbia's F i r s t Troops were Black," The Army and Navy Veterans i n Canada, Convention Number September 1934, pp. 39-40. Based i n part on an interview with Samuel Booth, a former member of the V i c t o r i a Pioneer R i f l e Corps. t  122  class, creed, color or n a t i o n a l i t y - p r i n c i p l e s that found i n your great Curran so eloquent an expounder i n days gone by, and which have placed Great B r i t a i n i n the van of l i b e r t y , C h r i s t i a n i t y and c i v i l i z a t i o n . We have the honor to be, s i r , Your Excellency's most humble and ob't servants, (signed on behalf of the Company) R.H.  JOHNSON, Captain. 28  Governor Kennedy thanked them f o r t h e i r l o y a l t y and said that while he had expected i t from the inhabitants of Vancouver Island, he glad the coloured residents were no exception.  was  He was quite aware of  the race problem which existed between the negroes and whites i n the colony, and would do everything i n h i s power to heal the breach e x i s t i n g between the two.  He was accustomed t o coloured people, the Governor  continued, f o r the f i r s t colony to which he had been sent was the Gold Coast where three quarters of the population were negroes, and where his Chief Justice and even h i s clergyman had been black men.  For t h i s reason  he could have no sympathy with those who were prejudiced because of colour, and he hoped that the negroes would be long s u f f e r i n g and f o r bearing, as he was sure that i n time t h i s race consciousness, which he 29 understood had been imported from the United States, would disappear. At t h i s time another white volunteer u n i t was i n the process of formation, but r e c r u i t i n g was lagging and one reason put forward f o r t h i s was that these a l i e n negroes held the r i g h t , since they were the oldest u n i t i n the colony, to take precedence i n any review and to hold the post of honour i n any public demonstration or display i n which m i l i t a r y 28 Addresses Presented to His Excellency A.E. Kennedy, C.B., oh Assuming the Government of Vancouver Island, (Victoria] , n.pub., {I8643, p. 17. 29 D a i l y Chronicle. March 31, I864.  123 u n i t s might take part.  The " l o y a l born B r i t i s h subjects" on the other hand 30 would merely f i l l i n the background. This r i g h t of precedence was denied by another, who said that according to custom, i f a white and coloured regiment should be brigaded together, the white regiment always 31 took precedence over the negro one. Probably to encourage the formation of the new white m i l i t i a , the negroes were given no further o f f i c i a l support.  •  They were not as yet discouraged to the point of disbanding however, f o r the month following the presentation of t h e i r address t o Governor 32 Kennedy, they held t h e i r fourth annual e l e c t i o n of o f f i c e r s . However with the complete abaence of any f i n a n c i a l or moral support from the government, i t i s not surprising that attendance became i r r e g u l a r and d r i l l s infrequent.  In May of 1865, the editor of the Colonist asked:  •..what has become of the Pioneer R i f l e Company, which at one time promised to become a very e f f i c i e n t and s o l d i e r - l i k e body? Surely the enthusiasm and m i l i t a r y ardor of our colored c i t i z e n s has not a l l evaporated? The brave & warlike deeds of t h e i r countrymen i n the ranks of the Federal armies should i n c i t e them to emulate so f a r as circumstances w i l l permit, the patriotism of t h e i r American brethren. 3J The following day a d i r e c t reply came from a former captain of the R i f l e Company: Allow me to inform you Mr. Editor, with a l l respect, that t h e i r enthusiasm and ardor so f a r as t h i s colony i s concerned has evaporated. The mean and scandalous manner i n which they were treated upon the advent of Governor Kennedy i s s t i l l f r e s h i n t h e i r minds. Having as much human nature under t h e i r dark skins as others of a paler hue, they cannot r e a d i l y forget the snubbing they received on that occasion. Although being the f i r s t (as t h e i r name indicates) m i l i t a r y organization on the Island, a f t e r having gone to great expense i n purchasing land, building a h a l l , paying a d r i l l master, and supplying themselves with uniforms, and a l 30 D a i l y Chronicle, March 25, 31 I b i d . . March 27, I864. 32 Colonist. A p r i l 6, I864. 33 I b i d . . May 8,, 1865*  I864.  PRESENTATION OF THE COLOURS. MARCH U . 186A.  125 though having taken the oath of allegiance to her Majesty, they were by a d i r e c t vote of a Committee (composed of B r i t i s h subjects) f o r His Excellency's Reception, prohibited from forming part of the procession t o receive him. Nor i s t h i s a l l - there has ever been a studied e f f o r t t o ignore t h e i r existence, to dampen that "ardor" and c h i l l that "enthusiasm" f o r which you enquire. The Volunteer R i f l e s (Twhite^ though l a s t i n the f i e l d and w e l l able f i n a n c i a l l y to sustain themselves, have had a handsome sum voted them by the House of Assembly, the barracks given them f o r d r i l l purposes, with every other stimulant necessary t o foster e f f i c i e n c y . In a word, Mr. Editor, the authorities seemed ashamed of us, and we were disgusted with them....  It was now taken f o r granted that the Corps had passed out o f existence, and I n June 1866 the Colonial Secretary requested the return of the r i f l e s borrowed f o r the reception of the Governor two years be-  35  fore*  The r i f l e s were immediately returned, and a caustic l e t t e r  from Randall Caesar of the V.P.R.C. informed the government that the Corps had not-disbanded, but because of so much discouragement they had not  L  met f o r d r i l l ; furthermore t h e i r ranks had become depleted because  36 of death and departure of many from the colony. After such a proud beginning, t h i s was a most ignominious ending for the negro u n i t .  o-"  Perhaps they d i d appear awkward and r i d i c u l o u s i n  t h e i r i l l - f i t t i n g uniforms, but t h e i r enthusiasm and patriotism was  worthy  of some recognition at l e a s t , and confronted with so much discouragement, i t i s surprising that the Corps continued i n existence as long as i t d i d . The b i r t h of the Pioneer R i f l e s had come about through the combination of jealousy, patriotism and love of display, but regardless of which 34 Colonist. May 9, 1865* 35. W.A.G. Young t o Messrs, Lester, Johnson, Freeman and Pointer, June 11, Vancouver Island. Colonial Secretary's O f f i c e , Miscellaneous Letters. 11th Sept. 1865 to 29th Nov. 1866. 36 R. Caesar t o W.A.G. Young, June 13, 1866. MS i n B.C. P r o v i n c i a l Archives. (In R.H. Johnson correspondence f i l e . )  126  motive was uppermost, V i c t o r i a ' s negro colonists deserve the c r e d i t for  being the f i r s t t o form a volunteer r i f l e company  themselves f o r the defence of the colony.  37 Colonist, Sept. 20, 1861, May 9,  1865.  and to prepare  127  CHAPTER VII  SALT SPRING ISLAND  By 1859 many of the miners who had stampeded to the Fraser River found themselves destitute, f o r they had gambled everything on the r e mote chance of s t r i k i n g i t r i c h and had l o s t .  Some were fortunate enough  t o make t h e i r way back to t h e i r homes i n C a l i f o r n i a and elsewhere,  but  others such as the Australians and Canadians had come too f a r to return so e a s i l y , and under no circumstances would the negro miners go back t o the United States.  Their only alternative was to go on the land,  but i n the Island colony, land was expensive and they were too poor t o buy. At the time of the gold rush, farm lands sold f o r £1.0.0 per acre, with a down payment of one quarter of the t o t a l price and the remainder being paid i n annual instalments during the following four years.  From  the time of purchase 5% i n t e r e s t was added to the balance owing, and should the landholder be unable to keep up h i s payments, h i s homestead reverted to the Crown, and the money already invested by him was feited.  These were harsh and unreasonable  for-  terms f o r the pioneers of  Vancouver Island to encounter, when one considers that a very short distance away i n Washington T e r r i t o r y , surveyed lands could be had at a quarter of the asking price i n the B r i t i s h colony, with the added , a t t r a c t i o n that i n the American t e r r i t o r y the pre-emption law was i n e f f e c t and unsurveyed lands could be occupied f r e e of charge u n t i l the time of survey.  As a r e s u l t settlement on Vancouver Island was retarded  128  and many would-be colonists l e f t the Island to take up lands on the American mainland» I t was only a matter of time before the discontent of the B r i t i s h colonists manifested i t s e l f and t h e i r f e e l i n g s were voiced i n a meeting held at the Colonial Hotel i n June of 1859.  The main arguments put  forward by leading c i t i z e n s was that cheaper lands would a t t r a c t s e t t l e r s and would also encourage those already i n the country t o remain. Otherwise the colony must face the danger of becoming depopulated.  A five  man committee was elected t o draw up resolutions to be presented to the Governor, and these, along with a p e t i t i o n were read before a public meeting a fortnight l a t e r , at which f u l l y three hundred residents of 1 V i c t o r i a were present. The outcome was that a few days l a t e r a small group of land-seekers who wanted to s e t t l e In the Cowichan Valley, gathered i n the law chambers of John Copland and drew up a p e t i t i o n to be presented to the Governor t e l l i n g of t h e i r desire to s e t t l e on the land subject t o t h e i r occupying and improving i t .  A group of three then approached Governor Douglas  requesting that the American system of pre-emption be adopted.  A few  months e a r l i e r Douglas had made h i s f e e l i n g s quite clear on t h i s subject 2 i n a l e t t e r to S i r E. Bulwer Lytton,  i n which he pointed t o Oregon as  a bad example, f o r there, he claimed i t was almost impossible t o f i n d a clear t i t l e .  Unfortunately many American s e t t l e r s had perjured them-  selves by s e l l i n g t h e i r claims a f t e r taking an oath t o occupy and improve t h e i r pre-empted lands. The r e s u l t was that the courts were overwhelmed 1 See appendix "H*. P e t i t i o n and resolutions regarding c o l o n i a l lands p o l i c y . 2 Governor James Douglas to S i r E. Bulwer Lytton, Oct. 13, 1858, i n Vancouver Island Letters t o the Secretary of State, 10th Dec. 1855 t o 6th June 1859*  129 with disputes over land t i t l e s , and the ensuing state of uncertainty and confusion was something that the Governor hoped t o avoid on Vancouver Island* The committee appointed t o present the p e t i t i o n to Douglas requesting permission to s e t t l e i n Cowichan, were refused lands there because they had already been surveyed and offered f o r s a l e .  As an alternative  the Chemainus lands were offered on very reasonable terms, f o r the Governor was w i l l i n g that the s e t t l e r s pay a down payment of one s h i l l i n g per acre, and had been paid.  another s h i l l i n g per acre every three months u n t i l §1.25 The remainder to make up the £1.0.0 per acre demanded  by the home government was t o be paid by the end of the usual four year 3 period. Apparently t h i s o f f e r was acceptable, f o r on the morning of July 18th, a group of about t h i r t y farmers set s a i l i n the Hanaimo Packet t o i n vestigate the Chemainus lands, with a view t o reporting t h e i r findings a week l a t e r t o a committee of which John Copland was t o be chairman. Copland i n turn was t o present t h i s information before a public meeting to be held a few days l a t e r .  A l l went according t o plan and when the  party returned, t h e i r report was made p u b l i c .  But i t was not the Chemainus  d i s t r i c t that had interested them, rather i t was a l i t t l e unsurveyed i s l a n d o f f the coast, named f o r obvious reasons, S a l t Spring Island. They were so enthusiastic about i t s p o t e n t i a l i t i e s that twenty-nine s e t t l e r s immediately applied through Copland f o r permission t o take up land there, and almost at once t h i s permission was given by the Land Office.  Apparently the pressure of public opinion had by now changed  the Governor's mind regarding pre-emption of unsurveyed lands, f o r i n 3 V i c t o r i a Gazette. July H , 1859.  \  130 the following l e t t e r the s e t t l e r s were i n v i t e d to take up lands and to pay f o r them only a f t e r a survey o f the island had taken place. VANCOUVER ISLAND COLONY Land Office V i c t o r i a July 26 1859 To John Copland Esq. Sir I acknowledge t o have received from you the names of 29 persons, l i s t of whom i s hereto annexed f o r whom you are agent and who apply through you f o r permission to s e t t l e on the unsurveyed lands of Tuan or S a l t spring Island, t h e i r reason being want of funds t o s e t t l e on surveyed lands elsewhere i n which cases an immediate instalment i s required, the permission asked f o r I am empowered t o give and am further t o state d i s t i n c t l y , that a f t e r the survey of the lands i n question s h a l l have been made, pre-emptive r i g h t i n those o f the number stated, who s h a l l have effected most improvement i n the way of Buildings, fencing or c u l t i v a t i o n on any Government Section s h a l l be recognised {sic} and that the sections s h a l l be l a i d out continuously with and as portion of the same network which extends over the adjoining country of Cowichan. I am further empowered t o delay the survey of that portion of Tuan Island on which these persons s h a l l s e t t l e u n t i l the expiration of — years or u n t i l requested at an e a r l i e r period t o survey and issue T i t l e s by the majority of the holders at the future time alluded t o . Provided that as soon as the lands are surveyed, immediate payment a t the rate and on the terms that s h a l l then e x i s t or Immediate f o r f e i t u r e of the same and improvements s h a l l ensue. Provided further that none of these persons s h a l l occupy or allow other persons t o occupy lands i n any way improved, fenced or cultivated, or at any time occupied by Indians, which l i k e wise would e n t a i l f o r f e i t u r e s i m i l a r t o that above stated. Provided l a s t l y that Government w i l l have the r i g h t t o resume any portion o f these lands required s t r i c t l y f o r a Government purpose, such as Dockyard, Light-house, Church, School, J a i l , &c, paying to the occupiers the actual value of improvements effected thereon. (Sd) Joseph D. Pemberton L i s t of S e t t l e r s f o r whom C e r t i f i c a t e Papers are wanted. James Stephens Edward Mallandaine Thomas Henry Linieker [sic] Edward Henry Linieker William Isaacs George Richardson  Arms tad Buckner (sic) E.A. Booth James Chambers James R. Gascoigne George Kirkess R.P. Dombrane  131 P.J. Adams F.V. Gerry Jonathan Begg Joseph Froutin Sam Francis Stephens George Copland F i e l d i n g Spott Csic] William ft. Brown George Richardson  Charles Rennalls Thomas W. Herron Daniel McLean James Tenny John Tomkins Edward Walker James B. Peterson E. Hammond Ring k  The prospective s e t t l e r s wasted no time a f t e r receiving t h i s n o t i f i c a t i o n , f o r the following day on July 27th, seventeen s a i l e d from V i c t o r i a f o r Salt Spring, the second largest of the Gulf Islands.  O r i g i n a l l y designated on a map published i n 1854 as Chuan (or Tuan) Island, i n 1856 i t appears as Salt Spring, and a few years l a t e r when 4 Joseph D. Pemberton t o John Copland, Esq., July 26, 1859, i n Vancouver Island, Lands and Works Department. Survey Branch* Correspondence Book. 20th Oct. 1857 t o 29th Sept. 1864. p. 38. Identified as negroes are: W m i a m xsaacs, jrieiding Spotts, Armstead Buckner, and E.A. Booth.  132  i t was surveyed the name became o f f i c i a l l y Admiral Island i n honour of Rear Admiral Baynes, commander of the P a c i f i c Station between 1857 I860.  and  Regardless of i t s o f f i c i a l name, the s e t t l e r s always knew i t  simply as S a l t Spring because of the springs of brine that existed at the northern end.  Situated about f i f t y miles by water from V i c t o r i a ,  the island i s about seventeen miles long and roughly nine miles across at  i t s widest point.  For the most part i t as mountainous, but the  v a l l e y s covered with l e a f mould deposited by the alders and maples provided enough good farming land f o r the early pioneers. When the f i r s t s e t t l e r s arrived i n mid-summer, they thought  they  had found a l i t t l e paradise, f o r the natural resources of the place seemed to provide such a large portion of t h e i r needs.  Trees were  p l e n t i f u l f o r the b u i l d i n g of cabins and f o r f u e l ; wild strawberries, blackberries and cranberries were i n abundance; there were many freshwater springs, and the trout streams and l i t t l e lakes abounded i n f i s h . In season there was never a shortage of blue and willow grouse, snipe and various types of water fowl.  B l a c k - t a i l e d deer were common, and i t  was seldom that the farmers' larders could not be stocked with venison. If one's taste ran to sea food, the coastal waters could supply salmon, rock cod, black cod, and oysters.  Clams could be dug almost anywhere  along the shore, and more than once they proved the salvation of many settlers.  But nature was not e n t i r e l y kind to the pioneers, f o r panthers  and grey wolves frequently depleted the farmers' flocks and l i v e - s t o c k . During the winter and spring of some of these e a r l y years provisions sometimes ran low when stormy weather prevented t h e i r transportation from V i c t o r i a i n small boats or canoes; then the s e t t l e r s were forced  133  to turn to clams f o r subsistence. But excellent crops of vegetables, corn and melons during the summers were some compensation, and eventually the farmers were able to grow t h e i r own "wheat. In 1859 no Indians were permanently encamped on the Island, although i t was a regular stopping o f f place on t h e i r way to and from V i c t o r i a , as well as being a favourite f i s h i n g ground.  In season they would  come i n large numbers to f i s h , scooping the herring out of the water with long paddles studded with n a i l s .  The clams were also an a t t r a c t i o n ,  and during the l a t e spring the natives would camp on the Ganges harbour t o d i g and preserve them.  s h o r e s of  This must have been a favourite  spot f o r centuries, f o r i n some places the clam-shell s o i l was several 5 feet deep. Such was the Island and i t s inhabitants when the f i r s t group of seventeen white and negro s e t t l e r s began to mark o f f t h e i r claims and construct t h e i r cabins. By the end of August 1859, almost a l l of the o r i g i n a l twenty-nine applicants had chosen t h e i r lands, and t h i r t y two more had made application through John Copland, who inserted the following advertisement i n the V i c t o r i a Gazettet To S a l t Spring Island S e t t l e r s 'THE TWENTY-NINE PARTIES WHOSE names were on the FIRST LIST, are requested to c a l l on the undersigned, - pay f o r the survey, and get t h e i r names marked on the Plan, on or before SATURDAY NEXT, as those who have since received permission from the Colonial Surveyor w i l l then proceed to choose t h e i r l o t s , from such as may remain on the Survey.  Sept. 19, 1859.  JOHN COPLAND, Yates Street. 6  5 Rev. E.F. Wilson, S a l t Spring Island B r i t i s h Columbia. Colonist Presses, V i c t o r i a , B.C., 1895, p. 21. 6 V i c t o r i a Gazette. Sept. 20, 1859.  134 In December there were f i f t y - s i x more applicants, f o r as  favourable  reports were brought back, more s e t t l e r s wanted to take up f r e e lands on S a l t Spring.  Most of them were recent a r r i v a l s from Canada and  A u s t r a l i a , but many of V i c t o r i a ' s negro s e t t l e r s were also l i s t e d among them. Who  the f i r s t negro colonists were, i t i s impossible to say, f o r  the majority of those who made a p p l i c a t i o n never a c t u a l l y went there, and Island t r a d i t i o n does not correspond at a l l with the scanty  official  records that do e x i s t . Settlement continued  at a very favourable pace despite the con-  stant threats of the Penalichar (probably Penalahats, a group of Cowichans) t r i b e , who  d i d not hesitate to t e l l the new  a r r i v a l s that the i s l a n d  7 was  t h e i r s and that Governor Douglas had cap-swallowed" i t . B  of the industrious s e t t l e r s were well s a t i s f i e d with t h e i r new  Most surround-  ings, and went to work clearing, ploughing and fencing; the indolent few soon l e f t the i s l a n d and no longer being residents, relinquished t h e i r pre-emption r i g h t s . As soon as they became established, many of the coloured farmers sent f o r t h e i r wives and children and f o r t h i s reason, the numbers of negro colonists r a p i d l y increased i n proportion to the numbers of whites. Some i n d i c a t i o n of the large coloured population i s given i n the diary of the Reverend Ebenezer Robson, the f i r s t minister to hold services on S a l t Spring.  Robson v i s i t e d Ganges Harbour i n February 1861,  and  of i t he says: A f t e r breakfasting at Mr. L's I v i s i t e d a l l the houses i n the settlement save 3 There are i n the settlement 21 houses on the ^ same number of claims 4 of the houses inhabited by white people and the remainder by colored people. I preached i n the house of 7 New  Westminster Times, Sept. 24,  1859.  135 a colored man i n the evening to about 20 persons a l l colored except 3 and one of them i s married to a colored man....  8 Any outward evidence of r a c i a l prejudice was almost non-existent i n the settlement except f o r the one instance recorded by Robson: Mrs. Lenniker [sic7 says Mr. L. meeting when the colored people poor woman she says some people brought up so that she cannot of England clergyman.  nor h e r s e l f w i l l come to any associate with the white, might do i t but she has been was the daughter of a church  1 This was a rare case however, f o r most of the s e t t l e r s were f a r too busy working t h e i r lands to be concerned about complexional d i f f e r e n c e s . As time went on the differences i n race became less marked, f o r whites married negroes, negroes married Indians, and several whites kept Indian common law wives.  t/  In time t h e i r o f f s p r i n g inter-married, and  the Island became such a r a c i a l melting pot that discrimination because of colour could hardly f l o u r i s h . Ebenezer Robson recommended that a school house be b u i l t as soon as possible, and shortly a l o g cabin was constructed by the s e t t l e r s f o r t h i s purpose.  Here John Jones, an educated coloured man taught f o r  three days each week, the remaining three days he spent with the children 10 at the north end of the Island.  As f a r as i s known, Jones was not paid  by the government u n t i l 1869 when the f i r s t government operated school was  8 Reverend Ebenezer Robson, Diary, Feb. 21, 1861. In B.C. P r o v i n c i a l Archives. 9 Ibid., Dec. 21, 1861. 10 Rev. E.F. Wilson, op. c i t . , p. 22.  136 opened i n the settlement.  Then the school trustees, one of whom was  Abraham Copeland, a coloured man, wrote t o the Colonial Secretary, suggesting that Jones, who held a f i r s t class teaching c e r t i f i c a t e from 12 the State of Ohio, should continue i n h i s r o l e of teacher.  His appoint-  ment was immediately approved, but he remained on the Island only a few years longer, f o r during the 1870's he returned to Oberlin, Ohio, taking with him one of^the Harrison brothers, whose parents wished him to be educated there. The r e l i g i o u s needs of the early s e t t l e r s on Salt Spring were adequately cared f o r , and not only d i d Ebenezer Robson make periodic v i s i t s , but the Bishop himself would sometimes go t o the Island.  Other Methodist ministers  followed Robson, such as the Reverend Thomas Crosby and the Reverend Edward White, and i n the mid-1860's W.S. Reece, a Church of England minister also began t o make monthly t r i p s to minister t o the s e t t l e r s . The problem of communication was one of the greatest  complaints  of the Islanders who were not always s a t i s f i e d with the e f f o r t s of the government at V i c t o r i a t o improve the s i t u a t i o n .  There was no regular  boat service with Vancouver Island and the quickest way t o send a l e t t e r to V i c t o r i a was v i a New Westminster.  Then there was the lack of roads  on the Island i t s e l f as a further i r r i t a t i o n , f o r although Governor Douglas had appointed three road commissioners i n i860, by 1862 the roads so desperately needed t o connect the i s o l a t e d communities were s t i l l . n o n existent. that  Jonathan Begg, one of the road commissioners informed Douglas  the s e t t l e r s  could  not b u i l d  their  own roads as they were  12 J.P. Booth, T. Griffeths ( s i c ) , Abraham Copland ( s i c ) , t o the Colonial Secretary, Oct. 26, 1869. MS i n B.C. P r o v i n c i a l Archives. 13 Interview with Ernest Harrison, S a l t Spring Island, July 1, 1950.  137  too poor and needed every hour of t h e i r time to tend t h e i r farms i n order to r a i s e produce t o s e l l at V i c t o r i a to pay f o r t h e i r pre-emption claims. Why  not l e t the farmers p a r t l y pay f o r t h e i r lands by constructing the  14 roads that were so badly needed, he suggested.  Throughout the period,  the s e t t l e r s d i d act as road builders, but whether or not on the above basis i s unknown. This question of roads was one that sometimes caused f r i c t i o n among the early pioneers, f o r n a t u r a l l y every farmer wanted h i s home to be located on one.  Such an incident occurred when Louis Stark, a  negro farmer, requested that the government b u i l d a road from the small community i n which he l i v e d to the school house and boat dock at Ganges Harbour.  He had already by h i s own e f f o r t s cleared one two miles long  i n that d i r e c t i o n , but now found himself blocked by the claims of two other farmers.  Could the government do anything t o complete the remain15  ing mile and a half?  An agreement was shortly made with Stark to com-  plete the road, and from t h i s arose a quarrel that was even carried into the church on a Sunday morning.  The d e t a i l s of t h i s unhappy a f f a i r are  related i n a l e t t e r from Louis Stark to Joseph Trutch: S a l t Spring Island 1870 december 22 mr trutch dear S i r I Beg leave to Say to you that I cut the timber on the road that I made agreement with mr t i t u s on Saturday t h i s road lade out by a party of three and also by instrucktions i n a l e t t e r recived from mr t i t u s , 8 of September and i t was on Satuday when mr t i t u s wish to know i f that road l i n e was Settled betwene us I then and t h i r agred to tak i t as i t was the parties Should have objected then and t h i r or h e l t h i r peace t h i s agreement and road i s the work of Satuday I had cut the timber the lenth of the l i n e before I recived mr morlyes notice to leave of the work on Sunday morning S i r v i s being about to close a party commenct to eleckt overseers and to go and l a y out the road that I had taken I Stated t o 14 Jonathan Begg to Governor Douglas, May 5, 1862. MS i n B.C. P r o v i n c i a l Archives. 15 Louis Stark to B.W. Archives.  Pearse, Sept. 15, 1870. MS i n B.C.  Provincial  138  the parties i f tha from that meeting on Sunday appoint men t o lay out a road f o r me to work I would have nothing t o do with i t unless i t went on the same l i n e s agreed on the parsson cam down out of the p u l l p i t and beged them do not be holding meetings on goverment Buisness on the lords day the Sunday party l a y out on the Sam l i n e part of the way when i n a h a l f mile of the School house and Boat road thay l e f t the road and went to a mans Barn who have a road to his door f o r ten years loosing a quarter of a mile i n t h i s hort distance t h i s Sunday Binss was a l l don and dated monday and now I am c a l l on t o acknolege an agreement that I had nothing t o do with or loos the work that i s don t h i s road dont com to the mouth of the Boat road by f i f t y yeards whil the others corns i n rang three or four hundred yeards I Beg leave S i r to make my g r a t e f u l l acknolegment to you and mr Pirce for haveing don that which was f a i r and r i t e so f a i r as you knew and i f i loos my labour predgerdis and u n f a i r play i s the caus and that too bad to describe the Sundy party road Is a h a l f moon c i r c l e from Creek to the Bairn that i s the road tha i s the road that I fefuesd to cut i t would be madness i n me t o ask goverment to cut Sutch a road as that a Sentrel road i s a l l that we ask f o r and l e t us make l i t t l e roads and p i g t r a i l s t o com t o i t by our own labour the road on the creek that was complaind of I would cut that as Both l a y i t out tho I recived no reply t o that part I would be glad t o no i f mr morleys des i s t ion i s f i n a l S i r please except my pardon f o r trespassing on your pations so mutch I hope f o r the better I remain you obt Servent c  l o u i s Stark  The Islanders were always keenly interested i n p o l i t i c s , and combined with the s e t t l e r s of the Chemainus d i s t r i c t were e n t i t l e d t o one member i n the assembly.  There i s no record of any negro ever hav-  ing run f o r o f f i c e , although i t was once suggested that John Jones be nominated as a candidate.  In 1868 the coloured residents d i d succeed  i n e l e c t i n g M i f f l i n Gibbs as t h e i r representative at the Yale Convention however. "There i s no law on Saltspring" was a common complaint among the e a r l y pioneers, and i n the l i g h t of the frequent examples of lawlessness t h i s was quite j u s t i f i e d , f o r because of d i s i n t e r e s t on the part of the government, the Island was inadequately policed and i n consequence at  16 MS i n B.C. P r o v i n c i a l Archives.  139 times became almost uninhabitable. Negroes and whites a l i k e were r e sponsible f o r many crimes but i t was  the Indians who were marked as the  greatest offenders. They regarded i t as t h e i r p r i v i l e g e to despoil the s e t t l e r s whenever possible, and too often farmers would awaken t o discover that t h e i r entire crops of turnips had been stolen and perhaps a few head of c a t t l e missing.  I f a s e t t l e r happened to be absent from  home when a f l e e t of Indian canoes landed on t h e i r way northward, i t was not unusual f o r h i s cabin t o be ransacked and a l l h i s possessions stolen.  After such occurrences the g u i l t y parties were seldom i f ever  apprehended. On more than one occasion the Indians t e r r i f i e d the pioneers by t h e i r i n t e r - t r i b a l wars, f o r the s e t t l e r s were never certain that they themselves might not be drawn into the b a t t l e .  After one such incident  i n the summer of i860, Thomas Lineker, a white farmer at Admiralty Bay, wrote to the Governor describing the menacing s i t u a t i o n : Admiralty Bay, S a l t Spring Island, July 9th, 1860. To His Excellency James Douglass (sic] C.B. Governor of Vancouver's Island. &c. &c. &c. Sir At a meeting of the S e t t l e r s of t h i s place I was deputed to address Your Excellency on the Subject of the Indians. I beg therefore to acquaint rYour Excellency that ontthe 4th of July l a s t , at noon, a canoe with nine men, two boys and three women of the " B e l l a B e l l a " t r i b e came i n here with a person named McCauley who had business With some of the S e t t l e r s . While he was t a l k i n g with me, the Cowichians f s i c j numbering some f i f t y , who were encamped here (& who on the a r r i v a l of the B e l l a Bellas manifested an u n f r i e n d l y s p i r i t , but afterward appeared f r i e n d l y ) commenced f i r i n g , a general f i g h t Ensued which lasted about an hour, and ended i n the Cowichians (sic] k i l l i n g eight of the  other, and carrying o f f the women and boys as prisoners, t h i s f i g h t occurred so close to my house, that I sent my wife and family into the woods f o r safety, during the night one of the B e l l a Bellas came to me, wounded. I pointed out a t r a i l which would lead him to the Northern part of the Island, hoping he might get away. I f e l t I could not give him shelter without being compromised i n t h i s murderous a f f a i r . Two men have just arrived here from the other side of the Island, who inform me that a week since some Northern Indians took two of another t r i b e out of t h e i r boat and cut t h e i r heads o f f . The Indians have a l l l e f t here, probably a n t i c i p a t i n g an attack i n such an event we should be anything but safe, e s p e c i a l l y should they i n any way molest the S e t t l e r s . We number here twenty s i x men, scattered over about two miles Square, considering t h e i r defenceless p o s i t i o n the S e t t l e r s t r u s t that Your Excellency w i l l deem i t expedient to afford them such protection as you i n Your wisdom may think necessary, I have the honor to be Your Excellency's obedient humble Servant Thos H. Liheker. 17 The H.M.S. S a t e l l i t e  was  immediately despatched to the Island, but  aside from t h i s , l i t t l e further was done during the next decade to prot e c t the l i v e s of the pioneers. Not only were the Indians g u i l t y of thievery and of slaughtering one another, but on two occasions were accused of the murder of coloured settlers.  In 1868 William Robinson, a most inoffensive negro farmer  was found dead i n h i s windowless log hut.  This discovery was made by  a v i s i t o r , who receiving no answer to h i s knock, removed some packing from between the logs, and through the opening saw the coloured l y i n g dead on the f l o o r . dinner.  man  Evidently he had been shot while eating h i s  The murderer l e f t no clue, but when someone remembered having  seen the dead man  i n the company of an Indian a few days before, there  was no doubt i n anyone's mind as to the race of the g u i l t y 17 MS i n B.C. P r o v i n c i a l Archives.  one.  141 A few months l a t e r another coloured man, murdered, but i n a more gruesome manner.  Giles C u r t i s was also  On returning from church  one  Sunday morning, Howard Estes (some sources say i t was Louis Stark, h i s son-in-law) found h i s r i f l e standing outside the door of h i s cabin, and upon entering came upon the body of C u r t i s , a gunshot wound i n h i s temple and his throat gashed with a butcher k n i f e .  When an inquest was held,  the verdict was that he had been murdered by unknown p a r t i e s , but as usual the Indians, g u i l t y or not, received the blame. Such incidents following i n rapid succession caused the s e t t l e r s to become d i s s a t i s f i e d with the lack of o f f i c i a l interest i n t h e i r w e l l being.  Many became so frightened by the prospect of being murdered  that they gave up t h e i r claims and returned to more c i v i l i z e d parts of the country; others who were i n need of hired help to develop t h e i r farms, found that labourers valued t h e i r l i v e s too highly to r i s k s e t t i n g foot on the Island.  D i s s a t i s f a c t i o n f i n a l l y reached a point where i t could  no longer be restrained, and the Islanders threatened e i t h e r to emigrate or to form a v i g i l a n c e committee i f a resident Justice of the Peace were not appointed to keep law and order.  This aroused the a u t h o r i t i e s i n  V i c t o r i a and i n the b e l i e f that Indians were responsible f o r these Various crimes, H.M.S. Sparrowhawk  cruised among the gulf islands i n a v a i n  attempt to locate the c r i m i n a l s . Indians were questioned and were even offered a reward of f 250 i f they would r e v e a l the murderer of the coloured man. While the search f o r the slayer of Curtis was continuing, an Indian was arrested and charged with the Robinson k i l l i n g .  Possibly f o r some  personal motive another native of the same t r i b e decided to turn informer and t o l d the p o l i c e how f i f t e e n months before, h i s fellow Chemainus,  142  Tschuanhuaset, had shot and k i l l e d the negro.  The accused was readily-  found g u i l t y by a jury too prone to regard every Indian as a p o t e n t i a l murderer and despite the e f f o r t s of his t r i b e to establish an  alibi  and of a delegation of Songhees Indians who petitioned to have his sentence commuted, Tschuanhuaset was taken up the coast and was Perhaps he was an innocent man.  executed.  Some at l e a s t thought so, and one person  f e l t strongly enough about the subject to condemn the system whereby one Indian had been found g u i l t y merely on the word of another, and where the condemned man was t r i e d before a jury quite ignorant of Indian ways. Perhaps the accuser merely bore a grudge and found t h i s a convenient way of disposing of his enemy.  In any case the law was s a t i s f i e d and the  case closed and forgotten. Undoubtedly the Indians were responsible f o r many of the unsolved crimes on S a l t Spring, but the coloured s e t t l e r s were f a r from blameless.  They were rough men,  they had t o be or they would never have  come there i n the f i r s t place. Violent hatreds sometimes developed among them, and one coloured farm hand even t r i e d to burn down a fellow negro's barn.  Another was imprisoned on a serious morals charge.  The  Island was a l i t t l e world of i t s own, and the s e t t l e r s being human, had a l l the normal virtues and f a i l i n g s . The personal h i s t o r i e s of most of the early S a l t Spring Island coloured pioneers have been l o s t with the passing of time, except f o r the story of Louis and S y l v i a Stark, which because of the comparatively recent death of S y l v i a , can be reconstructed with some accuracy.  Aunt S i l v y ,  as she was generally c a l l e d , l i v e d to the estimated age of 106, and u n t i l the end of her l i f e retained a remarkably clear memory, and was always w i l l i n g to t e l l of her experiences.  She had been born S y l v i a Estes,  143  a slave i n Clay County, Missouri, and as a c h i l d of nine, her job i n the household was t o care f o r her master's baby.  She used to t e l l how even  when she was "hot and cold and dizzy" with fever, she had t o continue looking a f t e r the c h i l d .  "Such things should not be," she i s reported 18  to have said, "a l i t t l e s i c k g i r l to look a f t e r a b i g c h i l d l i k e t h a t I " Generally l i f e i n slavery was not unpleasant f o r the Estes family f o r t h e i r master was a kind man, but i t was only natural f o r them t o yearn f o r freedom, f o r a slave considered himself t o be only " h a l f a man".  For-  tunately they were given t h i s l i b e r t y when t h e i r master moved t o C a l i f o r n i a and permitted the slave father t o purchase not only h i s own freedom, but also that of h i s wife, his son and l i t t l e S y l v i a .  Soon Estes was  able to establish his family on a small ranch where they stayed u n t i l they joined the negro exodus t o the north. It was i n C a l i f o r n i a that S y l v i a met and married Louis Stark, a mulatto son of a southern slave owner.  Stark had worked as a barber 19  on the M i s s i s s i p p i River steamers before going t o C a l i f o r n i a .  In 1860  with t h e i r three year old son W i l l i s and with Sylvia's parents, the Starks boarded the Brother Jonathan  and s a i l e d f o r Vancouver Island.  Land, not gold was the a t t r a c t i o n here, f o r Louis came not with mining equipment, but with ten or f i f t e e n head of c a t t l e , the f i r s t to be brought to S a l t Spring, according t o h i s wife.  The family remained i n  V i c t o r i a only u n t i l Louis had investigated the Puget Sound area to f i n d the best land f o r c a t t l e r a i s i n g .  S a l t Spring Island seemed t o him the  most s a t i s f a c t o r y place, and a f t e r b u i l d i n g a cabin there, he loaded h i s 18 Vancouver D a i l y Province, January 16, 1941, p. 16. 19 Colonist. March 1, 1895, p.2.  144 family, and possessions on the schooner Black Diamond and s a i l e d to the new homestead.  Louis and a partner had already selected a claim on the  mountainside overlooking Vesuvius Bay, and i t was on the shores near the bay that the family landed with t h e i r goods.  While her husband  with an Indian helper hired f o r the purpose, packed t h e i r possessions t o the cabin, S y l v i a remained behind on the beach with her husband's partner and the Indian's squaw.  Then occurred an incident which she  never forgot. Suddenly out of nowhere came a canoe loaded with Indians, attracted by the p i l e of s e t t l e r ' s belongings on phe beach.  Without  a word the squaw disappeared into the woods, leaving the two coloured people to brave the s i t u a t i o n alone.  One of the natives made threaten-  ing gestures with a knife, but the negro stood without moving, and i t was his brave attitude, according to S y l v i a , that saved t h e i r l i v e s . As quickly as they had come, the Indians returned to t h e i r canoes, and 20 without molesting anyone continued on t h e i r way to V i c t o r i a . In the autumn of 1861, on one of h i s v i s i t s to the Island, Ebenezer Kobson v i s i t e d the Starks, and according to a b r i e f entry i n h i s diary seems to have been favourably impressed by them: ...came up to Mr. Stark's. He met us at the landing. We found a pleasant and pious person i n Mr. Stark's wife. They once were slaves i n the Southern United States, that land of l i b e r t y . Mr. Stark bought himself f o r |1500. Mrs. S's father bought her. They were married i n C a l i f o r n i a . They came up to the Island 2 years ago & now they with t h e i r children 3 i n number are l i v i n g on t h e i r own farm. I t i s good land & they only pay $1 per acre f o r i t . Mr. Stark has about 30 head of c a t t l e . He sowed one quart of wheat near h i s house l a s t winter and reaped 180 qts. i n the summer. One grain of wheat produced 2360 grains on 59 branches. His turnips of which he has a large quantity are b e a u t i f u l and large - Also cabbage e t c . etc. His wife who was converted about 2 months ago f i l l e d my sacks with good things - 4 lbs f i n e fresh butter, 2 qt bottles new milk. Mr. Stark gave me some of his large turnips. 21 20 F.M. Kelly, "Salt Spring C a l l i n g , " Colonist. Aug. 19, 1934. Based on an interview with W i l l i s Stark. 21 Ebenezer Robson, Diary, Sunday, Oct. 13,  1861.  S y l v i a Stark  W i l l i s Stark  The photograph of S y l v i a Stark was taken by J . Wesley M i l l e r i n 1933* In a l e t t e r to the Rev. John Goodfellow, Princeton, B.C. Sept. 21, 1933, Mr. M i l l e r wrote; "I took three snapshots of Mrs. L. Stark, one of which i s developed but not s a t i s f a c t o r y . I hope to have something worth while i n the other two. Though she i s 96 years she had an apron on and was a c t u a l l y hoeing corn i n the garden when I arrived. She wanted t o be taken with the apron on f o r she s a i d , "I want them to know I am a working woman." I t was a delight t o l i s t e n to her t e l l of the early days and I was p a r t i c u l a r l y interested i n her account of a v i v i d awakening of her r e l i g i o u s f a i t h as she turned to God i n those t r y i n g days."  22  22 MS i n B.C. P r o v i n c i a l Archives. S a l t Spring Island f i l e .  14& & f©w we^ks later Robson one® again stayed with the Storks* and be and Louis talked about slavery and the slave states. I n his diary that night the- minister'made•a further ©bfervation about'his host and hostess. Mrs* Stark is religious but. Mr. -Stark hasn't as mush .-of i t as ho might have and yet there are worse sea than Ma in the church.  All seens to have gone very favourably with the family on their farm on the aid© of "Stark Mountain until after Giles Curtis was 11  murdered, then they moved across to Ganges Harbour to begin anew* Stark wrote to the land agent Joseph Trutch explaining the situation: Salt Spring Island aovember 3 im Mr trutch land agent dear Sir I Beg leave to inform you that I have ben oblige to move ay famerly from ay claim as the Indians is dalngers I cannot get any wan to live on the place Since clrtiee was k i l l d for this cans I have commsncts improving a peace of land ©a the n.e. Side of gaingers harber and Jolnd on the South east ©ad of davl'd overtone claim thir la forty or fifty aeurs of this laud near to other Settlers which I would be veary thankfull i f you will record this to me sad take one hundred acures from w old claim and record to me en® hundred on&ly untill I can get a man on it Louis Stark i4 For some reason, the Starks left Salt Spring in 1875 end took up land in the Cranberry district near Nanaiao. Her© occurred a great family tragedy* for in the early spring of 1895 Louis tras found dead at the foot of ia c l i f f .  Raaasur had i t that he had been murdered, and  the family was always convinced of thisj although from the nature of 25 the wound® on the body i t is possible that be had fallen over the c l i f f e Shortly afterward Sylvia returned to Ganges Harbour where she became the most celebrated personality;©n the Island - the matriarch of Salt Spring. 23 Ebeneser Robson, Diary.- Sunday!. December 22. 1861.. 24 MS in B.Go Provincial Archives. 25 Colonist. March 1, 1S95» p.2.  147 Anyone a r r i v i n g at Ganges Harbour on July 1st, a day of celebration i n the community, would probably f i n d a baseball game i n progress i n front of the school, and nearby a refreshment stand surrounded by a crowd of noisy, hungry children who have just taken part i n the games. On looking further one might wonder at the t a l l , slim coloured man i n the sun helmet, faded jacket and impressed trousers, cheering at a home" run.  He i s quite o l d , at l e a s t i n his e i g h t i e s , and a l l the children  know him.  "That's Mr. Harrison, his picture was i n the paper l a s t week",  they point to him and say.  Ernest Harrison i s the c e l e b r i t y of the  moment, f o r he i s the l a s t of the e a r l y negro pioneers.  But there are  other traces of the Island's unusual h i s t o r y , f o r under a makeshift awning s i t s a stout coloured woman wearing heavy gold ear-rings and eating  ice-cream, and from across the way comes sauntering a negress with  her French-Canadian husband, and dark skinned baby. the l a s t traces of l i f e on the Island as i t was.  Here one may see  148  CHAPTER  VIII  IN THE GOLDFIELDS  If gold had not been discovered i n B r i t i s h Columbia, i t i s very doubtful i f the negro migration to Vancouver Island would have occurred, for  there would have been no labour shortage i n V i c t o r i a and Governor  Douglas would have had l i t t l e reason other than philanthropic f o r i n v i t ing  them to come t o the colony.  I t was because of gold and rumours of  gold that t h e i r attention was directed northward. The beginnings of the Fraser River rush of 1858 may be traced as far  back as 1855 when gold was discovered on the Pend O r e i l l e R i v e r .  As i t was not found there i n large quantities, Angus Macdonald of Fort ColvilL^e suggested that the miners might have better luck farther up the Columbia.  Many followed h i s advice and no doubt lured on by the unknown,  began to penetrate i n t o the i n t e r i o r of what was to become the colony of B r i t i s h Columbia.  On March 1st, 1856, Macdonald wrote t o James  Douglas t e l l i n g him of the existence of gold on the Columbia River within B r i t i s h t e r r i t o r y , which information was relayed to the Secretary of State for'the Colonies, the Right Honourable Henry Labouchere.  As yet the  mines had yielded very disappointing returns however, and Douglas h e s i t a t e d t o make any extravagant  claims f o r them. Despite h i s caution, during  the summer and f a l l of 1857, miners came i n increasing numbers from Oregon and Washington T e r r i t o r i e s , and with them came a few French Canadians formerly employed by the Hudson's Bay Company.  A l l made t h e i r way to the  upper Fraser prospecting the r i c h bars that had formed at the forks of  149 the r i v e r .  So well did they succeed i n t h e i r operations that rumours  of t h e i r good fortune l a i d the foundation f o r the excitement that  was  soon to follow* By March of 1858,  the news from the diggings had created  much  excitement on Puget Sound, so much so that on March 22, the Herald of Steilacoom put out an extra saying that miners on the Fraser and Thompson Rivers were making from $8.00 to $50.00 per day, and that the Indians were f r i e n d l y .  Within a week, m i l l s were forced to shut down:  soldiers desertedj s a i l o r s l e f t t h e i r ships, and a l l the hands at the Bellingham coal mines quit work. By the end of A p r i l the rush from San Francisco had begun and a l l classes of society crowded vessels to three times t h e i r capacity, paying fares ranging from $60.00 f o r the "nobs" t o $30.00 f o r the "roughs". 1858  During the spring and summer of  i t has been estimated that 23,000 made the t r i p from C a l i f o r n i a  t o V i c t o r i a , while perhaps another 8,000 procededi overland. was  Victoria  s t i l l f a r from the diggings however, f o r the Gulf of Georgia had to  be crossed and the Fraser River ascended f o r a hundred miles and more. In the early stages of the rush there was no adequate transportation to the mines and hundreds made the crossing i n h a s t i l y b u i l t small boats and canoes.  These early a r r i v a l s found r i c h and easy diggings at Fargo  Bar f i f t e e n miles above Fort Langley and i n the v i c i n i t y of Yale. In spite of the report that the adventurers were the dregs of San Francisco, Governor Douglas commended the f i r s t a r r i v a l s f o r t h e i r good behaviour, although he was  somewhat doubtful of the results of t h i s i n -  discriminate immigration which he f e l t might bring i n a foreign element with a n t i - B r i t i s h sympathies.  In the meantime he took steps t o ensure  150  law and order and h i s regulations regarding the mining of gold were strict.  In December 1857 he had issued a proclamation s t a t i n g that  " a l l mines of gold whether on the lands of the Queen or of any of Her Majesty's Subjects belong to the Crown" and he required that miners take out licences before digging. The fee was t o be ten s h i l l i n g s per month with the provision that i t be increased i f the mines proved of s u f f i c i e n t value; within a month t h i s was r a i s e d to twenty-one s h i l l i n g s , but Douglas was neveryvery successful i n c o l l e c t i n g i t . In the meantime the Indians were becoming more h o s t i l e , and i n h i s despatch of A p r i l 6, 1858, the Governor reported that whenever anyone d i d make a promising discovery "They were q u i e t l y hustled and crowded by the natives, who having by that means obtained possession of the spot, 1 then proceeded to reap the f r u i t s of t h e i r labours."  However, "they  have on a l l occasions scrupulously respected the persons and property of t h e i r white v i s i t o r s . "  In Douglas  1  opinion however, i t was only a  matter of time before serious trouble would develop. The Governor had handled a d i f f i c u l t s i t u a t i o n remarkably w e l l and was commended f o r i t by the new Colonial Secretary, S i r E. Bulwer Lytton, who,  on July 1, 1858 issued instructions not t o exclude Americans  or other foreigners from the gold f i e l d s : Under the circumstance of so large an immigration of Americans into English t e r r i t o r y , I need hardly impress upon you the importance of caution and delicacy i n dealing with those manifold cases of international relationship and f e e l i n g which are c e r t a i n  1 Governor Douglas to Right Hon. H. Labouchere, A p r i l 6, 1858, i n Copies or Extracts of Correspondence Relative to the Discovery of Gold i n the Eraser's River D i s t r i c t , i n B r i t i s h North America, presented to both Houses of Parliament by Command of Her Majesty. J u l y 2. 1858, London, George Edward Eyre and William Spottiswoode, 1858, p. 10.  151 to a r i s e , and which but f o r the exercise of temper and d i s c r e t i o n might e a s i l y lead to serious complications between two neighbouring and powerful states. 2 Such was the s i t u a t i o n when the f i r s t of the gold rush vessels, the Commodore, entered the harbour at V i c t o r i a on A p r i l 25th, 1858  and  discharged i t s passengers, including the advance party of t h i r t y - f i v e * ^ negroes from San Francisco.  Many of t h i s f i r s t group of coloured  men  were s a t i s f i e d to remain i n the town, e s p e c i a l l y the older ones who would undoubtedly be unwilling to make the rigorous crossing to the Fraser River; but some of the younger men d i d continue on to the gold f i e l d s , and were among those, who  ^  during the f i r s t summer volunteered t h e i r services to 3  construct a road up the Harrison River v a l l e y to the upper Fraser country. As soon as they learned that the government wished to construct a road connecting Harrison's and Anderson's lakes, a distance of eighty miles, many miners volunteered t h e i r services on generous terms, f o r aside from t h e i r food and transportation to the beginning of the road, they were to receive no other payment f o r t h e i r e f f o r t s . Placer miners were always a very unstable group, packing up  and  moving overnight at the mere suggestion of better diggings ahead. men who  camped beside the Fraser bars i n 1858 were no exception.  The A  mother lode must l i e f a r t h e r up the r i v e r , they were c e r t a i n of i t , t h e i r reasoning being that since the gold found between Hope and Yale was very f i n e , the coarser p a r t i c l e s must have already f a l l e n out upstream. A few hardy i n d i v i d u a l s pushed on, and although Hope and Yale had been 2 S i r E. Bulwer Lytton to Governor Douglas, July 1, 1858, i n Copies or Extracts of Correspondence Relative to the Discovery of Gold i n the Fraser'"s River D i s t r i c t of B r i t i s h Columbia, op. c i t . . p. 10. 3 Governor Douglas to the Secretary of State f o r the Colonies, Aug. 1858, i n Vancouver Island Letters to the Secretary of State, 10th Dec. to 6th June. 1859.  19, 1855  /  152  the center of a c t i v i t y i n 1858, by 1859 the miners were above Lytton, probably i n the v i c i n i t y of L i l l o o e t j then on to Soda Creek, t o Alexandria and f i n a l l y up the Quesnel River to that fabulous country, the Cariboo. It was not u n t i l I860 that t h i s area was r e a l l y penetrated and gold bearing creek a f t e r another was discovered.  one  The f i r s t of these  was Keithley Creek, then i n the f a l l of I860, Antler Creek.  There seemed  to be no end of gold-bearing streams and the miners rushed from one to another i n t h e i r f r a n t i c search.  But the Cariboo s t i l l kept hidden i t s  treasure u n t i l the spring of 1861 when William Dietz (Dutch B i l l ) and his  party crossed Bald Mountain and came upon William's Creek, the  r i c h e s t stream of a l l .  The most promising s t r i k e here was made on a swampy  f l a t which had probably at one time been a lake bottom.  Under these  new conditions shaft mining was introduced f o r the f i r s t time i n the colony bringing with i t the need of c a p i t a l and the formation of mining  companies.  The day of the i n d i v i d u a l miner had now  come to an end  for he had either to return to the shallow diggings, or h i r e himself out as a labourer to one of the companies. As usual one of the greatest problems i n the new f i e l d s was  their  i n a c c e s s i b i l i t y , and so began one of the greatest engineering feats of that era, the b u i l d i n g of the Cariboo road.  Completed at a cost  of l i t t l e more than a m i l l i o n d o l l a r s i t was the pride of the colony, and with i t s wayside houses twelve or t h i r t e e n miles apart, one could make the formerly hazardous joijrney i n comparative ease. Cf a l l the thousands of men  of every n a t i o n a l i t y who  the Fraser and Cariboo diggings, the coloured miners  flocked t o  represented only \ y  a very small' f r a c t i o n , yet the impression they made was f a r out of proportion to t h e i r numbers.  I t i s doubtful i f many became wealthy by  153 by panning the sands of the Fraser, but as i n V i c t o r i a , some prospered supplying the economic needs of the miners as bakers, restaurant keepers, draymen, merchants and barbers. John Emmerson, an early t r a v e l l e r , mentions meeting a coloured baker on h i s t r i p t o L i l l o o e t during the summer of 1862: As already stated, I reached L i l l o o e t i n a miserable predicament. A bread baker (a man of colour) made me a cup of coffee with bread and butter, f o r a quarter d o l l a r , and gave me a piece of cold mutton into the bargain and allowed me to sleep on h i s f l o o r .  L As already mentioned, W i l l i s Bond and his partner had constructed a d i t c h at Yale by which they supplied water to the miners to wash the bank i n front of the town f o r gold.  In the Cariboo one of the better known  restaurant keepers was a mulatto known as Nigger Steele, and i n Barkerv i l l e two of the f a m i l i a r personalities were the negro barbers, Wellington Delaney Moses and Isaac Dickson. Most of the coloured men i n the goldfields spent a l l t h e i r time searching f o r gold however, and i n 1863 of the ten men who were panning on Horse F l y Creek, seven were negroes, and although they were quite inexperienced, they managed t o make about three t o s i x d o l l a r s each per day.  Negro miners were early i n the Cariboo, f o r by 1862 the "colored 6  man's house" on Bald Mountain had become a l o c a l landmark.  On William's  Greek many negroes banded together t o form mining companies t o r a i s e s u f f i c i e n t c a p i t a l to sink shafts, and i t was one such company that became  involved  in  the  most publicized mining l e g a l b a t t l e of the  period, a case that made Judge Begbie very unpopular i n the Cariboo. 4 John Emmerson, B r i t i s h Columbia and Vancouver Island, Durham, England, W. Ainsley, 1865, p. 68. . 5 D a i l y Chronicle. Sept. 19, 1863. 6 E.O.S. S c h o l e f i e l d and F.W. Howay, B r i t i s h Columbia from the E a r l i e s t Times t o the Present, Vancouver, S.H. Clarke Publishing Company, .1914, v o l . I I , p. 121.  154 The dispute began i n 1862 when the Aurora Company had staked o f f a claim on William's Creek with a  I4OO foot frontage, but extending back  an i n d e f i n i t e distance to the mountainside.  I t was not u n t i l  I864, a f t e r  the discovery of pay d i r t on t h e i r claim that they were ordered to stake i t o f f , but then, f i n d i n g that i t was larger than they were permitted by law to hold, a s i s t e r company, the Borealis, was formed to claim the excess.  Shortly however, due t o some disagreement, the Borealis brought  action against the Aurora Company and the l a t t e r was given s i x weeks by the court t o mark o f f i t s claim.  Since t h i s was neglected before the  expiry of the time l i m i t , according t o mining law, the land was now open t o a l l comers. The neighbouring claim belonged to some negro miners, the HarveyDixon Company, who took advantage of t h i s opportunity to extend t h e i r holdings and stake o f f 400 feet of what had been, i n name at l e a s t , the property of the Aurora Company.  Now the negro Harvey-Dixon Company and  the white Dayis Company consolidated t h e i r claims, and being determined to r e t a i n the disputed land, decided i f necessary to make a test case of the matter.  Neither the Aurora nor the Borealis made another move  for fourteen months, at which time the Davis Company made a s t r i k e . Then the Borealis miners took t h e i r claim t o Gold Commissioner  Cox,  ruled i n favour of the coloured miners and t h e i r white partners.  who  This  was not t o be the end of the a f f a i r however, f o r contrary to his r u l i n g the Aurora Company sunk a shaft on what was now l e g a l l y the Davis claim. With t h i s the "negro-white" company appealed t o "Judge" Cox, who once again ruled i n t h e i r favour. The Aurora Company would not accept t h i s decision however, to  take  the  case  and to  were the  determined highest  much  authority  against in  the  Cox's  wishes  colony  -  155 Judge Matthew B a l l l i e Begbie. I t was i n May of 1866 that, the Davis Company was informed that the matter was to go before Judge Begbie.  The news s t i r r e d up considerable  excitement on William's Creek, f o r other miners now began t o wonder whether or not t h e i r own claims were safe.  I f they struck i t r i c h , might not  a neighbouring company t r y to take t h e i r claim?  When Begbie handed  down h i s decision they knew they would have t h e i r answer. The Aurora Company sent a messenger t o procure an injunction from Judge Begbie requiring the Davis miners t o cease working the disputed lands.  Begbie, who was located at Bridge Creek a t the time, immediately  sent an order t o "Judge" Cox, t e l l i n g him that as Deputy Registrar of the Supreme Court, he was t o issue the injunction and t o attach the seals of his court as the seals of the Supreme Court were i n Begbie's broken-down wagon several miles beyond Bridge Creek.  Cox's reaction  t o t h i s order was soon made public: I HOLD NO COMMISSION AS DEPUTY REGISTRAR OF THE SUPREME COURT, NOR NEVER DID HOLD ONE; I HAVE ACTED AS SUCH FOR THE ACCOMMODATION OF THE PUBLIC AND THE SUPREME COURT, AND IT IS NOT LATER THAN THE EXPRESS BEFORE LAST I REMARKED WITH REFERENCE TO THE CASES AGAINST THE SHERIFF THAT ALL MY ACTS DONE AS DEPUTY OF THE SUPREME COURT MUST HAVE BEEN ILLEGAL. I ENTERTAIN AS HIGH RESPECT AND ESTEEM FOR MR. BEGBIE AS MR. BBGBIE, [sic] AND ALSO AS SUPREME COURT JUDGE OF THE COLONY, AS ANY MAN IN IT; BUT FINDING NOW THAT IT IS ATTEMPTED TO DRAG ME INTO THIS DISAGREEABLE QUARREL, AND ACT CONTRARY TO MY OWN RULING AND CONSCIENCE, I WOULD, IF I ACTUALLY DID HOLD A COMMISSION AS DEPUTY REGISTRAR OF THE SUPREME COURT AT THIS MOMENT, RESIGN THE POST AT ONCE. THERE ARE COURT SEALS IN THE RECORD OFFICE, WHICH ARE AT MR. WALKER'S DISPOSAL, BUT THEY WILL NOT BE ISSUED AS SEALS OUT OF THE SUPREME COURT BY ME AS DEPUTY REGISTRAR OF THE SAME.  1  Shortly a f t e r t h i s ultimatum, Begbie arrived i n R i c h f i e l d , and a f t e r a jury had been chosen the case came t o t r i a l .  The witnesses were  questioned, and W.A. Farron, one of the white members of the Davis 7 Cariboo S e n t i n e l. May 31, 1866.  156  Company said that when he had bought h i s share i n the company i n June 1865, he had had no idea that the claim was a disputed one, i n f a c t he said that H i l t o n of the Aurora Company, thinking that the ground was 8 worthless, had said "nobody but niggers would look f o r gold there." After hearing the evidence, the jury returned i t s v e r d i c t : 1 The jury are unanimous i n the opinion that the Aurora Company have f a i l e d to prove that the stakes of said Company extended over the 130 feet of ground. 2  The jury agree that the Davis Company d i d on the 12th of August, 1864, stake out the 130 feet of ground i n question.  3  The jury are of the opinion from the evidence adduced that the Davis Company d i d not abandon the l a t t e r 400 f e e t , r e corded 12th August, 1864, but that the said company have f o r f e i t e d t h e i r t i t l e t o the same by non-representation.  4  Seeing that the Aurora and Davis Companies have expended both time and money on said ground i n dispute, the jury would humbly submit that the said ground be equally divided, giving one-half to each, of said ground unworked.  1 Such an agreement d i d not s a t i s f y Begbie however, and he offered to act not as a Judge, but as an a r b i t r a t o r , t o come to an agreement s a t i s f a c t o r y t o both defendent and p l a i n t i f f .  Both the Aurora and Davis  people agreed, and when the case was once more heard before a crowded courtroom, the Judge gave h i s s u r p r i s i n g d e c i s i o n .  There was no e v i -  dence at a l l he s a i d , to prove that the Aurora Company d i d not have the claim staked by the 8th of August 1864* the deadline s e t at that time.  To prove t h i s point he went on t o say "the stakes are s t i l l  standing there.  I went on the ground myself and saw them a few days  before the case came on i n order t o s a t i s f y myself.  I have not the 10  s l i g h t e s t doubt that the stakes were put i n by the 8th August."  These  were the words of a Judge who f a r from having entered the courtroom 8 Cariboo Sentinel. June 18, 1866. 9 Ibid.. June 21, 1866. 10 I<bc>-.cit.  157  with an open mind ready to hear both sides of the argument impartially, had entered i t with h i s decision already made. Begbie must have r e a l i z e d the weakness of h i s statement f o r even i f the stakes d i d e x i s t , there was nothing to prove that they had not been put into the ground the day before he had seen them.  He went on to argue that i t d i d not matter  anyway, since everyone knew that the h i l l claim belonged to the Aurora Company and even i f the land was hot staked, the Davis Company had no r i g h t to claim i t .  Judge Begbie was a law unto himself and had t o t a l l y  disregarded the mining regulations' of the colony. When the Davis Company had made i t s so-called "jump" of the Aurora claim i n August 1864, i t had been an a l l negro company.  Shortly a f t e r ,  some of the coloured shareholders sold out t h e i r interests to whites> so that at the time of Begbie's decision, of the eight shares i n the company, f i v e and three quarters were owned by whites, and two and one quarter by coloured men.  Thus, reasoned Begbie, the negroes as  members of the o r i g i n a l company had known about the jump, while t h e i r white partners had not.  On t h i s he based h i s r u l i n g .  He added the  5-3/4 interests held by the whites i n the Davis Company t o the fourteen interests of the Aurora Company and divided the disputed ground i n t o 19-3/4 equal sharesj 5-3/4 to go t o the Davis Company and 14 to the Aurora.  The negro shareholders were t o get nothing.  What a commotion t h i s caused i n the mining camp.  v  Public.opinion  favoured the poor Davis Company and was h o s t i l e towards the wealthy Aurora & Borealis Company.  In protest against this decision, several  hundred miners from the neighbouring creeks collected i n front of the R i c h f i e l d Courthouse on Saturday evening, June 23, 1866 and held the  158 11 f i r s t public meeting ever to assemble i n the Cariboo.  Before the  meeting was over, three resolutions were passed: Resolved - "That i n the opinion of t h i s meeting the administration of the Mining Laws by Mr. Justice Begbie i n the Supreme Court i s p a r t i a l , d i c t a t o r i a l and a r b i t r a r y , i n sett i n g aside the verdict of j u r i e s , and calculated to create a f e e l i n g of d i s t r u s t i n those who have to seek redress through a Court of Justice." Resolved - "That t h i s meeting pledges i t s e l f t o support the Government i n carrying out the Laws i n t h e i r i n t e g r i t y and beg f o r an impartial administration of j u s t i c e . To t h i s end we desire the establishment of a Court of Appeal, or the immediate removal of Mr. Justice Begbie, whose acts i n s e t t i n g aside the Law has [sic] destroyed confidence and i s d r i v i n g labor, c a p i t a l and enterprise out of the colony." Resolved - " That a Committee of two persons be appointed to wait upon His Excellency the Administrator of the Government with the foregoing resolutions, and earnestly impress upon him the immediate necessity of carrying out the wishes of the people." 12 After passing these resolutions, a shout went up from the crowd f o r Prank Laumeister, a shareholder i n the Davis Company: "Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen" he s a i d , "I have a c t u a l l y nothing t o say. I am one of the victims and stand victimized. Judge Begbie granted us a jury to t r y our case, that jury was sworn i n and rendered t h e i r verdict and I was s a t i s f i e d they had done what was r i g h t . Judge Begbie however came out two days afterwards with a sort of revelation, he sent the jury's v e r d i c t overboard and i n stead of giving us h a l f the ground as suggested by the jury he gives us just about a quarter. We were advised by our counsel, who i s an honorable gentleman, that the Judge would decide as a f r i e n d between the p a r t i e s , and he c e r t a i n l y gave us a sample of his f r i e n d s h i p . He threw out our colored partners from any p a r t i c i p a t i o n whatever i n the ground, but these "darkies" s h a l l ^ not s u f f e r any loss by me, i f there i s only a d o l l a r comes out they s h a l l have t h e i r pro-rata share."  u  After these few words, Laumeister was cheered and was nominated along with another to take the question at the expense of the gathering to 11 Cariboo Sentinel. June 25, 12 Loc. c i t . 13 Loc. c i t .  1866.  159 Arthur N. B i r c h , the Administrator of the Government at New Westminster. To end the events of the evening, the gathering gave three cheers f o r n  Judge  w  Cox, the B r i t i s h Colonist, the Chairman, the Secretary, the  Cariboo Sentinel, and f o r Judge Begbie - three groans.  Then they  moved on the the home of "Judge" Cox,where they presented him with a gold-mounted walking s t i c k . Laumeister and h i s fellow delegate d i d a c t u a l l y reach New Westminster with their p e t i t i o n , but under no condition would Administrator B i r c h consider removing Judge Begbie.  He d i d say however that the  s e t t i n g up of a Court of Appeal was under consideration as soon as the 14 two colonies were u n i t e d . Was Begbie's j u s t i c e tinged with r a c i a l prejudice?  In h i s l e t t e r  to the Sentinel, one of the negro miners concerned, questioned the r i g h t s of coloured men i n the gold f i e l d s : To the Editor o f the "Cariboo Sentinel", S i r , - Permit me to ask the following questions through your valuable paper. F i r s t - Have we as colored men the r i g h t t o pre-empt ground f o r mining purposes? Second - Have we any r i g h t s i n common with white men? Third - Why were our interests taken from us and given t o white men? I bought my interest i n the Davis co'y and expended $2,900 before I received one cent out of said claim, and the dividends I have received from said claim have been appropriated t o pay my debts i n t h i s colony, but just at the time I was about t o be rewarded, I have been deprived of that portion of the Davis claim which would pay. I have taken some pains t o spread abroad the equality, we as colored men had, i n the laws i n an English colony, and am proud to say I have found no difference u n t i l now. 14 B r i t i s h Columbian. July 18, 1866.  160  Poor Marshall l o s t h i s l i f e coming to Cariboo to look a f t e r his small interest i n the Davis co'y, the only pittance he had l e f t a f t e r 6 years hard work i n t h i s colony, and the only means of support f o r h i s family. His wife and four children are more i n need of the money than those to whom i t was given. There are about f i f t y colored men i n and about Cariboo, the greater portion of whom are miners, and the quicker we know our position i n t h i s colony the better f o r us. Respectfully yours COLORED MINER.  H "Colored Miner's" questions went unanswered, and although the Sentinel was  sympathetic towards him, no law was higher than Judge Begbie's,  and the case was considered closed. As mentioned i n the above l e t t e r , most of the negroes i n the Cariboo were miners, and when they were not on the creeks or working t h e i r shaft diggings, they could generally be found i n B a r k e r v i l l e , the metropolis of the d i s t r i c t , which also had i t s small colony of permanent negro residents.  Of a l l the Cariboo settlements that sprang  up during the i860's, B a r k e r v i l l e was by f a r the most prominent. In 1862 Van Winkle had come into being at the junction of Van Winkle and Lightning Creeks; s h o r t l y a f t e r i n 1862 and 1863, R i c h f i e l d assumed the leading position and throughout the entire period remained the administrative center, but by 1865 the wealth of William's Creek had made the name of B a r k e r v i l l e outstanding.  By 1863 i t had begun t o  develop i n t o a town of rough wooden shacks b u i l t on posts along both sides of a rutted, muddy t r a i l .  Signs overhanging the i r r e g u l a r board  sidewalks announced the various business being carried on - hotels, saloons, laundries, barber shops, and almost anything else that might be required i n a primitive community where gold was p l e n t i f u l . I t  15 Cariboo S e n t i n e l. June 25, 1866.  161  i s impossible to say how many coloured people l i v e d here permanently besides Wellington Moses and "Dixie" the barbers, and a few others who l o s t t h e i r homes when the town burned i n 1868.  There was a suf-  f i c i e n t number at any rate to make i t worth while f o r the Elevator of San Francisco to appoint one of them as i t s agent and  correspondent,  and t h i s coloured newspaper could almost always be found on the table i n the l o c a l reading room.  There were few coloured women i n the  settlement, although the wife of Steele, the restaurant owner, l i v e d there, and Maria Gibbs, the mother of M i f f l i n Wistar Gibbs, spent some time i n the settlement with another of her sons. As i n V i c t o r i a , the coloured men of the Cariboo celebrated t h e i r day of emancipation, but at least on one occasion i t was not an unanimous a f f a i r , f o r the admirers of Lincoln met and had speeches at the Parlor Saloon while those who favoured Jefferson Davis d i d the same i n front 16 of Isaac Dickson's barber shop. Of the r e l i g i o u s l i f e of the negro miners very l i t t l e i s known. Probably i t was almost non-existent as was u s u a l l y the case i n the mining camps, however one w r i t e r gives an indication that at least one u n i d e n t i f i e d negro t r i e d t o "save'' h i s fellows. was  Sunday morning  just l i k e any other morning i n Cariboo, "The gold-worshipping miners"  continue t h e i r search, while "Hard by can be heard a gentleman of A f r i c a n descent exhorting h i s brethren to t u r n from the error of t h e i r ways and follow meekly i n the footsteps of t h e i r blessed Lord and Master who made so many generous s a c r i f i c e s to purchase t h e i r  redemption."  Considering conditions i n the gold camps of the Cariboo, there 16 Cariboo Sentinel, Jan. 15, 1867. 17 I b i d . . (Supplement), Aug. 12,  1865.  162  were s u r p r i s i n g l y few crimes committed and most of the offences with which negroes were charged were either assault or drunkenness.  Knives  were sometimes drawn when tempers were aroused however, and even Moses and "Dixie" were known to use theirs on occasion.  Judge Begbie made  a report of one such cases There has not been a single crime of violence committed i n the Cariboo since my a r r i v a l i n June l a s t - t i l l three days ago, when one nigger was so insulted by an a l l u s i o n to the f a c t of h i s day before yesterday's breakfast being unpaid f o r , that he drew a knife and made 2 or 3 desperate stabs at the waiter (also a nigger), the p l t f [ p l a i n t i f f j and deft [jiefendant\ were both among the blackest men you could see. The r a s c a l might have committed murder manslaughter at l e a s t - but l u c k i l y the waiter was the stronger of the two, and when the prisoner saw the blood flowing pretty f r e e l y he got frightened & t r i e d to escape. It was the only case of stabbing that has occurred. The jury might very w e l l have found a felonous intent which would have given him 10 to 15 years. They took the l i g h t e r view of the matter however - so I gave him 3 years.- He i s a good cook, I believe, & Brew w i l l f i n d him usef u l at New Wr. [Westminster] i n that capacity. 18 While t h i s may have been the f i r s t k n i f i n g incident, there were more t o follow, f o r "Dixie" the barber also c a r r i e d a knife and so d i d h i s f r i e n d Rosario the Spaniard* son owed him, and whn  Rosario wanted some money Isaac Dick-  i t was not forthcoming the two went up on the  h i l l s i d e behind the houses and drew t h e i r knives.  They were separated  by the constable and sent to t h e i r homes, but l a t e r i n the day Dickson made another attack and t h i s time both he and the Spaniard were arrested and appeared i n the Police Courts Mr. Cox - What have you to say to the charge Dixon? Prisoner - What Mr. F i t z g e r a l d has stated i s nearly correct; when he t o l d me to go home I went o f f ; on my way home I met a carpenter named B a i l e y , who said to me, "hold on and take a drink;" we were coming up together on the sidewalk when t h i s man came behind me, I f e l t a " l i c k " under the arm and then another on the back, and next found mys e l f down on the road; Moses hauled me i n . 18 Chief Justice M.B. Begbie to W.A.G. Young, R i c h f i e l d , Sept. 20, 1863* MS i n B.C. P r o v i n c i a l Archives. Chartres Brew was Chief Inspector of P o l i c e .  163 Mr. F i t z g e r a l d - The prisoner had i t i n his power to stay i n Moses shop, and Moses even t r i e d to keep him i n .  1  Prisoner - I just wanted to look out t o see that t h i s man would not .v,. s t r i k e me with h i s k n i f e . Mr. Cox - I w i l l put an end to the drawing of knives on t h i s creek. I f i n e you $50.00, or i n default s i x months* imprisonment, and you must f i n d b a i l t o keep the peace f o r s i x months. With respect to the Spaniard he has never been before the Court before. Rosario - He (Dixie) owed me money and put me o f f from day to day for three weeks and has not paid mej I d i d not draw the knife, I only used my hands. Mr. F i t z g e r a l d - I am not sure that the prisoner had the knife drawn, I rather think hot. Isaac Dickson was the same coloured barber against whom a drunken miner from H i l l ' s Bar had made an assault at Yale i n 1858,  starting  the "Ned McGowan War", a well-known incident i n B r i t i s h Columbia 20 history. In B a r k e r v i l l e he regarded himself as a public character, and even appointed himself as the l i t e r a r y representative of the coloured population on William's Creek.  "Dixie's" contributions t o  the Cariboo Sentinel, written i n the usual phonetic s p e l l i n g of the almost i l l i t e r a t e negro, give i n t e r e s t i n g s i d e l i g h t s on l i f e i n Barker21 v i l l e during the 1860's. Up the street from Isaac Dickson's "Shampooing Establishment"  ^  was the barber shop and general store of Wellington Delaney Moses, who was t o become one of the better known figures i n Cariboo l i f e . Shortly a f t e r h i s a r r i v a l i n V i c t o r i a i n 1858, the negro barber had married Sarah Jane Douglas, another coloured immigrant. 19 Cariboo S e n t i n e l. Oct. L4,  But apparently  1865.  20 F.W. Howay, Royal Engineers i n B r i t i s h Columbia. V i c t o r i a , 1910, p.4» 21 See appendix "H".  B.C.,  Isaac Dickson's l e t t e r s to the Cariboo S e n t i n e l.  164 t h e i r marriage was not a happy one, f o r i n September of 1862,  Sarah  Moses t r i e d to commit suicide by leaping o f f the Bath House steps into James Bay.  Fortunately her screams attracted attention, and a f t e r  being rescueddshe was confined i n the debtors  1  prison u n t i l her r e -  lease a few days l a t e r on payment o f the cost of her a r r e s t .  The  reason f o r t h i s suicide attempt, she claimed, was the elopement of 22 her husband with another woman.  Whether or not t h i s was the cause  of h i s departure from the town, Wellington Moses from now on earned his  l i v i n g i n the mining camps along the Fraser u n t i l he eventually  established himself permanently i n the Cariboo. In B a r k e r v i l l e , Moses barber shop was an important part of the 1  community, f o r not only d i d he cut h a i r there, but also sold men's and women's clothes and bought and sold mining shares.  His d i a r i e s and  account books give an i n t e r e s t i n g picture of Cariboo l i f e , f o r few 23 persons o f importance on the l o c a l scene escaped being mentioned. A few entries from these records w i l l s u f f i c e to give some impression of the personality and a c t i v i t i e s of t h e i r author, as w e l l as an i n timate glimpse of l i f e i n the pioneer settlements Saturday. A p r i l 24. 1869 Fine weather and verry worm the l a i d a new sideworlk i n front of Bank of B.N. America. Monday. A p r i l 26. 1869 Morning cold and cloudy the express with P. Monnetta & J u l l i a a r r i v e at 10 a.m. afternoon f i n e and worm i n the cold and freese I bought 1-1/4 i n t r e s i n Reed Co. f o r D F f o r sum o f $150.00  22 Colonist. Sept. 23, 1862. -  -  23 Wellington D. Moses, Diaries and Account Books. Archives.  B.C. P r o v i n c i a l  165 Monday. May 24,  1869  Morning cloudy and c h i l l y Mr. S t e r l i n g bought out W. Berry i n the Hurdle Saloon Jesse Price l e f t f o r the lower countrey. Tuesday, June 1,  1869  Fine clear and verry warm day the f l o o r f o r the New Express l a i d the woods over at Lake was on f i r e Mrs. Tracey bought the House of Paint shop she rened her saloon to Mrs. and Miss Funk. Saturday, June 5,  1869  Fine worm weather the woods s t i l l on f i r e h i s Hon. Juge Bebee an s u i t arrive the where 2 f i n e horses got burn t o death by the f i r e up Conklin gulch. Monday. June 21.  1869  Weather Haissey smokey and verry worm and close I was at R i c h f i e l d to cut Judge Brew h a i r Mr. J . Teaney arrive on the creek. Wednesday. June 23.  1869  Fine clear and pleasant midday verry worm afternoon cloudy i n the evening l i g h t r a i n . Mr. S t e r l i n g oppen a new idea the Hurdles playing cards a pass round Largar and drink t o the t a b l e s . . . . Tuesday. June 29.  1869  Weather cloudy and verry dark and smokey the Candan boys brough i n t h i e r long f l a g pole the Rev. Mr. Derrick had the Jureniem flower buded i n his garden at the parsnage the f i r s t flower of the i n t h i s a l t i t u d e . Mr. S t e r l i n g new armerican f l a g a r r i v e . From his account books, one learns that Moses charged $1.00 f o r a haircut and had a standard rate of #3*00 per month f o r shaves.  Such  prominent names as Pattulo, Tolmie and Dr. Chipp appear i n h i s records, as w e l l as frequent references to Chartres Brew and Judge Begbie.  His  shop was a most unusual place f o r not only d i d he s e l l newspapers, medicines, c o l l a r s , valentines, neckties, umbrellas, d o l l s , watches and h i s own "Moses Hair Restorer", but customers also deposited money with him f o r safe-keeping and some exchanged t h e i r farm produce f o r purchases. "Indian Charley" exchanged h i s labour f o r merchandise.  "Gentle Annie",  one of the Hurdies was one of Moses* customers, and the following i s  166  probably her account: 1873 Miss Annie Jones July n n n n n n  15  Under S h i r t Hat Lubin Extract Cash Loan 2 Handkerchiefs Stockens coset  8,00 5.00 1.50 3.00 1.50 1.00 3.50 26.50 50  Ribben  27.00 n  25  Stage f a i r t o Pearson  6.00 33.00  To Barnard Express  Black S h a l l Money Puree  8.00 41.00 11.00 2.00 54.00  Today i n B a r k e r v i l l e the old residents s t i l l t e l l of Wellington Moses and the Blessing murder, an incident that occurred almost a century ago, and that resulted i n the f i r s t public execution ever carried out i n the d i s t r i c t of Cariboo. was hanged f o r the slaying of CM.  James Barry, the murderer  Blessing, and i t was the evidence  given by Moses the barber that p a r t i a l l y l e d t o h i s conviction. In the f a l l of 1866 word was brought to Judge Cox that the body of a man had been found i n the woods near Beaver Pass, a mile below Edward's ranch.  The man had been shot from behind and while the body  was too badly decomposed t o be recognized, i t was i d e n t i f i e d as that of CM.  Blessing from the clothing and contents of the pockets.  No one  appeared t o know him however, u n t i l the coloured man, Moses, t o l d h i s  167  story. In May of 1866, Moses and B l e s s i n g had l e f t New Westminster on the same steamer and during part of t h e i r journey to Quesnelmouth, had been t r a v e l l i n g companions.  Here Moses decided t o remain an extra  day, and Blessing, who was impatient to be on his way, journey i n the company of a stranger, James Barry.  continued the  The arrangement was  that Moses would meet his f r i e n d once again at Van. Winkle and the two would continue on together from there.  Blessing was not at Van Winkle  however, when the coloured man arrived, but the barber thought  little  of the matter u n t i l he l a t e r met the stranger, Barry, on William's Creek.  "What d i d you do with my  who was he?" r e p l i e d Barry. Quesnelmouth."  'chummy'?" asked Moses.  "Your 'chummy,  1  "The man you l e f t with that morning from  After a moment Barry s a i d , "Oh! that coon, I have not  seen him since the morning we l e f t the Mouth, I l e f t him on the road, 24 he could not t r a v e l , he had a sore foot.''  Moses d i d not question  him further, and i n f a c t forgot the incident u n t i l he read i n the Cariboo S e n t i n e l about the discovery of the body.  Then he hurried t o  the Magistrate, and James Barry just as hurriedly l e f t town. was  overtaken however and was brought back to stand t r i a l before Judge  Begbie i n the R i c h f i e l d court house. 25 e n t i r e l y circumstantial, pin,  Barry  The evidence against him  such as the f a c t that he had given a nugget  formerly the property of the murdered man,  girls.  was  t o one of the hurdy  This nugget was e a s i l y i d e n t i f i e d by a man who had t r a v e l l e d  up from San Francisco with Blessing, f o r the owner had c a r e f u l l y pointed out to him i t s strange resemblance to a human head. L i t t l e evidence 24 Cariboo S e n t i n e l. Oct. 18, 1866. 25 M.B. Begbie, Notes of Evidence and Memorandum to Accompany notes, Ra» v Barry T r i a l f o r the murder of Charles Morgan Blessing, at Richf i e l d , 1 July 1867. MS i n B.C. P r o v i n c i a l Archives.  168  was offered i n defence of the accused and he was f i n a l l y condemned to death and was executed.  In the meantime Moses had made certain that  his f r i e n d Blessing would have a proper b u r i a l by c o l l e c t i n g $94*50 from the miners to have a head board made f o r the grave and t o have a 26 r a i l i n g placed around i t * In 1866, B a r k e r v i l l e experienced i t s greatest tragedy, f o r i t was almost e n t i r e l y destroyed by f i r e *  John Anderson, the negro  Cariboo correspondent f o r the coloured newspaper, the Elevator* wrote of the f i r e and of some of the negroes who l o s t t h e i r homes i n i t : B a r k e r v i l l e , B.C. Sept. 22, 1868. Mr. E d i t o r : - Since I l a s t wrote you, we have met with a serious calamity - B a r k e r v i l l e has been e n t i r e l y destroyed by f i r e , and i t has been a ruinous loss t o many. I t occurred on the 16th i n s t . The season has been very dry, and the wardens f a i l e d to have the reservoir back o f the town f i n i s h e d . I t has been long talked about, and i t would have stopped the f i r e ; but as we had no water the flames spread f u r i o u s l y from b u i l d i n g t o b u i l d i n g and many who were near when the f i r e broke out were glad to escape without saving anything. Among the sufferers are our friends W.D. Moses, I.P. Gibbs and Miss Hickman. Mrs. R. Gibbs saved her things, but l o s t her house. I send by t h i s mail a copy of the Sentinel, containing the p a r t i c u l a r s of the f i r e . The weather i s now unusually f i n e , and our enterp r i s i n g f o l k s have commenced building r a p i d l y . Lumber has gone up from eight t o twelve cents per f o o t . A l l well here and not discouraged. Yours t r u l y , John Anderson. 27 It was about 2 P.M. on September 16, 1868 that the f i r e was f i r s t discovered i n a saloon. By 5 o'clock almost every b u i l d i n g i n the town had been destroyed except f o r one saloon and Barnard's stables. Dally, a well-known photographer from V i c t o r i a had recently set up a 26 Cariboo Sentinel, Dec. 15, 1866. 27 Elevator, Oct. 23, 1868.  B a r k e r v i l l e before the  fire*  171  studio there, and although i t was  burned, apparently he saved enough  equipment to take a picture of the town immediately a f t e r the  fire.  While the Fraser River and the Cariboo are the most prominent names connected with gold i n B r i t i s h Columbia, there was  another rush, which  because of i t s r e l a t i v e i n s i g n i f i c a n c e has now been almost forgotten. Yet the discovery at Leech River near V i c t o r i a i s of great importance i n the h i s t o r y of negro settlement  i n the province f o r so many coloured  people were d i r e c t l y concerned with i t .  Samuel Booth, a negro from  V i c t o r i a , found the "big nugget" that started the rush; R.H. another coloured man  Johnson,  b u i l t the Mount Ararat Hotel at the diggings to  accommodate miners and t r a v e l l e r s , and there were several all-negro companies i n operation along the banks of the creek. The discovery of gold on the Leech River may be traced back to the exploration project of Vancouver Island, undertaken by Governor Kennedy shortly a f t e r his a r r i v a l i n  I864. He thought i t d i s g r a c e f u l that no  one had any idea about the true mineral, timber, and a g r i c u l t u r a l r e sources of the Island, f o r although the subject of exploration had often been discussed i n the House of Assembly, nothing had ever been done about i t .  For t h i s purpose the Governor suggested that funds be raised  by public subscription and that he would contribute from funds at his 28 d i s p o s a l two d o l l a r s f o r every one c o l l e c t e d from the people. In the spring of  I864 the exploration party was sent out under  Dr. Robert Brown as commander with Peter John Leech as lieutenant and astronomer. men  In July, Leech, who  had l e f t the main party with a few  to explore the Sooke River, reported the discovery of gold i n the  r i v e r , or rather i n a t r i b u t a r y which was  so small that i t sometimes  28 Vancouver Island - Exploration 1864. Printed by authority of the Government, Harries and Company, V i c t o r i a , V.I. [I864J, p. i i .  172 29 d r i e d up completely.  Although there was much scepticism about t h i s  l a t e s t discovery, four coloured men, Samuel Booth, George Munro, John T y r i l and William Dyer, joined together to form the Industry Company. They journied up the Sooke River to the Leech River which had by now been named a f t e r i t s discoverer, and about h a l f a mile up t h i s smaller stream they began to prospect.  Samuel Booth struck h i s pick i n t o the  s l a t e rock on the r i g h t bank and found an oval shaped nugget about the s i z e of a hen's egg.  The "Industry" men hurriedly cut stakes to mark  o f f t h e i r claim, and i t was not long before other claims were staked from the point of t h e i r discovery down to the forks.  Munro hurried  back to the Gold Commissioner at the forks to get miners' licences, then he and Samuel Booth took the nugget and departed f o r V i c t o r i a t o get provisions•  •>amu e j . p. B A L L & son,  •.."••bill  SIGN OF T H E RED B A L L .  On the evening of August 3,  •  •- - ,  I864, the steamer Alexandria arrived i n  V i c t o r i a from Sooke bringing Samuel Booth and h i s nugget. 29 Colonist, July 25, 29,  I864.  The news  >  The Industry Company Claim - Where the "Big Nugget" was f m m r l .  174 spread r a p i d l y about the town and Booth was besieged by an excited crowd shouting questions.  Eventually he reached the Wells, Fargo & Co. express  o f f i c e where the nugget was displayed.  Within a few days the streets of  V i c t o r i a were almost deserted f o r so many had l e f t f o r the diggings, and i n the windows of some of the houses and shops, the absence of the tenants 30 was explained by the simple note "Gone to Sooke". The excitement was reminiscent of V i c t o r i a i n the spring and summer of 1858.  Loaded steamers made s p e c i a l t r i p s t o Sooke harbour carrying  miners and merchants with t h e i r goods.  R.H. Johnson, one time captain  of the V i c t o r i a Pioneer R i f l e Corps saw the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of e s t a b l i s h i n g a h o t e l there, and i n October 1864, wrote to Henry Wakeford the C o l o n i a l Secretary, requesting an acre of land to be used f o r t h i s purpose. The request was granted, and by February of the following year, the Mount Ararat hotel had been completed.  I t was a twelve room, handsomely f u r -  nished building which Governor Kennedy described i n a highly complimentary fashion when he wrote i n the v i s i t o r s ' book:  "A.E. Kennedy dined, s l e p t ,  and breakfasted; good dinner, wine, coffee, a clean and comfortable sleeping room.  The whole arrangement of the house i n a l l i t s departments i s 32  highly creditable to the proprietors.  August 10, 1865••"  Beds and  meals were 50£ each. Many coloured men from V i c t o r i a staked claims on the r i v e r , and besides the Industry Company there was  also the coloured Pioneer Company.  W i l l i s Bond, the house-mover was on the creek and even M i f f l i n Gibbs v i s i t e d the diggings.  The excitement d i d not l a s t long however, although 33 i n 1871 two negro miners were s t i l l prospecting on the r i v e r . Shortly 30 Evening Express. August 10, I864. 31 R.H. Johnson to Henry Wakeford, Oct. 3, I864. MS i n B.C. P r o v i n c i a l Archives• 32 D a i l y Chronicle. May 13, 1865. 33 Colonist. Aug. 30. 1871.  175 none remained t o pan the stream save the Chinese.  R.H. Johnson died i n  the l a t e 1860's and never saw the Leech River become a ghost town and his Mount Ararat f a l l into decay.  176  CHAPTER  IX  THE PROBLEM OF RACE  The major reason f o r the coming of the coloured people t o Vancouver Island was to escape the prejudice and discrimination that was ever-present i n C a l i f o r n i a , but escape was impossible f o r oppression followed them on every gold-rush steamer that arrived i n V i c t o r i a from the south. Like an infectious disease i t spread to such an extent that many of the B r i t i s h residents became more race-conscious than the Americans, and some of the coloured people even claimed that there was more prejudice against them i n B r i t i s h Columbia than i n many parts of the United States.  In  the goldfields and on S a l t Spring Island there was seldom any outward manifestation of discrimination or prejudice, and the contrast between the attitude i n these primitive settlements and the r e l a t i v e l y w e l l established town of V i c t o r i a presents an i n t e r e s t i n g study to the student of r a c i a l problems. In the h i s t o r y of early V i c t o r i a are to be found examples of a l l the basic reasons f o r r a c i a l antagonism - group consciousness, c o n f l i c t i n g economic i n t e r e s t s , the f e a r of r a c i a l contamination, differences i n customs and t r a d i t i o n , and e s p e c i a l l y , c o n f l i c t i n g p o l i t i c a l i n t e r e s t s . A l l were major factors i n the everyday l i v e s of the negro residents i n the colony. When the f i r s t coloured people arrived i n the spring of '58 at the beginning of the Fraser River excitement, they were received, according 1 t o M i f f l i n Gibbs, with a "frankness and c o r d i a l i t y so p e c u l i a r l y B r i t i s h " .  ,  , , ,  —  1 V i c t o r i a Gazette. August 28,  S  _  1858.  . ..„•,,-  177 They were assured that t h e i r colour would never debar them from the same r i g h t s and p r i v i l e g e s that the white colonists enjoyed. Then came the frenzy of the gold rush and the American invasion of the English community, bringing to the people of colour both wealth and i s o l a t i o n .  As many of  the new a r r i v a l s had come from the "cotton states" and had been educated to regard negroes as i n f e r i o r s , i t i s not surprising that t h e i r views should be somewhat antagonistic towards V i c t o r i a ' s coloured colonists who were apparently enjoying the same p r i v i l e g e s as everyone e l s e , were the proprietors of f l o u r i s h i n g businesses and the owners of a considerable amount of r e a l estate which they sold at highly i n f l a t e d prices to the newcomers• The problem of race put i n an e a r l y appearance i n the town, f o r Kinahan Cornwallis, a v i s i t o r there during May and June of 1858 writes: I observed that the coloured people i . e . "niggers" c o l l e c t e d here, many of whom were " r e a l estate" owners, conducted themselves i n a manner rather b e l l i c o s e than otherwise which of course excited d e r i s i o n ; and one of t h e i r number I heard attempted to take h i s seat with white people at a boarding house table i n town, but was expelled i n a manner as prompt and merciless as the s t y l e of doing the thing was ludicrous. The newly appointed p o l i c e of the place were negroes, and consequently h e a r t i l y despised by the Americans. 2 The h o s t i l i t y towards negro police forced the government to withdraw them a f t e r only a few weeks' service.  On one occasion i t was only by  the action of Judge Pemberton, the Commissioner of P o l i c e , that a coloured constable was saved from being thrown i n t o the harbour by a group of 3 r i o t i n g miners.  2 Kinahan Cornwallis, The New El-Dorado or. B r i t i s h Columbia. London. Thomas Cautley Newby, 1858, p. 283. 3 E.O.S. S c h o l e f i e l d and F.W. Howay, B r i t i s h Columbia from E a r l i e s t Times t o the Present. S.J. Clarke Publishing Company, Vancouver, B.C., 1914, v o l . IV, p. 97.  178  After a short period during which both sides regarded one another with suspicion, the inevitable c o n f l i c t broke out i n the church.  The  Reverend Edward Cridge had opened his church to the negroes, but i t was not long before he received complaints from the Americans who resented the speckled appearance of the congregation.  In August 1858, the Gazette  carried a l e t t e r from a church-goer who complained that: Last Sabbath was an unusually warm day. The l i t t l e Chapel was crowded as usual with a "smart sprinkle" of blacks, generously mixed i n with the whites. The Ethiopians perspiredI they always do when out of place. - Several white gentlemen l e f t t h e i r seats vacant, and sought the purer atmosphere outside; others moodily endured the aromatic luxury of t h e i r positions, i n no very pious frame of mind. He went on to suggest that the negroes be given a section by themselves "as i s done i n a l l respectable churches i n the world" and then the American 4 portion of the congregation would be much happier. Edward Cridge refused t o segregate the blacks i n any way, h i s only r e p l y being t o lecture the congregation f o r t h e i r intolerance.  As a  r e s u l t of t h i s imagined i n s u l t , many whites now refused t o attend h i s church, and those who d i d , crowded t o the front i n t h e i r attempt t o separate themselves as much as possible from the negroes. to  Some t r i e d  j u s t i f y t h e i r action by saying that they considered i t s i n f u l t o i g -  nore the d i s t i n c t i o n that the Creator had made between the two races, for  by mingling the sexes of both peoples promiscuously, they might f a l l  i n love, r e s u l t i n g i n marriages which would cause the deterioration of 5 the whites without elevating the negroes. The Rev. W.F. Clarke and the Rev. M. Macfie, who were early i n the 4 V i c t o r i a Gazette, August 24, 1858. 5 Matthew Macfie, Vancouver Island and B r i t i s h Columbia, London, Longman, Green, Longman, Roberts, 1886, p. 388.  179 I860 s sent to the colony by the B r i t i s h C o l o n i a l Missionary Society !  had quite a difference of opinion over the negro question i n t h e i r church* So wide d i d the breach between them become, that Macfie l e f t h i s c o l l e a g u e ^ ' and held his own services i n the Eldorado H a l l .  Clarke refused to e s t a b l i s h  a "negro corner" while Macfie believed i n segregation.  The  controversy  became so heated that Clarke sent out a c i r c u l a r addressed "To a l l Imp a r t i a l Men and Lovers of Right" i n which he t o l d of t h e i r c o n f l i c t i n g 6 ideas and of the stand which he was taking. t h i r d s of h i s congregation was  The following Sunday, two-  coloured, the whites having migrated with  Macfie. The negroes had found another champion, but they d i d not long support him, for what they r e a l l y wanted was  to mingle with the "superior race"  and to attend the more s t y l i s h church of the Rev. Edward Cridge.  They  considered themselves the "old f a m i l i e s " and "monied a r i s t o c r a c y " i n the colony and resented being driven out of t h e i r former place of worship by the new a r r i v a l s . the Rev. W.F.  When they stopped coming to the services held by  Clarke, being now deserted by both the oppressors and  pressed, he was released by the Missionary Society which was backing  ophim.  Of t h i s incident the Bishop of Columbia wrote. There has been a sharp contention on the question of colour; the Americans r e q u i r i n g that the coloured people should not be allowed to occupy the same place with them i n worship. One Independent Minister Mr. McFye [ s i c j , favoured t h e i r unchristian narrowness; another maintained the English p r i n c i p l e , that there should be no difference i n the house of God. He has,however, been thrown over by the Society i n London who maintained him, the " B r i t i s h C o l o n i a l Missionary Society." Mr. Clark nobly upheld the C h r i s t i a n and English sentiment; but h i s patrons have decided against him, and he has to leave the place: he seems a very respectable man, too good f o r h i s employers• 7 6 Colonist. Oct. 21,  1859.  7 An Occasional Paper on the Columbia Mission with Letters from the Bishop. London, Rivingtons, June i860, p. 13.  180  Clarke at least won a moral v i c t o r y however, f o r when the Society more c l o s e l y examined the question of the Vancouver Island "Negro  pew",  they unanimously adopted the following resolutions: 1. That t h i s Committee never have sanctioned and never w i l l sanction, i n Churches wholly or i n part sustained by the funds of the C o l o n i a l Missionary Society, the compulsory separation, i n places of worship, of the colored races from the white population. 2. That on the receipt of l e t t e r s from Vancouver's Island communicating the disagreement which had arisen between Messrs. Clarke and Macfie on t h i s and other matters, there were circumstances which l e d t o the desire to avoid, at the time, direct and authoritive (sic] interference on the subjects i n dispute; certain pointed questions, however, were sent t o Mr. Macfie under date of June 15 (prior to the a g i t a t i o n of the matter i n the public press,) touching the arrangements adopted i n h i s place of worship; on the receipt of the r e p l y to which the whole question w i l l be reviewed and d e f i n i t e l y s e t t l e d , i n harmony with the preceding Resolution. The Committee have just received a communication from Mr. Macfie, i n reply to the queries above referred to, i n which the following sentence i s found i n respect to the arrangements made i n h i s place of worship:- " I f Negroes were pleased to give t h e i r attendance, they would be; expected to take one side of the b u i l d i n g , where they would be welcome to any unoccupied place they might choose, and where they would always f i n d a number of whites s u f f i c i e n t l y i n d i f f e r e n t to the prejudice to s i t i n proximity to them." From t h i s quotation i t i s evident that there i s a part of the chapel from which the colored population are excluded. To t h i s exclusion the committee object, as u t t e r l y at variance with the p r i n c i p l e s of the C h r i s t i a n r e l i g i o n , as w e l l as contrary to the usages adopted by t h e i r agents i n every part of the Colonial Empire where a mixture of the races i s found. This committee, therefore, r e s o l v e s — T h a t the above arrangement must be immediately discontinued, and freedom of access secured to every part of the b u i l d i n g to a l l persons, without d i s t i n c t i o n of color. And that i n the event of t h i s requirement not being complied with, the connection of the C o l o n i a l Missionary Society with t h i s Mission must cease and determine. Signed by order of the Committee, THOS. JAMES, Secretary, Committee Boom, October 24,  I860.  8 8 The P a t r i o t , London, England, c i t e d i n the Colonist, Jan. 11,  1861.  181  Half of the church-going colonists were coloured persons, and according to the Rt. Rev. George H i l l s , Bishop o f Columbia, they were steady communicants and always ready t o contribute t o the church and other worthy causes.  9  Nevertheless they seldom benefitted from the s o c i a l l i f e o f  the church, f o r according t o a complaint i n the Colonist t Every Sabbath the Rev. Mr.^So-and-so gives out from h i s p u l p i t that the " l a d i e s sewing c i r c l e w i l l meet at the residence of Mrs.—." The male and female members of the c i r c l e attend at the lady's house; but you never see a black face, nor even that of a mulatto, among t h e i r number. 10 1  Undoubtedly the colouredpeople were t o blame f o r much of the antagonism aroused against them f o r they tended to flaunt t h e i r newly acquired p r i v i l e g e s before the race-conscious Americans.  They condemned  everything American and hated some Englishmen merely because they had 11 l i v e d . i n the United States.  Forgetting that several m i l l i o n s of  Americans were sympathetic t o t h e i r cause they alienated many of t h e i r l i b e r a l minded neighbours by t h e i r indiscriminate denunciation.  Perhaps  i t would be expecting them t o be more than human t o react otherwise a f t e r being delivered from so much oppression which they associated with everything connected with the Republic.  One w r i t e r says that "As a r e s u l t  of t h e i r wealth and new p o s i t i o n i n society i t was not s u r p r i s i n g that some, formerly habituated t o servitude or reproached as representatives of a barbarous race, should on being delivered from the yoke of s o c i a l oppression, f a i l t o show much consideration f o r the prejudices of the whites«  Many B r i t i s h subjects sympathized with the ideas p r e v a i l i n g 12 i n the United States respecting the s o c i a l status." There were also 9 An Occasional Paper on the Columbia Mission, op. c i t . . p. 13. 10 Colonist. Sept. 30, 1861. 11 I b i d . . Jan. 12, i860. 12 Macfie, op., c i t . , p. 388.  182  i s o l a t e d incidents i n the behaviour of c e r t a i n of the negro residents which proved very d i s t a s t e f u l to the whites, such as the shocking brut a l i t y of a coloured drayman, who, a f t e r d r i v i n g h i s horse into the  mud,  i s reported to have become so i n f u r i a t e d at being mired that he seized 13 a cart-rung and beat the animal's brains out.  While i t i s true that  t h i s was the action of but one i n d i v i d u a l , i t was quite s u f f i c i e n t f o r some to believe that a l l coloured people were equally b r u t a l , and f o r anti-negro sentiments to germinate. Throughout most of these early years of negro settlement i n V i c t o r i a , the  C i v i l War was being waged i n the United States, and the sectional  c o n f l i c t i t aroused i n the town added to the problem of race*  Both the  north and the south were w e l l represented among the white residents, and e s p e c i a l l y a f t e r the beginning of the war, V i c t o r i a experienced an i n f l u x of southerners who came t o the colony either t o escape conscription or to use i t as a base of operations i n t h e i r plots to overthrow the Republic*  These people congregated around the Confederate Saloon on;  Yates Street, where a Confederate f l a g , made by the southern ladies of 14 the  community was ceremoniously r a i s e d and lowered each day.  Their  attitude towards the coloured colonists may be r e a d i l y understood, e s p e c i a l l y after the negroes became a p o l i t i c a l power i n the community* Then the s i t u a t i o n must have c l o s e l y p a r a l l e l e d that experienced i n the south during the reconstruction period.  Undoubtedly the feelings  engendered  among the whites would be the same. While i t might be expected that the northerners would champion the negro cause, t h i s was not always the case. On one occasion at l e a s t the Union sympathisers must have become rather 13 D a i l y Chronicle, Dec. 31, 1863• P*  14 D.W. 150.  Higgins, The My3tic Spring. Toronto, William Briggs, 1904,  183 h o s t i l e towards the negroes at Gibbs & Gb.'s  boot-black establishment  on Government Street a f t e r the coloured men employed there rented the shop to a southerner f o r the purpose of erecting a Confederate f l a g on 15 i t s roof.  The occasion was the celebration of the coming of age of  the Prince of Wales.  The town was g a i l y decorated and there were to be  horse-racing, parades and other amusements.  As soon as the northerners  saw the Confederate f l a g , they lowered a l l the American f l a g s and r e fused to u n f u r l them again u n t i l the obnoxious Confederate one had been removed.  Furthermore the American members of the fire-brigades r e -  fused to march i n the parade because of the incident. A l l e n Francis, 1  the American Consul, wrote to the Governor about the m a t t e r : Consulate of the United States of America.) V i c t o r i a , V.I., Nov. 10, 1862. ) To His Excellency Governor Douglas: S i r : - In order t o commemorate the day i n honor of the Prince of Wales a r r i v i n g at h i s majority, i t was to be hoped nothing would occur to prevent the l o y a l c i t i z e n s of the United States r e s i d i n g here from p a r t i c i p a t i n g on the occasion: but the d i s p l a y of f l a g s representing States i n r e b e l l i o n against the constituted authorities of the United States of America w i l l deter i t s c i t i z e n s from part i c i p a t i n g i n the ceremonies. With great respect f o r the day you celebrate, and highest regards f o r your Excellency, I am,respectfully, your ob't serv t r  ALLEN FRANCIS, U.S. Consul.  16  Fortunately before there was any serious disturbance the f l a g i n question was v o l u n t a r i l y lowered and was handed to a policeman who had been dei. 1 t a i l e d to the spot. Although the boot-blacks were #40 r i c h e r , un15 V i c t o r i a D a i l y Chronicle, Nov. 12, 1862. John Emmerson, B r i t i s h Columbia and Vancouver Island, Durham, England, W. Ainsley, 1865, p.88. 16 Colonist, Nov. 12,  1862.  184  doubtedly they had done irreparable damage to the cause of the coloured people i n V i c t o r i a , f o r feelings of h o s t i l i t y must now have been aroused among the northerners. C o n f l i c t i n g p o l i t i c a l interests became one of the major causes of anti-negro sentiment i n V i c t o r i a , e s p e c i a l l y a f t e r the notorious election of 1860 when the coloured people voted i l l e g a l l y f o r Cary and Franklin 17 and by so doing defeated the opposition candidate, Amor DeCosmos.  Up  u n t i l t h i s time DeCosmos had been very tolerant towards the negroes; he had opposed t h e i r segregation i n i t h e churches and had spoken of them i n the highest terms.  After the e l e c t i o n his attitude changed, and  l e t t e r a f t e r l e t t e r appeared i n h i s newspaper, the Colonist, endeavouring to s l u r t h e i r characters.  The e d i t o r i a l s were equally s p i t e f u l and con-  tained such epithets' as - Englishmen are slaves to slaves - Negroes are aliens of the lowest type of humanity - a degraded race - ignorant of 18 self-government, of B r i t i s h i n s t i t u t i o n s .  Revenge was not slow i n  coming a f t e r the e l e c t i o n , and the v e i l e d threat was a l l too apparent i n the question, "What would be the d a i l y receipts of the hundred and f i f t y coloured labourers, restaurant, store and shopkeepers of V i c t o r i a , 19 were the patronage of the whites a l l withdrawn from them?"  1  In a l e t t e r  t o the Gazette, a coloured man describes the behaviour of DeCosmos's supporters a f t e r the elections On Saturday night the defunct candidate's supporters exibited [ s i c ] such h o s t i l e demonstrations against us, they are quite at variance since the close of the e l e c t i o n , though they they [sic} have never been otherwise; f o r why? For giving our votes to Cary and Franklin; one of the [sic] Cary's voters was ordered out of C a r r o l l ' s Saloon on Yates Street, barely f o r looking i n at a crowd of drinkers Dr. T — was c h i e f t a i n of that party. Mr. Bayley has a l s o asserted that not another colored man s h a l l approach h i s saloon again; 17 See above, p. 92. 18 Colonist. July 26, i860. 19 Ibid .. Jan. 14,  I860.  185 (what a petty revenge,) I think he should be Americanized at once, I could have t o l d him that h i s canvassing would be f o r nought, f o r my part I do not use the a r t i c l e he vends there.... 20 On the same day that the negro was ordered out of C a r r o l l ' s Saloon, C a r r o l l ' s bookkeeper entered the Mousquetaire Saloon and without vocation struck a coloured man with a s t i c k . 1  pro-  He claimed that i t was  a case of mistaken i d e n t i t y , but the incident was enough to s t a r t a 21 brawl. Shortly a f t e r , another negro, William Bastion was charged the exorbitant p r i c e of f i f t y cents f o r a glass of beer at C a r r o l l ' s place, but when he took the matter to court charging extortion, the case was 22 dismissed. When bartenders continued to refuse to serve negroes a f t e r the e l e c t i o n controversy, a coloured man,  Jacob Francis was determined t o  contest the issue and i n A p r i l i860 brought court action against a saloon keeper f o r r e f u s i n g to s e l l him two bottles of champagne.  The  v e r d i c t returned by the jury avoided the r e a l question involved however, by r u l i n g that the house was an inn, and as Francis was not a guest, 23 no i n j u r y had been sustained by him and no damages could be given. Undoubtedly the saloon keepers were j u s t i f i e d i n keeping c e r t a i n of the coloured men  out of t h e i r bars, as under the influence of alcohol  they were notorious f o r becoming rowdy and quarrelsome, and at t h i s period there was  so much to quarrel about.  Their behaviour was  20 V i c t o r i a Gazette. Jan. 9, i860. 21 Colonist. Jan. 10, i860. 22 I b i d . . Jan. 14, 19, I860. 23 V i c t o r i a Gazette. A p r i l 23, I860.  c e r t a i n l y ho  186  worse than that of many whites, but while such incidents were forgotten when the l a t t e r were responsible, when negroes were t o blame, these occurrences  became exaggerated i n minds searching f o r an excuse f o r  r a c i a l hatred. In June of 1862 Jacob Francis made another foray i n t o an American owned bar.  This time he entered the Bank Exchange Saloon with three  white companions and ordered drinks f o r a l l .  The barkeeper served the  "gentlemen" but Francis was l e f t t h i r s t y and annoyed.  When he complained,  he was t o l d that negroes were not served i n that place.  A week l a t e r ,  Joe Lovett, proprietor of the saloon, found himself before Judge Pemberton, who ruled that i n future no license would be granted t o any saloon keeper who refused t o serve anyone i n the public bars, regardless of colour. He said that there was nothing to prevent proprietors from s e t t i n g aside 24 a private bar f o r those who did not wish to associate with the negroes. In t h e i r struggle t o gain equality i n t h e i r p o l i t i c a l l i f e , the negroes were blocked at every turn by the obstacle o f prejudice.  Eventually  i f they had the necessary property q u a l i f i c a t i o n s and were naturalized B r i t i s h subjects, or B r i t i s h subjects by b i r t h , they could be placed on the v o t e r s  1  lists.  But when a coloured man proposed t o run as a can-  didate f o r a seat i n the l e g i s l a t u r e , that was quite another matter. Even though Jacob Francis was a British-born negro and was l e g a l l y elected to a seat i n 1861, since h i s opponent, Joseph Trutch should have been d i s q u a l i f i e d , an excuse was found t o prevent him from entering the assembly. Furthermore, the law permitting only B r i t i s h subjects by b i r t h to run as candidates for o f f i c e was directed against the coloured people, f o r 24 Colonist, June 26, 28, 1862. 25 See above, p. 98.  187 they were v i r t u a l l y the only ones who were becoming naturalized, and they alone would be affected by such l e g i s l a t i o n .  Regarding t h i s state of  a f f a i r s , a negro v i s i t o r t o V i c t o r i a wrote to the P a c i f i c Appeal  in  San Francisco that "Prejudice i s too strong i n Vancouver Island.  We  have brighter prospects of p o l i t i c a l elevation under our own 26  govern-  ment, than i n any B r i t i s h colony on t h i s coast." I t comes as no surprise to learn that the theatre was also the scene of r a c i a l f r i c t i o n and the only reason why such was not the case i n 1858 when e f f o r t s were made to segregate the coloured people i n the churches, was that theatres had not yet come into vogue i n V i c t o r i a . Saturday night was always a time of celebration i n the boom town. Money was p l e n t i f u l and so was l i q u o r , and whenever the entertainment i n the saloons became d u l l , there was always the Colonial Theatre up the s t r e e t .  I f the play was bad the miners threw rotten eggs and onions  at the performers, but even when i t was good they generally threw them anyway. That p a r t i c u l a r Saturday evening i n November i860, rumour had i t that there was t o be some additional entertainment besides Miss Lulu 27 Sweet  who was to sing the l a t e s t popular song during the intermission,  f o r the story was being c i r c u l a t e d that the negroes were planning t o force t h e i r way into the parquette of the theatre. I f he were t o keep i n business the manager of the Colonial Theatre had to cater to his white patrons and when they had objected to the mixing of negroes and whites, he had issued orders that only g a l l e r y seats were to be sold to the coloured f o l k , with the exception of course of Charlie Chinoople, steward of H.M.S. Topaze, who was a Bengalee and not an African negro.  He could s i t downstairs i n the d o l l a r seats i f he wished.  From  26 P a c i f i c Appeal, San Francisco, c i t e d i n the Colonist, Feb. 25, 27 Lulu Island was named a f t e r Lulu Sweet who was a very popular entertainer on the P a c i f i c coast.  I864.  188  then on the cashier c a r e f u l l y s c r u t i n i z e d the hands that came through the opening i n the t i c k e t wicket and those that were too dark i n colour were given a closer examination.  Gallery seats they could have, but  the parquette was reserved f o r whites only. Beatty, the assistant manager was determined t o keep peace i n the house at a l l costs f o r even the best o f theatres d i d not enjoy a high reputation i n those days.  He remembered too w e l l that unpleasant i n -  cident during the summer when a coloured man had forced h i s way i n t o 28 the parquette and had been met with a h a i l of r o t t e n eggs from the g a l l e r y . As a precaution against further incidents, only a week previously the manager had refused admittance to a negro. When James Stevens was not permitted t o s i t wherever he likedmerely because he was coloured, the rowdier element among the negro population became incensed.  Was t h i s not the land where regardless o f race or  creed, every man was equal?  They had l e f t C a l i f o r n i a because of i n c i -  dents such as t h i s , and were determined to endure such i n s u l t s no longer. It was nearing 7:30 on that eventful Saturday evening, and the curtain was about t o r i s e on the f i r s t play, Perfection. The theatre was about two-thirds f i l l e d , and there was the usual babble of conversation.  Some looked about uneasily.  Would the negroes r e a l l y t r y  to take the theatre, or was that merely another wild rumour.  So many  s t o r i e s circulated about the coloured people that i t was d i f f i c u l t to know what t o believe anymore.  At that moment, John Wolfe, who was taking  t i c k e t s at the entrance o f f the French Hotel a l l e y , seemed to be having d i f f i c u l t y with one of the customers. 28 Colonist, July 31, i860.  Voices were r a i s e d i n argument,  189 and a moment l a t e r Stephen Anderson, waving a t i c k e t and followed by Adolph Richards, another burly coloured man, forced t h e i r way into the parquette and sat down. There were c a l l s to put them out, and one of the actors offered them each a d o l l a r t o leave.  They refused, and when  attempts were made to force the issue, the f i g h t was on.  I t was a  general f r e e - f o r - a l l ; actors rushed out from nowhere; balcony customers crowded the s t a i r s to get into the f i g h t ; women screamed and ran backstage, while many of the more timid males found refuge on top of i t .  The  confusion inside the theatre was the s i g n a l f o r negro reinforcements t o push t h e i r way i n , as by t h i s time the a l l e y had become crowded with negroes, Indians and whites. Clubs i n black hands were swung r i g h t and l e f t , while one massive coloured man brandished a chair from the orchestra to c l e a r a path f o r himself and h i s fellows.  Another threw one of the camphene f o o t l i g h t s  i n t o the audience whence i t was immediately returned, i g n i t i n g h i s h a i r and clothing.  The burning wick of another overturned lamp started a  small f i r e on the stage and the cry of " f i r e " was added to the pandemonium. By the time the police arrived, the coloured rowdies were i n possession of the theatre, but when Major De Courcy magistrate of San Juan Island, appeared on the stage and advised them to leave, they obeyed without argument while t h e i r leaders were marched o f f t o the p o l i c e s t a t i o n . Several negroes now bought t i c k e t s f o r the g a l l e r y ; the audience s e t t l e d down; the bloodstained curtain rose, and the play began. This was not to be the end of the evening's excitement however, f o r between acts of the second play, Rob Roy, a negro i n the p i t was attacked with rotten eggs, and three more who were behaving rather suspiciously were chased from the theatre by the p o l i c e .  One ran up Government Street,  dropping h i s revolver on the way, and was f i n a l l y dragged squirming from  190 under one of the old buildings i n the Fort yard. Needless to say f o r the next week the r i o t was one of the major topics of conversation i n the town.  I t was rumoured that the perfor-  mance would be repeated the following Saturday with reinforcements from S a l t Spring Island, New Westminster and the American s i d e .  Strange negroes  began a r r i v i n g i n town during the next few days, but by Saturday  the  tempers of the coloured people had cooled down and there was no further disturbance. Unfortunately t h i s i l l - a d v i s e d demonstration  b u i l t even higher the  wall of r a c i a l prejudice, and the entire negro community suffered from the rash action of these few. r i o t unjustified.  Public opinion at the time considered the  The coloured men w e l l knew that they would not be per-  mitted to purchase t i c k e t s f o r the parquette themselves, and had had a white compatriot do i t f o r them.  probably  They were also quite aware of  what would happen when they d i d force an entry, as they had r e i n f o r c e ments waiting to come to t h e i r assistance. When they were refused admission, the blacks should have appealed to the law, but when heads are hot, actions are seldom r a t i o n a l . The case came before Chief Justice Cameron the following week, and he had no more sympathy for the whites who had thrown m i s s i l e s at the coloured men than he had f o r the negroes who had started the r i o t .  Since  there was not enough evidence to prove pre-meditation, the prisoners 29 were found not g u i l t y and were released. This was not the l a s t incident aroused by the question of where the coloured people should be permitted to s i t i n the theatre, f o r i t occurred 29 Colonist. Nov. 6,7,8,10,13, i860.  191 again i n September of 1861 when a benefit concert i n a i d of the Royal Hospital was to be held at the V i c t o r i a Theatre.  As a l l the most im-  portant people i n town were to be there, surely i n such a gathering no one would cause a disturbance; at least so though M i f f l i n Gibbs when he purchased t i c k e t s f o r himself, h i s wife, h i s f r i e n d Nathan Pointer, and Pointer's small daughter.  He had heard rumours that an attack would be  made on any coloured people who give way.  Gibbs was  as the h o s p i t a l was  attended, but he was determined not to  especially interested i n the success of the concert indebted to him t o the amount of several hundred  dollars. The presence of the coloured party i n the dress c i r c l e started considerable conversation i n t h e i r v i c i n i t y , and before long they were requested to move to other seats.  However, they were quite within  t h e i r r i g h t s when they refused, as they had paid the p r i c e f o r t h e i r seatsy.-'and were s i t t i n g i n the ones designated by t h e i r t i c k e t s . The concert went on as scheduled, but without one of the Emil Sutro, who  performers,  on hearing that there were negroes i n the dress c i r c l e ,  refused to play u n t i l they were moved elsewhere, and when they declined to do so, he l e f t the theatre and went home.  Just as the performance  was drawing to a close, a pound of f l o u r wrapped i n newspaper burst l i k e a bomb over the coloured people. a man  named Ryckman who was  ^  Nathan Pointer made a motion towards  standing nearby, intimating that he had  thrown i t , and Gibbs followed up by s t r i k i n g the man  i n d i c a t e d . When  reprimanded l a t e r i n p o l i c e court f o r h i s violence, Gibbs said that his wife was  i n a d e l i c a t e condition at the time and that when she was  covered  with f l o u r he had simply l o s t a l l control* When the case came up i n court the following week, Pointer swore that Ryckman had thrown the f l o u r , but several white witnesses swore  192 that he had not.  The whites shielded one another and as i t could not  be proven that any one of them was g u i l t y , the only person t o be punished was  Gibbs, who was f i n e d £5 f o r assault. The incident s t i r r e d up controversy i n the town, and many b i t t e r  words were said, not only by the negroes, but also by many whites who condemned t h e i r fellows f o r having any part i n such a d i s g r a c e f u l a f f a i r . In an attempt to clear h i s name, Emil Sutro published a notice i n the press; A CARD EDITOR BRITISH COLONIST:- My name having been mentioned i n connection with the "Theatre Fracas" I wish to state what happened between Mr. Maguire, the leader of the orchestra, and myself. When I reached the theatre I learned that several colored people were occupying prominent seats i n the dress c i r c l e , which caused considerable d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n t o many English and American residents, preventing numbers from entering. I asked Mr. Maguire to request the colored audience to occupy the back part of the dress c i r c l e , or, i f they refused that, t o give them the use of a private seat where they could have amused themselves to t h e i r heart's content and given no offence t o anybody. Under either of those conditions I was w i l l i n g t o play, and did not absolutely refuse. Mr. Maguire, a f t e r an interview with the p a r t i e s , informed me that they were stubborn and would not budge an inch, to use t h e i r own expression. I refused then to play and l e f t the theatre f o r home. The f i r e alarm c a l l e d me out, but kept me only a few minutes i n the s t r e e t , when I returned t o my rooms. In concluding I would remark that I do not believe i n any amalgamation of white and colored people, nor that the l a t t e r should s o c i a l l y intermix with the former. No sensible person w i l l object to the colored population being admitted to any public place of amusement: but l e t one part of the house, no matter which, be reserved f o r t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r use, - where people w i l l never intrude upon t h e i r society. They form a d i s t i n c t c l a s s , and enjoy t h e i r f u l l rights as c i t i z e n s j but l e t these "gentlemen" - i f they claim t o be gentlemen not force themselves upon white society, where they are not desired, and are furthermore offensive t o a majority o f the residents of V i c t o r i a . EMIL SUTRO 30 The following morning S u t r o s "Card" was attacked by "An Offended 1  Englishwoman" whose attitude towards the coloured people of V i c t o r i a 30 Colonist. Sept. 27, 1861.  193 was by no means i n accord with h i s : REPLY TO EMIL SUTRO EDITOR BRITISH COLONIST:- On reading your Colonist of t h i s morning I f i n d a card published by Emil Sutroo Now, Mr. Sutro i n h i s card puts f o r t h two statements which required contradiction: 1st. That the colored people force themselves upon white society where they are not desired: and 2nd.  That they are offensive to a majority of the residents of V i c t o r i a .  Now as regards the f o r c i n g themselves upon the "white society," allow me t o say that they are as a class superior t o many who composed the audience on the very night i n question. Take f o r instance the unprovoked assault on those unoffending i n d i v i d u a l s . They have never forced themselves on society of any kind, and they have as much r i g h t , i n a B r i t i s h Colony, t o be seen and heard, as persons who are fortunate enough to possess a white s k i n . To say "They enjoy t h e i r f u l l r i g h t s as c i t i z e n s , " i s a f l a t contradiction of himself, f o r he says "they were requested to resign t h e i r seats," (although paid f o r ) i n favor of some white society. Which they very sensibly declined. Had they given an inch an e l l might have been taken. As regards t h e i r being offensive to a large majority of the residents of V i c t o r i a , a very p l a i n proof that they are not so i s seen i n the state of our churches, where nearly one-half of the con- 1/ gregations are colored. And on the night already referred t o , I believe not one respectable person took part i n the assault, which was as offensive to Englishmen as unwarrantable i n an English Colony where a l l classes are t r u l y free, and not so i n name only. I t would be w e l l i f Mr. Sutro would; remember that he himself belongs t o a much persecuted race which i n some countries i s a proverb and a by-vrord. Remembering t h i s , h i s sympathies should have been with, not against the colored people. A l l foreigners l i v i n g on B r i t i s h s o i l should conform t o B r i t i s h laws and customs, and not take upon themselves t o d i c t a t e , and i f they cannot endure the presence of a colored man or woman, l e t them by a l l means stay at home; they have f u l l permission to do so, and not offend any one's eyes and ears by the d i s g r a c e f u l scenes alluded t o . AN OFFENDED ENGLISHWOMAN  As was to be expected, the editor of the Colonist had a few remarks to make regarding the " f l o u r incident", however h i s e d i t o r i a l was tinged with prejudice, f o r while he admitted that the whites had committed a wrong by throwing the f l o u r , he d i d not condemn them enough.  31 Colonist. Sept. 28,  1861.  At least  194  so thought M i f f l i n Gibbs, who was  s t i l l smarting from the i n s u l t when  he wrote the Colonist condemning the attitude of i t s e d i t o r : EDITOR BRITISH COLONIST:- The d i s g r a c e f u l proceedings of the rowdyelement of the community on Wednesday evening having c a l l e d f o r t h e d i t o r i a l comments i n your paper t h i s morning, and being one of the parties assaulted, and hence immediately interested, I ask that you allow me space f o r a b r i e f r e p l y . I have resided i n t h i s Colony f o r the space of three or four years, but never before v i s i t e d a place of p u b l i c amusement; but being i n terested i n the success of the Hospital fund to the amount of several hundred d o l l a r s f o r provisions furnished the i n s t i t u t i o n f o r the com-^-f o r t and sustenance of Americans and others whom misfortune had overtaken; and further, knowing that i t was to be under the patronage of distinguished o f f i c i a l s and the best E n g l i s h society of the Colony, I went with my family, with no f e e l i n g than that I would be exempt from the barbarous and i n s u l t i n g behaviour that has characterized such places on former occasions - and f o r that purpose purchased t i c k e t s for the dressc i r c l e . The public knows the r e s t ; how my f r i e n d - against whose r e s p e c t a b i l i t y and standing no exceptions can be taken - with h i s young daughter, myself and wife were covered with f l o u r , the performers pelted with unsaleable f r u i t , and every e f f o r t made by the American rowdies to break up the entertainment. Now,sir, what course have you taken with regard to t h i s outrage? You meet a colored man on the street and denounce i t as outrageous, the thing admits of no defence, the parties should s u f f e r f o r i t , &c, &c. Often have you repeated that equal i n t e l l i g e n c e , equal standing, i n a B r i t i s h colony secures equal treatment - shame, shame, &c. You hasten t o your sanctum (as some poor simple people thought) t o i n d i t e "words that breathe and thoughts that burn" i n v i n d i c a t i o n of outraged law. But l o l visions of long advertisements and untold patronage from denizens of Wharf street dance and g l i s t e n ; the palms of your hands suddenly expand and contract l i k e a sunfish i n greedy expectancy of the t h i r t y pieces of s i l v e r . You have l i t t l e to say condemnatory, notwithstanding a great wrong has been committed c a l l i n g for the condign punishment, you admit the wrong, and i n the next breath p a l i a t e the offence and i n v i t e r e p e t i t i o n by carping about "Caucasian and A f r i c a n , " "deeply-rooted prejudice," " s o c i a l equality," &c. Is not B r i t i s h law and j u s t i c e superior to the "deeply rooted , prejudices," and Yankee notions that are racking that republic from centre t o circumference. S o c i a l EqualityI What has v i s i t i n g a theatre to do with s o c i a l equality. ergo - Butts and De Cosmos are on terms of s o c i a l equality - fudge, the idea i s too r i d i c u l o u s f o r comment. The f a c t i s patent that you, occupying the p o s i t i o n of an E d i t o r , and i n the face of your continual clamoring f o r the f a i t h f u l and imp a r t i a l administration of B r i t i s h law as a f f e c t i n g other t o p i c s , have  195 not only shirked your duty and proved yourself a trimmer f o r loaves and f i s h e s , but have done worse. Instead of c a l l i n g upon the authori t i e s to have o f f i c e r s present to protect every man i n the peaceful enjoyment"of h i s r i g h t s , you wind up your a r t i c l e by advocating a course that would oppress and degrade a large and growing class of most l o y a l c i t i z e n s . I have taken the oath of allegiance t o Her Majesty's Government, paid the other day about #400 yearly taxes into the treasury, i n return am I to be t o l d by you that I s h a l l be degraded on public occasions and proscribed to the Box, Parquette, or any other place, to please a few renegade Yankees, who, i f they had a spark of patriotism about them, would be f i g h t i n g t h e i r country's b a t t l e s , and not be l a y i n g around here t o save t h e i r hides and foment s t r i f e . You say i n your issue of t h i s morning that i t i s your opinion that colored people w i l l never be admitted into places of amusement on terms of equality. Yesterday, i n conversation with a gentleman of my acquaintance, you offered t o bet a thousand d o l l a r s that i n two years time such a thing as proscription i n a place of amusement on account of color would not be known, and people would laugh at the idea. How these opinions harmonize, I leave the more astute t o determine; but i n Yankee parlance, I suppose one was f o r Northern and the other f o r Southern consumption. M.W.G.  22 In reply, the editor of the Colonist denied the charges directed at him i n Gibbs  1  letter.  Never had he said one thing on the street and the  opposite i n the newspaper, he claimed, and furthermore the idea of hav-  33 ing o f f i c e r s t o protect the coloured people was r i d i c u l o u s . The attack had c e r t a i n l y been a premeditated one, as i t had been common t a l k among the whites that there would be plenty of onions thrown at the negroes that night, and attempts had even been made t o bribe the a r t i s t s not t o appear.  F e l i x Leslouls, a singer, admitted that he had  been offered $50.00 t o say that he could not sing to negroes, but he had refused the o f f e r because he had given his promise to perform and  34  would do so whether negroes were present or not. 32 Colonist, Sept. 28, 1861. 33 Loc. c i t . 34 V i c t o r i a D a i l y Press, Oct. 11, 1861.  196  I f Gibbs and his party had done as requested and had moved to other seats, the coloured people would have eventually found themselves i n just as i n f e r i o r a p o s i t i o n as they had i n C a l i f o r n i a . f o r the p r i v i l e g e s that they were enjoying, and was  He had fought  determined that none  should be wrested from them. After t h i s incident, the negro colonists d a i l y endured the s i l e n t i n s u l t of seeing placards posted on street corners to the e f f e c t that . 35 "colored people w i l l not be allowed i n any part of the b u i l d i n g " .  Here-  a f t e r theatre p l a y - b i l l s advertised that they would be permitted to s i t i n the g a l l e r y only. of t h e i r colour was  The f a c t that they were being segregated because i r r i t a t i n g enough, but to be forced to s i t i n that  part of the b u i l d i n g where the lowest l e v e l of society was was  too degrading.  to be found  They appealed to Governor Douglas.  To His Excellency James Douglas C.6. &c &c Sir, We the undersigned committee appointed by the colored people of t h i s Colony, desire to memorialize your Excellency with reference to the gross i n s u l t and shameful proscription of places of public amusements by i n s e r t i n g upon hand-bills and posters, "Colored people not admitted t o any part of the House except the Gallery." Proscription s o l e l y on the ground of color, we believe to be an insufferable wrong, but the outrage i s s t i l l more apparent, when i t i s known that the g a l l e r y i s the only sole resort of the lowest order. Coming to t h i s colony to found our homes, and rear our f a m i l i e s , we d i d so advisedly, assured by those i n authority that we should meet with no d i s a b i l i t i e s p o l i t i c a l or conventional on the ground of c o l o r . Your memorialists would submit that i n point of sobriety, i n t e l l i g e n c e , and industry, as well as other r e q u i s i t e s f o r good c i t i z e n ship, they compare favorably with any other c l a s s ; — t h e y are i n possession of r e a l estate to the amount of £50,000, which awaits taxation f o r the support of the Government. We are here investing our means, and zealously laboring f o r the well being of the colony, and are influencing large numbers of our class to do likewise, and desire to have our families untrammeled by the perpetuation of a mean and senseless prejudice against 35. V i c t o r i a D a i l y Press, Dec. 1,  1861.  197  color - a prejudice having no foundation that i s honorable, and alone supported by the ignorance and b r u t a l i t y of the lowest order of s o c i e t y . Earnestly deprecating a l l resorts t o violence, d e s i r i n g t o be lawabiding, and f e e l i n g that the p r o s c r i p t i o n practices to which we c a l l the attention o f your Excellency t o be slanderous, and injurious to a large and respectable body of Her Majesty's s u b j e c t s , — t h a t they are i n i m i c a l to the genius of B r i t i s h Law and world-renowned B r i t i s h sentiments. We therefore p e t i t i o n your Excellency t o make such recommendations that w i l l guarantee the r i g h t s of your p e t i t i o n e r s i n common , with a l l other men. And we your humble p e t i t i o n e r s as i n duty bound w i l l ever pray. Signed on behalf of Two Hundred and S i x t y colored residents  Committee  Wellington D. Moses Jacob Francis F. Richard Wm. Brown Richard H. Johnson  The Governor received the deputation from the coloured community bearing t h i s p e t i t i o n , and the matter was s e t t l e d v e r b a l l y so there i s no record of h i s decision, however i t would appear that Douglas was unable t o remedy the s i t u a t i o n as further theatre incidents were t o follow. On December 10, 1863, Alexander McCarthy appeared at the entrance to the theatre, and presented a t i c k e t f o r the dress c i r c l e but was promptly refused admittance because o f h i s colour.  He then created such  a disturbance that a p o l i c e o f f i c e r t r i e d t o eject him, and as he continued to make himself objectionable even a f t e r the manager had offered to refund the p r i c e o f his t i c k e t , he was marched o f f t o the p o l i c e station.  When the case came up the next day, the lawyer f o r the coloured  man t r i e d t o prove that as no law had ever been passed p r o h i b i t i n g negroes from s i t t i n g anywhere i n the theatre, h i s c l i e n t had the r i g h t t o occupy the seat indicated by h i s t i c k e t .  The t i c k e t was a contract he s a i d ,  and the theatre manager had f a i l e d t o f u l f i l h i s part of the agreement.  36 MS i n B.C. P r o v i n c i a l Archives. P e t i t i o n s I864, July t o Dec.  198  The Judge dismissed the charge of creating a disturbance, but the coloured 37 man was fined f o r r e s i s t i n g an o f f i c e r . This was  obviously another t e s t of negro r i g h t s , and a few days  l a t e r was followed by another incident when James Fountain, Fortune Richards, and Adolphus Calamandus Richards were refused admittance to the Colonial Theatre although they presented t i c k e t s which had been purchased f o r them by a white f r i e n d .  The coloured men  took the matter  to court, and unsuccessfully began s u i t s against the theatre manager f o r #500 each, which they claimed were the damages sustained by them 38 when t h e i r t i c k e t s were refused. A year l a t e r the negroes were aroused by a p l a y - b i l l posted by the V i c t o r i a Theatre bearing the following: N.B. The Undersigned, without intending the s l i g h t e s t offence to any of V i c t o r i a ' s residents, f e e l s compelled, i n t h i s c i t y of varied n a t i o n a l i t i e s , and as conservator of the peace of h i s own establishment, to state that colored persons cannot be admitted into the Dress C i r c l e or Orchestra Seats. Should they f e e l disposed to v i s i t the Theatre, he w i l l cheerfully f i t up and comfortably f u r nish f o r them an e l i g i b l e portion of the building; but he w i l l not expose his audience to the disturbance and danger too l i k e l y to arise out of disputes about place, p o s i t i o n , or precedence. THOMAS WARD.  22 Governor Kennedy had by now  succeeded Governor Douglas, and the coloured  townspeople sent a deputation to him r e - s t a t i n g t h e i r old grievance 40 and asking his help:  37 D a i l y Chronicle. Dec. 11, 12, 38 I b i d . . Dec. 19,  1863.  1863.  39 P l a y b i l l i n B.C. P r o v i n c i a l Archives. Oct. 5, 1864.  40 Colonist. 0ct» 6, I864.  Enclosed with p e t i t i o n ,  199 Oct.5/64 Unto His Excellency Arthur Edward Kennedy C B Governor and Commander-in-Chief of the Colony of Vancouver Island &c &c &c The p e t i t i o n of the undersigned being colored residents of V i c t o r i a Humbly Sheweth That your p e t i t i o n e r s emigrated to Vancouver.Island i n 1858, under the auspices of the l a t e Governor S i r James Douglas, C.B. That your petitioners have adopted t h i s colony as t h e i r home, and have l a i d out t h e i r hard won earnings i n the purchase of r e a l estate, and s e t t l e d t h e i r families here. That they d i d so, under the impression that B r i t i s h Law recognized no d i s t i n c t i o n as t o color, and that they would enjoy a l l the p r i v i l e g e s incident to B r i t i s h subjects. That your petitioners f e e l aggrieved at the d i s t i n c t i o n made i n parties permitted to v i s i t the public theatre. Your petitioners therefore pray that your Excellency would take the premises i n t o your consideration and grant such r e l i e f t o your p e t i t i o n e r s , as i n your wisdom may seem most expedient. And your Petitioners w i l l ever pray &c (Committee appointed on behalf of the Colored people) Jacob Francis E.B. Talloch ThosisP. Freeman Wm. Brown Henry Plummer.  £L  An immediate reply was forthcoming from the Acting Colonial Secretary: Colonial Secretary's O f f i c e ) V i c t o r i a , 5th October I864.) Gentlemen -  I am directed by the Governor to acknowledge the r e c e i p t of your p e t i t i o n that he would r e l i e v e you from certain d i s a b i l i t i e s imposed upon you on account of your  41 MS i n B.C. P r o v i n c i a l Archives. Petitions I864, July t o Dec.  200 colour, and bringing a placard under h i s notice by the terms of which you are excluded from certain parts of the public theatre, and prescribing the conditions on which alone you w i l l be admitted to any p a r t i c u l a r part of i t . While his Excellency regrets that he i s unable to remove the invidious d i s t i n c t i o n thus drawn between classes of Her Majesty's subjects, he desires to assure you that he has no sympathy with those who would make creed or colour a b a r r i e r to any of Her Majesty's subjects a t t a i n i n g and occupying any s o c i a l p o s i t i o n to which t h e i r character and capacity may e n t i t l e them. I have the honor to be, Gentlemen Your obed't serv't HENRY WAKEFORD Acting C o l o n i a l Secretary Messrs. Jacob Francis, and  others. 1,2  The following year there was  one more theatre disturbance when  John Dunlop was refused entry to a benefit performance at the V i c t o r i a 43 Theatre.  After 1865  any outward indications of r a c i a l prejudice a l -  most disappeared i n V i c t o r i a , f o r by t h i s time the t i d e of immigration had been reversed.  Many negroes as w e l l as white Americans began to  return to the United States. from slavery, the C i v i l War  The coloured people had by now  been freed  had come to an end, and a period of  had descended on Vancouver Island, f o r the gold rush was  over.  depression For the  f i r s t time theatre managers began t o complain of having more seats than patrons, and one negro suggested that the reason f o r the f i n a n c i a l f a i l u r e of many of these race conscious establishments  was the boycott  imposed on them by the permanent residents of the town, who,  supposedly  whether they  inwardly enjoyed mixing with the negroes or not, were proud of t h e i r B r i t i s h t r a d i t i o n s and were ashamed of the i n j u s t i c e which had been done 44 the coloured people. 42 Evening Express. Oct. 7, 1864* 43 Colonist, Nov. 44 Loc. c i t .  23,  1865.  201 While  the theatres segregated the negroes, at l e a s t they were per-  mitted t o attend i f they so desired. other s o c i a l functions.  This was not always the case with  Even when they t r i e d t o show t h e i r l o y a l t y and  appreciation to Governor Douglas i n I864, when he was leaving o f f i c e , they received the usual rebuff.  On March 10th of that year there was  to be a grand banquet i n the Theatre as a t r i b u t e to the r e t i r i n g  Governor,  but when Lester and Gibbs applied f o r t i c k e t s , they were refused. This was a great i n j u s t i c e , and at l e a s t one high ranking Englishman  publicly  announced that i f t h i s was to be the case, he would refuse a t i c k e t him45 self.  There were two hundred persons present at the banquet and the  i r o n i c a l part of.the evening was the toast t o "The Foreign Residents of V i c t o r i a " proposed by D.B. Ring, the, lawyer.  "National prejudices  were disappearing f a s t before the progress of c i v i l i z a t i o n " he said, "and the world was r a p i d l y progressing, freed from t h e i r retarding i n 46 fluences." Not only were the coloured people refused a share i n the f e s t i v i t i e s bidding farewell to the o l d governor, but were also discriminated against i n welcoming the new.  A procession had been arranged to meet Governor  Kennedy, i n which the proudest possession of the negro community, the  47 V i c t o r i a Pioneer R i f l e Corps was not permitted to take p a r t . Other examples o f discrimination were t o follow such as on the of May  24th  I864, when there was to be a public subscription banquet to cele-  brate the Queen's birthday. Again, even those negroes who were B r i t i s h born were excluded, the weak excuse being that the American element was against i t .  Why the Americans should have the r i g h t t o prevent B r i t i s h  45 Colonist, March 10, 1864*  46 I b i d . . March 11, I864. 47 See above, p. 117  202 subjects from attending a B r i t i s h banquet celebrating the birthday of a B r i t i s h queen, defies an answer.  I t i s probably closer t o the truth t o  say that a few of the usually liberal-minded  Englishmen had become i n -  fected with the germ of prejudice and were using the Americans as t h e i r excuse.  One rejected negro complained, saying that even i n the United  States the Americans d i d not have so much authority, f o r i n Washington, coloured men frequently attended the President's 48 functions.  levees and other great  Strange to say, although the negroes found themselves barred from white society, white men frequently attended negro parties and b a l l s , but never with t h e i r wives.  The white ladies of the colony never mixed 49  s o c i a l l y with t h e i r dark s i s t e r s . To s i t on a jury was considered by the coloured  colonists t o be a  very great p r i v i l e g e , f o r l i k e the franchise i t was another step towards t h e i r complete emancipation, a symbol of t h e i r equality.  In V i c t o r i a a  negro had been c a l l e d to serve on the jury i n I860, apparently as a r e ward f o r having voted f o r Cary and Franklin i n the notorious e l e c t i o n of that year.  Prejudice prevented any more negroes performing jury  service u n t i l 1872, with the exception of the coroner's jury assembled i n connection with the murder of the negro, Anderson.  F i n a l l y i n 1872,  i n answer to t h e i r p e t i t i o n , Dr. Ash presented a r e s o l u t i o n i n the House, asking the Governor to i n s t r u c t the s h e r i f f t o place the names of the negro residents on the jury l i s t s .  The r e s o l u t i o n d i d not pass at that  time, but attention was at l e a s t directed towards the grievance, and eight months l a t e r the coloured people found members of t h e i r race c a l l e d t o 48 Colonist. May 23, I 8 6 4 .  49 I b i d . , March 17, IS64.  203 50 serve as jurors. There were other minor incidents i l l u s t r a t i v e of r a c i a l prejudice almost too numerous to mention, such as the disbandment of a temperance society and! of a l i t e r a r y society merely because they had inadvertently 51 accepted the names of negroes on t h e i r membership r o l l s .  The f a c t  that the coloured Masons never met with t h e i r white brothers, and the r e f u s a l to permit negroes to j o i n the f i r e brigades, are a l l evidence enough of discrimination.  In the matter of education at l e a s t there  appears to have been no segregation i n the c o l o n i a l schools.  In f a c t  when a mass meeting was held to discuss the opening of a non-sectarian public school i n 1864, the comment of one man that he would l i k e to see h i s children properly educated, separated from the blacks, was met with 52 hisses, and the chairman warned him t o make no further anti-negro comments. Unfortunately the Utopian v i s i o n presented to the persecuted negroes i n San Francisco had not e n t i r e l y become a r e a l i t y , f o r although they O  found themselves In a society giving them c e r t a i n p r i v i l e g e s they were also i n a society that kept them i n a state of i s o l a t i o n .  Many of the  barber-shops, bar-rooms, restaurants and hotels owned by Americans and some Englishmen were denied them, but i n a l l fairness they had t o admit  1  that they were welcomed into some of the f i n e s t establishments i n town where these were run by Englishmen, although almost i n v a r i a b l y they were met with a certain a i r of condescension. So f a r only V i c t o r i a ' s negro colonists have been studied with r e gard to t h e i r problem of race, f o r here was the largest centre of s e t t l e ment and the natural place f o r r a c i a l c o n f l i c t s to a r i s e . But S a l t Spring 50 Colonist. March 7, 21, Nov. 27, 1872. 51 Matthew Macfie, Vancouver Island and B r i t i s h Columbia. London, 1865, pp. 388-391. 52 Colonist. A p r i l 11, I864.  204 Island had a large negro population and what of the miners at the Fraser diggings and i n the Cariboo?  Evidence o f a race problem i n any of these  places i s almost non-existent.  On S a l t Spring Island, the only incident  so f a r encountered was the r e f u s a l of a white woman t o attend r e l i g i o u s meetings with the negroes; i n general, however, there seems to have been an atmosphere of co-operation among the s e t t l e r s although c o n f l i c t s d i d a r i s e of a non-racial nature.  On the Island the bulk of the population  was agrarian, and since a l l the farmers had a good market f o r everything they could produce, there was no economic competition.  Whether they were  black or white, a l l were carrying on the same struggle against nature, and t h e i r common fear of the Indians and the need of mutual protection tended to bind them together.  A neighbour, regardless of h i s colour, was a de-  cided asset. Along the Fraser and i n the Cariboo there i s also l i t t l e of discrimination, and any unpleasant  evidence  incidents that did occur took place  during the very e a r l i e s t days of the gold rush when the American rowdies f i r s t arrived at the diggings.  Then "Dixie" the negro barber was assaulted  at Yale merely because of the prejudice of a drunken miner from C a l i f o r n i a , and a similar incident occurred when other Californians f o r c i b l y ejected some coloured miners from a squaw dance h a l l , an act f o r which they were l a t e r fined i n court. i n the Davis-Aurora  In general, the words of the negro miner involved  case i n 1866 give an accurate description of conditions:  "I have taken some pains t o spread abroad the equality, we as colored men had, i n the laws i n an English colony, and am proud t o say I 53 no  difference  case 53  was  until  the r e s u l t  now."  Perhaps  of h i s own  See above, p. 153  Judge  Begbie s  prejudice,  T  have  ruling  found  i n this  but the majority  205 of the white miners i n the d i s t r i c t were by no means i n accord with him. Few were more highly regarded i n B a r k e r v i l l e than Moses, the barber, and i n his d i a r i e s there never occurs even the s l i g h t e s t complaint about h i s treatment at the hands of the whites i n the community.  In  the Cariboo  there was no p o l i t i c a l c o n f l i c t such as existed i n V i c t o r i a , and there was no serious competition between the races i n t h e i r economic l i f e . Coloured men worked side by side with white miners; they were i n partnership i n mining ventures, and negroes were employed as labourers by white mining companies.  In the gold f i e l d s , with the exception of the Chinese,  who never became an i n t e g r a l part of society, a man was  judged by the  amount of money i n h i s pocket and not by the colour of h i s skin. After the C i v i l War,  r a c i a l c o n f l i c t s seldom occurred i n even the  larger centers, such as V i c t o r i a , f o r by t h i s time the gold-excitement had come to an end and the American adventurers were returning to the United States as were also large numbers of the negro s e t t l e r s .  As the  members of neither group considered themselves permanent residents i n the colony, there was no longer any purpose i n carrying on the c o n f l i c t over equality.  Perhaps throughout the early years of settlement, the  coloured people had been using the wrong technique to achieve t h e i r bitions.  am-  Their coercive t a c t i c s had only made the whites more h o s t i l e ,  and as Sydney Smith once aaid, "We  cannot extort friendship from those  whose regard we covet with a cocked p i s t o l . "  Time alone was t o be the  solution, f o r with the departure of the Americans and the shrinkage of the negro population, the h o s t i l i t y between the races gradually diminished and the f a c t that such a s i t u a t i o n had ever existed i n B r i t i s h was forgotten. 54 Cited i n Macfie, og. c i t . , p. 392.  Columbia  206  P P E N D I C E S  207  APPENDIX  "A"  PARTIAL LIST OF COLOURED IMMIGRANTS TO BRITISH COLUMBIA 1858-1871 (This l i s t has been compiled from a l l the sources used i n the preparation of t h i s t h e s i s . ) (A) Abernethy, Robert - Baker. Adams. Ben • Addison, Patrick Jerome and wife - Farmer • Alexander, Charles and wife (Hancy) - Carpenter and Farmer . A l l e n , Edward. A l l e n , Henry - Committed suicide i n Cariboo, A p r i l 5, 1868. Allen,,William and wife (Emily). Amby, Henry. Anderson, George Henry - Farmer. Anderson, Stephen - Miner. Antoine, Archer, John - Groceries and provision merchant. Ashbury, Augusta, Frederick T a l i a f e r a . (B) B a i l e y , Madison Fineas. Baker, James. Baldwin, John - Green grocer. Banks, John - Blacksmith. Barnswell, James and wife. Barton, John Wm. Bastion, William. Berry, Hamilton. Bond, W i l l i s . C a r r o l l and wife - Contractor and house mover. Booth, Samuel John - Caulker. Bowen, William - Barber. Bronen, Henry H o l l y - Cook. Brown, William - Merchant. Buhler, Asbury - T a i l o r , clothing and v a r i e t y store. Bulmer, and wife* Bulow, and wife. Burnside, Wm. Butler, Mrs. Sarah J . (C) Caesar, Randall - Barber, proprietor of the Saucelito Baths. Carter, George - Farmer* Carter, Paris and wife - Grocer and debt c o l l e c t o r . Cathcart, J . Charity, Cornelius Hamlin - Bootmaker. Christopher, Augustus and wife - Porter. Church, - Drowned i n the sinking of the Brother Jonathan.  I  208  Clanton, R. and wife - Baker. Cooness, Stacey. Cooper. Ezekieio Copeland,Abraham and wife. Cowen, Charles. Cummings, Isaac.  (D) Dandridge, John. Deas, J.S. and wife - Tinsmith. Decosta, John. Dennis, George. Dodd, Charles. Douglas, Sarah Jane - Married Wellington D. Moses. Dowdy, E l i s o n - Painter. Dunlap, S. Dunlop, John Thomas - Livery stable. Dyer, William Henry. (E) Edwards, John E. - Hair dresser. Estes, Howard - Farmer. (F) Farrington, Stephen - Dairyman. F e l i x , James. Ford, and wife. Forrester, Thomas & wife. Fouchette, Fountain, James. Fox, Archer - Barber Fox, John Edward - Barber. Francis, A.H. and wife - Groceries and provisions. Francis, P.J. Fredison, Daniel and wife - Farmer. Freeman, Thomas Palmer and wife - Storekeeper. (G) Gant, William and wife - Teamster. Gardner, Gibbs, M i f f l i n Wistar and wife - Merchant. Gibbs, I.P. and wife (Mary). Gibbs, Maria. Giscombe, J . (Jiscom ?) Glasco, William and wife - Teamster. Godfrey, Wm. and wife. Gohagen, J . Gohiggan, Isaac - Teamster.  209  Grantom, Henry - Restaurant owner. Died May 13, I864. Grimes, H a l l , Rufus. Halley, Robert - Miner. Hamilton, Alexander and wife. - Came from Canada West. Died June 8, Handy, Joshua - Restaurant owner. Harrison, and wife. Harvey, General. Hawkins, Jack - F e l l o f f F i d e l i t e r and drowned Sept. 19, 1866. Hayes, Miss J . Henderson, John. Henry, John. Hobbs, George Washington, and wife - Teamster. Hoggan, George. Horsley, Z. and wife. Howard, Hudson, and wife (Elizabeth). (I) Isaacs, William - Farmer. (J) Jackson, F. and wife. Jackson, J.S. Jackson, Kirke. Jackson, Richard - Gardener. Jackson, Stonewall. Jackson, Thomas Henry - Drayman. Jasper, John. Jiscom, B.C. Jiscom, John R. Johnson, Isaac, B. Johnson, Richard Henry. Jones, Columbus and wife. (K) Keithley, and wife. Kerr, William F. (L) Lee, Archie - Porter Leonard, Edward and wife. Lester, Peter and wife - Groceries and provisions. Lester, Peter J r . - Painter. Lester, Sarah. Lewis, John and wife - Porter. Lewis, Joseph. Lomax, and wife. Lowe, Jacob. (M) Mabins,  and wife.  1865.  210 \  McGee, Mrs. Magee, Mansell, James and wife. Mathews, George Henry - Merchant. Mathews, John Devine. Mathews, T. Devine - C a r r i e r . McCarthy, Alexander. Mercier, Micherson, M i l l e r , William and wife - Saloon-keeper. Milton, Burgess. M i t c h e l l , Charles. Monet, Mathew, Fred. - F r u i t e r e r . Montero, J . and wife. Morris, Moses, Wellington D. and wife (Sarah) - Barber.  (N) Newby, Aaron Lewis - S a i l o r . Newel, R. (0) Ovelten, J e f f . (P) Page, and wife. Perpeno, Henry - Gardener and b r i c k maker. Phelps, E.R. and wife. P h i l l i p s , John. Phipps, M.A. Pierre, Thomas and wife - T a i l o r . Plummer, Henry. Pointer, Nathan and wife - Merchant, clothing store. Popanice, Henry.  (R) Ramsay, Samuel - Waiter. Raymous, Sam - M i n s t r e l . Reed, William and wife. Richard, Fortune - Ship carpenter, Farmer. Richards, Adolphus Calmandus - P l a s t e r e r . R i l e y , G. Roals, Mrs. Roberts, Timothy and wife - Teamster. Robinson, Henry W. - Groceries and provisions, farmer. Robinson, William - brick maker. (S) Sampson, James - Teamster. Savage, and wife. Scott, J.H. and wife.  211 Scott, James C. - Miner* Scott Charles Humphrey - Grocer. Scott, William Alexander - Barber. Senasaul, S. and wife. Sharp, Charles Henry and wife. Shakespeare, Thomas. Simpson, Skank, Smith, C.B. Smith, M.R. and wife - Baker. Smithea (also Smithie), F i e l d i n g - Messenger. Soule, Charles. Spotts, F i e l d i n g and wife - Copper, farmer. Stepney, D. Stevens, Edward. Stevens, James and wife. Stevens, S* Stewart, and wife (Emma). Stokes, Richard - C a r r i e r . Strong, Arthur and wife (Elizabeth). (T) T a l l o c h , E.V. Taylor, D. Taylor, J.S. - Restaurant and saloon keeper. Templeton, Thomas, John. Thomas, Mary. Thorp, Charles H. 7 Ship carpenter. Tilghman, Robert - Barber. Tolson brothers. Travers, Augustus - Porter. Travis, and wife. Trot, Tulloch, E.V. T y r e l l , John W. (U) Upshur, John. (V) Valentine, John. (W) Waldron, and wife. Warren, J . Washington, George. Washington, Henry and wife. Washington, Thorenton - Carpenter. Watson, Dan - M i n s t r e l . Wellington, J . Weymss, "Snowball ' and wife. 1  Wheeler, W. and wife. White, William and wife. Whitley, Stephen - Laundryman. Wilby, William - Miner. Williams, John. Williamson, Robert H. - Blacksmith. Williams, Samuel. Wilson, Woods, Wyman,  213 APPENDIX »B» LAWS OF THE STATE OF CALIFORNIA THIRD SESSION CHAPTER XXXIII. Respecting Fugitives from Labor, and Slaves brought to t h i s State p r i o r to her admission into the Union. The People of the State of C a l i f o r n i a , represented i n Senate and Assembly, do enact as follows: SEC. 1. When a person held to labor i n any State or T e r r i t o r y of the United States under the laws thereof, s h a l l escape into t h i s State, the person t o whom such labor or service may be due, h i s agent or attorney, i s hereby empowered t o seize or arrest such f u g i t i v e from labor, or s h a l l have the r i g h t t o obtain a warrant of arrest f o r such f u g i t i v e , granted by any Judge, Justice, or Magistrate of t h i s State, and directed to any S h e r i f f or Constable of t h i s State, and when seized or arrested, t o take him or her before any Judge or Justice of t h i s State, or before any Magist r a t e of a County, C i t y or Town corporate, and upon proof t o the s a t i s f a c t i o n of such Judge or Magistrate, either by o r a l testimony or a f f i d a v i t , taken before and c e r t i f i e d by any Judge or Magistrate i n t h i s State, or of any other State or T e r r i t o r y , that the person so seized or arrested doth, under the laws of the State or T e r r i t o r y from which he or she f l e d , owe service or labor to the person claiming him or her, i t s h a l l be the duty of such Judge or Magistrate to give a c e r t i f i c a t e thereof t o such claimant, h i s agent or attorney, which s h a l l be s u f f i c i e n t warrant f o r removing the said f u g i t i v e from labor, to the State or T e r r i t o r y from which he or she f l e d , and f o r using such force and r e s t r a i n t as may be necessary, under the circumstances of the case, to take and remove such f u g i t i v e person back t o the State or T e r r i t o r y whence he or she may have escaped as aforesaid. In no t r i a l or hearing under t h i s Act s h a l l the testimony of such alleged f u g i t i v e be admitted i n evidence, and the cert i f i c a t e hereinbefore mentioned s h a l l be conclusive of the r i g h t of the person or persons i n whose favor granted, to remove such f u g i t i v e to the State or T e r r i t o r y from which he escaped, and s h a l l prevent a l l molestation of such person or persons, by any process issued by any Court, Judge, y Justice, or Magistrate, or other person whomsoever. SEC. 2. Any person who s h a l l knowingly and w i l l i n g l y obstruct, hinder, or prevent such claimant, h i s agent, or attorney, or any person or persons lawfully a s s i s t i n g him, her or them, from arresting such f u g i t i v e from service or labor, either with or without process as aforesaid, or s h a l l rescue or attempt t o rescue such f u g i t i v e from the custody of such claimant, h i s or her agent or attorney, or other person or persons l a w f u l l y a s s i s t i n g as aforesaid, when so arrested pursuant to the authority herein given and declared, or s h a l l a i d , abet, or a s s i s t such f u g i t i v e , d i r e c t l y or i n d i r e c t l y t o escape from such claimant, his agent or attorney, or other person or persons l e g a l l y authorized as aforesaid, or s h a l l harbor or conceql such f u g i t i v e , s h a l l f o r either of said offences, be subject to the f i n e of not less than f i v e hundred d o l l a r s , and imprisonment not less than two months, by indictment and conviction before any Court of  214 Sessions of t h i s State, or before any Court having criminal j u r i s d i c t i o n within t h i s State, and s h a l l moreover f o r f e i t and pay by way of c i v i l damages to the claimant of said f u g i t i v e , the sum of one thousand d o l l a r s , for each and either of said offences, to be recovered by action i n any D i s t r i c t Court of t h i s State. SEC. 3. I t s h a l l be the duty of a l l S h e r i f f s , Deputy S h e r i f f s and Constables to obey and execute a l l warrants and precepts issued under the provisions of t h i s Act, when t o them directed, and should any S h e r i f f , Deputy S h e r i f f , or constable refuse to receive such warrant or other process when tendered, or to use a l l proper means, d i l i g e n t l y t o execute the same, he s h a l l on conviction thereof, by indictment, be fined i n the sum of not less than f i v e hundred d o l l a r s and not more than two thousand d o l l a r s , to the use of the County i n which conviction i s had, and removed from o f f i c e , and s h a l l be l i a b l e to the claimant i n such damages as the claimant s h a l l sustain by reason of said misconduct, and a f t e r the arrest of such f u g i t i v e by such S h e r i f f , or h i s Deputy, or Constable, or whilst at any time within h i s custody, should such f u g i t i v e escape by the assent, neglect or contrivance of such o f f i c e r , such o f f i c e r s h a l l be l i a b l e , on his o f f i c i a l bond to such claimant, f o r the f u l l value of said f u g i t i v e i n the State or T e r r i t o r y from whence he or she came. SEC. 4* Any person or persons held to labor or service i n any State or T e r r i t o r y , and who were brought or introduced within the l i m i t s of t h i s State previous to the admission of t h i s State as one of the United States of America and who s h a l l refuse to return t o the State or T e r r i t o r y where he, she or they owed such labor or service, upon the demand of the person or persons, h i s or t h e i r agent, or attorney, to whom such labor or service was due, such person or persons so refusing to return, s h a l l be held and deemed f u g i t i v e s from labor within the meaning of t h i s Act, and a l l the remedies, r i g h t s , and provisions herein given t o claimants of f u g i t i v e s who escape from any other State into t h i s State, are hereby given and conferred upon claimants of f u g i t i v e s from labor within the meaning of t h i s section; Provided, the provisions of t h i s section s h a l l not have force and e f f e c t a f t e r the period of twelve months from the passage of t h i s Act. SEC. 5. Nothing contained i n t h i s Act s h a l l be so construed as to allow the claimant of any slave to hold such slave i n servitude i n t h i s State a f t e r h i s reclamation under the provisions of t h i s Act, except f o r the purpose of removing such slave from the State. APPROVED, A p r i l 15, 1852  215 APPENDIX »C" EXTRACTS FROM THE DIARY OF THE REVEREND EDWARD CRIDGE HAVING REFERENCE TO THE ARRIVAL OF THE NEGROES Thursday. May 6.  1858  On Sunday Apl 25 the "Commodore" Capt. Nagle, arrived with 400 or 500 Emigrants from San Francisco, c h i e f l y bent f o r the gold mines as Fort C o l v i l l e . There were also 35 men of colour from the same place of d i f f e r e n t trades & c a l l i n g s , c h i e f l y intending to s e t t l e here. On Monday (Apl. 26) drinking tea at Mrs. Blinkhorn's with my wife she (Mrs. B.) t o l d us that on the precedg evening she was surprised at hearing the sounds of p r a i s e . They proceeded from the men of colour who had taken a large room at Laing's the Carpenter; & they spent the Sabbath Evening i n worshipping the word of God. On the following morning I c a l l e d on them. They appeared much g r a t i f i e d i n my v i s i t . I requested permission to ask them a few questions which they decidedly acceded t o . I asked them what l e d them t o leave San F. & Come to t h i s place. One of them said "They sought the freedom t o which they knew they were e n t i t l e d i n common with white men. Their evidence was not taken i n a court of justice & they laboured under other forms of oppression. Another of them said the immediate reason was the intention of the Legislature of C a l i f o r n i a to pass an act by which a l l the people of colour then resident i n that state were to be registered d e s c r i p t i v e l y and that they would be permitted t o remain. But i n case of any other persons of colour come then they were to be employed by the S h e r i f f i n labour u n t i l they had earned s u f f i c i e n t money t o defray the expence of t h e i r conveyance to the state which they were to name. In case of that State refusing to receive them the S h e r i f f himself was to choose the state "Thus" the speaker added, " I f any of us have r e l a t i v e s however near or dear, resident i n other states they are forbidden to come to us." They also t o l d me that a deputation of three of t h e i r number had waited on the Governor who had given them a good reception and they were much encouraged by the statement he gave of the privileges they would here enjoy. They also said they d i d not intend to s e t t l e i n a d i s t r i c t by but t o s e t t l e wherever they saw an opening. They belonged to the American Wesleyan Episcopal Church. (One of t h e i r no. Handy c a l l e d on me t h i s morning May 6 handing me a c o l l e c t i o n book i n which several ministers, among the r e s t Dr. Scott of S.F. signed t h e i r names s t a t i n g he was authorized to make collections f o r building a Church f o r coloured people. This man informed me that i t was announced expressly by t h e i r minister at S.F. a coloured man, the Rev. Moore that they d i d not intend t o establish a d i s t i n c t Church organization at V i c t o r i a but to j o i n to some Ch. already i n existence here.) After t a l k i n g to them, both on t h i s business & on s p i r i t u a l subjects they asked me to pray with them which I d i d a f t e r they had sung the doxology, and I came away. c  On Friday A p l . 30 about a dozen or 15 of them came to the prayer meeting. On Sunday May 2 about the same number came t o church. I had previously t o l d them they would be welcomed & accommodated.  216 This morning (as above noted) the man Handy c a l l e d . He was styled the "Rev." i n the book above alluded t o . He said he was not ordained. He had exercised the o f f i c e both of l o c a l and i t i n e r a n t preacher i n L C a l i f o r n i a . He was a slave i n one of the eastern states and obtained his freedom when he was 21. He has one daughter, then about 14 old by a f i r s t wife; & 4 children by his present wife, who are now with Mr. Moore waiting to come - Mr. Moore also intends coming. I f e e l t h i s i s a juncture of great importance and needs much wisdom and prayer on my part. May the Lord vouchsafe i t I Tuesday. May 18.  1858  Capt. Doane sent.me the " B u l l e t i n " (S. Francisco, containing the report of the deputation from the Coloured people to t h i s place which was read at a public meeting at S. Fo. They spoke i n very enthusiastic terms of t h e i r prospects here; they also mentioned i n a very g r a t i f y i n g manner the v i s i t I paid them. One of them said "At l a s t I have found a home." One of them today said t o Mr. Pemberton that he was 55 years ^ old and t h i s was the f i r s t time he had f e l t himself a man. The report was signed Mercier, Richard, Moses. The l a t t e r wrote a l e t t e r to Rev. Moore (their coloured minister at S.F., i n which he spoke again of my v i s i t . ) Wednesday. May 19.  1858  About 21 present [at prayer meeting] - 3 coloured men - Used the melodeon i n the singing - A coloured man by the name of Papino (I think) c a l l e d i n the morning and shewed me a l e t t e r from t h e i r minister Mr. Moore from which I perceived that he i s very i l l i t e r a t e . The purpose of the l e t t e r was to ask him to purchase f o r him a piece of land - Papino c a l l e d ostensibly to asking advice respecting an e l i g i b l e sight. Perhaps he also thought he might enter into my service as he said that h i s employment had c h i e f l y been service i n gentlemen's f a m i l i e s . He was born i n F l o r i d a - he can hardly read his own name he s a i d . He had got on by " wit" and not by education. He was converted under Mr. Moore's ministry a l i t t l e more than a year ago. He expressed himself delighted by the reception they had met with here. He had joined with some others i n forming a company f o r brick making. Tuesday. May 25.  1858  V i s i t e d some of the coloured people 1. On top of the h i l l (1) Copeland has a wife and several children and grandchildren some i n slavery i n V i r g i n i a & M i s s i s s i p p i . Was born a slave i n V i r g i n i a - His master was h i s father - (2) Richard (about 53 old I should think) has a wife & daughter I4 old whom he wishes t o place at school (3) Williams (4) Papino (who called on me the other day) (5) Handy (ditto) (6) Archy, whose case made so much noise i n S. Francisco l a t e l y . (7) a grandson of Copeland. 2. House l a t e l y occupied by Deans (1) Moses (whose l e t t e r t o Mr. Moore of S.. Fo. was printed i n the B u l l e t i n as above, - had l o s t his wife and c h i l d r e n . (2) Davis, a very man, was married, i s going to work at a new wharf at Esquimalt and t o lodge at Parsons - I gave him some advice which he took well i n to the temptations.  217 He said he would f o r the gold diggings. (3) Trot - unmarried. (4) Soulay a wife (I think i n W. Indies - i s going t o the diggings They a l l appeared much g r a t i f i e d at my v i s i t . Wednesday. May 26. 1858 Prayer meeting - there were 15 present besides our own family including 2 or 3 men of colour. After prayer Mr. Moses introduced to me. ( l ) Mr. Clark. Has a wife & 8 children i n Kentucky i n slavery. Is going t o the gold mines i n hopes of s u f f i c i e n t to purchase t h e i r freedom. He said he had never f e l t as he had f e l t since his coming here. He f e l t he was free, but he longed f o r his wife & children. (2) Abernethy - has a wife and four_children_in_slavery, i s ^ going t o the diggings t o the same object. (3) Nehemiah - unmarried. Clark said the Lord had brought about h i s own freedom; He had a strong expectation that he would bring about the freedom of his family. \y I said " I f e l t sure the system would f a l l . " He agreed & said he hoped i f by ho other means the Lord would constrain the enslavers to l i b e r a t e them as he constrained Pharaoh t o l i b e r a t e the children of I s r a e l and he believed he would hear t h e i r groans.  218  APPENDIX "D» SOME PUNISHABLE OFFENCES COMMITTED BY NEGROES I N VICTORIA 1858-1871  SOME PUNISHABLE OFFENCES COMMITTED BY NEGROES IN VICTORIA - 1858-1871  Name  Offence  Date  Charged  Punishment  Reference  Aug. 1858  Suspected murder of a Chinaman.  No record.  Weekly Victoria uazette, A u g . a8, 1858.  Jacob Low  Sept. 1858  Assault.  Pine of $5,00 and costs.  Weekly Victoria Gazette, Sept. 18, 1858.  Henry Johnson  Sept. 1858  Stealing a cooking stove from an unoccupied house on Yates Street.  One month in j a i l .  Weekly Victoria Gazette.Sept. 25. 1858.  Joseph Lewis alias Portuguese Joe  June 1859  Because of his general bad characterReleased. he was suspected of murdering a proven. policeman who was on the way to arrest him on a charge of stealing pigs from a farm i n the vicinity of Craigflower.  Wyman  Sept. 1860  Sold bottle of whiskey to an Indian for a quarter. The Indian then k i l l e d a fourteen year old boy.The negro was committed as an accessory before the fact.  No record.  Victoria Gazette, Sept. 8, 1860.  Lowe  July 1861  Selling whiskey to Indians.  Fine of &20.  Daily Press, July 11, 1861.  July 1861  Selling whiskey to Indians.  No record.  Dally Press, July 19, 1861.  A negro and a Kanaka  Simpson, Decosta and Wilson  Charge not  Weekly Victoria Gazette, June 4, 1859.  Name Willis Bond  Date Ian. 1859  Offence  Charged  Punishment  Selling unwholesome food and counterfeiting flour brands.  Not guilty.  Reference Weekly Victoria Gazette Jan.8, 1859. f  John Weymia  Jan. 1862  Vagrancy. Several times convicted of selling whiskey to the Indians.  Three months imprisonment with hard labour.  Willis Bond  Apr. 1862  Non payment of wages to a workman.  Ordered to pay wages and Colonist. costs. Apr. 3, 1862.  Willis Bond  March 1863  Fighting In the public streets.  No record.  Dailv C h r o n i e l e March 19, 1863.  Sarah Jane Moses  Sept. 1862  Attempted suicide.  Confined two days in Debtors' Prison. Fined cost of arrest.  Colonist. SeDt. 23, 24, 25, 1862.  Robert: Williamson  April 1863  Murder of Stephen Anderson.  Not proven. Pound not guilty.  Daily Chronicle. Apr. 19, 22, 25, Dec. 18, 1863.  Archy Pox  July 1863  Assaulted another negro with an axe after a quarrel over an Indian squaw.  Ho Record.  Dally Chronicle, July 3, 1863.  James Baker  Feb. 1864  Theft of sliver plate valued at No Record. |75.00. Had been convicted In 1859 of gold dust robbery.  Dallv Chronicle, Feb. 12, 1864.  Johnson  Feb. 1864  Supplied liquor to an Indian woman. His house on Cormorant Street was a resort for low characters and Indian prostitutes.  Dally Chronicle, Feb. 18, 1864. Colonist, Feb. 19, 1864.  Pine of *50 or in default six months imprisonment.  Daily Press. Jan. 20, 1862.  r  >  —i—  Date  Name  Offence  Charged  Punishment  Reference  Discharged for want of evidence.  Colonist. Feb. 24, 1864.  William Burnside  Feb. 1864  Charged with being a rogueand a. vagabond. Lived with the Indians and made his l i v i n g selling s p i r i t s to them. Continually fighting with the Indians and was a nuisance to the residents on Johnson Street.  Willis Bond  Feb. 1865  Obstructing Government street for two or three days with a frame building he was moving.  Fine of #25.00.  Willis Bond  March 1864  Wilful damage to fence owned by ex-counclllor Copland, to extent of t5.  Admitted of fc30. in which fence or  Francis H. Gardiner  Aug.  Charged with stealing $2300.00 from Mme. Maitre whose store he was attending in her absence.  No Record.  Samuel Wllliami i Aug. 1865  loitering about the streets at unseemly hours for i l l i c i t purposes. Was overheard attempting to Induce a sailor to desert from H.M.S. Service. Struck policeman on the way to j a i l .  Fine.of $25.00 for assault .Colonist, Aug. 12, 1865.  John Williams Aug.  Charged with Ah Lee, with being concenned with a number of Chinese and Indiana in creating a disturbance on Cormorant St. Williams was also charged with assaulting Ah Lee.  No Record.  Willis Bond  1865  1865  Jan. 1868  Colonist, Feb. 18, 1865.  Dally Chronicle, to bail i n sum Given three days March 16, 21, to restore the 1864. be fined $25.00.  after apoloDisorderly conduct. Resisting arrest • Discharged glzlng to the officer.  Colonist. Aug. 2, 1865.  Colonist, 19, 1865.  Aug.  Colonist, Jan. 7, 1868.  222 APPENDIX "E"' LETTERS FROM M.W.  GIBBS TO THE SAN FRANCISCO ELEVATOR  VICTORIA, V.I., B.C.,) A p r i l 25, 1868, ) Mr. E d i t o r : - I wrote i n my l a s t that the people of t h i s colony had reason to believe that the depression which had so long existed was being removed, and that henceforth they expected a steady improvement i n t h e i r material i n t e r e s t . I f e e l that a t r u t h f u l representation (though necessarily b r i e f ) of matters here w i l l be acceptable to a number of your readers, many of whom are pecuniarly interested i n i t s prosperity. I t i s true business i s but moderate, but our population has ceased t o decrease, and hope and energy taken the place of the despondenoy so universal f o r some time past. That we have been badly governed and allowed a golden opportunity t o f l i t away unappreciated we have been sadly conscious— when the old country, the Canadas and your own State poured t h e i r quotas of energy and muscle into this country, the red tape i m b e c i l i t y and , onerous exaction of the government drove them away i n disgust; hundreds of a g r i c u l t u r i s t s seeking land t o s e t t l e were treated with such nonchalence or charged such fabulous prices that they l e f t to f i n d among o f f i c i a l s of more urbanity and attention, and on more l i b e r a l terms, the lands they f a i n would have s e t t l e d upon here. Nature has been t r u l y bountiful i n giving us a glorious climate, and great sources of wealth i n our forests of timber, our f i s h e r i e s , extensive mines of coal of superior q u a l i t y , stock ranges, and a g r i c u l t u r a l lands capable of immense y i e l d s . But the pertinent questions seem to be: What process of development i s going on? how are these values being converted into cash or other necessaries? and what amount of a b i l i t y , energy and success attend the e f f o r t ? While the discovery and l i b e r a l product of gold i s a great instrumentality f o r the purpose of suddenly peopleing a country, i t i s not an industry to be r e l i e d on f o r permanent prosperity; and therefore, while our y i e l d of the precious metal f o r the past year was $250,000 more than any preceding twelve months, i t i s not upon that we base our opinion of the improved condition of the colony; f o r the f i r s t f i v e years i t was upon t h i s uncertain and f l u c t u a t i n g occupation that the hopes and fears of the country were balanced—lucky s t r i k e s , followed by rash speculation with i t s attendant reaction; no other industries i n opposition; the country was drained of i t s gold product f o r a l l the necessaries of l i f e ; no labor for the unsuccessful miner, he was compelled to depart. But now we have a d i f f e r e n t aspect-we have many other productive interests i n successf u l operation. From c a r e f u l l y compiled s t a t i s t i c s we learn that the y i e l d of a g r i c u l t u r a l products of every description the past season exceeded by four f o l d that of any preceding year; that one coal mine (the Nanaimo) put out and exported $40,000 worth of coal more i n 1867 than i t did i n 1866. We have also an anthracite mine which w i l l be of great value not only to the owners and to the colony, but to the P a c i f i c coast, i t being the only anthracite mine yet discovered on t h i s side of the cont i n e n t . The company (of which the writer has been a director) has spent $60,000 already i n i t s development, with a promise of excellent returns. Of coal there i s an abundance, and i t r i v a l s i n p u r i t y and density the celebrated Lehigh of Pennsylvania. One year ago i t was a d i f f i c u l t matter  )  223 t o induce an i n t e l l i g e n t shipmaster t o load his vessel with lumber or spars at Burrad [ s i l Inlet j to-day seven large vessels are loading or preparing to load at the m i l l s there f o r foreign markets, and as many more are on t h e i r way to take on cargoes—and i t i s safe to predict that the shipment of t h i s one product during 1868 w i l l exceed the combined shipments since the f i r s t stock of timber was f e l l e d at the I n l e t . Our f a i t h , therefore, i n the present and future i s , that we are no longer dependant (sic] upon a single industry, and e s p e c i a l l y one as uncertain as gold mining, f o r we have now i n successful operation farms, breweries, stock ranges, d i s t i l l e r i e s , coal mines, lumber m i l l s , foundries and f a c t o r i e s a l l more or less remunerative. c  Facts l i k e these are of i n f i n i t e advantage i n forming an opinion, and are more to be valued f o r permanent r e s u l t s than the advent of thousands lured t h i t h e r by an excitement which i s but temporary. Matters look assuredly more hopeful here; and i f we may judge the future by the cheering r e s u l t s of the l a s t year, we need not hesitate to say that the future looks bright with promise. In my next I here - an element changes which are by an easy stage, of a subsequent  s h a l l have something to, say about the p o l i t i c a l s i t u a t i o n that has much t o do ..with, our material "make up," of the now imminent i n our h i s t o r y and status. That done, I can make the p o l i t i c a l situation i n America the theme BELL'S LETTER. VICTORIA, V.I., B.C.,) May, 1868. )  MR. EDITOR:- The " p o l i t i c a l s i t u a t i o n " here s h a l l be the theme f o r t h i s l e t t e r - f o r we too have a case f o r impeachment; but not, thank God. f o r the purpose of arraigning a recreant "Moses" f o r usurping power and p r o s t i t u t i n g the government i n the interest of an oligarchy, intent on sustaining the cruel s p i r i t and supreme meanness of negro slavery; f o r , c r i t i c i s e Old England i f you w i l l - and I own there i s much f o r unfavorable c r i t i c i s m - but upon the great questions of human rights she i s s t i l l head and shoulders above you, proclaiming and maintaining from her f l a g s t a f f s planted around the world, "Equality before the Law." - A l l honor t o Old England. With us i t i s not the head cf the Government, but the system of Government i t s e l f — o n e that s i t s l i k e a nightmare upon the energies of the people, and i s t o t a l l y u n f i t t e d f o r an i n t e l l i g e n t community i n the nineteenth century. I t i s governed from Downing s t r e e t , with a l l the red tape circumlocution, " T i t e Barnacle" i n c a p a b i l i t y , o f f i c i a l arrogance, and "How not to do i t " capacity, that attaches to that venerable i n s t i t u t i o n . The Governor i s the personification of o f f i c i a l i m b e c i l i t y , e n t i r e l y secluding himself, and seldom allowing the people to come between "the wind and his n o b i l i t y . "  224 We have a l e g i s l a t u r e here, pretending to be a representative body, which i s but a sham—two thirds of the members of which are paid o f f i c i a l s , and vote the narrow p o l i c y of the Government. The Governor gets #23,000 a year, and a large s t a f f of o f f i c i a l s vote themselves s a l a r i e s out of a l l proportion to the a b i l i t y of the people to pay. The consequence i s , objects of v i t a l importance, such as education, i n t e r n a l improvements, immigration, and assistance i n developing the resources of the country are quite ignored. The popular remedy f o r t h i s undesirable state of a f f a i r s i s a cheap and responsible government; to economize, by reducing i t numerically, or by increasing i t s e f f i c i e n c y ; t o have a responsible government by having a government of the people, f o r the people, and by the people. During the progress of the discussion which the nature and attitude of the Government has evoked, several modes of r e l i e f and escape from the embarrassments of the "circumlocution o f f i c e " have been more or less warmly espoused by the people of t h i s colony; among them, none more prominent, two years ago, than annexation to the United States. I t was urged with much force that the great wants of the country — immigration, responsible government, and r e c i p r o c a l trade—would f i n d t h e i r f u l f i l l m e n t i n such an a l l i a n c e . A l l that seemed wanting was "the hour and the man;" the man was considered to be present i n the lamented Leonard McClure, Esq., who died i n your c i t y a year ago, and at the time of h i s demise was employed on the e d i t o r i a l s t a f f ot the Times. He was a man of rare a b i l i t y , and a terse writer; he labored assiduously to promote annexation, and his a r t i c l e s i n the l o c a l paper here, of which he was editor, were noted for t h e i r force of l o g i c and progressive tendency i n the advocacy of i t . But the hour was non est; f o r while annexation was quite popular with the masses, including a l l n a t i o n a l i t i e s , and was f r e e l y and f e a r l e s s l y d i s c cussed upon the forum and on the s t r e e t s , I do not think that at any time a s u f f i c i e n t number of the wealthy and i n f l u e n t i a l inhabitants of the Colony could have been induced to commit themselves to the scheme, which must have been the primary step before application to the B r i t i s h and United States Governments. Among the elements of opposition t o annexation may be ranked the o f f i c i a l s t a f f . This class of gentry, being i n no way responsible to the people, and believing that by such an a l l i a n c e they would f i n d t h e i r •occupation gone,, [ s i c ] gave i t no quarter—and the o f f i c i a l element i n a small community i s not without considerable influence. Added to t h i s i s another e l a s s — a c c l a s s , too, possessed of the prestige and power that wealth bestows; very conservative and timid, cautious, s e l f s a t i s f i e d , and dreading innovation of a l l kinds, but e s p e c i a l l y Republicanism with i t s popular r u l e . Out of these two classes, and indeed sprinkled among the rank and f i l e , you w i l l have no d i f f i c u l t y i n forming s t i l l another d i v i s i o n of the opposition—men intensely B r i t i s h , men who can see l i t t l e worth l i v i n g f o r outside of the "tight l i t t l e i s l a n d " c a l l e d England; who would rather see the country lapse back into a state of primeval s i m p l i c i t y —who would be w i l l i n g t o t o i l on through penury and want, with no prospect f o r themselves or education f o r t h e i r children, than that B r i t a i n should part (no matter how honorably) with any portion of her extensive domain. They are w i l l i n g t o suffer i f they can add.l d i g n i t y and perpetuity  225  to monarchical institutions. When you can't avoid i t , suffering and dying may be the correct thing, but I certainly protest against i t upon a l l other occasions; to do otherwise would exhibit a lack of what Emerson says the world most needs, "common sense." Besides, I have no very decided convictions of the impropriety of territory changing ownership; for I believe God gave man this beautiful earth to u t i l i z e and to be a source of untold blessings, and not to be locked up through the promptings of avarice or the clog of incapacity, and that with a due regard to acquired rights, lands should belong to those who by the accident of locality or superior a b i l i t y can u t i l i z e i t the most efficiently and produce the greatest development. But I fear my views on this matter w i l l be considered rather latitudinarian, i f not visionary, as i t i s not usually adopted, except i n the case of Indians or other weak people, and then a regard for acquired rights i s not always a prominent feature in the process of acquiring territory. Neither would I write slightingly of the feeling of loyalty—that attachment to the land of our birth, to the hearth of our fathers—an impulse that nerves the arm to strike, and inspires the soul to dare, and that brings to our country's altar a l l that we have of l i f e to repel the invader of homes or the usurper of our l i b e r t i e s — t h a t has given the world a Toussaint, a Washington, a Bozzaris, and w i l l ever stand with "cloven helmet and crimson battle axe" i n the van of civilization and progress. But this feeling perverted, in some men permeates their every vein of government and finds i t s ultimatum i n the conclusion that i f government is despotic or inefficient i t i s something to be endured rather than to be removed. They seem impressed with the idea that the people were created for governments, not governments for the people. It has been said "Cur country's claim i s fealty. I grant you so; but then, Before man made us citizens Great nature made us men." Men with essential wants and laudable aspirations, the attainment of which can be accelerated by the fostering care and enlightened zeal of a progressive government. But I commenced this letter by promising to make the p o l i t i c a l situation the theme, but I fear I have wandered from the direct line I had marked out; so to return and to close I w i l l only add that, admitting that a majority of the people and influence could have been obtained in British Columbia in favor of annexation, the consent of the Imperial Government could not have been obtained as subseqUentldevelopments i n relation to the Dominion of Canada clearly indicate.- Then, to confederation with the Dominion of Canada, I w i l l next ask your attention. It i s an Imperial as well as a Colonial measure, and highly popular here, as i t is one upon which loyalty, u t i l i t y and progress can hold sweet converse. I know I have made this letter too long, and trust you w i l l exclaim Multum in parvo at my attempt to put Canada from Atlantic to the Pacific i n my next BELL'S LETTER.  226  VICTORIA, V.I., B.C.,) July 10, 1868. ) MR. EDITOR:- The colonization of B r i t i s h America, stipulated f o r i n the charter to the Hudson [sic] Bay Co., two centuries ago, but never f u l f i l l e d , has f o r several years past occupied the leading minds of Great B r i t a i n and Canada, but with no d e f i n i t e p o l i c y as to the manner or means of obtaining that end. The vaunted rights of the company ever stood as a great "giant i n the causeway." I t was not to the interest of t h i s f u r catching monopoly to allow the introduction of an element that would straightway become a competition; and hence the intermediate country between here and Canada has remained i n a l l i t s primeval s i m p l i c i t y f o r the graze of the buffalo and the tread of the hunter. But the great p r i n c i p l e of national c e n t r a l i z a t i o n and f r a t e r n i t y now extant, which Prussia accomplished, and f o r which I t a l y y e a r n s , ~ the union of people of a common heritage f o r purposes of progress and s e c u r i t y — f i n d s an echo here; and i f i t be true that the triumphs of peace are greater than those of war, we s h a l l have reason to congratulate ourselves that the "change of base" sought f o r here w i l l be at once bloodless and progressive; f o r i f B r i t i s h Columbia s h a l l become a portion of the Dominion of Canada, i t w i l l necessitate a great trunk road, a telegraph, and ultimately a r a i l r o a d — i n s t r u m e n t a l i t i e s which w i l l solve the problem of colonization with mutual advantage to government and people. The Imperial Government has given the Dominion a charter, e n t i t l e d the " B r i t i s h North American Act," providing f o r the union of Canada, Nova Scotia and New Brunswick at once, and the admission of B r i t i s h Columbia and a l l the intermediate t e r r i t o r y when d e s i r a b l e — B r i t i s h Columbia to be admitted up©n joint addresses to the Imperial Parliament from her l e g i s l a t u r e and the l e g i s l a t u r e of the Dominion. Over a year ago, our l e g i s l a t u r e (two thirds of which, as I stated i n a former l e t t e r , was composed of appointed o f f i c i a l s ) voted resolutions i n favor of immediate admission t o the Dominion on "equitable terms." Whether they were impressed with the idea that confederation was so remote that they could s a f e l y throw t h i s sop to the popular wish, and defeat i t when i t approached r a t i f i c a t i o n , does not appear; but at the l a s t session, a few months ago, when, i n order to conform to the Imperial Act, i t was necessary to confirm t h e i r previous vote, and also to s t i p u l a t e terms and conditions,—we f i n d these gentlemen of the "How not t o do i t " school voting against i t , with no c o n f l i c t i n g data to urge, but giving the very human reason that they were not fools enough to vote themselves out of o f f i c e - thus presenting i n a nutshell the rottenness of the present system. At the F a l l elections, although the people have but a meagre representation, they intend that confederation " S h a l l be the trumpet c a l l , If place men stand, or place men f a l l . " Without attempting even a synopsis of the " B r i t i s h North American Act," which would occupy too much of your space, and possibly f a i l t o i n t e r e s t many of your readers, I would state that i t d i f f e r s from the  227  Constitution of the United States i n several important p a r t i c u l a r s * I t grants to the dominional, as w e l l as the p r o v i n c i a l l e g i s l a t u r e s , the "want of confidence" p r i n c i p l e , by which an objectionable ministry can be immediately removed,—at the same time c e n t r a l i z i n g the power of the nation s u f f i c i e n t l y t o guard against the heresy of "State r i g h t s . " Among the terms, B r i t i s h Columbia stipulates f o r the assumption by Canada of the C o l o n i a l debt, amounting t o £500,000, and the b u i l d i n g of a wagon road across the country within two years. But the true and earnest friends of progress look deeper f o r substantial advantage than the ephemeral assistance of making a road or the assumption of a d e b t — f o r with confederation comes the abolishment of the one man system of government, and i n i t s place a responsible one, with freedom of i n d i v i d u a l action f o r enterprise, l e g i s l a t i o n t o encourage development and a s s i s t budding industries, the permanent establishment and f o s t e r i n g of free schools, and the disbursement of the revenue according to popular w i l l . I t has been t r u l y said that " r i g h t i s of no sect and truth of no color." The l i b e r a l ideas now s t r u g g l i n g f o r utterance and ascendency under every form of human government, are not the exclusive property of any community or nation, but the heritage of human nature; and i f your readers complain that I have written much that does not concern them, t e l l them that as the t r a v e l e r occasionally ascends the h i l l to determine his bearings, r e f r e s h his v i s i o n and invigorate himself f o r greater endeavors, so may they by sometimes looking beyond the sphere of t h e i r own l o c a l a c t i v i t i e s obtain higher views of the breadth and magnitude of the principles they cherish, and learn that freedom's b a t t l e i s i d e n t i c a l and u n i v e r s a l , and whether her sons f i g h t t o possess the b a l l o t or abolish the r e l i c s of feudalism, the r e f l e x influence of t h e i r example i s mutually beneficial. But t o the new nation: Who s h a l l write i t s r i s e , d e c l i n e and f a l l ? Springing into existence almost i n a day, with four m i l l i o n of people, a population larger than the United States possessed when they commenced t h e i r great career, who s h a l l c o r r e c t l y predict i t s future? That the banner of the Dominion and the stars and s t r i p e s , linked and i n t e r - l i n k e d , may go forward i n h e a l t h f u l r i v a l r y t o bless mankind and hasten the day when from pole to zone men may exclaim, "The world i s my country and a l l mankind my countrymen." i s the sincere desire o f the writer of BELL'S LETTER.  ( M i f f l i n Wistar Gibbs* Letters to B e l l : The Elevator, May 8, June 26, July 31, 1868. In Bancroft Library, Berkeley, C a l i f o r n i a . )  228 APPENDIX »F» RESOLUTIONS PUBLISHED IN THE PACIFIC APPEAL AFTER THE ELECTION OF JAN.  1864,  To the Editor P a c i f i c Appeal:-  Enclosed f i n d resolutions passed at a public meeting held at V i c t o r i a , V.I. to take into consideration the acts of some of our colored brothers and ordered to be published i n the P a c i f i c Appeal. Whereas we view with unfeigned regret and astonishment the course pursued by a certain class of colored men, c a l l i n g themselves Jamaicans, or natural-born B r i t i s h subjects who banded themselves together, and i n a body, on the 25th day of January I864, (the day f o r the e l e c t i o n of our member of Parliament to f i l l the vacancy made so by the resignation of the Hon. Mr. Ridge) and cast t h e i r votes f o r the i l l i b e r a l candidate, by whose votes he was returned by 8 majority; and whereas by t h i s act, the popular candidate, Mr. Searby, who had pledged himself to support the A l i e n B i l l now before the House of Assembly, granting to aliens a f t e r 5 years residence, on taking the required oath of allegiance, a l l the r i g h t s of native Britons; and whereas the English colonists of Vancouver Island, i n u t t e r disregard of English law and English customs are making a vigorous e f f o r t to place the badge of complexional d i s t i n c t i o n upon the subjects of a darker hue, whether aliens or B r i t i s h born, thus preventing them, i f possible, from p a r t i c i p a t i n g either i n making or admini s t e r i n g the laws to which a l l classes are compelled to y i e l d t h e i r passive obedience Therefore i n public meeting assembled, numbering nearly one-quarter of the l e g a l voters i n the c i t y of V i c t o r i a , be i t Resolved, That we view with sorrow and indignation any class of colored men that w i l l i n any community ( p a r t i c u l a r l y where the same d i s a b i l i t i e s equally oppress them) cast t h e i r suffrages or use t h e i r influence to c u r t a i l the r i g h t of any other portion of t h e i r fellow c i t i z e n s . Resolved, That so long as there can be found a country where party l i n e s are drawn on account of complexion, or prejudice against a colored skin, just insofar must we consider i t i m p o l i t i c and unwise, and as but conn i v i n g at or helping the production of a cruel prejudice, equally as i n jurious to themselves as to the race they represent, f o r any portion cf the colored people t o throw t h e i r influence on the side of oppression t o g r a t i f y s i n i s t e r or other motives. Resolved, That we consider the future well-being of our race i n a great measure depends upon our unanimity and concert of action, considering at a l l time that c i v i l l y and p o l i t i c a l l y the i n t e r e s t of one man i s the interest of the whole, whether that colored man was born under an A f r i c a n , English or American sun, he i s untrue to himself, to those he represents and to his God, when he refuses to use a l l the means at h i s command f o r the elevation of h i s race.  229 Resolved, That we, the colored voters pledge ourselves not to support any man or set of men who w i l l proscribe us on account of our colour or place of b i r t h . Resolved, That we look upon any set of men who w i l l vote against a measure f o r t h e i r own elevation as u n f i t f o r public or private association among men from any country or d i m e . Resolved, That we appreciate our friends who so nobly advocated t h e i r r i g h t s as men at the p o l l s , and could not be severed from t h e i r duty by a pecuniary or s o c i a l i n t e r e s t . A.H. Francis Samuel Serrington A.C. Richards  Saml. Wilcox G.P. R i l e y Committee  ( The P a c i f i c Appeals c i t e d i n the Evening Express, February 24, 1864.)  230  APPENDIX "G" MEMORIAL AND FINANCIAL STATEMENT FROM THE V.P.R.C. This Memorial -from the "Pioneer R i f l e Corps" to His Excellency Governor Douglas• Humbly Sheweth. That having been at a great expense, from the commencement of the formation of the Corps, to the present time, they humbly request that His Excellency, w i l l be good enough to grant them, s u f f i c i e n t money from the sum voted i n the Estimates, f o r t h i s year, to carry out, the necessary a l t e r a t i o n s , and improvements to t h e i r Armory. The size of the B u i l d i n g at present, used f o r a d r i l l room i s 20 x 60 Feet. The Company propose to enlarge I t , to 30 x 60 Feet, and to have i t weather boarded, and hard f i n i s h e d . Also putting up a substantial Arm Rack &c &c. The cost of these necessary alterations i s estimated to be about Seven Hundred D o l l a r s (#700.) 1  The Company have the honor to enclose, a statement of t h e i r a f f a i r s , to the 31st July, from the commencement, shewing they have spent themselves nearly $1400. less the $250 received from His Excellency. They have now the honor to beg His Excellency to be kind enough, to take t h i s into His early consideration, and grant t h e i r request. Fortune Richard  William Brown  Acting Secty.  Capt.  (MS i n B.C. P r o v i n c i a l Archives.)  231 Statement shewing the Receipts and Expenditures, of the "Pioneer R i f l e Corps", since the formation to the 31st July 1862*  Receipts. Entrance Fees Subscriptions Allowance from Government _ Loan  $175.00 868.75 225.00 90.— $1358.75  Expenditure. B u i l d i n g D r i l l room Ground Rent Lighting Room Stove, Fixtures & Furt D r i l l Sargeant Wages &c _ _ _ Cost of Lot f o r the H a l l Cost of removing the B u i l d i n g  $395.00 120.00 58.75 35.00 285.00 _. 3.65.00 100.00 $1385.75  V i c t o r i a , V. I . 31st July 1862. Fortune Richard  William Brown  Acting Sectry  Capt.  (MS i n B.C. P r o v i n c i a l Archives.)  232 APPENDIX "H»  RESOLUTIONS AND PETITION PASSED AT THE LAND REFORM MEETING. JULY 2. 1859. RESOLVED: That the h i s t o r y of nations, and the experience of ages, d i c tate a l i b e r a l encouragement of the a r t of agriculture, as the only sure guarantee of the enduring prosperity and wealth of a country. RESOLVED: That the true p o l i c y as w e l l as duty of government i s t o encourage a g r i c u l t u r a l pursuits above a l l others; to induce immigration to the country: to i n v i t e the hardy pioneer t o occupy Its t e r r i t o r y ; to furnish the actual s e t t l e r cheap access to the s o i l whereon to permanently invest h i s labor, and rear h i s home. RESOLVED: That the practice o f making the public lands a source of revenue i s unwise and i m p o l i t i c ; that instead of a t t r a c t i n g t o , i t repels population from the country; and that the better p o l i c y , grounded on the experience of new countries, i s t o donate the public domain t o bona f i d e s e t t l e r s rather than exact a high price with a view t o revenue; that the taxable property of a country whose land system i s l i b e r a l , so r a p i d l y increases that i t soon y i e l d s a revenue which f a r exceeds the proceeds o f the sale of lands at any p r i c e . RESOLVED: That i n the opinion of t h i s meeting, the public lands of t h i s Colony which are held by the Crown, f o r the benefit of the people, i f sold at a l l , to actual s e t t l e r s , should not exceed i n price $1.25 per acre, payable i n f i v e years - or such sum as would barely pay the expenses of survey. RESOLVED: That i n the opinion of t h i s meeting, the departure of valuable immigrants from our shores i n consequence of not being able to obtain a g r i c u l t u r a l lands, imperatively demands the adoption of a land system which would enable the pioneer to obtain land at once, on app l i c a t i o n i n quantities not exceeding 100 acres. RESOLVED: That a preference should be given to actual s e t t l e r s i n the choice of the public lands, surveyed or unsurveyed; that a land system should be adopted which should guarantee t o them a preemptive r i g h t ; and that they should have ample time t o locate lands f o r permanent homes, by actual residence and progressive improvements, before they are offered i n the market f o r general competition. RESOLVED: That the petitions t o the Governor and Council and t o the House of Assembly, which had been read to the meeting be adopted. The following i s a copy of the p e t i t i o n to the Governor and Council. That t o the Assembly i s i n the same tenor.  233 Your Petitioners, the undersigned, actual residents of t h i s Colony, and deeply interested i n i t s . prosperity, having viewed with alarm the departure of many of Her Majesty's l o y a l subjects and others from t h i s Colony to the neighboring republic; and having learned that t h e i r departure has been indueed by the d i f f i c u l t y of obtaining a g r i c u l t u r a l lands at once, on application, and by not being obtainable on such terms as would afford equal encouragement to actual s e t t l e r s i n t h i s Colony, as are offered i n the neighboring republic; and b e l i e v i n g that we s h a l l lose many more of Her Majesty's l o y a l subjects and others whom i t i s des i r a b l e to r e t a i n , as w e l l as induce those who are now on the way here or desirous of coming, to turn t h e i r attention t o countries where greater encouragement i s offered to a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s ; and persuaded that except the land system of the colony i s materially modified, the prosperity and settlement of the country w i l l be s e r i o u s l y retarded; and believing that the encouragement of agriculture i s the surest way to secure the enduring prosperity of the country; and that a l i b e r a l land system i s best calculated to r a p i d l y populate the colony; and holding that the public lands are the patrimony of the people vested i n the Crown f o r t h e i r b e n e f i t , — a n d presuming that your Excellency and the Honorable Council have at heart the well-being and prosperity of the country, and are desirous of introducing those changes which you may deem necessary to secure so desirable a r e s u l t ; Therefore, Your Petitioners would r e s p e c t f u l l y submit t o your Excellency and the Honorable Council, that they humbly pray that the Crown lands of t h i s Colony may be opened at once t o actual s e t t l e r s ; that a preference may be given to them i n the choice of the public lands, surveyed or unsurveyed, over c a p i t a l i s t s ; that they may be secured i n a pre-emptive r i g h t ; that the highest price of land to actual s e t t l e r s may not exceed one d o l l a r and twenty-five cents per acre or such p r i c e as w i l l barely cover the expenses of survey; and that f i v e years may be allowed f o r i t s payment; a l l of which i s most r e s p e c t f u l l y submitted, hoping that i t may please your Excellency and the Honorable Council to take t h i s humble p e t i t i o n into your favorable consideration, and your petitioners as i n duty bound w i l l ever pray. V i c t o r i a , July 2,  (Colonist, July 4, 1859.)  1859.  234 APPENDIX " I "  ISAAC DICKSON'S LETTERS TO THE CARIBOO SENTINEL SHAMPOOIN 'STABLISMEN, B a r k e r v i l l e , June 10th  '65.  TO DE EDITER OF DE 'CARIBOO SENTAL.' I t gibs me much pleasure indee to see genelman ob your c l o t h on Wiliams Crek d i s a i r season, an' hope, sar, de indefatable entarprice an' de t a l e n I sees 'splayed i n de columbs ob yer valable j e r n a l w i l l meet wid i t s juss rewad, dat i s , dat de paper w i l l pay b i g ; f o r 'low me to t e l l yer, mister editer, i t s de dimes we's a l l arter i n dis' counry, de boys dey says " i t s every man f o r h i s s e l f an' de d e b i l f o r us a l l " i n d i s a i r counry, but I hope, sar, de d e b i l wont get you or de paper eider; but take de culed fren's adwice 'bout looking arter No. 1. I bleave, sar, I wont be disapointed i n hopin yer a goin to s t i c k up f o r wats r i t e an' on de squarr, an' gib eberything an' eberybody a rap on de knuckles dats wrong an' not on de squarr; dont be scared, mister editor, to t a l k up to de boys, dey l i k e i t a l l de better f o r dat, juss l i k e wat I sees i n de 'Spatch' bout a young geneleman dat walops him wife t i l l she sing 'murder' an' runs 'way, nex day write him lobing ' p i s t l e , ' d a r i n g she neber w i l l be happy agin t i l l 'longside ob her own dear Charley. I dont dout, sar, de paper w i l l 'tain heap dat's headifying and i n s t r u c t i n to de miners ob d i s country but dont f l a t t e r y e r s e l f , mister editer, dat de teaching w i l l be a l l on your side ob de k i t c h i n , an 'emneting from yer own valable resaucers ' t i r e l y , coss i f yer does yer s l i p up on dat a i r 'rangment you got darn sight to l a r n from de poplation ob d i s garden ob ' L e s t i a l s , Injuns, white men and culed genelmen an darn sight to see dat'11 sprise an' muse yer. Dere's de breed ob dogs dat habits dese regons, dey's a curosity dey i s demselves; nobody i n d i s worl eber seed s i c h a l o t ob carnines togeder, or eber heerd s i c h a noise as dey makes; dey's de bery 'centrated ensense ob b l i s s dey i s ' s p e c i a l l y when dere's a muss 'mong 'dem, dey seems to l i b on musses, yet dey propgates o f f a l f a s . Arter de dogs dere's de udder animal dat puzzles me 'markable, de genelman dat goes round a l l de day wid de nans i n de pocket an' puts on de f r i l l s , dont know how him l i b , yet peers to get a l l de f a t bones to pick, so, so some folks say him l i b on BOOKS, on DECK, i f dats de case him auful vegtarian, an' grate charity of Capin Cox to change him d i e t , an'Isennhim below. Dere's de s t y l e of p u g i l i s t i c k i s m i n d i s counry, bery headfyin an 'musin; i f eber you get i n a muss, mister e d i t e r , neber t i n k to get out ob i t on de squarr, i f yer do yer gon i n shure, pick up t r i f l e l i k e de axe, crowbar, or anyting ob dat sort dat's not too hard, dat's de s t y l e , i f dere's noting ob dat kine round de boot berry good substute, or shub de turn into de corner ob his eye, and be sure de eye cums out 'fore de turn, den when i t s out kick i t i n 'gain wid de boot, dat de s t y l e Maris. Dere's de new 'scobery i n de s u r g i c a l 1  235 'fession dat oughter gain worl wide 'nown f o r de 'scoberer an' also de leder medal ob de inhumane s c i e t y , de genelman dat vented de "gum boot gout," sar i s wastin de valable time i n Cariboo, 'fessin what he oughter be l a r n i n i n some counery more 'dapted f o r de study ob de b i z ; de 'spectable youth oughter "trow f i s i c k to de dogs," or quit f o r sum place where he cud l a r n someting ob de 'fession. Dere's de Dush gals, dey's purty smart gals, mister e d i t e r , to hold dere own i n d i s counry, poor gals, I hope dey may continy to do so; de stokeepers i s o f f u l down on 'em, coss dey k r e l l a l l de dimes, b u l l y f o r de gals, dey's on i t , you bet, on de make I means, sar; de sloon keepers, dere o f f u l down on de gals too, coss day draw de boys, and draw de d o l l a r s ; but de sloon keepers oughter know dat de dance g a l l s aluss took better dan anyting else i n Californey, de meenus man w i l l spen a d o l l a r f o r a dance, coss "him dearly lubs de lasses, 0." I hear de boys say dere's to be a 'lection at de Mouth soon, I hope, sar, yer goin to put de bes man i n , de culed genelmen de best, but as de ' j o r i t y ob de boys i s not culed genelmen, best f o r de country's good to put i n de white man, assiss de subjecs, mister editer, ob d i s l o y a l counry to get good resprentives. Hopin dese few 'marks w i l l f i n e yer w e l l , an* rum f o r 'sertion i n yer valable columbs, I am yours i n bruderly ' f l i c t i o n , DIXIE ' P.S. I'd most forgot t o add, on behaf ob-de ' t i l l i g e n t culed population on dis. crek, days 'pointed me de l i t a r y cracker to sen 'butions t o yer valable j e r n e l . -  0  -  B a r k e r v i l l e , June 24th, 1865. TO DE EDITER OB DE CARIBOO SENTAL. I's bery sorry indee, sar, dat any ob de contens ob my l a s t ' p i s t l e shud hab hurt de feelings ob any genelman whatsever, or gib him 'noyance, an' humly. ax pardon f o r de 'fence; but yer knows y e r s e l f , sar, i t s impossable f o r publik carackers l i k e us to keep r i t e en' up wid eberybody, i n fac we doesn't 'temp anyting ob de kine, we says wat we t i n k good f o r de boys an' i f dey gets dere back up at wat we gibs f o r adbice we's bery sorry, dey oughter know dat de 'Sental* i s alus 'spected to do him dooty, dat i s keep h i s weder eye open, and l e t dem know dat wishes to shirk his obseration dat him got weder eye, an' dat i t i s alus open; shud de •Sental* make mistake him alus w i l l i n ' to 'polergise an' i f I bluner i n my l a s an' de genelman's 'feshnal stanin' i s r a i l y exaled 'bove any adbice I o f f e r , why ob cuss I 'polergises f o r my inserlance. I don't t i n k Mr. E d i t e r , dere i s a more motly kermoonity i n de worl dan dat ob Cariboo, war so mush ob de genwine dust and black san' i s 'malgmated an passes at de same rate ob curacy, yet i n dis same l i t t l e kermoonity war equalty i s alus sposed to l a y on de same rok, an' war 1  236  no uppa streek e f f i s e s , deres some foo bright specimens dat tinks deys from de uppa streek, an' dat de sack i n which days 'posited 'tains noting but black san', ob coss alus exceptin' derselves, dey knows eberyting an' i s smarter dan de balance. I t ' s to some ob dese bright specimens I's 'bout to say a foo words, an' i f de cap I's 'bout to 'facter f i t s any ob de boys, de bes t i n g dey can do i s t o ware i t widout saying a word, and den praps nobody but derselves an' dere culed fren' w i l l be any de wiser; at de same time I kermends to dere notis de f o l l e r i n * words: "0, wad sum power de g i f y gib us, To see us-selbes as udders see us." De fus ob dese wiseakers i s i n de s p i r t o o a l l i n e , and oughter be "patching up h i s owl soul f o r heben," I mean he 'tend t o de s p i r t o o a l wants ob dose dat 'dulges i n tangle-leg an rot-gut at two b i t s de drink, an' neber open him out widout saying someting bery wity—wat him tinks wity, but eberybody else bery d i r t y . I hab herd ob genelmen being kermended to war a mustash f o r de durty words t o wipe dere feet on, but neber herd one dat 'quired one more dan him I's speakin on, an tho' i t ' s i n my l i n e ob b i z — i t s rader a delercat order to s l i s i t - - b u t I wud cerenly l i k e to sply de gent wid a gud stout a r t i c l e ob de kine. But d i s genelman, l i k e eberybody else, hab him good qualtys, an' deserbes de tanks ob de leddies f o r his volunery an' gratutus saveses as night watchman durin pas winter; no 'voted luber eber suffed more from cowl wile singeing under winer ob h i s gal's chamer dan d i s venable owl cuss l a s winter wile watchin l i k e a teef f o r de hoptunity to p i l f a de f a i r name ob 'specable women. 1  De nex foo 'marks I 'tends to 'dress to a son ob o l d Mars, but weder a 'gitimate son or not i s f o r dem to juge dats herd him yarn ob "akshun i n de tented f i e l . " I hab red shakspuses yarn ob de culed genelman ob Veners dat was t r i e d f o r 'lopeing wid de owl genelman's darter, an' when 'fore h i s noble massas towl a 'fecting story 'bout ' l i s t i n g f o r de army when him only seben year owl, but de hero ob my yarn l i c k s dat ob Shakspuses a l l to f i t s f o r he must hab dun considable f i t e i n 'fore dat age, an* mus hab tuck de f i e l at f i v e at de bery leas calkerlashun, beside f i t e i n g he mus hab undegon a p i l e ob g r i e f from t r i l e s by coatmashal, wonce f o r useuping de comman' of a "tashment ob de army 'fore •Bastapool an' puscribing doses to de Rooshans dat 'sisted materily i n de f a l l ob dat fortess an* f o r which owl Nick, de l a t e Emprer, has long 'count gin him shud dey eber meet on de uder side ob Jordan; as a fren' I adbise my hero not t o ware h i s medals when he croses de stream f o r fear de owl genelman shud spot him. I had considable more to say, Mr. E d i t e r , but on secon' toat w i l l not trude more on yer valable spas at presen, an' specfuly begs to 'scribe myself, yoars, DIXIE P.S. Exkuse me, sar, but I want to ax you solbe a problem f o r me. I f de tax ob only two hunred dollas de month i s lebied on de hard-gudies, as perposed by a l o y a l member ob de Gran' Jury, what shud be de tax on some uder i n s t i t o o t i o n s . (Cariboo Sentinel Supplement, June 12, July 1, 1865*)  237 APPENDIX  "J"'  POPULATION STATISTICS'  CENSUS OF VICTORIA AND VICINITY  - 1868  WHITE Females Males . 630 390 32 . 44 108 .I l l . 9 5 . 28 8 40 . 73 . 35 4 . 29 14 . 32 9 . 21 14 . 182 5 50 Allowance f o r persons absent from home 300 1494 188 •• •  1682 Note:  COLOURED Ferns Males 26 34 3 4 1 2  -  • o •  2 6 7 6 1 1 ••• 15  679 322 10  70 •• •  1011  70  0  •  •  (Colonist. Oct. 6, 1868.)  COLOURED POPULATION AS OF APRIL 1871 Males 128 37 44 34 3 29 •  ••••  ( V i c t o r i a Directory, 1871.)  48 3 3 2  277  -  .6 1 o • «  ••« © • 0  10 57 •*« *• •  57  These figures do not include childreno  Victoria City " District S a l t Spring Island Nanaimo town & d i s t r i c t New Westminster town & d i s t r i c t Lillooet-Clinton Cariboo* Columbia & Cootenay  2  162  238  B I B L I O G R A P H  239  BIBLIOGRAPHY PRIMARY SOURCES Except where otherwise noted, the items l i s t e d below, as well as a l l photographs used as i l l u s t r a t i o n s , are available i n the B r i t i s h Columbia P r o v i n c i a l Archives, V i c t o r i a , B.C* OFFICIAL MATERIAL: Vancouver Island, Blue Book» 1863* MS Vancouver Island, Despatches t o the Secretary of State f o r the Colonies* (For the entire period*) MS copies of the o r i g i n a l s . ' ' '•'•'';' J  Vancouver Island, C o l o n i a l Secretary, Miscellaneous L e t t e r s . (For the entire period.) MS copies of the o r i g i n a l s . Vancouver Island, Survey Branch, Correspondence * Oct. 20, 1857 - Sept. 29, I 8 6 4 . MS copies of the o r i g i n a l s . Miscellaneous Papers r e l a t i n g t o Vancouver Island. 1848-1863. Public General Statutes of the Colony of Vancouver Island, passed i n the years 1859. i860. 1861. 1862 and 1863. V i c t o r i a , V.I. B r i t i s h Colonist Office, 1866. Vancouver Island Exploration 1864. Printed by authority of the Government, V i c t o r i a , Harries and Company, 1864* Forbes, Charles, M.D., Prize Essay "Vancouver Island I t s Resources and C a p a b i l i t i e s as a Colony." published by the Colonial Government, 1862. Report from the Select Committee on the Hudson's Bay Company; together with the proceedings of the Committee. Minutes of Evidence. Appendix and Index. Ordered by the House of Commons, to be printed 31 July and 11 August 1857. Copies or Extracts of correspondence r e l a t i v e t o the discovery of gold i n the Fraser's River D i s t r i c t , i n B r i t i s h North America, presented to both Houses of Parliament by command of Her Majesty, July 2, 1858, London, Printed by George Edward Eyre and William Spottiswoode, Printers to the Queen's Most Excellent Majesty, 1858. Return of M i l i t i a . Volunteers. M i l i t a r y Police and other forces. (Exclusive of Regular Troops) i n H.M.'s Colonial Possessions. Dated August 1st. 1862, signed by James Douglas, Governor* MS. Addresses presented to His Excellency A.E* Kennedy. C.B..  on assuming  240 Land Pre-emption Record Books - S a l t Spring I s l a n d * M S . In Department of Lands, Parliament Buildings, V i c t o r i a , B.C. C i t y Council of V i c t o r i a , Minutes of Meetings. H a l l , V i c t o r i a , B.C.  1867-1869. MS. In C i t y  L i s t of Voters 1862 f o r Sooke, Saanich, Lake, Esquimalt & Metchosin, Esquimalt Town, Nanaimo, Salt Spring Island & Chemaynis, V i c t o r i a D i s t r i c t , V i c t o r i a Town. Laws of the State of C a l i f o r n i a . Third Session, Chapter XXXIII, "An Act Respecting Fugitives from Labor, and Slaves brought t o t h i s State p r i o r t o her admission into the Union." In Bancroft Library, Berkeley, California. IS Parte Archy 9, C a l i f o r n i a 147. Transcript i n Howay-Reid C o l l e c t i o n , University of B r i t i s h Columbia Library.  NEWSPAPERSs The f i l e s of the newspapers l i s t e d below have been covered f o r the period 1858-1871 except where otherwise noted. B r i t i s h Colonist. V i c t o r i a , B.C. B r i t i s h Columbian. New Westminster, B.C. Consulted f o r s p e c i a l items only. Cariboo S e n t i n e l. B a r k e r v i l l e , B.C. D a i l y A l t a C a l i f o r n i a . San Francisco, C a l i f o r n i a . Library, Berkeley, C a l i f o r n i a .  1858 only.  In Bancroft  Elevator. San Francisco, C a l i f o r n i a . Negro newspaper. Scattered f i l e i n < Bancroft Library, Berkeley, C a l i f o r n i a . Evening Express. V i c t o r i a , B.C. Nanaimo Gazette, Nanaimo, B.C.  July 10, 1865 - Nov. 3,  1866.  New Westminster Times. New Westminster, B.C. Consulted f o r s p e c i a l items only. San Francisco D a i l y Evening B u l l e t i n . San Francisco, C a l i f o r n i a . 1858. In Bancroft Library, Berkeley, C a l i f o r n i a . V i c t o r i a Daily Chronicle. V i c t o r i a , B.C. V i c t o r i a Daily Press. V i c t o r i a , B.C. V i c t o r i a Gazette. V i c t o r i a , B.C.  1857 and  241 PERSONAL MATERIALS PUBLISHED ACCOUNTS Beasley, D e l i l a h H., The Negro T r a i l Blazers of C a l i f o r n i a , a compilation of records from the C a l i f o r n i a Archives at the University of C a l i f o r n i a ^ i n Berkeley; and from the d i a r i e s , old papers and conversations of old pioneers i n the State of C a l i f o r n i a . Los Angeles, C a l i f o r n i a , 1919• Cornwallis, Kinahan, The New E l Dorado or, B r i t i s h Columbia. London, Thomas Cautley Newby, 1858. Emmerson, John, B r i t i s h Columbia and Vancouver Island, Durham, Wm. Ainsley, 1865. Fawcett, Edgar, Some Reminiscences of Old V i c t o r i a , Toronto, William Briggs, 1912. Gibbs, M i f f l i n Wistar, Shadow and Light; an autobiography with reminiscences of the l a s t and present century, Washington, D.C., 1902. Higgins, D.W.,  The Mystic Spring, Toronto, William Briggs, 1904.  F i c t i o n a l i z e d s t o r i e s of early V i c t o r i a and B r i t i s h Columbia, based on f a c t . Higgins, D.W., The Passing of a Race and more Tales of Western L i f e , Toronto, W. Briggs, 1905. F i c t i o n a l i z e d stories of early V i c t o r i a and B r i t i s h Columbia, based on f a c t . Macfie, Matthew, F.R.G.S., Vancouver Island and B r i t i s h Columbia, London, Longman, Green, Longman, Roberts, 1865. Mayne, Commander R.C., R.N., F.R.G.S., Four Years i n B r i t i s h Columbia and Vancouver Island, London, John Murray, 1862. Quaife, Milo Milton, ed., Pictures of Gold Rush C a l i f o r n i a , Chicago, The Lakeside Press, 1949. UNPUBLISHED ACCOUNTS Anderson, James Robert, Notes and comments on early days and events i n B r i t i s h Columbia, Washington and Oregon, including an account of sundry happenings i n San Francisco, 1925. Mallandaine, Edward, Reminiscences. The author was an architect, a farmer, and editor o f the F i r s t V i c t o r i a Directory.  242 Helmcken, John Sebastion, Reminiscences of John Sebastion Helmcken, 1892. J.S. Helmcken was a doctor i n V i c t o r i a and the f i r s t speaker of the House of Assembly. DIARIES: Cridge« Reverend Edward. Gerald, James F. Hayward, Charles. Moses, Wellington Delaney. Pemberton,  Augustus.  Robson, Ebenezer. RECORD BOOKS AND ACCOUNT BOOKS: Cridge, Reverend Edward, Record Books. Containing l i s t s of pew-holders, memoranda of f i r s t communions, lectures, l i s t s of communicants, confirmations and l e t t e r s of introduction. Moses, W.D., Cariboo Account Books. 1873-1883. Winnard, William, Cariboo Account Book, 1866-1868.  MANUSCRIPT LETTERS: Chapter V - M i f f l i n Wistar Gibbs M.W. Gibbs to the Mayor and C i t y Council of V i c t o r i a , Nov. 18, 1868. Requesting permission to remove the sidewalk i n front of 170 Government Street where he intends t o erect a b u i l d i n g . In the l e t t e r f i l e s of the C i t y H a l l , V i c t o r i a , B.C. M.W. Gibbs to C i t y Council, Nov. 18, 1868. Requesting three months leave of absence from the C i t y Council. In the l e t t e r f i l e s of the City H a l l , V i c t o r i a , B.C. Chapter VI - V i c t o r i a Pioneer R i f l e Corps G. Heaton t o Governor Douglas, Aug. 15, 1859. a white Volunteer Corps.  Proposing the formation of  Fortune Richard t o the Colonial Secretary of Vancouver Island, c. Dec. 8, 1861. Requesting f i n a n c i a l support f o r the coloured volunteers.  243 Capt. W. Brown to Governor Douglas, July 31, 1862. Memorial from the Pioneer R i f l e Corps to the Governor enclosing the f i n a n c i a l statement of the Corps, Lieut. R.H. Johnson t o Governor Douglas, March 3, 1863* An o f f i c e r of the Pioneer R i f l e Corps requests f i n a n c i a l a i d f o r the u n i t . L i e u t . R.H. Johnson to Governor Douglas, June 19, 1863* I f f i n a n c i a l aid i s not given, the Corps may be forced t o disband. P. Lester, Richard H. Johnson, Thos. P. Freeman, N. Pointer to the Hon. W.A.G. Young, March 3, I864. The Pioneer R i f l e Corps requests t h i r t y r i f l e s t o be used i n welcoming Governor Kennedy. The Government t o Messrs. Lester, Johnson, Freeman and others, c. June 11, 1866. Requesting the return of the r i f l e s borrowed i n March 1864* Messrs. Lester, Freeman, Pointer t o W.A.G. Young, June 13, 1866. Acknowledges l e t t e r regarding return of the r i f l e s and t e l l s of the state of the Corps at the time. Lieut. R. Caesar to W.A.G. Young, June 13, 1866. An o f f i c e r of the Corps complains of lack of o f f i c i a l support f o r the u n i t . Thomas Deasy to Major J.S. Matthews, Sept. 1, 1934* An o l d resident t e l l s the A r c h i v i s t of the C i t y of Vancouver of the Pioneer R i f l e Corps and of the early negro police i n V i c t o r i a .  Thomas H. Lineker to Governor Douglas, July 9, i860. troubles on S a l t Spring Island. Jonathan Begg to Governor Douglas, May 5, 1862. of roads on the i s l a n d .  Reporting Indian  Regarding the construction  School Trustees of S a l t Spring Island, J.P. Booth, Secretary to the Colonial Secretary, October 26,,1869. Regarding the establishment of a public school with the coloured man, John C. Jones as teacher. Louis Stark to Joseph Trutch, Nov. 3, 1869. claim because of the Indian menace«  Stark wants to move t o another  Colonial Secretary's o f f i c e t o J.P. Booth, Jan. 27, 1870. appointment of John C. Jones as school teacher.  Approval of  Louis Stark t o B.W. Pearse, Sept. 15, 1870. Disagreement over where the roads should be b u i l t on S a l t Spring Island. W i l l i s Stark to Major J.S. Matthews, Oct. 20, 1934* and of the early days on S a l t Spring Island.  T e l l i n g of h i s parents  244 Chapter VIII  -  In the Goldflelds  Chief Justice M.B. Begbie to W.A.G. Young, Richfield, Sept. 20, Begbie reports a case of assault against a negro.  1863.  Richard H. Johnson to Henry Wakeford, Colonial Secretary, Oct. 3, I864. Johnson requests permission to take up an acre of land at Leech River to erect a hotel for ladies and gentlemen. Chapter IX  -  The Problem of Race  Wellington D. Moses, Jacob Francis, F. Richard, Wm. Brown, Richard H. Johnson, to Governor Douglas, undated. Protest against proscription in the theatres. Jacob Francis, F. Richard, Wm. Brown, Richard H. Johnson to Governor Kennedy, Oct. 5, I864. Complaint about segregation in the theatres. Office of Colonial Secretary to the coloured committee, Oct. 5, I864. Giving sympathy regarding the problem in the theatres, but can suggest no remedy. William Daniel Anderson to Major J.S. Matthews, Sept. 7, 1934s> An old resident tells of the early coloured police and of prejudice against them.  INTERVIEWS WITH DESCENDENTS OF THE EARLY COLOURED PIONEERS; Alexander, Barton, June 15, 1949• Victoria, B.C. Alexander, Norman, July 10, 1949* Victoria, B.C. Alexander, Mrs. Norman (nee Clanton)  July 10, 1949.  Victoria, B.C.  Harrison, Ernest, July 1, 1950. Ganges Harbour, Salt Spring Island, B.C. (Names of other persons interviewed withheld by request.)  245 SECONDARY SOURCES BOOKS; Becker, C a r l , The Declaration of Independence a Study i n the History of P o l i t i c a l Ideas, N.Y., Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1922 Brown, Ina Gorinne, The Story of the American Negro, N.Y., Friendship Press, 1936. Carey, Charles, H., A General History o f Oregon, Portland, Oregon, Metropolitan Press, 1932, 2 v o l s . DuBois, W.E. Burghardt, Black Reconstruction, an essay toward a history of the part which black f o l k played i n the attempt t o reconstruct democracy i n America 1860-1880, N.Y., Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1934. 5  Eaves, L u c i l e , A History o f C a l i f o r n i a Labor L e g i s l a t i o n with an Intro- \' ductory Sketch of the San Francisco Labor Movement, Berkeley, The Franklin, John Hope, From Slavery t o Freedom, N.Y., A l f r e d Knopf, 1947. F u l l e r , Edmund, A Star Pointed North, N.Y., Harpers, 1946. H i t t e l l , Theodore H., History of C a l i f o r n i a , San Francisco, N.J. Stone & Co., 1897, 4 v o l s . Howay, F.W., Royal Engineers i n B.C.. V i c t o r i a , King's P r i n t e r , 1910. Johnson, Charles Spurgeon, The Negro i n American C i v i l i z a t i o n , a Study of Negro L i f e and Race Relations i n the Light of S o c i a l Research, New York, Henry Holt and Company, 1930. Johnsen, J u l i a E., compiler, Selected A r t i c l e s on the Negro Problem, New York, H.W. Wilson Co., 1921. M o r r e l l , W.P., The Goldrushes, London, Adam and Charles Black, 1940. Sage, W.N., S i r James Douglas and B r i t i s h Columbia, Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 1930. S c h o l e f i e l d , E.O.S., and Howay, F.W., B r i t i s h Columbia from E a r l i e s t Times to the Present, Vancouver, S.J. Clarke Publishing Company, 1914, 4 vols. Walbran, Captain John T., B r i t i s h Columbia Coast Names 1592 - 1906, t h e i r . o r i g i n and h i s t o r y, Ottawa, Government P r i n t i n g Bureau, 1909. Washington, Booker T., The Story of the Negro - the Rise of the Race from Slavery. N.Y., Association Press, 1909.  246 Wesley, Charles H., The Negro i n the Americas, Washington, Howard University, 1940,  D.C.,  Wright, E.W., ed., Lewis and Dryden's "Marine History of the P a c i f i c Northwest," Portland, Oregon, Lewis and Dryden P r i n t i n g Co., 1895•  THESES: Bescoby, Isabel, M.L.,