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Grade 12 enrolments of status Indians in British Columbia: 1949 - 1985 Atleo, Eugene Richard 1990

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GRADE  12 E N R O L M E N T S  OF STATUS INDIANS  COLUMBIA:  IN  BRITISH  1949-1985  by EUGENE RICHARD ATLEO B A . , University of British Columbia, 1968 M . E d . , University of British Columbia, 1976 A THESIS S U B M I T T E D IN P A R T I A L F U L F I L M E N T O F T H E REQUIREMENTS FOR T H E D E G R E E OF D O C T O R OF E D U C A T I O N in T H E F A C U L T Y OF G R A D U A T E STUDIES D E P A R T M E N T OF A D M I N I S T R A T I V E , A D U L T A N D H I G H E R EDUCATION  We  accept this thesis as conforming tn  -required s t a n d a ^  T H E UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH C O L U M B I A DECEMBER, ©  1989  E U G E N E R I C H A R D A T L E O , 1989  National Library of Canada  Bibliotheque nationale du Canada  Canadian Theses Service  Service des theses canadiennes  Ottawa. Canada Kt A 0N4  The author has granted an irrevocable non-' exclusive licence allowing the National Library of Canada to reproduce, loan, distribute or sell copies of his/her thesis by any means and in any form or format, making this thesis available to interested persons.  L'auteur a accorde une licence irrevocable et non exclusive permettant a la Bibliotheque nationale du Canada de reproduire, prefer, distribute ou vendre des copies de s a these de quelque maniere et sous quelque forme que ce soit pour mettre des exemplaires de cette these a la disposition des personnes interessees.  The author in his/her substantial otherwise mission.  L'auteur conserve la propriete du droit d'auteur qui protege sa these. Ni la these ni des extraits substantiels de celle-ci ne doivent etre imprimes ou autrement reproduits sans son autorisation.  retains ownership of the copyright thesis. Neither the thesis nor extracts from it may be printed or reproduced without his/her per-  ISBN  C a n a d a  0-315-59753-4  In  presenting  degree freely  at  this  the  thesis  in  University  of  available for  copying  of  department publication  this or of  this  for  his thesis  fulfilment  of  and study. scholarly  or for  her  I further  requirements  representatives.  financial  be  It  gain shall not  (Signature)  that  agree  purposes may  permission.  DE-6 (2/88)  the  British Columbia, I agree  reference  thesis by  partial  is  that  the  an  advanced  Library shall make  permission for  granted  by  understood  be  for  allowed  the  extensive  head  that  without  it  of  copying my  my or  written  11 ABSTRACT This study examined the nature of the apparent increases in grade 12 enrolment patterns of status Indians in British Columbia from 1949 to 1985 in the light of a theory of context. This theory assumes that education takes place in, and is affected by, a context of conditions both external and internal to education. The external factors assumed to affect student achievement are the prevailing social, political, and economic conditions while the internal factors assumed to affect student achievement are curriculum and teacher characteristics. Historical evidence confirmed that a contextual change took place within the dominant society. This change was characterized as a move from a condition in which the dominant society excluded minorities (exclusion) to one in which the dominant society included minorities (inclusion) coincident with the apparent grade 12 enrolment increases of status Indians in British Columbia during the period covered by the study. When the enrolments were subjected to time-series analysis the results showed that the grade 12 enrolments had increased significantly between 1949 and 1985.  This finding supported the hypothesis that inclusion was positively  associated with academic achievement as measured by enrolment into grade 12. Inclusion by the dominant society was seen to have evoked at least two responses by Indian groups.  Therefore, although a positive association between  inclusion and academic achievement has been established it was necessary to compare contrasting responses to inclusion. For this purpose two British Columbia bands which were similar in terms of geographic, demographic, and cultural characteristics, but different in terms of their control of education, were selected. Band A was identified as having chosen to remain under government control with respect to Indian education between 1976 and 1985 while Band B had chosen to exercise Indian control with respect to Indian education during the same period. Their respective grade 12 enrolment patterns were then subjected to time-series  iii analysis which revealed a significant difference in enrolment patterns.  Band A's  enrolment pattern was both linear and stationary, indicating a consistent level of enrolment over time.  Band B's enrolment pattern, however, showed an abrupt  constant intervention effect (significant at the .05 level, t=7.79) beginning at 1979. Since both bands began their enrolment pattern at about the same level, Band B's significant enrolment increase supported the prediction that Indian control of Indian education was positively associated with academic achievement as measured by grade 12 enrolments of status Indians while Band A's  stationary enrolment pattern  supported the hypothesis that government control of Indian education was associated with no increase in academic achievement as measured by enrolment into grade 12. The findings of this study indicate the explanatory value of a theory of context for academic achievement. Not only does the study suggest that improved student achievement of status Indians in British Columbia as measured by enrolment into grade 12 is found in a favorable context of external and internal conditions, but the study also suggests the necessity for a proactive response to these conditions. One such proactive response is Indian control of Indian education.  iv  T A B L E OF  CONTENTS  ABSTRACT  ii  LIST OF TABLES  viii  LIST OF FIGURES  ix  ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS  CHAPTER  x  Page  1 T H E PURPOSE OF T H E STUDY, ITS BACKGROUND AND DESIGN  1  THE PURPOSE AND T H E BACKGROUND  1  EXPLANATIONS OF INDIAN EDUCATIONAL FAILURE AND A THEORY OF C O N T E X T  6  THE  IMPORTANCE OF T H E STUDY  THE DESIGN OF T H E STUDY  15 18  Hypothesized Relationships  19  Scope and Delimitations  19  Thesis Overview  21  2 C O N T E X T U A L CHANGES IN INDIAN EDUCATION, 1600 to 1985 INDIAN EDUCATIONAL HISTORY IN CANADA FROM 1600  23 24  The French Influence  24  The English Influence  28  Political, Economic, and Social Conditions of the Indian-European Relationship to 1800  33  The Social, Political, and Economic Decline of the Indian after 1800  37  Summary  39  THE CONTEMPORARY HISTORY OF INDIAN EDUCATION, 1949 to 1985  39  V  The 1950s: A Period of Exclusion  42  Education Policy  42  Social Conditions  44  Political Conditions  44  Economic Conditions  46  School System Conditions  47  Summary  47  The 1960s:A Period of Transition Towards Inclusion  48  Education Policy  48  Social, Political and Economic Conditions  49  School System Conditions The 1970s to the Present: A Period of Inclusion  50 51  Education Policy  51  Social Conditions  56  Political Conditions  57  Economic Conditions  58  School System Conditions of the 1970s-1980s  59  SUMMARY  64  3 AN EXPLORATION OF T H E PROVINCIAL D A T A ON GRADE 12 ENROLMENTS OF STATUS INDIANS IN B.C RESEARCH METHOD AND DESIGN The Nature of the Data  66 66 67  The Data  67  Limitations of the Data  67  Assumptions Underlying the Use of the Data  69  Hypothesized Relationships  70  Time-Series Analysis  70  VI  T H E ANALYSIS OF PROVINCIAL ENROLMENT D A T A  72  The Raw Data  72  The Analysis  75  Analysis of Cumulative and Average Figures  76  DISCUSSION: HYPOTHESIZED RELATIONSHIPS WITH CONTEXT....77  4 T H E CASES OF L O C A L AND F E D E R A L CONTROL: ANALYSIS OF BAND D A T A A DESCRIPTION OF T H E TWO EDUCATIONAL CONTROL  80  BANDS AND THEIR 81  Geographical Location  81  Culture  82  Demography  82  Educational Control  83  Hypothesized Relationships Between Control and Academic Achievement  85  T H E ANALYSIS OF BAND D A T A  85  Band Enrolment Patterns: 1976 to 1985  85  Band Population Patterns: 1954 to 1974  90  DISCUSSION: HYPOTHESIZED RELATIONSHIPS WITH CONTEXT....91 The Hypothesized Relationships  92  Seeking Other Explanations  94  Changes Within the School System: Teachers  94  Changes Within the School System: Curriculum  96  Changes Without the School System  97  vii 5 SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS SUMMARY  99 99  CONCLUSIONS  101  IMPLICATIONS FOR F U R T H E R RESEARCH  108  I M P L I C A T I O N S FOR POLICY  110  BIBLIOGRAPHY  113  APPENDIX A- SELECTED EXAMPLES OF CORRELOGRAMS: B.C. ENROLMENT, 1949 TO 1981 :  127  APPENDIX B- EXAMPLES OF CORRELOGRAMS FOR MODELLING THE INTERVENTION, 1982 AND 1983  128  LIST OF  TABLES  Table 1- Indian Participation on Provincial School Boards  63  Table 2- Grade 12 Status Indian Enrolment in Proportion to the On-Reserve Population in British Columbia: 1949 to 1985  74  Table 3- Cumulative Grade 12 Enrolments (Academic years): 1949 to 1985  76  Table 4- Cumulative Grade 12 Enrolments in 12 Academic Year Periods: 1949 to 1985. In Relation to the Social Orientation of Each Period  78  Table 5 Grade 12 Enrolments and On-Off Reserve Populations: Band A and Band B: 1976 to 1985  86  Table 6- The Proportion of Grade 12 Enrolments to their Populations: Band A and Band B: 1976 to 1985  86  Table 7- Total Populations for Bands A and B: 1954 to 1974  91  Table 8- Societal Orientation, Band Orientation, Academic Achievement  102  LIST O F FIGURES  Figure 1 Grade 12 Enrolments of Status Indians in B.C.: 1949 to 1985  73  Figure 2 Comparison of Grade 12 Enrolments: Bands A and B: 1976 to 1985  88  Figure 3 Grade 12 Enrolments of Bands A and B: 1976 to 1985  89  X  Acknowledgements Kleco! Kleco! (thankyou! tliankyou!) to the chairman of my  advisory  committee, Dr. J.G.T. Kelsey, whose advice, critique, encouragement, and humour helped to make the task of thesis writing both memorable and worthwhile. Kleco! Kleco! to Dr. Jean Barman, who, prior to a trip to England, spent one inspired night with my  paper and provided great insight for the final conceptual  structure of the thesis. Kleco! Kleco! to Dr. R.J. Hills, who  remained true to his solid  academic reputation by systematically exposing unnecessary sections of earlier thesis drafts, exposing premature statements about results, and  in general providing  thoughtful commentary about structural inconsistencies, logical inconsistencies, and ambiguous terms. Kleco! Kleco! to Dr. W.B.  Boldt, who  helped with the time-series analysis,  and finally, Kleco! Kleco! to Marlene my wife and my sons Shawn and Taras supported me to the very end.  who  CHAPTER 1  THE  P U R P O S E O F T H ES T U D Y , ITS B A C K G R O U N D A N D D E S I G N  This study is about the success and failure of Indian students in school. This first chapter is divided into four major sections. The first section states the purpose of the study  and explains the background for it. The second section examines  traditional and current explanations for Indian students' failure and proposes the value of a theory of context in seeking better explanations. The third section deals with the importance of the study and the fourth section describes the study's hypotheses, scope and delimitations, and provides an overview of the dissertation report.  THE  PURPOSE A N DT H E B A C K G R O U N D  In 1949 there were sixteen British Columbia status Indians enrolled in grade 12. By 1985 this enrolment had risen 31.5 times to 505. Over the same time the British Columbia status Indian on-reserve population had risen from 23,881 to 39,067, a 1.6 fold increase. Thus, proportionally speaking the increase in grade 12 enrolments is considerably greater than the increase in the population from which the grade 12 students are drawn. The problem is to provide a plausible explanation for this apparent change in enrolment since 1949. There are at least two reasons for beginning with the 1949 enrolments. The first and most important reason is that the nominal roll, which forms the data base for this study, began in that year and has continued to the present day.  This  unbroken record of enrolments compiled by the Department of Indian Affairs, provides the opportunity for an analysis of the apparent grade 12 enrolment increases between 1949 and the most recent data available at the inception of this study,  1  2  which was  1985.  The second reason for choosing 1949 as a starting point of this study is that not only does it encompass a period known as contemporary history (Tosh, 1984) but it also marks the beginning of direct federal involvement in Indian education (Janzen, 1982).  It is therefore no accident that the nominal roll has been kept by the  Department of Indian Affairs continuously in British Columbia since 1949. This fact permits the use of a contemporary social, political and economic framework in which to analyze the grade 12 enrolment changes of status Indians over this same time. But before any study about grade 12 enrolment changes of status Indians in British Columbia can be initiated, the question of reliability of data must first be examined. Is the nominal roll, which was created by the Department of Indian Affairs to meet statutory requirements, a sufficiently reliable source of information for study purposes? To answer this question requires a knowledge of the legal basis for the existence of the nominal roll and its method of recording. Various statutes respecting Indians dating back to 1868 were consolidated into an Indian Act in 1876 (Government of Canada, 1981b). This Act defined a special relationship between the Indians of Canada and the colonial government. By statute this special relationship set apart Indian lands and lives from those of all other Canadian citizens. More relevant to this study are those sections relating to the education of Indians. The initial statutory references to the education of Indians were brief. Section 63, subsection 6 of the Indian Act of 1876 merely states, "The chief or chiefs of any band in council may  frame, subject to confirmation by the  Governor in Council, rules and regulations for the following subjects, viz.: The construction and repair of school houses" (Government of Canada, 1981b, p. 24). It was not until the revisions to the Indian Act in 1951 that statutory references to Indian education were expanded from one to ten sections providing for such matters as: education agreements with private and public agencies on behalf of Her Majesty  for the education of Indian children; standards for education facilities; regulations relating to attendance and school age of Indian children; and the religious affiliation of teachers in Indian schools (Government of Canada, 1981c). One explanation for the brevity of references to Indian education in the Indian Act prior to 1951 is that the Indians were assured during the signing of the various treaties that their education would be provided by the government of Canada.  For example, the  Report of the Commissioners for Treaty 8 stated in 1899, As to education, the Indians were assured that there was no need of any special stipulation, as it was the policy of the Government to provide in every part of the country, as far as circumstances would permit, for the education of Indian children. (Government of Canada, 1981d, p. 80) The effect of both the treaties and the Indian Act is that the education of Indians is a federal responsibility. The official arm of the federal government charged with the responsibility of administering the Indian Act is' commonly known as the Department of Indian Affairs.  Although legal responsibilities are not necessarily  related to reliability of information gathering and reliability of information, legal responsibilities nevertheless demand reliability of information.  The nominal roll,  which was created to meet legal responsibilities, is tied directly to parliamentary appropriations for the Indian education budget. Although this type of demand for accuracy does not ensure accuracy it may be assumed to go some way to assisting in its provision. One may  assume that under extraordinary conditions a demand for  accuracy does not necessarily equate with reliability of data but under ordinary conditions a demand for accuracy is likely to be related to reliability of data. Having established the presumptive accuracy of the nominal roll it remains to describe the method of recording in order to find out if the recording procedures are acceptable for reliable information gathering for the purposes of the present study. In brief, the nominal roll is a record of status Indian students who are enrolled in  4  elementary and secondary schools and whose parents are ordinarily resident onreserve. The location of the elementary and secondary schools may  be on or off  reserve but the parents of the grade 12 enrollees must be ordinarily resident onreserve according to the provisions of the Indian Act.  If the parents are not  ordinarily resident on-reserve (or crown land) then their children come under the educational jurisdiction of the provinces in the same way  as do those of other  Canadian citizens. Although the initial compilation is based upon individual classroom registers, the final tally of Indian students does not include names or ages. The nominal roll process begins with the classroom teacher who registers each Indian pupil's name, grade, age, band number, and band. The principal or head teacher then sends the total school roll to a local Indian agency or district office which checks each name against an official Indian register.  Each agency or district then consolidates its  nominal roll and sends it to a regional agency office where it is checked again for accuracy and then sent on to the headquarters in Ottawa where it is summarized. From the foregoing description of the nominal roll compilation process, one  may  assume that it has an acceptable information gathering procedure and may therefore be considered an acceptable source of information for study purposes. It follows from this discussion about status Indians that other Indians must exist, who are not status or who are not entitled to be registered as status Indians. It should be noted in passing that status and registered Indians are synonymous terms. All those of Indian status are entitled to be registered as Indians, and, all registered Indians are status Indians. This notation signifies the possibility that some status Indians have not been, for a variety of reason?, registered.  When a situation  demands or makes registration necessary it is a simple reporting procedure for the unregistered Indian to register.  There are no rules requiring registration and  therefore no penalties associated with the timing of registration.  5 Registered Indians are divided into status and treaty Indians (where the latter Indians have specific treaties with the federal government and the former do not) while others of aboriginal ancestry who are not entitled to be registered are known as non-status Indians and Metis. Prior to June 25, 1985 when the Indian Act was revised by Bill C-31, an Indian could become a non-status Indian by enfranchisement or, if female, by marriage to a non-Indian (Government of Canada, 1981c). Enfranchisement was a provision in the Indian Act for any registered Indian to relinquish Indian status by application to the Minister of Indian Affairs, providing the Minister was satisfied that the applicant was "capable of assuming the duties and responsibilities of citizenship" (Government of Canada, 1981c, p.24). The definition of Metis is complex but basically it refers to those of mixed aboriginal and non-aboriginal ancestry who identify themselves as Metis, and who are not entitled to be registered as Indians.  An additional aboriginal group in  Canada are the Inuit (formerly known as Eskimo) of the Northwest Territories. In 1939 the Supreme Court of Canada ruled that the provisions of the Indian Act also applied to the Inuit (Government of Canada, 1985). This study is concerned only with the registered (hereafter referred to as status) Indians of British Columbia who were in elementary or secondary school during the period 1949 to 1985.  Bill C-31  came into effect too late to affect the parameters of this study. It has already been observed that the second reason for choosing 1949 as a starting point of this study is that not only does it encompass a period known as contemporary history but it also marks the beginning of direct federal involvement in Indian education. Although Indian education is a federal responsibility by statute, the education of Indians in Canada prior to 1949 .was left largely in the hands of the various church denominations (Janzen, 1982). Clearly, then, 1949 proves to be an ideal place to begin an examination of contemporary grade 12 enrolment patterns of status Indians in British Columbia because, not only is a continuous record of  6 enrolment available for study, but also the analysis may take place within a well defined historical period. Another question that arises from the problem statement is: why examine the changing grade 12 enrolment patterns of status Indians in British Columbia at all? The reason for this examination is that grade 12 enrolment patterns have apparently changed so recently that as late as 1976, Brooks observed that "studies examining the academic achievement of Indian children yield what is now a familiar and dreary statistic.  Clearly, we have not been successful in this regard, yet there are few  answers available" (p. 192). In 1967 Hawthorn reported one 'dreary statistic', in a national survey of Canada's Indians, as a 94% failure rate. That is, the grade 12 enrolment of 1961 was 6% of the grade 1 enrolment of 1949. In British Columbia, (the focus of this study), the indicated failure rate of Indian pupils for the same period was 96%. That is, according to Hawthorn's method of calculation the grade 12 enrolment in British Columbia was 4% of the grade 1 enrolment of eleven years previous. Hawthorn's figures, for Canadian society in general, showed a failure rate of only 12%. The observed large increase in the grade 12 enrolment pattern of status Indians in British Columbia between 1949 and 1985 requires that an up to date analysis be performed. To set the stage for an updated analysis it is useful to examine how Hawthorn and others explained the Indian educational failure which they observed. This explanation leads to an explanation of the theory of context.  EXPLANATIONS  OF INDIAN EDUCATIONAL FAILURE A N D A THEORY OF CONTEXT  In the past, the most common theoretical explanations of Indian educational failure focussed upon the differences of culture, broadly speaking, between the Indian and non-Indian (Erickson, 1987; Ogbu, 1987). Indian pupils fail in school, it was  7  initially maintained, because of cultural deprivation. Since there are a variety of definitions of culture, this paper will assume that one culture may  be defined by  contrasting it with another culture. Levi-Strauss (1963) wrote of such contrasts as 'significant discontinuities'.  For example, the group-oriented values of one group  may be said to be a significant discontinuity from the individually-oriented values of another group. The former group places a higher value upon group goals while the latter group places a higher value upon individual goals. The general definition of culture by Levi-Strauss has the advantage of not being bound by a specific context and may be applied to comparative cultures even as they change and evolve. Historically, in Indian-White relations, the task of defining culture meant references to language differences, belief differences, behavioural differences, skin color differences and so on, but today these differences seem to have evolved into a degree of uniformity and become blurred in some cases. Some Indians today may speak only English, hold similar beliefs to those of non-Indians, behave in a fashion similar to non-Indians, and even have a skin color  that is not distinguishable from non-  Indians. Yet 'significant discontinuities' between the Indian and others are implied in the use of the phrase 'Indian culture' even when some of the formerly significant discontinuities such as language and beliefs may not be as significant as they were in the past. Nevertheless, if historical roots are considered part of culture then an Indian culture is certainly different from other cultures whose historical roots may be from other lands. The importance of historical roots is based upon the assumption that fundamental beliefs about life are transferred from one generation to another. Moreover, when the fundamental beliefs about life become assumptions of culture which are not usually articulated (Lane, 1967) the transfer becomes automatic and largely unconscious. It is perhaps in the area of the assumptions of culture rooted in the distant past that the Indian of today may differ even if other cultural differences  8 seem to be blurring into 'insignificant continuities' as opposed to 'significant discontinuities'. During the 1950s the perception that Indians had an impoverished culture was of course an historical legacy of European notions of cultural superiority. Hence, it was theorized that because the Indian was impoverished in culture he or she must begin school with  an  apparent insurmountable handicap.  The  meaning of  'impoverished in culture' referred to a lack of Euro-Canadian culture within the Indian.  Hawthorn reported that, during the 1950s, non-Indians did not expect  Indians in general to develop socially acceptable skills along the same lines as Whites. The implication is that the Indian lacked the meanings of Euro-Canadian culture and this type of impoverishment led to maladaptive social behaviour, Indian educational failure and so on. Then it was  thought during the 1960s that Indians did not have an  impoverished culture after all, and so the reason for their lack of achievement in school was now  thought to be caused by cultural discontinuity (Hawthorn 1967;  Ogbu 1987). Leslie Gue (1974) characterized cultural discontinuity in terms of value differences. For example, the Indian may hold group goals as being more important than individual goals while the non-Indian may  hold individual goals to be more  important than group goals. Both held the same range of goal values but each put a different focus or emphasis upon these goal values depending upon what  was  considered more important. Subsequent explanations of Indian educational failure are variants of this cultural discontinuity perspective. More (1986), for example, suggests that Indian pupils in general have different learning styles., from others.  Learning styles are  culturally determined. Therefore, an Indian pupil encountering an alien learning style in a classroom suffers cultural discontinuity. More's perspective is strengthened by other observations of remarkable and basic differences between the Indian  9 worldview and western man's worldview. DeFaveri (1984) holds that the Indian worldview is characterized by oneness with the universe while the western worldview is characterized by individualism and isolationism. The former worldview holds that everything is related and connected in some way while the latter worldview may recognize holistic subsystems within the universe yet tend to the opposite view that reality is not necessarily made up of related or connected parts. Brumbaugh (1963, p.136), philosophizing about this phenomenon in education has said that while the "separations [of reality] are useful, even vital" they have been overdone and "ignore the basic character of the experiential continuum." In contrast to the separations of reality which might be argued to be characteristic of the western worldview the Indian worldview is characterized by wholeness, connectedness and interrelationships (Kluckhohn, 1949; Bryde, 1971; Sealy, 1973; DeFaveri, 1984; Berger, 1985; Friesen, 1985; Kelly & Nelson, 1986; McCaskill, 1987). More's suggestion therefore is that teachers of Indian pupils should attempt to suit their teaching style to the Indian learning style which has been affected by assumptions of the wholeness and interrelatedness of reality. It is no great step to move from the view that a minority culture is different, to the view that the minority group is genetically inferior. A theoretical view of genetic inferiority formed part of the rationale for the 'impoverished in culture' view of the 1950s (Erickson, 1987) and dropped into disuse as such views became unacceptable in the seventies. It has recently resurfaced, however, in the view that the Indian is right-brained and therefore deficient in language function. Chrisjohn and Lanigan (1986) assert that no reliable data exist "to conclude that such a deficit is indeed present in Indians" (p.55). In another paper Chrisjohn and Peters (1986) draw the following conclusions:  10  We suggest that the neurological and neuropsychological evidence is nowhere near conclusive at this point, and that the performance patterns of Native American children do not necessarily reflect a "right brain dominance" of the Native Americans. As of now, the "right brained Indian" has to be considered a myth rather than a scientifically valid fact. (p.62) It could, of course, be argued that other pupils from different cultural backgrounds have entered the Canadian school system, apparently under the same kind of handicaps as the Indian, and have not failed as completely as the Indian has failed, and that therefore it is reasonable to assume that if no other plausible explanations about Indian educational failure are available then the possibility that the Indian is genetically inferior may  be entertained. The present study does not  accept this argument and examines the possibility of a plausible perspective other than that of genetic inferiority to account for Indian educational failure. This perspective of Indian educational failure views it from a theory of context. This theory assumes that there is a relationship between an individual and the society in which that individual lives. If the relationship is characterized by a negative orientation of society towards that individual, then the theory of context holds that that individual will be negatively affected. For example, if society rejects an individual socially, politically and economically, then that individual may respond by either committing suicide, behaving in unacceptable deviant ways in order to survive, or by emigrating to another country if possible. On the other hand the theory of context holds that when society accepts an individual socially, politically and  economically, then that individual may  respond by behaving in socially  acceptable ways. The assumed relationship between an individual and society is also argued to apply, in general, to the relationship between society and a minority group. An important aspect of the theory of context is that it forces a shift in the focus of any discussion about Indian educational failure from the differences between the Indian and non-Indian to a focus upon similarities between the Indian and non-  11  Indian. Where the focus was formerly upon 'significant discontinuities' between the Indian and non-Indian, they are now focussed upon what may be termed 'significant continuities'. Although the Indian and non-Indian may differ culturally in terms of historical roots and in terms of special legislation about Indians, they are nevertheless similar in other respects. For example, th.ey share the same country and form parts of the same Canadian society.  Whether Indians profess an affinity for western  civilization or not, they nevertheless demonstrate a tacit acceptance, at least of its material benefits, by living in modern homes, driving modern cars, and generally enjoying all the modern conveniences.  In addition many Indians can be found  participating in society today in a variety of unskilled, skilled, and even professional jobs, attending schools whose curriculum is mainly Euro-Canadian, attending various Christian churches, taking advantage of modern recreational facilities, and generally striving to do well within rather than without Canadian society. Even those Indians who may  openly reject western ways and values can find no escape from minimal  participation in Canadian society by their need for money, medical aid and so on. Yet in spite of tacit acceptance and the apparent similarities between the two groups, the Indian position in Canadian society is more of a propinquitous than a volitional nature. European civilization came to North America by colonization and thus became an inevitable and fixed context for the local Indian. The position of the Indian in such a case is referred to as an involuntary one by Ogbu (1987). It is an involuntary position within Canadian society in the sense that the Indian's minority position was, and is, not by choice. Involuntary minorities are thus contrasted with voluntary minorities who immigrate. Ogbu found that voluntary minorities tend to do well in school in contrast to involuntary minorities who tend not to do well. He cites such examples as the Buraku minority in Japan who do poorly in school but do well when they emigrate to the United States; the minority Koreans in Japan who do poorly in school but who  do well when they emigrate to the United States; the  12  Mexicans born in the United States who do poorly in school while their brothers born in Mexico tend to do well when they emigrate to the United States. Gibson (1987) also found in a case study of first generation immigrant Punjabi pupils in California that they tended to do well in school even in the face of social and linguistic difficulties. These and other like studies are said to indicate a relationship between the voluntary and involuntary nature of minorities and their academic achievement and failure.  What is brought to the fore by such  interpretations is the consideration of the relationship between the individual, society and the education system. John Dewey (1938) said that the purpose of education is not only to 'graduate out of school but also to 'graduate into' a meaningful society. Dewey's stated purpose of education is for a student to graduate out of a local school into  a larger  society which  provides, not insurmountable  challenges and  opportunities, but a society which may say to the graduate 'you have a place with us if we find you acceptable and you find us acceptable'. In such a case, where society and student-graduate find themselves mutually acceptable, it may be said that the student has graduated into a meaningful context. Dosman (1972) would define this relationship between an individual and society as inclusion. As the word suggests, inclusion refers to an acceptance by the dominant society of an individual or minority group. Exclusion is therefore the opposite and indicates a form of rejection by a dominant society of an individual or minority group. In the case of exclusion, society may now say to the graduate, "you have no place with us because we do not find you acceptable even if you find us acceptable". Another author, Adler (1982), maintains that when minority students can see no hope of securing meaningful jobs for themselves via education they will not be motivated to work hard or to do well in school, because they see no purpose in graduating into a society which offers no hope of meaningful or gainful employment. What Dewey and Adler may refer to as a meaningless context because of rejection by  13  a dominant society seem to be the same conditions as those which Frideres (1974) calls racism against a minority and Dosman (1972) exclusion. That is, when the majority culture or society engages in various means of oppression such as refusing access to quality education, refusing access to good jobs, refusing access to political opportunities and so on, such activity may be perceived by the minority as racism and exclusion which may contribute to their perception of the larger society as being an oppressively meaningless context. Although Barman, Hebert & McCaskill (1986, 1987) would agree that Indian educational failure is an unfortunate Canadian legacy they would also agree that changes are currently taking place in Indian communities.  These changes are  perceived as part of a world wide movement of colonized people everywhere demanding freedom from, and equality with, their colonial masters and it may or may not be significant that these changes taking place in Canadian Indian communities coincide with increasing grade 12 enrolments among British Columbia status Indian students. This demand for freedom in Canada is being expressed as a demand for a form of self government by Indian people. Although Indian self government is still an unresolved constitutional issue, one of its expressions is Indian control of Indian education (Adams, 1974; CEA Report, 1984; Cummins, 1985; Barman, Hebert & McCaskill, 1986,1987; Battiste, 1987; Diamond, 1987; Douglas, 1987) the definition of which also remains an issue. Nevertheless, Indian control of Indian education is finding an expression in practice where educational decisions formerly made by others may now be made by Indian people. In marked contrast to the historical emphasis upon Euro-Canadian decisionmaking and authority over Indian education dating back to the 'discovery' of America, today's Indian pupils, particularly in British Columbia, may now attend schools whose entire governance is in the hands of their own parents and relatives.  14  Where Indian pupils formerly looked to non-Indian administrators for educational direction, they may now look to their own parents who may be involved as members of the Indian school board, or as Indian principals, Indian teachers, Indian school counsellors, or as Indian political leaders, for educational direction.  In 1987, an  Indian Affairs computer printout indicated that 184 bands out of 196 in British Columbia had decided to assume control over some or all of their educational programs. There is considerable variety in these programs. The range includes one Indian controlled provincial public school district (School District No. 92), twenty-six Indian controlled elementary schools, ten elementary-secondary schools and fifty-two Indian controlled kindergarten-nursery schools located on reserve.  Although not  completely staffed by Indians, and perhaps deliberately so, all of these educational programs are definitely marked by Indian decision-making.  Such educational  systems, by and large, have remained essentially Euro-Canadian in terms of organizational behavior and organizational structure, as well as in curriculum content, but those in authority over the structure and content have changed. In sum, this discussion of explanations of Indian educational failure suggests an examination of Indian education in terms of a theory of context, not so much because traditional theories are necessarily incorrect, for traditional theories do provide some reasonable rationale for Indian educational failure, but because traditional theories are based upon the assumption that the only source for possible answers, as determined by the dominant society, is found in the object of educational failure. For example, the traditional theory of cultural deprivation emphasizes the importance of Euro-Canadian culture and devalues the importance of Indian culture. That is, this theory does not entertain the possibility that part of the answer to Indian educational failure may lie in the value of Indian culture for Indian people. The theory of cultural discontinuity and its variants are inadequate explanations of Indian educational failure for basically the same reason. By contrast the theory of  15 context allows us to seek explanations for failure (and, of course, success) in the nature of the relationship between a dominant and a minority society rather than in the inability or unwillingness of one group to conform to the imposed values of another.  THE IMPORTANCE OF T H E STUDY  The study follows, on a smaller provincial scale, the comprehensive social, political and economic analysis of national Indian conditions reported in 1966 and 1967 by Hawthorn. The archival data used in both this study and Hawthorn's report are essentially of the same kind, but the method of analysis is different. Hawthorn used traditional theories of cultural discontinuity in his analysis while this study opts for a theory of context. Archival data have been collected by the federal government since 1949 in British Columbia and constitute a rich source of material which has not been frequently used by researchers to explore the kind of issues in this study. The present study makes a contribution, in part, by using these archival data in the light of prevailing social, political and economic conditions over time. Is there a relationship between the number of Indian students enrolled in grade 12 and the nature of the dominant society which provides the context within which those students must live?  Is the social orientation of the dominant society positive or  negative towards the Indian student? Is there an apparent relationship between the nature of the orientation of the dominant society toward the Indian student and the academic achievement of that student? If the contextual analysis of Indian education indicates significant findings, then it might provide credence to the current struggle of the Indian in Canada to secure recognition of aboriginal rights based not only upon the understanding of the letter, but also upon the spirit, of the treaties. This struggle is not only about the right to a basic education, which is a.right shared by  16 all Canadian citizens, but the right to make up an educational deficit which current studies about Indian educational failure have identified as a European legacy. The study's importance also lies in the comparative analysis of the grade 12 enrolments in British Columbia, during non-Indian control, and grade 12 enrolments under the new  Indian control of Indian education policy first proposed by the  National Indian Brotherhood in 1972 government in 1973.  and accepted in principle by the federal  If the analysis shows no significant differences between the  effects of the Indian education policy upon grade 12 enrolments prior to 1973 and the effects upon the grade 12 enrolments after 1973 then it might be concluded that the current Indian control of Indian education policy was not productive. However, if the analysis shows a significant difference between the effects of the old and  new  Indian education policies upon grade 12 enrolments then one might draw favorable conclusions about the current Indian control of Indian education policy. In addition to the analysis of the general grade 12 enrolments of the pre and post 1973 periods a more detailed analysis within the post 1973 period may prove to be of critical importance.  The post 1973 period contains a mix of government  controlled and Indian controlled Indian education. That is, some Indian bands in British Columbia acted upon the new  federal policy of Indian control of Indian  education while other Indian bands in British Columbia did not. This fact invites a specific comparison between government controlled Indian education and Indian controlled Indian education.  Associations or relationships found between various  conditions of control and academic success or failure as indicated by enrolment into grade 12 would bear very directly on an assessment of the current policy of Indian control of Indian education.  A finding that increasing grade 12 enrolments are  positively related to government control of Indian education would not only put the theory of context into question but also reflect negatively upon the current policy of Indian control of Indian education. If, on the other hand, it is found that increasing  17  grade 12 enrolments are positively related to Indian control of Indian education then not only would the theory of context in the first part of this study be supported but there would also be positive implications for the current policy of Indian education. In summary there are three related ways in which this study is important. The first is that it uses the rich source of archival data about education and other matters which the federal government has been collecting for many years.  The  second is that it uses an explicitly contextual analysis of Indian education wherein assumptions are made about relationships between society and the individual or minority group. The third is that the study is the first to undertake the comparative analysis of two types of control over Indian education and the effects of these types of control upon academic achievement as measured by enrolment into grade 12. The comparison, moreover, is by means of two kinds of analysis. The first is a general one and uses data for the whole period from the whole province.  The second  examines the difference in the post 1973 period between enrolments in Indian controlled and government controlled schools. The relationship between the general analysis and the specific analysis is that the latter is an example of the former. That is, if society is characterized as having a negative orientation toward Indians during a specific period then one may  assume that Indian education policy will reflect that  negative orientation. Hence, the policy of government control of Indian education during the 1950s and 1960s may be seen as a reflection of a particular orientation of society toward Indians during that period. It seems plausible to assume, for example, that if Indians during this period were excluded from social, political and economic participation within Canadian society then Indians would also be excluded from decision-making in the area of Indian education. Similarly, it may be assumed that a positive orientation of society toward .Indians may be reflected in a positive type of Indian education policy.  Underlying these assumptions is the fact that it is  Canadian society through its federal government that determines Indian education  18  policy occasioned by the Indian Act. By legislation, there is a relationship between Canadian society and the Indian and it is this relationship socially, politically and economically that is to be analysed for effects upon grade 12 enrolments of status Indians in British Columbia.  T H E DESIGN OF T H E STUDY In as much as the purpose of the study is to seek a plausible explanation for an observed phenomenon (the increase over almost forty years in the grade 12 enrolments of status Indians in British Columbia), it is an exploratory study. It is also a study, however, whose research design departs, in two principal ways, from customary explorations. First, whereas most exploratory studies generate hypotheses, rather than testing them, the present study begins by proposing a theory from which two hypotheses are derived. These hypotheses are then subjected to the test of being applied to the "case" of the provincial enrolments and the "case" of the band enrolments respectively.  The outcome of the testing is not only the sought-for  plausible explanations of the enrolments but also a refinement of the basic theory which can lead to further explorations.  In this sense then, the study is an  hypothesis-testing case study which generates new insights for research. The second way in which the study departs from customary modes of research is by its use of both quantitative and qualitative analyses. The former are applied to the numerical enrolment data. The latter are used to examine the much broader canvas of the contextual relationships between Indian and Canadian society. This section deals, under appropriate headings, with the hypothesized relationships, the scope and delimitations of the study and an overview of the thesis.  19 Hypothesized Relationships Based upon the perspective of the theory of context and the perspective of 'Indian control' the following hypothesized relationships are proposed.  Inclusion  (social, political and economic) is expected to be positively associated with academic achievement as measured by increasing enrolment into grade 12 while exclusion (social, political and economic) is expected to be associated with no increases in academic achievement as measured by enrolment into grade 12. An analysis of the findings is expected to lend credence to, or weaken, the theory of context. If the hypothesized relationship is supported then the validity of the theor}^ of context will receive some confirmation. However, if the analysis does not support the hypothesis then the validity of the theory of context will need to be questioned. The  second hypothesized relationship is that Indian control of Indian  education will be positively associated with academic achievement as measured by increasing enrolment into grade 12. It has been suggested that the policy of Indian control of Indian education is one example of what can be referred to in the theory of context as an inclusively oriented education policy.  To classify a separation of  control as "inclusive" may seem illogical. However, it is argued here that only an inclusive orientation in society can permit policies which essentially trust included groups to manage or control their own affairs. The analysis of this hypothesis may be considered a tentative test of the current federal policy of Indian control of Indian education. Scope and Delimitations This study covers the period from 1949 to 1985.  It uses the grade 12  enrolment of British Columbia status Indians as recorded on the nominal roll kept by the Department of Indian Affairs. The theory of context will, of necessity, extend the scope of this study beyond the usual boundaries of educational analysis to include not only school system conditions, but also the prevailing social, political and  20  economic conditions. The need for historical evidence to determine the value of the context variable prior to 1949 also extends the study to include an historical perspective dating from the 1600s to the present. Related to the examination of the general academic achievement in the context, of social orientations will be a more particular examination of academic achievement in the comparison of two Indian bands over a ten year period. One band is identified as being under government control of Indian education while the other band is identified as being under Indian control of Indian education during this time. The nominal roll which forms the data base of this study does not record age or name of the students under investigation. This omission negates any possibility of tracing specific students to determine both the timing of dropouts and the number of repetitions per grade per student. Therefore it is impossible to determine who the grade 12 enrollees are at any given time.  It is only possible to determine the  numbers of registered Indian students enrolled into grade 12 during each year of the period specified. Other delimitations stem from the requirements of the Indian Act.  Since  federal responsibility for Indian education is tied to reserves the nominal roll does not record registered Indian students whose parents  ordinarily reside off-reserve.  Therefore it is impossible to determine from the nominal roll if certain enrolment patterns are due to age-grade retardation, age-grade acceleration, birthrate, deathrate, or to migration on and off reserve. Until 1985, the same would hold true concerning all children whose parents had decided to enfranchise. Part one of the statistical analysis of the study includes all on-reserve status Indians in British Columbia and excludes all Indians off-reserve in British Columbia as well as all Indians elsewhere in Canada. Part two of the statistical analysis of the study includes two selected bands in British Columbia and excludes all others. The location of the grade 12 enrollees of one of the bands is on-reserve while the location  21  of the grade 12 enrollees of the other b a n d is off-reserve i n u r b a n h i g h schools. parents of the latter enrollees must, of course, be resident on-reserve.  The  In a d d i t i o n the  study includes only an e x a m i n a t i o n of grade 12 enrolments a n d excludes those i n all other grades.  F u r t h e r m o r e , the study is a q u a n t i t a t i v e analysis a n d no attempt is  made to determine the academic quality of the grade 12 enrollees. A final d e l i m i t a t i o n is that no direct comparison is made w i t h p r o v i n c i a l academic  achievement  norms  because  the  provincial  method  of  measuring  achievement differs f r o m the m e t h o d applied to I n d i a n education achievement. province determines academic achievement  The  b y comparing the p r o v i n c i a l grade  12  enrolments w i t h the p r o v i n c i a l grade 9 enrolments while H a w t h o r n (1967) began the measurement of Indian academic achievement w i t h a comparison between the grade 12 a n d grade 1 enrollees.  These two i n c o m p a t i b l e approaches to academic analysis  each have their o w n rationale.  T h e p r o v i n c i a l rationale is that there has never been  a concern for elementary school dropouts a n d so a grade 12 comparison to grade 9 is appropriate.  O n the other h a n d the rationale i n Indian education is based upon a  real concern for dropouts at the elementary school level. example, the dropouts began i n grade 4.  D u r i n g the 1950s, for  Therefore a comparison of grade 12 to  grade 9 i n Indian education w o u l d be based u p o n the false assumption that dropouts were of no concern i n the elementary grades.  Thesis Overview In order to establish whether or not contextual changes have occurred during the period f r o m 1949 historical  and  to  1985,  contemporary  C a n a d i a n relations.  Chapter  conditions  2 reviews of  Indian  literature that education  surveys  both  and I n d i a n - E u r o -  T h e intention of such a survey is to determine whether  the  context of Indian society a n d education changed f r o m exclusion t o w a r d inclusion during the 1949 to 1985 period. These conditions are identified, for the purposes of a  22  contextual type of analysis, as the prevailing social, political, and economic relationships between the Indian, in general, and the Euro-Canadian in general. Chapter 3 deals with the research approach and analysis of the provincial grade 12 enrolment data of status Indians and evaluates the relationships found between conditions external and conditions internal to Indian education. The external factors are identified as the social, political, and economic conditions of the day while the internal factors are identified as the conditions relating to curriculum and teacher characteristics.. Chapter 4 presents the research approach used for band data and its analysis. The chapter evaluates the relationships found between grade 12 enrolments and government control of Indian education and Indian control of Indian education respectively. Chapter 5 concludes the study with a summary of the findings, a presentation of the conclusions and their implications for Indian educational policy, and for further research.  C H A P T E R 2 CONTEXTUAL  CHANGES IN INDIAN  EDUCATION,  1600 to 1985 We are all naturally curious about how our society came to be the way it is, and we all entertain some explanation on the subject, however halfbaked and illfounded it may be. The pace of contemporary change does not render the past irrelevant; it merely shifts the perspective from which we weigh its influence and interpret its lessons. Racial conflict in modern British society is due not only to unequal access to employment and housing here and now, but to the legacy of plantation slavery and colonial rule which moulds racial attitudes, both black and white. (Tosh, 1984, p.l) According to Tosh, history has an explanatory value for the present. Consistent with this view this chapter examines the history of Indian education for its explanatory value for the problem of this study. The evidence sought is that needed to test the hypothesized relationship suggested by the theory of context. It will be recalled that the theory distinguished between two kinds of attitude or approach by a dominant society in relation to a dominated group within that society.  On the one hand, the dominant society's  policies and practices could reinforce its separation from the dominated group and could be termed 'exclusive'. 'Inclusive' attitudes and policies, on the other hand, would tend to imply coexistence and collaboration rather than separation. The argument advanced in Chapter 1 was that one might plausibly hypothesize that academic achievement was positively associated with a societal shift to inclusively marked policies by the dominant society and conversely that exclusiveness is associated with no increase in academic achievement as measured by enrolment into grade 12. A history of almost 400 years is less simple to describe than the foregoing argument suggests, but an examination of its main lines provides the basis for an important first test of the chief hypothesis of the present study. The Chapter deals  23  24 first with the period 1600  to 1949  and  second with what has been termed  'contemporary history', 1949 to 1985.  INDIAN EDUCATION HISTORY IN C A N A D A  F R O M 1600  Barman, Hebert and McCaskill (1986) assert that, historically, there was a difference in attitude between the Indian and European. "For the most part," they write, "the aboriginal population accepted the new  arrivals at face value, while  Europeans assumed the superiority of their culture over that of any aboriginal peoples. Out of that misconception grew the European conviction that in order for the Indians to survive, they would have to be assimilated into the European social order" (p.2). The literature abounds with evidence that the Europeans did in fact presume superiority over the aboriginal cultures of North America that may have had unfortunate consequences, in the long term, for Indian education. In what follows are discussed first, the early French and English influences, next, the conditions of the relationship between Indians and Europeans to 1800, and finally, the social, political and economic decline of the Indian after 1800. The French Influence In 1632, a Jesuit missionary penned the following Indian educational policy statement that endured virtually into the 20th century: Their education must consist not merely of the training of the mind, but of weaning them from the habits and feelings of their ancestors, and the acquirements of the language, arts, and customs of civilized life, (cited in Vallery, 1942, p.114) This program of assimilation might be more specifically termed  coercive inclusion  because of the European assumption that the only culture suitable for the Indian was the European culture and any Indian opinion in the matter was of no consequence.  25  Jaenen (1986) lists the following as the four phases of what he termed the francization program. 1) Education 2) Education 3) Education 4) Education  in the mission field of an Indian elite in France on .reserves in boarding schools  These are discussed in sequence in the following paragraphs. Father Maillard, who arrived in the mission field in 1735, perceived the Micmacs as "intelligent" and "capable of learning anything" (cited in Battiste, 1986, p.3).  But Maillard, after discovering an effective approach to teaching literacy,  deliberately decided against using it because of fears that through literacy the Micmacs might form political coalitions "to the detriment of French interests" (p.31). The  importance of the politics of colonial expansionism as it affected Indian  education was not lost on the The Reverend Silas Tertius Rand, who arrived among the Micmacs a century later in 1845. He observed that: Had their language been reduced to writing in the ordinary way, the Indians would have learned the use of writing and reading, and would have advanced in knowledge so as to be able to cope with their more enlightened invaders: and it would have been a more difficult matter for the latter to cheat them out of their lands and other rightful possessions, (cited in Battiste, 1986, p.33)  Presumably, then, the education of the Micmacs in the mission field in this case was unproductive not because of genetic, cultural or linguistic reasons, but because of political expediency to protect French interests in the new world. Jaenen (1986) cites the following as examples of other unsuccessful efforts at Indian education in the mission field: 1) The Recollets among the Hurons, from 1615 to 1625. 2) And among the Cayuga during the 1670s. 3) The Sulpician priests among the Iroquois during the 1670s.  26 4) The Capuchins among the Micmac around 1632. 51 The Jesuits among the Algonkian, Micmac, Huron and Iroquois. 6) Father Jean Pierron among the Mohawk. "The general conclusion", writes Jaenen, "of all the missionaries was that instruction of Amerindian children at the mission stations bore little fruit, and therefore it soon ceased to be a priority" (p.49-50). Jaenen does not imply that political expediency was a primary or pervasive negative factor in all of the mission stations, rather he maintains that, in this relationship, the Indians "were a proud and independent people convinced of the validity of much of their [own] culture" (p.59) which, of course, flew in the face of European notions of superiority.  Although  Indians in general were impressed with European technology they were not impressed with certain aspects of the social organization of French life. For example, Jaenen notes that the Indians were unable to understand the reports they heard about poor and hungry beggars in the midst of plenty in the great cities of Europe. In contrast, the Recollets reported that no beggars could be found in the Huron and Montagnais encampments and whatever food was available was always shared.  Sagard, a  Recollet observed: [T]hose of their Nation...offer reciprocal Hospitality, and help each other so much that they provide for the needs of all so that there is no poor beggar at all in their towns, bourgs and villages, as I said elsewhere, so that they found it very bad hearing that there were in France a great number of needy and beggars, and thought that it was due to a lack of charity, and blamed us greatly saying that if we had some intelligence we would set some order in the matter, the remedies being simple, (cited in Jaenen, 1988, p.121) The concept of educating an Indian elite in France enjoyed some success in terms of knowledge acquisition, in terms of attaining literacy, in terms of acquiring the 'habits and customs' of French civilized life, in terms of Dewey and Adler's notion of 'graduating out of a school system.  But the 'graduation into' an  appropriate social context was not as successful as indicated in the following account  27  of a y o u n g I n d i a n who h a d been sent to F r a n c e for five years of studies i n F r e n c h and L a t i n :  W h e n he returned to his native country he h a d forgotten m u c h of his M o n t a g n a i s tongue a n d h a d missed a l l the instruction i n woodcraft, h u n t i n g , fishings a n d so forth, necessary to survival among his owm people. T h e Jesuits took h i m under their w i n g , h a d h i m instructed i n his M o n t a g n a i s tongue, a n d employed h i m for a brief period as a language teacher. H e was a "lost s o u l " caught between two worlds, i n neither of w h i c h he felt at home. T h e Relations commented that "this poor wretch has become a barbarian like the others"; i n fact, he h a d become an alcoholic, w o u l d enter into at least five unsuccessful marriages, a n d was a complete misfit among those the missionaries referred to as the "barbarians". It was reported that he h a d finally starved to death i n the northern forests—a further i n d i c a t i o n of his i n a b i l i t y to fit back into a t r a d i t i o n a l w a y of life. (Jaenen, 1986, p.50)  Jaenen notes that of those Indians sent to France during this phase of Indian education m a n y died or returned i n poor h e a l t h , and those who returned numbered 'scarcely a dozen' i n one generation.  If the education of an elite i n France was  unsuccessful it was not considered to be a t o t a l failure by Father P a u l L e Jeune who wrote:  Let us come to our young Montagnais and Algonquins. These young lads, most of t h e m between twelve and fifteen years of age, have taught us two admirable truths,-one is, that if animals are capable of discipline, the young Savage children are m u c h more so; the other, that education alone is w a n t i n g i n these poor children, whose minds are as good as those of our Europeans, as w i l l be seen b y what I a m about to say. (cited i n Jaenen, 1986, p.52)  Phase 3, the education of Indians on reserves, began somewhat optimistically because it was modelled u p o n successful settlement missions i n Paraguay. was  the  case i n  South  A m e r i c a , the  reserve  soon  became  an  B u t as  'institution of  segregation' because the missionaries sought to insulate their Indians from the 'evils' of F r e n c h contact, Undaunted by  especially  stark  evidence  the  'nefarious  b r a n d y trade'  of the spuriousness  (Jaenen,  1986,  of their c l a i m to a  p.53).  superior  28 civilization the French missionaries changed their Indian education strategy to the education of Indians in boarding schools. This kind of education, phase 4 in Jaenen's list, met with the same lack of success as the other phases. In 1688, Mother de l'lncarnation made the following observations: It is however a very difficult thing, although not impossible, to francize or civilize them. We have had more experience in this than any others, and we have remarked that out of a hundred that have passed through our hands scarcely have we civilized one. We find docility and intelligence in them, but when we are least expecting it they climb over our enclosure and go to run the woods with their relatives, where they find more pleasure than in all the amenities of our French houses. Savage nature is made that way; they cannot be constrained, and if they are they become melancholy and their melancholy makes them sick. Besides, the Savages love their children extra-ordinarily and when they know that they are sad they will do everything to get them back, and we have to give them back to them, (cited in Jaenen, 1986, p.58) This concludes the account of the early attempts by the French to educate Indians and we move to an account of the English attempts. The English Influence The first Indian school to use English as a medium of instruction "was set up by the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel (S.P.G.) for the Six Nations at the Bay of Quinte in 1784" (Wilson, 1986, p.66). The English, as did the French, found the Indians "as apt to learn as those of Whites" (p.68) and sometimes the English thought that they were being successful in their educational endeavors. For example, in 1826  Lieutenant-Governor  Sir Peregrine Maitland set up  a model Indian  community complete with houses built by carpenters and teachers to instruct the Indian students in the ways of the English. The Rev. John Strachan provided the measure of this model community's success by reporting that the Indians had "abjured intoxicating liquors" (cited in Wilson, 1986, p.67).  29 In another  case, the  Methodists reported  students 150 " c a n read i n the N e w T e s t a m e n t "  i n 1830 that (p.69).  of four  hundred  D u r i n g this period m a n y  I n d i a n villages were created a n d great hopes for assimilation were expressed b y such as L i e u t e n a n t - G o v e r n o r Colborne.  However, because the great hopes were often  short lived, Sir Francis B o n d H e a d , Colborne's successor, was moved to ridicule their p r o g r a m of assimilation as a 'complete failure'. Secretary  Lord  In a letter addressed to the C o l o n i a l  Glenelg, proposing a policy change from one of assimilation to  segregation Sir Francis wrote, "the greatest K i n d n e s s we can perform t o w a r d these intelligent, simple-minded People, is to remove a n d fortify t h e m as m u c h as possible from all c o m m u n i c a t i o n w i t h the W h i t e s " (cited i n W i l s o n , 1986, p.71). The education.  i m p l i c a t i o n of this  new  policy  emerged  subsequently  as  residential  B y 1890, "fourteen i n d u s t r i a l schools were i n operation, four of t h e m i n  O n t a r i o " ( W i l s o n , 1986, p.74).  T h e government provided the l a n d , buildings, a n d an  a n n u a l per c a p i t a grant while the management was left to the churches  concerned.  A s w i t h all previous efforts at educating (assimilating) the Indian the results were again disappointing.  W i l s o n (1986) concluded that not only d i d Indian pupils enter  school at a late age but their average stay i n these institutions was less t h a n two a n d a half years i n a p r o g r a m that required five years for completion (p.75). One A n g l i c a n clergyman, the Rev. E d w a r d F . W i l s o n , after more t h a n a decade of frustration, eventually reversed his conviction that the Indian should be assimilated, b y arguing i n 1891, i n favor of an independent Indian c o m m u n i t y (p.82). A l t h o u g h his was a singular view it may have been somewhat prophetic as m a n y Indian leaders today echo his sentiments. Indian education  was  intended  In any case, b y 1910 the policy thrust of  "to fit the Indian for civilized life i n his  environment" ( W i l s o n , 1986, p.83).  own  Hence, the E n g l i s h , not h a v i n g improved i n any  way u p o n the methods of the F r e n c h i n Indian education, inevitably produced the same kinds of results.  T h e fate of the Montagnais y o u t h who h a d been sent to  30  France for five years of study i n F r e n c h a n d L a t i n was likely repeated i n principle m a n y times as Indians became somewhat educated a n d thereby somewhat misfitted for both the I n d i a n a n d E u r o - C a n a d i a n society. U n d e r the policy of segregation beginning i n the nineteenth century residential schools under the auspices of b o t h C a t h o l i c a n d Protestant churches, backed b y the federal government,  sprang up across the country.  In a study of the  Kamloops  Residential School i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , H a i g - B r o w n (1988) echoes the widely held view that:  E d u c a t i o n , particularly as seen i n the residential schools developed b y i m m i g r a n t Europeans a n d their descendants for N a t i v e people i n C a n a d a , has t y p i c a l l y been an expression of c u l t u r a l invasion. As authors of and actors i n the invasion, members of the d o m i n a t i n g society have attempted to m o l d a n d have chosen a n d acted for N a t i v e people. T h e y , as objects of the invasion, were expected to follow the choices made for them. (p.130}  H a i g - B r o w n describes the c u l t u r a l invasion more particularly i n the following way.  E u r o p e a n teachers a n d priests, strong i n their belief i n hierarchy a n d the superiority of their cultures, attempted to annihilate N a t i v e cultures a n d to absorb the children of those cultures into their power structure, (p.115)  However, i n contradistinction to the widely held perspective above, (1986),  in  a  study  of  two  Catholic  Indian  Schools,  Qu'Appelle  at  Gresko Lebret,  Saskatchewan, a n d St. M a r y ' s School at M i s s i o n , B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , indicates that not all residential schools attempted to "wipe out [Indian] languages a n d cultures" (p.88).  In fact both of these schools actually aided i n the preservation of Indian  culture as explained i n the following paragraphs. At  the  Q u ' A p p e l l e Residential School, w h i c h was  built i n 1884,  Father  H u g o n n a r d employed both the Cree and Sioux languages during catechism a n d also had the students instructed i n the Cree language first and then i n E n g l i s h .  In  addition F a t h e r H u g o n n a r d liberally interpreted the government rule w h i c h restricted  31 family visits to the residential school, by allowing not only the 'parents' but also the extended families to visit the pupils. Such accommodation of Indian culture was omitted in Hugonnard's reports to government because of the government's belief that such practices impeded, if they did not prevent, the civilizing process. In British Columbia, as at Qu'Appelle, Saskatchewan, St. Mary's Residential School also ignored a strict adherence to government policy by helping to keep Indian culture alive under the leadership of Father Gendre. Father Gendre displayed a sensitivity to Indian culture by visiting Indian homes and then applying what he had learned to good effect in the classroom . For example, he noted during his visits that corporal punishment was not used in Indian homes and so he discouraged its use in the classroom.  But running counter to these efforts at Qu'Appelle and St.  Mary's residential schools was the formal policy of assimilation which continued to be frustrated because there was "a high degree of resistance to change in indigenous cultural patterns" (Gresko, p.102). In a study of All Hallows School in British Columbia, whose existence spanned the turn of the century, Barman (1986) provides more insight into the continuing problems of Indian educational failure.  She  suggests that federal  parsimony might be largely responsible for Indian educational failure and no doubt there is some truth to this suggestion but it appears more consistent now to see this failure in the same light as other failures of the past. That is, on the one side there is the presumption of cultural superiority and on the other side there is the lack of conviction about this superiority.  On  this topic of Indian and White relations  Barman identifies two assumptions she considers to be critical. The first assumption is perhaps the main theme of Indian education from its inception to at least the 1970s, and that is that "civilization was a White prerogative". Since civilization and Christianity were considered coterminous it followed that civilizing, christianizing, socializing, and educating were synonymous terms. Whatever the method or strategy  32 employed in Indian education the underlying assumption from the beginning to the 1970s was that "civilization was a White prerogative" (Barman, 1986, p.115). The second critical assumption that Barman identifies is that during the nineteenth century it was held that status at birth was decisive in determining status at adulthood. Thus, poor White girls were trained for domestic duties according to the station of life into which they had been born. And upon which rung of the European socioeconomic ladder was the Indian born? The answer to that question formed the underlying basis of policy of both the French and English attempts at educating the Indian. Since the Indian, by all European accounts, was uncivilized, his birth into an uncivilized state implied that he was born below the lowest rungs of the European socioeconomic order. In short, if the  Indian agreed to the terms of  assimilation (education) it would mean an exchange of a life of freedom inherent in Indian culture to a life of bondage and servitude within the European culture. Success for the Indian in this system, was predicated upon a loss of freedom. In addition, in order to do well in such an education system it was necessary for the Indian  to accept  superiority.  wholeheartedly  the first assumption of European cultural  As Jaenen and others have pointed out, not only was  the Indian  unconvinced about European cultural superiority, but at times was also openly and, from their own point of view, justifiably critical of European societies which, amongst other things, condoned and permitted people to starve and beg in their 'civilized' cities. In effect, Indians were offered inclusion but at the price of abandoning their own culture, a price greater than the Indians were willing to pay. The ability to maintain a culture in the face of strong pressures to abandon it is enhanced by the strength of a people's political and economic arrangements. The following section examines the extent to which the Canadian Indian have a political or economic basis to substantiate a culture capable of not only withstanding  33 persistent  efforts  at  c u l t u r a l genocide  (replacing  Indian culture  with  European  culture) but also capable of being favorably compared to E u r o p e a n cultures.  P o l i t i c a l , E c o n o m i c , a n d Social C o n d i t i o n s of the I n d i a n - E u r o p e a n Relationship to 1800 In his history of the C a n a d i a n I n d i a n , Patterson (1972) maintains that f r o m about 1500 to the present the Indians have " m o v e d f r o m a position of autonomy to one of loss of control i n most if not all of the major areas of their lives" (p.187). He goes on to state that, " A t the time of first contact, Indians were treated as separate states or nations" (p.1). Trigger (1988) agrees a n d notes that:  In histories of C a n a d a written prior to the 1840s Indians played a prominent role a n d were treated respectfully. T h i s reflected the actual significance of native people, who as trappers and traders were important, to the C a n a d i a n economy a n d who, w i t h the exception of the Iroquois prior to 1701 a n d the M i c m a c s i n the late eighteenth century, were allies of successive F r e n c h and B r i t i s h governments i n their struggles against the E n g l i s h colonists and later the Americans to the south (p.19-20).  T h u s , the Indians apparently commanded sufficient p o l i t i c a l respect at this time to have about one t h i r d of the R o y a l P r o c l a m a t i o n of 1763 devoted to their interests  (Patterson,  1972).  P r o c l a m a t i o n of 1763 b o u n d a r y between  was  Moreover, designed  Titley  (1986) insists  that  the  "Royal  to retain native goodwill by establishing  their lands a n d those of the whites"  (p.2).  T i t l e y lauds  a the  deliberate w i s d o m of the R o y a l P r o c l a m a t i o n because, as a consequence, the Indians in general remained l o y a l to the B r i t i s h i n the W a r of 1812.  After the Indians had  helped successfully to defend B r i t i s h N o r t h A m e r i c a their usefulness as m i l i t a r y allies came  to  an end, but  commanded  before  1812  a n d were accorded  P r o c l a m a t i o n of 1763.  there  seems reason  political respect  to  believe  as acknowledged  that i n the  Indians Royal  T h a t some Indian tribes also saw themselves as nations is  implied i n the following response of Indian leaders to an offer of education for Indian youth:  34  But you who are wise, must know that different Nations have different Conceptions of things; and you will therefore not take it amiss, if our Ideas of this kind of Education happen not to be the same with yours, (cited in Fuchs & Havighurst, 1973, p.3) The response goes on to explain that previous Indian experiences of European education had proven unfortunate, but in return, the Indians in this case, were willing to educate some European youth so as to make 'men' of them. Evidently the Indians in this situation thought that they had something of value to offer the European. If the Indians had political influence to 1812 did they have an economic influence deserving of respect? In answer to this question Ray (1988) makes the following statement:  [A]n examination of the early Hudson's Bay Company fur trade reveals the Indians as shrewd consumers who knew how to take full advantage of the economic opportunities offered to them. In this respect the Indians were clearly equal to their European counter-parts. The old stereotype of the Indian being a people easily tricked by crafty Europeans and made to part with valuable furs for worthless trinkets obviously does not apply to the subarctic before 1763. (p.146) Similar observations are made about the fur trade in British Columbia by Fisher (1977). He writes: During the maritime fur trading period the Indians of the northwest coast were not, like some pre-Marxist proletariat, the passive objects of exploitation. Rather they were part of a mutually beneficial trading relationship. The overwhelming impression that emerges from the journals is that the Indians were intelligent and energetic traders, quite capable of driving a hard bargain. The confidence that the Indians showed in their trading with the Europeans was indicative of the power relationship between the two races. By making a concerted effort the Indians could have destroyed any of the vessels that came to their villages, (p.23)  35  Fisher concludes,  therefore,  that  far f r o m being victims of, or unequal to,  the  E u r o p e a n , the I n d i a n was very m u c h an economic partner who commanded respect. In s u m , it seems apparent that f r o m about 1500 to 1800 the I n d i a n - E u r o p e a n relationship was equality.  i n reality characterized  by  a political as well as an  economic  However, the Indians seem to have had a clearer grasp of this equality t h a n  the W h i t e s who continued, i n the face of contrary evidence, to consider E u r o p e a n cultures to be superior to Indian cultures. indispensable  (Titley  A s political allies the Indian nations were  1986), i m p l y i n g that without the help of Indian allies  history of C a n a d a m a y have ended w i t h the W a r of 1812.  the  A s for economic equality,  the E u r o p e a n trader depended completely u p o n the Indian to provide the following resources; guides, interpreters, wilderness goodwill and furs. coast exercised  survival skills, means  of transportation,  Fisher (1977) has said: " I n fact, the Indians of the Northwest  a great deal of control over the trading relationship and, as  a  consequence, remained i n control of their culture during this early contact p e r i o d " (p.1). It is perhaps inappropriate i n the strict sense to compare widely  divergent  cultures i n terms of social equality but because of E u r o p e a n notions of c u l t u r a l superiority w h i c h implied social superiority it m a y  be appropriate i n this case.  Jaenen (1986) states that i n E a s t e r n C a n a d a , the Indians were not entirely convinced about E u r o p e a n notions of c u l t u r a l superiority.  In fact, Jaenen maintains, "they d i d  not  of  deny  the  superiority  of  some  aspects  French  technological advantages the F r e n c h enjoyed i n some fields. were not impressed b y E u r o p e a n concepts  civility,  especially  the  O n the other h a n d , they  of authority, morality, property,  and  work" (p.59). In W e s t e r n  Canada,  Sproat  (1868) provides  a first h a n d account  of  the  prevailing Indian attitudes towards E u r o p e a n civilization and notions of superiority.  36 The following is a conversation between Sproat and a Sheshaht chief that took place on the west coast of Vancouver Island in August, 1860: "They say that more King George men will soon be here, and will take our land, our firewood, our fishing grounds; that we shall be placed on a little spot, and shall have to do everything according to the fancies of the King George men." "Do you believe all this?" I asked. "We  want your information," said the speaker.  "Then," answered I, "it is true that more King George men (as they call the English) are coining: they will soon be here: but your land will be bought at a fair price." "We do not wish to sell our land nor our water; let your friends stay in their own country." To which I rejoined: "My great chief, the high chief of the King George men, seeing that you do not work your land, orders that you shall sell it. It is of no use to you. The trees you do not need: you will fish and hunt as you do now, and collect firewood, planks for your houses, and cedar for your canoes. The white man will give you work, and buy your fish and oil." "Ah, but we don't care to do as the white men wish." "Whether or not," said I, "the white men will come. All your people know that they are your superiors; they make the things which you value. You cannot make muskets, blankets, or bread. The white men will teach your children to read printing, and to be like them-selves." "We do not want the white man. to live as we are." (p.4-5)  He steals what we have. We wish  The sentiments are clear. After a century of contact the west coast Indians were not impressed with or convinced  of the superiority of European culture  presumed by its adherents. European technology was desirable but only as a means of enhancing Indian culture. The Indian conviction of the validity of Indian culture in the face of self proclaimed European cultural superiority implies a kind of social equality. That is, after a period of cultural juxtaposition wherein Europeans claimed superiority, the Indians failed to be impressed or convinced that this claim to superiority was justified, particularly since the claim also implied an invalidation of  37  Indian culture.  A s the E u r o p e a n placed a h i g h value upon E u r o p e a n culture, so too  d i d the Indian place a high value u p o n I n d i a n culture. If economic strength is one measure of social equality the Indian was clearly equal because of l a n d ownership a n d because of a knowledge of, a n d survival skills w i t h i n , b o t h the l a n d a n d its resources.  If another measure of social equality is  lifestyle then the two cultures are not equal except i n terms of preferences.  The  E u r o p e a n preferred E u r o p e a n culture over Indian culture a n d the Indian preferred Indian culture over the E u r o p e a n culture.  W h i l e the Indian preferred some aspects  of E u r o p e a n technology to some I n d i a n technology the E u r o p e a n coveted Indian l a n d and its resources.  In short the Sheshaht chief's assertion that 'we wish to live as we  are' was a clear denial of E u r o p e a n claims that it was better for the Indian to become E u r o p e a n a n d i m p l i e d that the E u r o p e a n terms of inclusion were predicated u p o n cultural genocide.  T h e Social, P o l i t i c a l and E c o n o m i c Decline of the Indian after 1800 T h e successful defence of B r i t i s h N o r t h A m e r i c a i n 1812 brought an end to the usefulness of Indian nations as m i l i t a r y allies.  T i t l e y (1986) notes that i n 1830  the Indian D e p a r t m e n t was transferred from m i l i t a r y to c i v i l i a n control and was no longer considered i m p o r t a n t .  T h e political and economic decline of the I n d i a n ,  together w i t h the decimation of I n d i a n populations through E u r o p e a n diseases,  was  of such m a g n i t u d e that Sir Francis B o n d H e a d , lieutenant-governor of Upper C a n a d a in 1836 was "convinced that the Indians were a doomed race" (Titley, 1986, p.3).  In  the latter part of the century a n d into the next, between 1880 and 1932, D u n c a n C a m p b e l l Scott, Superintendent General of Indian Affairs, insisted to the end of his career that the Indians were "destined u l t i m a t e l y ' t o disappear" (Titley, 1986, p.202). However, contrary to all expectations, the size of the Indian population began recover, after declining to a low of 105,611 i n 1911  (Frideres, 1974, p.13).  there are more t h a n 366,000 registered Indians i n C a n a d a ( C a n a d a , 1985).  to  Today  38  Although there is wide agreement about the economic decline of the Indian after 1812, at least one author does not subscribe to it. Rolf Knight (1978) chronicles an apparently impressive array of manual labour jobs in which Indians in British Columbia were engaged from 1858 to 1930. What is omitted from this work is that Indians during the latter part of the last century in British Columbia formed a substantial and necessary part of the available labour pool because of a shortage of European and other laborers. Even with declining populations due to the ravages of European diseases, Indians continued to form necessary parts of the manual labour pool. It therefore does not follow, as Knight infers, that Indians became assimilated during this time because they participated in the labour force. A typical example of the foregoing inference by Knight is: "Although fiercely traditionalist in many social and cultural matters, Nootkans were not at all adverse to savouring the fruits of late Victorian consumerism. By the turn of the century they were buying baby carriages, tools of all sorts, bicycles, gramaphones (sic), clothes and musical instruments of all variety with their earnings" (p. 112).  Rather than proof of assimilation these  purchases by Indians merely affirm the Indian preference for European technology as a means of enhancing Indian culture. Another omission in Knight's work is a failure to juxtapose the rapidly increasing non-Indian labour force in British Columbia and the decline of Indian participation in the same labour force subsequent to the 1930s. Rather he attributes the declining rate of Indian labour participation to modernization of industry. However it seems apparent that, in general, Indian labour was used only so long as it was convenient and then dispensed with as soon as sufficient European labour allowed. It is a familiar story in the history of Indian-European relationships. Indian allies are used to defend a young Canada until no longer needed, just as an Indian labour force is used in British Columbia to help a young economy until help is no longer needed.  39  Summary This section has provided evidence to support the contention that during the early period of contact, the European and Indian were both independent and inclusively oriented toward each other. However, while the Indian accepted the European at face value, the European assumed a superiority of culture.  This  assumption of cultural superiority led to an educational strategy the terms of which proved unacceptable to the Indian. Essentially these fundamentally different and conflicting views of reality forced the initial mutually inclusive orientation between the two groups toward a mutually exclusive relationship. Witness, for example, the sentiments of exclusion expressed by the Sheshaht chief, "We do not want the White man" (Sproat, 1868, p.5). We move now to consider these issues in the contemporary history of Indian education from 1949 to 1985.  THE C O N T E M P O R A R Y HISTORY OF INDIAN 1949 t o 1985  EDUCATION,  Persson's (1986) study spans both the historical and contemporary periods of Indian educational history. It is aptly entitled "The Changing Experiences of Indian Residential Schooling: Blue Quills, 1931-1970". The changing experiences of the Blue Quills Residential School in Alberta are related to two persistent historical themes in Indian education. One theme involves the persistence of the Whites in attempting to civilize the Indian. The other theme is the persistence of the Indian resistance to the assumptions of this process. The former theme predominates over the latter theme during the initial years of Blue Quills. Persson characterizes Blue Quills Residential School as a 'total institution' because it reflected the policy of assimilation by segregation . It is a 'total institution' because it is a world physically cut off from the rest of society. At Blue Quills, as at other residential schools across the country  40  during this period, Indian pupils had to eat, sleep, play, learn, and grow up in total isolation from the rest of the world. The distinct European flavour of this civilizing process of education was not appreciated by one student who recalls: In social studies we would study about dukes and duchesses. But that was so far removed from what my life was. What did I care about that baloney? So I filled my notebooks with pictures and doodles of my ideas of what history was about, (cited in Persson, 1986, p.161) But Persson also relates that others came to appreciate the value of some of the nonacademic training, as expressed by another student who said: Come to think of it I have no regrets that I did what I was taught, forced to learn how to make clothes. If I hadn't of learned that my kids would have suffered. And the sense of responsibility. They were very strict there...if I hadn't of learned that strict life of obedience, there would have been times when I'd of made my family suffer. (p.156) From the outset the theme of Indian resistance was evident, as desertions from the school became "such a problem that the principal petitioned the government to enforce compulsory school attendance, arguing that the aim of the department is to civilize Indians, and the only way of civilizing them is boarding schools" (cited in Persson, 1986, p.156). But in spite of all efforts, pupils kept running away, sometimes at the risk of their own lives, and always in spite of threats of severe punishment. An Indian agency report of 1943 provides one example of the risks that students were willing to take. The report said, "six boys did run away last night during 15 below weather and arrived on the Saddle Lake Reserve, two with badly frozen feet and one with slightly frozen feet, it was lucky that two did not freeze to death" (cited in Persson, 1986, p.156). In another case a former pupil recalls as follows:  41 I was about 12 or 13 w h e n I ran away. W e got to our place about 11:30 at night a n d m y mother couldn't believe it. So they took us back the very next m o r n i n g . T h e three of us were taken back a n d that night got a licking. I h a d welts all over. T h e y h a d a big strap w i t h little fringes a n d to top it off all the girls were i n their rightful places p r a y i n g for me. I said, " I ' m going to r u n away again." W h e n I got home m y mother really felt b a d and they brought me to the agency a n d showed m y m a r k s to the I n d i a n agent. H e said he'd look i n t o i t . (cited i n Persson, 1986, p.154)  After W o r l d W a r 2 the Indian educational policy and practice began to be questioned.  Persson relates that between 1946 a n d 1948 a Special J o i n t C o m m i t t e e  of the Senate Indian schools.  a n d House of C o m m o n s was asked repeatedly to abolish Thus by  1952  separate  the shift from the isolationist policy to one of  integration began again to take effect as eight students f r o m B l u e Quills went to an integrated h i g h school.  By  1965  the number of Indian students  integrated h i g h school from B l u e Quills h a d risen to 27.  attending  an  It w i l l be recalled that, first  the F r e n c h i n the 1600s, and then the E n g l i s h i n the 1800s, h a d already tried and failed w i t h this very same policy of t r y i n g to civilize Indians b y m i n g l i n g t h e m w i t h the civilized Europeans.  W o u l d the policy succeed this time?  W o u l d the Indian  finally be c o m m i t t e d enough to strive to achieve the lowest rungs of the civilized socioeconomic order of menial tasks and servitude?  In an attempt to answer this  question it is necessary to know what has happened i n Indian education i n the recent past. Conveniently, it is possible to divide the final portions of this contemporary history of I n d i a n education i n t o roughly three periods, the 1950s, the 1960s a n d the 1970s to the present.  T h e changing education policies as well as the different social,  political, a n d economic conditions w i l l be discussed for each respective period.  The  eventual purpose of this discussion w i l l be to place the grade 12 enrolment patterns of status  Indians i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a w i t h i n the context  of both the  changing  education policies a n d the social, p o l i t i c a l and economic conditions of each respective period.  A t the same time the internal conditions of Indian education during each  42  period w i l l be discussed because the theory of context assumes a relationship between academic achievement a n d b o t h the external a n d internal conditions of education.  T h e 1950s: A P e r i o d of E x c l u s i o n Education Policy.  After the hearings of the Special J o i n t committee of the  Senate and House of C o m m o n s between 1946 a n d 1948 the I n d i a n educational policy m o v e d towards integration i n practice.  Since Indian education, u n t i l recently, has  been a W h i t e prerogative its policy has reflected its W h i t e origins. Therefore, Indian education  policy-making  during this time is better  C a n a d i a n education p o l i c y - m a k i n g .  understood  i n the  light  of  Housego (1980) has d i v i d e d C a n a d i a n education  p o l i c y - m a k i n g into three distinct phases a n d three distinct periods.  E a c h phase and  period w i l l be discussed i n t u r n . Housego  characterizes  C a n a d i a n education  policy-making of the  1950s  as  empirical-autocratic, meaning that education policy was not only determined  by  experience but also b y a reliance u p o n the expertise of senior education officers.  In  a d d i t i o n , Housego states that when dealing w i t h policy-making, the administrator of an education organization must take into account two p r i n c i p a l factors.  These two  factors are the state of the internal environment of the school system a n d the state of the external environment of the school system. the environments  W h a t is to be determined is whether  are hostile, neutral, or favorable.  F o r example, the empirical-  autocratic phase is characterized by Housego as being stable i n b o t h environments. E x t e r n a l l y , "there existed a general consensus i n the c o m m u n i t y on the goals and objectives  of education" while internally, "[cjustom and habit played a relatively  large and influential role i n the operation of the organization" (p.382).  In brief,  Canadians were relatively satisfied w i t h that integral and, therefore related, part of their society k n o w n as the education system, and were relatively content to rely upon the expertise of senior education officers to continue to plan and direct its course.  43 That  which  characterized  Canadian  characterized Indian education policy-making.  education  policy-making  also  Where Canadian education policy-  making relied upon past experience and educational expertise, Indian education policy-making also relied upon experience and expertise. For example, due to the 'White prerogative', no one but the non-Indian had ever had any experience in policy-making for Indian education and therefore the non-Indian was apparent and acknowledged expert.  the only  Indian education policy was determined by  experience which, during the contemporary period, refers to the experience of the Department of Indian Affairs.  Hence, both  the 'empirical' and  'autocratic'  characteristics of Canadian education policy-making applied to the policy-making of the Department of Indian Affairs. Whatever Indians thought about the educational policies of the Department of Indian Affairs there seems no question that Indian parents were in agreement with public education goals and purposes. Hawthorn (1967), Wolcott (1967) and others have noted that Indian parents have been very consistent in their apparent conviction about the need for an education for their children, an education on par with the local provincial education system whose curriculum is generally used in Indian schools. Whether or not Indian parents agree with public school goals and purposes there is no doubt that Indian parents see public education as necessary for modern day survival (Hawthorn, Belshaw & Jamieson, 1958). Thus it can be argued that that which characterized the empirical-autocratic phase of Canadian education policy-making in the 1950s also characterized much of Indian education policymaking as well. Where the Canadian public and the Indian public diverge during this phase is in terms of the outcome of education policy.  That is, where the  dominant society perhaps had some reason to be relatively satisfied with the outcome of its education system, the Indian was relatively dissatisfied with Indian educational failure but powerless to do anything about it.  44 Social C o n d i t i o n s .  A l t h o u g h H a w t h o r n , Belshaw & Jamieson (1958) found a  few W h i t e informants during the 1950s who "expressed  affection and esteem for  Indians" (p.71) they f o u n d , i n general, a very negative view of Indians by dominant society.  the  Indians d u r i n g this period were characterized b y W h i t e s as "lazy,  shiftless, and irresponsible" (p.74), of a low intellectual capacity and without potential to develop  as r a p i d l y as W h i t e s  educational, m o r a l or economic  attainment"  "the  along the lines of social, emotional, (p.70).  D o s m a n (1972) has  stated  unequivocally that up u n t i l the 1970s the evidence of Indian poverty and exclusion from society was so overwhelming that its existence is unquestioned.  The W h i t e  view of the I n d i a n d u r i n g this period is also characterized as "racist", "prejudiced" and " d i s c r i m i n a t o r y " b y Frideres (1974 a n d 1985), and "bigoted" b y C a r d i n a l (1969). These characterizations m a y mean that Indians are excluded, u n w a n t e d , and rejected b y the larger society.  T h e practical application of these characterizations during the  1950s meant exclusion of Indian people f r o m public places such as hotels, motels, restaurants, apartments, rental housing, a n d m u c h of the job market and general participation i n C a n a d i a n society ( W o l c o t t , 1967; Jack, 1970; M o r a n , 1988).  P o l i t i c a l C o n d i t i o n s . A s P a t t e r s o n (1972) pointed out, the Indian moved f r o m a historical position of autonomy to a dependent position w i t h i n C a n a d i a n society. In 1930 D . C . Scott, D e p u t y Superintendent General of Indian Affairs, stated that "the first a n d most i m p o r t a n t idea underlying the administration of Indian affairs is protection...to protect a dependent race i n its lands, monies a n d its contact w i t h the c o m m u n i t y " (cited i n H a w t h o r n , 1966, p.368-369).  B y the late 1960s H a w t h o r n  observed that n o t h i n g i n this respect h a d changed since Scott's day because Indian policy was  still  determined b y  powerless I n d i a n c o m m u n i t y .  a government  elite unhindered by  a politically  H o w d i d this Indian condition of powerlessness arise?  Patterson (1972) provides some clues:  45  T h e I n d i a n p o p u l a t i o n i n C a n a d a h a d always suffered less pressure t h a n that i n the U n i t e d States because the whites were fewer, the l a n d vast, a n d the Indian less numerous t h a n i n the corresponding areas of the south (with the exception, i n the latter case, of the Northwest Coast), (p.6)  In a d d i t i o n Patterson notes that the signing of the Treaties i n the 1800s i n c l u d e d the p r o v i s i o n for Indians to continue to h u n t on unoccupied crown lands as h a d been their custom since time i m m e m o r i a l .  It appears therefore that the social,  political, a n d economic decline of the Indian after because of a large enough l a n d base together overall.  1812 was made less  apparent  w i t h a relatively s m a l l p o p u l a t i o n  B u t gradually, the combined effects of E u r o p e a n diseases w h i c h decimated  Indian populations a n d the declining t r a d i t i o n a l resources caused b y the increasing encroachments  of settlers finally reduced the Indian to a helpless, hopeless,  and  dependent race as i m p l i e d i n D . C. Scott's statement of 1930. In a study commissioned b y the federal government  i n 1954, H a w t h o r n ,  Belshaw & J a m i e s o n made the following comments about the p o l i t i c a l l y powerless condition of the Indian:  It is extremely difficult for [non-Indians] to be aware, i n any real sense, of the tremendous frustrations a n d social claustrophobia that surrounds the Indian. T h e superintendent, for instance, regards his close control of b a n d council affairs as a protective duty, placed upon h i m b y P a r l i a m e n t , for the benefit of the Indian...what w o u l d we say, for instance,...if all the speaking were done for us, not b y us[?]...we w o u l d soon degenerate into passive ciphers or become bitterly opposed . to the bureaucratic system, (p.460)  T h e legal sanction for the federal control of Indian lands a n d lives is the Indian A c t .  N o t only does this A c t permit government control of Indian lives but it  also denied the franchise, u n t i l recently, b y m a k i n g a provision for enfranchisement. T h e proviso was that the Indian must demonstrate that he h a d finally civilized  before  full  citizenship  could  be  granted.  In  1960,  become  Prime Minister  Diefenbaker apparently ignored this proviso and extended the federal franchise to all  46  Canadian Indians (Hawthorn, 1966). This extension of the franchise was in spite of a massive Indian education failure rate which Hawthorn brought to light in 1966 and 1967.  Perhaps now  it had become no longer possible to regard as synonymous  phrases "civilizing the Indian" and "educating the Indian".  Economic Conditions. Dosman's (1972) observation about, social exclusion also applied to the economic exclusion of the Indian.  Hawthorn. Belshaw  &  Jamieson's study of the Indians of British Columbia state that "the position of Indians in the provincial economy is marginal and in some respects potentially precarious" (p.84). A decade later, Hawthorn (1966), in a national study, indicated the economic condition of the Indian in the following way: "In brief, then, many Indians even when they have the requisite skills, motivations and work habits are prevented  from remunerative wage employment, because they are considered  unacceptable"  (p.56).  Symington (1969) corroborates Hawthorn's conclusion by  relating a story that happened in Saskatchewan ini945. A cafe owner had hired two apparently well trained Indian girls as waitresses. When a customer objected the cafe owner reluctantly released them. One of the girls went back to her reserve and the other went to Regina where she became a prostitute, alcoholic, and mother of three children of nameless fathers.  Often unable to participate in the Canadian  economy the Indian came to be characterized by such words and phrases as "shiftless", "lazy", "irresponsible", "unreliable", "drunkard" and "lacking in drive" (Hawthorn 1966). In 1967, Hawthorn concluded that:  The enormous economic gap between the Indian and non-Indian communities is due to the fact that for a very long time, the Indians were excluded from the economic life of the rest of Canada. Confined to their reserves, the Indians were unable to take positions in industries and receive wages in return for their services, (p.24) If the economic gap between the Indian and non-Indian was enormous, so too was  the educational achievement gap.  The  next point of discussion are the  47 conditions  d u r i n g the  1950s of the school system  i n w h i c h Indians were  being  educated.  School System C o n d i t i o n s .  H a w t h o r n reports that, prior to 1945, a shortage  of qualified teachers made it difficult to staff Indian schools adequately, b u t that by the 1950s, fully 9 0 % of the teachers i n Indian schools h a d teaching  certificates.  Unfortunately the prevailing negative attitudes of the day towards Indians found a parallel i n teacher attitudes.  " I n general", H a w t h o r n states, "teachers d i d not expect  I n d i a n students to perform well i n school at any level" (p.144).  In a d d i t i o n the  c u r r i c u l u m reflected the c u l t u r a l values of the middle class majority and presented  biased  historical material  about  the  Indian.  As  for  sometimes  communication  between the school a n d the I n d i a n c o m m u n i t y there was v i r t u a l l y none.  Summary.  It appears,  therefore,  that  during the  1950s the  Indian  was  consistently excluded from the dominant society socially, politically, economically, as w e l l as  educationally  curriculum.  i n terms  of negative teacher expectations  and  a  biased  In spite of these factors H a w t h o r n observes that the education of the  Indian "has been at least partially successful" by enabling the Indian to internalize goals although he has, i n general, no means of achieving these w i t h i n his own society. " A t the same t i m e " , H a w t h o r n continues, "the non-Indian society is usually more closed t h a n open, thus further i n h i b i t i n g h i m from achieving w i t h i n it should he be capable  of doing so"  (p.126).  The  total effect, therefore,  was  to produce  an  ambivalence w i t h i n the Indian y o u t h . B u t changes were i n the air and the next decade is presented as a transitional period between E u r o - C a n a d i a n decision-making i n Indian education  and  Indian  decision-making i n Indian education, between non-Indian control and Indian control of Indian education, between a presumed c u l t u r a l superiority of the E u r o - C a n a d i a n and the c u l t u r a l egalitarianism of the 1970s onward.  It appears that the nature of  48  the changes of the 1960s was ideological as may be seen i n what is to follow.  The  practical applications of this shift d i d not impact u p o n Indian education u n t i l the end of the 1960s.  T h i s is the p r i n c i p a l reason that the 1960s are characterized  as  transitional.  T h e 1960s: A P e r i o d of T r a n s i t i o n T o w a r d s Inclusion Education  Policy.  Canadian  education  policy-making  characterized as rational-participatory by Housego (1980).  in  the  1960s  is  T h a t is, it is r a t i o n a l i n  the sense of a research knowledge orientation to policy-making w i t h an expectation that problems w o u l d yield to careful quantitative analysis, and participatory i n the sense of a broader based decision-making.  In contrast to the  empirical-autocratic  phase where decisions were unilaterally made behind closed doors b y the authorities, decisions were now being debated  and made i n p u b l i c w i t h a broad spectrum of  participants such as students, teachers, parents, and citizens. T h e parallel to federal p o l i c y - m a k i n g i n Indian education is less obvious here because I n d i a n participation i n Indian education However, the research knowledge  published i n 1966  and  still absent.  orientation of C a n a d i a n education policy-making  during this time found a parallel i n Hawthorn's Canada  policy-making was  1967.  report of Indian conditions i n  T h i s report  was  probably  important  to  subsequent events i n Indian education because on the one h a n d it substantiated for b o t h the federal government about  Indian educational  c o m m u n i t y of C a n a d a  and the C a n a d i a n p u b l i c the commonly held notions  failure,  and  some concrete  on the evidence,  other  hand  provided  the  Indian  other t h a n the usual rhetoric of  mistreatment, for negotiations that were soon to take place.  T h e stage for these  negotiations was set when the federal government officially recognized the N a t i o n a l Indian B r o t h e r h o o d i n 1969 as a legitimate national political body ( C a r d i n a l , 1969; Sealey, 1973b).  T h e significance  of this recognition cannot  be over  emphasized  because without it the Indians of. C a n a d a had no representative voice w i t h w h i c h to  49 participate i n education p o l i c y - m a k i n g .  F o r a variety  of reasons  as noted  by  Patterson (1972), H a w t h o r n (1967), and Frideres (1974) the Indians of C a n a d a h a d never previously been able to present a unified front.  Fortunately, the fragmented  N a t i o n a l I n d i a n C o u n c i l of the early 1960s gave w a y to a unified N a t i o n a l Indian Brotherhood  w h i c h was  Indians of C a n a d a .  subsequently  recognized  as  representing  the  registered  It is this official recognition of an Indian voice w h i c h resembles  the 'participatory' attitude of C a n a d i a n education policy-making of the 1960s.  F o r if  one has an official voice then one m a y participate as part of a broader  based  decision-making process.  T h i s is exactly what the Indians d i d .  Events m o v e d quickly f r o m that point on.  If the rational-participatory phase  took a decade before it gave w a y to another phase i n C a n a d i a n education policym a k i n g the rational-participatory phase i n Indian education took a mere three years from its inception i n 1969 to the next phase.  Social,  Political,  and  Economic  Conditions.  Because  the  1960s  are  characterized as a t r a n s i t i o n a l phase the social, political, and economic conditions for this period w i l l be discussed together.  In general, the social, political, and economic  conditions that prevailed i n the 1950s continued throughout the 1960s w i t h notable exceptions. was  There began to be indications i n the 1960s that the dominant society  becoming  less  closed  to  the  Indian.  In  1964  the  B.C.  Parent  Teacher  Association, for example, supported the concept of integrating Indian pupils into the provincial schools (Janzen, 1983).  Janzen also noted that i n A p r i l of 1968 the B . C.  Legislature passed B i l l 86 w h i c h departed from the voting legislation of the past, b y permitting " I n d i a n people who lived on reserves to vote on school issues and to be elected as representatives or trustees of the School B o a r d " (p.43).  T h e Department  of I n d i a n Affairs statistics d i v i s i o n reported an increase i n off-reserve residence of B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a Indians from 4847 i n 1959 to 15,149 by 1970, a 3 0 0 % increase (Government of C a n a d a , 1959 to 1970).  Indians were also allowed into p u b l i c  50  d r i n k i n g establishments for the first time during the 1960s. In the p o l i t i c a l arena, it has already been mentioned that the federal franchise was extended to Indians i n 1960 although i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a the Indians have h a d the p r o v i n c i a l vote since 1949.  A s B a r m a n , Hebert & M c C a s k i l l (1986), H a w t h o r n  (1966) a n d others have noted, the 1960s were a time of world wide political unrest of colonized people everywhere d e m a n d i n g freedom. unrest i n the 1960s became R e d Power.  In C a n a d a , the s y m b o l of Indian  Frideres (1974), i n his analysis of the  importance of this t i n y group (representing 3-5% of a small population), reminded Canadians  that  research  has  shown that  i n "riots, revolutions, u r b a n guerrilla  warfare, etc., only a s m a l l percentage of the total p o p u l a t i o n have ever been shown to take part i n [instigating] violent activities" (p.120). T o some degree, positive social and p o l i t i c a l (if not economic) changes h a d been made i n the 1960s such that elements of the dominant society were beginning to show signs of accepting  the I n d i a n c o m m u n i t y .  Conditions were no longer  as  extremely exclusive as those w h i c h characterized the 1950s.  School System C o n d i t i o n s .  E v e n though Indian students were increasingly  being integrated into p r o v i n c i a l schools during the 1960s it made little difference to Indian student achievement.  W i t h few exceptions the following excerpt from a case  study typifies the experiences of m a n y Indian pupils i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a d u r i n g the 1960s:  M y i n i t i a l impression was that village pupils attended school reluctantly a n d ritually. C h i l d r e n expect to be at school but their p a r t i c i p a t i o n is analogous to travelling on someone else's boat: one gets on, sits patiently during the long, slow ride and eventually gets off. A g e sixteen is the destination of the educational journey. No precedent existed at the village for any other conclusion to one's formal education, for Blackfish school has never "graduated" a student. ( W o l c o t t , 1967, p.95)  51 Notice the two relevant inferences about teacher characteristics a n d c u r r i c u l u m . T h e boat (curriculum) does not belong to the I n d i a n p u p i l (read irrelevant) and the nonI n d i a n teacher has no solutions.  However, W o l c o t t ' s observations substantiate the  n o t i o n that the effects of the social, political, a n d economic exclusion of the 1950s carried over, b y a n d large, into the 1960s i n spite of some positive changes.  Wolcott  concluded:  A t a time when the completion of grade ten i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a is a prerequisite for literally any specialized t r a i n i n g program a n d for m a n y jobs, the village child who is encouraged to stay i n elementary school to complete an extra year or two because of the advantages of "getting an e d u c a t i o n " is accepting an educational promise that is more likely to lead to disappointment and frustration than to o p p o r t u n i t y . F o r m a l educational programs that are not accompanied b y real economic a n d social opportunities are head-starts to nowhere, (p. 126)  F i t t i n g l y , the decade ended w i t h the Government of Canada's answer to the m u l t i p l i c i t y of Indian problems w i t h the presentation of the W h i t e P a p e r i n 1969. A n historical d r a m a h a d concluded w i t h the rising crescendo of two counter themes that  h a d begun  i n the  1600s,  namely,  the  persistent  presumption of cultural  superiority b y the E u r o - C a n a d i a n and the equally persistent resistance of the Indian to become u n l n d i a n , delndianized, or Europeanized. T h e W h i t e P a p e r , w h i c h w i l l be more fully discussed at the end of this section, was introduced b y P r i m e M i n i s t e r Trudeau.  It proposed that Indians, not W h i t e s , should radically change, should do  all the adjusting a n d accommodating, i n order to become fully integrated into the dominant society.  T h e 1970s to the Present: A P e r i o d of Inclusion Education Policy.  T h e t h i r d phase of C a n a d i a n education policy-making  identified b y Housego began i n the early 1970s and continues to the present T h i s phase is characterized as being reactive-adversarial. sense that education authorities are finding themselves  day.  T h a t is, it is reactive i n the reacting to demands  for  52 change, rather than being proactive, and it is adversarial because of conflicting views about the goals and purpose of education both within and without the education system. "In essence," Housego concludes, "the organizational context has become highly politicized; and attempts to be rational in policy-making are largely futile" (p.384).  Again there is a clear parallel between Canadian education policy-making and Indian education policy-making. Since the official recognition of an Indian voice in the National Indian Brotherhood in 1969, that voice has been loud, clear, and effective.  When the White Paper was presented during this same year it was  unanimously rejected by Indian people. Essentially, the White Paper proposed that the Indian Act be repealed and that all federal responsibilities for Indians be transferred to the provinces. In this way the government intended to legislate the Indian into a state of equality just as the government had legislated the Indian into inequality with the Indian Act. The White Paper also intended to deny the 'spirit' of the Treaties by simply abrogating them. Cardinal (1969), for example, maintains that the 'spirit' of the Treaties means that at the signing of the Treaties all the promises that were made to the Indians were not written into the articles. That is why  a literal reading of the Treaties today is not the same as recalled by the  descendents of the original signatories. In terms of education policy-making the White Paper represented a radical departure from Indian education policy dating from the first policy statements of missionaries during the 1600s to the most recent statements based on the Indian Act of 1951.  These policy statements by the federal government were important, from  the Indian point of view, because they represented interpretations of historic treaty agreements. The White Paper proposed to break these agreements by shifting all Indian jurisdictional matters to the provinces.  Consistent with the 'reactive-  adversarial' climate of Canadian education policy-making the Indians of Canada,  53  under the leadership of the National Indian Brotherhood, rejected the proposed White Paper and it was subsequently withdrawn. One of the alternatives to the White Paper's position was an education policy statement entitled "Indian Control of Indian Education" (National Indian Brotherhood, 1972). In contrast to the one sided adjustment advocated by the White Paper the Indian control of Indian education statement (hereafter referred to as the NIB paper) invited Canadians to learn and share "the history, customs and cultures of this country's original inhabitants" (p.2). In addition to a presentation of philosophy, goals, principles, and directions, stressing Indian culture the NIB paper provided the following rationale.  Those educators who have had authority in all that pertained to Indian education have, over the }^ears, tried various ways of providing education for Indian people. The answer has not been found. There is one alternative which has not been tried before: in the future, let Indian people control Indian education, (p. 28) A little more than a month elapsed from the NIB presentation date of December 21, 1972 when the federal response of approval in principle returned on February 2, 1973. This new education policy adopted by the federal government represented a major ideological shift from the colonial 'White prerogative', 'culturally superior' mentality which guided Indian education policy from its inception, to the more egalitarian policy-making characteristic of the 1970s onward. A full decade later in 1982 the Department of Indian Affairs presented its own paper to the Indian people entitled "Indian Education Paper: Phase 1". Intended as a focus of discussion upon "current outstanding problems with the Education Program" the government Policy read in part as follows:  54  The education policy of the Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development, adopted in 1973 and in keeping with its mandate and the expressed wishes of Indian people, is to support Indian people in ensuring their cultural continuity and development by providing Indian youth with the knowledge, attitudes and life skills necessary to become self-sufficient and contributing members of society, (p. 3) The Indian perspective, the goals of which were approved by the Department, on this policy is summarized in extracts from the National Indian Brotherhood Policy paper entitled "Indian Control of Indian Education", (p. 4)  Hence beginning in 1973 one of the persistent educational themes from the 1600s onward had finally come to an end. That theme was based on the notion of Euro-Canadian cultural superiority which meant, in the words of the Jesuit missionary in 1632, attempting to wean the Indians "from the habits and feelings of their ancestors". The counter theme of Indian resistance now found an expression in education policy-making.  Indian control of Indian education marked the end of  deliberate Euro-Canadian control and the beginning of a new era. After centuries of misunderstandings and mistreatments the Indians were given the opportunity to speak through the voice of the National Indian Brotherhood. Rather than rejecting the Whites, rather than rejecting the non-Indians, the new Indian education policy extended an invitation to Canada to share in the richness of Indian culture.  The  invitation reflected the traditional Indian worldview that focusses upon a relational perspective of the universe. It is one, even though rich in variety. Reflecting the reactive-adversarial characteristic of Canadian education policymaking the federal government in its Education Paper explains the characteristics of Indian-government relations in the following way:  »  A series of education policy circulars was., prepared in an attempt to explain policies, establish program standards, describe implementation procedures and set funding limits. However, strong pressures from the Indian Political organizations citing a lack of bi-lateral consultation forced the Department to abandon this attempt at establishing management directives. Although a second attempt in 1978 included consultation it met the same fate. (p. 7)  55 The issue that is being discussed above is the one of 'control'. On page 3 of the same document is a succinct statement of the apparent root cause of the issue. "Indian control", it reads, "was not defined."  The issue is not Indian control in  principle but its interpretation. Where Indian leaders speak of enabling legislation to permit the Canadian government to deal with First Nations governments on a government-to-government basis the Department of Indian Affairs interprets Indian control "as a degree of participation" in departmental programs (Longboat, 1987, p.39). Longboat's assessment raises another question which may be put in this way. Is the issue really 'Indian control'? Or, is it 'Indian control' versus 'Departmental control'? Is the issue really Indian Affairs jobs which presumably must decline, if not eventually disappear, as Indian self government becomes more and more a reality? Does it come down determination?  to government jobs versus the Indian's claim to self  The answer may never become known but an analysis of the NIB  paper and the Departmental Indian education paper reveals the following. In 1972 the NIB defined 'Indian control' to mean that all decisions about Indian education be made by local Indian people. The decisions would include educational finances and involve the following: all local education facilities, education personnel, curriculum, education programs, and all planning, administration, and evaluation. In effect, Indian  control of Indian  education  was  defined  as the development and  administration under Indian management of a local school system. Ten years later the Department of Indian Affairs identified the same areas of Indian control as a working definition that the NIB paper had identified in 1972. It appears, therefore, that it may not be the definition of Indian control that is an issue but the definition of the Departmental role in delivering Indian control. Control is also an issue in the provincial education area. Although education is a provincial responsibility some school districts receive federal tuition monies for  56  their Indian students. A Master Tuition Agreement (MTA) between the federal and provincial governments was designed as a realistic compensation to the provincial government by the federal government for educating Indian children whose parents were ordinarily non-taxpayers on reserves.  It has recently been renegotiated but  some Indian leaders are apparently not satisfied with the terms. Indian parents may agree with the general purpose of the MTA  but since they  are not signatories they have no say, for example, in the important matter of how to achieve parity for Indian pupils. The new MTA  permits consultation but only if the  school district agrees to its necessity. In addition, when school districts read section 12.2 of the MTA  they may become wary of consultation which may lead to a local  agreement. Section 12.2 reads: Canada is relieved from its obligation of paying a tuition fee under this Master Tuition Agreement in respect of Indian students covered by a Local Agreement in accordance with subsection (1) Of course local agreements do not negate constitutional obligations such as federal responsibility for Indian education, nevertheless subsection 2 appears to put federal tuition fee payments to school districts in jeopardy. In sum, the new MTA MTA  except that the new MTA  permits consultation with Indian people providing  the school district agrees to its necessity. signatories to the new  MTA  is the old  Moreover, since the Indians are not  agreement it is a continuation of the old practice  whereby the federal government decides what is best for the Indian. In curriculum development and staffing of professional and para-professional Indian education personnel within the provincial school system the Ministry of Education has added a policy to encourage these where it is indicated by the enrolment of Indian students. Social Conditions. As Hawthorn was able to characterize the social condition of the 1950s as being closed to Indians so the opposite was now, in general,  57  apparently true for the I n d i a n of the 1970s.  T h e social characterization of the 1970s  as being open to Indians is relative to the closed conditions of the 1950s.  For  example, where the Indians of the 1950s were generally excluded from such p u b l i c places as hotels, motels, apartments, rental housing, a n d so o n , they were n o w included.  W h e r e the image of the Indian was poor i n the 1950s it was  much  improved i n the 1970s. A n a t i o n a l study of C a n a d i a n opinions and attitudes towards Indians by G i b b o n s a n d P o n t i n g (1978) conducted during the early to m i d 1970s asked the question: W o u l d I n d i a n protest generate a non-Indian backlash?  The  findings i n d i c a t e d that the answer was no. Other findings included the following:  2) Pejorative stereotyping is not a public n o r m 3) E x c l u d i n g the prairies, Canadians are more sympathetic to Indians t h a n resistant  Overall, Indians were apparently enjoying an inclusive social orientation during this latter period.  Political Conditions. characterized  by  Housego  T h e 1970s i n C a n a d i a n education policy-making are as  highly  politicized.  In  sharp  contrast  to  the  powerlessness of the Indian i n the 1950s the Indian of the 1970s may be characterized as not only h i g h l y politicized but relatively powerful as well. Where the Indians h a d no officially recognized voice i n the 1950s and 1960s their political voice was now not only being heard b u t it was also h a v i n g an impact. protest i n the m i d 1970s against Department of I n d i a n Affairs  the unilateral education policy-making of the  (according to the Department's own admission) is  testimony to I n d i a n political power. power  during  this  latter  T h e successful Indian p o l i t i c a l  period  Such was the ascendancy  that  the  Indians  of  of their p o l i t i c a l  Canada,  through  their  representatives, four times gained an audience w i t h the leaders of the nation to discuss constitutional issues.  T h e outcome entrenched the concept of aboriginal a n d  58  treaty  rights  i n t o the  Canadian  entrenching I n d i a n self-government subsection l ) .  constitution b u t (Government  left  unresolved  of C a n a d a ,  the  issue  1981a, section  of 35,  T h e h i g h degree of political p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the Indians of C a n a d a  d u r i n g the C o n s t i t u t i o n a l Conferences  stands i n m a r k e d contrast to the p o l i t i c a l  powerlessness w h i c h characterized the Indian condition of the 1950s a n d 1960s.  Economic Conditions.  A l t h o u g h the Indian still lags behind the  Canadian  s t a n d a r d of l i v i n g the economic condition of the Indian today is m u c h i m p r o v e d i n comparison to the economic c o n d i t i p n of the Indian during the 1950s and the 1960s ( D o s m a n 1972).  H a w t h o r n (1966) found t h a t some Indians were better off t h a n  others d u r i n g the 1950s a n d 1960s but that, i n general, the average Indian income was very low.  In 1958 H a w t h o r n , Belshaw & Jamieson reported the average a n n u a l  income of the B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a Indian to be $1853 compared to $3200 for the nonI n d i a n d u r i n g 1951.  However, since the inception of the new Indian control of Indian  education policy i n 1973 together w i t h the thrust towards Indian self government there has been a m a r k e d increase i n job a v a i l a b i l i t y on reserves.  F o r example, Indian  b a n d managers are salaried, as are Indian school personnel from support staff to the chief education officers.  In a d d i t i o n , each area of the province has tribal councils  made up of groups of bands who also staff heavily w i t h Indian people.  T h e 1980-81  P r o g r a m Review of the B . C . Region of the Department of Indian Affairs states on page 24:  Estimates place the number of employed on B . C . Indian reserves at 10,000 of an 11,800 member labour force. T h e working age population is about 23,800. Despite steady employment growth, both employment rate a n d p a r t i c i p a t i o n rate on Indian reserves lag behind B . C. as a whole.  T h u s , although there has been a "steady  employment g r o w t h " there is still an  employment lag w h i c h is corroborated by the 1981  Census C a n a d a report w h i c h  59  shows the average income of the C a n a d i a n Indian as two thirds that of the nonaboriginal p o p u l a t i o n . In other areas Indians have made significant progress. M u s q u e a m b a n d successfully renegotiated  F o r example,  the  its leased lands for ten m i l l i o n dollars.  T h e P e n t i c t o n , Osoyoos and C l i n t o n bands were all successful i n cut-off l a n d claims negotiations  a n d other l a n d claims are pending i n other  (Government of C a n a d a , 1983b).  areas of the  province  T h e federal civil service has made the hiring of  Indians a p r i o r i t y a n d m a n y have taken advantage of this initiative.  School System Conditions of the 1970s a n d 1980s.  A t a working conference i n  V a n c o u v e r , B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , F e b r u a r y 17, 18, and 19, 1983, the late Robert W . Sterling,  an  understand  I n d i a n educator that  we  have  from  Upper  discovered  the  education" (cited i n J o b i d o n , 1984, p-9). people i n general, and to the conference Indian people themselves education.  For  this  Education: A Sharing".  Nicola,  opened  solutions  to  the  his  address  problems  with  "I  i n Indian  Sterling was, of course, referring to Indian participants i n particular.  Apparently,  were p r o v i d i n g the solutions to the problems of Indian  reason  the  conference  was  entitled  "Successes  i n Indian  Sterling's opening remark was an echo and affirmation of  the declaration ten years earlier b y the N a t i o n a l Indian Brotherhood that Indian people s h o u l d n o w control I n d i a n education because every other k n o w n alternative h a d failed.  W h a t school system changes h a d taken place between the 1972 N I B  declaration of Indian C o n t r o l of Indian E d u c a t i o n a n d Sterling's opening remark at the 1983 I n d i a n education conference? T h e school system changes were revolutionary both inside and outside the classroom.  A l t h o u g h the 1970s began w i t h a negligible number of schools under  Indian control, b y 1981 there were 157 Indian controlled schools serving ten thousand students a n d "of the 575 Indian bands, approximately 450 had organized  school  committees or boards and were either wholly or partially controlling the educational  60 programs in their communities" (Government of Canada, 1981, p.22). More et al. (1983) published a survey of all Indian education projects in British Columbia schools from kindergarten through grade 12.  The survey included private and  parochial, provincial, federal, and band schools. It is a 246 page report about various education projects such as curriculum development in Indian languages, Indian history, and Indian studies from kindergarten to grade 12. In addition the report includes a detailed description of the various functions of a Home School Coordinator. A practical example of the range of Indian education projects is provided by the Nisga'a School District. Under the initiative and leadership of the Nisga'a Indian communities and the auspices of the Ministry of Education this school district offers a complete bilingual and bicultural kindergarten to grade 12 program. The Nisga'a language is taught throughout the grades as are Nisga'a history and culture.  The  intention is to produce students fluent in both the Nisga'a and English language and students comfortable in both Canadian and Nisga'a cultures. To this end there is a Nisga'a language teacher training program, a gifted student program from grades 1 through 7, a transitional class and work exploration program for low achieving secondary students, a career preparation program, a group home program, and a counselling program through the Home School Coordinator (Mckay and Mckay, 1987). The Nisga'a School District portion of the survey of Indian education projects in British Columbia was by no means exceptional in terms of the prevailing attitude within the province towards Indian studies. In 1976, the Vancouver School Board published a report of locally developed curriculum and the following is a course description of an Anthropology 10 course developed for John Oliver Senior Secondary School:  61  This course is designed to introduce to students the basic scientific data with which they can trace the course of human development in the New World and the Americas, and to help students understand and appreciate Native American(Indian) history. In general it covers the Native history of North America from man's entry into the New World to current British Columbian native activities, points of view, and the place of native peoples in the Canadian cultural mosaic. Students are provided with a better understanding of Indian history in Canada, the United States of America and Mexico. (Buchanan, 1976, p.1)  In addition to the locally developed curriculum reported by More et al. and others, the official British Columbia curriculum includes an Indian studies unit in both grades 4 and 10. In 1978 the Ministry of Education made available an Indian studies unit entitled "Captain Cook and the Nootka".  This study, edited by  Campbell, is a comparative look at how the people of the day lived.  However,  instead of the hitherto usual historical bias against the Indian (Kirkness, 1974) there is an attempt at curricular egalitarianism. Where Captain Cook is ethnocentrically critical, for example, of the condition of Nootkan (now called Nuu cha nulth) houses the authors are careful to point out that the living conditions of the "English ships were really no better. In most English ships, many sailors died of disease. Even Cook's ships were unpleasant places to live" (p.35). The same balance is achieved between the unfavorable English opinion of Indian food and the 'rotten food' that English sailors often had to eat. That these studies present Indian history and culture in a more favorable light encourages a reassessment of stereotypes by all students. If the British Columbia curriculum changed dramatically for the Indian student so too did the complexion of teachers. In addition to the Indian teachers who were already trained in the regular teacher training programs, more Indians were being trained in specially developed Indian education programs such as the one begun in 1974 at the University of British Columbia called "Native Indian Teacher Education Program" or NITEP. A recent Indian education conference in Vancouver  62  reported that "as of September 1984, NITEP counted 58 graduate students ts over a period of ten years. Increased enrollments should see three times as many graduates by 1994, and over 300 graduates by the year 2000" (cited in Jobidon, 1984, p.108). Even if the prediction is overly optimistic the number of Indian teachers from this one program alone has increased the number of British Columbia Indian teachers many times since the 1950s and 1960s. Another change in the classroom for the Indian student during the 1970s saw the creation of the paraprofessional Indian teacher aide who might be hired either for band operated schools or for private as well as provincial schools which have Indian pupils. Beginning in 1968, the position of Home School Coordinator became, in the 1970s, an important link between the home and school. Although the Home School Coordinator is a paraprofessional, the work has many professional aspects. For example, not only is the Home School Coordinator an important communication link between home and school but the Home School Coordinator must also be an education program administrator as well as an education counsellor. Outside the classroom, especially in band operated schools, Indians are found in the role of administrators, filling not only the offices of principal and vice • principal, but also the positions on the local school board. With such changes it is now possible for a band operated school to be staffed entirely by local Indian people. There is still a severe shortage of Indian teachers and Indian administrators but more and more of these are being trained and hired as they complete their training. Of course, in non-Indian schools where some Indian pupils attend, the likelihood is that there may be an Indian teacher aide as well as an Indian Home School Coordinator. In other areas of education involvement, Janzen (1983) indicates the new levels of Indian participation in both provincial and parochial school boards in British Columbia in Table 1 below.  63  Table 1 Indian P a r t i c i p a t i o n O n P r o v i n c i a l School Boards P r o v i n c i a l Boards Year  Members  1971  2  1980  11  1983  9 23  Totals  Parochial Boards Advisory  Member  10  Advisory  3  0  10  0  1  8  0  11  21  0  *Source: J a n z e n 1983  P r i o r to 1968, Indians who lived on reserve could not participate i n p r o v i n c i a l school b o a r d elections.  B u t i n A p r i l 1968, the B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a Legislature passed  B i l l N o . 86, a n A c t to A m e n d the P u b l i c Schools A c t , effectively p e r m i t t i n g Indians on reserves "to vote on school issues and to be elected as representatives or trustees of the School B o a r d " (Janzen, 1983, p.93). E v e n a brief sketch of the school system conditions for Indian pupils of the 1970s o n w a r d reveals a stark contrast to the school system conditions of the 1950s and 1960s.  T h e former periods were characterized by a biased c u r r i c u l u m against  Indians  well  as  (Hawthorn,  1967)  as  negative  teacher  expectations  of  Indian p u p i l  achievement  while the latter period is a time of curricular egalitarianism  together w i t h a more positive climate of teacher attitudes as i m p l i e d i n supportive educational policy, programs, Indian paraprofessional staff, and a growing number of Indian teachers graduating from B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a universities.  In a d d i t i o n , the  latter period contrasts w i t h the former periods i n terms of c o m m u n i t y involvement. W h e r e I n d i a n parents were once prevented b y law from participation i n p u b l i c school board elections a n d prevented by law from operating their own reserve schools, they  64  are now  permitted by law to participate fully in provincial school board elections  (Janzen, 1983), and  by  federal policy to operate their own  reserve schools  (Government of Canada, 1982).  SUMMARY This  chapter  has  provided  a description of both  the  historical  and  contemporary conditions in which the problem of this study is set. It has been shown that both the early French and English missionaries were unsuccessful at Indian education.  The  failure was  attributed to, in the words of Mother de  1'Incarnation, the "Savage nature" of the Indian (cited in Jaenen, 1986, p.58) rather than to an aversion for French culture and a preference for Indian culture.  The  external social, political and economic conditions to this educational failure prior to 1800 were chiefly characterized by a kind of equality which was not predicated upon the demands of one culture but upon the equivalent strengths of two cultures. While the Indian may have been cognizant of equality with the European during this early period the European apparently was not. In fact, European assumptions of cultural superiority over other cultures persisted strongly until well into the second half of the twentieth century. These assumptions were reflected in the classrooms where Indian pupils persisted equally to resist the unacceptable terms for  successful academic  achievement. After 1800, the Indian declined in social, political and economic power relative to the European.  The civilizing, educating process carried on under the same  assumptions of cultural superiority during this period, with much the same lack of results. Not until the contemporary period is there a change in the social, political and economic conditions of Indian education.  Both the external and internal  conditions of Indian education are set in clearly defined periods of: (1) exclusion (1950s); (2) transitional (1960s), meaning that this period is still largely exclusive of  65  the Indian although elements of inclusion are now creeping into society's orientation, and; (3) inclusion (1970s), which is not to imply that exclusive elements are now completely absent. The conditions internal to Indian education have been shown to reflect its external condition. Where the external social, political and economic conditions exclude Indians, as was the case during the 1950s, the internal conditions of Indian education are characterized by the exclusion factors of negative teacher expectations about Indian pupils and a curriculum biased against Indians. Similarly, when the external condition to Indian education is characterized by inclusion the internal condition is also characterized by the same. The  contexts  described here are the background  against which the  examination of current Indian educational achievement must be examined. It has been demonstrated that the context of Indian education changed markedly in the direction of increased inclusion during the period from 1960 to 1985. It remains to be seen if grade 12 enrolments increased significantly during the same period. Thus, the provincial grade 12 status Indian enrolment data will be subjected to two kinds of analysis.  First their increase needs to be assessed for its statistical properties.  Second they need to be explored in relation to the contextual factors described above. These analyses form the substance of the next chapter.  CHAPTER 3  A N EXPLORATION OF THE PROVINCIAL DATA ON GRADE E N R O L M E N T S OF S T A T U S INDIANS I N B.C.  12  H a v i n g established to a reasonable degree that, between 1949 and 1985, there has been  a significant contextual change from exclusion t o w a r d inclusion, it is  purposed i n this chapter to examine the apparent increases i n grade 12 enrolments of status Indians i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a i n the light of this change. T h i s chapter is i n three sections.  T h e first section provides a description of  the research m e t h o d and analytical design, together w i t h a discussion of the nature of the d a t a used.  In the second section are presented the results of the analysis.  The  t h i r d a n d final section discusses these results.  RESEARCH METHOD A N D  T h i s is an ex post facto study of archival data.  DESIGN  These data are of two k i n d s ,  the first amenable to statistical treatment, the second not so amenable.  T h e first  k i n d of data consist of the numbers of status Indians i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a enrolled i n grade 12 each year from 1949 to 1985.  T h e second are the indicators of contextual  conditions, external and internal to schools, w h i c h were discussed i n Chapter 2.  The  combination of quantitative a n d qualitative data analysis identifies the study design as a marriage of two research approaches. qualitative context.  E m p i r i c a l data is analysed w i t h i n a  W h i l e it is easy to see the grade 12 enrolments as the dependent  variable i n such a study, it is not so easy to see the contextual conditions as independent variables as i n a true quasi experimental study.  66  F o r this reason, the  67  terms dependent and independent variables are avoided in favor of terminology consistent with historical analysis.  The following paragraphs deal first with the  nature of the data, second with hypothesized relationships, and third with the particular form of analysis used. The Nature of the Data The Data. The data for the determination of external and internal conditions which describe the context of the study have been described in the last part of Chapter 2 in the section on the contemporary history of Indian education. For purposes of the present chapter, they may be summarized as indicating the relative exclusivity or inclusivity of the dominant society with respect to Indians. They have been presented as forming three distinguishable periods, 1949 to 1960 (high exclusivity), 1961 to 1972 (transitional), and 1973 to 1985 (high inclusivity). The existence of grade 12 enrolment data as recorded on the nominal roll by Indian and Northern Affairs Canada, British Columbia Region, stems from the requirements of the Indian Act. According to these requirements the nominal roll records those who have been registered as Indians by the definition of the Indian Act, and whose residence is ordinarily on-reserve.  If the registration and residency  requirements are met, the grade 12 status Indians may attend the nearest available high school where they are listed for the nominal roll.  Limitations of the Data.  Variation in the grade 12 enrolment of status  Indians in British Columbia from 1949 to 1985 may be affected by birthrates, deathrates, and migration patterns on and off reserve. For example, an unusually high birthrate in any one or more years on reserve, and a concomitant survival rate, could cause unusual variation when and if these relevant cohorts enrol into grade 12. In the same way an unusual deathrate of particular cohorts might also cause unusual variation to grade 12 enrolments during the years that those cohorts might have been  68  enrolled into grade 12. Since sufficient data about birthrates and deathrates are not available, there is no satisfactory method of dealing with these limitations.  One  alternative is to analyse the population growth or decline over time for indications of unusual fluctuations.  If unusual changes are found in the population growth or  decline it will be useful to see if such changes are associated with a similar changes in the grade 12 enrolments. Migration patterns pose a particular problem because movement during the 1949 to 1985 period was relatively unrestricted. In theory, Indians were free to travel and live wherever they pleased although in practice Indian migration, especially during the 1950s, was restricted according to the degree of exclusive orientation found within the dominant society. If there is a high degree of social and economic exclusivity toward Indians then not only does this mean a relatively high degree of exclusion from rental accommodation but it also means a relatively high degree of exclusion from gainful employment. These two factors of exclusion would discourage Indian migration into urban areas and therefore suggest population stability. Another problem is related to the range of the enrolment data. The difference in enrolment between 1949 and 1983 is only 562 students and only 36 students between 1950 and 1959. Theoretically, even a small migration could possibly significantly affect the grade 12 enrolment patterns. Another limitation is the complete anonymity of the nominal roll which records the grade 12 enrolments of status Indians. Anonymity makes it impossible to know at any given time who the enrollees are. The implication of this anonymity is that it is possible that some, most, or all of the grade 12 enrollees at some, most, or all of the years are age-grade retarded. If all the grade 12 enrollees are age-grade retarded then this possibility might throw into question the validity of the assumption of the definition of this study that enrolment into grade 12 indicates academic achievement. On the other hand it is also possible that none of the grade  69  12 enrollees are age-grade retarded and may in fact be under age and therefore agegrade accelerated. In the absence of certainty on this matter, the assumption was made that the student population was normal with regard to age-grade relationships. The  limitations of both the external and  internal conditions to Indian  education are of the same kind. For example, exceptions to the identified external condition of social exclusion during the 1950s may be found, just as exceptions  may  be found to an identified internal condition of negative teacher expectations toward Indian pupils, but these exceptions are assumed to be few and negligible in terms of the general prevailing conditions of exclusion during the period specified.  Both  Moran (1988) and Symington (1969) cite examples of inclusion during times that are characterized as highly exclusive of Indians. The discussion of the above limitations leads into a discussion in the following paragraphs about the assumptions of the study.  Assumptions Underlying the Use of the Data. A major assumption of this study is that a society may identified. Identification may  have distinctive prevailing characteristics that can be be based upon views that are commonly held and  actions that are widely practiced in that society. For example, if it is commonly held by a dominant society that Indians are 'la.zy' and if, at the same time, employers of that dominant society, in general, refuse to hire Indians (Hawthorn 1967) then that dominant society may be said to have the distinctive characteristic of prejudice which is manifested by the practice of economic exclusion. Another major assumption is that enrolment into grade 12 equates with academic achievement. This assumption includes the implication that the students are in the normal grade 12 age range. These assumptions not only underlie the data but also the following hypothesized relationships.  70  Hypothesized Relationships It is hypothesized that inclusion is positively associated with academic achievement as measured by enrolment into grade 12. This prediction arises from the theory of context which assumes that academic achievement is affected by a context of external and internal conditions. Exclusion, on the other hand is expected to be associated with no increases in academic achievement as measured by enrolment into grade 12. Time-Series Analysis Since the observed grade 12 enrolment changes took place over time, it was decided to subject the enrolment data to a time-series analysis.  One reason for  deciding to use this particular statistical method was to avoid the pitfalls of what is known, by some, as the 'eyeballing' method of analysis. The 'eyeballing' method gives no reliable assurance that variations due only to chance are not inflated, nor is there any assurance that assumptions of correlation are not violated. For example, a series of observations over time may appear to the eye to be significant, but when the same observations are subjected to time-series analysis the series may  prove to be  simply a stochastic (chance as measured by laws of probability) drift. The difference in results between the two methods may  be due to the fact that the 'eyeballing'  method assumes equal strength of correlation between the observations on a variable irrespective of distance in time between them, whereas time-series analysis assumes a degree of correlation between the observations depending upon the relative distance between them. Those observations next to one another in time may have a strong correlation while the strength of correlation weakens rapidly as the observations become more removed from each other in time. It is assumed that this method of analysis reflects the nature of recurring events in a time-series. The reasons for the inadequacy of the 'eyeballing' method of analysis also apply to ordinary least squares regression because it "requires an assumption that residuals, or error terms associated  71  with each time-series observation, be independent" (Cook and Campbell, 1979, p.234). "The result", according to Cook and Campbell, "is that while ordinary least squares regression estimates of time-series parameters are not biased per se, the estimates of standard deviations (and hence, of significance tests) are biased" (p.235). In lay language it is apparent that time is the critical factor. When all observations are made at one time, or over a brief period, then ordinary least squares method of statistical analysis may be appropriate. When observations are made over a lengthy period of time such as in this study, then time-series analysis is appropriate in order to avoid a bias in the estimates of standard deviations and of significance tests. Time-series has specialized terminology. reproduced from  For example, the correlograms  computer printouts in Appendix A  graphically depict the  correlations between the successively lagged time-series.  Lagging, a method of  correlating a series with itself, enables the determination of the series as a stochastic drift or a trend. statistically  Confidence intervals indicate which correlation coefficients are  significant. The autocorrelation function (ACF),  shown  in the  correlogram in Appendix A, indicates nonstationarity or a lack of equilibrium about the mean of the time-series through the exponential decay of what are called spikes. A spike is a pictorial representation of a correlation coefficient. The data in the Appendices are examples. Thus the first spike in the ACF of Appendix A represents lag 1 of the time-series yielding the correlation coefficient score of 0.8673. The second spike is the result of lag 2 and its correlation coefficient score is slightly smaller at 0.756 and so on with each successive spike and lag.  The partial autocorrelation  function (PACF) is closely related in meaning to the ACF (see Cook and Campbell 1979, for an introductory explanation of time-series). The interpretation of the single spike in the PACF, (shown in Appendix A), is that it supports the identification of the time-series as nonstationary.  A nonstationary series is made stationary for  analysis by differencing, a mathematical procedure.  After differencing the  72 nonstationary series, the model of the series was identified as an Autoregressive Integrated Moving Average (ARIMA) model, in this case, of the type (0,1,0). Diagnosis of the goodness of fit of the model is indicated by the residuals. If the residuals indicate pure random variation known as 'white noise' in both the A C F and P A C F (see examples in appendix B) the model fits well. Once the validity of the model identified has been established, the trend parameter can be estimated. In the present case it was .0003363 which was statistically significant (t=2.35) at the .05 level.  THE ANALYSIS OFT H EPROVINCIAL ENROLMENT  DATA  In this section are presented first the raw data on grade 12 enrolments of status Indians, second the results of applying time-series analysis to the raw data, and finally, an analysis of cumulative enrolments and periodic averages. The Raw Data The presentation in Figure 1 on page 72 represents the grade 12 enrolments of B.C. status Indians from 1949 to 1985 in proportion to the on-reserve populations over the same time. For example, the enrolment of 16 in 1949 (see Table 2 on page 73) must come, according to the Indian Act, from the on-reserve population of 23,881 and not from the population off-reserve. When the enrolment of 16 is divided by its population source of 23,881 the result is the proportion .00067 for the year 1949. The rationale is to make enrolment scores, which are not otherwise comparable by themselves, statistically comparable by mathematically proportioning each to their respective population sources.  Witness the raw enrolment data for the years  1962,1963 and 1970,1971, which, when proportionalized to their respective population sources yield a different proportional score in Table 2 on page 73.  G r a d e  1 2  Figure E n r o l m e n t s o f  Year Source: Nominal Roll  1 S t a t u s  I n d i a n s  i n  B . C  74  Table 2 Grade 12 Status Indian Enrolment m Proportion to the On Reserve Population in British Columbia: 1949 to 1985 Year 1949 1950 1951 1952 1953 1954 1955 1956 1957 1958 1959 1960 1961 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985  Grade 12 Enrolment 16 24 30 23 32 42 57 84 49 69 60 75 120 114 114 155 132 112 140 171 195 232 232 288 241 226 220 230 312 324 366 384 408 526 578 441 505  On-Reserve Population  Proportion Enrol/pop  23,881 22,857* 22,222 23,958* 24,060* 25,926 26,147* 26,087* 26,064* 26,135* 30,869 31,962* 33,083* 34,164* 35,281* 36,272* 37,256 35,081 33,474 33,061 32,157 32,573 32,496 33,339 33,702 33,617 33,060 33,164 33,888 33,717 34,204 34,807 35,704 36,895 38,002 38,673 39,067  .00067 .00105 .00135 .00096 .00133 .00162 .00218 .00322 .00188 .00264 .00194 .00235 .00363 .00334 .00323 .00427 .00354 .00319 .00418 .00517 .00606 .00712 .00714 .00864 .00715 .00672 .00665 .00694 .00921 .00961 .01070 .01103 .01143 .01426 .01521 .01140 .01293  Note: the * indicates interpolations for the years when a census was not taken. Each interpolation is an estimated average between the known populations. Also, the onreserve populations for 1949, 1951 and 1954 are estimated from on-off reserve totals.  75  In order to examine the apparent trend in the graph, the data were subjected to a time-series analysis. The Analysis The raw  data suggest sizeable changes or pulses at various points.  The  biggest of these arise in 1982 and 1983. To ignore these discrepant bulges and treat the entire set of figures as one series would risk a distortion of any estimate of a trend revealed by the series. In order to avoid this risk, the analysis first examined the enrolments from 1949  to 1981  and only then examined the whole set of  enrolments from 1949 to 1985 as one series. This method allows one to determine whether the inclusion of the last four years of the series makes a difference to the series trend estimate and to ascertain whether, if it does, the difference is statistically significant. The average proportional change in grade 12 enrolment between 1949  and  1981 was .0003363 students. The estimated change in grade 12 enrolment of status Indians in British Columbia in any given year (except the intervention years of 1982 and 1983) may  be calculated by multiplying the average proportional change of  .0003363 students with the on-reserve population for that given year. When this average is multiplied by the population, say of 1949, the resulting estimate is calculated as .0003363 times 23,881 which equals 8.03 or about 8 students. If the average change is calculated for each successive year it will be found that the estimated average grade 12 enrolment change during the 1950s ranges between seven and ten students, while during the 1960s and 1970s it ranges between eleven and thirteen. The years 1982-1983 changed this picture.  They yield an estimated and  significant increase of .0003320 over and above the estimated average of .0003363. If the two estimated averages are added and the result multiplied by the 36,895 and 38,002 on reserve populations respectively for 1982 and 1983 the estimated change for  76 each year is t w e n t y five students.  In other words the enrolment changes over time  show little v a r i a t i o n u n t i l 1982 and 1983.  F r o m 1949 to 1981 grade 12 enrolments  varied i n its average yearly change b y seven to thirteen students. 1983 the average  T h e n i n 1982 a n d  yearly enrolment, change j u m p e d to an average  of  twenty-five  students.  A n a l y s i s of C u m u l a t i v e a n d Average Figures A l t h o u g h the time-series analysis  shows statistically significant enrolment  increases a n d a statistically significant intervention effect, it is felt that an alternative method  of  analysis  may  help  to  support,  strengthen  significance of the results of the time-series analysis.  and  further  clarify  the  The  alternative method  proposed involves an analysis of cumulative enrolments a n d periodic averages as shown i n T a b l e 3.  Table 3 C u m u l a t i v e Grade 12 E n r o l m e n t s (academic years^ :1949-1985  Grade-12 Enrolment Totals  1949-1961  1961-1973  1973-1985  561  2005  4256  24 year average = 1283 per 12 years vs 4256 per 12 years  F o r example, the cumulative enrolment, over the first 12 years, starting i n 1949 and ending i n 1961, was 561 grade 12 students.  Over the last 12 years, 1973 to 1985, the  cumulative enrolment was 4256 grade 12 students while the intervening period as shown i n T a b l e 3 shows 2005 grade 12 students. T h e cumulative total for the first 24 years, 1949 to 1973, is 2566 grade 12 students while the cumulative total for the final 12 years is 4256. If the first 24 year  77  cumulative grade 12 enrolment total is averaged the result is 1283 students per 12 year period. Therefore the final 12 year cumulative total of 4256 grade 12 students is 3.32 times more than the average of the first 24 year cumulative grade 12 enrolment. Although no specific statistical significance is attached to these numbers they do help to clarify, for those who have only used, hitherto, the ordinary least squares method of analysis, the nature of the enrolment trend by roughly confirming where the greatest areas of significance occurred.  DISCUSSION: HYPOTHESIZED RELATIONSHIPS WITH CONTEXT  It was predicted that inclusion (social, political, and economic) was associated positively to academic achievement as measured by increasing grade 12 enrolments. The time-series analysis indicated that the grade 12 enrolment pattern did show significant increases between 1949 and 1985. The agreement between the cumulative grade 12 enrolment data and the results of the time-series analysis is in the placement of the greatest number of enrollees in the enrolment series. Both types of analysis place the greatest number of grade 12 enrollees in the final 12 year period between 1974 and 1985. Since the final 12 year period overlaps the 1970s and 1980s which have been identified as the periods of relative inclusivity, the prediction that there is a positive association between academic achievement as measured by increasing grade 12 enrolments and contextual inclusivity is tentatively supported by both the cumulative enrolment data and the time-series analysis. Moreover, the first 12 years in the enrolment series record the lowest grade 12 enrolments and this finding is associated with the. identification of the 1950s as being more exclusive than the 1960s. Similarly the 1960s which is identified as a period of transition, with elements of inclusion in it not found during the 1950s, is related to the relatively higher grade 12 enrolments as recorded in the second 12 year period  78 shown i n T a b l e  4 below.  The  assumption here is that  the higher grade  12  enrolments of the 1960s are related to the inclusive elements of the period rather t h a n to the exclusive elements.  T h e table associates the social orientations of each t i m e  period w i t h the c u m u l a t i v e grade 12 enrolment t o t a l of those periods i n order to show the associations between them.  Table 4 C u m u l a t i v e G r a d e 12 E n r o l m e n t s i n 12 A c a d e m i c Y e a r Periods:1949-1985 In R e l a t i o n to the Social Orientation of E a c h P e r i o d  Social Orientations  Grade-12 Enrolment Totals  1949-1961  1961-1973  1973-1985  Exclusive  Transitional  Inclusive  561  2005  4256  T h i s demonstration of the associations between the statistical findings of the study and the hypothesized relationships completes the test of the first hypothesis of this study.  T h e focus of the study has been completely u p o n the orientation of  society and its association w i t h academic achievement as measured by enrolment into grade 12.  T h e next part of this study w i l l focus upon the orientation of Indians  t o w a r d inclusion. T h a t is, during a period which has been identified as inclusive of Indians, what was the response of the Indians to this factor of inclusion? In the next  chapter it will become  apparent  that the Indians of B r i t i s h  C o l u m b i a responded essentially i n one of two ways to inclusion, a direct expression of w h i c h is found i n the new education policy of Indian control of Indian education. Some bands responded to the new Indian education policy b y assuming management  79  or control of their own education programs while other bands did not. This fact permits a comparative  analysis of academic achievement under the inclusive  conditions of Indian control, Indian decision-making, and under the conditions of government control of Indian education. It will be remembered that government control has been associated with exclusive conditions. It is intended therefore in the next chapter to examine two similar bands. One of these bands assumed control over its own education programs early on; the other did not assume such control during the inclusive oriented period of the 1970s and 1980s.  CHAPTER 4  THE CASES OF LOCAL A N D FEDERAL CONTROL: ANALYSIS OF BAND DATA  The discussion in the previous chapter was a generalized characterization of the changing relationship between dominant and Indian societies, with a focus upon the dominant society and the effects of its change from exclusivity to inclusivity upon academic achievement. Within the changing context of the dominant society used for that analysis was one particular change of educational policy which appeared coincident with the period associated with increasing grade 12 enrolments.  This  policy change was the granting of the authority for bands, who wished to do so, to exercise control over their own education. In contrast to the focus upon the orientation of the dominant society in Chapter 3, this Chapter's focus is upon the response of bands to that orientation. At. the beginning of a period of inclusion when the new education policj' came into effect in 1973, some bands elected to exercise control over their own education while others did not. As mentioned at the end of the previous chapter, the possibility therefore exists of comparing directly the enrolment changes of those who adopted local control and those who did not. This means comparing the grade 12 enrolments over a ten year period under conditions of local and federal control respectively.  For this  purpose two very similar bands were selected for analysis. The following sections deal first with the two bands and their educational control, followed by an analysis of band data, and concluding with a discussion of the hypothesized relationships with context.  80  81 A D E S C R I P T I O N OF T H ET W O BANDS 4 N D THEIR EDUCATIONAL CONTROL In order to establish the appropriateness of comparing the grade 12 enrolment patterns of a government controlled Indian education program with an Indian controlled education program it is necessary to describe the geographic, cultural, and demographic characteristics of the two bands. Once it is established that the bands are comparable for research purposes, then their grade 12 enrolments under different educational controls may  be compared. For the purpose of this study the band  under government control of its education programs between 1976 and 1985 is labelled Band A and the band under Indian control of its education programs between 1976 and 1985 is labelled Band B. Geographical Location The two bands under examination are both found on the leeward side of isolated islands on the coast of British Columbia. The factors of isolation, rocky terrain, and the high cost of transportation on both islands make building houses difficult and community expansion more difficult, even during the best of economic times.  Such conditions may  put severe constraints upon migration patterns  depending upon the conditions of related factors, such as the usual lack of local employment opportunities coinciding with outside employment opportunities which in turn works against the pull of family and local community relationships.  The  maritime climate is temperate, the vegetation similar, and the bands share the fishing industry as their primary economic activity (Pinkerton, 1987). Band A in the south is closer to a major centre of business than is Band B on the central coast but Band B is situated on a well travelled coastal shipping route.  In terms of terrain,  vegetation, climate, isolation, transportation, and primary economic activity the two communities are comparable for the research purposes of this study.  82 Culture Although these bands do not share a mutually intelligible Indian language they nevertheless belong to the same language family known as Wakashan by anthropologists (McMillan, 1988). Historically, both bands utilized and adapted to their environment in much the same way. They both sought spiritual aid by fasting and prayer in lonely, isolated places such as deserted islands or by mountain streams and lakes. They both utilized cedar technology in their water craft, housing, and household utensils and clothing.  They both practiced ceremonial feasting rituals  after harvesting food from the sea and both had a system of hereditary chieftainship. Today, both  bands may  still acknowledge their hereditary chiefs on  ceremonial occasions but the reins of their band governments are now given over, not to hereditary, but to elected chiefs and council members.  Traditional singing,  dancing and gift giving at feasts have been revived in both bands but use of traditional technology has given way completely to the use of modern technology in both household necessities and the fishing industry. For example, household utensils made of cedar have all been long replaced with the modern utensils common to any Canadian household today. In the place of cedar canoes in the fishing industry, the fishermen of both communities now use large wooden, aluminum, or steel hull fishing vessels.  Therefore, in terms of traditional history, traditional language, and  contemporary practices in the political, social and economic areas of life these two bands are comparable for the research purposes of this study.  Demography Band populations in British Columbia are relatively small when compared to other band populations in Canada. The Six Nations band in Ontario has more than 10,000 band members while the largest in British Columbia, as of December, 1988, is 2385 members.  Although British Columbia  may  have relatively small band  populations, of the 578 bands in Canada, British Columbia has 195 bands, which is  83  roughly 1/3 of the t o t a l number of bands.  B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a has 1 8 % of Canada's  t o t a l I n d i a n p o p u l a t i o n (Government of C a n a d a , 1986). B a n d s A a n d B are two of the largest bands i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a . T a b l e 5 on page 85 provides the grade 12 enrolments a n d the on and off reserve populations for each year between 1976 a n d 1985. T h e p o p u l a t i o n variation between the t w o bands over the ten year period is neutralized b y proportionalizing each year's grade enrolment to each year's on-reserve p o p u l a t i o n base.  12  N o t only does this procedure  make the grade 12 enrolments of each b a n d comparable, but the use of the on-reserve p o p u l a t i o n as a base is also a requirement of the Indian A c t .  Educational Control In theory, 'control of education' may have the following meaning.  If it is said  that the federal government 'controls' Indian education, for example, then it means that t h e federal government w i l l decide u p o n a n d manage Indian educational matters such as policy, p r o g r a m , and facility requirements.  Similarly, if it is said that a band  'controls' Indian education then it means that the band will decide and manage the same educational matters of policy, program a n d facility requirements. B u t i n practice, 'control' of Indian education may be both a matter of degree and of context.  T h a t is, neither the federal government nor an Indian b a n d may be  said to have absolute control over Indian education principally because educational systems are found w i t h i n societal contexts w i t h i n w h i c h are found jurisdictions and networks of interrelationships.  F o r example, while the education of Indians falls  under federal j u r i s d i c t i o n , education  itself is a provincial jurisdictional matter.  Hence, whether a school is managed by the federal government or b y a b a n d , it is the p r o v i n c i a l core c u r r i c u l u m that is used. Similarly  Indian  educational  funding  is  subject  to  parliamentary  appropriations the size of w h i c h may be determined by the prevailing political attitudes or economic conditions of the day.  F o r example, i n 1969, the liberal  84 government a t t e m p t e d unsuccessfully to do away w i t h the I n d i a n A c t .  There were  legitimate fears that if the Indian A c t h a d been abolished, there w o u l d have been an end to treaty obligations, and hence the elimination of federal funding was a real possibility, the W h i t e Paper's assurances notwithstanding.  E v e n a less extreme view  could hold that if the n a t i o n a l economy were considered to be poor, then restraint could be imposed u p o n Indian educational funding. It is apparent from the foregoing that 'control' of I n d i a n education is a matter of degree because of the social, p o l i t i c a l , and economic context of education.  However, once educational funding and the core  c u r r i c u l u m are set, then those who decide and manage what has been set m a y be said to have 'control' over Indian education.  In this study B a n d A is identified as  being under government control of its education from 1976 to 1985 while B a n d B is identified as being under Indian control of its education over the same period. B a n d A was the only b a n d in B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a which could be matched w i t h B a n d B i n terms of b o t h population size and duration of contrasting educational control d u r i n g the specified period, 1976 to 1985. geography,  culture, a n d demography  T h e i r strong similarities i n terms of  provided the internal v a l i d i t y required for  statistical analysis while their different types of educational control provided the basis of comparison of contextual factors.  W h i l e B a n d A continued under federal  control and B a n d B assumed Indian control, other bands i n the province which assumed control of Indian education over the same time span were less comparable for one or more of the following reasons: the b a n d i n question may have been too small i n population; the band i n question may have only assumed  part of its  education p r o g r a m during the specified periods; the b a n d i n question m a y have assumed I n d i a n control some years later than 1976; or the b a n d in question may not have been comparable i n terms of geography and culture.  85 Hypothesized Relationship between C o n t r o l and Academic  Achievement  Indian control of Indian education is expected to be positively associated w i t h academic achievement as measured b y enrolment i n t o grade 12. Indian  education  is  expected  to  be  associated  with  achievement as measured by enrolment into grade 12.  no  F e d e r a l control of  increases  in  academic  T h e policy of Indian control is  associated w i t h inclusion because it allowed Indian people to be included i n the decision-making process of education if they so chose. T h e policy of federal control of Indian education was clearly associated w i t h exclusion u n t i l 1973 because u n t i l then, federal  control  decision-making  of Indian  education  meant  about Indian education.  an exclusion After  1973,  of Indian  people  pressures from the  from Indian  c o m m u n i t y of C a n a d a , together w i t h the thrust of the new policy of Indian control of Indian education,  brought,  a greater measure of decision-making  participation  for  those Indian people whose education remained under federal jurisdiction. It remains now i n the next section to present the analysis of the  enrolment  data of Bands A and B .  THE ANALYSIS OF B A N D  DATA  In this section the grade 12 enrolments in Bands A and B are subjected to statistical analysis.  Following the analysis, an examination of the population data of  the two bands are presented i n order to assist i n an interpretation of the  enrolment  analysis.  B a n d Enrolment. Patterns: 1976 to 1985 T h e two bands have been identified as B a n d A and B a n d B .  B a n d A is  associated w i t h government control of its education during the period of 1976 to 1985 while B a n d B is associated w i t h Indian control of its education period.  during the same  T a b l e 5 provides the raw data from w h i c h enrolments for each b a n d were proportionalized as shown i n T a b l e 6 which follows it.  Table 5 G r a de 12 Enrolments and On-Off Reserve Populations: B a n d A and B a n d B : 1976 to 1985 Band A Enrol.  Year 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985  2 6 8 8 4 5 7 5 1 10  Reserve P o p . On Off 403 449 409 477 498 514 538 544 554 559  Total  478 461 530 494 502 506 510 516 529 537  881 910 939 971 1000 1020 1048 1060 1083 1096  Band B Enrol. 4 3 5 12 19 9 20 24 18 23  Reserve-Pop. On Off  Total  913 884 832 848 859 863 824 872 890 916  1213 1235 1267 1286 1301 1310 1318 1358 1301 1401  300 351 432 438 442 447 494 486 411 485  Table 6 T h e P r o p o r t i o n of G r a d e 12 Enrolments to their Populations: B a n d A and B a n d B : 1976 to 1985 Band A Enrol.  Year 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980. 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985  2 6 8 8 4 5 7 5 1 10  On-Reserve Pop. Proportions 403 449 409 477 498 514 538 544 554 559  .00496 .01336 .01956 .01677 .00803 .00973 .01301 .00919 .00181 .01789  Band B Enrol. 4 3 5 12 19 9 20 24 18 23  On-Reserve Pop. Proportions 913 884 832 848 859 863 824 872 890 916  .00438 .00339 .00601 .01415 .02212 .01043 .02427 .02752 .02022 .02511  In order to compare the two series they have been proportionalized to their respective  on-reserve  population bases.  It w i l l be recalled that the procedure of  proportioning enrolment to population base not only allows for a comparison over  87 time, but it also satisfies the legal demands of the Indian A c t w h i c h requires thateach year's enrolment be based on that year's on-reserve p o p u l a t i o n . T h e grade 12 enrolments for B a n d s A and B are plotted on a graph below i n Figure 2 on the next page.  Notice that b o t h B a n d s A and B begin their enrolment  series at about the same level a n d seem to continue together initially and t h e n apparently separate thereafter.  at a similar level  In fact a closer scrutiny of T a b l e 6  reveals that the cumulative enrolment t o t a l for the first four years is identical (24) for each b a n d b u t thereafter sharply differs. possible by time-series analysis.  A more sophisticated comparison is made  Figure 3 on page 88 is a graph of the proportional  enrolments for B a n d A and B a n d B w h i c h have been serialized into one series i n order to meet the m i n i m u m time span requirements for time-series analysis. T h e first part of the series f r o m 1976 to 1985 belongs to B a n d A .  A n a l y s i s revealed that the  series is driven b y ' r a n d o m shocks' about the mean of .01360. However, the second part of the series, w h i c h belongs to B a n d B , showed an abrupt constant intervention effect of .0115 above the mean of .01360 beginning at 1979.  T h e intervention effect was found to be statistically significant (t=7.79) at the  .05 level.  T h e year 1981 shows an enrolment of 9 which is taken to be an outlier.  E x p l a n a t i o n s for this have not been pursued.  It m a y be that the grade 11 students  of 1980 moved off reserve for their final year of high school.  If this is the case then  their off reserve residence would eliminate t h e m from the n o m i n a l roll.  Other  possible explanations are dropouts related to the demands of commercial fishing, early marriages, deathrate, or possibly grade eleven students held back a year i n order to ensure the possibility of greater academic success during their graduating year.  W h a t e v e r the explanations for the anomalous 1981 enrolment, it is clear that  B a n d B's pattern is very different from B a n d A ' s from 1979 onwards.  Figure 2 C o m p a r i s o n of G r a d e 12 E n r o l m e n t s : B a n d s A a n d B: 1976 - 1985  30  1976  1977  1978  1979  1980  1981  1982  School Years 1976 - 1985 Source: Nominal Roll  1983  1984  1985  Figure 3 G r a d e 12 E n r o l m e n t s of B a n d s A a n d B  Year Source Nominal Roll  90 T h e interpretation of the time-series enrolment  behaved  like a  stationary  analysis is that B a n d A ' s grade  time-series.  This  means  that  Band  enrolment over time did not show either significant increases or decreases.  12 A's  B a n d B's  grade 12 enrolment initially behaved like B a n d A ' s series f r o m 1976 to 1978  but  thereafter (excluding the outlier at 1981) it showed a significant intervention effect.  B a n d P o p u l a t i o n Patterns: 1954 to 1974 A question at this point relates to the possibility of the confounding of B a n d B's enrolment growth w i t h an u n u s u a l birthrate eighteen years previously.  Did Band  B experience an unusual birthrate eighteen years previously that might account for the u n u s u a l increase i n grade 12 enrolments from 1979 onwards?  T h e relevant b a n d  birthrates are not available. W h a t are available are p o p u l a t i o n totals at five year intervals. are 1954, 1959 a n d 1965.  T h e intervals  F r o m 1965 onward the federal census of B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a  bands were taken yearly, although the census d i d not differentiate between on and off reserve  residence u n t i l 1975.  T a b l e 7 on the next page indicates the total  populations for Bands A a n d B from 1954 to 1974 inclusive.  Since the k n o w n  population patterns from 1965 to 1974 according to T a b l e 7 show a gradual increase in both bands it was assumed that the u n k n o w n p o p u l a t i o n patterns between and 1964  might  also reflect  the same k i n d of pattern.  Therefore,  the  1954  average  difference between the 1959 p o p u l a t i o n and the 1954 population was added to each successive  year between  1954  a n d 1959.  applied to the years 1960 to 1964.  T h e same method of interpolation was  T h e result was then subjected to a time-series  analysis specifically for indications of population growths i n the two bands. assumed  that  population  instability,  either  through  birthrate,  death  It was rate,  or  migration, d u r i n g the critical period 1957 to 1966, might possibly account for some, if not all, of the enrolment growth found i n B a n d B .  91  Table 7 T o t al Populations for B ancls A and B : 1954 to 1974 1954  1955  1956  1957  1958  1959  1960  1961  1962  1963  1964  A  392  410  428  446  464  482  505  528  551  574  597  B  701  732  763  794  825  857  885  913  941  959  997  1965  1966  1967  1968  1969  1970  1971  1972  1973  1974  A  625  648  673  696  709  733  761  796  813  839  B  1029  1055  1071  1087  1105  1107  1122  1151  1168  1192  Similarly, associations growth.  the population  trend  for B a n d  A  is examined  are indicated between the same factors  T h e time-series  analysis indicated an A R I M A  to see if any  a n d the lack of enrolment (0,1,0) model for B a n d A  w h i c h yielded a trend estimate of 23.12 w h i c h was statistically significant (t=19.21) at the .05 level.  T h i s trend indicates that o n the average the population of B a n d A  increased about 24 persons per year during the time period of 1954 to 1974. T h e time-series analysis of B a n d B's population indicated the same A R I M A (0,1,0) model a n d yielded a similar estimate of the trend at 23.41 persons per year w h i c h was also statistically significant (t=11.87) at the .05 level.  T h e time-series  analysis of each band's population series indicated significant but stable and similar growth rates.  DISCUSSION: HYPOTHESIZED RELATIONSHIPS WITH  T h i s section is i n three parts.  CONTEXT  T h e first part contains the discussion about the  interpretation of the statistical results i n relation to the hypothesized  relationships.  92 The  second  part  deals  w i t h changes w i t h i n the  school system while the  third  discusses the contextual changes to the conditions external to Indian education.  T h e H y p o t h e s i z e d Relationships Indian control of Indian education was predicted to be associated positively w i t h academic achievement as measured b y increasing enrolment of status Indians into grade 12.  T h e d a t a analysis supports this prediction.  T h e time-series analysis  indicated that  B a n d B , under Indian control of Indian education,  significantly increasing grade 12 enrolments beginning at 1979.  experienced  It is apparent from  these findings that increasing grade 12 enrolments occurred i n the context of Indian control of I n d i a n education i n this case. B a n d B's p o p u l a t i o n trend from 1954 to 1974 indicated a linear trend w i t h a mean value of 23.41 w h i c h was significant (t=11.87) at the .05 level. possible that  this significant p o p u l a t i o n trend might account  enrolment growth it is not likely for two reasons.  W h i l e it is  for the grade  12  F i r s t , it has already been noted  that B a n d A ' s p o p u l a t i o n trend was similar to B a n d B's and yet their enrolment trends were different. Second, the time-series analysis d i d not indicate any intervention i n the p o p u l a t i o n series but rather indicated a gradual a n d stable growth over time.  The  interpretation of the time-series analysis of B a n d B's population trend is that no u n u s u a l p o p u l a t i o n growth is indicated to account for its concomitant u n u s u a l grade 12 enrolment growth.  B u t by itself this time-series analysis is inadequate evidence to  indicate B a n d B's enrolment growth because of the necessity of inserting population estimates between the years 1954 and 1964. completely a n d w i l d l y off the mark.  These population estimates could be  However, the population estimates are probably  close to the actual for the following two reasons. F i r s t , there is the logistical matter of reserve space and housing. A and B are geographically situated on isolated islands.  B o t h Bands  B o t h islands are made up  93 basically of rocky terrain with limited space for housing. During most of the period between 1954 and 1974 new housing was very difficult for both bands to obtain. The difficulties of securing housing involved the pohtics of federal government housing policies, the extra expense involved in building houses on rocky terrain in isolated areas, and the relative poverty of the two bands during this time. The effect of all these variables combined to ensure limited population variation. Secondly, most of the period 1954 to 1974 effectively covers the period of social orientation which is characterized, in general, as exclusive of Indian people.  As Wolcott (1962),  Hawthorn (1967), Dosman (1972) and others have pointed out Indians during this time were largely excluded from the larger society. This societal exclusive orientation had of necessity the effect of limiting the mobility of Indian people. One specific characteristic of exclusion is the unavailability of rental housing in urban areas. Hence, even if an Indian wanted to move off reserve it was difficult, if not impossible. Thus, it may  be assumed that the limitations of housing both on and off reserve  served to effect stable on reserve populations during this time. It was also hypothesized that federal control of Indian education would be associated with no increases in academic achievement as measured by enrolment into grade 12.  The data analysis supports this prediction.  The time-series analysis  indicated that Band B's grade 12 enrolments experienced a significant increase beginning at 1979 and Band A's grade 12 enrolments did not. Therefore the finding is that federal control of Indian education is associated with no increases in academic achievement as measured by enrolments into grade 12 and Indian control of Indian education is positively associated with academic achievement in these two cases. The time-series analysis of Band A's population trend from 1954 to 1974 produced a trend estimate of 23.12 which was significant (t = 19.21) at the .05 level. Since the 1954 to 1974 population trend for Band A did not indicate any intervention  94  effect it may be assumed that no unusual birthrates, deathrates or migration patterns intervened to affect the grade 12 enrolment patterns of Band A. The reason for this interpretation is that the same conditions that applied to Band B also applied to Band A during the period 1954 to 1974. Both bands shared the factors of isolation, rocky terrain, high cost of transportation, limited housing space, relative poverty, and the social orientation characterized in general as exclusive of Indians which limited Indian mobility. The indication therefore is that both bands had relatively stable populations partly because of the factors outlined above. This apparent population stability in turn adds some credence to the indicated difference in the significance of grade 12 enrolment patterns of each band at least in the sense that enrolment changes were not likely attributable to population variation. However, during this ten year period of 1976 to 1985 other changes took place both within and without the school system that may  also have contributed to the  grade 12 enrolment differences between Band A and Band B. It may be that other factors can account for the difference in grade 12 enrolments. These other changes are examined below, beginning  with changes within the school system, and  concluding with changes outside the school system. Seeking Other Explanations Changes Within the School System: Teachers. In 1974 the British Columbia Native Indian Teacher Education Program was initiated at the University of British Columbia. Other teacher programs for the training of Indian teachers followed suit in 1975 and in 1978 sponsored by Simon Fraser University with, first, the Mount Currie band and subsequently with bands in the North Okanagan area (More and Wallis, 1979). These programs helped to increase the number of what was then a relatively small core of Indian teachers.  Eventually these programs helped to  radically alter the makeup of Indian education in the province.  95 The between  most  radical alteration m a y  I n d i a n p u p i l and teacher.  have been  i n the  i m p l i e d relationship  W h e r e H a w t h o r n (1967) found that teachers  d u r i n g the 1950s generally d i d not expect Indian students to do w e l l i n school, it could now be assumed that the growing n u m b e r of Indian teachers i n the classrooms d u r i n g this period altered the former negative students to a more positive climate.  climate of expectations  for Indian  One possible reason for this presumed alteration  of the climate of expectations i n the classroom is that Indian teachers who graduate f r o m post secondary institutions are viewed by elementary-secondary h a v i n g demonstrated academic capability.  students  as  It m a y be, therefore, that the presence of  professionally qualified Indian teachers i n the classroom w o u l d not only result i n a positive attitude of expectations towards their Indian students, but also that these I n d i a n teachers m a y positively affect the attitude of n o n - I n d i a n teachers towards their Indian students.  If Indians can become professional teachers then it seems to  follow that Indians can be academically successful.  In a d d i t i o n it is assumed that it  is not necessary for Indian teachers to teach Indian grade 12 students i n order to be an inspiration to them.  Indians who become professional teachers at any level of the  school system are usually well k n o w n to their own communities.  T h i s brings up the  matter of another possible confounding variable to account for B a n d B's grade  12  enrolment growth. It is possible that a single person can inspire a school to greater  achievements.  D i d B a n d B , d u r i n g this period, have such a person on staff to w h o m could be attributed this grade 12 enrolment growth?  T h e yearly school reports from B a n d B  during this time provide no evidence of such a person.  Rather there is evidence of an  effort shared b y the school board, the school administration, and the paraprofessional staff.  B a n d B's  grade  inspirational person.  12 enrolment  growth  cannot  be attributed to a  single  96 Band A had a local band member as a school principal of its elementary school from 1970 to 1974 while Band B had one or two of its own members on the teaching staff for a brief period during the 1970s. It may be assumed that the possible effects of local band members on the teaching staff of both Bands A and B during the 1970s are, for the purposes of this paper, roughly equivalent. In addition to growing numbers of Indian teachers, Indian teacher aides (and other paraprofessionals such as Indian language teachers and Indian cultural resource people) in the classrooms during this time, some Indian students now found themselves under the educational authority of their own parents.  Band B, for  example, had an official school board elected from the band members with complete jurisdictional powers over its school while Band A had only a school committee with an advisory role. However, both bands had Indian teacher aides, Indian language teachers, and cultural resource people in the classroom. In fact the British Columbia Provincial Ministry of Education during this same period also provided for the same type of Indian education paraprofessionals in their provincial schools wherever sufficient numbers of Indian students were found. This means that Band A's grade 12  enrollees who  were off-reserve likely had access  to the same kind of  paraprofessional services as the grade 12 enrollees of Band B. If this is so then the professional school conditions for both Band A and Band B were similar during the ten year period under investigation.  Changes Within The School System: Curriculum. Native curriculum content as a supplement to the regular provincial curriculum was encouraged by both the provincial and federal government educational authorities as well as band educational authorities. In addition to the increasing usage of supplemental cultural curriculum content during this time there was also some change to the content of the provincial core curriculum.  In 1978, the Ministry of Education initiated major curriculum  revisions which resulted in a policy aimed at the elimination of pejorative material  97 not only against Indians but against visible minorities in general. At the same time, new auricular material became available such as that entitled 'Captain Cook and the Nootka'. This example of new curriculum was aimed at both grade 4 and grade 10 and demonstrably taught without bias the differences and similarities between the English and Indian societies. Both the changes to the provincial core curriculum and the incorporation of supplemental Indian cultural curriculum into the school system may be considered common to both Bands A and B during this time. Changes Without The School System. Although Band B acted upon the government policy of Indian control of Indian education in 1975 and Band A did not act until 1986, both bands nevertheless operated within the same climate of relative social, political and economic inclusion during this period. If this study had ended with the results of Chapter 3 then it would have been reasonable to expect a similar academic performance by two bands with demographic characteristics.  similar cultural, geographic, and  It is the comparability of Bands A and B in the  common societal context of inclusion which isolates and emphasizes the importance of their contrasting responses to inclusion and the possible effects of these responses upon academic achievement. ' The proactive stance of Band B is analogous to one who takes advantage of, and benefits from, an opportunity. Band A, on the other hand, did not take advantage of, or benefit from, the same opportunity. This idea that an inclusive policy requires a proactive response parallels, and is corroborated by, the findings of Ogbu (1987) who suggested that the different academic performances by members of the same minority group might be due to their different perceptions of the dominant society in which they lived. Those who perceived the dominant society as an enrichment performed well academically while those who perceived the dominant society as threatening or oppressive tended not to perform well academically. Although the terminology is different it may be theorized that positive perception is associated with a proactive stance by the minority group.  98 Suffice it to say that the absence of a positive and proactive response may be associated with academic failure irrespective of perception. The parallel of Ogbu's findings to Indian education is in the particular stance that minority groups take towards an inclusively oriented society. Ogbu's minority groups responded according to their respective perceptions of society.  Indian bands between 1976 and 1985  responded, one might infer, according to their perceptions of the new policy of Indian control of Indian education. Thus it may be theorized that inclusion is positively associated with academic achievement so long as a proactive stance is taken and that it has no impact on academic achievement when a proactive stance is not taken. The next chapter concludes the study with a summary, a discussion of theoretical applications and some implications for research and policy.  CHAPTER  5  SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONSA N D  T h i s concluding chapter begins investigation.  IMPLICATIONS  w i t h a s u m m a r y of the p r o b l e m a n d its  T h e conclusions section w h i c h follows the s u m m a r y , enters into a  discussion of the results i n the light of the theory of context and deals w i t h potential issues of interpretation.  T h e chapter ends w i t h the implications of the findings for  research a n d policy.  S U M M A R Y  T h i s study was p r o m p t e d b y an observation of increasing grade 12 enrolments of status  Indians i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a between  the years 1949 and 1985.  This  observation presented a potential p r o b l e m because of the commonly held view that Indian education has always been a failure. Several factors guided the study towards a theoretical approach to the p r o b l e m statement of apparently increasing grade 12 enrolments.  Recent studies o'f m i n o r i t y groups by O g b u (1987) and others, together  w i t h the ideas of A d l e r (1982) and Dewey (1938), provided the necessary parts for a holistic theoretical approach from w h i c h hypotheses  could be drawn.  O n the one  h a n d A d l e r a n d Dewey stressed the importance of graduating into a meaningful society that offered gainful employment while on the other h a n d O g b u a n d others suggested the importance of the relationship between the academic performance of a minority a n d its perception of the orientation of the dominant, society. w i t h Housego's  Together  (1980) notion of accounting for both the internal and  environments of education the theory of context was developed for this study.  99  external  100 T h e theory of context proposes that education takes place i n , and is affected b y , a context of conditions b o t h external a n d i n t e r n a l to education.  T h e external  factors assumed to affect student achievement are the prevailing social, political, and economic conditions while the internal factors assumed to affect student achievement are c u r r i c u l u m and teacher  characteristics.  T h e prevailing social, political, a n d  economic conditions could be characterized as either inclusion or exclusion. Inclusion was  hypothesized  to  exclusion associated  be  positively  associated  with  w i t h no increases i n academic  academic achievement  achievement as measured  and by  enrolment i n t o grade 12. A n e x a m i n a t i o n of the history of Indian education confirmed the c o m m o n l y held view that Indian education has always been a failure.  Indian education, u n t i l  recently, has also always been guided i n its policies a n d strategies for educational practice by a W h i t e prerogative.  P a r t of the prerogative was also to provide a  rationale when the various policies a n d strategies failed.  P r e d i c t a b l y , the earliest  explanations for Indian educational failure placed the blame on the 'savage' nature of the Indian. In recent decades a number of kinds of explanations for failure have been suggested.  E a c h explanation has focussed u p o n the 'nature' of the Indian as the  source of failure.  In the 1950s it was supposed that the Indian suffered from an  impoverishment of culture a n d genetic inferiority. D u r i n g the 1960s the educational diagnosis indicated that the Indian was now either culturally disadvantaged suffered  from  a  'significant'  cultural  discontinuity.  Subsequently  or  educators  discovered t h a t the Indian d i d indeed suffer significant cultural discontinuity i n the classroom. determined.  F o r example, the Indian has a different learning style w h i c h is culturally One of the cultural determinants suggested is that the Indian has a  different view of reality, a different value focus, all of w h i c h help to explain a different learning style and educational failure.  However, it was believed by the  present researcher that the explanations were inadequate because of their focus upon  101 the  Indian  as  the  source  of  failure  while  the  non-Indian, who  assumed  all  responsibility for Indian education, was not adequately considered as an a d d i t i o n a l possible source to explain this failure.  Hence the theory of context was developed to  account for b o t h . G u i d e d b y this theory of context, the data analysis yielded three p r i n c i p a l findings.  First,  the  orientation of  society  moved  transitional (1960s) to inclusion (1970s and 1980s). increases  of status  significant.  Indians i n B r i t i s h  f r o m exclusion  (1950s)  to  Second, the grade 12 enrolment  C o l u m b i a were found to be  statistically  T h a t is to say the enrolment increases were greater t h a n might have  been expected b y chance.  T h e y increased at a faster rate t h a n d i d the p o p u l a t i o n  from w h i c h the students came: their increase was stronger i n the 1970s; and it was particularly pronounced i n the 1980s.  T h i r d , a comparison of grade 12 enrolment  d a t a for 1976 to 1985 for two bands (one of w h i c h exercised its o w n control over education while the other continued as before under government control), showed that the Indian controlled b a n d experienced significant enrolment increases while the government controlled b a n d experienced no significant increases over the same time. These results suggest a n u m b e r of conclusions and have implications for research a n d policy.  CONCLUSIONS T h e results of this study help to support the theory of context. originally proposed was refined as the study progressed.  T h e theory as  In its original form the  theory proposed that the context for educational achievement w o u l d be shaped by external a n d internal factors.  T h e provincial data supported the theory w i t h respect  to the chief external factor of social orientation. T h e band data, however, posed the need to modify the theory by introducing the notion of Indian response to inclusion. T h e response of assuming control was seen as a proactive response.  T h i s control  102 factor proved to be such that it seems likely that the effect of other internal conditions, as in curriculum and teacher characteristics, would be mediated by it. The revised theory is shown diagrammatically in Table 8. Notice that when the societal orientation is exclusive the band orientation is irrelevant. The choice of wording is deliberate.  Historians have remarked that after the war of 1812 the  Indians became 'irrelevant' in Canadian history. Society may be so dominant that when its orientation is exclusive of a minority such as the Indian people the orientation of the Indian is literally of no consequence. In the present study the exclusive orientation of society was accompanied by a societal characteristic which Barman (1986) has called the 'White prerogative'. The result was a lack of success in academic achievement as illustrated in Table 8.  Table 8 Societal Orientation  Band Orientation  Academic Achievement  Exclusive  irrelevant  unsuccessful  proactive as in 'Indian control'  positive  passive as in 'gov't control'  neutral  Inclusive  On the other hand when the societal orientation is inclusive of Indian people academic achievement appears to be dependent upon the response of the bands to inclusion. A proactive stance as expressed in Indian control of Indian education is positively associated with academic performance while a passive stance as in  103 government control of Indian education is 'neutrally' associated with academic achievement. These results seem consistent with the studies of minority groups by Ogbu (1987) and others. While no firm conclusions can be reached on the basis of a single case, the parallelism is strongly suggestive. Ogbu suggested that academic achievement is positively associated with the perception by minority groups that the dominant society is a source of cultural enrichment. The assumption is that this perception inspires the minority student into a proactive stance which results in academic achievement.  Indian control of Indian education provides the same  opportunity for academic achievement although the perceived source of cultural enrichment is different. Rather than perceiving the dominant society as a source of cultural enrichment, the Indian perceives it as culturally threatening, and therefore, the preferred source of cultural enrichment, is Indian society.  Another difference  between the two groups is that while the minority immigrant receives the enrichment of the dominant culture the Indian has had to struggle down through the centuries, first to resist persistent attempts at cultural genocide, then to demand and slowly begin to revive a truly enriching culture.  The common principle, however, of both  kinds of perceptions is that each is a positive and proactive orientation to opportunities that may be provided by the dominant society. As in the case of most theories in the behavioural sciences the world is less tidy than the theory proposes.  In the present case two particular areas of  "untidiness" are important to recognize. First, the degree of orientation of Canadian society does vary from province to province (Ponting 1984) and even the most inclusively oriented province may have pockets of exclusive orientation.  The  emphasis in this study is upon the importance, not of absolute inclusion, but of relative inclusion in British Columbia as it may affect student achievement. Obvious indices of inclusion include the right to vote in elections, equal access to job opportunities, equal access to public places such as restaurants, motels, and hotels.  104 The presence of these indicators now clearly suggests a much greater inclusivity than existed in earlier periods. They do not however, indicate a perfect state of inclusion. Complete inclusiveness cannot be claimed for a society in which inquiries into judicial abuse, land claim tensions and other stresses still occur. The second area of "untidiness" is that two conditions of Indian control and federal control respectively do not represent, the full set of possible arrangements. There exist, a number of bands which have assumed partial control of their education, usually at the pre-school level. Although the two bands in this study represented full Indian control and full federal control they were not completely or ideally comparable in terms of urban and rural enrolments. The grade 12 enrolments of the Indian controlled band was  both rural and isolated while the grade 12  enrolments of the federally controlled band were located in several urban high schools in the provincial school system.  Ordinarily, rural and urban education are not  comparable for research purposes. However, the rationale, in spite of conclusive evidence shown in educational studies that urban students tend to experience more success in school than rural students, is that, in this study, there was a reverse expectation. More grade 12 enrollees were predicted to come from the rural area school than from the urban area schools. Irrespective of this untidy comparison weighted against the hypothesis of the study, the results were still positive and the theory of context is provided some credence. These observations notwithstanding, it does appear that the theory of context in this study provides a more plausible explanation for Indian educational failure than did other explanations which focussed principally upon the 'nature' of the Indian  and  ignored  the  'nature' of White- society who  responsibility for Indian education.  In the same way  assumed complete  the theory of context, as  proposed and refined here, offers a plausible explanation for the observed fact of  105 academic achievement of status Indian pupils in British Columbia as measured by enrolment into grade 12. The revised theory does not necessarily imply that a proactive stance to inclusion is the only possible solution to be found positively associated with the academic achievement of status Indians. What the findings of this study may imply is that a proactive stance to inclusion allows or enables other suggested solutions for Indian educational failure to take place. For example, in the concern for relevant curriculum, if an Indian language is found to be positively associated with academic achievement then a proactive stance to inclusion would, and does enable, a studjf of Indian languages. Similarly, if learning style is important to academic achievement, if the administrative leadership of school principals is important to academic achievement, if community involvement in schools is important to academic achievement, then a proactive stance to inclusion would enable an Indian band to address these points. If bands at first do not seem to address various educational concerns too well it is likely a problem of incipience rather than innate incapability. No band, however, may do worse than, first the early French and English attempts at Indian education and latterly, the Euro-Canadian through the federal government. Ultimately the outcome of this new Indian education strategy may accomplish what centuries of European efforts could not, namely, a formally educated Indian public. Since the theory of context assumes an interrelationship between groups, it follows that whatever terminology is used to describe the proactive stance of the Indian, whether it is Indian control, self-government, or self determination, the contextual assumption holds.  Indian control, therefore, means Indian control of  Indian education in the context of both federal and  provincial jurisdictions.  Although the historic principle of educating the Indian .remains, both the strategy and the intended outcome are different. The difference now is that not only can the Indians  provide the strategy rather than the  Euro-Canadian but  academic  106 achievement may also now be accomplished by the Indian, as an Indian, rather than as a Europeanized person. If these conclusions are acceptable then the next point to be addressed is the nature of Indian control and the complexity of its interpretation. Indian control means a degree of control rather than absolute control. The federal government has legal and financial responsibilities for Indian education some of which is devolved by policy to Indian bands who elect to exercise a measure of control over their own education. The provinces provide the curriculum into which bands may incorporate supplemental Indian cultural material. Clearly Indian control in the context of society is very much a matter of degree constrained by the network of federal and provincial jurisdictions. On the other hand Indian control may be seen as a liberating policy from the constraints of a dominant society which formerly did not permit Indians to participate in the decision-making about Indian education. From another perspective it might admittedly be possible to consider Indian control of Indian education as an exclusively oriented education policy. The words 'Indian' control of 'Indian' education suggest an exclusion of others from the process of Indian education. In theory it is possible for Indians to exclude others from the process of Indian education but in practice it is not economically feasible. The external context of Indian education is necessarily Canada. This means that Indian education must include provincial curriculum and standards in order for the educational qualifications of Indian graduates to be recognized within the larger, dominant society.  If Indian education did not set its goal to meet provincial  standards of educational excellence the result would likely be, in Wolcotts' phrase, 'headstarts to nowhere'. In practice this reality translates into the necessity for mostly non-Indian teachers and non-Indian administrators in band controlled schools until enough Indian teachers and administrators are trained. In addition, both the policy and practice of Indian schools in the past has been to be inclusively oriented towards non-Indian pupils. It is probably a truism to say that no child has ever been  107 excluded from an I n d i a n school.  It is a time-honored tradition of hospitality w i t h i n  I n d i a n communities that is carried on to the present day.  It appears therefore  that  I n d i a n control of I n d i a n education, as it is widely practiced today, is an inclusively oriented policy f r o m b o t h the perspective of the dominant society and the perspective of the Indian society. non-Indians  but  There is some rhetoric i n the land w h i c h sounds exclusive of  this type of rhetoric is exceptional.  Evidence  of general  and  widespread p a r t i c i p a t i o n of Indian people i n the social, political, and economic fabric of C a n a d i a n society  today  is witness  to the t r u t h and sincerity of the original  declaration of the N a t i o n a l Indian B r o t h e r h o o d i n 1972.  T h e policy paper said on  page 3:  W e must, therefore, reclaim our right to direct the education of our children. B a s e d on two education principles recognized i n C a n a d i a n society: P a r e n t a l Responsibility and L o c a l C o n t r o l of E d u c a t i o n , Indian parents seek participation and partnership w i t h the Federal Government, whose legal responsibility for Indian education is set by the treaties and the Indian A c t . (Indian C o n t r o l of Indian E d u c a t i o n : P o l i c y Paper: N I B )  Notice the inclusive orientation of the wording of this historic document which has been instrumental i n radically changing the state of Indian education.  T h e first  sentence is a demand for a basic right available to every other C a n a d i a n citizen, namely parental responsibility and local control. relational, interconnected  T h e emphasis, i n keeping w i t h the  Indian worldview, is upon participation and partnership  w i t h i n the context of C a n a d i a n society. One caveat is necessary.  If the results and tentative conclusions of this study  give the impression of tremendous academic success as measured by enrolment into grade 12, it may be a misleading impression. Indian educational failure, as measured by  any  standard,  proportions.  has  been  shown  to  be  of long standing  and  of  disastrous  Hawthorn's report of a 94% national failure rate during the 1950s  suggests the near zero starting base of this study.  Therefore, one m a y conclude that  108  the results of this study are significant relative to a near zero starting base but not necessarily significant if compared to the norm in Canadian society. Much more educational progress and achievement are needed. Action to achieve that greater progress and achievement should not be hindered by complacency resulting from false impressions about the results of this study.  IMPLICATIONS F O RFURTHER  RESEARCH  The implications for further research stem from both the study's theoretical aspects as well as from its empirical ones. Prompted by the theory of context it is interesting to speculate what effects Indian educational successes may  have both  upon the Indian communities involved and the orientation of society in general. Will increasing numbers of academically successful Indians affect the social orientation of society positively, negatively, or not at all? In view of the demonstrated importance in the present study of the orientation" of society, it would seem important to institute research to monitor the effects as soon as possible. The theory of context also suggests that it would be useful to examine the assumptions of culture which are responsible for the orientations of both the dominant society and the minority group. This type of research would assume that the orientation of society does not happen in a philosophical vacuum. For example, why  did the European entertain notions of cultural superiority?  Why  would one  group of people in the world presume to teach the rest of the world how to live? If current events are rooted in the past (Tosh 1984), which events can be traced to the notions of cultural superiority? Which parts of European culture might account for, and which parts might not account for, the notion of cultural superiority?  What  were the assumptions of Indian culture that can be associated with the persistent resistance by Indians to European notions of cultural superiority? From this type of research might emerge principles of inter-nation, inter-group relationships that would  109  help to explain not only certain behaviour patterns such as persistent educational failure or success but also explain why the failures or successes have been persistent. These possible explanations would form part of the theory of context. In the same vein it may be useful to identify the indices of societal orientation more clearly and extensively than has been done in this study, in order to find out their nature.  Perhaps it might be hypothesized that certain indices of societal  orientation, such as mutual respect, are indications of a healthy society while other indices such as pervasive alienation and anomie, are indications of a less healthy society. Another application of the theory of context, would be to hypothesize that it may be a universal law. That is, it may be hypothesized that one of the principles of life, one of the inherent irrevocable conditions of life, is contextual.  The null  hypothesis would be that context makes no difference to life. Those who understand the Indian worldview and its assumption that all creation and all life are the product of one Creator, might agree that this view is suggestive of a relatedness and connectedness between all things. Environmentalist might agree with the foregoing notion at least at the planetary level, if not, at a universal level. As far as the data are concerned, it is to be noted that this study would not have been possible without the nominal roll.  The fact that only the grade 12  enrolments were used illustrates the potential value of the nominal roll for further research related to other grades. For example, it was noted that during the 1950s there was a concern for dropouts at the grade 4 level. The nominal roll might be useful for research into the possible evolution of dropouts beginning at the grade 4 level. Other research possibilities for the nominal roll include an analysis of band enrolment data from grades 1 through 12, a band by band comparison of one or more grade levels, a province by province comparison of enrolment data, and an analysis of the national enrolment data. Finally, to take into account the limitations of the nominal roll, some alternative data would be useful for a more complete picture. For  110  example, case studies could be undertaken in order to trace specific students to see if their academic performances can be explained by the theory of context developed through the use of the nominal roll.  IMPLICATIONS FOR POLICY  The findings lend some credence to the idea that the federal Indian education policy currently in place is efficacious. Irrespective of theoretical differences about the meaning of Indian control of Indian education it is evident that, in the two cases studied, when Indian people were allowed to make decisions about the education of their children there was greater academic achievement as measured by grade 12 enrolments.  From about 1600 to 1972 Euro-Canadians essentially made all the  decisions about Indian education with little success. In contrast, in a little more than a decade, the results of this study indicate that a policy shift from Euro-Canadian control of Indian education to Indian control of Indian education has dramatically changed the enrolment patterns of one band from a failing system into one that is succeeding. What are the component parts of this apparent success story? The component parts are the following: 1) A shift to inclusiveness by the dominant society 2) A self-determined response to inclusion by the Indian The study also permits one to suggest that if the new Indian education policy is providing the opportunities for Indian academic achievement the old Indian education policies which assumed Euro-Canadian control of Indian education should not be revived. The old assumptions of Euro-Canadian control of Indian education may resurface in another form. For example, a government may ask, what do you do about the Indian people who are not ready to manage their own education programs, who may never be ready to manage their own programs?  This question may be  Ill  couched with real concern but it is an expression of an old colonial mentality which views Indians as children who need White folks to look after their affairs. The federal government usurped the decision-making powers of the Indian with the enactment of the Indian Act in 1876 and it may take time for the Indians to regain the powers of management which had led them to educate and govern successfully for untold centuries prior to the advent of the European. By the same token it may take time for officials in the dominant society to leave aside their colonially derived sense of caring. Finally, the study suggests a comment about legal jurisdiction over Indian education. There is no legal basis for provinces to provide for Indian control of Indian education since the responsibility for the original treaties is now with the federal government of Canada.  This final implication about legal jurisdiction  involves a difficult ideological question that is rooted in the history of IndianEuropean relationships. In the beginning, the Indian-European relationships were characterized by mutual respect and equality, politically, socially, and economically. In fact there is reason to believe that without the aid of its Indian military allies Canada's history may have ended with the war of 1812. Subsequent treaties together with the enactment of the Indian Act signalled the responsibility of the crown for Indian education. There is disagreement today about the specifics of the agreements but not about the principle of federal jurisdiction. Currently, the federal government is fulfilling its responsibilities for Indian education more efficaciously than it ever has since the beginning of Indian-European relations. However, the 'White prerogative' as a basis of Indian education policy prevailed for some 450 years and the new policy of Indian control of Indian education has only been in effect since 1973 and its effects are only now just beginning to show. Indian education has begun a new era and it may take another generation or more to achieve educational parity with the EuroCanadian.  As the historic Indian adapted marvelously  to the pre-contact  112  environment so the modern Indian must, and is, adapting to the post-contact environment. It is hoped that as the historic Indian gave much to mankind so too will the modern Indian take up the ancestral torch and carry on the tradition of contributing and giving, of respecting all life and of caring for others above material things.  For it may  be argued that the antithesis of 'respecting all life' is the  assumption of cultural superiority wherein no other life is respected and wherein, for the purposes of this study, the result is social, political and economic exclusion associated with academic failure.  113 BIBLIOGRAPHY  Adams, D. 1974  "Self-Determination and Indian education: A case study." American Indian Education. 13, (2), 21-27.  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PLOT OF AUTOCORRELATIONS LAG 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10  - 1 .0 . -0.8 -0.6 -0.4 -0.2 0.0 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1.0 . + .... + ..-- + . + ..-- + .... + -...+ .+ + ....+ CORR. + I 0.873 + IXXXXXXXX+XXXXXXXXXXXXX 0.756 + IXXXXXXXXXXXXX+XXXXX 0.636 + IXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXX 0.526 + IXXXXXXXXXXXXX + 0.444 + IXXXXXXXXXXX + 0. 401 + IXXXXXXXXXX + 0. 371 + IXXXXXXXXX • 0.345 • IXXXXXXXXX + 0. 269 • IXXXXXXX + 0.161 IXXXX +  PLOT OF PARTIAL  AUTOCORRELATIONS  -1.0 -0.8 -0.6 -0>4 -0.2 LAG 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 e 9 10  0.873 -0.021 -0.080 -0.034 0.050 0.113 0.028 -0.007 -0.221 -0. 197  • • •  + + +  • •  + •  0.0  0.2  0.4  I ixxxxxxxx+: XI • XXI • XI • IX + IXXX + IX + I + XXXXXXI + XXXXXI +  0.6  0.8  1.0  128  A P P E N D I X  A N  E X A M P L E  INTERVENTION,  OF  B  C O R R E L O G R A N S  F O R  M O D E L L I N G  1982 A N D 1983.  The spikes within the confidence intervals represent "white noise".  PLOT  OF A U T O C O R R E L A T I O N S  -1.0 -0.8 -0.6 -0. J -0.2 0.0 .... + ...- +  LAG  1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10  -0.327 0.151 -0.052 -0.29 1 -0.083 0.029 -0.016 0. 238 0.099 -0.074  0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1.0 . + .... + .... + .... + ....+  I XXXXXXXXI IXXXX XI • XXXXXXXI + XXI + IX + + + +  I IXXXXXX IXX XXI  + + • + . + +  + + + +  PLOT OF PARTIAL AUTOCORRELATIONS LAG 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10  -1.0 -0.8 -0.6 -0.4 -0.2 0.0 0.2 0.4 0.6 0 8 1 0 CORR. • — +— +— •— •— •— •— +— • ; : I -0 .327 + XXXXXXXXI • 0 .049 + IX + 0 .013 • I -0 . 349 + X+XXXXXXXI -0,.343 + X+XXXXXXXI + -0..062 XXI . + -0. 016 + I • 0. 113 + IXXX + 0. 143 + IXXXX -0. 064 + XXI  T H E  

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