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Grade 12 enrolments of status Indians in British Columbia: 1949 - 1985 Atleo, Eugene Richard 1990

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G R A D E 12 E N R O L M E N T S O F S T A T U S I N D I A N S I N B R I T I S H C O L U M B I A : 1 9 4 9 - 1 9 8 5 by E U G E N E R I C H A R D A T L E O B A . , University of British Columbia, 1968 M . E d . , University of British Columbia, 1976 A THESIS S U B M I T T E D IN P A R T I A L F U L F I L M E N T O F T H E R E Q U I R E M E N T S F O R T H E D E G R E E O F D O C T O R OF E D U C A T I O N in T H E F A C U L T Y OF G R A D U A T E STUDIES D E P A R T M E N T OF A D M I N I S T R A T I V E , A D U L T A N D H I G H E R E D U C A T I O N We accept this thesis as conforming t n -required s tanda^ T H E U N I V E R S I T Y OF B R I T I S H C O L U M B I A D E C E M B E R , 1989 © E U G E N E R I C H A R D A T L E O , 1989 National Library of Canada Bibliotheque nationale du Canada Canadian Theses Service Service des theses canadiennes Ottawa. Canada Kt A 0N4 The author has granted an irrevocable non-' exclusive licence allowing the National Library of Canada to reproduce, loan, distribute or sell copies of his/her thesis by any means and in any form or format, making this thesis available to interested persons. The author retains ownership of the copyright in his/her thesis. Neither the thesis nor substantial extracts from it may be printed or otherwise reproduced without his/her per-mission. L'auteur a accorde une licence irrevocable et non exclusive permettant a la Bibliotheque nationale du Canada de reproduire, prefer, distribute ou vendre des copies de sa these de quelque maniere et sous quelque forme que ce soit pour mettre des exemplaires de cette these a la disposition des personnes interessees. L'auteur conserve la propriete du droit d'auteur qui protege sa these. Ni la these ni des extraits substantiels de celle-ci ne doivent etre imprimes ou autrement reproduits sans son autorisation. ISBN 0 - 3 1 5 - 5 9 7 5 3 - 4 C a n a d a In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. (Signature) DE-6 (2/88) 11 A B S T R A C T This study examined the nature of the apparent increases in grade 12 enrolment patterns of status Indians in British Columbia from 1949 to 1985 in the light of a theory of context. This theory assumes that education takes place in, and is affected by, a context of conditions both external and internal to education. The external factors assumed to affect student achievement are the prevailing social, political, and economic conditions while the internal factors assumed to affect student achievement are curriculum and teacher characteristics. Historical evidence confirmed that a contextual change took place within the dominant society. This change was characterized as a move from a condition in which the dominant society excluded minorities (exclusion) to one in which the dominant society included minorities (inclusion) coincident with the apparent grade 12 enrolment increases of status Indians in British Columbia during the period covered by the study. When the enrolments were subjected to time-series analysis the results showed that the grade 12 enrolments had increased significantly between 1949 and 1985. This finding supported the hypothesis that inclusion was positively associated with academic achievement as measured by enrolment into grade 12. Inclusion by the dominant society was seen to have evoked at least two responses by Indian groups. Therefore, although a positive association between inclusion and academic achievement has been established it was necessary to compare contrasting responses to inclusion. For this purpose two British Columbia bands which were similar in terms of geographic, demographic, and cultural characteristics, but different in terms of their control of education, were selected. Band A was identified as having chosen to remain under government control with respect to Indian education between 1976 and 1985 while Band B had chosen to exercise Indian control with respect to Indian education during the same period. Their respective grade 12 enrolment patterns were then subjected to time-series iii analysis which revealed a significant difference in enrolment patterns. Band A's enrolment pattern was both linear and stationary, indicating a consistent level of enrolment over time. Band B's enrolment pattern, however, showed an abrupt constant intervention effect (significant at the .05 level, t=7.79) beginning at 1979. Since both bands began their enrolment pattern at about the same level, Band B's significant enrolment increase supported the prediction that Indian control of Indian education was positively associated with academic achievement as measured by grade 12 enrolments of status Indians while Band A's stationary enrolment pattern supported the hypothesis that government control of Indian education was associated with no increase in academic achievement as measured by enrolment into grade 12. The findings of this study indicate the explanatory value of a theory of context for academic achievement. Not only does the study suggest that improved student achievement of status Indians in British Columbia as measured by enrolment into grade 12 is found in a favorable context of external and internal conditions, but the study also suggests the necessity for a proactive response to these conditions. One such proactive response is Indian control of Indian education. iv T A B L E OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT ii LIST OF TABLES viii LIST OF FIGURES ix ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS x C H A P T E R Page 1 THE PURPOSE OF THE STUDY, ITS BACKGROUND AND DESIGN 1 THE PURPOSE AND THE BACKGROUND 1 EXPLANATIONS OF INDIAN EDUCATIONAL FAILURE AND A THEORY OF CONTEXT 6 THE IMPORTANCE OF THE STUDY 15 THE DESIGN OF THE STUDY 18 Hypothesized Relationships 19 Scope and Delimitations 19 Thesis Overview 21 2 CONTEXTUAL CHANGES IN INDIAN EDUCATION, 1600 to 1985 23 INDIAN EDUCATIONAL HISTORY IN CANADA FROM 1600 24 The French Influence 24 The English Influence 28 Political, Economic, and Social Conditions of the Indian-European Relationship to 1800 33 The Social, Political, and Economic Decline of the Indian after 1800 37 Summary 39 THE CONTEMPORARY HISTORY OF INDIAN EDUCATION, 1949 to 1985 39 V The 1950s: A Period of Exclusion 42 Education Policy 42 Social Conditions 44 Political Conditions 44 Economic Conditions 46 School System Conditions 47 Summary 47 The 1960s:A Period of Transition Towards Inclusion 48 Education Policy 48 Social, Political and Economic Conditions 49 School System Conditions 50 The 1970s to the Present: A Period of Inclusion 51 Education Policy 51 Social Conditions 56 Political Conditions 57 Economic Conditions 58 School System Conditions of the 1970s-1980s 59 SUMMARY 64 3 AN EXPLORATION OF THE PROVINCIAL DATA ON GRADE 12 ENROLMENTS OF STATUS INDIANS IN B.C 66 RESEARCH METHOD AND DESIGN 66 The Nature of the Data 67 The Data 67 Limitations of the Data 67 Assumptions Underlying the Use of the Data 69 Hypothesized Relationships 70 Time-Series Analysis 70 VI THE ANALYSIS OF PROVINCIAL ENROLMENT DATA 72 The Raw Data 72 The Analysis 75 Analysis of Cumulative and Average Figures 76 DISCUSSION: HYPOTHESIZED RELATIONSHIPS WITH CONTEXT....77 4 THE CASES OF LOCAL AND FEDERAL CONTROL: ANALYSIS OF BAND DATA 80 A DESCRIPTION OF THE TWO BANDS AND THEIR EDUCATIONAL CONTROL 81 Geographical Location 81 Culture 82 Demography 82 Educational Control 83 Hypothesized Relationships Between Control and Academic Achievement 85 THE ANALYSIS OF BAND DATA 85 Band Enrolment Patterns: 1976 to 1985 85 Band Population Patterns: 1954 to 1974 90 DISCUSSION: HYPOTHESIZED RELATIONSHIPS WITH CONTEXT....91 The Hypothesized Relationships 92 Seeking Other Explanations 94 Changes Within the School System: Teachers 94 Changes Within the School System: Curriculum 96 Changes Without the School System 97 vii 5 SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS 99 SUMMARY 99 CONCLUSIONS 101 IMPLICATIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH 108 I M P L I C A T I O N S FOR POLICY 110 BIBLIOGRAPHY 113 APPENDIX A- SELECTED EXAMPLES OF CORRELOGRAMS: B.C. ENROLMENT, 1949 TO 1981 : 127 APPENDIX B- EXAMPLES OF CORRELOGRAMS FOR MODELLING THE INTERVENTION, 1982 AND 1983 128 LIST OF TABLES Table 1- Indian Participation on Provincial School Boards 63 Table 2- Grade 12 Status Indian Enrolment in Proportion to the On-Reserve Population in British Columbia: 1949 to 1985 74 Table 3- Cumulative Grade 12 Enrolments (Academic years): 1949 to 1985 76 Table 4- Cumulative Grade 12 Enrolments in 12 Academic Year Periods: 1949 to 1985. In Relation to the Social Orientation of Each Period 78 Table 5 Grade 12 Enrolments and On-Off Reserve Populations: Band A and Band B: 1976 to 1985 86 Table 6- The Proportion of Grade 12 Enrolments to their Populations: Band A and Band B: 1976 to 1985 86 Table 7- Total Populations for Bands A and B: 1954 to 1974 91 Table 8- Societal Orientation, Band Orientation, Academic Achievement 102 L I S T O F F I G U R E S Figure 1 Grade 12 Enrolments of Status Indians in B.C.: 1949 to 1985 73 Figure 2 Comparison of Grade 12 Enrolments: Bands A and B: 1976 to 1985 88 Figure 3 Grade 12 Enrolments of Bands A and B: 1976 to 1985 89 X Acknowledgements Kleco! Kleco! (thankyou! tliankyou!) to the chairman of my advisory committee, Dr. J.G.T. Kelsey, whose advice, critique, encouragement, and humour helped to make the task of thesis writing both memorable and worthwhile. Kleco! Kleco! to Dr. Jean Barman, who, prior to a trip to England, spent one inspired night with my paper and provided great insight for the final conceptual structure of the thesis. Kleco! Kleco! to Dr. R.J. Hills, who remained true to his solid academic reputation by systematically exposing unnecessary sections of earlier thesis drafts, exposing premature statements about results, and in general providing thoughtful commentary about structural inconsistencies, logical inconsistencies, and ambiguous terms. Kleco! Kleco! to Dr. W.B. Boldt, who helped with the time-series analysis, and finally, Kleco! Kleco! to Marlene my wife and my sons Shawn and Taras who supported me to the very end. C H A P T E R 1 T H E P U R P O S E O F T H E S T U D Y , I T S B A C K G R O U N D A N D D E S I G N This study is about the success and failure of Indian students in school. This first chapter is divided into four major sections. The first section states the purpose of the study and explains the background for it. The second section examines traditional and current explanations for Indian students' failure and proposes the value of a theory of context in seeking better explanations. The third section deals with the importance of the study and the fourth section describes the study's hypotheses, scope and delimitations, and provides an overview of the dissertation report. T H E P U R P O S E A N D T H E B A C K G R O U N D In 1949 there were sixteen British Columbia status Indians enrolled in grade 12. By 1985 this enrolment had risen 31.5 times to 505. Over the same time the British Columbia status Indian on-reserve population had risen from 23,881 to 39,067, a 1.6 fold increase. Thus, proportionally speaking the increase in grade 12 enrolments is considerably greater than the increase in the population from which the grade 12 students are drawn. The problem is to provide a plausible explanation for this apparent change in enrolment since 1949. There are at least two reasons for beginning with the 1949 enrolments. The first and most important reason is that the nominal roll, which forms the data base for this study, began in that year and has continued to the present day. This unbroken record of enrolments compiled by the Department of Indian Affairs, provides the opportunity for an analysis of the apparent grade 12 enrolment increases between 1949 and the most recent data available at the inception of this study, 1 2 which was 1985. The second reason for choosing 1949 as a starting point of this study is that not only does it encompass a period known as contemporary history (Tosh, 1984) but it also marks the beginning of direct federal involvement in Indian education (Janzen, 1982). It is therefore no accident that the nominal roll has been kept by the Department of Indian Affairs continuously in British Columbia since 1949. This fact permits the use of a contemporary social, political and economic framework in which to analyze the grade 12 enrolment changes of status Indians over this same time. But before any study about grade 12 enrolment changes of status Indians in British Columbia can be initiated, the question of reliability of data must first be examined. Is the nominal roll, which was created by the Department of Indian Affairs to meet statutory requirements, a sufficiently reliable source of information for study purposes? To answer this question requires a knowledge of the legal basis for the existence of the nominal roll and its method of recording. Various statutes respecting Indians dating back to 1868 were consolidated into an Indian Act in 1876 (Government of Canada, 1981b). This Act defined a special relationship between the Indians of Canada and the colonial government. By statute this special relationship set apart Indian lands and lives from those of all other Canadian citizens. More relevant to this study are those sections relating to the education of Indians. The initial statutory references to the education of Indians were brief. Section 63, subsection 6 of the Indian Act of 1876 merely states, "The chief or chiefs of any band in council may frame, subject to confirmation by the Governor in Council, rules and regulations for the following subjects, viz.: The construction and repair of school houses" (Government of Canada, 1981b, p. 24). It was not until the revisions to the Indian Act in 1951 that statutory references to Indian education were expanded from one to ten sections providing for such matters as: education agreements with private and public agencies on behalf of Her Majesty for the education of Indian children; standards for education facilities; regulations relating to attendance and school age of Indian children; and the religious affiliation of teachers in Indian schools (Government of Canada, 1981c). One explanation for the brevity of references to Indian education in the Indian Act prior to 1951 is that the Indians were assured during the signing of the various treaties that their education would be provided by the government of Canada. For example, the Report of the Commissioners for Treaty 8 stated in 1899, As to education, the Indians were assured that there was no need of any special stipulation, as it was the policy of the Government to provide in every part of the country, as far as circumstances would permit, for the education of Indian children. (Government of Canada, 1981d, p. 80) The effect of both the treaties and the Indian Act is that the education of Indians is a federal responsibility. The official arm of the federal government charged with the responsibility of administering the Indian Act is' commonly known as the Department of Indian Affairs. Although legal responsibilities are not necessarily related to reliability of information gathering and reliability of information, legal responsibilities nevertheless demand reliability of information. The nominal roll, which was created to meet legal responsibilities, is tied directly to parliamentary appropriations for the Indian education budget. Although this type of demand for accuracy does not ensure accuracy it may be assumed to go some way to assisting in its provision. One may assume that under extraordinary conditions a demand for accuracy does not necessarily equate with reliability of data but under ordinary conditions a demand for accuracy is likely to be related to reliability of data. Having established the presumptive accuracy of the nominal roll it remains to describe the method of recording in order to find out if the recording procedures are acceptable for reliable information gathering for the purposes of the present study. In brief, the nominal roll is a record of status Indian students who are enrolled in 4 elementary and secondary schools and whose parents are ordinarily resident on-reserve. The location of the elementary and secondary schools may be on or off reserve but the parents of the grade 12 enrollees must be ordinarily resident on-reserve according to the provisions of the Indian Act. If the parents are not ordinarily resident on-reserve (or crown land) then their children come under the educational jurisdiction of the provinces in the same way as do those of other Canadian citizens. Although the initial compilation is based upon individual classroom registers, the final tally of Indian students does not include names or ages. The nominal roll process begins with the classroom teacher who registers each Indian pupil's name, grade, age, band number, and band. The principal or head teacher then sends the total school roll to a local Indian agency or district office which checks each name against an official Indian register. Each agency or district then consolidates its nominal roll and sends it to a regional agency office where it is checked again for accuracy and then sent on to the headquarters in Ottawa where it is summarized. From the foregoing description of the nominal roll compilation process, one may assume that it has an acceptable information gathering procedure and may therefore be considered an acceptable source of information for study purposes. It follows from this discussion about status Indians that other Indians must exist, who are not status or who are not entitled to be registered as status Indians. It should be noted in passing that status and registered Indians are synonymous terms. All those of Indian status are entitled to be registered as Indians, and, all registered Indians are status Indians. This notation signifies the possibility that some status Indians have not been, for a variety of reason?, registered. When a situation demands or makes registration necessary it is a simple reporting procedure for the unregistered Indian to register. There are no rules requiring registration and therefore no penalties associated with the timing of registration. 5 Registered Indians are divided into status and treaty Indians (where the latter Indians have specific treaties with the federal government and the former do not) while others of aboriginal ancestry who are not entitled to be registered are known as non-status Indians and Metis. Prior to June 25, 1985 when the Indian Act was revised by Bill C-31, an Indian could become a non-status Indian by enfranchisement or, if female, by marriage to a non-Indian (Government of Canada, 1981c). Enfranchisement was a provision in the Indian Act for any registered Indian to relinquish Indian status by application to the Minister of Indian Affairs, providing the Minister was satisfied that the applicant was "capable of assuming the duties and responsibilities of citizenship" (Government of Canada, 1981c, p.24). The definition of Metis is complex but basically it refers to those of mixed aboriginal and non-aboriginal ancestry who identify themselves as Metis, and who are not entitled to be registered as Indians. An additional aboriginal group in Canada are the Inuit (formerly known as Eskimo) of the Northwest Territories. In 1939 the Supreme Court of Canada ruled that the provisions of the Indian Act also applied to the Inuit (Government of Canada, 1985). This study is concerned only with the registered (hereafter referred to as status) Indians of British Columbia who were in elementary or secondary school during the period 1949 to 1985. Bill C-31 came into effect too late to affect the parameters of this study. It has already been observed that the second reason for choosing 1949 as a starting point of this study is that not only does it encompass a period known as contemporary history but it also marks the beginning of direct federal involvement in Indian education. Although Indian education is a federal responsibility by statute, the education of Indians in Canada prior to 1949 .was left largely in the hands of the various church denominations (Janzen, 1982). Clearly, then, 1949 proves to be an ideal place to begin an examination of contemporary grade 12 enrolment patterns of status Indians in British Columbia because, not only is a continuous record of 6 enrolment available for study, but also the analysis may take place within a well defined historical period. Another question that arises from the problem statement is: why examine the changing grade 12 enrolment patterns of status Indians in British Columbia at all? The reason for this examination is that grade 12 enrolment patterns have apparently changed so recently that as late as 1976, Brooks observed that "studies examining the academic achievement of Indian children yield what is now a familiar and dreary statistic. Clearly, we have not been successful in this regard, yet there are few answers available" (p. 192). In 1967 Hawthorn reported one 'dreary statistic', in a national survey of Canada's Indians, as a 94% failure rate. That is, the grade 12 enrolment of 1961 was 6% of the grade 1 enrolment of 1949. In British Columbia, (the focus of this study), the indicated failure rate of Indian pupils for the same period was 96%. That is, according to Hawthorn's method of calculation the grade 12 enrolment in British Columbia was 4% of the grade 1 enrolment of eleven years previous. Hawthorn's figures, for Canadian society in general, showed a failure rate of only 12%. The observed large increase in the grade 12 enrolment pattern of status Indians in British Columbia between 1949 and 1985 requires that an up to date analysis be performed. To set the stage for an updated analysis it is useful to examine how Hawthorn and others explained the Indian educational failure which they observed. This explanation leads to an explanation of the theory of context. E X P L A N A T I O N S O F I N D I A N E D U C A T I O N A L F A I L U R E A N D A T H E O R Y O F C O N T E X T In the past, the most common theoretical explanations of Indian educational failure focussed upon the differences of culture, broadly speaking, between the Indian and non-Indian (Erickson, 1987; Ogbu, 1987). Indian pupils fail in school, it was 7 initially maintained, because of cultural deprivation. Since there are a variety of definitions of culture, this paper will assume that one culture may be defined by contrasting it with another culture. Levi-Strauss (1963) wrote of such contrasts as 'significant discontinuities'. For example, the group-oriented values of one group may be said to be a significant discontinuity from the individually-oriented values of another group. The former group places a higher value upon group goals while the latter group places a higher value upon individual goals. The general definition of culture by Levi-Strauss has the advantage of not being bound by a specific context and may be applied to comparative cultures even as they change and evolve. Historically, in Indian-White relations, the task of defining culture meant references to language differences, belief differences, behavioural differences, skin color differences and so on, but today these differences seem to have evolved into a degree of uniformity and become blurred in some cases. Some Indians today may speak only English, hold similar beliefs to those of non-Indians, behave in a fashion similar to non-Indians, and even have a skin color that is not distinguishable from non-Indians. Yet 'significant discontinuities' between the Indian and others are implied in the use of the phrase 'Indian culture' even when some of the formerly significant discontinuities such as language and beliefs may not be as significant as they were in the past. Nevertheless, if historical roots are considered part of culture then an Indian culture is certainly different from other cultures whose historical roots may be from other lands. The importance of historical roots is based upon the assumption that fundamental beliefs about life are transferred from one generation to another. Moreover, when the fundamental beliefs about life become assumptions of culture which are not usually articulated (Lane, 1967) the transfer becomes automatic and largely unconscious. It is perhaps in the area of the assumptions of culture rooted in the distant past that the Indian of today may differ even if other cultural differences 8 seem to be blurring into 'insignificant continuities' as opposed to 'significant discontinuities'. During the 1950s the perception that Indians had an impoverished culture was of course an historical legacy of European notions of cultural superiority. Hence, it was theorized that because the Indian was impoverished in culture he or she must begin school with an apparent insurmountable handicap. The meaning of 'impoverished in culture' referred to a lack of Euro-Canadian culture within the Indian. Hawthorn reported that, during the 1950s, non-Indians did not expect Indians in general to develop socially acceptable skills along the same lines as Whites. The implication is that the Indian lacked the meanings of Euro-Canadian culture and this type of impoverishment led to maladaptive social behaviour, Indian educational failure and so on. Then it was thought during the 1960s that Indians did not have an impoverished culture after all, and so the reason for their lack of achievement in school was now thought to be caused by cultural discontinuity (Hawthorn 1967; Ogbu 1987). Leslie Gue (1974) characterized cultural discontinuity in terms of value differences. For example, the Indian may hold group goals as being more important than individual goals while the non-Indian may hold individual goals to be more important than group goals. Both held the same range of goal values but each put a different focus or emphasis upon these goal values depending upon what was considered more important. Subsequent explanations of Indian educational failure are variants of this cultural discontinuity perspective. More (1986), for example, suggests that Indian pupils in general have different learning styles., from others. Learning styles are culturally determined. Therefore, an Indian pupil encountering an alien learning style in a classroom suffers cultural discontinuity. More's perspective is strengthened by other observations of remarkable and basic differences between the Indian 9 worldview and western man's worldview. DeFaveri (1984) holds that the Indian worldview is characterized by oneness with the universe while the western worldview is characterized by individualism and isolationism. The former worldview holds that everything is related and connected in some way while the latter worldview may recognize holistic subsystems within the universe yet tend to the opposite view that reality is not necessarily made up of related or connected parts. Brumbaugh (1963, p.136), philosophizing about this phenomenon in education has said that while the "separations [of reality] are useful, even vital" they have been overdone and "ignore the basic character of the experiential continuum." In contrast to the separations of reality which might be argued to be characteristic of the western worldview the Indian worldview is characterized by wholeness, connectedness and interrelationships (Kluckhohn, 1949; Bryde, 1971; Sealy, 1973; DeFaveri, 1984; Berger, 1985; Friesen, 1985; Kelly & Nelson, 1986; McCaskill, 1987). More's suggestion therefore is that teachers of Indian pupils should attempt to suit their teaching style to the Indian learning style which has been affected by assumptions of the wholeness and interrelatedness of reality. It is no great step to move from the view that a minority culture is different, to the view that the minority group is genetically inferior. A theoretical view of genetic inferiority formed part of the rationale for the 'impoverished in culture' view of the 1950s (Erickson, 1987) and dropped into disuse as such views became unacceptable in the seventies. It has recently resurfaced, however, in the view that the Indian is right-brained and therefore deficient in language function. Chrisjohn and Lanigan (1986) assert that no reliable data exist "to conclude that such a deficit is indeed present in Indians" (p.55). In another paper Chrisjohn and Peters (1986) draw the following conclusions: 10 We suggest that the neurological and neuropsychological evidence is nowhere near conclusive at this point, and that the performance patterns of Native American children do not necessarily reflect a "right brain dominance" of the Native Americans. As of now, the "right brained Indian" has to be considered a myth rather than a scientifically valid fact. (p.62) It could, of course, be argued that other pupils from different cultural backgrounds have entered the Canadian school system, apparently under the same kind of handicaps as the Indian, and have not failed as completely as the Indian has failed, and that therefore it is reasonable to assume that if no other plausible explanations about Indian educational failure are available then the possibility that the Indian is genetically inferior may be entertained. The present study does not accept this argument and examines the possibility of a plausible perspective other than that of genetic inferiority to account for Indian educational failure. This perspective of Indian educational failure views it from a theory of context. This theory assumes that there is a relationship between an individual and the society in which that individual lives. If the relationship is characterized by a negative orientation of society towards that individual, then the theory of context holds that that individual will be negatively affected. For example, if society rejects an individual socially, politically and economically, then that individual may respond by either committing suicide, behaving in unacceptable deviant ways in order to survive, or by emigrating to another country if possible. On the other hand the theory of context holds that when society accepts an individual socially, politically and economically, then that individual may respond by behaving in socially acceptable ways. The assumed relationship between an individual and society is also argued to apply, in general, to the relationship between society and a minority group. An important aspect of the theory of context is that it forces a shift in the focus of any discussion about Indian educational failure from the differences between the Indian and non-Indian to a focus upon similarities between the Indian and non-11 Indian. Where the focus was formerly upon 'significant discontinuities' between the Indian and non-Indian, they are now focussed upon what may be termed 'significant continuities'. Although the Indian and non-Indian may differ culturally in terms of historical roots and in terms of special legislation about Indians, they are nevertheless similar in other respects. For example, th.ey share the same country and form parts of the same Canadian society. Whether Indians profess an affinity for western civilization or not, they nevertheless demonstrate a tacit acceptance, at least of its material benefits, by living in modern homes, driving modern cars, and generally enjoying all the modern conveniences. In addition many Indians can be found participating in society today in a variety of unskilled, skilled, and even professional jobs, attending schools whose curriculum is mainly Euro-Canadian, attending various Christian churches, taking advantage of modern recreational facilities, and generally striving to do well within rather than without Canadian society. Even those Indians who may openly reject western ways and values can find no escape from minimal participation in Canadian society by their need for money, medical aid and so on. Yet in spite of tacit acceptance and the apparent similarities between the two groups, the Indian position in Canadian society is more of a propinquitous than a volitional nature. European civilization came to North America by colonization and thus became an inevitable and fixed context for the local Indian. The position of the Indian in such a case is referred to as an involuntary one by Ogbu (1987). It is an involuntary position within Canadian society in the sense that the Indian's minority position was, and is, not by choice. Involuntary minorities are thus contrasted with voluntary minorities who immigrate. Ogbu found that voluntary minorities tend to do well in school in contrast to involuntary minorities who tend not to do well. He cites such examples as the Buraku minority in Japan who do poorly in school but do well when they emigrate to the United States; the minority Koreans in Japan who do poorly in school but who do well when they emigrate to the United States; the 12 Mexicans born in the United States who do poorly in school while their brothers born in Mexico tend to do well when they emigrate to the United States. Gibson (1987) also found in a case study of first generation immigrant Punjabi pupils in California that they tended to do well in school even in the face of social and linguistic difficulties. These and other like studies are said to indicate a relationship between the voluntary and involuntary nature of minorities and their academic achievement and failure. What is brought to the fore by such interpretations is the consideration of the relationship between the individual, society and the education system. John Dewey (1938) said that the purpose of education is not only to 'graduate out of school but also to 'graduate into' a meaningful society. Dewey's stated purpose of education is for a student to graduate out of a local school into a larger society which provides, not insurmountable challenges and opportunities, but a society which may say to the graduate 'you have a place with us if we find you acceptable and you find us acceptable'. In such a case, where society and student-graduate find themselves mutually acceptable, it may be said that the student has graduated into a meaningful context. Dosman (1972) would define this relationship between an individual and society as inclusion. As the word suggests, inclusion refers to an acceptance by the dominant society of an individual or minority group. Exclusion is therefore the opposite and indicates a form of rejection by a dominant society of an individual or minority group. In the case of exclusion, society may now say to the graduate, "you have no place with us because we do not find you acceptable even if you find us acceptable". Another author, Adler (1982), maintains that when minority students can see no hope of securing meaningful jobs for themselves via education they will not be motivated to work hard or to do well in school, because they see no purpose in graduating into a society which offers no hope of meaningful or gainful employment. What Dewey and Adler may refer to as a meaningless context because of rejection by 13 a dominant society seem to be the same conditions as those which Frideres (1974) calls racism against a minority and Dosman (1972) exclusion. That is, when the majority culture or society engages in various means of oppression such as refusing access to quality education, refusing access to good jobs, refusing access to political opportunities and so on, such activity may be perceived by the minority as racism and exclusion which may contribute to their perception of the larger society as being an oppressively meaningless context. Although Barman, Hebert & McCaskill (1986, 1987) would agree that Indian educational failure is an unfortunate Canadian legacy they would also agree that changes are currently taking place in Indian communities. These changes are perceived as part of a world wide movement of colonized people everywhere demanding freedom from, and equality with, their colonial masters and it may or may not be significant that these changes taking place in Canadian Indian communities coincide with increasing grade 12 enrolments among British Columbia status Indian students. This demand for freedom in Canada is being expressed as a demand for a form of self government by Indian people. Although Indian self government is still an unresolved constitutional issue, one of its expressions is Indian control of Indian education (Adams, 1974; CEA Report, 1984; Cummins, 1985; Barman, Hebert & McCaskill, 1986,1987; Battiste, 1987; Diamond, 1987; Douglas, 1987) the definition of which also remains an issue. Nevertheless, Indian control of Indian education is finding an expression in practice where educational decisions formerly made by others may now be made by Indian people. In marked contrast to the historical emphasis upon Euro-Canadian decision-making and authority over Indian education dating back to the 'discovery' of America, today's Indian pupils, particularly in British Columbia, may now attend schools whose entire governance is in the hands of their own parents and relatives. 14 Where Indian pupils formerly looked to non-Indian administrators for educational direction, they may now look to their own parents who may be involved as members of the Indian school board, or as Indian principals, Indian teachers, Indian school counsellors, or as Indian political leaders, for educational direction. In 1987, an Indian Affairs computer printout indicated that 184 bands out of 196 in British Columbia had decided to assume control over some or all of their educational programs. There is considerable variety in these programs. The range includes one Indian controlled provincial public school district (School District No. 92), twenty-six Indian controlled elementary schools, ten elementary-secondary schools and fifty-two Indian controlled kindergarten-nursery schools located on reserve. Although not completely staffed by Indians, and perhaps deliberately so, all of these educational programs are definitely marked by Indian decision-making. Such educational systems, by and large, have remained essentially Euro-Canadian in terms of organizational behavior and organizational structure, as well as in curriculum content, but those in authority over the structure and content have changed. In sum, this discussion of explanations of Indian educational failure suggests an examination of Indian education in terms of a theory of context, not so much because traditional theories are necessarily incorrect, for traditional theories do provide some reasonable rationale for Indian educational failure, but because traditional theories are based upon the assumption that the only source for possible answers, as determined by the dominant society, is found in the object of educational failure. For example, the traditional theory of cultural deprivation emphasizes the importance of Euro-Canadian culture and devalues the importance of Indian culture. That is, this theory does not entertain the possibility that part of the answer to Indian educational failure may lie in the value of Indian culture for Indian people. The theory of cultural discontinuity and its variants are inadequate explanations of Indian educational failure for basically the same reason. By contrast the theory of 15 context allows us to seek explanations for failure (and, of course, success) in the nature of the relationship between a dominant and a minority society rather than in the inability or unwillingness of one group to conform to the imposed values of another. T H E I M P O R T A N C E O F T H E S T U D Y The study follows, on a smaller provincial scale, the comprehensive social, political and economic analysis of national Indian conditions reported in 1966 and 1967 by Hawthorn. The archival data used in both this study and Hawthorn's report are essentially of the same kind, but the method of analysis is different. Hawthorn used traditional theories of cultural discontinuity in his analysis while this study opts for a theory of context. Archival data have been collected by the federal government since 1949 in British Columbia and constitute a rich source of material which has not been frequently used by researchers to explore the kind of issues in this study. The present study makes a contribution, in part, by using these archival data in the light of prevailing social, political and economic conditions over time. Is there a relationship between the number of Indian students enrolled in grade 12 and the nature of the dominant society which provides the context within which those students must live? Is the social orientation of the dominant society positive or negative towards the Indian student? Is there an apparent relationship between the nature of the orientation of the dominant society toward the Indian student and the academic achievement of that student? If the contextual analysis of Indian education indicates significant findings, then it might provide credence to the current struggle of the Indian in Canada to secure recognition of aboriginal rights based not only upon the understanding of the letter, but also upon the spirit, of the treaties. This struggle is not only about the right to a basic education, which is a.right shared by 16 all Canadian citizens, but the right to make up an educational deficit which current studies about Indian educational failure have identified as a European legacy. The study's importance also lies in the comparative analysis of the grade 12 enrolments in British Columbia, during non-Indian control, and grade 12 enrolments under the new Indian control of Indian education policy first proposed by the National Indian Brotherhood in 1972 and accepted in principle by the federal government in 1973. If the analysis shows no significant differences between the effects of the Indian education policy upon grade 12 enrolments prior to 1973 and the effects upon the grade 12 enrolments after 1973 then it might be concluded that the current Indian control of Indian education policy was not productive. However, if the analysis shows a significant difference between the effects of the old and new Indian education policies upon grade 12 enrolments then one might draw favorable conclusions about the current Indian control of Indian education policy. In addition to the analysis of the general grade 12 enrolments of the pre and post 1973 periods a more detailed analysis within the post 1973 period may prove to be of critical importance. The post 1973 period contains a mix of government controlled and Indian controlled Indian education. That is, some Indian bands in British Columbia acted upon the new federal policy of Indian control of Indian education while other Indian bands in British Columbia did not. This fact invites a specific comparison between government controlled Indian education and Indian controlled Indian education. Associations or relationships found between various conditions of control and academic success or failure as indicated by enrolment into grade 12 would bear very directly on an assessment of the current policy of Indian control of Indian education. A finding that increasing grade 12 enrolments are positively related to government control of Indian education would not only put the theory of context into question but also reflect negatively upon the current policy of Indian control of Indian education. If, on the other hand, it is found that increasing 17 grade 12 enrolments are positively related to Indian control of Indian education then not only would the theory of context in the first part of this study be supported but there would also be positive implications for the current policy of Indian education. In summary there are three related ways in which this study is important. The first is that it uses the rich source of archival data about education and other matters which the federal government has been collecting for many years. The second is that it uses an explicitly contextual analysis of Indian education wherein assumptions are made about relationships between society and the individual or minority group. The third is that the study is the first to undertake the comparative analysis of two types of control over Indian education and the effects of these types of control upon academic achievement as measured by enrolment into grade 12. The comparison, moreover, is by means of two kinds of analysis. The first is a general one and uses data for the whole period from the whole province. The second examines the difference in the post 1973 period between enrolments in Indian controlled and government controlled schools. The relationship between the general analysis and the specific analysis is that the latter is an example of the former. That is, if society is characterized as having a negative orientation toward Indians during a specific period then one may assume that Indian education policy will reflect that negative orientation. Hence, the policy of government control of Indian education during the 1950s and 1960s may be seen as a reflection of a particular orientation of society toward Indians during that period. It seems plausible to assume, for example, that if Indians during this period were excluded from social, political and economic participation within Canadian society then Indians would also be excluded from decision-making in the area of Indian education. Similarly, it may be assumed that a positive orientation of society toward .Indians may be reflected in a positive type of Indian education policy. Underlying these assumptions is the fact that it is Canadian society through its federal government that determines Indian education 18 policy occasioned by the Indian Act. By legislation, there is a relationship between Canadian society and the Indian and it is this relationship socially, politically and economically that is to be analysed for effects upon grade 12 enrolments of status Indians in British Columbia. T H E D E S I G N O F T H E S T U D Y In as much as the purpose of the study is to seek a plausible explanation for an observed phenomenon (the increase over almost forty years in the grade 12 enrolments of status Indians in British Columbia), it is an exploratory study. It is also a study, however, whose research design departs, in two principal ways, from customary explorations. First, whereas most exploratory studies generate hypotheses, rather than testing them, the present study begins by proposing a theory from which two hypotheses are derived. These hypotheses are then subjected to the test of being applied to the "case" of the provincial enrolments and the "case" of the band enrolments respectively. The outcome of the testing is not only the sought-for plausible explanations of the enrolments but also a refinement of the basic theory which can lead to further explorations. In this sense then, the study is an hypothesis-testing case study which generates new insights for research. The second way in which the study departs from customary modes of research is by its use of both quantitative and qualitative analyses. The former are applied to the numerical enrolment data. The latter are used to examine the much broader canvas of the contextual relationships between Indian and Canadian society. This section deals, under appropriate headings, with the hypothesized relationships, the scope and delimitations of the study and an overview of the thesis. 19 Hypothesized Relationships Based upon the perspective of the theory of context and the perspective of 'Indian control' the following hypothesized relationships are proposed. Inclusion (social, political and economic) is expected to be positively associated with academic achievement as measured by increasing enrolment into grade 12 while exclusion (social, political and economic) is expected to be associated with no increases in academic achievement as measured by enrolment into grade 12. An analysis of the findings is expected to lend credence to, or weaken, the theory of context. If the hypothesized relationship is supported then the validity of the theor}^  of context will receive some confirmation. However, if the analysis does not support the hypothesis then the validity of the theory of context will need to be questioned. The second hypothesized relationship is that Indian control of Indian education will be positively associated with academic achievement as measured by increasing enrolment into grade 12. It has been suggested that the policy of Indian control of Indian education is one example of what can be referred to in the theory of context as an inclusively oriented education policy. To classify a separation of control as "inclusive" may seem illogical. However, it is argued here that only an inclusive orientation in society can permit policies which essentially trust included groups to manage or control their own affairs. The analysis of this hypothesis may be considered a tentative test of the current federal policy of Indian control of Indian education. Scope and Delimitations This study covers the period from 1949 to 1985. It uses the grade 12 enrolment of British Columbia status Indians as recorded on the nominal roll kept by the Department of Indian Affairs. The theory of context will, of necessity, extend the scope of this study beyond the usual boundaries of educational analysis to include not only school system conditions, but also the prevailing social, political and 20 economic conditions. The need for historical evidence to determine the value of the context variable prior to 1949 also extends the study to include an historical perspective dating from the 1600s to the present. Related to the examination of the general academic achievement in the context, of social orientations will be a more particular examination of academic achievement in the comparison of two Indian bands over a ten year period. One band is identified as being under government control of Indian education while the other band is identified as being under Indian control of Indian education during this time. The nominal roll which forms the data base of this study does not record age or name of the students under investigation. This omission negates any possibility of tracing specific students to determine both the timing of dropouts and the number of repetitions per grade per student. Therefore it is impossible to determine who the grade 12 enrollees are at any given time. It is only possible to determine the numbers of registered Indian students enrolled into grade 12 during each year of the period specified. Other delimitations stem from the requirements of the Indian Act. Since federal responsibility for Indian education is tied to reserves the nominal roll does not record registered Indian students whose parents ordinarily reside off-reserve. Therefore it is impossible to determine from the nominal roll if certain enrolment patterns are due to age-grade retardation, age-grade acceleration, birthrate, deathrate, or to migration on and off reserve. Until 1985, the same would hold true concerning all children whose parents had decided to enfranchise. Part one of the statistical analysis of the study includes all on-reserve status Indians in British Columbia and excludes all Indians off-reserve in British Columbia as well as all Indians elsewhere in Canada. Part two of the statistical analysis of the study includes two selected bands in British Columbia and excludes all others. The location of the grade 12 enrollees of one of the bands is on-reserve while the location 21 of the grade 12 enrollees of the other band is off-reserve i n urban high schools. T h e parents of the latter enrollees must, of course, be resident on-reserve. In addi t ion the study includes only an examination of grade 12 enrolments and excludes those i n al l other grades. Furthermore, the study is a quantitat ive analysis and no attempt is made to determine the academic quality of the grade 12 enrollees. A f inal del imitat ion is that no direct comparison is made w i t h provincia l academic achievement norms because the provincia l method of measuring achievement differs from the method applied to Indian education achievement. T h e province determines academic achievement by comparing the provincia l grade 12 enrolments w i t h the provincia l grade 9 enrolments while H a w t h o r n (1967) began the measurement of Indian academic achievement w i t h a comparison between the grade 12 and grade 1 enrollees. These two incompatible approaches to academic analysis each have their own rationale. T h e provincial rationale is that there has never been a concern for elementary school dropouts and so a grade 12 comparison to grade 9 is appropriate. O n the other h a n d the rationale i n Indian education is based upon a real concern for dropouts at the elementary school level. D u r i n g the 1950s, for example, the dropouts began i n grade 4. Therefore a comparison of grade 12 to grade 9 i n Indian education would be based upon the false assumption that dropouts were of no concern in the elementary grades. Thesis Overview In order to establish whether or not contextual changes have occurred during the period from 1949 to 1985, Chapter 2 reviews literature that surveys both historical and contemporary conditions of Indian education and Indian-Euro-Canadian relations. T h e intention of such a survey is to determine whether the context of Indian society and education changed from exclusion toward inclusion during the 1949 to 1985 period. These conditions are identified, for the purposes of a 22 contextual type of analysis, as the prevailing social, political, and economic relationships between the Indian, in general, and the Euro-Canadian in general. Chapter 3 deals with the research approach and analysis of the provincial grade 12 enrolment data of status Indians and evaluates the relationships found between conditions external and conditions internal to Indian education. The external factors are identified as the social, political, and economic conditions of the day while the internal factors are identified as the conditions relating to curriculum and teacher characteristics.. Chapter 4 presents the research approach used for band data and its analysis. The chapter evaluates the relationships found between grade 12 enrolments and government control of Indian education and Indian control of Indian education respectively. Chapter 5 concludes the study with a summary of the findings, a presentation of the conclusions and their implications for Indian educational policy, and for further research. C H A P T E R 2 C O N T E X T U A L C H A N G E S I N I N D I A N E D U C A T I O N , 1600 to 1985 We are all naturally curious about how our society came to be the way it is, and we all entertain some explanation on the subject, however halfbaked and illfounded it may be. The pace of contemporary change does not render the past irrelevant; it merely shifts the perspective from which we weigh its influence and interpret its lessons. Racial conflict in modern British society is due not only to unequal access to employment and housing here and now, but to the legacy of plantation slavery and colonial rule which moulds racial attitudes, both black and white. (Tosh, 1984, p.l) According to Tosh, history has an explanatory value for the present. Consistent with this view this chapter examines the history of Indian education for its explanatory value for the problem of this study. The evidence sought is that needed to test the hypothesized relationship suggested by the theory of context. It will be recalled that the theory distinguished between two kinds of attitude or approach by a dominant society in relation to a dominated group within that society. On the one hand, the dominant society's policies and practices could reinforce its separation from the dominated group and could be termed 'exclusive'. 'Inclusive' attitudes and policies, on the other hand, would tend to imply coexistence and collaboration rather than separation. The argument advanced in Chapter 1 was that one might plausibly hypothesize that academic achievement was positively associated with a societal shift to inclusively marked policies by the dominant society and conversely that exclusiveness is associated with no increase in academic achievement as measured by enrolment into grade 12. A history of almost 400 years is less simple to describe than the foregoing argument suggests, but an examination of its main lines provides the basis for an important first test of the chief hypothesis of the present study. The Chapter deals 23 24 first with the period 1600 to 1949 and second with what has been termed 'contemporary history', 1949 to 1985. I N D I A N E D U C A T I O N H I S T O R Y I N C A N A D A F R O M 1 6 0 0 Barman, Hebert and McCaskill (1986) assert that, historically, there was a difference in attitude between the Indian and European. "For the most part," they write, "the aboriginal population accepted the new arrivals at face value, while Europeans assumed the superiority of their culture over that of any aboriginal peoples. Out of that misconception grew the European conviction that in order for the Indians to survive, they would have to be assimilated into the European social order" (p.2). The literature abounds with evidence that the Europeans did in fact presume superiority over the aboriginal cultures of North America that may have had unfortunate consequences, in the long term, for Indian education. In what follows are discussed first, the early French and English influences, next, the conditions of the relationship between Indians and Europeans to 1800, and finally, the social, political and economic decline of the Indian after 1800. The French Influence In 1632, a Jesuit missionary penned the following Indian educational policy statement that endured virtually into the 20th century: Their education must consist not merely of the training of the mind, but of weaning them from the habits and feelings of their ancestors, and the acquirements of the language, arts, and customs of civilized life, (cited in Vallery, 1942, p.114) This program of assimilation might be more specifically termed coercive inclusion because of the European assumption that the only culture suitable for the Indian was the European culture and any Indian opinion in the matter was of no consequence. 25 Jaenen (1986) lists the following as the four phases of what he termed the francization program. 1) Education in the mission field 2) Education of an Indian elite in France 3) Education on .reserves 4) Education in boarding schools These are discussed in sequence in the following paragraphs. Father Maillard, who arrived in the mission field in 1735, perceived the Micmacs as "intelligent" and "capable of learning anything" (cited in Battiste, 1986, p.3). But Maillard, after discovering an effective approach to teaching literacy, deliberately decided against using it because of fears that through literacy the Micmacs might form political coalitions "to the detriment of French interests" (p.31). The importance of the politics of colonial expansionism as it affected Indian education was not lost on the The Reverend Silas Tertius Rand, who arrived among the Micmacs a century later in 1845. He observed that: Had their language been reduced to writing in the ordinary way, the Indians would have learned the use of writing and reading, and would have advanced in knowledge so as to be able to cope with their more enlightened invaders: and it would have been a more difficult matter for the latter to cheat them out of their lands and other rightful possessions, (cited in Battiste, 1986, p.33) Presumably, then, the education of the Micmacs in the mission field in this case was unproductive not because of genetic, cultural or linguistic reasons, but because of political expediency to protect French interests in the new world. Jaenen (1986) cites the following as examples of other unsuccessful efforts at Indian education in the mission field: 1) The Recollets among the Hurons, from 1615 to 1625. 2) And among the Cayuga during the 1670s. 3) The Sulpician priests among the Iroquois during the 1670s. 26 4) The Capuchins among the Micmac around 1632. 51 The Jesuits among the Algonkian, Micmac, Huron and Iroquois. 6) Father Jean Pierron among the Mohawk. "The general conclusion", writes Jaenen, "of all the missionaries was that instruction of Amerindian children at the mission stations bore little fruit, and therefore it soon ceased to be a priority" (p.49-50). Jaenen does not imply that political expediency was a primary or pervasive negative factor in all of the mission stations, rather he maintains that, in this relationship, the Indians "were a proud and independent people convinced of the validity of much of their [own] culture" (p.59) which, of course, flew in the face of European notions of superiority. Although Indians in general were impressed with European technology they were not impressed with certain aspects of the social organization of French life. For example, Jaenen notes that the Indians were unable to understand the reports they heard about poor and hungry beggars in the midst of plenty in the great cities of Europe. In contrast, the Recollets reported that no beggars could be found in the Huron and Montagnais encampments and whatever food was available was always shared. Sagard, a Recollet observed: [T]hose of their Nation...offer reciprocal Hospitality, and help each other so much that they provide for the needs of all so that there is no poor beggar at all in their towns, bourgs and villages, as I said elsewhere, so that they found it very bad hearing that there were in France a great number of needy and beggars, and thought that it was due to a lack of charity, and blamed us greatly saying that if we had some intelligence we would set some order in the matter, the remedies being simple, (cited in Jaenen, 1988, p.121) The concept of educating an Indian elite in France enjoyed some success in terms of knowledge acquisition, in terms of attaining literacy, in terms of acquiring the 'habits and customs' of French civilized life, in terms of Dewey and Adler's notion of 'graduating out of a school system. But the 'graduation into' an appropriate social context was not as successful as indicated in the following account 27 of a young Indian who had been sent to France for five years of studies i n French and L a t i n : W h e n he returned to his native country he had forgotten m u c h of his Montagnais tongue and h a d missed al l the instruction i n woodcraft, hunt ing , fishings and so forth, necessary to survival among his owm people. T h e Jesuits took h i m under their wing, had h i m instructed in his Montagnais tongue, and employed h i m for a brief period as a language teacher. He was a "lost soul" caught between two worlds, i n neither of which he felt at home. T h e Relations commented that "this poor wretch has become a barbarian l ike the others"; i n fact, he had become an alcoholic, would enter into at least five unsuccessful marriages, and was a complete misfit among those the missionaries referred to as the "barbarians". It was reported that he had finally starved to death i n the northern forests—a further indicat ion of his inabi l i ty to fit back into a tradit ional way of life. (Jaenen, 1986, p.50) Jaenen notes that of those Indians sent to France during this phase of Indian education many died or returned i n poor health, and those who returned numbered 'scarcely a dozen' i n one generation. If the education of an elite i n France was unsuccessful it was not considered to be a total failure by Father P a u l L e Jeune who wrote: Let us come to our young Montagnais and Algonquins. These young lads, most of them between twelve and fifteen years of age, have taught us two admirable truths,-one is, that if animals are capable of discipline, the young Savage children are much more so; the other, that education alone is want ing i n these poor children, whose minds are as good as those of our Europeans, as w i l l be seen by what I a m about to say. (cited i n Jaenen, 1986, p.52) Phase 3, the education of Indians on reserves, began somewhat optimistical ly because it was modelled upon successful settlement missions i n Paraguay. B u t as was the case i n South America , the reserve soon became an ' institution of segregation' because the missionaries sought to insulate their Indians from the 'evils' of French contact, especially the 'nefarious brandy trade' (Jaenen, 1986, p.53). U n d a u n t e d by stark evidence of the spuriousness of their c la im to a superior 28 civilization the French missionaries changed their Indian education strategy to the education of Indians in boarding schools. This kind of education, phase 4 in Jaenen's list, met with the same lack of success as the other phases. In 1688, Mother de l'lncarnation made the following observations: It is however a very difficult thing, although not impossible, to francize or civilize them. We have had more experience in this than any others, and we have remarked that out of a hundred that have passed through our hands scarcely have we civilized one. We find docility and intelligence in them, but when we are least expecting it they climb over our enclosure and go to run the woods with their relatives, where they find more pleasure than in all the amenities of our French houses. Savage nature is made that way; they cannot be constrained, and if they are they become melancholy and their melancholy makes them sick. Besides, the Savages love their children extra-ordinarily and when they know that they are sad they will do everything to get them back, and we have to give them back to them, (cited in Jaenen, 1986, p.58) This concludes the account of the early attempts by the French to educate Indians and we move to an account of the English attempts. The English Influence The first Indian school to use English as a medium of instruction "was set up by the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel (S.P.G.) for the Six Nations at the Bay of Quinte in 1784" (Wilson, 1986, p.66). The English, as did the French, found the Indians "as apt to learn as those of Whites" (p.68) and sometimes the English thought that they were being successful in their educational endeavors. For example, in 1826 Lieutenant-Governor Sir Peregrine Maitland set up a model Indian community complete with houses built by carpenters and teachers to instruct the Indian students in the ways of the English. The Rev. John Strachan provided the measure of this model community's success by reporting that the Indians had "abjured intoxicating liquors" (cited in Wilson, 1986, p.67). 29 In another case, the Methodists reported i n 1830 that of four hundred students 150 "can read i n the New Testament" (p.69). D u r i n g this period m a n y Indian villages were created and great hopes for assimilation were expressed by such as Lieutenant-Governor Colborne. However, because the great hopes were often short l ived, Sir Francis B o n d Head, Colborne's successor, was moved to ridicule their program of assimilation as a 'complete failure'. In a letter addressed to the C o l o n i a l Secretary L o r d Glenelg, proposing a policy change from one of assimilation to segregation Sir Francis wrote, "the greatest Kindness we can perform toward these intelligent, s imple-minded People, is to remove and fortify them as m u c h as possible from all communicat ion w i t h the W h i t e s " (cited i n W i l s o n , 1986, p.71). T h e impl icat ion of this new policy emerged subsequently as residential education. B y 1890, "fourteen industr ia l schools were i n operation, four of them i n Ontar io" ( W i l s o n , 1986, p.74). T h e government provided the land, buildings, and an annual per capita grant while the management was left to the churches concerned. As w i t h al l previous efforts at educating (assimilating) the Indian the results were again disappointing. W i l s o n (1986) concluded that not only d id Indian pupils enter school at a late age but their average stay i n these institutions was less than two and a half years i n a program that required five years for completion (p.75). One A n g l i c a n clergyman, the Rev. E d w a r d F . W i l s o n , after more than a decade of frustration, eventually reversed his conviction that the Indian should be assimilated, by arguing in 1891, i n favor of an independent Indian community (p.82). A l t h o u g h his was a singular view it may have been somewhat prophetic as m a n y Indian leaders today echo his sentiments. In any case, by 1910 the policy thrust of Indian education was intended "to fit the Indian for civilized life i n his own environment" (Wi lson, 1986, p.83). Hence, the E n g l i s h , not having improved i n any way upon the methods of the French in Indian education, inevitably produced the same kinds of results. T h e fate of the Montagnais youth who had been sent to 30 France for five years of study i n French and L a t i n was l ikely repeated i n principle many times as Indians became somewhat educated and thereby somewhat misfitted for both the Indian and E u r o - C a n a d i a n society. Under the policy of segregation beginning i n the nineteenth century residential schools under the auspices of both Cathol ic and Protestant churches, backed by the federal government, sprang up across the country. In a study of the Kamloops Residential School i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , H a i g - B r o w n (1988) echoes the widely held view that: E d u c a t i o n , part icularly as seen i n the residential schools developed by immigrant Europeans and their descendants for Nat ive people i n C a n a d a , has typical ly been an expression of cultural invasion. As authors of and actors i n the invasion, members of the dominating society have attempted to m o l d and have chosen and acted for Nat ive people. They , as objects of the invasion, were expected to follow the choices made for them. (p.130} H a i g - B r o w n describes the cultural invasion more particularly in the following way. European teachers and priests, strong i n their belief in hierarchy and the superiority of their cultures, attempted to annihilate Nat ive cultures and to absorb the children of those cultures into their power structure, (p.115) However, i n contradistinction to the widely held perspective above, Gresko (1986), i n a study of two Cathol ic Indian Schools, Qu 'Appel le at Lebret, Saskatchewan, and St. M a r y ' s School at Miss ion , B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , indicates that not all residential schools attempted to "wipe out [Indian] languages and cultures" (p.88). In fact both of these schools actually aided i n the preservation of Indian culture as explained in the following paragraphs. A t the Qu 'Appel le Residential School, which was built i n 1884, Father Hugonnard employed both the Cree and Sioux languages during catechism and also had the students instructed i n the Cree language first and then in Engl ish . In addition Father Hugonnard liberally interpreted the government rule which restricted 31 family visits to the residential school, by allowing not only the 'parents' but also the extended families to visit the pupils. Such accommodation of Indian culture was omitted in Hugonnard's reports to government because of the government's belief that such practices impeded, if they did not prevent, the civilizing process. In British Columbia, as at Qu'Appelle, Saskatchewan, St. Mary's Residential School also ignored a strict adherence to government policy by helping to keep Indian culture alive under the leadership of Father Gendre. Father Gendre displayed a sensitivity to Indian culture by visiting Indian homes and then applying what he had learned to good effect in the classroom . For example, he noted during his visits that corporal punishment was not used in Indian homes and so he discouraged its use in the classroom. But running counter to these efforts at Qu'Appelle and St. Mary's residential schools was the formal policy of assimilation which continued to be frustrated because there was "a high degree of resistance to change in indigenous cultural patterns" (Gresko, p.102). In a study of All Hallows School in British Columbia, whose existence spanned the turn of the century, Barman (1986) provides more insight into the continuing problems of Indian educational failure. She suggests that federal parsimony might be largely responsible for Indian educational failure and no doubt there is some truth to this suggestion but it appears more consistent now to see this failure in the same light as other failures of the past. That is, on the one side there is the presumption of cultural superiority and on the other side there is the lack of conviction about this superiority. On this topic of Indian and White relations Barman identifies two assumptions she considers to be critical. The first assumption is perhaps the main theme of Indian education from its inception to at least the 1970s, and that is that "civilization was a White prerogative". Since civilization and Christianity were considered coterminous it followed that civilizing, christianizing, socializing, and educating were synonymous terms. Whatever the method or strategy 32 employed in Indian education the underlying assumption from the beginning to the 1970s was that "civilization was a White prerogative" (Barman, 1986, p.115). The second critical assumption that Barman identifies is that during the nineteenth century it was held that status at birth was decisive in determining status at adulthood. Thus, poor White girls were trained for domestic duties according to the station of life into which they had been born. And upon which rung of the European socioeconomic ladder was the Indian born? The answer to that question formed the underlying basis of policy of both the French and English attempts at educating the Indian. Since the Indian, by all European accounts, was uncivilized, his birth into an uncivilized state implied that he was born below the lowest rungs of the European socioeconomic order. In short, if the Indian agreed to the terms of assimilation (education) it would mean an exchange of a life of freedom inherent in Indian culture to a life of bondage and servitude within the European culture. Success for the Indian in this system, was predicated upon a loss of freedom. In addition, in order to do well in such an education system it was necessary for the Indian to accept wholeheartedly the first assumption of European cultural superiority. As Jaenen and others have pointed out, not only was the Indian unconvinced about European cultural superiority, but at times was also openly and, from their own point of view, justifiably critical of European societies which, amongst other things, condoned and permitted people to starve and beg in their 'civilized' cities. In effect, Indians were offered inclusion but at the price of abandoning their own culture, a price greater than the Indians were willing to pay. The ability to maintain a culture in the face of strong pressures to abandon it is enhanced by the strength of a people's political and economic arrangements. The following section examines the extent to which the Canadian Indian have a political or economic basis to substantiate a culture capable of not only withstanding 33 persistent efforts at cul tural genocide (replacing Indian culture w i t h European culture) but also capable of being favorably compared to European cultures. P o l i t i c a l , Economic , and Social Condit ions of the Indian-European Relationship to 1800 In his history of the C a n a d i a n Indian, Patterson (1972) maintains that f rom about 1500 to the present the Indians have "moved from a posit ion of autonomy to one of loss of control i n most if not al l of the major areas of their lives" (p.187). He goes on to state that, " A t the time of first contact, Indians were treated as separate states or nations" (p.1). Trigger (1988) agrees and notes that: In histories of C a n a d a written prior to the 1840s Indians played a prominent role and were treated respectfully. This reflected the actual significance of native people, who as trappers and traders were important, to the Canadian economy and who, w i t h the exception of the Iroquois prior to 1701 and the Micmacs i n the late eighteenth century, were allies of successive French and B r i t i s h governments i n their struggles against the Engl i sh colonists and later the Americans to the south (p.19-20). Thus , the Indians apparently commanded sufficient pol i t ical respect at this t ime to have about one t h i r d of the R o y a l Proclamation of 1763 devoted to their interests (Patterson, 1972). Moreover, T i t ley (1986) insists that the " R o y a l Proc lamat ion of 1763 was designed to retain native goodwil l by establishing a boundary between their lands and those of the whites" (p.2). T i t ley lauds the deliberate wisdom of the R o y a l Proc lamat ion because, as a consequence, the Indians in general remained loyal to the B r i t i s h i n the W a r of 1812. After the Indians had helped successfully to defend B r i t i s h N o r t h A m e r i c a their usefulness as mil i tary allies came to an end, but before 1812 there seems reason to believe that Indians commanded and were accorded polit ical respect as acknowledged i n the R o y a l Proclamation of 1763. T h a t some Indian tribes also saw themselves as nations is implied in the following response of Indian leaders to an offer of education for Indian youth: 3 4 But you who are wise, must know that different Nations have different Conceptions of things; and you will therefore not take it amiss, if our Ideas of this kind of Education happen not to be the same with yours, (cited in Fuchs & Havighurst, 1973, p.3) The response goes on to explain that previous Indian experiences of European education had proven unfortunate, but in return, the Indians in this case, were willing to educate some European youth so as to make 'men' of them. Evidently the Indians in this situation thought that they had something of value to offer the European. If the Indians had political influence to 1812 did they have an economic influence deserving of respect? In answer to this question Ray (1988) makes the following statement: [A]n examination of the early Hudson's Bay Company fur trade reveals the Indians as shrewd consumers who knew how to take full advantage of the economic opportunities offered to them. In this respect the Indians were clearly equal to their European counter-parts. The old stereotype of the Indian being a people easily tricked by crafty Europeans and made to part with valuable furs for worthless trinkets obviously does not apply to the subarctic before 1763. (p.146) Similar observations are made about the fur trade in British Columbia by Fisher (1977). He writes: During the maritime fur trading period the Indians of the northwest coast were not, like some pre-Marxist proletariat, the passive objects of exploitation. Rather they were part of a mutually beneficial trading relationship. The overwhelming impression that emerges from the journals is that the Indians were intelligent and energetic traders, quite capable of driving a hard bargain. The confidence that the Indians showed in their trading with the Europeans was indicative of the power relationship between the two races. By making a concerted effort the Indians could have destroyed any of the vessels that came to their villages, (p.23) 35 Fisher concludes, therefore, that far f rom being victims of, or unequal to, the European, the Indian was very m u c h an economic partner who commanded respect. In sum, it seems apparent that from about 1500 to 1800 the Indian-European relationship was i n reality characterized by a pol i t ical as well as an economic equality. However, the Indians seem to have had a clearer grasp of this equality t h a n the Whites who continued, in the face of contrary evidence, to consider European cultures to be superior to Indian cultures. As pol i t ical allies the Indian nations were indispensable (Ti t ley 1986), i m p l y i n g that without the help of Indian allies the history of C a n a d a may have ended w i t h the W a r of 1812. A s for economic equality, the European trader depended completely upon the Indian to provide the following resources; guides, interpreters, wilderness survival skills, means of transportation, goodwil l and furs. Fisher (1977) has said: "In fact, the Indians of the Northwest coast exercised a great deal of control over the trading relationship and, as a consequence, remained i n control of their culture during this early contact period" (p.1). It is perhaps inappropriate i n the strict sense to compare widely divergent cultures in terms of social equality but because of European notions of cultural superiority w h i c h implied social superiority it may be appropriate i n this case. Jaenen (1986) states that i n Eastern Canada, the Indians were not entirely convinced about European notions of cultural superiority. In fact, Jaenen maintains, "they d i d not deny the superiority of some aspects of French civi l i ty , especially the technological advantages the French enjoyed i n some fields. O n the other hand, they were not impressed by European concepts of authority, moral i ty , property, and work" (p.59). In Western Canada, Sproat (1868) provides a first hand account of the prevailing Indian attitudes towards European civil ization and notions of superiority. 36 The following is a conversation between Sproat and a Sheshaht chief that took place on the west coast of Vancouver Island in August, 1860: "They say that more King George men will soon be here, and will take our land, our firewood, our fishing grounds; that we shall be placed on a little spot, and shall have to do everything according to the fancies of the King George men." "Do you believe all this?" I asked. "We want your information," said the speaker. "Then," answered I, "it is true that more King George men (as they call the English) are coining: they will soon be here: but your land will be bought at a fair price." "We do not wish to sell our land nor our water; let your friends stay in their own country." To which I rejoined: "My great chief, the high chief of the King George men, seeing that you do not work your land, orders that you shall sell it. It is of no use to you. The trees you do not need: you will fish and hunt as you do now, and collect firewood, planks for your houses, and cedar for your canoes. The white man will give you work, and buy your fish and oil." "Ah, but we don't care to do as the white men wish." "Whether or not," said I, "the white men will come. All your people know that they are your superiors; they make the things which you value. You cannot make muskets, blankets, or bread. The white men will teach your children to read printing, and to be like them-selves." "We do not want the white man. He steals what we have. We wish to live as we are." (p.4-5) The sentiments are clear. After a century of contact the west coast Indians were not impressed with or convinced of the superiority of European culture presumed by its adherents. European technology was desirable but only as a means of enhancing Indian culture. The Indian conviction of the validity of Indian culture in the face of self proclaimed European cultural superiority implies a kind of social equality. That is, after a period of cultural juxtaposition wherein Europeans claimed superiority, the Indians failed to be impressed or convinced that this claim to superiority was justified, particularly since the claim also implied an invalidation of 37 Indian culture. As the European placed a high value upon European culture, so too did the Indian place a high value upon Indian culture. If economic strength is one measure of social equality the Indian was clearly equal because of l a n d ownership and because of a knowledge of, and survival skills w i t h i n , b o t h the l a n d and its resources. If another measure of social equality is lifestyle then the two cultures are not equal except i n terms of preferences. T h e European preferred European culture over Indian culture and the Indian preferred Indian culture over the European culture. W h i l e the Indian preferred some aspects of European technology to some Indian technology the European coveted Indian land and its resources. In short the Sheshaht chief's assertion that 'we wish to live as we are' was a clear denial of European claims that it was better for the Indian to become European and impl ied that the European terms of inclusion were predicated upon cultural genocide. T h e Social, P o l i t i c a l and Economic Decline of the Indian after 1800 T h e successful defence of B r i t i s h N o r t h Amer ica i n 1812 brought an end to the usefulness of Indian nations as mi l i tary allies. T i t ley (1986) notes that i n 1830 the Indian Department was transferred from mil i tary to c ivi l ian control and was no longer considered important. T h e polit ical and economic decline of the Indian, together w i t h the decimation of Indian populations through European diseases, was of such magnitude that Sir Francis B o n d Head, lieutenant-governor of Upper C a n a d a in 1836 was "convinced that the Indians were a doomed race" (Tit ley, 1986, p.3). In the latter part of the century and into the next, between 1880 and 1932, D u n c a n Campbel l Scott, Superintendent General of Indian Affairs, insisted to the end of his career that the Indians were "destined ult imately ' to disappear" (Tit ley, 1986, p.202). However, contrary to al l expectations, the size of the Indian population began to recover, after declining to a low of 105,611 i n 1911 (Frideres, 1974, p.13). T o d a y there are more than 366,000 registered Indians i n Canada (Canada, 1985). 38 Although there is wide agreement about the economic decline of the Indian after 1812, at least one author does not subscribe to it. Rolf Knight (1978) chronicles an apparently impressive array of manual labour jobs in which Indians in British Columbia were engaged from 1858 to 1930. What is omitted from this work is that Indians during the latter part of the last century in British Columbia formed a substantial and necessary part of the available labour pool because of a shortage of European and other laborers. Even with declining populations due to the ravages of European diseases, Indians continued to form necessary parts of the manual labour pool. It therefore does not follow, as Knight infers, that Indians became assimilated during this time because they participated in the labour force. A typical example of the foregoing inference by Knight is: "Although fiercely traditionalist in many social and cultural matters, Nootkans were not at all adverse to savouring the fruits of late Victorian consumerism. By the turn of the century they were buying baby carriages, tools of all sorts, bicycles, gramaphones (sic), clothes and musical instruments of all variety with their earnings" (p. 112). Rather than proof of assimilation these purchases by Indians merely affirm the Indian preference for European technology as a means of enhancing Indian culture. Another omission in Knight's work is a failure to juxtapose the rapidly increasing non-Indian labour force in British Columbia and the decline of Indian participation in the same labour force subsequent to the 1930s. Rather he attributes the declining rate of Indian labour participation to modernization of industry. However it seems apparent that, in general, Indian labour was used only so long as it was convenient and then dispensed with as soon as sufficient European labour allowed. It is a familiar story in the history of Indian-European relationships. Indian allies are used to defend a young Canada until no longer needed, just as an Indian labour force is used in British Columbia to help a young economy until help is no longer needed. 39 Summary This section has provided evidence to support the contention that during the early period of contact, the European and Indian were both independent and inclusively oriented toward each other. However, while the Indian accepted the European at face value, the European assumed a superiority of culture. This assumption of cultural superiority led to an educational strategy the terms of which proved unacceptable to the Indian. Essentially these fundamentally different and conflicting views of reality forced the initial mutually inclusive orientation between the two groups toward a mutually exclusive relationship. Witness, for example, the sentiments of exclusion expressed by the Sheshaht chief, "We do not want the White man" (Sproat, 1868, p.5). We move now to consider these issues in the contemporary history of Indian education from 1949 to 1985. T H E C O N T E M P O R A R Y H I S T O R Y O F I N D I A N E D U C A T I O N , 1949 to 1985 Persson's (1986) study spans both the historical and contemporary periods of Indian educational history. It is aptly entitled "The Changing Experiences of Indian Residential Schooling: Blue Quills, 1931-1970". The changing experiences of the Blue Quills Residential School in Alberta are related to two persistent historical themes in Indian education. One theme involves the persistence of the Whites in attempting to civilize the Indian. The other theme is the persistence of the Indian resistance to the assumptions of this process. The former theme predominates over the latter theme during the initial years of Blue Quills. Persson characterizes Blue Quills Residential School as a 'total institution' because it reflected the policy of assimilation by segregation . It is a 'total institution' because it is a world physically cut off from the rest of society. At Blue Quills, as at other residential schools across the country 40 during this period, Indian pupils had to eat, sleep, play, learn, and grow up in total isolation from the rest of the world. The distinct European flavour of this civilizing process of education was not appreciated by one student who recalls: In social studies we would study about dukes and duchesses. But that was so far removed from what my life was. What did I care about that baloney? So I filled my notebooks with pictures and doodles of my ideas of what history was about, (cited in Persson, 1986, p.161) But Persson also relates that others came to appreciate the value of some of the non-academic training, as expressed by another student who said: Come to think of it I have no regrets that I did what I was taught, forced to learn how to make clothes. If I hadn't of learned that my kids would have suffered. And the sense of responsibility. They were very strict there...if I hadn't of learned that strict life of obedience, there would have been times when I'd of made my family suffer. (p.156) From the outset the theme of Indian resistance was evident, as desertions from the school became "such a problem that the principal petitioned the government to enforce compulsory school attendance, arguing that the aim of the department is to civilize Indians, and the only way of civilizing them is boarding schools" (cited in Persson, 1986, p.156). But in spite of all efforts, pupils kept running away, sometimes at the risk of their own lives, and always in spite of threats of severe punishment. An Indian agency report of 1943 provides one example of the risks that students were willing to take. The report said, "six boys did run away last night during 15 below weather and arrived on the Saddle Lake Reserve, two with badly frozen feet and one with slightly frozen feet, it was lucky that two did not freeze to death" (cited in Persson, 1986, p.156). In another case a former pupil recalls as follows: 41 I was about 12 or 13 when I ran away. W e got to our place about 11:30 at night and m y mother couldn't believe it. So they took us back the very next morning. T h e three of us were taken back and that night got a l icking. I h a d welts al l over. T h e y had a big strap w i t h litt le fringes and to top it off all the girls were i n their rightful places praying for me. I said, " I ' m going to run away again." W h e n I got home m y mother really felt bad and they brought me to the agency a n d showed m y marks to the Indian agent. H e said he'd look into i t . (cited i n Persson, 1986, p.154) After W o r l d W a r 2 the Indian educational policy and practice began to be questioned. Persson relates that between 1946 and 1948 a Special Joint Committee of the Senate and House of Commons was asked repeatedly to abolish separate Indian schools. T h u s by 1952 the shift from the isolationist policy to one of integration began again to take effect as eight students from Blue Quil ls went to an integrated high school. B y 1965 the number of Indian students attending an integrated high school from Blue Quil ls had risen to 27. It w i l l be recalled that, first the French i n the 1600s, and then the Engl ish i n the 1800s, had already tried and failed w i t h this very same policy of trying to civilize Indians by mingl ing them with the civil ized Europeans. W o u l d the policy succeed this time? W o u l d the Indian finally be committed enough to strive to achieve the lowest rungs of the civilized socioeconomic order of menial tasks and servitude? In an attempt to answer this question it is necessary to know what has happened i n Indian education i n the recent past. Conveniently, it is possible to divide the final portions of this contemporary history of Indian education into roughly three periods, the 1950s, the 1960s a n d the 1970s to the present. T h e changing education policies as well as the different social, polit ical , and economic conditions w i l l be discussed for each respective period. T h e eventual purpose of this discussion w i l l be to place the grade 12 enrolment patterns of status Indians in B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a w i t h i n the context of both the changing education policies and the social, pol i t ical and economic conditions of each respective period. A t the same time the internal conditions of Indian education during each 42 period w i l l be discussed because the theory of context assumes a relationship between academic achievement and both the external and internal conditions of education. T h e 1950s: A Per iod of Exc lus ion E d u c a t i o n Pol icy . After the hearings of the Special Joint committee of the Senate and House of Commons between 1946 and 1948 the Indian educational policy moved towards integration in practice. Since Indian education, u n t i l recently, has been a W h i t e prerogative its policy has reflected its W h i t e origins. Therefore, Indian education pol icy-making during this t ime is better understood i n the light of C a n a d i a n education pol icy-making. Housego (1980) has divided Canadian education pol icy-making into three distinct phases and three distinct periods. E a c h phase and period w i l l be discussed in turn. Housego characterizes Canadian education policy-making of the 1950s as empirical-autocratic, meaning that education policy was not only determined by experience but also by a reliance upon the expertise of senior education officers. In addit ion, Housego states that when dealing w i t h policy-making, the administrator of an education organization must take into account two principal factors. These two factors are the state of the internal environment of the school system and the state of the external environment of the school system. W h a t is to be determined is whether the environments are hostile, neutral , or favorable. F o r example, the empirical-autocratic phase is characterized by Housego as being stable i n both environments. External ly , "there existed a general consensus i n the community on the goals and objectives of education" while internally, "[cjustom and habit played a relatively large and influential role i n the operation of the organization" (p.382). In brief, Canadians were relatively satisfied with that integral and, therefore related, part of their society k n o w n as the education system, and were relatively content to rely upon the expertise of senior education officers to continue to plan and direct its course. 43 That which characterized Canadian education policy-making also characterized Indian education policy-making. Where Canadian education policy-making relied upon past experience and educational expertise, Indian education policy-making also relied upon experience and expertise. For example, due to the 'White prerogative', no one but the non-Indian had ever had any experience in policy-making for Indian education and therefore the non-Indian was the only apparent and acknowledged expert. Indian education policy was determined by experience which, during the contemporary period, refers to the experience of the Department of Indian Affairs. Hence, both the 'empirical' and 'autocratic' characteristics of Canadian education policy-making applied to the policy-making of the Department of Indian Affairs. Whatever Indians thought about the educational policies of the Department of Indian Affairs there seems no question that Indian parents were in agreement with public education goals and purposes. Hawthorn (1967), Wolcott (1967) and others have noted that Indian parents have been very consistent in their apparent conviction about the need for an education for their children, an education on par with the local provincial education system whose curriculum is generally used in Indian schools. Whether or not Indian parents agree with public school goals and purposes there is no doubt that Indian parents see public education as necessary for modern day survival (Hawthorn, Belshaw & Jamieson, 1958). Thus it can be argued that that which characterized the empirical-autocratic phase of Canadian education policy-making in the 1950s also characterized much of Indian education policy-making as well. Where the Canadian public and the Indian public diverge during this phase is in terms of the outcome of education policy. That is, where the dominant society perhaps had some reason to be relatively satisfied with the outcome of its education system, the Indian was relatively dissatisfied with Indian educational failure but powerless to do anything about it. 44 Social Condi t ions . A l t h o u g h H a w t h o r n , Belshaw & Jamieson (1958) found a few W h i t e informants during the 1950s who "expressed affection and esteem for Indians" (p.71) they found, i n general, a very negative view of Indians by the dominant society. Indians during this period were characterized by Whites as "lazy, shiftless, and irresponsible" (p.74), of a low intellectual capacity and without "the potential to develop as rapidly as Whites along the lines of social, emotional, educational, mora l or economic attainment" (p.70). Dosman (1972) has stated unequivocally that up unt i l the 1970s the evidence of Indian poverty and exclusion from society was so overwhelming that its existence is unquestioned. The W h i t e view of the Indian during this period is also characterized as "racist", "prejudiced" and "discr iminatory" by Frideres (1974 and 1985), and "bigoted" by Cardina l (1969). These characterizations may mean that Indians are excluded, unwanted, and rejected by the larger society. T h e practical application of these characterizations during the 1950s meant exclusion of Indian people from public places such as hotels, motels, restaurants, apartments, rental housing, and much of the job market and general part icipation i n C a n a d i a n society (Wolcott , 1967; Jack, 1970; M o r a n , 1988). P o l i t i c a l Condit ions. As Patterson (1972) pointed out, the Indian moved from a historical posit ion of autonomy to a dependent position w i t h i n Canadian society. In 1930 D . C . Scott, Deputy Superintendent General of Indian Affairs, stated that "the first and most important idea underlying the administration of Indian affairs is protect a dependent race i n its lands, monies and its contact w i t h the community" (cited i n H a w t h o r n , 1966, p.368-369). B y the late 1960s Hawthorn observed that nothing in this respect had changed since Scott's day because Indian policy was st i l l determined by a government elite unhindered by a polit ical ly powerless Indian community . How did this Indian condition of powerlessness arise? Patterson (1972) provides some clues: 45 T h e Indian populat ion i n C a n a d a had always suffered less pressure than that i n the U n i t e d States because the whites were fewer, the land vast, and the Indian less numerous than i n the corresponding areas of the south (with the exception, i n the latter case, of the Northwest Coast), (p.6) In addi t ion Patterson notes that the signing of the Treaties i n the 1800s included the provis ion for Indians to continue to hunt on unoccupied crown lands as had been their custom since t ime immemorial . It appears therefore that the social, pol i t ical , and economic decline of the Indian after 1812 was made less apparent because of a large enough land base together w i t h a relatively small populat ion overall. B u t gradually, the combined effects of European diseases which decimated Indian populations and the declining tradit ional resources caused by the increasing encroachments of settlers finally reduced the Indian to a helpless, hopeless, and dependent race as impl ied i n D . C. Scott's statement of 1930. In a study commissioned by the federal government i n 1954, H a w t h o r n , Belshaw & Jamieson made the following comments about the pol i t ical ly powerless condition of the Indian: It is extremely difficult for [non-Indians] to be aware, i n any real sense, of the tremendous frustrations and social claustrophobia that surrounds the Indian. T h e superintendent, for instance, regards his close control of band council affairs as a protective duty, placed upon h i m by Par l iament , for the benefit of the Indian...what would we say, for instance,...if all the speaking were done for us, not by us[?]...we would soon degenerate into passive ciphers or become bitterly opposed . to the bureaucratic system, (p.460) T h e legal sanction for the federal control of Indian lands and lives is the Indian A c t . Not only does this A c t permit government control of Indian lives but it also denied the franchise, u n t i l recently, by making a provision for enfranchisement. T h e proviso was that the Indian must demonstrate that he had finally become civilized before ful l citizenship could be granted. In 1960, P r i m e Minister Diefenbaker apparently ignored this proviso and extended the federal franchise to all 46 Canadian Indians (Hawthorn, 1966). This extension of the franchise was in spite of a massive Indian education failure rate which Hawthorn brought to light in 1966 and 1967. Perhaps now it had become no longer possible to regard as synonymous phrases "civilizing the Indian" and "educating the Indian". Economic Conditions. Dosman's (1972) observation about, social exclusion also applied to the economic exclusion of the Indian. Hawthorn. Belshaw & Jamieson's study of the Indians of British Columbia state that "the position of Indians in the provincial economy is marginal and in some respects potentially precarious" (p.84). A decade later, Hawthorn (1966), in a national study, indicated the economic condition of the Indian in the following way: "In brief, then, many Indians even when they have the requisite skills, motivations and work habits are prevented from remunerative wage employment, because they are considered unacceptable" (p.56). Symington (1969) corroborates Hawthorn's conclusion by relating a story that happened in Saskatchewan ini945. A cafe owner had hired two apparently well trained Indian girls as waitresses. When a customer objected the cafe owner reluctantly released them. One of the girls went back to her reserve and the other went to Regina where she became a prostitute, alcoholic, and mother of three children of nameless fathers. Often unable to participate in the Canadian economy the Indian came to be characterized by such words and phrases as "shiftless", "lazy", "irresponsible", "unreliable", "drunkard" and "lacking in drive" (Hawthorn 1966). In 1967, Hawthorn concluded that: The enormous economic gap between the Indian and non-Indian communities is due to the fact that for a very long time, the Indians were excluded from the economic life of the rest of Canada. Confined to their reserves, the Indians were unable to take positions in industries and receive wages in return for their services, (p.24) If the economic gap between the Indian and non-Indian was enormous, so too was the educational achievement gap. The next point of discussion are the 47 conditions dur ing the 1950s of the school system in which Indians were being educated. School System Condit ions. H a w t h o r n reports that, prior to 1945, a shortage of qualified teachers made it difficult to staff Indian schools adequately, but that by the 1950s, fully 9 0 % of the teachers i n Indian schools had teaching certificates. Unfortunately the prevail ing negative attitudes of the day towards Indians found a parallel i n teacher attitudes. " In general", Hawthorn states, "teachers d id not expect Indian students to perform well i n school at any level" (p.144). In addit ion the curr icu lum reflected the cultural values of the middle class majority and sometimes presented biased historical material about the Indian. As for communication between the school a n d the Indian community there was v ir tual ly none. Summary. It appears, therefore, that during the 1950s the Indian was consistently excluded from the dominant society socially, polit ically, economically, as we l l as educationally i n terms of negative teacher expectations and a biased curr iculum. In spite of these factors H a w t h o r n observes that the education of the Indian "has been at least partial ly successful" by enabling the Indian to internalize goals although he has, in general, no means of achieving these w i t h i n his own society. " A t the same t ime" , H a w t h o r n continues, "the non-Indian society is usually more closed than open, thus further inhibi t ing h i m from achieving w i t h i n it should he be capable of doing so" (p.126). The total effect, therefore, was to produce an ambivalence w i t h i n the Indian youth. B u t changes were in the air and the next decade is presented as a transitional period between E u r o - C a n a d i a n decision-making i n Indian education and Indian decision-making i n Indian education, between non-Indian control and Indian control of Indian education, between a presumed cultural superiority of the Euro-Canadian and the cultural egalitarianism of the 1970s onward. It appears that the nature of 4 8 the changes of the 1960s was ideological as may be seen i n what is to follow. T h e practical applications of this shift d i d not impact upon Indian education u n t i l the end of the 1960s. T h i s is the pr inc ipa l reason that the 1960s are characterized as transit ional . T h e 1960s: A P e r i o d of Transi t ion Towards Inclusion E d u c a t i o n Pol icy . C a n a d i a n education policy-making in the 1960s is characterized as rational-participatory by Housego (1980). T h a t is, it is rat ional i n the sense of a research knowledge orientation to pol icy-making w i t h an expectation that problems would yield to careful quantitative analysis, and participatory i n the sense of a broader based decision-making. In contrast to the empirical-autocratic phase where decisions were unilaterally made behind closed doors by the authorities, decisions were now being debated and made i n publ ic w i t h a broad spectrum of participants such as students, teachers, parents, and citizens. T h e parallel to federal pol icy-making i n Indian education is less obvious here because Indian participation i n Indian education policy-making was st i l l absent. However, the research knowledge orientation of Canadian education policy-making during this t ime found a parallel i n Hawthorn's report of Indian conditions i n C a n a d a published i n 1966 and 1967. This report was probably important to subsequent events i n Indian education because on the one h a n d it substantiated for both the federal government and the Canadian publ ic the commonly held notions about Indian educational failure, and on the other hand provided the Indian community of C a n a d a some concrete evidence, other than the usual rhetoric of mistreatment, for negotiations that were soon to take place. T h e stage for these negotiations was set when the federal government officially recognized the Nat ional Indian Brotherhood i n 1969 as a legitimate national polit ical body (Cardinal , 1969; Sealey, 1973b). T h e significance of this recognition cannot be over emphasized because without it the Indians of. C a n a d a had no representative voice wi th which to 49 participate i n education pol icy-making. For a variety of reasons as noted by Patterson (1972), H a w t h o r n (1967), and Frideres (1974) the Indians of C a n a d a h a d never previously been able to present a unified front. Fortunately, the fragmented N a t i o n a l Indian C o u n c i l of the early 1960s gave way to a unified N a t i o n a l Indian Brotherhood which was subsequently recognized as representing the registered Indians of Canada . It is this official recognition of an Indian voice which resembles the 'participatory' att i tude of Canadian education policy-making of the 1960s. F o r if one has an official voice then one may participate as part of a broader based decision-making process. This is exactly what the Indians did. Events moved quickly f rom that point on. If the rational-participatory phase took a decade before it gave way to another phase in Canadian education policy-making the rational-participatory phase in Indian education took a mere three years from its inception i n 1969 to the next phase. Social, Po l i t i ca l , and Economic Condit ions. Because the 1960s are characterized as a transit ional phase the social, pol i t ical , and economic conditions for this period w i l l be discussed together. In general, the social, polit ical , and economic conditions that prevailed in the 1950s continued throughout the 1960s wi th notable exceptions. There began to be indications in the 1960s that the dominant society was becoming less closed to the Indian. In 1964 the B . C . Parent Teacher Association, for example, supported the concept of integrating Indian pupils into the provincial schools (Janzen, 1983). Janzen also noted that in A p r i l of 1968 the B . C. Legislature passed B i l l 86 which departed from the voting legislation of the past, by permitt ing "Indian people who l ived on reserves to vote on school issues and to be elected as representatives or trustees of the School B o a r d " (p.43). T h e Department of Indian Affairs statistics divis ion reported an increase i n off-reserve residence of B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a Indians from 4847 i n 1959 to 15,149 by 1970, a 300% increase (Government of Canada, 1959 to 1970). Indians were also allowed into public 50 drinking establishments for the first t ime during the 1960s. In the pol i t ica l arena, it has already been mentioned that the federal franchise was extended to Indians i n 1960 although in B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a the Indians have h a d the provincia l vote since 1949. A s B a r m a n , Hebert & M c C a s k i l l (1986), H a w t h o r n (1966) and others have noted, the 1960s were a time of world wide polit ical unrest of colonized people everywhere demanding freedom. In Canada , the symbol of Indian unrest i n the 1960s became R e d Power. Frideres (1974), in his analysis of the importance of this t iny group (representing 3-5% of a small population), reminded Canadians that research has shown that in "riots, revolutions, urban guerrilla warfare, etc., only a small percentage of the total populat ion have ever been shown to take part i n [instigating] violent activities" (p.120). T o some degree, positive social and pol i t ical (if not economic) changes had been made i n the 1960s such that elements of the dominant society were beginning to show signs of accepting the Indian community. Condit ions were no longer as extremely exclusive as those which characterized the 1950s. School System Condit ions. E v e n though Indian students were increasingly being integrated into provincial schools during the 1960s it made little difference to Indian student achievement. W i t h few exceptions the following excerpt from a case study typifies the experiences of many Indian pupils i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a during the 1960s: M y i n i t i a l impression was that village pupils attended school reluctantly and ritually. Chi ldren expect to be at school but their part ic ipat ion is analogous to travelling on someone else's boat: one gets on, sits patiently during the long, slow ride and eventually gets off. Age sixteen is the destination of the educational journey. No precedent existed at the village for any other conclusion to one's formal education, for Blackfish school has never "graduated" a student. (Wolcott , 1967, p.95) 51 Notice the two relevant inferences about teacher characteristics and curr iculum. T h e boat (curriculum) does not belong to the Indian p u p i l (read irrelevant) and the non-Indian teacher has no solutions. However, Wolcot t ' s observations substantiate the notion that the effects of the social, pol i t ical , and economic exclusion of the 1950s carried over, by and large, into the 1960s i n spite of some positive changes. W o l c o t t concluded: A t a t ime when the completion of grade ten i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a is a prerequisite for l iterally any specialized training program and for many jobs, the village chi ld who is encouraged to stay i n elementary school to complete an extra year or two because of the advantages of "getting an education" is accepting an educational promise that is more likely to lead to disappointment and frustration than to opportunity. F o r m a l educational programs that are not accompanied by real economic and social opportunities are head-starts to nowhere, (p. 126) F i t t i n g l y , the decade ended wi th the Government of Canada's answer to the mult ip l i c i ty of Indian problems with the presentation of the W h i t e Paper i n 1969. A n historical drama h a d concluded wi th the rising crescendo of two counter themes that had begun in the 1600s, namely, the persistent presumption of cultural superiority b y the E u r o - C a n a d i a n and the equally persistent resistance of the Indian to become u n l n d i a n , delndianized, or Europeanized. T h e W h i t e Paper, which w i l l be more fully discussed at the end of this section, was introduced by Pr ime Minister Trudeau. It proposed that Indians, not Whites , should radically change, should do al l the adjusting and accommodating, in order to become fully integrated into the dominant society. T h e 1970s to the Present: A Per iod of Inclusion E d u c a t i o n Pol icy . T h e third phase of C a n a d i a n education policy-making identified by Housego began in the early 1970s and continues to the present day. This phase is characterized as being reactive-adversarial. That is, it is reactive i n the sense that education authorities are f inding themselves reacting to demands for 52 change, rather than being proactive, and it is adversarial because of conflicting views about the goals and purpose of education both within and without the education system. "In essence," Housego concludes, "the organizational context has become highly politicized; and attempts to be rational in policy-making are largely futile" (p.384). Again there is a clear parallel between Canadian education policy-making and Indian education policy-making. Since the official recognition of an Indian voice in the National Indian Brotherhood in 1969, that voice has been loud, clear, and effective. When the White Paper was presented during this same year it was unanimously rejected by Indian people. Essentially, the White Paper proposed that the Indian Act be repealed and that all federal responsibilities for Indians be transferred to the provinces. In this way the government intended to legislate the Indian into a state of equality just as the government had legislated the Indian into inequality with the Indian Act. The White Paper also intended to deny the 'spirit' of the Treaties by simply abrogating them. Cardinal (1969), for example, maintains that the 'spirit' of the Treaties means that at the signing of the Treaties all the promises that were made to the Indians were not written into the articles. That is why a literal reading of the Treaties today is not the same as recalled by the descendents of the original signatories. In terms of education policy-making the White Paper represented a radical departure from Indian education policy dating from the first policy statements of missionaries during the 1600s to the most recent statements based on the Indian Act of 1951. These policy statements by the federal government were important, from the Indian point of view, because they represented interpretations of historic treaty agreements. The White Paper proposed to break these agreements by shifting all Indian jurisdictional matters to the provinces. Consistent with the 'reactive-adversarial' climate of Canadian education policy-making the Indians of Canada, 53 under the leadership of the National Indian Brotherhood, rejected the proposed White Paper and it was subsequently withdrawn. One of the alternatives to the White Paper's position was an education policy statement entitled "Indian Control of Indian Education" (National Indian Brotherhood, 1972). In contrast to the one sided adjustment advocated by the White Paper the Indian control of Indian education statement (hereafter referred to as the NIB paper) invited Canadians to learn and share "the history, customs and cultures of this country's original inhabitants" (p.2). In addition to a presentation of philosophy, goals, principles, and directions, stressing Indian culture the NIB paper provided the following rationale. Those educators who have had authority in all that pertained to Indian education have, over the }^ ears, tried various ways of providing education for Indian people. The answer has not been found. There is one alternative which has not been tried before: in the future, let Indian people control Indian education, (p. 28) A little more than a month elapsed from the NIB presentation date of December 21, 1972 when the federal response of approval in principle returned on February 2, 1973. This new education policy adopted by the federal government represented a major ideological shift from the colonial 'White prerogative', 'culturally superior' mentality which guided Indian education policy from its inception, to the more egalitarian policy-making characteristic of the 1970s onward. A full decade later in 1982 the Department of Indian Affairs presented its own paper to the Indian people entitled "Indian Education Paper: Phase 1". Intended as a focus of discussion upon "current outstanding problems with the Education Program" the government Policy read in part as follows: 54 The education policy of the Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development, adopted in 1973 and in keeping with its mandate and the expressed wishes of Indian people, is to support Indian people in ensuring their cultural continuity and development by providing Indian youth with the knowledge, attitudes and life skills necessary to become self-sufficient and contributing members of society, (p. 3) The Indian perspective, the goals of which were approved by the Department, on this policy is summarized in extracts from the National Indian Brotherhood Policy paper entitled "Indian Control of Indian Education", (p. 4) Hence beginning in 1973 one of the persistent educational themes from the 1600s onward had finally come to an end. That theme was based on the notion of Euro-Canadian cultural superiority which meant, in the words of the Jesuit missionary in 1632, attempting to wean the Indians "from the habits and feelings of their ancestors". The counter theme of Indian resistance now found an expression in education policy-making. Indian control of Indian education marked the end of deliberate Euro-Canadian control and the beginning of a new era. After centuries of misunderstandings and mistreatments the Indians were given the opportunity to speak through the voice of the National Indian Brotherhood. Rather than rejecting the Whites, rather than rejecting the non-Indians, the new Indian education policy extended an invitation to Canada to share in the richness of Indian culture. The invitation reflected the traditional Indian worldview that focusses upon a relational perspective of the universe. It is one, even though rich in variety. Reflecting the reactive-adversarial characteristic of Canadian education policy-making the federal government in its Education Paper explains the characteristics of Indian-government relations in the following way: A series of education policy circulars was., prepared in an attempt to explain policies, establish program standards, describe implementation procedures and set funding limits. However, strong pressures from the Indian Political organizations citing a lack of bi-lateral consultation » forced the Department to abandon this attempt at establishing management directives. Although a second attempt in 1978 included consultation it met the same fate. (p. 7) 55 The issue that is being discussed above is the one of 'control'. On page 3 of the same document is a succinct statement of the apparent root cause of the issue. "Indian control", it reads, "was not defined." The issue is not Indian control in principle but its interpretation. Where Indian leaders speak of enabling legislation to permit the Canadian government to deal with First Nations governments on a government-to-government basis the Department of Indian Affairs interprets Indian control "as a degree of participation" in departmental programs (Longboat, 1987, p.39). Longboat's assessment raises another question which may be put in this way. Is the issue really 'Indian control'? Or, is it 'Indian control' versus 'Departmental control'? Is the issue really Indian Affairs jobs which presumably must decline, if not eventually disappear, as Indian self government becomes more and more a reality? Does it come down to government jobs versus the Indian's claim to self determination? The answer may never become known but an analysis of the NIB paper and the Departmental Indian education paper reveals the following. In 1972 the NIB defined 'Indian control' to mean that all decisions about Indian education be made by local Indian people. The decisions would include educational finances and involve the following: all local education facilities, education personnel, curriculum, education programs, and all planning, administration, and evaluation. In effect, Indian control of Indian education was defined as the development and administration under Indian management of a local school system. Ten years later the Department of Indian Affairs identified the same areas of Indian control as a working definition that the NIB paper had identified in 1972. It appears, therefore, that it may not be the definition of Indian control that is an issue but the definition of the Departmental role in delivering Indian control. Control is also an issue in the provincial education area. Although education is a provincial responsibility some school districts receive federal tuition monies for 56 their Indian students. A Master Tuition Agreement (MTA) between the federal and provincial governments was designed as a realistic compensation to the provincial government by the federal government for educating Indian children whose parents were ordinarily non-taxpayers on reserves. It has recently been renegotiated but some Indian leaders are apparently not satisfied with the terms. Indian parents may agree with the general purpose of the MTA but since they are not signatories they have no say, for example, in the important matter of how to achieve parity for Indian pupils. The new MTA permits consultation but only if the school district agrees to its necessity. In addition, when school districts read section 12.2 of the MTA they may become wary of consultation which may lead to a local agreement. Section 12.2 reads: Canada is relieved from its obligation of paying a tuition fee under this Master Tuition Agreement in respect of Indian students covered by a Local Agreement in accordance with subsection (1) Of course local agreements do not negate constitutional obligations such as federal responsibility for Indian education, nevertheless subsection 2 appears to put federal tuition fee payments to school districts in jeopardy. In sum, the new MTA is the old MTA except that the new MTA permits consultation with Indian people providing the school district agrees to its necessity. Moreover, since the Indians are not signatories to the new MTA agreement it is a continuation of the old practice whereby the federal government decides what is best for the Indian. In curriculum development and staffing of professional and para-professional Indian education personnel within the provincial school system the Ministry of Education has added a policy to encourage these where it is indicated by the enrolment of Indian students. Social Conditions. As Hawthorn was able to characterize the social condition of the 1950s as being closed to Indians so the opposite was now, in general, 5 7 apparently true for the Indian of the 1970s. T h e social characterization of the 1970s as being open to Indians is relative to the closed conditions of the 1950s. F o r example, where the Indians of the 1950s were generally excluded from such publ ic places as hotels, motels, apartments, rental housing, and so on, they were now included. W h e r e the image of the Indian was poor i n the 1950s it was m u c h improved i n the 1970s. A national study of Canadian opinions and attitudes towards Indians by Gibbons and P o n t i n g (1978) conducted during the early to m i d 1970s asked the question: W o u l d Indian protest generate a non-Indian backlash? T h e findings indicated that the answer was no. Other findings included the following: 2) Pejorative stereotyping is not a public n o r m 3) E x c l u d i n g the prairies, Canadians are more sympathetic to Indians than resistant Overall , Indians were apparently enjoying an inclusive social orientation during this latter period. P o l i t i c a l Condit ions. T h e 1970s in Canadian education policy-making are characterized b y Housego as highly politicized. In sharp contrast to the powerlessness of the Indian i n the 1950s the Indian of the 1970s may be characterized as not only highly politicized but relatively powerful as well. Where the Indians had no officially recognized voice in the 1950s and 1960s their polit ical voice was now not only being heard but it was also having an impact. T h e successful Indian pol i t ica l protest i n the m i d 1970s against the unilateral education policy-making of the Department of Indian Affairs (according to the Department's own admission) is testimony to Indian political power. Such was the ascendancy of their pol i t ical power during this latter period that the Indians of Canada, through their representatives, four times gained an audience wi th the leaders of the nation to discuss constitutional issues. The outcome entrenched the concept of aboriginal and 58 treaty rights into the C a n a d i a n constitution but left unresolved the issue of entrenching Indian self-government (Government of Canada, 1981a, section 35, subsection l ) . T h e high degree of polit ical part ic ipat ion of the Indians of C a n a d a during the Const i tut ional Conferences stands i n marked contrast to the pol i t ical powerlessness which characterized the Indian condition of the 1950s and 1960s. Economic Condit ions. A l t h o u g h the Indian st i l l lags behind the Canadian standard of l iv ing the economic condition of the Indian today is m u c h improved in comparison to the economic condit ipn of the Indian during the 1950s and the 1960s (Dosman 1972). H a w t h o r n (1966) found that some Indians were better off t h a n others dur ing the 1950s and 1960s but that, i n general, the average Indian income was very low. In 1958 H a w t h o r n , Belshaw & Jamieson reported the average annual income of the B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a Indian to be $1853 compared to $3200 for the non-Indian during 1951. However, since the inception of the new Indian control of Indian education policy i n 1973 together w i t h the thrust towards Indian self government there has been a marked increase in job avai labi l i ty on reserves. F o r example, Indian band managers are salaried, as are Indian school personnel from support staff to the chief education officers. In addit ion, each area of the province has tr ibal councils made up of groups of bands who also staff heavily wi th Indian people. The 1980-81 P r o g r a m Review of the B . C . Region of the Department of Indian Affairs states on page 24: Estimates place the number of employed on B. C . Indian reserves at 10,000 of an 11,800 member labour force. T h e working age population is about 23,800. Despite steady employment growth, both employment rate and participation rate on Indian reserves lag behind B . C. as a whole. T h u s , although there has been a "steady employment growth" there is sti l l an employment lag which is corroborated by the 1981 Census Canada report which 59 shows the average income of the Canadian Indian as two thirds that of the non-aboriginal populat ion. In other areas Indians have made significant progress. F o r example, the M u s q u e a m b a n d successfully renegotiated its leased lands for ten mi l l ion dollars. T h e Pent ic ton , Osoyoos and C l i n t o n bands were all successful i n cut-off land claims negotiations and other land claims are pending i n other areas of the province (Government of Canada , 1983b). T h e federal c iv i l service has made the hir ing of Indians a pr ior i ty and many have taken advantage of this init iative. School System Conditions of the 1970s and 1980s. A t a working conference i n Vancouver, B r i t i s h Columbia , February 17, 18, and 19, 1983, the late Robert W . Sterling, an Indian educator from Upper Nicola , opened his address w i t h "I understand that we have discovered the solutions to the problems i n Indian education" (cited i n Jobidon, 1984, p-9). Sterling was, of course, referring to Indian people i n general, and to the conference participants i n particular. Apparent ly , Indian people themselves were providing the solutions to the problems of Indian education. F o r this reason the conference was entitled "Successes i n Indian Educat ion: A Sharing" . Sterling's opening remark was an echo and affirmation of the declaration ten years earlier by the Nat ional Indian Brotherhood that Indian people should now control Indian education because every other known alternative had failed. W h a t school system changes had taken place between the 1972 N I B declaration of Indian Control of Indian Educat ion and Sterling's opening remark at the 1983 Indian education conference? T h e school system changes were revolutionary both inside and outside the classroom. A l t h o u g h the 1970s began wi th a negligible number of schools under Indian control , by 1981 there were 157 Indian controlled schools serving ten thousand students and "of the 575 Indian bands, approximately 450 had organized school committees or boards and were either wholly or partial ly controlling the educational 60 programs in their communities" (Government of Canada, 1981, p.22). More et al. (1983) published a survey of all Indian education projects in British Columbia schools from kindergarten through grade 12. The survey included private and parochial, provincial, federal, and band schools. It is a 246 page report about various education projects such as curriculum development in Indian languages, Indian history, and Indian studies from kindergarten to grade 12. In addition the report includes a detailed description of the various functions of a Home School Coordinator. A practical example of the range of Indian education projects is provided by the Nisga'a School District. Under the initiative and leadership of the Nisga'a Indian communities and the auspices of the Ministry of Education this school district offers a complete bilingual and bicultural kindergarten to grade 12 program. The Nisga'a language is taught throughout the grades as are Nisga'a history and culture. The intention is to produce students fluent in both the Nisga'a and English language and students comfortable in both Canadian and Nisga'a cultures. To this end there is a Nisga'a language teacher training program, a gifted student program from grades 1 through 7, a transitional class and work exploration program for low achieving secondary students, a career preparation program, a group home program, and a counselling program through the Home School Coordinator (Mckay and Mckay, 1987). The Nisga'a School District portion of the survey of Indian education projects in British Columbia was by no means exceptional in terms of the prevailing attitude within the province towards Indian studies. In 1976, the Vancouver School Board published a report of locally developed curriculum and the following is a course description of an Anthropology 10 course developed for John Oliver Senior Secondary School: 61 This course is designed to introduce to students the basic scientific data with which they can trace the course of human development in the New World and the Americas, and to help students understand and appreciate Native American(Indian) history. In general it covers the Native history of North America from man's entry into the New World to current British Columbian native activities, points of view, and the place of native peoples in the Canadian cultural mosaic. Students are provided with a better understanding of Indian history in Canada, the United States of America and Mexico. (Buchanan, 1976, p.1) In addition to the locally developed curriculum reported by More et al. and others, the official British Columbia curriculum includes an Indian studies unit in both grades 4 and 10. In 1978 the Ministry of Education made available an Indian studies unit entitled "Captain Cook and the Nootka". This study, edited by Campbell, is a comparative look at how the people of the day lived. However, instead of the hitherto usual historical bias against the Indian (Kirkness, 1974) there is an attempt at curricular egalitarianism. Where Captain Cook is ethnocentrically critical, for example, of the condition of Nootkan (now called Nuu cha nulth) houses the authors are careful to point out that the living conditions of the "English ships were really no better. In most English ships, many sailors died of disease. Even Cook's ships were unpleasant places to live" (p.35). The same balance is achieved between the unfavorable English opinion of Indian food and the 'rotten food' that English sailors often had to eat. That these studies present Indian history and culture in a more favorable light encourages a reassessment of stereotypes by all students. If the British Columbia curriculum changed dramatically for the Indian student so too did the complexion of teachers. In addition to the Indian teachers who were already trained in the regular teacher training programs, more Indians were being trained in specially developed Indian education programs such as the one begun in 1974 at the University of British Columbia called "Native Indian Teacher Education Program" or NITEP. A recent Indian education conference in Vancouver 62 ts over a reported that "as of September 1984, NITEP counted 58 graduate students period of ten years. Increased enrollments should see three times as many graduates by 1994, and over 300 graduates by the year 2000" (cited in Jobidon, 1984, p.108). Even if the prediction is overly optimistic the number of Indian teachers from this one program alone has increased the number of British Columbia Indian teachers many times since the 1950s and 1960s. Another change in the classroom for the Indian student during the 1970s saw the creation of the paraprofessional Indian teacher aide who might be hired either for band operated schools or for private as well as provincial schools which have Indian pupils. Beginning in 1968, the position of Home School Coordinator became, in the 1970s, an important link between the home and school. Although the Home School Coordinator is a paraprofessional, the work has many professional aspects. For example, not only is the Home School Coordinator an important communication link between home and school but the Home School Coordinator must also be an education program administrator as well as an education counsellor. Outside the classroom, especially in band operated schools, Indians are found in the role of administrators, filling not only the offices of principal and vice • principal, but also the positions on the local school board. With such changes it is now possible for a band operated school to be staffed entirely by local Indian people. There is still a severe shortage of Indian teachers and Indian administrators but more and more of these are being trained and hired as they complete their training. Of course, in non-Indian schools where some Indian pupils attend, the likelihood is that there may be an Indian teacher aide as well as an Indian Home School Coordinator. In other areas of education involvement, Janzen (1983) indicates the new levels of Indian participation in both provincial and parochial school boards in British Columbia in Table 1 below. 63 Table 1 Indian Part ic ipat ion O n Prov inc ia l School Boards P r o v i n c i a l Boards Parochia l B o a r d s Y e a r Members Advisory Member Advisory 1971 2 10 3 0 1980 11 10 0 1983 9 1 8 0 Totals 23 11 21 0 *Source: Janzen 1983 P r i o r to 1968, Indians who lived on reserve could not participate i n provincial school board elections. B u t i n A p r i l 1968, the B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a Legislature passed B i l l No. 86, an A c t to A m e n d the P u b l i c Schools A c t , effectively permitt ing Indians on reserves "to vote on school issues and to be elected as representatives or trustees of the School B o a r d " (Janzen, 1983, p.93). E v e n a brief sketch of the school system conditions for Indian pupils of the 1970s onward reveals a stark contrast to the school system conditions of the 1950s and 1960s. T h e former periods were characterized by a biased curr iculum against Indians as wel l as negative teacher expectations of Indian p u p i l achievement (Hawthorn, 1967) while the latter period is a time of curricular egalitarianism together w i t h a more positive climate of teacher attitudes as implied i n supportive educational policy, programs, Indian paraprofessional staff, and a growing number of Indian teachers graduating from B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a universities. In addit ion, the latter period contrasts with the former periods i n terms of community involvement. Where Indian parents were once prevented by law from participation i n publ ic school board elections and prevented by law from operating their own reserve schools, they 64 are now permitted by law to participate fully in provincial school board elections (Janzen, 1983), and by federal policy to operate their own reserve schools (Government of Canada, 1982). SUMMARY This chapter has provided a description of both the historical and contemporary conditions in which the problem of this study is set. It has been shown that both the early French and English missionaries were unsuccessful at Indian education. The failure was attributed to, in the words of Mother de 1'Incarnation, the "Savage nature" of the Indian (cited in Jaenen, 1986, p.58) rather than to an aversion for French culture and a preference for Indian culture. The external social, political and economic conditions to this educational failure prior to 1800 were chiefly characterized by a kind of equality which was not predicated upon the demands of one culture but upon the equivalent strengths of two cultures. While the Indian may have been cognizant of equality with the European during this early period the European apparently was not. In fact, European assumptions of cultural superiority over other cultures persisted strongly until well into the second half of the twentieth century. These assumptions were reflected in the classrooms where Indian pupils persisted equally to resist the unacceptable terms for successful academic achievement. After 1800, the Indian declined in social, political and economic power relative to the European. The civilizing, educating process carried on under the same assumptions of cultural superiority during this period, with much the same lack of results. Not until the contemporary period is there a change in the social, political and economic conditions of Indian education. Both the external and internal conditions of Indian education are set in clearly defined periods of: (1) exclusion (1950s); (2) transitional (1960s), meaning that this period is still largely exclusive of 65 the Indian although elements of inclusion are now creeping into society's orientation, and; (3) inclusion (1970s), which is not to imply that exclusive elements are now completely absent. The conditions internal to Indian education have been shown to reflect its external condition. Where the external social, political and economic conditions exclude Indians, as was the case during the 1950s, the internal conditions of Indian education are characterized by the exclusion factors of negative teacher expectations about Indian pupils and a curriculum biased against Indians. Similarly, when the external condition to Indian education is characterized by inclusion the internal condition is also characterized by the same. The contexts described here are the background against which the examination of current Indian educational achievement must be examined. It has been demonstrated that the context of Indian education changed markedly in the direction of increased inclusion during the period from 1960 to 1985. It remains to be seen if grade 12 enrolments increased significantly during the same period. Thus, the provincial grade 12 status Indian enrolment data will be subjected to two kinds of analysis. First their increase needs to be assessed for its statistical properties. Second they need to be explored in relation to the contextual factors described above. These analyses form the substance of the next chapter. C H A P T E R 3 A N E X P L O R A T I O N O F T H E P R O V I N C I A L D A T A O N G R A D E 12 E N R O L M E N T S O F S T A T U S I N D I A N S I N B . C . H a v i n g established to a reasonable degree that, between 1949 and 1985, there has been a significant contextual change from exclusion toward inclusion, it is purposed i n this chapter to examine the apparent increases i n grade 12 enrolments of status Indians i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a i n the light of this change. T h i s chapter is in three sections. T h e first section provides a description of the research method and analytical design, together w i t h a discussion of the nature of the data used. In the second section are presented the results of the analysis. T h e th i rd and final section discusses these results. R E S E A R C H M E T H O D A N D D E S I G N T h i s is an ex post facto study of archival data. These data are of two kinds, the first amenable to statistical treatment, the second not so amenable. T h e first k i n d of data consist of the numbers of status Indians in B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a enrolled i n grade 12 each year from 1949 to 1985. T h e second are the indicators of contextual conditions, external and internal to schools, which were discussed in Chapter 2. T h e combination of quantitative and qualitative data analysis identifies the study design as a marriage of two research approaches. E m p i r i c a l data is analysed w i t h i n a qualitative context. W h i l e it is easy to see the grade 12 enrolments as the dependent variable i n such a study, it is not so easy to see the contextual conditions as independent variables as in a true quasi experimental study. For this reason, the 66 6 7 terms dependent and independent variables are avoided in favor of terminology consistent with historical analysis. The following paragraphs deal first with the nature of the data, second with hypothesized relationships, and third with the particular form of analysis used. The Nature of the Data The Data. The data for the determination of external and internal conditions which describe the context of the study have been described in the last part of Chapter 2 in the section on the contemporary history of Indian education. For purposes of the present chapter, they may be summarized as indicating the relative exclusivity or inclusivity of the dominant society with respect to Indians. They have been presented as forming three distinguishable periods, 1949 to 1960 (high exclusivity), 1961 to 1972 (transitional), and 1973 to 1985 (high inclusivity). The existence of grade 12 enrolment data as recorded on the nominal roll by Indian and Northern Affairs Canada, British Columbia Region, stems from the requirements of the Indian Act. According to these requirements the nominal roll records those who have been registered as Indians by the definition of the Indian Act, and whose residence is ordinarily on-reserve. If the registration and residency requirements are met, the grade 12 status Indians may attend the nearest available high school where they are listed for the nominal roll. Limitations of the Data. Variation in the grade 12 enrolment of status Indians in British Columbia from 1949 to 1985 may be affected by birthrates, deathrates, and migration patterns on and off reserve. For example, an unusually high birthrate in any one or more years on reserve, and a concomitant survival rate, could cause unusual variation when and if these relevant cohorts enrol into grade 12. In the same way an unusual deathrate of particular cohorts might also cause unusual variation to grade 12 enrolments during the years that those cohorts might have been 68 enrolled into grade 12. Since sufficient data about birthrates and deathrates are not available, there is no satisfactory method of dealing with these limitations. One alternative is to analyse the population growth or decline over time for indications of unusual fluctuations. If unusual changes are found in the population growth or decline it will be useful to see if such changes are associated with a similar changes in the grade 12 enrolments. Migration patterns pose a particular problem because movement during the 1949 to 1985 period was relatively unrestricted. In theory, Indians were free to travel and live wherever they pleased although in practice Indian migration, especially during the 1950s, was restricted according to the degree of exclusive orientation found within the dominant society. If there is a high degree of social and economic exclusivity toward Indians then not only does this mean a relatively high degree of exclusion from rental accommodation but it also means a relatively high degree of exclusion from gainful employment. These two factors of exclusion would discourage Indian migration into urban areas and therefore suggest population stability. Another problem is related to the range of the enrolment data. The difference in enrolment between 1949 and 1983 is only 562 students and only 36 students between 1950 and 1959. Theoretically, even a small migration could possibly significantly affect the grade 12 enrolment patterns. Another limitation is the complete anonymity of the nominal roll which records the grade 12 enrolments of status Indians. Anonymity makes it impossible to know at any given time who the enrollees are. The implication of this anonymity is that it is possible that some, most, or all of the grade 12 enrollees at some, most, or all of the years are age-grade retarded. If all the grade 12 enrollees are age-grade retarded then this possibility might throw into question the validity of the assumption of the definition of this study that enrolment into grade 12 indicates academic achievement. On the other hand it is also possible that none of the grade 69 12 enrollees are age-grade retarded and may in fact be under age and therefore age-grade accelerated. In the absence of certainty on this matter, the assumption was made that the student population was normal with regard to age-grade relationships. The limitations of both the external and internal conditions to Indian education are of the same kind. For example, exceptions to the identified external condition of social exclusion during the 1950s may be found, just as exceptions may be found to an identified internal condition of negative teacher expectations toward Indian pupils, but these exceptions are assumed to be few and negligible in terms of the general prevailing conditions of exclusion during the period specified. Both Moran (1988) and Symington (1969) cite examples of inclusion during times that are characterized as highly exclusive of Indians. The discussion of the above limitations leads into a discussion in the following paragraphs about the assumptions of the study. Assumptions Underlying the Use of the Data. A major assumption of this study is that a society may have distinctive prevailing characteristics that can be identified. Identification may be based upon views that are commonly held and actions that are widely practiced in that society. For example, if it is commonly held by a dominant society that Indians are 'la.zy' and if, at the same time, employers of that dominant society, in general, refuse to hire Indians (Hawthorn 1967) then that dominant society may be said to have the distinctive characteristic of prejudice which is manifested by the practice of economic exclusion. Another major assumption is that enrolment into grade 12 equates with academic achievement. This assumption includes the implication that the students are in the normal grade 12 age range. These assumptions not only underlie the data but also the following hypothesized relationships. 70 Hypothesized Relationships It is hypothesized that inclusion is positively associated with academic achievement as measured by enrolment into grade 12. This prediction arises from the theory of context which assumes that academic achievement is affected by a context of external and internal conditions. Exclusion, on the other hand is expected to be associated with no increases in academic achievement as measured by enrolment into grade 12. Time-Series Analysis Since the observed grade 12 enrolment changes took place over time, it was decided to subject the enrolment data to a time-series analysis. One reason for deciding to use this particular statistical method was to avoid the pitfalls of what is known, by some, as the 'eyeballing' method of analysis. The 'eyeballing' method gives no reliable assurance that variations due only to chance are not inflated, nor is there any assurance that assumptions of correlation are not violated. For example, a series of observations over time may appear to the eye to be significant, but when the same observations are subjected to time-series analysis the series may prove to be simply a stochastic (chance as measured by laws of probability) drift. The difference in results between the two methods may be due to the fact that the 'eyeballing' method assumes equal strength of correlation between the observations on a variable irrespective of distance in time between them, whereas time-series analysis assumes a degree of correlation between the observations depending upon the relative distance between them. Those observations next to one another in time may have a strong correlation while the strength of correlation weakens rapidly as the observations become more removed from each other in time. It is assumed that this method of analysis reflects the nature of recurring events in a time-series. The reasons for the inadequacy of the 'eyeballing' method of analysis also apply to ordinary least squares regression because it "requires an assumption that residuals, or error terms associated 71 with each time-series observation, be independent" (Cook and Campbell, 1979, p.234). "The result", according to Cook and Campbell, "is that while ordinary least squares regression estimates of time-series parameters are not biased per se, the estimates of standard deviations (and hence, of significance tests) are biased" (p.235). In lay language it is apparent that time is the critical factor. When all observations are made at one time, or over a brief period, then ordinary least squares method of statistical analysis may be appropriate. When observations are made over a lengthy period of time such as in this study, then time-series analysis is appropriate in order to avoid a bias in the estimates of standard deviations and of significance tests. Time-series has specialized terminology. For example, the correlograms reproduced from computer printouts in Appendix A graphically depict the correlations between the successively lagged time-series. Lagging, a method of correlating a series with itself, enables the determination of the series as a stochastic drift or a trend. Confidence intervals indicate which correlation coefficients are statistically significant. The autocorrelation function (ACF), shown in the correlogram in Appendix A, indicates nonstationarity or a lack of equilibrium about the mean of the time-series through the exponential decay of what are called spikes. A spike is a pictorial representation of a correlation coefficient. The data in the Appendices are examples. Thus the first spike in the ACF of Appendix A represents lag 1 of the time-series yielding the correlation coefficient score of 0.8673. The second spike is the result of lag 2 and its correlation coefficient score is slightly smaller at 0.756 and so on with each successive spike and lag. The partial autocorrelation function (PACF) is closely related in meaning to the ACF (see Cook and Campbell 1979, for an introductory explanation of time-series). The interpretation of the single spike in the PACF, (shown in Appendix A), is that it supports the identification of the time-series as nonstationary. A nonstationary series is made stationary for analysis by differencing, a mathematical procedure. After differencing the 72 nonstationary series, the model of the series was identified as an Autoregressive Integrated Moving Average (ARIMA) model, in this case, of the type (0,1,0). Diagnosis of the goodness of fit of the model is indicated by the residuals. If the residuals indicate pure random variation known as 'white noise' in both the ACF and PACF (see examples in appendix B) the model fits well. Once the validity of the model identified has been established, the trend parameter can be estimated. In the present case it was .0003363 which was statistically significant (t=2.35) at the .05 level. T H E A N A L Y S I S O F T H E P R O V I N C I A L E N R O L M E N T D A T A In this section are presented first the raw data on grade 12 enrolments of status Indians, second the results of applying time-series analysis to the raw data, and finally, an analysis of cumulative enrolments and periodic averages. The Raw Data The presentation in Figure 1 on page 72 represents the grade 12 enrolments of B.C. status Indians from 1949 to 1985 in proportion to the on-reserve populations over the same time. For example, the enrolment of 16 in 1949 (see Table 2 on page 73) must come, according to the Indian Act, from the on-reserve population of 23,881 and not from the population off-reserve. When the enrolment of 16 is divided by its population source of 23,881 the result is the proportion .00067 for the year 1949. The rationale is to make enrolment scores, which are not otherwise comparable by themselves, statistically comparable by mathematically proportioning each to their respective population sources. Witness the raw enrolment data for the years 1962,1963 and 1970,1971, which, when proportionalized to their respective population sources yield a different proportional score in Table 2 on page 73. F i g u r e 1 G r a d e 1 2 E n r o l m e n t s o f S t a t u s I n d i a n s i n B . C Source: Nominal Roll Year 74 Table 2 Grade 12 Status Indian Enrolment m Proportion to the On Reserve Population in British Columbia: 1949 to 1985 Year Grade 12 Enrolment On-Reserve Population Proportion Enrol/pop 1949 16 23,881 .00067 1950 24 22,857* .00105 1951 30 22,222 .00135 1952 23 23,958* .00096 1953 32 24,060* .00133 1954 42 25,926 .00162 1955 57 26,147* .00218 1956 84 26,087* .00322 1957 49 26,064* .00188 1958 69 26,135* .00264 1959 60 30,869 .00194 1960 75 31,962* .00235 1961 120 33,083* .00363 1962 114 34,164* .00334 1963 114 35,281* .00323 1964 155 36,272* .00427 1965 132 37,256 .00354 1966 112 35,081 .00319 1967 140 33,474 .00418 1968 171 33,061 .00517 1969 195 32,157 .00606 1970 232 32,573 .00712 1971 232 32,496 .00714 1972 288 33,339 .00864 1973 241 33,702 .00715 1974 226 33,617 .00672 1975 220 33,060 .00665 1976 230 33,164 .00694 1977 312 33,888 .00921 1978 324 33,717 .00961 1979 366 34,204 .01070 1980 384 34,807 .01103 1981 408 35,704 .01143 1982 526 36,895 .01426 1983 578 38,002 .01521 1984 441 38,673 .01140 1985 505 39,067 .01293 Note: the * indicates interpolations for the years when a census was not taken. Each interpolation is an estimated average between the known populations. Also, the on-reserve populations for 1949, 1951 and 1954 are estimated from on-off reserve totals. 75 In order to examine the apparent trend in the graph, the data were subjected to a time-series analysis. The Analysis The raw data suggest sizeable changes or pulses at various points. The biggest of these arise in 1982 and 1983. To ignore these discrepant bulges and treat the entire set of figures as one series would risk a distortion of any estimate of a trend revealed by the series. In order to avoid this risk, the analysis first examined the enrolments from 1949 to 1981 and only then examined the whole set of enrolments from 1949 to 1985 as one series. This method allows one to determine whether the inclusion of the last four years of the series makes a difference to the series trend estimate and to ascertain whether, if it does, the difference is statistically significant. The average proportional change in grade 12 enrolment between 1949 and 1981 was .0003363 students. The estimated change in grade 12 enrolment of status Indians in British Columbia in any given year (except the intervention years of 1982 and 1983) may be calculated by multiplying the average proportional change of .0003363 students with the on-reserve population for that given year. When this average is multiplied by the population, say of 1949, the resulting estimate is calculated as .0003363 times 23,881 which equals 8.03 or about 8 students. If the average change is calculated for each successive year it will be found that the estimated average grade 12 enrolment change during the 1950s ranges between seven and ten students, while during the 1960s and 1970s it ranges between eleven and thirteen. The years 1982-1983 changed this picture. They yield an estimated and significant increase of .0003320 over and above the estimated average of .0003363. If the two estimated averages are added and the result multiplied by the 36,895 and 38,002 on reserve populations respectively for 1982 and 1983 the estimated change for 76 each year is twenty five students. In other words the enrolment changes over t ime show little var iat ion u n t i l 1982 and 1983. F r o m 1949 to 1981 grade 12 enrolments varied i n its average yearly change by seven to thirteen students. T h e n i n 1982 and 1983 the average yearly enrolment, change j u m p e d to an average of twenty-five students. Analysis of C u m u l a t i v e and Average Figures A l t h o u g h the time-series analysis shows statistically significant enrolment increases and a statistically significant intervention effect, it is felt that an alternative method of analysis may help to support, strengthen and further clarify the significance of the results of the time-series analysis. T h e alternative method proposed involves an analysis of cumulative enrolments and periodic averages as shown i n Table 3. Table 3 C u m u l a t i v e Grade 12 Enrolments (academic years^ :1949-1985 1949-1961 1961-1973 1973-1985 Grade-12 Enrolment Totals 561 2005 4256 24 year average = 1283 per 12 years vs 4256 per 12 years F o r example, the cumulative enrolment, over the first 12 years, starting i n 1949 and ending in 1961, was 561 grade 12 students. Over the last 12 years, 1973 to 1985, the cumulative enrolment was 4256 grade 12 students while the intervening period as shown in Table 3 shows 2005 grade 12 students. T h e cumulative total for the first 24 years, 1949 to 1973, is 2566 grade 12 students while the cumulative total for the final 12 years is 4256. If the first 24 year 77 cumulative grade 12 enrolment total is averaged the result is 1283 students per 12 year period. Therefore the final 12 year cumulative total of 4256 grade 12 students is 3.32 times more than the average of the first 24 year cumulative grade 12 enrolment. Although no specific statistical significance is attached to these numbers they do help to clarify, for those who have only used, hitherto, the ordinary least squares method of analysis, the nature of the enrolment trend by roughly confirming where the greatest areas of significance occurred. D I S C U S S I O N : H Y P O T H E S I Z E D R E L A T I O N S H I P S W I T H C O N T E X T It was predicted that inclusion (social, political, and economic) was associated positively to academic achievement as measured by increasing grade 12 enrolments. The time-series analysis indicated that the grade 12 enrolment pattern did show significant increases between 1949 and 1985. The agreement between the cumulative grade 12 enrolment data and the results of the time-series analysis is in the placement of the greatest number of enrollees in the enrolment series. Both types of analysis place the greatest number of grade 12 enrollees in the final 12 year period between 1974 and 1985. Since the final 12 year period overlaps the 1970s and 1980s which have been identified as the periods of relative inclusivity, the prediction that there is a positive association between academic achievement as measured by increasing grade 12 enrolments and contextual inclusivity is tentatively supported by both the cumulative enrolment data and the time-series analysis. Moreover, the first 12 years in the enrolment series record the lowest grade 12 enrolments and this finding is associated with the. identification of the 1950s as being more exclusive than the 1960s. Similarly the 1960s which is identified as a period of transition, with elements of inclusion in it not found during the 1950s, is related to the relatively higher grade 12 enrolments as recorded in the second 12 year period 78 shown in T a b l e 4 below. T h e assumption here is that the higher grade 12 enrolments of the 1960s are related to the inclusive elements of the period rather t h a n to the exclusive elements. The table associates the social orientations of each t ime period w i t h the cumulative grade 12 enrolment total of those periods i n order to show the associations between them. Table 4 C u m u l a t i v e Grade 12 Enrolments in 12 Academic Year Periods:1949-1985 In Relat ion to the Social Orientation of E a c h Per iod 1949-1961 1961-1973 1973-1985 Social Orientations Exclusive Transi t ional Inclusive Grade-12 Enrolment Totals 561 2005 4256 This demonstration of the associations between the statistical findings of the study and the hypothesized relationships completes the test of the first hypothesis of this study. T h e focus of the study has been completely upon the orientation of society and its association wi th academic achievement as measured by enrolment into grade 12. T h e next part of this study w i l l focus upon the orientation of Indians toward inclusion. T h a t is, during a period which has been identified as inclusive of Indians, what was the response of the Indians to this factor of inclusion? In the next chapter it wi l l become apparent that the Indians of B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a responded essentially i n one of two ways to inclusion, a direct expression of which is found i n the new education policy of Indian control of Indian education. Some bands responded to the new Indian education policy by assuming management 79 or control of their own education programs while other bands did not. This fact permits a comparative analysis of academic achievement under the inclusive conditions of Indian control, Indian decision-making, and under the conditions of government control of Indian education. It will be remembered that government control has been associated with exclusive conditions. It is intended therefore in the next chapter to examine two similar bands. One of these bands assumed control over its own education programs early on; the other did not assume such control during the inclusive oriented period of the 1970s and 1980s. C H A P T E R 4 T H E C A S E S O F L O C A L A N D F E D E R A L C O N T R O L : A N A L Y S I S O F B A N D D A T A The discussion in the previous chapter was a generalized characterization of the changing relationship between dominant and Indian societies, with a focus upon the dominant society and the effects of its change from exclusivity to inclusivity upon academic achievement. Within the changing context of the dominant society used for that analysis was one particular change of educational policy which appeared coincident with the period associated with increasing grade 12 enrolments. This policy change was the granting of the authority for bands, who wished to do so, to exercise control over their own education. In contrast to the focus upon the orientation of the dominant society in Chapter 3, this Chapter's focus is upon the response of bands to that orientation. At. the beginning of a period of inclusion when the new education policj' came into effect in 1973, some bands elected to exercise control over their own education while others did not. As mentioned at the end of the previous chapter, the possibility therefore exists of comparing directly the enrolment changes of those who adopted local control and those who did not. This means comparing the grade 12 enrolments over a ten year period under conditions of local and federal control respectively. For this purpose two very similar bands were selected for analysis. The following sections deal first with the two bands and their educational control, followed by an analysis of band data, and concluding with a discussion of the hypothesized relationships with context. 80 81 A D E S C R I P T I O N O F T H E T W O B A N D S 4 N D T H E I R E D U C A T I O N A L C O N T R O L In order to establish the appropriateness of comparing the grade 12 enrolment patterns of a government controlled Indian education program with an Indian controlled education program it is necessary to describe the geographic, cultural, and demographic characteristics of the two bands. Once it is established that the bands are comparable for research purposes, then their grade 12 enrolments under different educational controls may be compared. For the purpose of this study the band under government control of its education programs between 1976 and 1985 is labelled Band A and the band under Indian control of its education programs between 1976 and 1985 is labelled Band B. Geographical Location The two bands under examination are both found on the leeward side of isolated islands on the coast of British Columbia. The factors of isolation, rocky terrain, and the high cost of transportation on both islands make building houses difficult and community expansion more difficult, even during the best of economic times. Such conditions may put severe constraints upon migration patterns depending upon the conditions of related factors, such as the usual lack of local employment opportunities coinciding with outside employment opportunities which in turn works against the pull of family and local community relationships. The maritime climate is temperate, the vegetation similar, and the bands share the fishing industry as their primary economic activity (Pinkerton, 1987). Band A in the south is closer to a major centre of business than is Band B on the central coast but Band B is situated on a well travelled coastal shipping route. In terms of terrain, vegetation, climate, isolation, transportation, and primary economic activity the two communities are comparable for the research purposes of this study. 82 Culture Although these bands do not share a mutually intelligible Indian language they nevertheless belong to the same language family known as Wakashan by anthropologists (McMillan, 1988). Historically, both bands utilized and adapted to their environment in much the same way. They both sought spiritual aid by fasting and prayer in lonely, isolated places such as deserted islands or by mountain streams and lakes. They both utilized cedar technology in their water craft, housing, and household utensils and clothing. They both practiced ceremonial feasting rituals after harvesting food from the sea and both had a system of hereditary chieftainship. Today, both bands may still acknowledge their hereditary chiefs on ceremonial occasions but the reins of their band governments are now given over, not to hereditary, but to elected chiefs and council members. Traditional singing, dancing and gift giving at feasts have been revived in both bands but use of traditional technology has given way completely to the use of modern technology in both household necessities and the fishing industry. For example, household utensils made of cedar have all been long replaced with the modern utensils common to any Canadian household today. In the place of cedar canoes in the fishing industry, the fishermen of both communities now use large wooden, aluminum, or steel hull fishing vessels. Therefore, in terms of traditional history, traditional language, and contemporary practices in the political, social and economic areas of life these two bands are comparable for the research purposes of this study. Demography Band populations in British Columbia are relatively small when compared to other band populations in Canada. The Six Nations band in Ontario has more than 10,000 band members while the largest in British Columbia, as of December, 1988, is 2385 members. Although British Columbia may have relatively small band populations, of the 578 bands in Canada, British Columbia has 195 bands, which is 83 roughly 1/3 of the total number of bands. B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a has 1 8 % of Canada's tota l Indian populat ion (Government of C a n a d a , 1986). B a n d s A a n d B are two of the largest bands in Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a . Table 5 on page 85 provides the grade 12 enrolments and the on and off reserve populations for each year between 1976 and 1985. T h e populat ion variation between the two bands over the ten year period is neutralized by proportionalizing each year's grade 12 enrolment to each year's on-reserve populat ion base. Not only does this procedure make the grade 12 enrolments of each band comparable, but the use of the on-reserve populat ion as a base is also a requirement of the Indian Act . E d u c a t i o n a l C o n t r o l In theory, 'control of education' may have the following meaning. If it is said that the federal government 'controls' Indian education, for example, then it means that the federal government w i l l decide upon and manage Indian educational matters such as policy, program, and facility requirements. Similarly, if it is said that a band 'controls' Indian education then it means that the band wi l l decide and manage the same educational matters of policy, program and facility requirements. B u t in practice, 'control ' of Indian education may be both a matter of degree and of context. T h a t is, neither the federal government nor an Indian band may be said to have absolute control over Indian education principally because educational systems are found w i t h i n societal contexts w i t h i n which are found jurisdictions and networks of interrelationships. For example, while the education of Indians falls under federal jurisdict ion, education itself is a provincial jurisdict ional matter. Hence, whether a school is managed by the federal government or by a band, it is the provincial core curr iculum that is used. Similar ly Indian educational funding is subject to parliamentary appropriations the size of which may be determined by the prevailing polit ical attitudes or economic conditions of the day. F o r example, in 1969, the liberal 84 government attempted unsuccessfully to do away w i t h the Indian Act . There were legitimate fears that if the Indian A c t had been abolished, there would have been an end to treaty obligations, and hence the el imination of federal funding was a real possibil ity, the W h i t e Paper's assurances notwithstanding. E v e n a less extreme view could hold that if the nat ional economy were considered to be poor, then restraint could be imposed upon Indian educational funding. It is apparent from the foregoing that 'control ' of Indian education is a matter of degree because of the social, pol i t ical , and economic context of education. However, once educational funding and the core curr iculum are set, then those who decide and manage what has been set may be said to have 'control ' over Indian education. In this study B a n d A is identified as being under government control of its education from 1976 to 1985 while B a n d B is identified as being under Indian control of its education over the same period. B a n d A was the only band in B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a which could be matched wi th B a n d B i n terms of both population size and duration of contrasting educational control during the specified period, 1976 to 1985. Their strong similarities i n terms of geography, culture, and demography provided the internal val idity required for statistical analysis while their different types of educational control provided the basis of comparison of contextual factors. W h i l e B a n d A continued under federal control and B a n d B assumed Indian control, other bands i n the province which assumed control of Indian education over the same time span were less comparable for one or more of the following reasons: the band i n question may have been too small i n population; the band in question may have only assumed part of its education program during the specified periods; the band in question may have assumed Indian control some years later than 1976; or the band in question may not have been comparable i n terms of geography and culture. 85 Hypothesized Relationship between C o n t r o l and Academic Achievement Indian control of Indian education is expected to be positively associated w i t h academic achievement as measured by enrolment into grade 12. Federal control of Indian education is expected to be associated wi th no increases i n academic achievement as measured by enrolment into grade 12. The policy of Indian control is associated w i t h inclusion because it allowed Indian people to be included i n the decision-making process of education if they so chose. The policy of federal control of Indian education was clearly associated w i t h exclusion unt i l 1973 because unt i l then, federal control of Indian education meant an exclusion of Indian people from decision-making about Indian education. After 1973, pressures from the Indian community of Canada , together wi th the thrust of the new policy of Indian control of Indian education, brought, a greater measure of decision-making participation for those Indian people whose education remained under federal jurisdict ion. It remains now i n the next section to present the analysis of the enrolment data of Bands A and B . T H E A N A L Y S I S O F B A N D D A T A In this section the grade 12 enrolments in Bands A and B are subjected to statistical analysis. Fol lowing the analysis, an examination of the population data of the two bands are presented in order to assist in an interpretation of the enrolment analysis. B a n d Enrolment. Patterns: 1976 to 1985 T h e two bands have been identified as B a n d A and B a n d B. B a n d A is associated w i t h government control of its education during the period of 1976 to 1985 while B a n d B is associated with Indian control of its education during the same period. Table 5 provides the raw data from which enrolments for each b a n d were proportionalized as shown in Table 6 which follows it. Table 5 G r a de 12 Enrolments and On-Off Reserve Populations: B a n d A and B a n d B: 1976 to 1985 Year B a n d A Reserve P o p . B a n d B Reserve-Pop. E n r o l . O n Off T o t a l E n r o l . O n Of f T o t a l 1976 2 403 478 881 4 913 300 1213 1977 6 449 461 910 3 884 351 1235 1978 8 409 530 939 5 832 432 1267 1979 8 477 494 971 12 848 438 1286 1980 4 498 502 1000 19 859 442 1301 1981 5 514 506 1020 9 863 447 1310 1982 7 538 510 1048 20 824 494 1318 1983 5 544 516 1060 24 872 486 1358 1984 1 554 529 1083 18 890 411 1301 1985 10 559 537 1096 23 916 485 1401 Table 6 T h e Proport ion of Grade 12 Enrolments to their Populations: B a n d A and B a n d B: 1976 to 1985 B a n d A On-Reserve B a n d B On-Reserve Year E n r o l . P o p . Proportions E n r o l . Pop. Proportions 1976 2 403 .00496 4 913 .00438 1977 6 449 .01336 3 884 .00339 1978 8 409 .01956 5 832 .00601 1979 8 477 .01677 12 848 .01415 1980. 4 498 .00803 19 859 .02212 1981 5 514 .00973 9 863 .01043 1982 7 538 .01301 20 824 .02427 1983 5 544 .00919 24 872 .02752 1984 1 554 .00181 18 890 .02022 1985 10 559 .01789 23 916 .02511 In order to compare the two series they have been proportionalized to their respective on-reserve population bases. It wi l l be recalled that the procedure of proportioning enrolment to population base not only allows for a comparison over 87 t ime, but it also satisfies the legal demands of the Indian A c t which requires that-each year's enrolment be based on that year's on-reserve populat ion. T h e grade 12 enrolments for Bands A and B are plotted on a graph below i n Figure 2 on the next page. Notice that both Bands A and B begin their enrolment series at about the same level and seem to continue together at a similar level ini t ia l ly and then apparently separate thereafter. In fact a closer scrutiny of Table 6 reveals that the cumulative enrolment total for the first four years is identical (24) for each band but thereafter sharply differs. A more sophisticated comparison is made possible by time-series analysis. Figure 3 on page 88 is a graph of the proportional enrolments for B a n d A and B a n d B which have been serialized into one series in order to meet the m i n i m u m time span requirements for time-series analysis. T h e first part of the series from 1976 to 1985 belongs to B a n d A . Analysis revealed that the series is driven by ' random shocks' about the mean of .01360. However, the second part of the series, which belongs to B a n d B , showed an abrupt constant intervention effect of .0115 above the mean of .01360 beginning at 1979. The intervention effect was found to be statistically significant (t=7.79) at the .05 level. T h e year 1981 shows an enrolment of 9 which is taken to be an outlier. Explanat ions for this have not been pursued. It may be that the grade 11 students of 1980 moved off reserve for their final year of high school. If this is the case then their off reserve residence would eliminate them from the nominal roll . Other possible explanations are dropouts related to the demands of commercial fishing, early marriages, deathrate, or possibly grade eleven students held back a year i n order to ensure the possibility of greater academic success during their graduating year. Whatever the explanations for the anomalous 1981 enrolment, it is clear that B a n d B's pattern is very different from B a n d A 's from 1979 onwards. F i g u r e 2 Compar ison of Grade 12 Enrolments: Bands A and B: 1976 - 1985 30 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 School Years 1976 - 1985 Source: Nominal Roll Figure 3 Grade 12 Enro lments of Bands A and B Year Source Nominal Roll 90 T h e interpretation of the time-series analysis is that B a n d A ' s grade 12 enrolment behaved like a stationary time-series. This means that B a n d A ' s enrolment over time did not show either significant increases or decreases. B a n d B's grade 12 enrolment init ia l ly behaved like B a n d A ' s series from 1976 to 1978 but thereafter (excluding the outlier at 1981) it showed a significant intervention effect. B a n d P o p u l a t i o n Patterns: 1954 to 1974 A question at this point relates to the possibil ity of the confounding of B a n d B's enrolment growth with an unusual birthrate eighteen years previously. D i d B a n d B experience an unusual birthrate eighteen years previously that might account for the unusual increase i n grade 12 enrolments from 1979 onwards? T h e relevant band birthrates are not available. W h a t are available are populat ion totals at five year intervals. T h e intervals are 1954, 1959 and 1965. F r o m 1965 onward the federal census of B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a bands were taken yearly, although the census did not differentiate between on and off reserve residence u n t i l 1975. Table 7 on the next page indicates the total populations for Bands A and B from 1954 to 1974 inclusive. Since the known population patterns from 1965 to 1974 according to Table 7 show a gradual increase in both bands it was assumed that the unknown populat ion patterns between 1954 and 1964 might also reflect the same k i n d of pattern. Therefore, the average difference between the 1959 populat ion and the 1954 population was added to each successive year between 1954 and 1959. T h e same method of interpolation was applied to the years 1960 to 1964. T h e result was then subjected to a time-series analysis specifically for indications of population growths in the two bands. It was assumed that population instabil i ty, either through birthrate, death rate, or migration, dur ing the critical period 1957 to 1966, might possibly account for some, if not al l , of the enrolment growth found in B a n d B . 91 Table 7 T o t al Populations for B ancls A and B: 1954 to 1974 1954 1955 1956 1957 1958 1959 1960 1961 1962 1963 1964 A 392 410 428 446 464 482 505 528 551 574 597 B 701 732 763 794 825 857 885 913 941 959 997 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 A 625 648 673 696 709 733 761 796 813 839 B 1029 1055 1071 1087 1105 1107 1122 1151 1168 1192 Similar ly , the population trend for B a n d A is examined to see if any associations are indicated between the same factors and the lack of enrolment growth. T h e time-series analysis indicated an A R I M A (0,1,0) model for B a n d A which yielded a trend estimate of 23.12 which was statistically significant (t=19.21) at the .05 level. This trend indicates that on the average the population of B a n d A increased about 24 persons per year during the time period of 1954 to 1974. T h e time-series analysis of B a n d B's population indicated the same A R I M A (0,1,0) model and yielded a similar estimate of the trend at 23.41 persons per year which was also statistically significant (t=11.87) at the .05 level. The time-series analysis of each band's population series indicated significant but stable and similar growth rates. D I S C U S S I O N : H Y P O T H E S I Z E D R E L A T I O N S H I P S W I T H C O N T E X T This section is i n three parts. T h e first part contains the discussion about the interpretation of the statistical results i n relation to the hypothesized relationships. 92 T h e second part deals wi th changes w i t h i n the school system while the t h i r d discusses the contextual changes to the conditions external to Indian education. T h e Hypothesized Relationships Indian control of Indian education was predicted to be associated positively w i t h academic achievement as measured by increasing enrolment of status Indians into grade 12. T h e d a t a analysis supports this prediction. T h e time-series analysis indicated that B a n d B , under Indian control of Indian education, experienced significantly increasing grade 12 enrolments beginning at 1979. It is apparent from these findings that increasing grade 12 enrolments occurred i n the context of Indian control of Indian education i n this case. B a n d B's populat ion trend from 1954 to 1974 indicated a linear trend wi th a mean value of 23.41 which was significant (t=11.87) at the .05 level. W h i l e it is possible that this significant population trend might account for the grade 12 enrolment growth it is not likely for two reasons. First , it has already been noted that B a n d A ' s population trend was similar to B a n d B's and yet their enrolment trends were different. Second, the time-series analysis d id not indicate any intervention i n the populat ion series but rather indicated a gradual and stable growth over time. The interpretation of the time-series analysis of B a n d B's population trend is that no unusual populat ion growth is indicated to account for its concomitant unusual grade 12 enrolment growth. B u t by itself this time-series analysis is inadequate evidence to indicate B a n d B's enrolment growth because of the necessity of inserting population estimates between the years 1954 and 1964. These population estimates could be completely and wi ldly off the mark. However, the population estimates are probably close to the actual for the following two reasons. First , there is the logistical matter of reserve space and housing. B o t h Bands A and B are geographically situated on isolated islands. B o t h islands are made up 93 basically of rocky terrain with limited space for housing. During most of the period between 1954 and 1974 new housing was very difficult for both bands to obtain. The difficulties of securing housing involved the pohtics of federal government housing policies, the extra expense involved in building houses on rocky terrain in isolated areas, and the relative poverty of the two bands during this time. The effect of all these variables combined to ensure limited population variation. Secondly, most of the period 1954 to 1974 effectively covers the period of social orientation which is characterized, in general, as exclusive of Indian people. As Wolcott (1962), Hawthorn (1967), Dosman (1972) and others have pointed out Indians during this time were largely excluded from the larger society. This societal exclusive orientation had of necessity the effect of limiting the mobility of Indian people. One specific characteristic of exclusion is the unavailability of rental housing in urban areas. Hence, even if an Indian wanted to move off reserve it was difficult, if not impossible. Thus, it may be assumed that the limitations of housing both on and off reserve served to effect stable on reserve populations during this time. It was also hypothesized that federal control of Indian education would be associated with no increases in academic achievement as measured by enrolment into grade 12. The data analysis supports this prediction. The time-series analysis indicated that Band B's grade 12 enrolments experienced a significant increase beginning at 1979 and Band A's grade 12 enrolments did not. Therefore the finding is that federal control of Indian education is associated with no increases in academic achievement as measured by enrolments into grade 12 and Indian control of Indian education is positively associated with academic achievement in these two cases. The time-series analysis of Band A's population trend from 1954 to 1974 produced a trend estimate of 23.12 which was significant (t = 19.21) at the .05 level. Since the 1954 to 1974 population trend for Band A did not indicate any intervention 94 effect it may be assumed that no unusual birthrates, deathrates or migration patterns intervened to affect the grade 12 enrolment patterns of Band A. The reason for this interpretation is that the same conditions that applied to Band B also applied to Band A during the period 1954 to 1974. Both bands shared the factors of isolation, rocky terrain, high cost of transportation, limited housing space, relative poverty, and the social orientation characterized in general as exclusive of Indians which limited Indian mobility. The indication therefore is that both bands had relatively stable populations partly because of the factors outlined above. This apparent population stability in turn adds some credence to the indicated difference in the significance of grade 12 enrolment patterns of each band at least in the sense that enrolment changes were not likely attributable to population variation. However, during this ten year period of 1976 to 1985 other changes took place both within and without the school system that may also have contributed to the grade 12 enrolment differences between Band A and Band B. It may be that other factors can account for the difference in grade 12 enrolments. These other changes are examined below, beginning with changes within the school system, and concluding with changes outside the school system. Seeking Other Explanations Changes Within the School System: Teachers. In 1974 the British Columbia Native Indian Teacher Education Program was initiated at the University of British Columbia. Other teacher programs for the training of Indian teachers followed suit in 1975 and in 1978 sponsored by Simon Fraser University with, first, the Mount Currie band and subsequently with bands in the North Okanagan area (More and Wallis, 1979). These programs helped to increase the number of what was then a relatively small core of Indian teachers. Eventually these programs helped to radically alter the makeup of Indian education in the province. 95 T h e most radical alteration may have been i n the impl ied relationship between Indian p u p i l and teacher. Where Hawthorn (1967) found that teachers during the 1950s generally d id not expect Indian students to do wel l in school, it could now be assumed that the growing number of Indian teachers i n the classrooms during this period altered the former negative climate of expectations for Indian students to a more positive climate. One possible reason for this presumed alteration of the climate of expectations i n the classroom is that Indian teachers who graduate from post secondary institutions are viewed by elementary-secondary students as having demonstrated academic capabil ity. It may be, therefore, that the presence of professionally qualified Indian teachers i n the classroom would not only result i n a positive attitude of expectations towards their Indian students, but also that these Indian teachers may positively affect the attitude of non-Indian teachers towards their Indian students. If Indians can become professional teachers then it seems to follow that Indians can be academically successful. In addit ion it is assumed that it is not necessary for Indian teachers to teach Indian grade 12 students i n order to be an inspiration to them. Indians who become professional teachers at any level of the school system are usually well known to their own communities. This brings up the matter of another possible confounding variable to account for B a n d B's grade 12 enrolment growth. It is possible that a single person can inspire a school to greater achievements. D i d B a n d B , during this period, have such a person on staff to whom could be attributed this grade 12 enrolment growth? T h e yearly school reports from B a n d B during this time provide no evidence of such a person. Rather there is evidence of an effort shared by the school board, the school administration, and the paraprofessional staff. B a n d B's grade 12 enrolment growth cannot be attributed to a single inspirational person. 96 Band A had a local band member as a school principal of its elementary school from 1970 to 1974 while Band B had one or two of its own members on the teaching staff for a brief period during the 1970s. It may be assumed that the possible effects of local band members on the teaching staff of both Bands A and B during the 1970s are, for the purposes of this paper, roughly equivalent. In addition to growing numbers of Indian teachers, Indian teacher aides (and other paraprofessionals such as Indian language teachers and Indian cultural resource people) in the classrooms during this time, some Indian students now found themselves under the educational authority of their own parents. Band B, for example, had an official school board elected from the band members with complete jurisdictional powers over its school while Band A had only a school committee with an advisory role. However, both bands had Indian teacher aides, Indian language teachers, and cultural resource people in the classroom. In fact the British Columbia Provincial Ministry of Education during this same period also provided for the same type of Indian education paraprofessionals in their provincial schools wherever sufficient numbers of Indian students were found. This means that Band A's grade 12 enrollees who were off-reserve likely had access to the same kind of paraprofessional services as the grade 12 enrollees of Band B. If this is so then the professional school conditions for both Band A and Band B were similar during the ten year period under investigation. Changes Within The School System: Curriculum. Native curriculum content as a supplement to the regular provincial curriculum was encouraged by both the provincial and federal government educational authorities as well as band educational authorities. In addition to the increasing usage of supplemental cultural curriculum content during this time there was also some change to the content of the provincial core curriculum. In 1978, the Ministry of Education initiated major curriculum revisions which resulted in a policy aimed at the elimination of pejorative material 97 not only against Indians but against visible minorities in general. At the same time, new auricular material became available such as that entitled 'Captain Cook and the Nootka'. This example of new curriculum was aimed at both grade 4 and grade 10 and demonstrably taught without bias the differences and similarities between the English and Indian societies. Both the changes to the provincial core curriculum and the incorporation of supplemental Indian cultural curriculum into the school system may be considered common to both Bands A and B during this time. Changes Without The School System. Although Band B acted upon the government policy of Indian control of Indian education in 1975 and Band A did not act until 1986, both bands nevertheless operated within the same climate of relative social, political and economic inclusion during this period. If this study had ended with the results of Chapter 3 then it would have been reasonable to expect a similar academic performance by two bands with similar cultural, geographic, and demographic characteristics. It is the comparability of Bands A and B in the common societal context of inclusion which isolates and emphasizes the importance of their contrasting responses to inclusion and the possible effects of these responses upon academic achievement. ' The proactive stance of Band B is analogous to one who takes advantage of, and benefits from, an opportunity. Band A, on the other hand, did not take advantage of, or benefit from, the same opportunity. This idea that an inclusive policy requires a proactive response parallels, and is corroborated by, the findings of Ogbu (1987) who suggested that the different academic performances by members of the same minority group might be due to their different perceptions of the dominant society in which they lived. Those who perceived the dominant society as an enrichment performed well academically while those who perceived the dominant society as threatening or oppressive tended not to perform well academically. Although the terminology is different it may be theorized that positive perception is associated with a proactive stance by the minority group. 98 Suffice it to say that the absence of a positive and proactive response may be associated with academic failure irrespective of perception. The parallel of Ogbu's findings to Indian education is in the particular stance that minority groups take towards an inclusively oriented society. Ogbu's minority groups responded according to their respective perceptions of society. Indian bands between 1976 and 1985 responded, one might infer, according to their perceptions of the new policy of Indian control of Indian education. Thus it may be theorized that inclusion is positively associated with academic achievement so long as a proactive stance is taken and that it has no impact on academic achievement when a proactive stance is not taken. The next chapter concludes the study with a summary, a discussion of theoretical applications and some implications for research and policy. C H A P T E R 5 S U M M A R Y , C O N C L U S I O N S A N D I M P L I C A T I O N S T h i s concluding chapter begins w i t h a summary of the problem and its investigation. T h e conclusions section which follows the summary, enters into a discussion of the results i n the light of the theory of context and deals wi th potential issues of interpretation. The chapter ends wi th the implications of the findings for research and policy. S U M M A R Y T h i s study was prompted by an observation of increasing grade 12 enrolments of status Indians i n Br i t i sh C o l u m b i a between the years 1949 and 1985. This observation presented a potential problem because of the commonly held view that Indian education has always been a failure. Several factors guided the study towards a theoretical approach to the problem statement of apparently increasing grade 12 enrolments. Recent studies o'f minori ty groups by Ogbu (1987) and others, together wi th the ideas of Adler (1982) and Dewey (1938), provided the necessary parts for a holistic theoretical approach from which hypotheses could be drawn. O n the one hand A d l e r and Dewey stressed the importance of graduating into a meaningful society that offered gainful employment while on the other hand Ogbu and others suggested the importance of the relationship between the academic performance of a minority and its perception of the orientation of the dominant, society. Together with Housego's (1980) notion of accounting for both the internal and external environments of education the theory of context was developed for this study. 99 100 T h e theory of context proposes that education takes place i n , and is affected by, a context of conditions both external and internal to education. T h e external factors assumed to affect student achievement are the prevailing social, pol i t ical , and economic conditions while the internal factors assumed to affect student achievement are curr iculum and teacher characteristics. T h e prevailing social, pol i t ical , and economic conditions could be characterized as either inclusion or exclusion. Inclusion was hypothesized to be positively associated wi th academic achievement and exclusion associated wi th no increases i n academic achievement as measured by enrolment into grade 12. A n examination of the history of Indian education confirmed the commonly held view that Indian education has always been a failure. Indian education, unt i l recently, has also always been guided in its policies and strategies for educational practice by a W h i t e prerogative. Part of the prerogative was also to provide a rationale when the various policies and strategies failed. Predictably , the earliest explanations for Indian educational failure placed the blame on the 'savage' nature of the Indian. In recent decades a number of kinds of explanations for failure have been suggested. E a c h explanation has focussed upon the 'nature' of the Indian as the source of failure. In the 1950s it was supposed that the Indian suffered from an impoverishment of culture and genetic inferiority. D u r i n g the 1960s the educational diagnosis indicated that the Indian was now either culturally disadvantaged or suffered from a 'significant' cultural discontinuity. Subsequently educators discovered that the Indian d i d indeed suffer significant cultural discontinuity i n the classroom. F o r example, the Indian has a different learning style which is culturally determined. One of the cultural determinants suggested is that the Indian has a different view of reality, a different value focus, al l of which help to explain a different learning style and educational failure. However, it was believed by the present researcher that the explanations were inadequate because of their focus upon 101 the Indian as the source of failure while the non-Indian, who assumed al l responsibil ity for Indian education, was not adequately considered as an addit ional possible source to explain this failure. Hence the theory of context was developed to account for both. G u i d e d by this theory of context, the data analysis yielded three pr incipal findings. F i r s t , the orientation of society moved from exclusion (1950s) to transit ional (1960s) to inclusion (1970s and 1980s). Second, the grade 12 enrolment increases of status Indians i n B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a were found to be statistically significant. T h a t is to say the enrolment increases were greater than might have been expected by chance. They increased at a faster rate than did the population from which the students came: their increase was stronger i n the 1970s; and it was particularly pronounced i n the 1980s. T h i r d , a comparison of grade 12 enrolment data for 1976 to 1985 for two bands (one of which exercised its own control over education while the other continued as before under government control), showed that the Indian controlled band experienced significant enrolment increases while the government controlled band experienced no significant increases over the same time. These results suggest a number of conclusions and have implications for research and policy. C O N C L U S I O N S T h e results of this study help to support the theory of context. T h e theory as originally proposed was refined as the study progressed. In its original form the theory proposed that the context for educational achievement would be shaped by external and internal factors. T h e provincial data supported the theory wi th respect to the chief external factor of social orientation. The band data, however, posed the need to modify the theory by introducing the notion of Indian response to inclusion. T h e response of assuming control was seen as a proactive response. This control 102 factor proved to be such that it seems likely that the effect of other internal conditions, as in curriculum and teacher characteristics, would be mediated by it. The revised theory is shown diagrammatically in Table 8. Notice that when the societal orientation is exclusive the band orientation is irrelevant. The choice of wording is deliberate. Historians have remarked that after the war of 1812 the Indians became 'irrelevant' in Canadian history. Society may be so dominant that when its orientation is exclusive of a minority such as the Indian people the orientation of the Indian is literally of no consequence. In the present study the exclusive orientation of society was accompanied by a societal characteristic which Barman (1986) has called the 'White prerogative'. The result was a lack of success in academic achievement as illustrated in Table 8. Table 8 Societal Band Academic Orientation Orientation Achievement Exclusive irrelevant unsuccessful Inclusive proactive as in 'Indian control' positive passive as in 'gov't control' neutral On the other hand when the societal orientation is inclusive of Indian people academic achievement appears to be dependent upon the response of the bands to inclusion. A proactive stance as expressed in Indian control of Indian education is positively associated with academic performance while a passive stance as in 103 government control of Indian education is 'neutrally' associated with academic achievement. These results seem consistent with the studies of minority groups by Ogbu (1987) and others. While no firm conclusions can be reached on the basis of a single case, the parallelism is strongly suggestive. Ogbu suggested that academic achievement is positively associated with the perception by minority groups that the dominant society is a source of cultural enrichment. The assumption is that this perception inspires the minority student into a proactive stance which results in academic achievement. Indian control of Indian education provides the same opportunity for academic achievement although the perceived source of cultural enrichment is different. Rather than perceiving the dominant society as a source of cultural enrichment, the Indian perceives it as culturally threatening, and therefore, the preferred source of cultural enrichment, is Indian society. Another difference between the two groups is that while the minority immigrant receives the enrichment of the dominant culture the Indian has had to struggle down through the centuries, first to resist persistent attempts at cultural genocide, then to demand and slowly begin to revive a truly enriching culture. The common principle, however, of both kinds of perceptions is that each is a positive and proactive orientation to opportunities that may be provided by the dominant society. As in the case of most theories in the behavioural sciences the world is less tidy than the theory proposes. In the present case two particular areas of "untidiness" are important to recognize. First, the degree of orientation of Canadian society does vary from province to province (Ponting 1984) and even the most inclusively oriented province may have pockets of exclusive orientation. The emphasis in this study is upon the importance, not of absolute inclusion, but of relative inclusion in British Columbia as it may affect student achievement. Obvious indices of inclusion include the right to vote in elections, equal access to job opportunities, equal access to public places such as restaurants, motels, and hotels. 104 The presence of these indicators now clearly suggests a much greater inclusivity than existed in earlier periods. They do not however, indicate a perfect state of inclusion. Complete inclusiveness cannot be claimed for a society in which inquiries into judicial abuse, land claim tensions and other stresses still occur. The second area of "untidiness" is that two conditions of Indian control and federal control respectively do not represent, the full set of possible arrangements. There exist, a number of bands which have assumed partial control of their education, usually at the pre-school level. Although the two bands in this study represented full Indian control and full federal control they were not completely or ideally comparable in terms of urban and rural enrolments. The grade 12 enrolments of the Indian controlled band was both rural and isolated while the grade 12 enrolments of the federally controlled band were located in several urban high schools in the provincial school system. Ordinarily, rural and urban education are not comparable for research purposes. However, the rationale, in spite of conclusive evidence shown in educational studies that urban students tend to experience more success in school than rural students, is that, in this study, there was a reverse expectation. More grade 12 enrollees were predicted to come from the rural area school than from the urban area schools. Irrespective of this untidy comparison weighted against the hypothesis of the study, the results were still positive and the theory of context is provided some credence. These observations notwithstanding, it does appear that the theory of context in this study provides a more plausible explanation for Indian educational failure than did other explanations which focussed principally upon the 'nature' of the Indian and ignored the 'nature' of White- society who assumed complete responsibility for Indian education. In the same way the theory of context, as proposed and refined here, offers a plausible explanation for the observed fact of 105 academic achievement of status Indian pupils in British Columbia as measured by enrolment into grade 12. The revised theory does not necessarily imply that a proactive stance to inclusion is the only possible solution to be found positively associated with the academic achievement of status Indians. What the findings of this study may imply is that a proactive stance to inclusion allows or enables other suggested solutions for Indian educational failure to take place. For example, in the concern for relevant curriculum, if an Indian language is found to be positively associated with academic achievement then a proactive stance to inclusion would, and does enable, a studjf of Indian languages. Similarly, if learning style is important to academic achievement, if the administrative leadership of school principals is important to academic achievement, if community involvement in schools is important to academic achievement, then a proactive stance to inclusion would enable an Indian band to address these points. If bands at first do not seem to address various educational concerns too well it is likely a problem of incipience rather than innate incapability. No band, however, may do worse than, first the early French and English attempts at Indian education and latterly, the Euro-Canadian through the federal government. Ultimately the outcome of this new Indian education strategy may accomplish what centuries of European efforts could not, namely, a formally educated Indian public. Since the theory of context assumes an interrelationship between groups, it follows that whatever terminology is used to describe the proactive stance of the Indian, whether it is Indian control, self-government, or self determination, the contextual assumption holds. Indian control, therefore, means Indian control of Indian education in the context of both federal and provincial jurisdictions. Although the historic principle of educating the Indian .remains, both the strategy and the intended outcome are different. The difference now is that not only can the Indians provide the strategy rather than the Euro-Canadian but academic 106 achievement may also now be accomplished by the Indian, as an Indian, rather than as a Europeanized person. If these conclusions are acceptable then the next point to be addressed is the nature of Indian control and the complexity of its interpretation. Indian control means a degree of control rather than absolute control. The federal government has legal and financial responsibilities for Indian education some of which is devolved by policy to Indian bands who elect to exercise a measure of control over their own education. The provinces provide the curriculum into which bands may incorporate supplemental Indian cultural material. Clearly Indian control in the context of society is very much a matter of degree constrained by the network of federal and provincial jurisdictions. On the other hand Indian control may be seen as a liberating policy from the constraints of a dominant society which formerly did not permit Indians to participate in the decision-making about Indian education. From another perspective it might admittedly be possible to consider Indian control of Indian education as an exclusively oriented education policy. The words 'Indian' control of 'Indian' education suggest an exclusion of others from the process of Indian education. In theory it is possible for Indians to exclude others from the process of Indian education but in practice it is not economically feasible. The external context of Indian education is necessarily Canada. This means that Indian education must include provincial curriculum and standards in order for the educational qualifications of Indian graduates to be recognized within the larger, dominant society. If Indian education did not set its goal to meet provincial standards of educational excellence the result would likely be, in Wolcotts' phrase, 'headstarts to nowhere'. In practice this reality translates into the necessity for mostly non-Indian teachers and non-Indian administrators in band controlled schools until enough Indian teachers and administrators are trained. In addition, both the policy and practice of Indian schools in the past has been to be inclusively oriented towards non-Indian pupils. It is probably a truism to say that no child has ever been 107 excluded from an Indian school. It is a time-honored tradit ion of hospital i ty w i t h i n Indian communities that is carried on to the present day. It appears therefore that I n d i a n control of Indian education, as it is widely practiced today, is an inclusively oriented policy from both the perspective of the dominant society and the perspective of the Indian society. There is some rhetoric i n the land which sounds exclusive of non-Indians but this type of rhetoric is exceptional. Evidence of general and widespread part ic ipation of Indian people i n the social, pol i t ical , and economic fabric of Canadian society today is witness to the t ruth and sincerity of the original declaration of the N a t i o n a l Indian Brotherhood in 1972. T h e policy paper said on page 3: W e must, therefore, reclaim our right to direct the education of our children. Based on two education principles recognized in Canadian society: Parenta l Responsibil ity and Local Contro l of E d u c a t i o n , Indian parents seek participation and partnership w i t h the Federal Government, whose legal responsibility for Indian education is set by the treaties and the Indian A c t . (Indian Control of Indian Educat ion: Pol icy Paper: N I B ) Notice the inclusive orientation of the wording of this historic document which has been instrumental i n radically changing the state of Indian education. The first sentence is a demand for a basic right available to every other Canadian citizen, namely parental responsibility and local control. The emphasis, in keeping wi th the relational, interconnected Indian worldview, is upon participation and partnership w i t h i n the context of Canadian society. One caveat is necessary. If the results and tentative conclusions of this study give the impression of tremendous academic success as measured by enrolment into grade 12, it may be a misleading impression. Indian educational failure, as measured b y any standard, has been shown to be of long standing and of disastrous proportions. Hawthorn's report of a 94% national failure rate during the 1950s suggests the near zero starting base of this study. Therefore, one may conclude that 108 the results of this study are significant relative to a near zero starting base but not necessarily significant if compared to the norm in Canadian society. Much more educational progress and achievement are needed. Action to achieve that greater progress and achievement should not be hindered by complacency resulting from false impressions about the results of this study. I M P L I C A T I O N S F O R F U R T H E R R E S E A R C H The implications for further research stem from both the study's theoretical aspects as well as from its empirical ones. Prompted by the theory of context it is interesting to speculate what effects Indian educational successes may have both upon the Indian communities involved and the orientation of society in general. Will increasing numbers of academically successful Indians affect the social orientation of society positively, negatively, or not at all? In view of the demonstrated importance in the present study of the orientation" of society, it would seem important to institute research to monitor the effects as soon as possible. The theory of context also suggests that it would be useful to examine the assumptions of culture which are responsible for the orientations of both the dominant society and the minority group. This type of research would assume that the orientation of society does not happen in a philosophical vacuum. For example, why did the European entertain notions of cultural superiority? Why would one group of people in the world presume to teach the rest of the world how to live? If current events are rooted in the past (Tosh 1984), which events can be traced to the notions of cultural superiority? Which parts of European culture might account for, and which parts might not account for, the notion of cultural superiority? What were the assumptions of Indian culture that can be associated with the persistent resistance by Indians to European notions of cultural superiority? From this type of research might emerge principles of inter-nation, inter-group relationships that would 109 help to explain not only certain behaviour patterns such as persistent educational failure or success but also explain why the failures or successes have been persistent. These possible explanations would form part of the theory of context. In the same vein it may be useful to identify the indices of societal orientation more clearly and extensively than has been done in this study, in order to find out their nature. Perhaps it might be hypothesized that certain indices of societal orientation, such as mutual respect, are indications of a healthy society while other indices such as pervasive alienation and anomie, are indications of a less healthy society. Another application of the theory of context, would be to hypothesize that it may be a universal law. That is, it may be hypothesized that one of the principles of life, one of the inherent irrevocable conditions of life, is contextual. The null hypothesis would be that context makes no difference to life. Those who understand the Indian worldview and its assumption that all creation and all life are the product of one Creator, might agree that this view is suggestive of a relatedness and connectedness between all things. Environmentalist might agree with the foregoing notion at least at the planetary level, if not, at a universal level. As far as the data are concerned, it is to be noted that this study would not have been possible without the nominal roll. The fact that only the grade 12 enrolments were used illustrates the potential value of the nominal roll for further research related to other grades. For example, it was noted that during the 1950s there was a concern for dropouts at the grade 4 level. The nominal roll might be useful for research into the possible evolution of dropouts beginning at the grade 4 level. Other research possibilities for the nominal roll include an analysis of band enrolment data from grades 1 through 12, a band by band comparison of one or more grade levels, a province by province comparison of enrolment data, and an analysis of the national enrolment data. Finally, to take into account the limitations of the nominal roll, some alternative data would be useful for a more complete picture. For 110 example, case studies could be undertaken in order to trace specific students to see if their academic performances can be explained by the theory of context developed through the use of the nominal roll. I M P L I C A T I O N S F O R P O L I C Y The findings lend some credence to the idea that the federal Indian education policy currently in place is efficacious. Irrespective of theoretical differences about the meaning of Indian control of Indian education it is evident that, in the two cases studied, when Indian people were allowed to make decisions about the education of their children there was greater academic achievement as measured by grade 12 enrolments. From about 1600 to 1972 Euro-Canadians essentially made all the decisions about Indian education with little success. In contrast, in a little more than a decade, the results of this study indicate that a policy shift from Euro-Canadian control of Indian education to Indian control of Indian education has dramatically changed the enrolment patterns of one band from a failing system into one that is succeeding. What are the component parts of this apparent success story? The component parts are the following: 1) A shift to inclusiveness by the dominant society 2) A self-determined response to inclusion by the Indian The study also permits one to suggest that if the new Indian education policy is providing the opportunities for Indian academic achievement the old Indian education policies which assumed Euro-Canadian control of Indian education should not be revived. The old assumptions of Euro-Canadian control of Indian education may resurface in another form. For example, a government may ask, what do you do about the Indian people who are not ready to manage their own education programs, who may never be ready to manage their own programs? This question may be I l l couched with real concern but it is an expression of an old colonial mentality which views Indians as children who need White folks to look after their affairs. The federal government usurped the decision-making powers of the Indian with the enactment of the Indian Act in 1876 and it may take time for the Indians to regain the powers of management which had led them to educate and govern successfully for untold centuries prior to the advent of the European. By the same token it may take time for officials in the dominant society to leave aside their colonially derived sense of caring. Finally, the study suggests a comment about legal jurisdiction over Indian education. There is no legal basis for provinces to provide for Indian control of Indian education since the responsibility for the original treaties is now with the federal government of Canada. This final implication about legal jurisdiction involves a difficult ideological question that is rooted in the history of Indian-European relationships. In the beginning, the Indian-European relationships were characterized by mutual respect and equality, politically, socially, and economically. In fact there is reason to believe that without the aid of its Indian military allies Canada's history may have ended with the war of 1812. Subsequent treaties together with the enactment of the Indian Act signalled the responsibility of the crown for Indian education. There is disagreement today about the specifics of the agreements but not about the principle of federal jurisdiction. Currently, the federal government is fulfilling its responsibilities for Indian education more efficaciously than it ever has since the beginning of Indian-European relations. However, the 'White prerogative' as a basis of Indian education policy prevailed for some 450 years and the new policy of Indian control of Indian education has only been in effect since 1973 and its effects are only now just beginning to show. Indian education has begun a new era and it may take another generation or more to achieve educational parity with the Euro-Canadian. 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Mokakit Indian Education Research Association, 125-142. Vancouver B.C. Yuzdepski, Iris 1983 "Indian control of Indian education." Canadian Journal of Native Education, 11, (1), 37-43. 127 A P P E N D I X A S E L E C T E D E X A M P L E S O F C O R R E L O G R A M S : G R A D E 12 S T A T U S I N D I A N E N R O L M E N T , 1949 T O 1 9 8 1 These correlograms represent the preintervention modelling of the time-series. PLOT OF AUTOCORRELATIONS .0 -0.8 -0.6 -0.4 -0.2 0.0 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1.0 . + .... + ..-- + . + ..-- + .... + -...+ . + + ....+ I + IXXXXXXXX+XXXXXXXXXXXXX + IXXXXXXXXXXXXX+XXXXX + IXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXX + IXXXXXXXXXXXXX + + IXXXXXXXXXXX + + IXXXXXXXXXX + + IXXXXXXXXX • • IXXXXXXXXX + • IXXXXXXX + IXXXX + - 1 . LAG CORR. + 1 0.873 2 0.756 3 0.636 4 0.526 5 0.444 6 0. 401 7 0. 371 8 0.345 9 0. 269 10 0.161 PLOT OF PARTIAL AUTOCORRELATIONS -1.0 -0.8 -0.6 -0>4 -0.2 0.0 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1.0 LAG 1 0.873 • I ixxxxxxxx+: 2 -0.021 • XI • 3 -0.080 • XXI • 4 -0.034 + XI • 5 0.050 + IX + 6 0.113 + IXXX + 7 0.028 • IX + e -0.007 • I + 9 -0.221 + XXXXXXI + 10 -0. 197 • XXXXXI + 128 A P P E N D I X B A N E X A M P L E O F C O R R E L O G R A N S F O R M O D E L L I N G T H E I N T E R V E N T I O N , 1 9 8 2 A N D 1 9 8 3 . The spikes within the confidence intervals represent "white noise". PLOT OF AUTOCORRELATIONS J -0.2 0.0 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1.0 .... + ...- + . + .... + .... + .... + ....+ I X X X X X X X X I + IX X X X + X I • • X X X X X X X I + X X I . + IX + I + I X X X X X X + IXX + X X I + -1.0 -0.8 -0.6 -0. LAG 1 -0.327 2 0.151 3 -0.052 4 -0.29 1 5 -0.083 + 6 0.029 + 7 -0.016 + 8 0. 238 + 9 0.099 + 10 -0.074 + PLOT OF PARTIAL AUTOCORRELATIONS -1.0 -0.8 -0.6 -0.4 -0.2 0.0 0.2 0.4 0.6 0 8 1 0 LAG CORR. • — + — + — • — • — • — • — + — • ; : I 1 -0 .327 XXXXXXXXI + 2 0 .049 • IX + 3 0 .013 + I • 4 -0 . 349 X+XXXXXXXI + 5 -0, .343 X+XXXXXXXI + 6 -0. .062 + XXI . 7 -0. 016 + I + 8 0. 113 • IXXX + 9 0. 143 + IXXXX + 10 -0. 064 XXI + 


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