A HISTORY OF THE WEST KOOTENAY DISTRICT i n BRITISH COLUMBIA by MOLLIS B. COTTINOHAM A THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OP MASTER OF ARTS IN THE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY 'HE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA A p r i l , 1947. FOREWORD Inspiration for this undertaking came during eleven years residence in the Kootenays, seven were spent i n the East Kootenay and four i n the West. A persistent curiosity about the history of this region, a history relatively recent i n the whole story of Canada, led to numerous delightful l i t t l e trips, conversations with old timers, poring over old news f i l e s , getting a friend to "find another friend who had an old book." Gradually the vast accumulation of details began to form a pattern, the pattern of a history which had to be written. Chapters took shape and grew, and gaps were f i l l e d in after I returned to li v e in Vancouver, where I could easily consult the oldest original sources which are kept i n the Provincial Archives In Victoria, and in the Library of the University of British Columbia, To enumerate a l l the friends whose interest and encourage-ment helped to assemble my material and feed my enthusiasm would require another chapter,, I include them a l l when I express my appreciation to these few. Dr. Walter N, Sage, Head of the Depart-ment of History, University of British Columbia, guided my plan and c r i t i c i z e d my manuscript with great care and patience. The assistance of Dr, W, Kaye Lamb, Librarian, University of British Columbia, and Editor of the B.C. Historical Quarterly, was invaluable in seeking references. The knowledge and achievements of these gentlemen in the f i e l d of history is too great and too well known for me to praise them,here. That they should spare the time from their busy lives to give help to a beginner was a compliment deeply appreciated, and a challenge to zealous effort. Miss Marjorie C. Holmes, Assistant Librarian Provincial Archives, and Miss Mabel Lanning, Assistant Librarian, University of British Columbia, with their thoughtfulness and interest have, from the rich stores in their care, assembled for me books and material upon any subject no matter how obscure. Lance H. Whittaker, Editor Cominco Magazine T r a i l , B.C. and F.A. Jewett, Provincial Inspector of Schools for Nelson d i s t r i c t , took a friendly interest i n my under-taking and spared no effort to put me in touch with authentic source of material which I could never otherwise have reached. To Miss Charlotte Wilks and Miss Jean Walton goes gratitude great and sincere. With unflagging and efficient alacrityj/they transformed my scrawled sheets into the neatly typewritten pages that follow. Their interest and patience never waned throughout a long and arduous labour. They too, know and love the Kootenays for they were born and brought up there. And last upon the r o l l of tributes, I put my Mother, whose impatient tolerance of long evenings of silence, and never f a i l i n g snacks at midnight goaded my tenacity and fed my body for the task of writing, which though pleasant, had to be extended over four years, because i t could only be done in spare time. -2-Thus this story is committed to the reader with the hope that for those who know the land, i t may satisfy their historical curiosity as i t satisfied mine, to those who know i t not, may i t bring a worthy picture of the romance, the beauty and the economic and social development that make the West Kootenay so promising a part of our Canada. Mollie E. Cottingham April, 1947 Vancouver, B.C. TABLE OF CONTENTS I. Origin of the name Kootenay, and geographical description of the region Page 1 II. Early Exploration 7 III. Kootenay Indians - Early accounts, probablg. origin, a year's occupations 42 IV. Kootenay Indians - habits, customs, later history. 67 V. Mining development leads to settlement 98 VI. Lines of communication •• 123 VII. Nelson dominates the West Kootenay 139 VIII. Later mining activities on Kootenay Lake 180 IX. The opening of the Slocan 202 X. Rossland - rise and decline of a Golden city ..... 213 XI. The ascendancy of T r a i l 236 XII. The Doukhobours - an experiment in communism ••••• 263 XIII. The Japanese relocation settlements 319 XIV. The West Kootenay in British Columbia ,. 356 _,;/. Bibliography and Acknowledgements' 376 Appendix 388 MAPS 1. Map showing North West Company posts and Thompson's routes. After David Thompson's map l 8 l l after p. 8 2. Map showing travels and stations established by Father P.J. de Smet i n Oregon Territory, 184-6. After Father de Smet after p. 25 3. The routes in British North America explored by the expedition under Captain Palliser 1857» 1858, 1859» i860. From a general map in Palliser's report after p. 33 4. Map showing the range of the Upper and Lower Kootenay Indians ., after p. 49 5. Mining claims in Nelson d i s t r i c t . From map by Thos. Brown 1933 ..after p. 120 6. Map showing proposed railways and c i t i e s as well as those already built in 1885. Copy of map by Department of Lands and Works, Victoria, B.C. 1885. after p. 130 7. Transportation i n the Kootenays .after p. 134 8. Plan of Canal Flat or McGillivray's Portage, After M.J. Lorraine .after p. 147 9. The city of Nelson, showing street names etc.... after p. 177 10. The Southern part of Kootenay and Arrow Lake Districts after p. 262 11. Map showing Doukhobour settlements i n Columbia, Kootenay and Slocan valleys. After V. Snesarev ...after p. 278 ABSTRACT Throughout this intensive examination of development in the West Kootenay area the writer has done her best to give a true h i s t o r i c a l picture of these mountain valleys, rich in their rugged beauty. As far as modern research permits, the story and the customs of the aboriginal Indians have been described. For a century and a half, we have accompanied fur-traders, and surveyors, priests and prospectors, engineers and industrialists, tradesmen and f r u i t farmers in a l l their many adventures and enterprises which opened up this region. The past quarter of a century has made these valleys the focal point of interest in two of Canada's racial minority problems. The Doukhobours, welcomed over-exhuberantly by the government to a vast wilderness eager for settlers, the Japanese, thrust for a temporary sojourn by the exigencies of war upon the Kootenay. When we came to examine the subsequent course of events i n the Kootenays that section of history which makes the region an intimate part of British Columbia and of Canada the contrast with United States development is striking. Had the Kootenays been American they would, no doubt, have become a separate state in a confederacy of many. The States of Washington, Idaho, and Montana a l l touch the southern border of Canada's one Pacific province. Indeed, British Columbia is equal in area to the three coast States to the south - Washington, Oregon, and California. The one province, British Columbia, contains about eight per cent of Canada's population, whereas the corresponding area in the United States comprises eleven Pacific and>mountain states, and contains about eleven per cent of the nation's population. The Br i t i s h Columbia government must cope with the multitude of problems which spring from a highly diversified economy, while the weight which the province can exercise in the framing of Canadian national policies i s roughly proportionate to i t s population. This influence i s in the order of 1:15, or at the most 1:12 in the House of Commons, while the Senate proportion is 1:16. Eleven American states with a congressional represent-ation of 43 out of 435, and 65 electors out of 531 in the presidential elections, exert a weight about in proportion to their population ratio. Their representation i n the Senate, however, is high, namely 22 out of 96, or higher than 1:5. This means that Canadian federal policies are less l i k e l y to be framed to consider-British Columbia interest than United States federal policies to consider those of her western states. Although at times the western slope in each country has been influenced by developments peculiar to the region, which distinguish i t sharply from the rest of the continent, to a great extent coast and mountain regions of each country have heen tied to the fortunes of the federation of which they are a part. After the depression of the 1870fs the tide of prosperity began again to flow west, and l i k e a magnet i t drew the Americans, and later midland Canadians, into interior British Columbia. Except for restrictions upon the Chinese, immigration was unhindered. In 1893, just after the completion of the Crows Nest Pass Railway, this movement was checked by another severe depression. Then from 1896 onwards, the settlement of the prairies and the growth of a national economy based upon the export of wheat gave impetus to the development of British Columbia. The centre of this wheat boom lay upon the prairies, but the rising tide of settlement and investment spilled into British Columbia. In the twenty years following 1891 the population of the province more than quadrupled, and the Kootenays shared this increase as well as the era of prosperity which came from the prairie market for lumber and f r u i t . By 1910 the prairies were taking 70 per cent of British Columbia's lumber. By 1913, the production of non-ferrous metals exceeded #17,000,000. These were the decades that witnessed the opening of the Silver Slocan, and of Rossland, the construction of smelters at T r a i l , Pilot Bay, and Nelson. These were the decades when the British Canadian Pacific and the American Great Northern companies supplanted earlier individual efforts to provide transportation upon river, lake and land, and vied with one another to give efficient service in the Kootenays. The Canadian Pacific extensions were a part of their vast Trans-Canada development which was subsidized by an optimistic! federal government. High foreign investment of capital, rapid settlement, much of i t doomed to bitter disappointment (like the mansions built in the Lardeau, the hotels and business blocks in Kaslo and the Slocan), the land boom, and the inevitable depression a l l formed the cycle characteristic of frontier economy. Yet the hardships and injustices suffered by this pioneering generation were softened by the high faith i t held for a province in which the future of i t s children could be more easily provided. Of course, in the process they were destroying the cultural l i f e of the North American Indian and preparing for his extermination, but i t is the custom today to forget this as we deride mod-ern imperialism and the exploitation of more distant foreign peoples. I ORIGIN OF THE NAME, KOOTENAY, and GEOGRAPHICAL DESCRIPTION OF THE REGION The name Kootenay i s given to that south eastern part of B r i t i s h Columbia which comprises three river valleys and their rugged barriers. The derivation of the word can probably be traced to the Indian "Co", meaning water, and "Tinnfih", peoplej* It Is a f i t t i n g appellation for the' natives of this region, and their habitat, since they were lake and river dwellers, skilled in the arts of boating and fishing. In 1807, when David Thompson came west of the Rockies among this people, he gave their name to the Columbia River, to the lakes at i t s headwaters and to the pass through which the Indians travelled annually to hunt buffalo on the plains. 2 His f i r s t post he called Kootenae House, spelling out thus the Indian sounds. Captain John Palliser's report, the f i r s t o f f i c i a l government book to deal with this d i s t r i c t , gives five spellings for the word — Coutanie, Kootanie, Kootonay, Kootenai, and Kootenay, Successive travellers and writers have varied the spelling to Kutunas, Kootanas, Kootenuha, Kutnehas, Kutonas, Coutanies, Cotonoi, Kitunahas, u n t i l the number of ways has 4 mounted to sixty-one, E l l i o t t Coues, writing i n 1897, when he was editing the manuscript journals of Alexander Henry and 1. W.A. Baillie-Grohman, Sport and Li f e , London, Horace Cox, 1907. 2. J.B. T y r e l l , David Thompson's Narrative, Champlain Society, 1916, p. 375. 3. Capt. John Palliser, Explorations i n British North America, London, King's Printer, 1863*- _ 4. White J. Handbook of Indians of Canada, Ottawa 1913 p» David Thompson, says: "This word wavers In spelling in the Henry copy, but to no greater extent than i t does i n the writings of the best ethnographers, Henry's Koo-» tonois was a French plural form, Thompson's manuscripts of 1800, and later, which are f u l l of the word usually give i t as Kootanai, Kootanaie, Kootanie or Kootanae."5 In their o f f i c i a l documents, departments of the Dominion Government use jto spellings, Kootenay and Kootanie, The government of British Columbia always used Kootenay while the United States government, in o f f i c i a l maps, uses Kootenai, to speak of that part of the d i s t r i c t which l i e s south of the 49th pa r a l l e l . The present writer, except when quoting from sources, w i l l use Kootenay, The south eastern part of B r i t i s h Columbia i s a vast assemblage of mountain ranges, the Rocky, Purcell and Selkirk divisions of the Cordillera, Prom their glacial summits and timbered slopes the waters rush down to the lakes and rivers that l i e between these parallel ranges running north and south. Thus, on the slopes of the Rocky Mountain trench, or valley, which l i e s between the Rockies to the east, and the more worn down Selkirks to the west, four rivers have their source, the Columbia, the Kootenay, and i t s tributaries, the B u l l and Elk. Prom i t s source i n the Columbia and Windermere Lakes, the Columbia River flows northward u n t i l , at Boat Encampment, just north of parallel 52, i t curves around the end of the Selkirk Range, Then i t rushes rapidly south west to Revelstoke and 5, E l l i o t t Coues, New Light on the Early History of the Greater Northwest, New v.ork. Francis 1*. Harper, 1897, vol. 1, p. 550 note 3, -3-AE-rowhead, through the Selkirk trench, abating i t s speed in the slender Arrow Lakes, which l i e between the Goat and Selkirk ranges, u n t i l i t receives tne Kootenay at Castlegar thirty miles north of the international boundary. Prom there i t Hows majestically through T r a i l , southward, u n t i l i t leaves Canadian s o i l at Northport. The source of the Kootenay River, meanwhile, is far to the north and to the east of the Columbia in the Rocky Mountains, about twenty miles southeast of Leanchoil station. Por seventy-five miles the courses of these rivers are almost parallel, though they flow in opposite directions. At Canal Plats, the Kootenay turns sharply westward, breaks, through the Purcell barrier to pass within a mile and a quarter of the Upper Columbia Lake, thus almost making an island of .the Selkirk Range. During the course of tts remaining seventy-five miles in Canada, i t receives four tributaries, Finlay Creek and St. Mary's River which enter from the west, and the Bull and Elk Rivers, from the east, in that order. For another one hundred and f i f t y miles the Kootenay continues in American territory, turning northward at Jennings, Montana. Once more on Canadian s o i l , i t assumes a meandering habit, entering Kootenay Lake, twenty-eight miles from the boundary through a flood plain subject to much, overflow. Kootenay Lake, 1,735 feet above sea level, is about seventy miles long and two or three miles wide, and of a remarkable depth, i t s flat floor being from 380 to 395 feet below the surface, to within a short distance from the shore. This beautiful stretch of water is hemmed in by precipitate mountains, rising to altitudes from 7,000 to 9,000 feet, and is fed at i t s northern end by the Lardeau and Duncan Rivers. The valley of the Duncan extends north and west for sixty-five miles, and the river enters Kootenay Lake over a broad a l l u v i a l plain. The Lardeau River occupies a trough extending north west from Duncan River to beyond Trout Lake, from where a low pass leads to Beaton River and the head of Upper Arrow Lake.. Trout Lake, narrow and eighteen miles !bng has a depth even more remarkable than the Kootenay; i n places i t is from 700 to 765 feet deep. Most of the tributaries of the ^ardeau River debouch from hanging valleys and their rapids and f a l l s are potential ... 6 power sites. Prom the western shore of Kootenay L ake, the river Kootenay breaks forth again, and drops i n a series of precipitate f a l l s through twenty-seven miles to join the Columbia at Castlegar. In this section the main tributary, the Slocan River is received from the north west at South Slocan. The Slocan River, fifty-fftve miles i n length, drains Slocan and Summit Lakes. The Former, twenty-five miles long, i s 6. The Kootenay Valley- A Report heard before the International Joint Commission. Ottawa and Washington 1935. p. 11 -5-bounded by peaks rising from 6,000 to 9,000 feet, and is very narrow and deep, 830 feet opposite New Denver, and 927 feet near its southern end. The river is rapid. This v/hole area lie s between 49 and 52 degrees of north latitude, and 114 and 118 degrees of west longitude* The region is known as Kootenays: the valleys of the Elk, the Upper Columbia and the Upper Kootenay, for the East Kootenay; the valleys in which l i e the Kootenay, 7 Arrow and Slocan Lakes, are the West Kootenay. Not much more than a century and a quarter has passed since the f i r s t white trader, of whom we have o f f i c i a l record, trod the t r a i l s of deer and caribou and paddled on the waters of Kootenay Lake and that stretch of the river which empties from i t into the Columbia. The earliest records speak of the Platbow Lake (Kootenay) and the primitive Platbow Indians who dwelt in i t s valley. This was a l i t e r a l translation of "Arcs-a-Plats" or "Avant-plat", names given to them by French voyageurs of fur company days, who thus described the quaintly modelled pine bark Indian canoes, with long f l a t bows, unlike any other native craft 9 in the world.-The history of this region is a record f i r s t of British exploration, then of i n i t i a l American enterprise, only gradually supplanted by Canadian construction and development, made permanent just half a century ago with the completion of east-west communi-cation, the Crow's Nest Branch of the Canadian Pacific Railway. 7. See map of the Kootenay District, opposite page / o'-f-8. P.J. de Smet; Oregon Missions, New York, Edward Dunigan, 1847, p. 112 9. Baillie-Urohman: op. c i t . p. 226 Rugged mountain barriers separate these r i c h valleys from neigh-bouring Canadian districts to east and west. The three waterways v/hich form the natural routes for travel i n the Kootenays lead directly south of the boundary into United States territory. Thus, i t is not surprising that the Kootenays developed f i r s t as an extension of the "Inland Empire" centered at Spokane.^ Yet, from the earliest point of development there was asserted a Canadian determination to keep everything north of the 49th parallel British, In eighty years mines have been opened, towns and cities built, rich farm and fruit lands cultivated. Fleets of lake steamers and tugs, railways, highways, smelters and power plants have spruns into existence. Today, the largest shelter i n the British Empire, and one of the greatest power developments in Canada are humming at their fullest capacity, while around them, industries of every kind have been established- in the Kootenays, 10. Howay, Sage, Angus: Br i t i s h Columbia and the United States Toronto, Ryerson, 1942 Chapter XI, by Dr. W.N. Sage - 7 -II EARLY EXPLORATION Since in accepting the gifts of white c i v i l i z a t i o n the Indians seem to have lost even the memory of their own previous vigorous lives, the history of this region must begin with the f i r s t v i s i t s of c i v i l i z e d men to the Kootenay, Not far ncrth of this d i s t r i c t was made the f i r s t recorded traverse of the Rocky Mountains by a i/alte man, David Thompson discovered Hov/se Pass and the source of the Columbia River, This led to the opening of Columbia and Kootenay valleys to trade and travel. Prom the most western post of the North West Company at Rocky Mountain House, on the North Saskatchewan, Thompson astronomer and surveyor, made his f i r s t attempt to cross the mountains in 1800-1801, His company was eager to extend i t s trade westward since the exploitation of the plains was diminish-ing the fur harvest. The Lewis and Clark expedition, 1804-1806 spurred the trader's eagerness to hesitate at no obstacle. But the mountain gaps were guarded by camps of Blackfeet, Blood and Piegan Indians determined to keep the whites from bringing guns and knives to their hereditary western enemies. These latter, the Kootenay Indians, f i r s t emerge into the view of the white men during the last years of the 18th century, Eajlier in that century, the literature of the Mississippi valley con-tains references to Indians (Snakes) residing beyond the "Stoney" mountains, on what was called Spanish river, but those were mere references, not records of actual contact. In any event, before -8-1800, they were coining east of the Rockies to trade at the Ports des Prairies upon the Saskatchewan, and as early as 1800, over this mountain t r a i l of the Kootenays, Canadian fur traders were sending freemen and trappers (Saulteux, Iroquois, and Canadian French) to spy out the road and the land. Because these men were unlettered, for five years no record of their expeditions was kept, but Sndian.'names and tradition preserve the memory of their presence; T^te Pl&te^ (Plat)^Pend d'Oreille, Coeur d'Alene orginated then* 1 This mountain t r a i l , passing between Mt. Balfour on the north west and Mt. Forbes on the south, was the Howse Pass, traversed by Thompson, and so named by him " i n honour of a r i v a l trader of the Hudson's Bay Company, who followed him through i t . " 5 In 1807 the Piegans went to Missouri to avenge the deaths of two of their braves who had been k i l l e d by Captain Lewis i n A July, 1806. Thompson, now senior officer of Rocky Mountain House, used this opportunity to make a safe start, In the f a l l of 1806 he sent Jaco Finlay with his wife and children over the t r a i l , to make i t ready for pack horses and to construct a canoe at one of the large rivers. Then in the early spring of 1807, Thompson followed with seven men, his wife and three children, guns and trading goods. Arriving at the junction of Blackberry (Blaeberry) Creek with the Colymbia River, 5 he 1. T.C, E l l i o t t : "In the Land of the Kootenai" i n the Oregon Historical Quarterly, vol. 27 pp. 280-282, 2. C O U B S , E l l i o t t , New Light on the Early History of the Greater Northwest, N.Y., Francis P. Harper 1897. vol. 1 p. 689. note 7. 3. T.C. E l l i o t t - "Introduction to David Thompson's Narrative: The Discovery of the Source of the Columbia" i n the Oregon His- torical Quarterly vol, 26 1925 p. 2e. 4. J.B. T y r e l l : David Thompson's Narrative of his Explorations i n 7Jestern America Toronto, Champlain Society, 1916, p . 375. 5. Couess op.' cit' 'vol. 1 p. 508 -8-ascended the latter to the lakes In May 1807. May 1807 — "thus gave me an opportunity to cross by the.defiles of the Saskatchewan River to 4he headwaters of the Columbia River, and we there builded Log Houses, and strongly stockaded i t on three.sides, the other side resting on the steep bank of the Rivera"° According to Thompson's survey notes he f i r s t selected a site on what Is now Canterbury Point, at the north west corner of Lake Windermere, and completed a warehouse t h e r e . He removed the site further north to the mouth of Toby Creek to get easier access to the water. This ^otenae House^the f i r s t post erected by white men upon the Columbia headwaters, was known to North West Company officers as Old Port Kootenae,^ • to distinguish i t from Port Kootenae, built in 1811 by Michael Kinville or Finnan Macdonald just south of the present boundary.® Thompson d i d not realize he had reached the Columbia for he called i t 6. Ty r e l l : op. c i t . p. 375. 7. I b i d : p. 376, note by T.C. E l l i o t t . 8. "It might be stated with some assurance that Michael Kinville, an intelligent French Canadian employee of the Northwest Company, carried on the f i r s t trade here •... and Finnan Macdonald or Kinville located and began the construction of a post during, the year of 1811." This trading post was moved later to the mouth of Rainey Creek and later opposite Tobacco Plains and f i n a l l y to the boundary at Gateway, Montana. The dates of these movings are obscure, T.C.-Elliott in Oregon H i s t o r i c a l Q u a r t e r l y, vol. 27, p. 286, -10-the Kootenae after the Indian tribe. The Lakes he called Kootenae, g the Selkirk Range, Nelson's Mountains, after the hero of 1805. The high mountain opposite the post he measured and named Mount Nelson, 1 0 which name has remained. The Kootenay River he called McOillivray's, "in honour of the family to whom may be justly ascribed the know-11 ledge and commerce of the Columbia River." 9. A.O. Wheeler, The Selkirk Range; Ottawa, Government Printing Bureau, 1925, p. 122. The name of the range was changed to Selkirk in honour of Lord Selkirk, after the union of the North Y/est and Hudson's Bay Companies i n 1821 10. "to the ./est was the rude pyramid of Mount Nelson (for so I named it)"....Thompson greatly admired this peak and estimated its height to be 13,123 feet. By estimating the descent of the Columbia to be four feet, five inches per igjile, he determined the height of mountains by measuring them geometrically from the plain. Tyrell, op. c i t : - p. 403. Actual height 4s now measured: 10,772 feet. (British Columbia Tourist Buraau - Georgia Street, Vancouver, B. C.) 11. The name McGillivray or MacGillivray is famous i n the annals of the ?Torth Y/est Company, one of the foremost of many "Macs" attesting i t s Scottish stock. In 1797 or earlier, Duncan McGillivray was a clerk of the company, leaving i t In 1802: he did not come west of the Rockies. Archibald l e f t Rainy River House of the company with Harmon and others on July 26, 1808. John, a clerk -first mentioned i n 1797, went to the Peace River i n 1803-4, again in 1808-9, and retired in 1818. Joseph was at Okanagan post on the Columbia i n 1814. Memoranda of Simon hasre been lost or mislaid. Prom 1786-97 William was In charge at Lac des Serpents, becoming a pafther in 1790, and of such im-portance i n 1807 tnai, Port William was named for him. Before 1821 he returned to Scotland where he died about.1825. Thompson speaks of "Mr. McGillivray and the two young McGillivrays" as being a l l there at Rainy River House, Aug. 2, 1808. Coues: op. c i t . , vol. 1 p. 439, note 3. Z Joseph McGillivray served in the American War of 1812 as a lieutenant in the Canadian chasseurs corps, commanded by William McGillivray, and composed chiefly of gentlemen, and voyageurs of the North V/est Company. Ross Cox, The Columbia River, London. Henry Colburn and Hichard Bentley, 1832. vol. 1, p. 193. -11-During the building of the fort Aug 26, 1807, the Piegans came to see what was going on. However, there was no state of seige but a quiet winter,for Thompson s k i l f u l l y warned them away before the 12 Kootenae should come and attack. Before proceeding further i n the spring of 1808 he sent furs east, including one hundred moun-tain goat skins, which' later brought a good price on the London market. Then at last he was ready to appease his hunger for further 13 exploration. Leaving FInan McDonald at the Foi?t, Thompson with four of his men, on April 20th, 1808, descended the Koofeenay River to Kootenay Lake, wherelihe traded with the Indians, according to his narrative he: " l e f t Kootenaie House, proceeded to the Lakes, the sources of the Columbia River, carried everything about two miles across a fine plain to McGillivray 1s River, on which we embarked... .On proceeding to .the Lake (Kootenay) where we arrived on the 14th of May: after much loitering along the river looking for Indians, whom at length we found near and at the Lake: Lthe navigation of the river was very dangerous from violent eddies and whirlpools, which threatened us with sure destruction, and which we escaped by hard paddling, keeping the middle of the River.... The Lake I have spoken of is about three to four miles in width endlosed by ridges of high mountains, upon which there was much s n o w . " A l o n g the river in places are very fine woods of Larch, Red F i r , Alder, Plane, and other woods: of the Larch, at five and half feet above the ground, I measured one thirteen feet girth and one hundred and f i f t y feet clean growth, and then a fine head..-..I could not help thinking what fine timber for the navy (exists) in these _ forests, without a possibility of being brought to market.1 12. Ty r e l l : Op. c i t . p. 379 13. When less than twSlve years old, Finan (sometimes spelled Finnan) MacDonald came with his parents to Glengarry d i s t r i c t in Ontario, He became a gifted linguist. T.C. E l l i o t t in Oregon Historical Quarterly, vol. 27 p. 283 Ross Cos op. c i t , vol. 1 pp 321-324 gives a vivid description of this brave, cursing stalwart, six foot, four in height, who later made a name for himself in the employ of the Hudson1s Bay Company i n Idaho and Washington, and spent his last years on a farm in Glengarry County, Ontario. 14. Ty r e l l : op. c i t . pp 385-387 -12-Thompson then went on down to the lower Dalles (Kootenay 15 Palls) returned upstream to Bonner's Perry, where he l a i d up the canoes, bought horses and proceeded overland across the south 15,Thompson's notebooks show that in the autumn of 1808 Pinan Mc Donald's f i r s t trading station was established among the Kutenai (Eootenay), when he built a small log hut, a leather warehouse just above Kootenay Palls, probably at the mouth of Rainey Creek, and wintered there 1808-1809. This was the f i r s t building i n western Montana to be built by a white man. Coues: op. c i t . p.672, note 22 Tyr e l l : op. c i t . p.379, note 1 Prom here, May 17, 1810, McDonald started east with the f i r s t fur shipment from that point, 46 packs, weighing over two tons. T.C. E l l i o t t i n Oregon Historical Quarterly, vol. 27. p. 285. This is the Port Kootenae whose location was several times moved. Thompson f i r s t saw the old Indian river crossing at this point in the spring of 1808, and used the road to Cranbrook and Port Steele (the present route of the C.P.R.) in September and October 1809, and in May 1810, but he does not mention a post. According to Indian tradition Thompson's post was at the mouth of Deep Creek, a few miles below Bonner's Perry. T.C. E l l i o t t in Oregon Historical Quarterly vol. 27, p. 286. David Thompson's map of 1811, reproduced in Coues' Journals of Alexander Henry, indicates i t w%s where iionner's Ferry is now. Thompson's 1825 map in the B r i t i s h Museum shows the fort on the * north end of Kootenay (McGillivray) Lake, which position agrees with Ross Cox, .Adventures on Columbia, vol. 1 p. 188-189, and II p. 155, who places i t 200 miles north of Spokane Port. Most early map s indicate i t in.the southern loop of'Kootenai (Flatbow) Rivers 1830-1857. The Arrovirsmith map, 1857, of which a copy i s shown In the Letters of John McLoughlin, Pir3t Series, p. 376, shows the fort on the east side of the Kootenay River in Montana, five miles south of the boundary. J. Neilson Barry: Early Oregon County Forts:, a Chronological l i s t , in Oregon Historical Quarterly, vol. 46, June 1945. The above article l i s t s two other posts under the name of Kootenay: 1. Kootenay Fort, 1812, built by the Astor Expedi-tion, about 200 miles nearly due south of Spokane Fort, and near the N 0rth West Company Fort. 2. Kootenay House, 1812, built at the same place by the North West Company, It is uncertain how long this Fort Kootenay remained a trading post, but the subsequent history of the site is interesting. When in 1863 the gold rush to wild Horse Creek began, hundreds of prospectors, following this t r a i l were taken across the river at this point in canoes by Chief Abraham and other Indians. In (continued at foot of next page.Jf 13. loop of the Kootenay River by the same t r a i l as that to be used by Governor Simpson of the Hudson'3 Bay Company in 1841, and the same to be used later by miners and pack trains.from 1863-64. Prom Bonner's Perry he went north along the bench lands, then northeast across "Sarvice Berry H i l l " to the valley of the Moyie River. 1 6 15 (Continued) 1864, S.L. Bonner and associates bought the crossing rights from the Indians and secured a license from the Idaho Te r r i t o r i a l Legislature to operate -a ferry. In 1875 Richard Pry bought Conner's rights, and for many years operated a trading post in connection with the ferry u n t i l Malcolm Bruce, and in 1902 Kutenai County bought the ferry. Bonners Perry has also been known as Bonners Port, and Eatonville, for William Eaton who established the f i r s t general-store there in 1888. In 1892 the Great Northern Railroad reached trie town. In 1930 the population was 1418, and in 1946, 1345. The Kootenay Valley, A report Heard before the International Joint Commission Ottawa and Washington, 1935 - pp.22-23, September i0+(,? Banner's Firry, fopvUfTon appro*/tn&f&ly Z'&Oj HA1. Borok&r, C\1y CJerk, 16. The name Moyie is a corruption of the French mouiller givon i t by trappers, owing to the dampness described by Thompson. The latter called i t McDonald's River; Governor Simpson called i t Grand '^uete after an Indian Chief. Tyrell op. c i t , p. 391-392 notes by T. C. E l l i o t t of . 'Jalla \7alla, Washington, intimately connected with the early history of the Columbia valley. Though many of Thompson's geographical names have given place to others, he did not neglect to give descriptive appel-lations to rivers and lakes which he was the f i r s t white man to behold, St. Mary's River, he called Torrent, Sheep Creek wa« Lussier after one of his own men, Bull River was Bad, and Elk River he called Stag. -14-On the 26th -"We soon came to a deep River with a strong currant overflowing i n low grounds: we went up its rude hanks: our guide went forward .... told us we can go no further, we must take a canoe to cross the River, as the mountains are too steep." 1 7' As he followed the course of the Kootenay River northward, he found the hot torn lands flooded as they con-tinued to he until the Dominion Government reclamation pro-ject of 1928-30 protected with dykes this magnificent acreage near Creston where now wheat and f r u i t crops are grown In abundance. On May 18 Thompson decided to proceed no further down this stream, and crossing Joseph's Prairie T O (Cranbrook) to the Kootenay River below Port Steele he returned overland to Kootenay House by an Indian t r a i l . Today this has become part of the highway which connects Bonner's Perry, Kingsgate, Cranbrook and Windermere, This had been a terrible journey with rivers and streams in flood from melting snows. When at last they reached McGillivray's (Kootenay River) in safety, Thompson thanked Providence while he dried out his valuable furs. The Indian Chief, Ugly Head, (so named for his curling hair) who had accompanied them from the Lake^turned back at 19 McGillivray's Portage, They had trouble In crossing the Wild Horse Creek, which Thompson named SMIrmish Brook. In their absence the explorer's family and Finnan McDonald Tyreff, opditT 17. Ibid. p. 391 18. Ibid. p. 385r-39o. 19. Now Canal Flats. -15-had been:.reduced to eating their dogs. Soon a l l started east through the mountain pass, reaching Rainy River House July 22nd. The same month he prepared for the return, and i t was^ this t r i p that Thompson s k i l f u l l y asserted his determina-tion. He had made It a law not to take liquor across the mountains to the Indians. Upon this t r i p , however, his two partners, Donald McTavish and J. McDonald obliged him to take two kegs of alcohol, arguing that for trade this was the most profitable a r t i c l e . When they approached the mountains, Thompson put the kegs on a vicious horse, and by noon the horse had so effectively rubbed the load against the rocks, i n trying to get r i d of i t , that the kegs were empty. Then Thompson wrote to t e l l the partners what he had done and would dcr./wlth any other keg. Por the following six years that he had charge of trade west of the mountains, there was no further attempt to int^ddce l i q u o r * 2 0 On October 21, he l a i d up the canoes for the winter* resting the gunwales upon logs, about one foot from the ground, loosen-ing the timbers to keep them from cracking and roofing them with pine trees. Then for ten days he and his men rode through the mountain defiles to the Columbia. There on October 31, they found^and repaired their canoe. This side of the mountains the weather was much milder! the grass was green the leaves not yet a l l fallen from the trees and the horses 20, Tyrell: op. c i t , pp 396-397 21. Ibid: pp 399, soon became fatter and free from lameness* Rain delayed their departure u n t i l the afternoon of November 2, when they embarked upon the Columbia and arrived November 10 21 at Kootenay House. Here he spent a qufeb winter, 1808-09, shooting abundant deer, swans, geese and some ducks for food. On 17th and 18th of January he described the dangerous business of trying to oatch the wild horses, which would entice the tame pack horses away. These lakes did not freeze during the winter. Prom April to August, 1809 Thompson made another t r i p to Rainy River House and back. Upon his return, he lost l i t t l e time before pres-sing on to further exploration. °0n August 20, he paddled down the Kootenay River to a point near Bonner's Perry, 2^ then followed the Indian t r a i l to take Pend d 1Oreille, 24 a l i t t l e east of Sandpoint, * where the Salish eagerly traded their furs for the f i r s t guns they were to possess. Soon they became such good shots that they could hold their own with their enemy Piegans, who had always previously been better armed. Thompson built two storehouses, Kullyspell or F [ a t " H e a d . House on Pend d 1Oreille Lake, which he called Saleesh Houoo ssLxty miloo further on, on Clark's Pork River, which he called S^lj?ooh_or>J?lla^ November 1809.^ Here he spent the winter of 1809-1810\ making trading and surveying expedi-tions. His regular astronomical observations won him the Zi. Tyr^U , opc'cfr, p. 3<?<f, 22. Tyr e l l , op. c i t . , p. 401-408 23. Ibid: p. 408 24. Ibid. p. 409 25. Coues: op* c i t . p. 672 note 22 ZL. Ibid., p. QfZ , bote ZZ. -17-Indlan nickname, Koo-Koo-sint, the Star Man, Now he had guessed that his "Kootenae" was really the Columbia, and that McGil-27 llvray's and the Pend d'Oreille of (Clark's Pork) were pro-bably tributaries to i t . When he could not pass the Pend'd'Oreille rapids to reach the Columbia he returned to Kootenae House up the Kootenay River and hurried o v e r t h e Rocky Mountains with h i s . f u r s , intend-ing to rush back for further exploration. By this time the Piegana had grown sullen in their determinat ion to prevent more guns reaching their Kootenay and western enemies: they would not permit Thompson to go through Howse Pass. Although winter was upon him, the Intrepid explorer turned north, searched and found a pass that had been visited earlier by Thomas the Iroquois, and 28 by other Nipissings, and Iroquois, but not by white men. En-during unbelievable hardship, the f i r s t white traveller crossed 27. The origin of this curious name is Interesting. T.C. E l l i o t t Introduction to David Thompson's Narrative: The Discovery of the Source of the Columbia, in the Oregon Historical Quarterly, vol. 26, 1925, p. 27, has this to say: "Mention is made of the name of the Ear Pendant Indians, referring to the Pend Oreilles: and this is the earliest use of that name which occurs to the writer. It must have come from free trappers - Indians or mixed blood, who used the French language and had already penetrated Into the region of the Spokane and other tribes." Frederick Webb Hodge, ed., Handbook o f American Indians, Washington Government Printing Office, 1912, Part 1. pp. 646-7 States the name was applied to a Salish tribe l i v i n g atong the lake and river so named. The name was used also by Father de Smet i n hia letter 62, and by Irving in Rocky Mountains. Vol. 1. p. 127-1^37. pp. 16-17 the custon is described. Ear ornaments were among these people a mark of family t h r i f t , wealth, and distinction. Ceremonies usually religious attended the boring of the ear, and each perforation cost the child's parent or the kindred of an adult, gifts of a standard value. Sometimes perforations were made around the entire rim. Pendants were of shell, metal bone, or long woven bands of dentalium, hanging nearly to the waist. 28. T.C. E l l i o t t , in Tyr e l l op. cit} p. 451, note 1. - 18 -Athabasca Pass Into the Columbia valley. He discovered and named Canoe River at Its most northern point, and followed to i t s junction with the Columbia, where he rested at Canoe Camp, 29 now Boat Encampment* Here he built the canoes for his long journey to the Pacific. Prom here, In April, 1811, with three men, he set off up the Columbia, down the Kootenay, and overland to the Columbia again, and so down that river to Astoria, whence he returned by way of the Columbia. On t h i s voyabe he named the Kettle River 30 and Fall s , which he called I l t h koyape, and he discovered the 31 site of Fort Colville, which In April, 1826, was built under 2 9 . Howay, Sage and AngusJ Br i t i s h Columbia and the United States Toronto, Ryerson Press, 1942 - p. 2 4 . 30 . T.C. E l l i o t t says in T y r e l l : op. c i t . p. 466 note 2, the word is Salish from Ilth-Kope meaning "Kettle" (basket tightly woven) and Hoy-ape meaning klnet." With such Kettle nets Salish Indians caught fabulous quantities of f i s h at Kettle Falls which were named by David Thompson on this voyage. The Kettle Falls he called Ilthkoyape Rivulet. An Indian name for them, quoted by Tilton, Swan and others, was Ne-hei-at-pitqua. Babfiel Franchere (from Astoria) and other early travellers caTled the f a l l s La Chaudiere because the water boiled up not unlike the water In a huge kettle. A l l names were early translated into Kettle Falls. John Work of the Hudson's Bay Ccmp any used that name Aug. 31 , 1825 . 31 . This is the modern spelling of Colvile, consistently used by the Hudson's Bay Company since the fort w%s named after Andrew Wedderburn Colvile, of that Company, and brother-in-law of Lord Selkirk. At this point i t i s well to give a brief account of Fort Colvil l e . Prom J. Orin Oliphant, Old Port Co l v i l l e , I n Pacific Northwest Quarterly, vol. 16 , pp. 29c - 48 , and 8 3 -101, the following is prepared. After the sale, in 1813, of J.J. Astor 1s American fur trading Interests to the Northwest Company, and the subsequent union, ln 1821, of that company with the Hudson's Bay Company, i t was f e l t that an expanding trade warranted a change In posts. In the same year, 1825, that Fort Vancouver was buil t north of the (continued at bottom of next page) - 1 9 -31. continued, -Columbia River, the Company decided to erect Port Colville, six hundred miles up on the Columbia, near Kettle Palls, and abandon Spokane House, built in the summer of 1810 by the Northwest Company, and nearby Port Spokane, erected by J.J. Astor partners. Alexander Ross, originally an Astor employee, who remained in the territory to take service with the North-west and later the Hudson's Bay Company, describes the choice of the site after an interview April 12, 1825 with Sir George Simpson, at the mouth of the Spokane River, "At this place, the site of a new establishment, to be named ffColvIlleP was marked out close to the Fa l l s . The situation.• has been extolled by many as a delightful spot: there is a small luxuriant vale of some acres In extent where the fort is to be built, under the brow of a woody height: this is so far pleas-ant enough, but in every other respect the prospect on a l l sides i s limited........p.30. The settlement on Marcus Plat, as It is now known, was named In honour of Andrew Colvile, at one time governor in London of the Hudson's Bay Company. The spelling is in dispute, but "11" seems to be more common. John Work was entrusted with the building and moving from Spokane House, The work was slow but by March 21, 1826 the latter post had been abandoned, and the Indians were sorry to see them go. Cultivation at the new site was begun at once and, April 1, 1826, MeLeod, Ermatinger and Douglas arrived with the three pigs and three cows, whence stemmed an immense cattle industry extending from California to Alaska. During the same month David Douglas visited the settlement and for the next forty-three years frequent visitors wrote glowing accounts of the increasing prosperity of the post. To this principal depot for mountain trade, came supplies six hundred miles upstream from Port Vancouver, and furs from the Pend d'Oreilles, Platheads, Kootenais, and Okanagans, idao made i t their gathering place. The number of accounts^ increased during the settlement of the boundary dispute 1840-46; and an overland route from Victoria, via Hope, was built to i t during the Indian wars 18§5-56: and its Importance increased enormously during the Wild Horse and Big Bend gold rushes of I860* Meantime western expansion was enabling the United States to press her claims to territory which the boundary settlement had declared to be hers, and the Br i t i s h Company had to with-draw. Negotiations were undertaken for sale of the fort and the nearby White Mud Farm. Although the farm ceased to be cultivated in 1860, Angus Macdonald put a value of «felij6,500 upon the whole establishment, because of i t s strategic position for supplying the mines. On Sept. 10, 1869, a blanket sum of $650,000 was paid the company for a l l i t s claims in United States territory, but what part of this was for Colville i s not set forth in the award. June 8, 1871, a l l goods and property were moved to Kamloops, B.C. By 1925, the buildings were in ruins but the site was s t i l l beautiful. (continued at bottom of next page.) 20 orders from Governor Simpson, and which replaced Spokane House as the principal distributing centre of the North West and Hud-32 son's Bay Companies, After another winter in the valley, he l e f t by way of the "Athabasca Pass in the apring of 1812, never 33 to return. In 1813-1814 he recorded upon his map, the explor-ations which he had completed at the age of forty-one. Although the rest of his l i f e was spent far from this promising land of his discovery, his zeal and "faculty of picture-making" did much to awaken enthusiasm in those who were to follow him. He is described thus ashe gave an address before the Royal Geological Society of London. 31. (continued) The present town of Colville, which carries on the name, dates from the Indian troubles of 1858, a s described by J.O. Oliphant In the above articles, and by W. P. Winans, Port Colyllle in Pacific Northwest Quarterly, vol. 3, pp. 78-82• In response to a petition, May 1858, from citizens of Colville valley, who sought protection from Indian ki l l i n g s and steal-ing, Colonel Steptoe went from Walla Walla and advised that a post be established between the Spokane and Okanagans. In the spring of the following year, two companies under Major Pinkney Lougenbell settled on the f l a t near M i l l Creek, about three miles from Colville River and began to build a post and saw-m i l l . Up to the spring of 1861, fourcompanies occupied the post and there were gay times when these California volunteers entertained with fitne b a l l s . In 1868, the Legislative Assembly of Washington changed the name of this Pinkney City to Port Colville, and It became the county seat. A group of real estate men, led by August Belmont, f i r s t l a i d out the present Colville, three miles eS Pinkney City, and It was called Belmont on the f i r s t map. However, the name was changed before the record was f i l e d in 1883. 32. Ty r e l l : op. c i t . p. 464 33. Copy opposite pagefi - 21 -"No l i v i n g person possesses a tithe of his i n -formation respecting the Hudson!s Bay Countries, which from 1783-1813, he was constantly travers-.ing. Never mind his Bunyon-like face and cropped hair: he has a powerful mind and a singular faculty of picture-making He can create a wilderness and people i t with howling savages, or climb the Rocky Mountains with you In a snow storm, so d e a r l y and palpably, that only shut your eyes and you hear the crack of the r i f l e , or„feel the snowflakes on your cheek, a s he talks. " ^ The passes which he traversed, the Athabaska, and the Howse, became the principal highways by which the fur trade i n Southern British Columbia was carried on for nearly half a century. The overland t r a i l which he followed from Bonner's Perry to the river became the artery of travel between east 35 and west Kootenay. He merely discovered the existenoe of Kootenay Lake, and did not traverse I t, nor the stretch of river from Its outlet to confluence with the Columbia, a l -though upon his journey down the main Columbia he passed the mouth of the Kootenay. In that age of fur trade he had no knowledge of the rich mineral wealth locked within the Selkirk range, nor of the Kootenay River f a l l s , which were, a century latter, to make this d i s t r i c t a power centre of Canada, yet his name is most intimately linked with the v story of the Kootenay, and i t is regrettable that his own modesty, and the failure of his partners to realize his 34. T.C. E l l i o t t , in Oregon Historical Quarterly, vol 26 p.200 35. T.C. E l l i o t t , in Oregon Historical Quarterly, vol 27, p. 290. 3<h (cont'd) - S- Tyrell°p. dil7, '1 ntPo doaf7bn , p. hi aaf<ncu>/edges Kre soovae of %.i<, ^ &,<3,$Q.t:< pfto n f i.e. Jvhr> J7 M.p.^ 7T»e Shoe < 3 n d Qanoe. ; or Pictures of Tvav&t > H Ate fanAAax London, Chaprvja.r> and Hstl^ l&So , Vol- I f fp. U3-tiq--22 greatness, have combined to keep his name from geographical 37 appellations in this d i s t r i c t of his discovery. 36. Though the parthers' casual fulfillment of his requests for astronomical and surveying instruments, and their careless handling of these, was a great hardship and inconvenienoe to Thompson, this did not discourage him but merely taxed his ingenuity to make the careful observations which gave us his remarkably accurate maps. 37. Coues: op. c i t . , p. 672, note 22. His discoveries, the names he gave them, and the posts he b u i l t , may be summed up as follows: 1. The Columbia, above Canoe River he called Kootenae River. 2. Upper and Lower Columbia Lakes, he called Kootenae Lakes. 3. Kootenae House, 1807 he built on the 3eft hand of the river just below the lower lake, and due east of Mount Nelson. There he spent two winters, 1807-3, and 1808-9. 4. Kootenay River, he called McGillivray's or Platbow River. 5. The two mile crossing from the lakes to the Kootenay River, he called McGillivray's Portage. 6. Kootenay Lake, he called Kootenae of Plat Bow. 7. Clark's Pork of Pend d'Oreille River, he called Saleesh or Plat Head River. 8. PInah McDonald's House, 1808, was built on the Kootenay River near where Bonner's Perry is now. Prom near here the "Lake Indian Road" ran to Kullyspell Lake. This post became known as Port Kootenay, 9. Pend d'Oreille Lake, he called Saleesh of Plat Head, or Kullyspell Lake, 10. Kullyspell House, 1809, was built on a peninsula on the east side of Kullyspell Lake. 11. SaleediHouse, 1809, was bui l t high up on Saleesh River, whence "Kootenae Rofid" ran nearly north to Kootenay River. There he wintered 1809-10. 12. He was never on the present Plat Head Lake.« 13. Spokane River, he oalled Skeetshoo River. 14. Spokane House, 1810, was built on Skeetshoo River. Jacob Finley who built Spokane House had been across the . Rockies before 1807 as a trapper on his own account. T.C. E l l i o t t , in Oregon Historlcal Quarterly, vol. 26, p. 27. Ross Cox, op. c i t . , vol. 1 p. 180, writing of his acquain-tance with the Spokane i n 1312-13. "Their chief I l l i m -3pokanee, or the Son of the Sun, was a harmless old man." -23-Alexander Henry, the officer in charge of Rocky Mountain , House also crossed the Athabasca Pass, and descended the Columbia to Port Astoria in November 1813. His journal gives f u l l descrip-38 tions of the country and the natives with whom Thompson, traded. In 1810, the Hudson's Bay Company sent Joseph Howse through the pass, discovered by Thompaon, to see what he was doing in the west. He used Thompson's route to lead his party into Mon-tana where he. spent the winter trading. This attempt at competi-tion in the Columbia was abandoned in 1811, but the pass became 39 known as Howse Pass, The Columbia River became the highway of travel, the route of the North West Company's express, for the Kootenay with Its f a l l s was unsuitable. While the B r i t i s h Company was pushing overland to th© Pacific, John Jacob Astor had f i t t e d out an ex-pedition which came by sea on the steamship Tonquin to the mouth of the Columbia, there to establish Astoria, an American trading post of the Pacific Pur Company, After his descent of the Columbia in July 15, 1811, David Thompson with eight Iroquois and an Interpreter was cordially received there by Duncan Mc 40 Dougall, the officer in charge, Thompson was able to identify 38. Coues: op. c i t j vol 2 chapters 20, 21, 22. 39. S.L. Thrupp, A History of the Cranbrook District in East Kootenay. M.S.S. i n University of Brit i s h 6olT5m^l!a Library, p. 13. 40. Hiram Mart in Chittenden, The American Fur Trade of the' Far West, New York, Press of the Pioneers, Inc. 1935, vol.1, pp 2bi-2. This writer thinks Thompson came across the Rockies and down the Columbia purposely to beat the American traders i n a race to the Pacific, which ha lost by three months ("The North West traders) did not scruple to apply the code of the fur trade in a l l i t s severity against their r i v a l s . " .(continued at bottom of next page.) -24-two Kootenay Indiana who had recently arrived at the fort and awakened hopes of profitable interior trade* "Among the many v i s i t o r s . w e r e two strange Indians, in the charaoter of man and wife, from the v i c i n i t y of the Rocky Mountains,••• The husband, named Ko-come-ne-pe-ca was a very shrewd and intelligent Indian who addressed us in the Algonquin language, and gave us much information respecting the interior of the country.,.. "Mr. Thompson at oncer recognized the two strange Indians and gave us to understand they were both females." 4 1 When, the Pacific Company learned of the war of 1812, the Americans realized they couldn't maintain themselves without the ships, which were now blocked by the B r i t i s h . Hence they negotiated with McTavish of the Northwest Company, which bought their furs and offered openings to those Pacific Company members who wished to Join them. Alexander Ross, Mclennan, Ross Cox, and later Duncan McDougall did so. After the purchase of Astoria by the North West Company, i t was renamed Port George, and taken over by them Novembers, 1812. Then those American partners who did not wishito join the B r i t i s h Company, l e f t the country overland. Although McTavish made Gabriel Franchere, a handsome offer because he knew Chinook well, he refused and travelled via the Columbia and Athabasca Pass to the East and the United States. Pranchere's account 41. (continued) Chittenden i s keeping alive the "race to the sea" theory which dates back to Gabriel Pranchere, a Pacific Pur . Company trader who would not remain to join the Northwest Company in 1812. T.C. E l l i o t t exploded this theory In his notes to Thompson's Narrative, yet Chittenden holds to It, because his sympathies are with the Astor company. 41. Alexander Ross, Adventures of the First Settlers on the Oregon or Columbia River.',' London, Smith, Elder and Co., 1849, p. 85. estimates that the expedition travelled thirty miles a day, since i t took them a month to go from Columbia Palls to the AO mouth of the Canoe. May 5, 1314 they arrived at the confluence of the "Coutonois River". The following day, a sunken log punctured their canoe in Upper Arrow Lake, and fe« gave a brief description of the Indians on the Columbia above the lakes. "Toward evening we met natives, camped on the banks of the river..•• The women at this camp were busy spinning the coarse wool of the mountain sheep; they had blankets oTmantles woven or platted of the same material, with a heavy fringe a l l round." 4 3 These "blankets they exchanged with river Indians for f i s h . 4 4 Franchere pays a tribute to the work of Father de Smet, and the Roman Catholic missions among these people "...numbers have been taught to cultivate the s o i l and thus to provide against famines to which they were formerly exposed from their dependence on the precarious resources of the chase: while others have received, in the faith of Christ the true principle of national permanence and a l i v i n g germ of c i v i l i z a t i o n which may be afterward developed." 4 5 Subsequent history has made the latter part of this statement ironical from the Indian's standpoint, July 5, 1813, La Roque and Ross Cox were sent over the mountains with despatches to the North West Company Head office 42. Gabriel Franchere: Narrative o f a Voyage to the Northwest Coast of America in"the years 1311, 18. 15. 14. translated and edited, J.V. Huntingdon. New York, Redfield, 1854, p. 288. 43. Franchere: op. c i t . p. 283-4. 44. Ibid: p. 302. 45. Ibid. p. 361. MAP hHoUilNff TRAVELS AH D Af/SS/O/VS OF FATHER V€ 5A1l=:-r a1~ ff0*^ h/ifliam. Upon arrival t Sepfkm l>er zf <st The bootee of ihe. Columbia , >» The fFoo/ct^s, They Met Jl>hn Stu^rft ff/ex*r?d&r SfewarlJ or?cf Joseph M1*Gill)tray , on lUziv uiay to Fert George wiTU Sotue. ticanfy hi.e,n, Upon <=» latkr cxtaas)er> Cox, u>/7/> were members of a party which found such d i f f i c u l t y ascending the Arrow Lakes and the Columbia, that at Canoe River seven men turned back. Five were drowned when their boat was loot i n the Dalles, and La Pierre, on of the two survivors k i l l e d his companion In self defence. After great hardship he got back to the Arrow Lakes, from where Indians took him to Kettle 47 -F a l l s . * ' Governor George Simpson, and his party traversed the country i n 1824 and 1825, after the union of the Northwest and Hudson's Bay Companies, these were merely travellers quickly passing through. Between the years 1825 and 1834 the celebrated botanist, David Douglas explored much of the country from the coast to the mountains when he ascended the Columbia in 1827; his journal mentions that he passed the mouth of the "Cootanie" River. He did not explore the source of the Kootenay, although a persistent legend oredits him with discovering the source of the Bluebell outcropping on the Kootenay Lake. 4 8 in the previous year he had orossed the mountains by the Athabasca Pass from the Columbia. Although Douglas found the Indians unfriendly and eager to fight, contact with whites must have dulled their savagery. When i n 1838, Fathers Blanchet and Derners passed through, the 46. Ross Cox op. c i t . , v o l . 1, pp 191-192. 47. Ibid. vol. 2., pp 148-154. 48. A.G. Harvey, David Douglas in B.C., in B.C. Historical Quarterly, vol IV, October 1940, p. 36, disposes 'of "the legend thus. "Douglas' journals do not record or leave any room for him to be on the Kootenay Lake, but at Kettle Falls (Fort Colville) where he was three times in 1326, seven weeks in a l l and once walked twenty miles up the Columbia and back (continued at bottom of next page) -27-Kootenays listened to them with respectful silence, and allowed them to baptize some of the children. 4 9 Starting from Edmonton, July 28, 1841, Sir George Simpson again crossed the Rockies, and ascended the Upper Columbia. "The source of the Columbia showed 40° while that of the Saskatchewan raised the mercury to 53^°, the thermometer meanwhile standing as high as 71° in the a V i a r i A t ' O U T T . . < . > „ . i . A i a «-i 4- A 4 3 ~ rtr\r\r\ 4-<s jha4e_!ir!l_He estimated the altitude to be 7000 to 8000 feet above sea level* "We took some interest in tracing nature's manuscript of a river, as every r i l l that trickled down the rocks, contributed Its might to the main current of various names, the Kootonais, or the McGillivray, or the Flat-bow." 5 1 He traversed the Portage and followed the Kootenay and Moyie Rivers south u n t i l he struck overland to Kulespelm, by the same t r a i l that Thompson had used. "We breakfasted near a lof t y mountain.... Its base was marked not only by the Kootonais, but also by the Columbia, properly so called, the former sweeping far to the south, and the latter " s t i l l farther to the north, i n order to unite their waters a l i t t l e above Port C o l v i l e , " 5 2 The next v i s i t o r to the Kootenays came to help the the Indians. The Reverend Father P.J. de Smet, Jesuit organizer of the ^regon mission matched the zeal of an opostle with the poetic style in which he recorded his efforts. In the winter of 1341*42 he had met some Kootenays at Flathead Lake and won their confidence. On Aug. 7, 1845 he wrote thus from Kalispel Bay, 48. (continued) he may have heard of the galena deposit from the Indians. "Kiltson, his travelling companion, himself had been up the-Kootenay River during the previous summer. Possibly he was Douglas1 informant." ref. to Wa shington-Hi atorical'Quarterly.vol. 5(1914) pp 177-178 and 186-187. 49. S.L. ThruppJ op. c i t . p. 14. 50. Sir George Simpson, Narrative of a Journey Around the World 51. Ibid., p. 121. : >/>•'/ 52. Simpson: op. c i t . p. 123. 1 -28-"I purpose v i s i t i n g these two tribes (Flatbowa ind Kootenays), who have never yet had the con-solation of beholding a (black gown) among?, them."53 He found his way made easier by the efforts of a white trader, who had dwelt among them. Borland had been Simpson's guicfe In 1841 and came up every summer from Port C o l v i l l e . "Thanks to the Instructions and councils of a brave Canadian, Mr. Borland, who for a long time has resided among- them in the quality of a trader, I found the l i t t l e tribe of Arcs-a-Plats docile, and i n the best disposition to receive the fai t h . . • • They had already been instructed in the principal mysteries of religion, they sang canticles in French and Indian tongues.'f5* On the Feast of Assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary, Aug. 17, 1845, the f i r s t relgions festival was celebrated on Kootenay Lake. Ten adults and ninety children were baptized, the cross elevated and the Station of Assumption was founded.^5 The reverend Father commented upon the promise of the land. "•••quarries and forests appear Inexhaustible — large pieces of coal along the river — quantitiesc of lead on the surface may be some mixture of silver,••• entire tract of the Skalzi seems (to be) awaiting the benign Influence of a c i v i l i z e d people. 5 6 He emphasized the need of these improvident people to be taught the arts of farming i n a region of great agricultural and climatic promise, for the c i v i l i z i n g influence that might come with mineral greedy whites might not be entirely benign. At the request of the natives at Assumption Station he sent them 53. Oregon Missions and travels over the Rocky Mountains i n 1845-1846. Father P.J. de Smet, of the Society of Jesus. New York, Edward Duriigan, 1847, p. 111. 54. Ibid: p. 120. 55. Ibid: p. 120. 56. Ibid: p. 124-25. -29-aeeds and implements, "but by 1883 they had become so discouraged by the constant floods that they had given up farming, had ceased to plant anything and had gambled away their horses and c a t t l e . 5 7 go On La Prairie du Tabao 0 0 ( T obacco Plains) the usual abode of the Kootenays, he erected another station, called after the Holy Heart of Mary. 5 9 At the source of the Columbia he found Baptiste Morigeau, one of Thompson's men l i v i n g alone with his family. Father de Smet gives him high praise since he had traded there twenty-six years, and records that he brought his wife and family for baptism. 6 0 On his way to the plains, at the summit of Sinclair's Pass he erected another cross, the Cross of Peace, to be a sign of salvation to a l l the tribes east and west. 6 1 In the spring of 1846, upon his return through Athabasca Pass the Father met Francis Ermatinger conducting the Hudson's Bay Company annual train for York Factory. With him were his 57. S.L. Thrupp: op. c i t . p. 18. 58. La.Prairie du Tobac. For many yd ars the Kootenay Indians had grown tobacco upon the prairie, and Father de Smet uses the name as though i t had always thus been called. Further details w i l l be given in chapters three and four ?upon the Kootenay Indians. 59. De Smet: op. c i t . p. 127 60. Ibid: p. 135. 61. IbidS p. 144. -30-Lieutenants Warre and Varvasour, 6 2 who were originally sent west on a military mission. One a painter, has l e f t distinctive sketches of the Indians and the West. Prom Boat Encampment he descended the Columbia passing the D a l l e s 6 5 des Morts and through the Arrow Lakes down to C o l v i l l e . He did not r e v i s i t 62. The Secret Mission of Warre and Vavasour,in the Pacific Northwest .Quart erlyV vol. 5, pp. 131-155 gives material for this account. "Between 1854 and 1846, the United Kingdom, had ... great embarrassment i n regard to Canada/ during 1837-58 In a state of open rebellion," says Dr. W. Fraser Tolmie in a letter to the Oregon Pioneer Association. "Therefore," he continues, "British Councils hesitated to take further, territory in North America, and secret preparations were being planned by Britain for a possible war." On March 19, 1845, Sir George Simpson wrote to Pelly, governor of the Hudson's Bay Company, urging the need for a military force to protect the company's interests on the Columbia. On May 50 of the same year he wrote, instructing Peter Skene Ogden to conduct Warre and Vavasour, two B r i t i s h officers from Red River, i. across the Rockies, and down the Columbia touching a l l Hudson's Bay posts. They were to keep their mission secret, pretending to be private travellers, interested in sport and science. In another letter of the same date Simpson sent instructions to Warre and Vavasour. The report, dated March 1, 1846, made by M. Vavasour, Lieut. R.E. upon this journey contains these sentences, "Leaving Fort Edmonton on the fifteenth of July we crossed the Rocky Mountains, about 51° North Latitude, and arrived at Fort Colville on the Columbia on the sixteenth of August, with the loss of thirty-four horses. From the nature of this journey, the steep and rocky mountain passes, the de,ep swamps, and almost impenetrable forests, i t could not be made available for the passage of troops to the O r egon territory." 63. "Dalle i s an old French word, meaning a trough, and the name is given by the Canadian voyageurs to a l l contracted running waters hemmed in by walls or rocks.'' De Smet, op. c i t . p. 214. •31-the Kootenays. In a letter of May 29, 1846 to his superior, he thus describes this journeyt ",.,,we launched the barge and rapidly descended the river,,,, "After some hours we came to Martin's Rapid where a Canadian ••« and his son found a watery grave,,,. Guided by an expert Iroquois pilot and aided with ten oars the boat darted over the great rapids, dancing and leaping from wave to wave,,,. "At sunset we were at the Dalle of the Dead. Here, i n 1838, twsLve unfortunate travellers were swallowed at the entrance of the Upper Lake,,.. It is about thirty miles long, by four or five wide. " x t s borders are embellished by overhanging preci-pices and majestic peaks..,. The two highest peaks are called St, Peter and St, -faul. "The second lake i s about six miles distant from the f i r s t , . . . We passed under a perpendictiar rock where we beheld an unnumerable number of arrows sticking out of the fissures. The Indians, when they ascend the lake, have a custom of lodging each an arrow into these crevices. The origin and cause of this custom Is unknown to me."64 This i s the reason why the'first voyageurs called these Arrow Lakes. Father de Smet had established two other mission stations, one on Arrow Lake at St. Peter's, where after ten months absence from them, the Indians were very glad to see Father de Smet, the other at St, Francis Regis, near Colville Just north of the 49th p a r a l l e l . 6 6 The following 64. Father P.J. de Smet: Life and Letters', letter from St. Paul's Station, near C o l v i l l e , May 29, 1846, to the Father Provincial pp 216-217. 65. "Twenty Indian families, belonging to the Station of St. Peter were found encamped on the borders of the lake." Gregory, their chief, on this occasion was glad to have a l l the rest of his children baptized (some had been done during the year at Kettle F a l l s ) , This tribe was a part of the Kettle Falls nation and veyy poor, de Smet: op, c i t , p, 216. 66. See copy of Father de Smet's map, opposite page, excerpt would Indicate that he planned also a station at the Kootenay mouth, perhaps on the site of the present Castlegar. "The mouth of the river McGilvray or Flatbow is near the outlet of the Lower Lake (Arrow), It presents a beautiful situation for the establishment of a future Reduction of Mission, and I have already marked gut a site for the construction of a church." Before the coming of Father de Smet no Catholic priest had been among the Kootenay, or the traders in their midst, and the Father 68 estimated their number to be 1500, In spite of i t s perils the Columbia continued to be a highway, though no settlers came to stay in the valley, Thompson1 map and Douglas1 and de Smets1 wandering explorations were not enlarged or improved upon u n t i l 1858. JCn 1857, Her Majesty's government appointed an Imperial Commission to study the settle-ment advantages offered by Canada. Captain John Palliserwas put in charge of an expedition to discover a suitable southerly route for transcontinental transportation entirely within British territory. After coming through Kananaskis (now Kicking Horse,) Pass, he followed the upper Kootenaie, but could not get Indians to guide his party to Colville, since, unknown 69 to him, the Kootenaies were at war with the Colville Indians, 67. de Smet: op. c i t . p. 217 68. Ibid., p. 50. 69. Captain Palliser's Explorations in British North America -London, printed by George Edward Eyre and William Spot-tiswoode, printers to the Queen's Most Excellent Majesty., 1863, pp. 96-97. -33' "The Kootenaies did not wish to t e l l us this, as they were apprehensive we should carry the infor-mation to their missionaries, who appear to exer-cise considerable influence among the tribe, and do a great deal of good," 0 The expedition crossed to the prairies again by way of Kootenaie 71 Pass which was used by the tribes when they went to the plains to hunt buffalo. On August 1, 1859, with instructions from Captain Pal-l i s e r , Dr. Heclbr, the geologist of the party, started out from 72 Cypress H i l l s , Coming through Howse Pass, he followed the Blaeberry River to i t s junction with the Columbia which he ascended to the Upper Columbia Lake, and crossed over to.the Kootenay River, "We found two families of Kootenaie Indians here drying salmon, which they had caught in the Col-umbia Lakes, there being none in the Kootenaie River, as they cannot pass ttoe great f a l l s °that occur close to where i t joins the Columbia."'4 He then descended the Kootenaie, describing the gigan-75 t i c t r e e s , — pine, larch, cypress, - the Indians, the fine 70, Captain Pal User: op, c i t , p. 96, 71, See copy of Pal User's map, opposite pag e 35 . A geolo-gical map of the Bow and Belly Rivers embracing the southern portion of the d i s t r i c t of Alberta and part of Assiniboia by G.M. Dawson, assisted by R.G. McConnell, 1884, shows the Crows Nest Pass, the North Kootenaie Pass, and the South Kootenaie Pass almost on the international boundary, with pack t r a i l s over a l l three. Prom a com-parison of Palliser's map with this one, i t would appear that he used the most southerly pass, 72, South of what is now Medicine Hat, 73, Bonnington Palls, 74, Palliser: op. c i t . p. 154. 75, Ibid: p. 155 "These Kootenaies are very fine Indians, being remarkably free from a l l the usual bad qualities of the race. (continued at bottom of next page.) A g£ N E l ? / > i , MAP OF THE R O U T E S I N B R I T I S H HORTH A M E R I C A Ex- PL Off E O BY T~Hfc BX 0 ITl£> H UNG>ER\ CAPTAIH PA U)5£R _ '8.57. I8SR. I&S3. IS60 -34< pasture for their horses, and the winter almost free of snow on Tobacco Plains, At 1:30 on the afternoon of October 7, he crossed the boundary, and reached Kootenaie Post, where he found Mr, Linklater, the Company's clerk, alone in charge i n a canvas tent. The rest of the post consisted merely of a l i t t l e log cabin. Ten days previously he had arrived from 7fi Colville having taken nineteen days for the journey. The 77 Indians brought in their furs at the beginning of March, these were then packed to Colville before the shows melted, a dangerous journey. Once the snows melted, rivers and lakes rose to be almost impassable u n t i l the end of July. He reported that gold had been worked from the beet of the river at the post, but merely from curiosity and not in large quantities. From Kootenaie post he followed down the river" 7 8 75, (continued) "The women are rather comely, and the men, though small, are well b u i l t . However, they were in good condition, having plenty of food at present, for Captain Palliser des-cribed then last summer as being the moat miserable tribe he had seen. They are a l l very religious having been converted by the Roman Catholic priests. Frequently, and at stated times, a b e l l i s rung i n the camp, and a l l who are within hearing distance at once go down on their knees and pray," 76, See note 31 i n this chapter on founding of Fort C o l v i l l e , , 77, Ibid: p, 155 "The furs got at this post are of good quality, and generally.amount to two hundred bears (principally black and brown) six hundred martens, three hundred beavers etc,'' 78, Ibid: p, 156. At this point Dr. Hector gives an Interesting description of a Kootenay Indian canoe, "Their canoes were of a most singular shape, somev/hat resembling the recently proposed 'sugar boat'. They are made of a large sheet of spruce - f i r , which is sewn up at both ends, but sloping outwards at each end, so as to form a conical point, The length of the bottom i s , therefore, within the gunwale, only seven feet. They are sewn and gummed together, and have lig h t gunwales and ribs of split willow. They carry a fair load for their size, and are most (continued at bottom of next page) to the Paddler Lakes, / y thence across to Kallespeline (Pend 'Oreille Lake) and from there to Colville which he reached October 23rd. He did not discover Flatbow (Kootenay Lake.) Three days after Dr. Heotor's departure, August 4, 1859, Captain Palliser started westward from Cypress H i l l s . With his party he traversed Kootenaie Pass, meeting Indians on their way to the plains to hung^ buffalo, and exchanging horses with themj he gave ammunition, clothing and tobacco to make up the difference in value. He too, followed the Kootenaie River over the d i f f i c u l t Hudson's Bay t r a i l , past the magnificent 80 f a l l s on to Paddler Lakes. On the way he lost several horses. At this point he determined to follow his original intention of continuing on the Kootenaie and travelling to Colville via Platbow Lake and the lower Kootenaie River. He traded a canoe on credit, promising to send back with two Indians accompanying him, sufficient calico to dress his wife and two children, and some ammunition for himself. Then P a l l i s e r sent Sullivan westward and continued alone with the Indians. At sunset, August 30, they arrived at Platbow (Kootenay Lake) • • • • "A wide rushy lake — with quantities of wild fowl and very beautiful orange water l i l i e s . " After traversing this water, they found an ingenious 78. (continued) easily paddled by only one person, who, sitting at the extreme end, sinks one conical point that acts as a t a i l , while the other i s canted out of the water. The point being strongly bound with wattles, w i l l stand a severe blow, and therefore acts l i k e a beak to ward off the rocks in running rapids. Prom their shape, they are, of course more easily upset than any other kind of canoe, but in s k i l l f u l hands are well adapted to the work." 79. One of the Paddler Lakes i s now called Priest Lake. 80. Now Columbia Palls In the state of Montana. -36-fIan weir, where were encamped a large number of Plat Bow Indians.8^" There they reached the western extremity of the lake, overhung with fog. P a l l i s e r 1 s men gorged themselves upon f i s h at the Indian encampment there, and spent the next three days descending the twenty-seven miles of the Kootenay River, which i n that distance drops three hundred feet to i t s confluence with the Columbia. In order to pass this series of f a l l s (now Bonnington Falls) Palliser was obliged to make f*>ov severe portages. 82 Cn September 5 he arrived at Fort Shepherd, the Hudson's Bay post, well b u i l t , but unprotected by pickets, betokening a friendly Indian neighborhood. Here near the mouth of the Pend 'Oreille River miners had been working for gold on both streams. S t i l l Captain Palliser had not accomplished his purpose, for no suitable route westward from the Rockies, and entirely within B r i t i s h territory had been discovered. On September 8, three days later he sent Sullivan eastward from Fort Shepherd to make his way to the western end of Kananaskis Pass. Sullivan's account of this branch expedition reported that miners were busy working on the Pend 'Oreille River. Upon arrival at the Salmon River, Sullivan stated that he "pros-pected/1, himself i n the stream, washing out $2.50 in one pan of d i r t . In a crevice of the rock one of his Indians picked up a piece of gold which v a l u e d 15 s. 6 d. From that point the 81. Palliser: op. c i t . p. 159. 82. On succeeding page. 85. On page 3&. -37 82. The following note waa supplied by Miss Madge Wolfenden, acting archivist, Victoria, B.C. August 10, 1945. It was prepared from reliable resources i n the Provincial Arohives about 1939. Fort Shepherd was established in 1856 as a trading post of the Hudson's Bay Company. It was built on the north bank of the Columbia River nearly opposite the mouth of the Pend d'Oreille River and u n t i l 1859 seems to have been known as Fort Pend d'Oreille. Its name was apparently changed in compliment to John Shepherd, who was Governor of the Hudson's Bay Company from 1856 to 1858, and who died on the 12th of January, 1859. Sir George Simpson's idea i n building this new fort in B r i t i s h territory but near to Fort Colville, was to divert the trade.from the Colville d i s t r i c t and to establish a post that "should be readily accessible for the transport of supplies from Fort Langley and also that the whole route from that place should-be within Br i t i s h territory." The discovery of gold In the vicinity, was another factor that made the establishing of a post there an advantageous one. To James Sinclair was to be entrusted the task of building the new post on account of his "experience, judgment and business habits", but owing to his untimely death i n the spring of 1856,..the task was l e f t to Angus McDonald Instead. The buildings were to consist of one dwelling and three store houses, one of which latter was to be ready by August 1st of the same year. It took practically another year before we hear that "the new buildings at the Pend Oreille are nearly finished.',' It was March 1859, however, before the report was given.that the "establishment had been com-pleted, with the exception of the pickets." The new post was visited by Captain John ^ a l l l s e r , the explorer i n 1859, who on taking an observation found the situation of the Fort to be 49° latitude, and that i t was only about three-quarters of a mile within the inter-national boundary. By 1860 the situation of the Fort was discovered to be a disadvantageous one "from the want of arable and pasture land i n the v i c i n i t y . " . And so with the approval of the Governor and Committee In London, the decision p a r t i a l l y to abandon Fort Shepherd, and to replace i t by a new post at Similkameen was made, and the establishment was l e f t In charge of an Indian as caretaker. In August 1862, when Chief Factor Roderick Finlayson visited Fort Shepherd and discovered that a "Free Trqder" who had taken up a position opposite the fort site had --38-been carrying on a fair business in martens'^, skins, he reported to the Board of Management Western Department that i t might be an auspicious time to re-open the fort, especially as gold was again being found in the Pend d'Oreille River, At this time he marked out one hundred acres of land, f i f t y on the upper bench, and f i f t y on the lower bench with a good frontage of the river, securing the only available place for a ferry across the Columbia River. A l l this acreage was i n addition to the original fort s i t e . Not u n t i l 1864 was this suggestion carried out, and Port Shepherd was created a depot for goods In preference to Port Colville and from 1866 to 1868 It became the headquarters of a new d i s t r i c t known as Port Shepherd, which comprised also Kootenay and Similkameen posts, but i n 1869 the Kootenay post formed a separate d i s t r i c t and the Port Shepherd post was again annexed to Port C o l v i l l e . In the spring of 1870, however, Chief Factor Roderick Finlayson decided that the trade in the Fort Colville d i s t r i c t did not warrant the keeping open of Fort Shepherd and so he instructed Chief Trader Angus McDonald to close the posts at Fort Shepherd and Spokane.and to remove the residue of goods stored there to Fort Colville by August of the same year. Thus came to an end the f i t f u l l i f e of this Hudson's Bay Company's post i n the West Kootenay, The buildings were again l e f t i n charge of the Indian chief of the d i s t r i c t u n t i l they could be disposed of to.better advantage, but befor£any satisfactory arrangements could be made they were burned to the ground i n November 1872. The following Is a l i s t of the various persons who were in charge of Fort Shepherd from i t s erection i n 1856 until June 1870: Outfit 1856 Angus McDonald, clerk » 1857 John D.B. Qgllvy " !? 1858 C.T, George Blenkinsop L' 1859 Herbert Margary, clerk 5 1863 An Interpreter ? 1864 William Sinclair, clerk Outfits 1865/68 C.T. Joseph Hardisty Outfit 1869 Jason 0. Allard, apprentice clerk. 83. Palliser: op. c i t . p. 160 The author at this point offers another reason for the naming of Pend 'Oreille (Clark's Fork) River. The Pend 'Oreille describes a curve as It enters the Columbia. The enclosed land resembles an ear-lobe. -39-dense undergrowth and fallen timber oreated suoh obstacles that a l l provisions not urgently needed, were sent back to Port Shepherd. Taking the rest of their backs, the party went on very slowly to Plat Bow Lake, which they reached on the 26th # However, Sullivan considered that this distance had great advantage for a road, "since the traverse of this piece of the country was effected by the valleys of two rivers the whole way."84 The land to the south of Plat Bow Lake he found to be f l a t and swampy, and teeming with wild ducks and geese. Prom the lake he struck eastward across country north of the 49th parallel to follow the Choo-Coas River (now the Moyie) to i t s source i n two small lakes, at which point he established the elevation to be 3,300 feet abolre Port Shepherd, and remarked upon the suita-b i l i t y of this terrain for railway b u i l d i n g . 8 6 After descending the Choo-Coas, he cut across into American territory, and followed the Kootanie R i v e r 8 7 through Plat Bow Lake, down to the Columbia and so reached Colville on October 15. The journals which recount these explorations are accompanied by a map of the whole region, from which the appended copy was made. 84, Palliser op, c i t , p, 161, 85, Ibid: p. 161 "Prom these swamps also, the Kootanie Indians obtain the Kixsquis, or thick reed, which is the only ar t i c l e that serves, them in the construction of their lodges, and the KLusquis i s an article of barter with them to the other tribes, whose lands do not produce this necessary," 86. Ibid: p. 162 . •• '.'A good horse t r a i l exists, and with the greatest ease a wagon road may be accomplished. Indeed, In the event of the require-ments of commerce, as far as my experience of the mountains is concerned, I could not point out so extensive a tract of country where a railway may be brought with comparatively l i t t l e expense." 87. Sullivan again pays tribute to the fine qualities of the Kootanie Indians* "Great depnndence, .,, can be placed on the word of an Indian of this tribe: the Kootanies never steal, rarely l i e , and are decidedly the best converts to Christianity of a l l the Indians among whom our travels have led us," Ibid: p. 162, 40-A l l the expeditions mentioned In this chapter knew the main Columbia River as a highway of travel,** 8 except Captain, ^ a l l i s e r , whose Ignorance of the Arrow Lakes, Is shown upon his map, where he draws three lakes separated by stretches of river, Thompson, de Smet, Palliser and his men a l l knew the upper Kootenay and the lower part of the lake. Their efforts had discovered the route over which, in this d i s t r i c t , a Canadian railway, the Crows Nest, 8 9 Pass Railway was to be built In the last decades of the country, Palliser could not even dream of the amazing power developments that were to come from the f a l l s which caused him such inconvenience. Sullivan's prospecting was a promise of the development that was to open up this West Kootenay region, 88, •••"no river on the continent and few on the globe have held a larger place i n history, considering the time i t has been known,•,, The advantages of the fur trader, the t r i a l s of the missionarlBS, the perils of the navigator, the sufferings of the resolute emigrant, and the p o l i t i c a l controversy of a quarter of a century, are a l l inseparably interwoven with Its history," Hiram Martin.in Chittenden. "The American Fur Trade of the Far West", New ^ork, Press of _the Pioneers,'"ln'c', T835- vol 2, pp. 779-780 -89, Conflicting opinions upon the discovery and naming of this pass are Interesting, G,M, Dawson In Report B of; the Geological Survey and .Natural History of Canada',' vol/ 1, 1885 Montreal, Dawson ±iros» 1886, p, 65B-66B gives this description, "The pass is. that which has of late years been most used as a means of communication between the Great Plains and the Kootanie Country, A practicable t r a i l has been cut out, and bridges built over several of the larger streams, and consider-able numbers of horses and cattle have been driven east by i t . The t r a i l as now l a i d out does not correspond with any well known Indian route and though possessing some advantages over tthe North Kootenaie Pass, is by no means so direct. It follows up the Middle Eork of the Old Man, or Crow Nest River to Its source beyond the Crow Nest Lake, crossing a low summit to the headwaters of a branch of Michel Creek, a tributary of the Elk. Coal Creek is then followed down to the Elk. After reaching the Elk, the t r a i l runs along the east bank of the river to the canon where a bridge has been thrown across. The wide Kootanie valley is f i n a l l y entered at a point only a (continued on next page) -41-few miles north of the west end of the North Kootanie Pass." "The Crows Nest isalbout ten miles north of the North Kootanie Pass and parallel to i t . , . The east end of the pass is usually-designated "the gap", Dawson continues, "The valley of the Middle Pork.,,,like those in the eastern part of the mountains, where extensive meadows border the streams i s extremely attractive In appearance. The Crow's Nest Mountain, standing alone amid lower h i l l s , three miles north of the t r a i l and the high limestone peaks which crowd up the lake on both sides, present fine rugged outlines." Bawson determined the height to be 7,850 feet above sea level, and since i t is nearly conical and In an Isolated position, It was prominently viewed from the plains far to the south east. He remarked, also, that on one of Palliser's maps (Papers Relating to Exploration, by Captain Palliser, 1859) i t wa.s named Loge des Corbeaux. "Its Cree name, of which the others are translations Is Ka-kartoo-wut-tshis-tun." P.D. McTavish in an a r t i c l e , "The Climb of the Crow's Nest Mountain." i n Canadian Alpine Journal, vol. p. 108 and James White i n h|place Names i n the Rocky Mountains between the 49th Parallel and the Athabasca River," i n Royal Society of Canada Transactions, 1916, Section II, pp. 503, 515,! 531. These two references give credit to Michael Phillips as being the f i r s t white man through Crow's Nest Pass and as having named i t . However, P.W. Gods&i for thirty-six years a resident of Pincher Creek or thereabouts denied the meaning of the name, substituting a more feasible reason and decrying the r e l i a b i l i t y of Michael Ph i l l i p s , '•'•'he following excerpts from Mr. Godsal's letter in the Provincial Archives give his explanation. "...as I am one of the last of the old-timers connected with those early days, I wish to establish the truth before I pass to the happy hunting grounds," "Mr. White states that _|_Crows Nest' was from 'the nesting of Crows near the base of the peak now called 'Crows Nest Mountain*, a high bare mountain some miles from the t r a i l . , , , . f i r s t l y , Crows are rare seen ln the mountains there, ... secondly, i t i s not the nature of a crow to nest as high up as the base of that mountain: thirdly, a crow near the base of that peak coiild not be seen from the old t r a i l through the pass: and lastly and chiefly, the Peak he speaks of is not really 'Crows Nest Mountain1 as named by the Indians,.,,.Phillipps ,,,had very l i t t l e connec-tion with the crows Nest Pass..,,to mention any statement of his to any old-timer who knew him, always raised a smile...,as he was utterly unreliable,..,Mr. Wm. Fernie.. .knew him too well, and he told me that,..his statement regarding 'Crows Nest' (was) decidedly so (unreliable),,,,Turtle Mountain (not named by the Indians)... (who) have no such word, ...was so called In 1880 ;'by (continued at bottom of next page) 41 A, ^Continued) by Louis 0 . Garnett, who now lives at Cobble H i l l , Vancouver Island ....Garnett Bros, at their ranch near the mouth of Crow's Nest Pass...named... *Turtle Mountain'. Called thus from i t s former resemblance to a turtle, ( i t ) i s the original 'Crow's Nest Mountain' and called so by the Indians.., (was) the site of the massacre of the Crow Indians by the Blackfeet Indians..., Hence the name SCrows Nest', where the Blackfeet got the Crow Indians i n their nest, or, perhaps, as we should say, 'cornered* them." Skeletons and arrowheads, known to be there by W.S. Lee connected by marriage with Indians and intimate with their past history, are now buried beneath the rocks of the Frank slide, which came down in 1903* W.S. Lee was a neighbour of F.W. Godsal. I l l KOOTENAY INDIANS. - EARLY ACCOUNTS, PROBABLY ORIGIN, A YEAR'S OCCUPATIONS. The f i r s t white visitors to the Kootenays l e f t accounts of the Indians they found there. David Thompson and Alexander Henry, the f i r s t traders among them, speak of the peaceful disposition of the Kootenay Indians, although i n some time previous they had driven the harmless Snare tribe from the Columbia and Kootenay River valleys, being themselves hard pressed by war-like eastern tribes. In fact, Henry found east of the mountains the remains of lodges which he declared to be those of the Kootenay Indians, who had made their home there before crossing the Rockies. "Along the Clearwater, and near the foot of the mountains, are s t i l l to be seen the remains of some of the dwellings of the Kootenays, built of straw, and pine branches. The same are observed along Riviere de l a Jolie Prairie and Ram River. This gives us every reason to suppose that nation formerly dwelt along the foot of these mountains, and even as far down as our present estab-lishment, near which the remains of some of their lodges are s t i l l to be seen. About the time the Kootenays were i n possession of this part of the country, the Snare Indians dwelt on the Kootenay or Columbia"!-From Henry's Journal, i n E l l i o t t Coues, New Light on the Early History of the Greater Northwes.frf New York, Francis P. Harper 1897, pp. 703-7G4. In note 2 on p. 703-4, Coues comments further upon the above, "This statement i s confirmed by Thompson, whose MSS include two valuable itineraries of which l i t t l e has been known, now preserved i n Ek. 13 of Volume VI. Art A of this book opens with a 'Journey to the Kootenaes Rocky Mt. 1800*. "For this trip Thompson started from the Rocky Mt. house at 8 a.m. on Sunday, Oct* 5» l800..«.0ct« 6 to 13 he crossed several tributaries ... of the Red Deer River, struck the main river, and ascended this to a l i t t l e above the mouth of present Williams Creek where he learned that the Kootenays would be on the mountain height the morrow. Oct. 14- he went west about 22 miles further, and at 2:30 p.m. met the Kootenay chief with 26 men, 7 women and 11 horses, at the foot of a high c l i f f . Oct. 15 he followed the Indians to their camp, travelling a l l day over a bad road. Oct. 15-17 damp, where trading on his part went on with gambling and horse-stealing on the part of his customers..« He conversed with the Kootenays on geography, asked them to come again to guide him Into their country west of the divide f i t t e d out Lagasse and Le Blanc to winter with them, and they l e f t next day Oct, 22". Henry t e l l s also of the earlier natives i n these valleys, who were displaced by the Kootenays "About the time the Kootenays were i n possession of this part of the country, the Snare Indians dwelt on the Kootenay or Columbia. But the former being driven into the mountains by the different tribes who lived east of them with whom they were perpetually at war, i n their turn waged war upon their harmless neighbours to the west, the Snare Indians, and soon drove them off the land the Kootenays now inhabit. This i s on the upper part of the Columbia and on Rain River, a l i t t l e south of i t , now called McGillivray*s, but formerly termed by the natives Flat Bow River; from a tribe of Indians of the Kitunahan family who then inhabited the lower part of i t . . . The Snare Indians, i t seems, returned north." 2 He remarked that the Kootenays possessed few horses. "(The Kootenays) have the reputation of a brave and warlike nation, though the whole tribe does not exceed f i f t y families. They are always at peace with their neighbours to the south and west.... These people are mild to their women, and particularly attached to their children.... The Kootenays having but few horses, as their country w i l l not admit of the use of these animals further north than the headwaters of the Kootenay river©"3 2. Neither the Canadian, nor the American Handbook of Indians makes any mention of the Snarese Diamond Jenness i n Indians, of Canada. Ottawa, National Museum of Canada, 1932, identifies them with interior Salish© "Early i n the 19th century some Interior Salish families (the Snare Indians of early writers) seem to have used i t (head-waters of French River toward Yellow-head Pass) as a trapping ground." p. 424. ( f i r s t brackets are Jenness's). 3. Coues, op. c i t . , pp. 707-710« -4-5-The lower Kootenays he called the Flat Bow or Lake Indians, who "dwell on the borders of a large lake (Kootenay Lake). They frequently come up the river as far as the f a l l s , but seldom attempt to proceed higher. These people are but l i t t l e known to us,.,. The country they inhabit does not abound i n large animals."3 They lived chiefly on salmon, fishing from peculiar canoes of pine and bark and they had no horses© Ross Cox who was among the Kootenays two years after Thompson l e f t this region gives much the same description of them, commenting up the pschycologieal "influence of their l i f e upon their disposition. In 1813, he and his companions come to the Cootonais, who inhabit a small and beautiful d i s t r i c t near the foot of the Rocky Mountains about sixty miles to the north-east of the Flat-head lands....(it i s . . . very d i f f i c u l t of access, Otters ymartens, and bears are also found, with excellent deer and mountain sheep©"* The author adds a note to say that the tobacco plant had lately been discovered i n this d i s t r i c t . "The Cootonais are the remnant of a once brave and power-f u l tribe, who, li k e the Flat-heads, were perpetually engaged in war with the Blackfeet for the right of hunt-ing on the buffalo grounds. Previous to our arrival among them they entertained the most deadly hatred against white man, to whom they attributed a l l their misfortunes, owing to the assistance which their enemies received i n arms and ammunition from the Forth West Company*s people to eastward of the mountains»w' Knowing the traders wanted beaver, the Kootenay brought them to get arms, and immediately impressed the white men with the soft-ness of their spoken words. From their excursions to the prairie for buffalo they came back victors but diminished i n numbere 3. C O O B ^ op, «MTT, pp. 7 0 7 - 7 / 0 . 4. Ross Obac, The Columbia River. London, Henry Colburn and Richard Bentley, 1832. v o l 2 , p, 133, 5. Ibid. p. 133. - W, -"A Qoofina'/s sefdo^ s™//es. M s Se°»er or tefer he rs doomed fo ?&ff ih 7ke f/efd of haff~/e; o>na/ ~fhfs terfatifiy o'P de&7(> joined ~~M>e number of yefdifTv&s snnu^f/y Killed I H Heir aonsfahT warfare, 'imp&rlh +b his 1*e.jTUre.s a settled vhele#\Gho)y.*£-m c/<sscri'i<ss lUe'iy h&fafe 'awj appe-a-r&nae "<H s o w e detkfl. "2BeCootonais are by no means so warm-hearted towards the whites as their neighbours the Flat-heads; but Mr, Montour, who spent some years among them, states that they are s t r i c t l y honest in a l l their dealings, and remarkable for their adherence to the t r u t h , , t t Polygamy i s unknown among them; and he never knew an instance wherein any of their women admitted overtures of an improper nature c"7 Jealous of the whites they concealed their females from them0 "The greatest cleanliness and neatness are observable about their persons and lodges 0 They are rather hand-some, above the middle size, and compared with other tribes, remarkably f a i r . . . i n their intercourse with white men they are haughty and reserved; in conversa-tion, candid, i n trade^ honest; brave i n battle: and devotedly attached to each other and their country,"' Since the men were principally engaged in obtaining the food, the women were condemned to drudgery. The man k i l l e d the deer, then notched the trees to indicate the whereabouts of the carcase. The squaw went to skin the beast, and bring home the meat© She also collected the fire-wood, carried the water^ cooked^made and cleaned shirts* Yet she was content thus to serve her husband, who went bravely to battle, naked except for slips of red.cloth, or a few feathers for a headress. This ft busy l i f e l e f t him no time for gamblinga David Douglas, the botanist, in the loneLiness of his travels, found the natives on the Columbia unfriendly and des-cribed the enmity between the Indians on the lake and those on the upper r i v e r e At Kettle Falls he met "a party of twenty-one men and two females of the Cootanie tribe, whose lands lay on the shores of Cootanie Lake, s, 3 an old quarrel of nine years' , Cox, »p.c'iir 6, «*&: rp. 135* 7. Ibid; p. 135© Rooo Ooae, op. c i b 0 pp 135, 136„ 8; IMd: pp. 139-1408 -4>. standing between them and the tribes on the Columbia Lakes,, sixty miles above this place, who are at present here salmon-fishing on the f a i l s , gave Mr. Dease and every other person much uneasiness. The parties met stark naked in our camp, painted some red, black, white, yellow with their bows strung, and such as had muskets and ammunition were charged, War-caps spf calumet eagle feathers were the only particle of dress they had on, n Quick action by John W. Dease, the trader, averted the fight. With a blow on the nose he stunned one savage just as he was about to f i r e . Surprised and frightened, the others separated.^ Sir George Simpson, in his swift passage seemed to see the Kootenay Indians at their worst. After he had come through forest f i r e smoke which overcast the sun with a film reminding him of London, he came upon them f i r s t , "In the afternoon we saw a lodge of Flat-bow Indians, our f i r s t natives on the west side of the continent. Compared with the Crees, their skins were darker, their features less pleasing, and their figures less erect. The head of the house wore a robe thrown over his shoulders; the mother sported a chemise of leather, rather short and dirty; the younger children had no other dress than what nature had given then: and two grown lads whose bodies were wrapped with shreds and patches, had dec-orated themselves with caps of green baize and y plumes of feathers. m 1 0 He remarked upon their horses, and noted the unfortunate vice of gambling that was contributing to their %Sgenerati©n. " a l l very dirty, dressed i n skins, but, squalid and poor as they were, they possessed a band of about two hundred fine horses." 1 1 9. Journal kept by David Douglas during his travels i n North America. 1823-27 London, William Wesley and Son, 1914, pp. 65-66 10. Sir George Simpson, Narrative of a Journey Round the World, vol. p. 128. 11. Simpson, op. c i t . vol. p. 131. - 4 8 -They had he observed some providence for they had preserved the beaver from destruction, yet the next band he met were:-"a few miserable Kootenays with some horses,.., each loaded with the mother and younger children _along with pots, kettles, mats, etc.., 6 On ask-ing one of them who was more destitute than the rest, how he came to be so wretchedly poor, we were told by him with a show of boastfulness, that he had lost his a l l by gambling," 1 2 However, as early as 1838 Fathers Blanchet and Demers commented upon the friendly respect with which these Indians listened to Christian teaching, and upon their d o c i l i t y when sub-mitting to baptism. When Father de Smet met them i n 1841 at Flat-head Lake and went to their own country, Tobacco Plains, i n 1845, the ease with which he won their confidence delighted him. He speaks of them as two branches, Flatbows and Kootenays, forming one tribe and known throughout the country as S k a l z i , ^ He too, commented upon their improvidence and poor physique. "Such are the Arcs-a-Plats,. They know neither industry, art nor science; the words mine and .thine are scarcely known among them;.,,, they are strangely improvident.... They feast well one day, and the following day i s passed i n total abstinence. Their cadaverous figure sufficiently demonstrated what I heard i n advancee" He describes a yearly fish festival in which only men participate, "A species- of sturgeon which measures from six to to ten, and sometimes twelve feet i n length i s ^ taken by the dart in the great lake of Arcs-a-Plats." 1? When, after a delay, which took him to Europe, the Father was last able i n 1845 to v i s i t , the Prairie du Tabac, the usual abode of the Kootenays, he found that hunger had forced many e x t . , 12. IMd: vol. 1. p. 135 - Further impressions are given pp. 128,130, 133, 134. 13. Father P.J. de Smet: Oregon Missions, p. 122 14. Ibid: p. 118-119 15. Ibid: p. 119-120 - 4 9 -to leave this settlement of thirty lodges, and cross the great mountains for food. But he was hailed with joy by those remain-ing» They had kept a Journal, a square stick notched with days and weeks, for the forty-one months and some days since he had been among them at T^teplatte (Flathead), Then i t was on the 30th of August that he erected the station of the Holy Heart of Mary and baptized 105 of their number.1^ Fourteen years later when he came again they were s t i l l f a i t h f u l l y performing the r i t u a l , he had taught, Michel, their chief was like a father to his tribe, which maintained an admirable integrity i n dealing with the Hudson's Bay Company agent when he came among them, 1 7 Captain Palliser, also, found the Kootenay Indians in miserable condition. "....on Kootenay river where we found a camp of Kootenay Indians, They are the most wretched looking fellows I ever met; the men, women, and children a l l living on berries, the men naked, and the women nearly so, yet strange to say, although tKese people were starving, destitute of clothes and ammunition, they possess a wonder-f u l number of horses, and these very superior to the Indians horses, east of the mountains.,,, I had eleven horses with me ... most i n wretched condition.., these they eagerly exchanged, and good ones were given in their stead," 1 0 E l l i o t t Coues writing for publication in 1897 on the subject of early comments upon the Kootenay Indians has this to say: "These Indians, or some of them, were also called the Bows or Skalzis, They are so different from other Indians in their speech that the earliest traders among them took note of i t . Thus Ross cox, writing of I8l6, says... 'Their language.,., i s so i n f i n i t e l y softer and more free from those 16. Father de Smet: op. c i t , p. 125-127. 17. Lettres Choisles. Paris Repos 1877> P. 92 18. Excerpt from Journal and Proceedings of Royal Geographical Society T No. XXIII vol. 2, proceedings; progress of British North American Exploring Expedition quoted i n S.L. Thrupp: op. c i t . p. 19* M A P S H O W I N G T H E R A N G E O F U P P E R A M P ^ L O W E / P BA N PS cF KooTE-N AY IMPIANS - 5 9 -unpronounceable gutturals so common among the lower tribes, 1 They are now regarded as alone representing a distinct linguistic stock, which Powell terms the Kitunahan family, i n literaL conformity with the name used by Hale i n 1846, though he calls their principal divisions Cootenai. These are Kootenay proper or Upper Kootenay; Akoklaks or Lower Kootenay; Klanoh Klatlam y or Flat Head Kootenay, and Yaketahnoklalak- makanay or Kootenay of the Tobacco Plains. A recent census showed 964 of them, of which 425 were at Flathead Agency i n Montana, and 539 a t Kootenay Agency i n B,Ce"19 From the observations of the f i r s t white travellers i n the Kootenays and from subsequent research by Franz Boas, Diamond Jenness, Marius Barbeau, Alice Ravenhill, V.F. Ray, O.T, Mason, J.A, Teir and others whose special study has been the aborignes of our continent, werare able to piece together the story of the Kootenay Indians and their habits. The most complete and most recent ethnographical account has been done by H.H. Turney-High whose work was published i n 1941, and was written from f i e l d study among this people over a period of years, concluding i n 1940, His informants included eighteen chiefs, Shamans, herba^i'sts, and six interpreters consulted i n a l l the centres north and south of the boundary. The remarkable historical remembrances of these^proud paee tribesmen have been carefully weighed for p l a u s i b i l i t y against evidence from other sources, and i t is interesting to observe how this account at times emphatically confirms previous observations, at other times contradicts them, Kootenay Indian culture i s of the Northern Plateau type, the Bonner's Ferry band has a tradition of Plains origin, and, although an ethnocentric majority having no migration stories 19, Coues: op. c i t . p, 550 note 80 -51-insist that the Kootenay have always lived where they are how, the conclusion i s that they originated east of the Rockles s 2 0 Alice Ravenhlll and George Grlnnell state the f i r s t home of the Kootenay to have been what is now Montana. Centuries ago they crossed into south Alberta,"already accomplished horsemen when f i r s t we hear of them. 2 2 The horse had .been introduced into South America in the l6th century, and i t s use spread from there to the northern continent, 23 Francois Adam or Whiskey Jim, one of the 20a Turney-High, H.H, Ethnography of the Kntenai, Menasa, Mis., George Banta Publishing Co., Memoirs of the American Anthropological Association, No. 56, 1941, pp 7, 10, 199. 21* Alice Ravenhlll, Native Tribes of British Columbia p. 23, 22. George Bird Grinnell, in the Story of the Indian. Appleton Century New York and London, 1937, reports that a Piegan, Wolf Calf, born about 1793 S a v e an eye witness account of the Kutenai f i r s t bringing horses into Piegan country from west of the mountains about l 804~ 06; and states Grlnnell, "I believe his statements to be as worthy of credence as any can be which depend solely on memory." The f u l l account follows, pp. 232-237. The author adds, "this would agree f a i r l y well with the statement of Mr, Hugh Monroe, who says that i n I 8 l 3 , when he f i r s t came among this people, they had possessed horses for a short time only... and had recently begun to make war excursions to the south on a large scale for the purpose of securing more horses from their enemies." 23. T y r e l l : Thompsons Narrative, DP. 370-371 relates an account of the f i r s t seizure of horses from the Spaniards. "In the year 1787 (a note established this as the true date, not 1807, as had previously been given,) in the early part of September a party of about 250 warriors under the, command of Kootana Appe (Kootanie Man) (A piegan chief,) went off to war.on the Snake Indians; they proceeded southward near the east foot of the Mountains and found no natives, they continued further than usual, very unwill-ing to return without having done something, at length the scouts came i n with word that they had seen a long f i l e of Horses and Mules led by Black Men (Spaniards) and not far off. They were soon ready. and making a rush on the front line of. the f i l e , the Spaniards a l l rode off leaving the loaded Horses and Mules tothe war party, each of whom endeavoured to make prize of a Horse or Mules. They were loaded with bags containing a great weight of white stone (Silver) which they threw off the animals on the ground,,, and then rode o f f 0 0 o The place this war party started from is in about 53°20'N. and the place where they met the Spaniards conveying the silver from the mines is about the latitude of 32 degrees north a distance of 1500 miles in a direct l i n e a " 1 -52-Turney-High's Tobacco Plains informants, claims that the Piegan were originally Kootenay, thus indicating that they too might be of the Algonkin language family. Edward Sapir in 1929 main-tained that the Kootenay had no known linguistic connections, but a year later, though he had not been li v i n g among them, he concluded as a result of his philological studies that they belonged to the Algonkin-Wakashan. While judging this sudden reversal of opinion unsound, Turney-High believes there was some former Kootenay Blackfoot connection. Whiskey Jim says he received the following explanation from his grandparents "Kutenai" a term given these Indians by their enemies and the whites, i s pronounced among them ktunaxa, khn^xa, or, at Tobacco Plains, tlin^xa a They do not use this term to speak of themselves, considering i t meaningless, and some even thinking i t a Blackfoot word, Abraham Bull Robe of the Flathead Band denies this, claiming i t is obsolete Kootenay. It may have been a place name referring to the previous habitat of these people, - near where MeLeod is now according to Whiskey Jim's story« About half of this old, extinct Tunaxa band, he says, for reasons unknown moved westward across the mountains onto the Plateau and became the Kootenay, Gradually some of the remnant on the plains drifted away from the main body and became the Piegan, Then an epidemic h i t the parent group, which, being unable to maintain i t s e l f longer, moved westward to join i t s kinsmen on the plateau. These original Tunaxa have bred with Salishan groups to the south, hence only the mixed bloods claim 24. Turney-High. op. cite PP H> 190. -53-Tunaxa ancestry, since the pure tribe is extinct. A l l the Kootenay refer to themselves as san*ka, an obsolete word whose meaning is now forgotten. They deny that i t means Slender Bows or Flatbows, and acknowledge that i t i s valid only in speaking of the Tobacco Plains and Fernie Indians. In fact, they rarely use a generalized word to refer to the whole people, but usually give the place name of a band plus "nek", meaning "men of". Thus the Tobacco Plains Kootenay AKANEKUNIK, or A» KANOXONEK, men of the Place-of-the-Flying Hsad, referring to a story i n folklore, 25 When this name study i s compared with Baillie-Grohman's explanation of the origin of the Kootenay, i t i s apparent that he must have thought them a branch of the Athabaskan or Dene (tinneh) language group. The Kootenay derived their customs from the plains people. They lacked unity as a nation remaining i n bands, each with i t s leader and council of older men. The Upper Kootenay who peopled the upper reaches of the river named for them, and who continued under the influence of the bison hunt, were the original migrators* The Lower Kootenay and other bands s p l i t off from them. The chief differences between those two sub cultures were i n folklore, habitations, aocial organization and dialed. The lower bands became more sedentary and developed greater integration i n their economic l i f e , because they did not have to cross the mountains three times a year for their main aS'.Turney-High op. c i t . pp 11-14 2fJ,see p. 1, note 1 of this thesis. -54-item of food. The snaring of birds and fishing provided adequate supply for their needs. Moreover, these were too poor i n horseflesh to risk i contact with the v i r i l e plainsmen, 2 7 Tobacco Plains was the ancient Kootenay "capital," or Big Village, whence sprang a l l upper and lower bands, At the junction of the Yaak River (a'k, an arrow) and the Kootenay (from whose great bow, or bend, this arrow issued) a former village was situated, a-kiyi or Arrowville. Here lived the a'kiyenek, one of the upper groups, now extinct, whose survivors are the Dayton-Elmo bands,2® In the second half of the eighteenth century'these bands spread out between the Rockies and the Selkirks, from the 49th $orthe 5^d p a r a l l e l s 2 ? Their range,^° as described by Chief Paul of Tobacco Plains was bounded i n the north by a small stream joining the Columbia at about Donald, B.C. On the East the Rockies were their boundary, but they' considered the eastern slopes to be theirs, and maintained their right.to hunt there. Chief Paul claimed that the range should run south east to Helena, Montana, and the "Gate of the Mountains," the chief pass of the Upper Kootenay going to the plains. Often, on their way to the prairie, the band would divide at'Waterton Lakes, one going north, the other south, to meet at a specific rendezvous. To the south a forested region marked their land's l i m i t , and the west shore of the Arrow Lakes, and the main line of the Canadian Pacific Railway at Revelstoke make the north west boundary. Although some authorities speak of "Lakes" Indians, on the Arrow Lakes, neither 27. Tbvnejf- Hi & , op. «»T7, Pp- 9, 28. Turney-High: op. c i t . p. 16 29. Diamond Jenness: Indians of Canada. Ottawa National Museum of Canada, 193 2, Po 3588 30. See map opposite page^. -55-Canadian nor United States agents, priests at St, Eugene, nor any-Indian informants but one knew of this. While admitting that there are no Kootenay villages there now, they a l l claimed the Arrow Lakes and their shores, saying that their fathers came there regularly i n canoes to f i s h , without finding any r i v a l or enemy on the way or on the lakes, only Chief David of Bonner's Ferry said that the Kootenay had to fight when they went west of Kootenay Lake.^ 1 Chief Paul David of Tobacco Plains gave data for the des-cription of eight Kootenay hands, as they used to exist before dispersion and the advent of the reservation system, the Tunaxa descendants of the original, parental Kootenay, who remained on the Great Plains, They lived at the Place-of-Red-Willow-Branchese This 31, Turney-High: op. c i t , pp 23-25 As we have noted on page 30 of this thesis, Father de Smet was welcomed by over ninety Indians when he established his mission among them ln 1843, just west of the Upper Lake. The 1939 Census of Indians in Canada, p. 6, l i s t s but four women^ members of the Arrow Lakes band, two of these under 16 years of age. In a letter dated September 10, 1945, J.M. Barre, acting Indian Agent for the Kootenay Agency, writing from Cranbrook, B.C., gives this information regarding the Reservation and the fate of the Indians there. ".,« the Arrow Lake Reserve is situated in the Nelson d i s t r i c t on the west shore of the Lower Arrow Lake, about five miles below Burton City, West Kootenay D i s t r i c t . It has an area of 255 acres and was allotted by Commissioner Vowell on Oetober 10th, 1902,j It was surveyed and approved on November 18th, 19G2« "This reserve is wooded, the s o i l being light and sandy, indifferent to farming. It i s also poorly situated. This may account for the migration to other reserves of a numbs r of these Indians. "Father Mclntyre, O.M.I,, who was the last missionary in that area, informed me that he buried the last Indian from that Reserve about 1925. This Indian was a man by the name of Louie, who lived the white man's mode of l i v i n g . It would also appear that a number of Indians died from'T.B.'". ; -56-chief says not a l l the Kootenay came from the plains, that some "woke up" at Tobacco Plains, and the Tunaxa were offshoots of these. This assertion he maintains beeausetfche tradition that the Tunaxa always came west to plant tobacco at Michel's Prairie B.D, therefore this must have been their own home. The Tobacco Plains Band was.the real mother band, with the Fernie Band a sub band to i t , Withothe reservation system some of these were reafe-^sorbed and some went to Windermere, The Jennings Band, the akiyenik, originally at the confluence of Yaak and Kootenay Rivers, were the middle Kootenay, They were an offshoot after the s p l i t - o f f of the Lower Kootenay, and were ancestors of the modern Flathead Reservation, After this band migrated to Libby, Montana, i t became known as the Libby Band, The f i r s t great offshoot from Tobacco Plains was the Bonner's Ferry Band, from this group stemmed a l l the Lower Kootenay. The Fort Steele Band had been in residence there so long ago there was no obtainable tradition of their origin, their Indian name 'akamnek' was untranslated. This band i s now extinct but later some of the Libby Band, angry at the United States government when reserves were being l a i d out, migrated there. These were Chief Joseph's people hence the place name Joseph's Prairie, now CranbrookSi The Creston Band may reasonably be considered, an offshoot from Bonner's Ferry, The Windermere Band originated, when Chief Michel wanted one big reserve where a l l the Kootenay could be together and could li v e in their old way, and he moved with the dissidents who would follow, to Windermere, because the United States' reservation provisions did not f u l f i l l his hopes,-2 After 1821, the Hudson's Bay Company ruled Indian and whites 32, Turney High: op, c i t , pp 18-20 -57-in this area, as a benevolent despot* The company sent a number of Iroq uois to teach the plateau Indians the technique of the fur trade. These palready Christian, prepared the Kootenay to receive the missionaries, many of whose teachings were to find a remarkable counterpart i n ancient Indian customs and beliefs© The coming of constitutional government brought sharp discrimination, and the Indians have not fared so well as they did under the fur trading companies. The Canadian government has no treaty with the Kootenay, as i t has with the great tribes of the Plains, but i t takes care of them in a more beneficient manner than that enjoyed by many other Indianse33 T n e c e n s u s 0 f 1939 gives the total number of Kootenay Indians, 435, of these 159 at St, Mary*s, . 93 at Lower Columbia Lake, 71 on Lower Koabtenay Lake, 58 at Tobacco Plains, 50 at Shuswap, and 4 on the Arrow Lake,34 Writ-ing a year later, Turney-High gives the total population in excess of 1000 and growing, over half of these in British Columbia, 35 This he estimated to be one quarter of their old strength,,-"7 The Kootenay have always been a proud, self-conscious people. While admitting the cultural superiority of white men, with regard to material things, they maintain that this is not indicative of innate mental superiority. At the present time they feel a masculine resentment of their lot but they do not whine. Although surround by twenty-one enemy tribes their splendid physical condition, their 33. Turney- High: op, c i t , pp 20-21«, 34. Census of Indians in Canada, 19395 Ottawa, J.O. Patenaude, I0S.O,, printer to the King's Most Excellent Majesty, 1940, p. 6, 35* Turney-High: op, c i t . p. 27 -58-superiority as bowyers, their use of horses kept them from being beaten i n b a t t l e ^ 6 c h i e f Paul, like a l l plateau chiefs, uses the f i r s t person singular of majesty even when speaking of events in the distant past, and gives voice thus to a just prlde e "My enemies a l l surrounded me. When one throws food to a dog a l l the others w i l l fight him. I have always had fine food in a fine country and a l l the dogs wanted i t . When I went after one tribe I got the best of i t . No one ever defeated me. The Kootenay a>e the highest Indians in this country and I am a proud man,"37 and again, "I only fought against the Crow once, and that was about 200 years ago s"3o The Kootenay were hunters and gatherers of food* They paid l i t t l e attention to the natural mineral resources of their range, which were to yield such abundant wealth to their white successors. After the fur traders had brought them fire-arms they did melt lead to make bullets at the Bluebell outcropping on Kootenay Lake,39 s o m e pounded tubular, beads of free copper have been found on the southern boundary of the rangeo4"^ The bison hunt of the Upper Kootenay, an expedition made highly successful by the employment of horses and bows and arrows, was the nucleus around which was built their social and economic life® The building of snares, weirs and traps to ensure their food supply made Lower Kootenay society more communal and their l i f e less migratory* 36, Turney-High: op. c i t , pp, 31, 8 l , 153® 37* I b i d : p. 32, 3&Y Ibid: p 9 149 39* See map opposite page '34-. 40 « Turney-High: op. c i t . p. 27 -59-Kootenay folklore claims that the horse originated with them. Chief David.Paul of Bonner's Ferry says horses were acquired from the Crees, their friends, when the f i r s t trade muskets came to the plains. At the same time the f i r s t trade tobacco made i t s appearance. In 1939> when this chief was 88, he said that when he was very small he saw an old, old man, who as a young child had been on the bison hunting party which had made tfcie f i r s t horse trade. That would be 41 about two hundred years agoe The Lower Kootenay say they got bad autos almost as soon as they got fine horses. Isolated as they were by mountain barriers, the Kootenay for a long time kept the use of these animals within their own t r i b e e 4 2 The year passed i n a seasonal round of food provision, flesh being procured by the men, vegetables and fruits by the women. From early March to early May they fished. The Upper Kootenay fished for salmon near Windermere, using a line through a hole in the ice, or later i n the season when the ice had melted, the fishermen would d r i f t at night in the quiet water with a torch in his l e f t hand and a spear i n his right. This was entirely an individual effort. The Indians, are bitter now that the white man's canneries at the coast have cut off this salmon supply. Unlike the white, the Indian caught the fish only when i t was on i t s way to spawn considering i t not f i t to eat afterward, The upper Kootenay man could obtain permission from the chief to build a fish trap on a specific stream, with the understanding that he share his catch with eight or nine families. Such fishing would last about ten 41, Turney-High: op. c i t , pp* 70-71 42. Alice Ravenhill: op, c i t . p 0 28 - 6 0 -day s, when as many as 1000 trout would be caught at each welr 0 . For the Lower Kootenay f i s h was a staple food. Often they took salmon at Nelson but usually joined the Upper Kootenay at Winder-mere, They invited these to join them i n weir fishing in their own d i s t r i c t s . Under direction of the Fishing Cheif, the community of males built complicated weirs and traps across the flood ponds, l e f t after the swollen rivers had receded i n f l a t areas. The catch was carefully distributed to the whole community even including strangers who might happen to be in their midst. The women, dressed smoked, or dried the f i s h . Sun drying was preferred since the f i s h lost neither fat nor flavour that way. They never pulverized the salmon into fi s h pemmican. The Lower bands liked berry cakes with fish o i l condiment, and stored their dried f i s h i n cedar boxes four feet square. They boiled their f i s h in wooden bowls, and some-times ate properly dried salmon raw. By preference the Kootenay are entirely a "boiling" people, disliking baked, broiled, or fresh food. 4^ In May, while the men grazed the horses, and hunted only casually the women began digging bitter root at Fort Steele and Tobacco Plains. This they broiled or put in a stew with meat. They traded i t also to the Lower Tribes, since their bitter root patch was on enemy ground. Immediately, after the bitter root season, both Upper and Lower Kootenay women began gathering camas, not so d i f f i c u l t a task since i t grows in moist ground. After this was baked into a porridge in a hot p i t , i t could be kept for two years. Bach digging day the Kootenay women elected one of their number to carry the pipe to the root patch. There she painted 43. Turney-High: op. c i t . pp. 44-53 i t west and east for the sun's path, and then prayers were said to the earth, which brings forth food under the sun's inspiration, 4 4' Edible mosses, too, and a gelatinous layer of cambium, taken from the inner bark of the cedar and bull pine supplemented the f i s h and meat diet© The indomitable Thompson, during the hardships of his travels, was obliged to report to eating this moss and found i t nauseating. "moss bread and dried carp, but poor harsh food..,, I could hever re l i s h i t (the moss bread) i t had just nourishment enough to keep a person alive.") 4"'' Forty years later Father de Smet partook of Indian food when visiting the Kootenays, prepared "camash" root and moss, i t was "more suitable for mattresses than the sustenance of human life."4-6 Only three berries were considered to be of economic importance, service berry, huckleberry, choke cherry, a l l of which were dried for winter use. Though Kinnikinick berries were sometimes boiled for an emergency food, they were not stored but l e f t on the shrub since they did not wither. The present day commercial huckle-berry market providing much work at f a i r l y high wages, keeps the Kootenay tied to a part of their old economic life« In mid June the whole band, never less than 80 lodges with the women and children began moving to the plains for the bison hunt. The Tobacco Plains band invited the Lower Kootenay to join them, but rarely did they do so, being poor i n horses. On the plains they met Libby-Jennings-Dayton bands and camped wifti them. The expedition 44. Turney-High:- op. c i t , pp. 33-34 45. T y r e l l : op. c i t . pp. 388-389 46. Father de Smet: op. c i t . , p. 118 -62-took four weeks of less, and each man typical of Upper Kootenay custom, kept his own k i l l i n g and returned with ohi an average4"7 two or three pack horse loads in parfleches,, The bison hunt was well organized, and the Kootenay had no fear of Piegan or Blood bands, "Since the bison hunt was undertaken under military conditions, the band was moved onto the plains i n warlike formation,,. „ , The compact main body... was entirely composed of the women, the helpless, the pack horses, a l l able bodied men considered themselves scouts.•„,, Scouts were far flung i n fan shaped deploy-ment to the fore and rear. They expected no surprise on the flanks while i n the mountains, but in the open spaces flank security was maintained..,. The chief rode just behind the principal line of scouts where he could command best i n any direction. In spite of this,., they travelled fast, "Arriving on the short grass plains, the hunt proceeded,.., A vast c i r c l e was formed of pairs of scouts about a quarter of a mile apart. When one of the pairs sighted bison he signalled back to the others, who then converged upon the direction of the game. After they received mirrors from white traders, these signals were made by flashing them in the sun, "There was no attempt to surround a herd, e o this was impossible 8"48 The fastest hunter picked out the best animal and tried to separate him from the herd for an easy k i l l . This required a "five-mile horse," one that could keep up this strenuous pace for five miles. No one tried for more than two bison since that was a l l his women could prepare for transport homee The squaws, with stone knives removed the skin in one or two pieces. The meat was cut up, viscera discarded, for they abhorred the prairie Indian custom of eating entrails. Since there were no trees on the plains, 47, Turney-High: op, c i t , p, 54. 48, Turney-High: op. c i t . p. 35* -63? the meat was dried, not smoked, and then dissected for easy pack-ing. From this was made their pemmican, without berries or f r u i t , but with wild peppermint, partly for i t s flavour as a condiment, partly as a preservative and partly to drive away the f l i e s . Some rib bones were used for scrapers, the rest were crushed and rendered for lard. Only the best worker could cut up three bison a day,49 Until the westward penetration of the North West Company, the Kootenay weapons were bows and arrows. The best cedar bow carefully fashioned with a double curve, sometimes bound with snakeskin for decoration, and strung with bear gut, could be used a l l day without need of tightening. From this the expert bowyer, holding five arrows like a sunburst in his hand, could despatch with t e l l i n g force the slender cedar shaft winged with i t s three striped chicken hawk feathers, and tipped with wooden or f l i n t points«, Chief Aeneas Paul Kustata may have been allowing his pride to expand the truth, when he said he had seen a good bowman shoot a bison at sixty yards, the arrow passing through the animal and driving into the ground beyond with such force as to stand erect and quivering,5° Upon the return from the hunt the men and horses rested, Althoug they were dependent upon horses, the care of their animals was the most simple, A Kootenay in comfortable circumstances had at least ten broken horses, a rich man, f i f t y unbroken on the range, and twenty-five head of broken horses,^ yet these Indians did not groom or massage their animals nor regularly inspect their feet, 49. Turney-High: op. c i t , pp. 37-38* 50. Ibid: p. 82-84 Only late in history did the Upper Kootenay learn to make arrow f l i n t s , the Lower bands never. The latter winged their shafts with goose feathers. At one time a l l Kootenay poisoned their arrows 51. h o t e o n (Continued on following page) -64-At one time, supposedly they practiced extensive veterinary surgery but the principal remedy now remembered is bleeding* In three days the rider broke a colt; slipping his knees and calves, under a cord tied tight around the horses barrel, he simply rode the animal u n t i l he was played out. Saddle protection consisted of very soft and smooth well padded saddle b lankets. Like a l l Indians the Kootenay mounted their chargers from the off-side, These horses they commonly named for colour, only the finest were named for • some war honour of the owner. West of the mountains the horses roamed free, but on the eastern expeditions they were tethered at night within the camp c i r c l e e The chief posted vedettes, whose watch was so successful, and so unusual among Western Indians that no animals were stolen by the Blackfeet, From the time of return to late summer the squaws were laying in the berry supply and then the family looked for suitable places for caches, where food could be stores on the platforms in trees out of reach of animals, There was no fear of human pilfering in this land of reasonable abundance, sometimes a hungry man might take a meal or so from a cache, but then he would t e l l the owner,53 In the autumn both Upper and Lower tribes hunted for elk, southt for hides rather than meat. On the grounds between Tobacco Plains and Yaak the gentle caribou, could be conveniently shot. Their flesh was dried, their skin used for blankets. Whiskey Jim -remarked, "They are just like shooting cows," and this easy food 50, (Continued) a practice which the Upper gave with the coming.of white men, but the Lower bands continued, Chief Kustata, Ibid: p, 56, F l i n t arrows heads have been found in great numbers along Kootenay Lake shores on the benches above Bonnington Falls and on the l i t t l e island in the pool below these f a l l s , G„H. Lee, Bonnington, 5 l 8 Turney-High: op, c i t , p, 197 52, Ibid: pp. 71-73 53, Turney-High: op. c i t , p. 53 -65-supply was not abused but used as a safety measure,, It is strange that unlike the Siberian natives, the Kootenay did not domesticate these animals^ 4- just after the f i r s t heavy snow the Lower Kootenay invited the Upper bands to join them as they followed the Deer Chief, the cleverest hunter of them a l l . Then when the deer was fat and heavily furred, boy heaters on snow-shoes would be stationed at twenty-yard intervals along a stream',5 to hallo at the animals and send them toward the silent archers on the t r a i l s . Upon one lucky- day a whole seasonfs supply might thus be taken,^5 Then the Deer Chief distributed the meat to every lodge, even though i t s owner had not taken part in the hunt. Late summer and August were the season also, to hunt goat and moose, but these were both very d i f f i c u l t to get. . Lynx were sought for their pelts. Gophers and muskrats provided a tas.ty food, when the flesh was boiled. Until the fur trade however, the beaver were seldom k i l l e d or eaten. Early i n September the Upper bands went again to the plains to hunt and to return before the snow f e l l . After the New Year the Upper Kootenay busied themselves making snowshoes before departing upon the mid-winter bison hunt. This was undertaken entirely on foot, and only by the able men and women, and the very young children who could be carried i n cradle-boards. In the deep snow the hunters could approach very close to the bison who did not like to leave the t r a i l s . Flesh, bone and 54. Ttorney-High: op. c i t . p. 40. 55. Ibid; p. 3 9 . -66-hides had a l l to be carried back. From that time u n t i l spring there was a quiet period before the fishing begain again. For variety the Upper Kootenay ate also an abundance of birds, cranes, ducks, sea gulls (found on the lakes), fool hens, geese. Eagles, prized for their feathers, were trapped by brave hunters who waited i n pits, sieze the birds by the legs when they Bwppped down to take the raw meat which baited the branch covering. Though they did not eat loons, the shamans watched the behaviour of these birds for signals of approaching storms. Lacking a bountiful bison supply the Lower Kootenay made bird snaring a communal effort, and cured duck flesh was for them a staple food. With great foresight and s k i l l a moveable square net was prepared and manipulated by a great number of men who so understood and took advantage of the habits of these birds that they could catch four flights in a morning. 56 Slowly they were dried and stored in cedar boxes.^ From the variety of food supply and the s k i l l with which i t was harvested, i t can well be seen that need, scarcity and famine were unusual amongst the Kootenay. In fact, they considered such infrequent calamities to be of supernatural origin, and attributed them to two hostile shaman who was hiding the food or to the proximity of an enemy,^7 56, Turney+High: op.cit. pp. 41-43. 57. Turney-High: op. c i t . p. 55 -67-IV KOOTENAY INDIANS - HABITS AND CUSTOMS, LATER HISTORY Living customs and crafts, originally bro\ight from the plains, were altered and developed by the adaptable, intelligent Kootenay to suit their plateau habitat. In early times the Upper Kootenay bands used for dwelling a variant of the vegetable covered plateau long house. Set for warmth i n a foot deep excavation, large houses were twelve feet high, and could house from forty to f i f t y people, not necessarily a l l relatives. This edifice had no centre right poles, and was open along the top to permit escape of the smoke from three fireplaces down the centre. At each end there were doors, and mats were l a i d on the frame l i k e shingles to shed the r a i n , 1 These are--no longer built by Upper bands with whom the skin t i p i has become the standard lodge. The four pole foundation,with fifteen supplementary poles we1?e cut just before the band l e f t the timbers to descend to the prairie. To one fyorse were lashed the top ends of sufficient poles for one lodge, the butts dragging. The horse also carried the covering. Old t i p i s were larger than now, because the birth rate was larger. According to Madeleine Left Hand of Elmo, eight bison or elk hides were used for one lodge cover. Four women matched the hides, cut them, and sinew-sewed them with great care to ensure aowod thorn with groat oare to ensure that the smoke flaps could be correctly manipulated add.that the door flaps would not admit drafts. Such tent makers were much respected. Tent pegs were cut with great care by the men, and kept as long as possible. The erection and furnishing of such a lodge took an hour's time* For weatherpreefing a lining of hides was suspended from the poles within, and a carpeting placed round the central f he-hole. Those 1, Turney-High: op. c i t . pp 61-62 -6$q hides of finest curing were used for beds. Tipfe were pitched preferably not to face windward, but some had to do so since villages were arranged in rings. To the right of the door slept the father and mother, to the l e f t , the married daughter and her husband; younger children lay to the rear. Only in severe weather were active unmarried youth supposed to sleep inside. 2 In the centre of the circl e stood the chief 1s tent, no different from the others, — a l l without decoration. Only ln the last century and a half, did the Upper Kooteuay not the Lower, copy the Crees and paint their tents,3 The lower Kootenay use a mat covered t i p ! i n summer, and a longhouse, capable of taking eight families in winter. These mats are made of Indian hemp or dogbone, sewn together continuously, and are transferred from summer frame to winter frame. It is interesting to see that the Kootenay claim the development and use of the true needle with point and eye a The Kootenay had no subterranean lodges. In their sweat lodges they supplemented their daily cold baith with a religiously prompted physical cleansing. These lodges consisted of a willow frame set over a hole, two feet wide and one or two feet deep, for the hot stone, The framework was covered with sods, never with hides a 4 " One of the most distinctive products of their craft is the Kootenay canoe, described by Captain Palliser and W„A. B a i l l i e -Grohman, This excellently designed rough water bark, unlike any other on this continent, bears a remarkable likeness to water 2, Turney-High: op. c i t , 56-60 3, Ibid: p. 62-102, Alice Ravenhill, op, c i t . p. 55 claims tent and garment painting for the Kootenay. Turney-High's informants main-tained this was never original with them, but only adopted after contact with Plains tribes. 4, Turney-High: op. c i t , p, 640 -68-craft in the Amur Basin, Siberia, Whether this similarity has a historical reason more fundamental than coincidence of.i.inven-tion to meet similar transportation requirements and hazards, has hot been established*^ For transportation of his family and gear, for salmon fishing, seldom for war, often for migrating, the Kootenay Indian frequently used his canoe upon the extensive water courses of his region. Abraham Bull Robe says that at one time Libby-Jennings and Tobacco Plains bands went by river to Wcfcnder-mere in 155 canoes s^ The Kootenay Indian made his frame of white cedar, never cottonwood, 12 goot overall, with a 2^ - foot beam commonly, though men with large families built them longer. This frame was fashioned with long bow and stern projections to increase steering speed,Abuoyancy when oncoming and following seas were running on the lakes, and for Increased speed of travel. Ribs were placed six inches apart, for stepping places. To these, instead of Keel timbers, long thin s p l i t poles were lashed with dogbone. Then the boat-builder was ready for his covering. High in the mountains he selected a tree, upon whose trunk he f i r s t cut the bark and then pried i t carefully with a two inch stick wrapping i t to prevent drying on the way to campa No scraping, seasoning or decora-ting were necessary, the tree side became the outside of the canoe, and perfection of workmanship made up for latek of ornamentation. % Mason, O.T. Painted Bark Canoes of Kutenai and Amur - Report, U.Se National Museum, Washington, 1899« ~ 6. Tucney-High: op. c i t . p. 69, -69-After the bark had been lashed oh with dog bdne, so that there were seams only at two ends, knot holes and seams were plugged with pitch within and without. For spreader a heavy stick was put between the ends of the longest midship r i b . Two shaped sticks were lashed to the concave lines of bow and stern. "The paddler knelt directly on the bottom of the boat^his feet under himy knees spread hard against the sides," to keep the boat steady, Both^Upper and Lower Kootenay have leaf-shaped paddles, blade and handle cut in one piece,which is a deficiency. Upper bands say formerly paddles were keystone shaped, but the Lower Kootenay Q profess ignorance of this s° hairy breed. They must have had these dogs a long time, for there are no stories about how they got these animals. They never pulled loads, but were equipped with l i t t l e panniers woven of withes covered with raw-hide. After horses took over the burden-bearing, the dogs, now becoming mongrelized were kept for guarding the camp, and were trained to be specialists in the hunt for elk, moose, deer,. They were kept i n camp nison hunting, for there they would only be a suisance. This specialized hunt training administered by the men and older dogs consisted of wrapping the young puppy i n the fresh skin of the animal i t was to hunt, u n t i l i t was nearly suf-focated. Kootenay dogs were considered family property. Though they had no kennels, they were never inside the lodge even i n 7. Turney-High: op. c i t , p. 69 8. Ibid: p. 67-69 In early times, land carrying was done by dogs, a large -7©-coldest weather. As has been noted before, winter carrying had to be done by men and women on snow-shoes. The Upper Kootenay, Guide Chief, or the Lower Kootenay Band Chief observed the f i r saplings to see just when they were ripe, Atbhis word, a l l men went out to cut their own, and fashion their own shoes© A sapling measuring the f u l l length of a man's greatest reach with both arms was bent circular or ovoid and hung tip to cure© Later i t was meshed with rawhide,9 Though the horses dragged the lodge poles, the travois was never used i n this mountainous country© Clothing and utensils next occupy our attention i n this summary of Kootenay arts and crafts. Although Gabriel Franchere, in his j o u r n a l o b s e r v e d Indian women weaving sheep-wool blankets on the Columbia, the modern Kootenay disclaim any know-ledge or remembrance of native t e x t i l e s * 1 1 They laced their snow-shoes, yet they did not invent fish-nets, and the Lower Kootenay lodge mats were strips sewn together not woven. Rope was common, especially among the Lower bands, either three strands of white willow twisted, or the i n f i n i t e l y enduring raw hide rope, made from stretched strips, treated with boiled tallow, water, and wild 12 rhubarb root. 9. Turney-High: pp. 66-67 10. See p. 25 of this Thesis. 11. Turney-High: op, c i t . p. 75 12. Ibid: p. 75 -71-At one time baskets of many sizes and shapes were widely used for storage, boiling food, and gathering berries. Now these are rapidly f a l l i n g into disuse before incursion of the white man's pots and pans. The Upper Kootenay used to make every size of basket, from a few inches to a few feet, as well as cylindrical cooking vessels of birch or cedar bark. As horses came into use with them they relied more upon the Lower bands for baskets. Old Mary of Tobacco Plains said the finest were made ffom cedar roots gathered in the spring when they send out fine feelers. These were s p l i t peeled and dyed with black from boiled carrot root, and green "from a grass that grows high on the mountains." Thus the favourite baskets were variegated green and black. A fine bone awl was used for sewing the baskets, since they had to be watertight. H.H. Turney-high, the authority for this l a t e s t research upon these Indians, doubts that Kootenay claims to pot-tery making are well grounded, since they were far from the pot-tery area. However, there are ceramic deposits not further east than Butte, Montana, and Chief Paul of Tobacco Plains makes his claim forcefully. "Of course, those ignorant Prairie Indians you know are too dumb to make anything useful. A l l they eyer thought of was murder, stealing, and running after women. We Timber Indians are interested in learning things. I cannot make a. bowl, but I have seen hundreds of Kutenai bowls made when I was young, and I remember how my parents said they should be made'.' And there follows the Chief's description of pottery making without the aid of a potter's wheel, or a f i r i n g oven. 12. Turney-High: p. 75 13. Ibid: P. 76-77 14. Ibid: P. 77. -72-They desired, to create not f i n e or b e a u t i f u l ware, but v a r i e t y i n s i z e and shape f o r p r a c t i c a l purposes, f o r e a t i n g d i s h e s , f o r w a t e r - c a r r y i n g , f o r mortars i n which to wash b e r r i e s , f o r b o i l i n g meats and soups by the hot stone method, since these f r a g i l e v e s s e l s could not be put on the f i r e . Along the banks, cut down by a r i v e r , they would f i n d a rock, y e l l o w , r e d , or white, which they crushed to a f l o u r w i t h a p e s t l e . This they tempered w i t h r i v e r sand, and added water to make a round mass of paste, which they put on a f l a t surface f o r working. From a centre depression made w i t h the hands, the v e s s e l ' s sides were smoothed, thinned, widened, heightened, a l l w i t h the hands, whi l e the hole was kept f i l l e d w i t h water u n t i l the d e s i r e d shape had been achieved. P o t t e r y was made i n summer, f o r theyUcnew only sun d r y i n g . Wooden bowls f o r eating containers were common. With a f l i n t k n i f e , and horn c h i s e l , they gouged out and smoothed a s e c t i o n from a l o g - cottonwood f o r Upper bands, cedar f o r the is Lower Kootenay. Formerly a very l a r g e white spruce bark bucket was made f o r storage of b e r r i e s , r a r e l y was i t used f o r cooking. Some of these v e s s e l s were b e a u t i f u l , made from a s i n g l e sheet of bark, w i t h a wedged bottom, sewn and p i t c h e d on the seams. Some were bottle-necked. The Lower Kootenay made al s o a four f o o t square cedar box, sometimes w i t h a b i r c h cover, i n which to stor e ducks. The Upper bands deny the use of t h i s ^ a n d contact w i t h p l a i n s c u l -t u r e tended to d r i v e out the use i n favour of the p a r f l e c h e . Wood ca r v i n g among them was almost unknown. Even today, however, the 15. Turney-High: pp. 78-79. -73-ambitious oarsman, eager for evidence of Indian lore, may row a few miles up the Arrow Lake above Nakusp, and see on a rocky 16 c l i f f crude animal carvings l e f t by Kootenay Indians. Figures similart.to these, of birds, f i s h , trees, arrows, human beings, were cut boldly i n the rock, and the outlies painted red or black. Such an achievement, they thought, ensured long l i f e to the a r t i s t . In 1894 such carvings could s t i l l be seen just above 17 the- lake level on Elephant Mountain opposite Nelson, Even then the Nelson press was deploring the wanton vandalism of boating parties, which defaced these relies for sport. Time and such destruction have long since obliterated a l l traces of the figures. The Kootenay were proud to wear spotless white skin clothing. The women were at great pains to prepare the hides with repeated scrapings, solutions, dryings, the f i n a l bleach being accomplished by soaking the skin in a solution of animal brains and water. Caribou hides were favourite for soft robes; deer and mountain sheep for women*s clothing, bison were favourite for Upper Kootenay lodge covers, elk and moose for Lower Kootenay. When clothing- became soiled, i t was l a i d on the ground, rubbed with water and white clay and scraped. In a l l seasons the Upper Kootenay men wore shirts, well made, of two hides, one for sleeves and a very f u l l collar which could be pulled snug with long laces in cold weather. This garment had no decoration other than heavy fringing, typical of Kootenay garments. Later the women learned porcupine q u i l l embroidery:from Cree-speaking plainsmen, but they never became skilled at i t . A breach clout and leggings were 16, Ravehhill: op. c i t . p. 55 I have seen these carvings myeelf on the rocky shores of the Upper Arrow Lake above Nakusp, M.E.C. 17. Nelson Miner: June 30, 1894 it (confW) JT U)*tfe» , who fypej ~7h/& #es/!s, 4a/<Jed This hefe; There uv&d -fo be "TArce or -Four- p / a a e s if be r e pe> Coofc/ (push) see Tkese c a v - < / O H Sloaaw Lake, and There u/<as cue spot" par-fTco/ay where if* abet*>sc/ toen £othg 3 way i*» <? C&noe. cJ*d (vothen fefV o» "^e s^ofe, yery dleay/y, T have ho"t~ hcffCed any ivd9.eS of 7fie.cn -for ove.v ten ye&rst probably nearer ftf/ee^ but [ Can r e r n e y n b e , * - thetn very w&fl ujfo&h J U/<33 & Qhi/<£t eve.(? thvudh 7ke.y hsi/e -finally -finished we&~/heyin<j^ <$u/<&y, Know. - 7 4 -attached to a waist s t r i n g . The precious leggings were removed ' 18 when t r a v e l l i n g through underbrush. The s i m p l i c i t y of t h e i r smoked yellow moccasins was defended by Abraham B u l l Robe, s a y i n g , "We were a square-toed, square-heeled people." These were made of one s k i n w i t h seam from mid-point of the toe to the ankle, and two seams down the sides of the back. A f i v e i n c h anklet could be sewn on top of t h i s to wrap over the l e g g i n g s . For war the Lower Kootenay e i t h e r s t r i p p e d to the breech-clout or went naked except f o r p a i n t . I f they wore armour, they might don the s h i r t over i t . This armour, "the t h i n g I use f o r f i g h t i n g : my c l o t h i n g , " as i t was called, by them, was a c u i r a s s of s t i c k s bound w i t h close rows of dogbdne. Front, sides and back, as welle.as upper arms were com-p l e t e l y p r o t e c t e d . No helmet was known. The bravest used a stone 20 war-club, covered w i t h buckskin and attached to a wooden handle. Feminine garb was a simple two hide dress, h e a v i l y f r i n g e d and worn w i t h s o f t leggings i n c o l d weather. The young women put heavy f r i n g e s on t h e i r most va l u a b l e bags and p a r f l e c h e s , thus they could be q u i c k l y recognized and s e i z e d , i f , i n case of a t t a c k , they had t o be saved i n a hurry. The Kootenay d i d not wear the p l a i n s f e a t h e r bonnet, but used e i t h e r a rawhide h a t , or a crownless brim, or a horse's mane hat, a s t r i p around the head w i t h the h a i r s t i c k i n g out, or a f u r hat, which covered the crown; sometimes a fe a t h e r was added, f l a t on the brim. Women might wear w i l l o w wreathes. Never, except f o r mourning, was the h a i r c u t . The men wore i t parted to the r i g h t i n three p l a i n t s , one down each s i d e , and one at the back. Women parted t h e i r s i n the middle and p l a i t e d two b r a i d s , sometimes weaving white weasel t a i l s i n t o the ends. 18. Turney-High op. c i t . pp. 80, 8l, 90, 91. lQgflisid: p. 92 20. I b i d : p. 86-87 Even i n severest weather they took a d a i l y bath, and used perfumes, d r i e d p u l v e r i z e d flowers and beaver musk i n a small p e r f o r a t e d buckskin bag. But these were never c a r r i e d w h i l e r i d i n g , f o r the odour would weaken the horses. Every morning they painted t h e i r f a c e s , eigher l i g h t or dark red, to prevent sunburn i n the summer, and f r o s t b i t e i n w i n t e r . The shamans, and the braves i n war used white, t h e i r h a i r p a r t w.as not reddened, but a man who had "counted coup" (accomplished a recognized deed of bravery i n war) could 21 p a i n t h i s hands r e d , even i n peace. Other customs were developed to a degree b e f i t t i n g t h e i r needs. I n s p i t e of the prevalence of blindness among the e l d e r l y Kootenay i t was found that they had named the s t a r s and c o n s t e l l a t i o n s G r i z z l y Bear f o r the Big Dipper j and I b l a r i s , the North S t a r , they looked f o r every n i g h t . Father de Smet recorded that they had kept count of the time between h i s sojourns among them. A f t e r they began to use t i p i s the Upper Kootenay adopted the P l a i n s w i n t e r count. Each man painte d on h i s t e n t a memento of the most important event i n that year f o r him. They seemed to have no great concern about nature's c y c l e , but were anxious to know when midwinter came so they might begin the new year. When t h i s had been agreed upon by the feand, some would t i e a knot i n rawhide rope, and add another f o r each new moon. They observed s i x seasons, midwinter, s p r i n g , summer, midsummer, f a l l and w i n t e r . Although they r e a l i z e d t h a t the lunar month was not constant they d i d nothing about i t . Moons were named d e s c r i p t i v e l y to record nature's phenomena. Chief Kusata had no knowledge of the former names but gave these of present use. F i r s t moon was "to shoot," second "bare", f o l l o w e d 2 1 : T u r n e r-High: op. c i t : pp. 9 0 - 9 4 . -76-by "show m e l t i n g , " "ground i s c r a c k i n g , " "deep water,""strawberries r i p e n , " " r i p e s e r v i c e b e r r i e s , " " b e r r i e s r i p e n at n i g h t , " "choke c h e r r i e s p e e l o f f the seeds e a s i l y , " "leaves f a l l o f f , " "deer lamenting," "the f i r s t prayer." K&tenay informants claimed they a l s o knew the week, before*white men came f o r they had a ceremonial dance every day. Hence they at once adopted C h r i s t i a n i t y as t r u e . They d i v i d e d t h e i r day i n t o seven p e r i o d s , s u n r i s e , morning, noon, afternoon, sunset, n i g h t and midnight. From s u n r i s e , from the clouds and even from animal bones, they made weather p r o g n i s t i c a t i o n s . With the a i d of Miss Glady P i e r s o n , a capable m u s i c o l o g i s t , Turney-High was able to o b t a i n phonographic recordings of t h i r t e e n Kootenay songs, personal and r i t u a l . These were then studied care-f u l l y and w r i t t e n as best they could be w i t h i n the conventions of western musical n o t a t i o n . L i k e so much n a t i v e music which i s only now being "discovered" by western composers, and s t i l l more s l o w l y "appreciated" by western l i s t e n e r s , these songs are strange. Key changes frequently or r a t h e r there i s none, rfythms are unusual, and phrases seem to l a c k symmetry. Yet they have a beauty or a w i l d appeal of t h e i r own, and i t i s an e x c i t i n g experience to sound out t h e i r melodies on the keyboard. I t i s to be hoped that some Canadian composer may use and embroider t h i s v i r g i n m a t e r i a l so that the emotional experiences of these, some of our B r i t i s h Columbia abor-i g i n e s , may be made understandable to us i n the language of the 23 immortals. Compared w i t h other Indian songs, these show an un-u s u a l l y low percentage of downward pr o g r e s s i o n s , and some evidence of f e e l i n g for key. A l l these songs were sung without true words, f o r the Kootenay have no poetry. 22. Turner-High: op. c i t : pp. 96-100 23. copies of four of these melodies i n the Appendix. -77-These songs were scru p u l o u s l y guarded, f o r they were im-parted by the i n d i v i d u a l ' s supernatural guardian, and the unnecessary s i n g i n g of a personal r e l i g i o u s song might t r a n s f e r the power i t gave from singer to l i s t e n e r . The accompanying instrument f o r s o l o froice or chorus was a drum. Drums were made and owned only by shamans or someone so d i r e c t e d by s p i r i t s . A cedar s t r i p one quarter i n c h t h i c k , and two inches wide was bent to form a hoop 1-jjr t o 2 f e e t i n diameter. This was covered, on one side only, w i t h a rawhide t i e d o v e r w i t h thongs. I t was beaten w i t h a small s t i c k , j u s t long enough to f i t i n s i d e the drum when t r a v e l l i n g . The p l a y e r h e l d the drum w i t h h i s l e f t hand, by the thongs at the back, and beat i t w i t h h i s r i g h t . 6 A few examples of these songs w i l l show the occasions and purposes f o r whJc h they were sung. The Crazy Dog Song, served to work up the members of the s o c i e t y of £his name, a body of reserve shock troops^ who, i n response to the c a l l of the c h i e f ' s drum, made a 7"do or d i e " a t t a c k i n war when the d e c i s i o n was d o u b t f u l . These "crazy" braves, who had to be able to "talk, to dogs" before they could j o i n , rushed i n t o the f r a y w i t h t h e i r bodies and those of t h e i r horses stamped w i t h human hands which had been dipped i n red p a i n t . Abraham B u l l Robe, f r e q u e n t l y quoted i n t h i s study, was, i n 25 1940, Crazy Dog Chief of the Flathead P l a i n s . The G r i z z l y Bear Dance was sung i n chorus. One of many Shaman Songs f o r t r e a t i n g the s i c k i s embellished w i t h exaggerated grace notes. The Song f o r the E r e c t i o n of the Sun-Dance Lodge i s a vigorous, symmetrical tune. When g i v i n g h i s Personal Medicine Song, the informant s a i d , "I have kept t h i s s e cret a l l my l i f e . I have not sung i t f o r three years. I w i l l d i e not long from t h i s time, so I w i l l put t h i s on a 24. Turney-High: op. c i t . pp. 102-103: 110 25. I b i d : p p . 103: 156-157. -78-26 record f o r ray descendents." The songs of the f i r s t and second gambler as they sang to rouse t h e i r powers, were repeated over and over, r i s i n g i n p i t c h w i t h excitement. The R e c r u i t i n g , or Lodge Cover, or Farewell Songs, was a r a l l y i n g c a l l accompanied by the beating or wooden s t i c k s against a st r e t c h e d lodge cover: i t ends 27 w i t h a f a l s e t t o war-cry. By examining t h e i r l i f e c y c l e and t h e i r d a i l y l i f e , the l i v i n g h a b i t s and the moral standards of the Kootenay may te observed. At b i r t h s , wise-women a s s i s t e d , not f o r a fee, but g a i n i n g , thereby, immense p r e s t i g e . Such a woman had her f i r s t assignment made by the supernatural;, i n a dream. She washed the new-born c h i l d i n warm water, moulded h i s s k u l l c a r e f u l l y i n t o a handsome shape, put her f i n g e r through the mouth and pharynx to model the septum and sinuses f o r ease i n b r e a t h i n g , powdered him wit h punk, and wrapped him i n deer or mountain goat hair. A f t e r four days he was placed on a c r a d l e board for the remainder of h i s preambu-l a t o r y l i f e . This board, of s o f t wood, three and a h a l f f e e t l o n g , and l e s s than one inch t h i c k , was ironing-board i n shape, and covered w i t h a s i n g l e h i d e . I t i s probable t h a t the use of a s t i f f board f o r t h i s purpose came math the use of the horse, f o r such a crad l e made i t p o s s i b l e f o r the mother to Side east to the p l a i n s . Before that time i t had been made of birch - b a r k . The c h i l d was weaned at two at the l a t e s t , and was t h e r e a f t e r expected 28 to help i t s e l f to the f a m i l y food without t r a i n i n g . The Kootenay wanted c h i l d r e n ; t h e i r food supply was ample, and they needed to maintain numerical strength against t h e i r neigh-bouring enemies. Thus they never s o l d t h e i r c h i l d r e n , but, in 26e Turney-High: op. c i t . pp. 108-109 2 ? . I b i d : pp. 105-107. 28. I b i d : pp. 112-115. - 7 9 -keeping w i t h t h e i r custom of mutual a i d , they might give some to a c h i l d l e s s couple to r e a r . A widower disposed of h i s c h i l d r e n to both sides of the f a m i l y . He hunted f o r them, but d i d not take them back upon re-marriage. The widow t r i e d to keep her c h i l d r e n , g i v i n g them away only when she had t o . Without ceremony, the Upper Kootenay named the c h i l d by the war-honour of some d i s t i n g u i s h e d r e l a t i v e . I f h i s f i r s t name brought him misfortune or i l l n e s s - , the shaman might give him a new one. B a s i l L e f t Hand, son of Abtfaham L e f t Hand, son of L e f t Hand wele three Upper Kootenay generation's. Only the shaman had two names. Among the Lower ^ootenay "coup" names were r a r e : they p r e f e r r e d m a g i c o - r e l i g i o n s names, and the f a t h e r ' s baptismal name became the son's surname. Paul David, Casimir Joseph, are Lower Kootenay names. Up to the age of two the c h i l d was much fondled w i t h l i t t l e c o r r e c t i o n . At one year, he was supposed to walk, at fourteen months to speak Kutenaian p l a i n l y . T r a i n i n g began at two years, w i t h spankings f o r c o r r e c t i o n . An o l der c h i l d could d i s c i p l i n e a younger, but t h i s d i d not continue a f t e r maturity. At s i x the boy went wi t h h i s f a t h e r on deer hunts and k i l l e d b i r d s . At ten he k i l l e d b ison c a l v e s , and made and twined h i s own bowstring. His f a t h e r and uncles d i d the t r a i n i n g w i t h much l e c t u r i n g , and c a u t i o n i n g against shouts, loud l a u g h t e r , or loud speech. "Do not l e t anyone hear you but the f a m i l y you are v i s i t i n g , l e s t the o l d women r i d i c u l e you." . "Try and get up before anyone e l s e . Take your bow and hunt. True, the g i r l s w i l l not see your'face because you are out hunting everyday, but they w i l l know your fame, and w i l l want to marry you. That i s surer and better] than s t r u t t i n g around before them a l l the time." "One cannot keep a l i e , and when the t r u t h i s known, p Q the camp w i l l be t o l d and i t s laughter w i l l make' you ashamed. 29. Turney-High: op. c i t . p. 117. - 8 o -Neitherbboys, nor pr o s p e c t i v e f a t h e r s , had tabusipon them l i k e the numerous o b s t e t r i c a l tabus put upon g i r l c h i l d r e n from the moment of b i r t h . From the time she could walk she was encouraged to p l a y w i t h d o l l s . L a v i s h p r a i s e was accorded her e f f o r t s as she learned s k i l l s by p l a y , and acquired i n that way a ple a s u r a b l e a t t i -tude toward them. From f i v e years, she was being taught a l l the r u l e s , the tabus, how to pack, and from that time she was water-c a r r i e r . Her moral i n s t r u c t i o n i n c l u d e d sanctions regarding the a f t e r l i f e . This was al s o an i n c l i n a t i o n toward C h r i s t i a n i t y which was t o t e found l a t e r so acceptable. At eight years, she could cook § f a i r meal and care f o r the smaller c h i l d r e n . At maturity she was i s o l a t e d f o r seven days. She married at from s i x t e e n to eighteen. When t h i s time came, the young people were allowed more l i b e r t y i n arranging t h e i r matrimonial a f f a i r s than most p l a t e a u Indians. P h y s i c a l beauty was a secondary c o n s i d e r a t i o n ; the man sought a g i r l who was a good tanner, wood gatherer, and a c h e e r f u l worker; the g i r l wanted a good hunter, provided; and a brave w a r r i o r . The couple must have no c l o s e r k i n than a common great, great grandparent. Moral l e c t u r i n g at t h i s time was unnecessary, so thorough had been the teaching of both young people from e a r l i e s t childhood. As a r e s u l t e x t r a - m a r i t a l sex r e l a t i o n s h i p s and adu l t e r y were r e l a t i v e l y r a r e . There was no p r i c e f o r the br i d e nor d i d she b r i n g a dowry, but both f a m i l i e s gave presents. The p a t e r n a l uncles had to be consulted f o r approval of the match. The newly wed couple l i v e d w i t h the g i r l ' s parents u n t i l they were ready to set up t h e i r own lodge. In theory, the Kootenay f a m i l y was m i l d l y p a t r i l i n e a r ; a c t u a l l y i t was s t r o n g l y m a t r i l o c a l . The mother-in-law tabu was observed; the new husband never addressed her d i r e c t l y ; he spoke e i t h e r through her daughter or to the a i r , without l o o k i n g at her. "a man was 30 ashamed and b a s h f u l before h i s mother-in-law."".; Since there was 30. Turney-High: op. c i t . p. 144 -81-no need to fear for the food supply, there was no idea of contra-ception. The largest family anyone can remember is fourteen. The sickwere treated by female herbalists, who did not lig h t l y disclose their cures, and by male shamans whose ministra-tions were dancing and singing. When the sick were about to die, the spirits told the shaman. Thereupon a l l withdrew from the sick man's lodge, leaving him ifo compose himself to die. Part of the lodge making was afterwards destroyed and the family moved else-where. When a chief died the whole village moved. Burial, which took place at once, was quick and simple, with keening and mourning by the family. Abraham Bull Robe maintains that the custom was shallow inhumation. Chief Paul of Tobacco Plains said the face was painted red, and then the body was wrapped in a robe and piled with logs and stones. In spite of these careless burial methods, the Kootenay believed that the sp i r i t s went to a better l i f e after-death, 31 another reason why Christian teaching appealed to them, Death did not terminate the in-law relationships for the mate, who cut his hair in grief, and went unclean and unkempt for a year, but did not mutilate himself. With their s t r i c t moral teaching, the Kootenay were quite puritanical in sex matters. Yet divorce wae easy and common, the children going in such cases with the mother. Pride of family was' great; Chief Kusata, an old man in his eighties, could remember 137 relatives in seven generations on both sides of his family. Brothers-in-law and sisters-in-law showed great affection for each other, and had many jokes together. The modern Kootenay are dropping the custom of calling cousins as brothers and sisters, for the reason that gambling has become so common they do not want 31. Turney-High: op. c i t . p. 120. Beliefs and burial customs are confirmed in Jenness: op. c i t . p. 360© -82-"bad blood" w i t h i n the f a m i l y . An extreme development from t h i s has.been i n c e s t among the United States Kootenay. Having described the a c t i v i t i e s of a year and the deve-lopments of a l i f e t i m e among these Indians, i t i s now f i t t i n g to examine the d e t a i l s of t h e i r d a i l y l i f e . . A l l arose before day-break and went at once to plunge i n the nearby stream or l a k e , even though they walked barefoot through the snow, and cut a hole i n the ice. to reach the water. This great hardiness was rewarded by complete absence of rheumatism and r e s p i r a t o r y i n f e c t i o n s . To be keener f o r the hunt, they took no morning meal, though Tobacco Plains^might snack on raw kidneys, heart or l i v e r . The noon meal was a hearty one, and w i t h i t the men's work f o r the day was over, though they d i d not remain i d l e . The women's Varied tasks kept them at work from dawn to dark. Though they were but a small people the Kootenay were never defeated by t h e i r numerous enemies. The braves kept f i t w i t h strenuous e x e r c i s e , r a c i n g , w r e s t l i n g , hockey, they raced from the time the sun began to set u n t i l supper. This meal was set before the whole f a m i l y and a l l ate w e l l . C h i l d r e n a£e indoors. Though there was no f i x e d e t i q u e t t e of age or rank, i t was considered bad manners to get up from the t a b l e and walk away before others were f i n i s h e d . The Kootenay were generous and h o s p i t a b l e , being anxious to give others a good impression. Food, lodging and presents, they gave to s t r a n g e r s , even t h e i r enemy Piegans, who sometimes came as s p i e s . A f t e r dinner was a f a v o u r i t e time f o r moral i n s t r u c t i o n to the young. 33 The camp was kept qu i e t at n i g h t f o r p r o t e c t i o n . 32. Turney-High: op. c i t . p. 143. 33. I b i d : pp. 122-125. - 8 3 -For meals, and for many necessary crafts, as well as winter warmth, f i r e was essential. Fire-making was man's work, and two methods were employed. The f i r s t and oldest was the palm d r i l l , a sixteen inch stick was twirled u n t i l the spark appeared, which lighted a bit of cottonwood down. This took two or three strong men over an hour. The later use of f l i n t and pyrite took only about five minutes. There are no Kootenay f i r e getting stories which indicates that they must have had this prime comfort very early. Every effort was made to keep the f i r e burning. On the march, one family member was detailed to keep a torch always alight from a basket of pitchy wood. One family got light from another, and sometimes the end of a fallen log was kept burning as a source of f i r e for the village. One of the differences between Upper and Lower Kootenay cultures lay in their systems of leadership. Upper Kootenay chiefs were five i n number. The Chief in General, the War Chief, (usually referred to as the chief, which showed the plains and horee influence), the Guide chief, the Hunting chief, the Sun Dance chief. There was no particular ceremony upon assumption of chieftainship. He who was universally acknowledged the best warrior became the new chief, hence there were no bad ones. Succession was actually weakly hereditary, although they did not consider i t to be such, and despised the Salish idea. The Chief said the morning prayers, and had his lodge in the exact centre of the village; often i t was larger because the council met in i t . The Guide Chief was a very important man. He had to know the country well, and be of superior intelligence, for he 34. Turney-High: pp. 88. 89 -84-directed a l l transport and economy, planned the day's a c t i v i t i e s , and controlled the camp scouts except in war. The Hunting Chief was much respected and had great authority during the communal hunt. The War Chief was accustomed to speak of his people in the f i r s t person, Chief Paul said, "My enemies a l l surrounded 35 me." There was also what might be called a sort of weak government by a council of courtesy chiefs who went every night to the chief's lodge to smoke, feast and "count coups." This honourary t i t l e was dependent upon making five standard "coups", or brave deeds, such as seeming to shed bullets in battle. There was no hereditary upper class, only a military aristocracy. The recognition of a chief of a l l the Kootenay was but vague, and of doubtful validity. However, there is a clear impression that the Tobacco Plains Chief was head, but this was only in the bison hunt, 36 and in time the Lower bands ceased to participate in this. Lower Kootenay chiefs were elected. The strongest i n 37 mind, body, s k i l l and spiritual powers "just had to be chief." Each village elected five chiefs, a Band Chief, who had the greatest prestige and was also Sun Dance Chief, the War Chief, and, corres-ponding to the one Upper Kootenay position of Guide Chief, the Lower Bands elected three economic leaders, Fish, Deer, and Duck' Chiefs. Each of the latter for his particular food quest, chose those men who were to work each day and distributed the catch. The position of a l l these chiefs rested upon prestige rather than power. Precept and ridicule kept the band in line without the need for police. Over-quarrelsome members were expelled to go and "count coup" against the Blackfeet. Similarly theft was 35. Turney-High: op. c i t : p. 148. 36. Ibid: pp. 150-151. 37. Ibid: p. 152 -85-punished, while murder was punished by private vengeance of kin. Kootenay unity was ling u i s t i c , cultural and emotional, rather than p o l i t i c a l , the unity which would have made them formidable against their enemies. After the coming of the missionaries there was created a Church Chief, who sometimes flogged the people un-mercifully for their sins, but this was discontinued. 5 Among the Kootenay there were three lodges of -societies. The Crazy Dog, a body of reserve shock troops, of whom mention has already been made in the discussion of the t r i b a l songs. The Crazy Owl, a society of women, whose purpose was to ward off epidemics, has now disappeared. The grandmother of Chief Paul was the last to join i t at Tobacco Plains. The Shaman's SocJeby was a group of therapeutic specialists, each of whose members 38 sang over his special part of the patient's body. Athletics of a l l sorts were engaged in for military training and for recreation. Two of their secular, non-military dances were the Prairie Chicken Dance, aid the Bison Dance, i n whoch one or two pairs of male dancers mimiced the creatures i n mating season. Favourite games were a lacrosse-like b a l l , and shooting at a hoop, like the game of darts. Gambling, mentioned by Sir George Simpson, and Baillie-Grohman, was a game of guessing for sticks held in the clenched hand. This was played with l i g h t -ning rapidity to the accompaniment of medicine songs. Stakes 39 were high, freqently five horses to a side. In warfare the Kootenay were at their best on the defensive. For this purpose a levy en masse was made, in which custom they 38. Turney-High: op. c i t . pp. 156-159 39. Ibid: pp. 161 -86-differed from other N 0rth American Indians. The Guide Chief chose good defensive camp sites, sometimes further protected by rudimentary trenches. These were the only non-agricultural people west of the Mississippi who posted sentinels and vedettes, seemingly an obvious precaution, since Indian success in attack depended upon surprise and stealth. Offensive war was usually undertaken to capture horses, and was eschewed by the Lower Kootenay: indeed, their warring usually resulted from following the Upper Kottenay to the plains. The Upper Bands made one successful offensive when they fought the Kalispel to get a footing beyond Upper Flathead Lake, and on the defensive they never had to yield ground. Those wariiors who were entitled to "count coups" for their great deeds wore feathers, and carried a notched stick upon which was recorded these triumphs, but this stick was not for display. For an offensive war enlistment was voluntary, in response to a recruiting song. During the approach march the individuals submitted to command, but the assault was made without organization unless the Crazy Dogs were called i n . Each brave carried, his medicine bundle and talked to i t . Enemy men and.women were exterminated. Sometimes, when an enemy 40 warrior begged to be allowed "to look at the sun," he was feasted, drawn out for intelligence, and then sent back with presents to his own chief, to t e l l him to respect the Kootenay. Such strangers were well treated, so they would report, "These "are nice people, we w i l l help them,"and the presents with which they returned included Kootenay clothing, so their enemies would easily recognize them and spare them as friends when next their paths crossed. Only the Head Chief in council had power to make 40. Turney-High: op. c i t . p. 68, -87-a lasting peace. They scalped their victims, and i f they lost a l i f e , the victorious band returned with the scalps on a stick to relieve their tension in the Scalp Dance. Around this pole, the wildest, wittiest women, their faces painted only at this time by men, danced their most frenzied steps to a very slow drumming. Then the surplus plunder was distributed to those, who had not been on the war party. Marriage at such time was most honourable. Foolhardy bravery was not encouraged. The man who lost Ms l i f e attempting a deed too great for his powers was laughed at, but not mourned. The core of Kootenay religious l i f e was their search for supernatural guardians. Usually at the age of seven, some-times at adolescence the Indian child was sent to the h i l l s to seek a s p i r i t guardian. These spirits appeared, f i r s t in humans, and then in their real animal form. The Indian might have several such phantom benefactors, one for hunting, one for wars, and so on. He had implicit f a i t h i n their wisdom and benevolence, and deep affection and a loving dependence upon them. They spoke to him frequently in the daytime, and deserted him only when he died. "The spirits never die. They are the same spir i t s our ancestors used thousands of years ago. and not the dhosts of s p i r i t s , either ,"4-2 As part of their affectionate attachment for the super-naturals, they.planted tobacco. The Kootenay explained that 41. Turney-High: p. 169 42, Ibid: quotation p. 171 -88-v/hen they took over the land the spirits could no longer gather tobacco, so the Indians offered i t to them in ceremonies, and they in return took care of the Kootenay. From this custom they derived the comforting opinion that, as along as there are Indians to pray and give tobacco to the s p i r i t s , the United States and Canada cannot be defeated by any foreign power. For positive good luck, every pious man should f i l l his pipe and sing at sunrise, and then offer the stem to the east at night, to ward off misfortune, he should offer i t to the west and to the ground. It was not offered to the four directions, for the Kkotenay had no feeling for the cardinal p o i n t s T h u s Kootenay smoking had a prayerful significance and was not done merely for pleasure. They almost always smoked i t with Kinnikinic. Tobacco Plains, La Prairie du Tabac of Father de Smet, was named for the old Kootenay tobacco gardens. The plant is no longer grown there and the tradition as to whence came the seeds has been lost* Tobacco Plains informants claimed i t was f i r s t grown at Canal Flats, and that the seeds came from the s p i r i t s . At the plant-ing season there was considerable migration. Only the very oldest informants claimed to have seen oboriginal tobacco, and only a part a part of the planting ceremony was remembered.44" Every man and many women carried a medicine bundle whose contents and preparation were prescribed by the s p i r i t s . The owner sang to this charm and received instructions from It . 43. Jenness: op. c i t . p. 361, states that the pipe was turned three times horizontally, thus being offered to the four points of the compass. 4 4 . Turney-High: op. c i t . pp. 170-172. -89-He never sold i t , sometimes i t was given away at death, but usually i t was buried with him. The Kootenay set great value, too, upon the power to talk to the animals. Some youths upon the f i r s t supernatural visitation became shamans, whose advice was sought both for the body and the soul. Young shamans were preferred to old, and their position was pragmatic, depending upon their success with their patients and public confidence. Although such an occurrence was not common, a shaman could be induced to k i l l an enemy for a client. Much stress was l a i d upon purity by a l l who participated i n shaman seances. Upon such occasions the shaman retired behind a blanket which partitioned off a corner of the lodge, and before which juniper smoke was kept smoldering. In his seclusion the shaman became bound, and called up as many as four sp i r i t s who mumbled with him, imparting advice which he later came forth to pass on to the assembled believers. Sometimes, they maintained that the shaman was taken away by the s p i r i t s , while others took possession behind the curtain, 4"^ At the direction of the s p i r i t s , also, the Kootenay took sweat baths, offering prayers and songs while they remained from ten to twenty minutes i n the hot steam. There were few ceremonials for occasions of economic importance, and these were but weak displays. Much has been written about their most famous ceremonial, the Sun Dance, which brought a l l the Kootenay together, and is thought to have been adopted from prairie custom. Alice Ravenhill describes i t as a winter festival held at Lake Pend 'Oreille to await the 4 5 , Turney-High: pp. 173-177 -90-return of their dead from the sun. 4^ Jenness comments upon the mutilation to which they would resort, i n the extremity of their fanaticism, chopping off the joints of the f i r s t fingers, or offering to the sun pieces of flesh from their arms and breasts. 4? W . A . Baillie-Grohman, in his Sport and Life included an i l l u s t r a t i o n , which purported to depict the physical tortures of a Kootenay sun dance. W . W . Bride in July, 1932, received this description from Matthew, inter-preter of the Kootenay tribe, at an Indian gathering above Tobacco plains. "The sun dance.... that made men out of the young bucks a huge medicine lodge, the roof supported by a central p i l l a r from which hung a single, long raw-hide rope a "Behind a ra i l i n g at one side of the lodge stood a group of braves, each with a tom-tom and a ceremonial whistle. In the centre stood the medicine man of the tribe, naked to the waist and gaudily painted3 "The f i r s t candidate enters: the tom-toms beat furiously; the whistles s h r i l l ; the squaws ranged around, pick up the burden of a chant,... The medicine man, aided by the young buck's relatives, throw him to the ground quickly and e f f i c i e n t l y . When he i s allowed to rise he has a sharp skewer of wood forced horizontally through the thick muscle of his breast. To the protruding ends of this, the l a r i a t from the post has been tied e"4o Turney-High's description differs decidedly from these. His informants were Francis Adam (Yftiisky Jim) the Sun Dance Chief at Bonner's Ferry, and Abraham Bull Robe, Crazy Dog Chief of the Elmo Band, According to these authorities the dance was held once a year preferably in the spring. It 48. W . W . Bride, Pow-wows Different Now, i n Vancouver Daily Province, March 11, 1944. 4-7. X e w n e s S i op.aj*/"", p. 36i--91-raight be skipped, as i t was in 1939 and 1940 unless the sp i r i t told them when and where to hold i t * There was no mutilation, no tying up to a pole no dragging a bison's head around by thongs tied into human flesh, no torture. Acting upon instructions for the s p i r i t s , the Sun Dance Chfef fashioned a Sun Dance Doll after three days, but sometimes as"much as three months, of ceremony and drumming in his own lodge. Then under divine direction he found the pole which was cut for erec-tion of the Sun Dance Lodge, and which must never touch the ground i n being felled. The lodge was quickly erected i n a day with much ceremony, drumming and painting. Therein was ensconced the d o l l , three feet high. Then with painted faces the whole tribe came to heap lavish gifts and abandon them-selves to an orgy of dancing which lasted three nights and two days. Afterward the gifts were distributed to the poor. The whole dance usually lasted seven days. Informants claimed the Sun Dance came from "across the eastern ocean where the Sun Dance s p i r i t lives«" Next in emotional importance came the Grizzly Bear Dance, which was the nature of a prayer for plenty at the beginning of the berry-picking season. The F i r Tree Ceremony bears an interesting resemblance to the Western Christian's Christmas tree custom. When game deer was scarce, the Kootenay decked an evergreen with gifts and prayed to i t e There was also, at one time, a midwinter festival to usher i n the New Year but this has not been held for a very long time. N Nature was neither so bountiful nor so harsh that the Kootenay ce -92-to feel the need and the efficacy of prayer* Every morning the adult family l e f t the children asleep to go out and pray, invoking the Dawn to help their children, and the Sun to help other young people who were not their r e l a t i v e s 8 4 9 The Kootenay have always been proud of the lingu i s t i c d i f f i c u l t i e s of their speech,, As in speaking Chinese, tone pitch with them alters meaning. For example a akal, as written, means a cloud, and is pronounced with f a l l i n g pitch on the f i r s t syllable; i f this pitch is altered to a rising one the word means gunny-sack. Long words are built up polysyllabically, and the grammar is exacting. Bothelipper and Lower Kootenay dialects are i n process of rapid change, not through intro-duction of English words, or new coined words from the machine age, but from the lip-laziness of Kootenay youth. Moreover, as they become bilingual they are losing the rich vocabulary of Kootenain synonyms with which they used to be familiar 0 The Italian "a" which was the "a a" introduction to vowel sounds is giving place to the nasalized "ae" sound. Both Turney-High and Edward Sapir believe the Kootenay had some former connection with Easter Indians, but Turney-High does not agree with Sapir i n placing them i n the Algonkin-Wakashan language group Various myths and legends have come down to us from these people. They are usually long explanations of those natural phenomena most necessary for existence. The chief figures, as a rule, are animals, and few men appear, li k e the story which t e l l s how the coyote brought the salmon to this 4 $ . Turney-High: op. c i t . pp. I78-I88 50. Ibid: pp 189-190 - 9 3 -country. In her book Alic e Ravenhill quotes i n f u l l one Kootenay fable, which draws a moral from the infe c t i o u s •51 q u a l i t y of fears that have no foundation. Coyote, wolf, and g r i z z l y bear, each f l e e i n turn at sight of other's fear, u n t i l they discover that a running rabbit began t h i s f l i g h t . Then they a l l laugh at t h e i r own f o l l y . Non-linguistic communication was confined mainly to the Upper Kootenay, They never used smoke signals, but the entire Plains sign language was used expertly by them, and was f a i r l y well known to the Lower Bands, 52 Hospitable, kindly the Kootenays had quick perceptions: they were r e l i a b l e and possessed of a keen sense of humour. Too remote to be much reached before the second h a l f of the nineteenth century, they had already s e t t l e d to ranching and r a i s i n g horses before white and yellow prospectors poured into feast upon the wealth below the s o i l . The unfortunate degeneration, f o r the Indians, r e s u l t i n g from such incursion had been sadly f o r e t o l d by Father de Smet and by W.A. B a i l l i e Grohman. "....to a great extent I found the Kootenays to be i n 1883 just what de Smet described them to be i n 1845, the only exception being perhaps that gambling among themselves had increased to a dangerous degree. They are without exception, the only t r i b e p e r f e c t l y untrammelled by white man's presence i n close promimity I,,, But the simple Kootenay days are numbered, for the whites are beginning to Invade t h e i r i s o l a t e d realm, t h i s year they are to have a reserve assigned to them by the Government, I t w i l l be an i n t e r e s t i n g but sugges-t i v e l y sad study to watch the rapid d e t e r i o r a t i o n which w i l l i n e v i t a b l y take place. The evening prayer b e l l that now sounds i n every l i t t l e Kootenay camp, strangely out of place as i t seems, w i l l no longer be heard, while the breechclout w i l l be replaced by white-men's cast-o f f dress . " 5 3 51. Ravenhill: op. c i t , p. 98 52. Turney-High: l o c . c i t . p. 190 53. B a i l l i e Grohman: Appendix to W. Barnby's L i f e and Labour i n the Far Far West p. 420 -94-In the days of the gold rush,54 t h e I n d l a n s k e p t proudly aloof from the whites, and such was the chief's control over his tribe, that infringements of this rule were severely punished,, When the white tide of settlers swept west across the prairies and the buffalo died out on the plains the Indians were taught by the Catholic Fathers to plant and reap and tend their own cattle. For this purpose, Father Leon Fouquet O.M.I, established the f i r s t permanent mission among the Kootenays i n October, 1&74 on St, Mary's river, six miles above i t s junction with the Kootenay, The two storpp-log house was the beginning of St. Eugene Mission, During the thirteen years of his service there, Father Fouquet laboured with understanding and zeal to teach the Indians how to make their land yield a generous crop. By this time white settlers were steadily f i l t e r i n g in, yet the Father bears testimony to the high character of the people he knew so.well, while he strove to reconcile them to their l o t e That the white settlers f e l t uneasy i n their new claimed land, i s proved by the fact that they petitioned the provincial government to establish a military post in.this d i s t r i c t , as early as 1874,55 theyvery year i n which Father Fouquet came. For ten years the government did nothing, while Indian unrest continued to smoulder without breaking out. Chief Isadore of the Upper Kootenays, considering his tribe to be rightful owners of this valley resented the coming 54. ?/ild Horse Creek 1865 55. Andrew Mara, their representative in the Provincial House moved a resolution to that effect. Sessional papers, 1865 Quoted in S.L. Thrupp op. c i t , p. 48, -95-of farmers, miners and railway surveyors, white and yellow a As he looked into the future, he saw the time when his people would be outcasts in their own land. Moreover, in the United States, whose nearby Indian settlements were often visited by his tribe, Isadore thought a similiar problem was being treated with generosity and justice. There the Indians were given compensation for lands taken away, annuties, and large reserves Moreover, even i n Canada, the Dominion Government was making treaties with the Plains Indians, The focal point of unrest came to be the grazing area east of the Columbia Lakes, where Isadore rs people had about four hundred head of cattle and five hundred horses. Until 1882, the only settler here had been Baptiste Morigeau, whose house and trading post ware accepted on the creek of this name. With the approach of the Canadian Pacific Railway, however, employees of the company began to stake off land and record their claims, some of which lay on the cattle run. Finally in 1883, A.S. Farwell was sent to make a report, and although he wrote that " a l l the upper Kootenays are c i v i l , good natured and appear well disposed towards the whites," in his report, dated December 31 of the same year, he urged "the grave necessity of settling the Indian land claims^in this d i s t r i c t at the earliest possible date."?° Upon receipt of this report, the government lost no time in sending Peter O'Reilly, Indian Commissioner, to settle the question, and after careful consideration of Indian needs, 56, A.S. Farwell: Report, Dec. 31, 1883 quoted i n S.L. Thrupp op. c i t . p. 4-9, -96-by the end of 1884, he had allotted reservations of about forty-two thousand acres, including blocks on Tobacco Plains, the Lower Kootenay and Lower Columbia Lakes, a reserve on St. Mary's river, and three ranches. The Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works protested that this was too much, but the grants remained as O'Reilly defined them. Insadore, however did not consider them enough. Two more grievances fanned his fury to flame. Colonel Baker bought"and began to cultivate land which Isadore considered to be his own, and one of his tribesmen was accused of a murder, and, i n I887, wasV-lhdgedrinea Wild Horse j a i l . The chief, thoroughly roused, galloped with his braves to Wild Horse and freed the accused, refusing to recognize the constable's authority. The whites were now in terror of an Indian uprising. The government ordered a detachment of mounted police under Major Steele fio proceed to the d i s t r i c t , white a Commission was set up to effect a settlement. When he arrived at the end of June, Major Steele leased land at the mouth of Wild Horse Creek and began to build a fort. Isadore delivered his tribesman for t r a l , whereupon the latter was freed for lack of evidence, and the other matters, were amicably settled by compromise» Just as this d i f f i c u l t point, when the Indians were f i l l e d with distrust and hatred of white settlers, Father Nicholas Coccola, O.M.I, arrived at the mission to replace Father Fouquet, whom fa i l i n g health forced to retire. Late in the f a l l of 1887, he proceeded from Golden alone with an Indiana guide into the country of the Kootenays. The latter were in no -97-mood to welcome him, A band of young braves rode up to stare ut him silently and then turn abruptly with their "variegated blankets painted faces, hair frizzed out and f u l l of wire and other ornaments,"57 No wonder his f i r s t night on the bone strewn floor of a Kootenay tepee was a wakeful onej But he knew how to deal with them; f u l l of understanding and sympathy, he proved his friendship and smoothed the way for their submission to the white man's plan. In October I89O, at the request of the Indians, a school was opened at St, Eugene Mission with the Sisters of Providence in charge. Father Coccola laboured here u n t i l his Ye**ova\ to STuaVt /Lake in »3o£.Yet in spite, of such devotion and the education of their children in the school the Kootenays have been overtaken by moral and physical degeneration. Ages of living on a spare diet, or rather, alternating buffalo feast with famine, have produced a people of l i t t l e stamina, every year they trap less. At present they seem content with their l o t . It i s to be hoped that further degeneration may somehow be arrested and that by education they may be brought to more healthful l i v i n g . Before 1850, the/Kootenay numbered about 1200, today they are about 1050, of whom 435 are i n Canada in six bands Arrow Lakes 4, Lower Columbia Lake 93, Lower Kootenay 71, Shuswap 50, St. Mary's 159> Tobacco Plains 58a59 The Upper Kootenay stock today i s mixed with Shuswap, since a small group of the latter Indians came to settle around the Columbia lakes at some time early i n the 19th century, 57. Denys Nelson: Memoirs of Father Coccola, quoted i n S.L. Thrupp op. c i t . p. 46, 58. "My uncle, Father Nicholas Coccola, O.M.I..died on the f i r s t of March 1943 at the Smithers Hospital and was buried at the Le Jac Industrial School," Letter from Jean .Coccola, Powell River July 10, 1945. (Affairs Branch, 1939, P. 6. • 59. Census of Indians in Canada, Dept. of Mines ancT^resources, Indian -98-V- MINING DEVELOPMENT LEADS TO. SETTLEMENT It was the inaccessibility of Kootenay and Columbia valleys which permitted the Aboriginal Indians to develop the culture we have described. It was the rivalry of fur trading companies which opened this rugged region to the explorations of intrepid white men. Not, however, u n t i l the second half of the nineteenth century was revealed the abundant mineral wealth which brought settlement to the Kootenays, and made this rich area a prize to be coveted by both nations then developing north and south of the newly defined boundary, parallel 49° a on mountain tops, in sand-bars along rivers and creeks, on the shores of lakes, "base" metals and "precious" lay awaiting man's desire to put ithem to his uses. In the last two decades of the nineteenth century, the prosperity of Great Britain, and especially of the United States spurred enterprising adventuress to over-come nature's obstacles. Pathless forests and impassable waterfalls could no longer hold back the opening of the Bluebell, the Silver King, Red Mountain and Silver Slocan. In 1854, Alfred Waddington, a former Mariposa miner, saw an Indian chief i n the Colville country who had placer gold i n his possession. 1 On September 4, l859> Captain John Palliser found Scotsmen, Americans, and Indians working for / gold on the Pend d ^ r e i l l e and Salmon rivers, and on the 1. H.H. Bancroft: History of British Columbia. San Fransisco History Co. Ltd." Ib90 - p. 348," - 9 9 -Columbia near the mouth of the Pend d'Oreille* 2 The same activity was observed in the f i r s t report upon the geology of this country prepared by He Bauerman, i n connection with the Boundary Commission expedition of 1859-61, which purposed to establish the position of the 4 9 t h parallel in this area. Since these observations were never printed, no-reference i s made to them in the geological survey reports on British Columbia u n t i l 1884.3 Although this gold working was a part of the northward movement of placer mining, not Salmon River and the Pend d'Oreille, but Wild Horse Creek, and the Big Bend became centres of the f i r s t mining rush to the Kootenays in the l860*s. As the California rush of 1849 passed i t s peak prospectors drifted northward into Oregon picking up a few nuggets along the Yakima, Pend d'Oreille and Coeur d'Alene rivers, 4" but prevented by Indian wars from venturing further. Hopes frustrated by the failure of the Queen Charlotte 2 e Captain Palliser's Explorations in British North America 1863 p. 160 "I took an observation here in latitude about 4 9 ° 1 « . and the mouth of the Pendoreilla River i s about three-quarters of a mile within the British Territories. While I was observ-ing, a c i r c l e of Scotchmen, Americans and Indians surrounded me, anxiously awaiting my decision as to whether the diggings were in American property or not: strange to say the Americans were quite as much pleased at my pronouncing in favour of Her Majesty as the Scotchmen: and the Indians began cheering for King George." 3. Report by H. Bauerman, from observations made l 8 5 9 ~ 6 l , upon the geology of the country near the 4 9 t h parallel of North Latitude, West of the Rocky Mountains, published 1884, i n Report of Progress. 1882-3-4, Geological and Natural History Survey and Museum of Canada: A.R.C. SeTwyn Director: Montreal Dawson Bros. 1885, P. 3 7 B . " I n the Pend 'Oreille valley during the season of 1858, the gravel terraces lying above the present high water level were successfully worked for gold, as much as £20 per man per diem, having been re
UBC Theses and Dissertations
A history of the West Kootenay district in British Columbia Cottingham, Mollie Esther 1947
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