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Francois Xavier Garneau; an appraisal Elliott, Gordon R. 1954

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F R . A N g O I S X A V I E R G i R J E J L U A H A P P R A I S A L by GORDON R. ELLIOTT A THESIS SUBMITTED IH PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS In the Department of HISTORY We accept this thesis as conforming to tbe standard required from candidates for the degree of MASTER.OF ARTS. Members of the Department of History THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA A p r i l , 1954. A B S T R A C T of F R A H g O I . S X A V I E R G A R N E A U AN A P P R A I S A L i Francois Javier Garneau was born i n Quebec i n 1809 and died there i n 1866* He has attracted more attention than any other French Canadian historian, although he had f i r s t achieved a certain popularity as a nation-a l i s t poet. Following the publication of Lord Durham's report, Garneau wrote the Histqire du Canada depuis sa Decouverte .iuscm'a nos Jours. In doing so he awakened a great interest i n the past and has been a principal source of»French Canadian nationalistic thought to the present day. As the "historien national" he i s always lauded and praised. This was not always the case. Garneau did not follow the pattern of a typical French Canadian boy. He was never educated i n a Church school and i n fact refused a classical education i f he had to become a priest i n order to obtain i t . Following his formal education he was apprenticed to a Scottish notary who had a library of l i b e r a l thought and i t was from the l i b e r a l thinkers of his day that Garneau formed his philosophy. In 1851 he went to Europe and for two years associated with li b e r a l s i n England. On his return to Quebec, he worked with the patriote party. He probably began to write his history after Durham's insults to the French Canadian people and published his f i r s t edition over three years, 1845, 1846 and 1848. He was as s c i e n t i f i c as possible, but was not objective. He wrote interestingly and well and his book was the f i r s t of the histories of French Canada to t e l l the whole story and to carry a theme. His i s a history of war and p o l i t i c s and he ignored as much as possible the religious side of the picture. He was a l i b e r a l of the type dangerous to the Church at that time, and because he was a n t i - c l e r i c a l , the Church opposed him. A second edition i n 1852 was changed i n style and improved i n documentation, but was exactly the same i n philosophy. No doubt Church -criticism increased. Garneau knew the f i n a l re-sults of facing Church antagonism and appears to have written his third edi-tion and then given i t to a priest who could remove a l l material which was doctrinally incorrect before publication i n 1859. This third edition i s im-proved again i n style and documentation, and i s even more nationalistic than the two earlier ones. Because he submitted the third edition to a "competent ecclesiastic" for expurgation, Garneau i s lauded, and the third edition i s considered to be the one containing his true thoughts. French Canadian historians believe that the act of submission signified conversion. The priest i n fact re-moved much of Garneau's ant i - c l e r i c a l thinking, but could not remove i t a l l without changing the entire work. Evidence remains i n the third edi-tion to show that Garneau had not changed his mind. These historians also ignore letters which help to show that Garneau did not change his mind, yet the same letters are used to indicate his qualities as an historian. Without evidence, French Canadian historians i n s i s t that Garneau changed his mind on doctrine. They probably f e e l i t necessary to avoid using material suggesting that he had not. Garneau was a nationalistic historian who produced a cult of nationalist writers and prompted an aware-ness of a glorious past. To keep this awareness alive, French Canadian writers, virtually a l l Roman Catholic and nationalistic, ignore what i s distasteful to them, presumably i n order to promote his popularity and their own ends. Nobody seems to have carefully compared the second and th i r d editions, nor to have combined the results of such a comparison with the evidence provided by the printed letters. Garneau's philosophy had been formed by education and experience and i t did not change. There i s l i t t l e difference i n the two editions except i n style, documentation and emphasis? the philosophy, although diluted i n the third edition, has not been entire-l y destroyed. F R A N g O I S X .A V I E E G A R N E A U A H A P P R A I S A L CONTENTS I Garneau's L i f e 1 II Education 9 III Philosophy 24 IV The Histoire du- Canada 36 V The "Competent Ecclesiastic" and His Blue Pencil. 67 VI Did Garneau Change His Mind? 107 VII Summary 125 Bibliography 138 Appendix CHAPTER I G A R N E A U'S L I F E Francois Xavier Garneau has attracted more attention than any-other French Canadian historian, and his popularity has remained constant to the present day. He achieved a certain eminence f i r s t as the patriotic poet from whom arose the nineteenth century cult of French Canadian nation-a l i s t i c literature. Although Garneau showed a remarkably alert interest i n history before 1838, he turned from writing poetry to writing history after the publication of Lord Durham's famous report on the Canadian colo-nies. With the publication of his Histoire du Canada depuis sa Decouverte  .insau'a nos Jours r^ Garneau started a trend toward greater interest i n a romantic past and became the well-spring of todayfe French Canadian nation-alism. The f i r s t edition was severely c r i t i c i s e d , mainly by religious writers, and the third was. changed to meet the criticism. The consequence of the change i s that French Canadian historians, v i r t u a l l y a l l Roman Ca-tholic, accept the third edition as containing the writer's true thoughts. A comparison of the texts shows that i n both factual, detail and i n philo-sophy the corrections were superficial and did nothing to destroy Garneaufe achievement. With Garneau, Canadian historiography came to maturity after the efforts of Pierre Francois Xavier de Charlevoix, the religious histor-ian whose work had been the standard text for a hundred years, and after the labour of the anti-French William Smith, the factual mass of the non-interpretive Joseph Francois Perrault, and the pro-British plagiarist, Michel Bibaud. o 1 Francois Xavier Garneau, Histoire du Canada depuis sa Decouverte .iusqu1 a  nos Jours. Quebec, 1845-1848, 5 volumes. Unless otherwise indicated a l l -editions are hereafter referred to as Histoire or Histoire du Canada. Franpois Xavier Garneau was born i n Quebec on June 15, 1809. His was an old Canadian family which came originally from the village of Grimou-diere i n Poitou and which once bore the name mGarnault n. The f i r s t of the Garnault family came to Canada i n 1662 and married Marie Mazoue who had come to New France from La Rochelle. The historian's father, also Franpois Xav-i e r , born i n 1781 at Saint Augustin about fi f t e e n miles from Quebec, was the son of a poor but respectable farming family. Seeing no future on tne farm, he went to the city of Quebec i n 1808 immediately following his marriage to Gertrude Amyot-Villeneuve, also of Saint Augustin. Their f i r s t child, born the next year i n the Saint Jean neighbourhood, was given his father's name. The couple had two other sons and one daughter. One brother and the sister outlived the historian, the other brother died i n Mexico i n 1847. 1 The f i r s t Franpois Xavier Garneau was only moderately successful i n the city. Untrained for anything but farming, he made a l i v i n g for his family as a waggoner and saddler. He then bought a boat and became a pedd-l e r along the banks of the St. Lawrence, but he was not very successful and found the work depressing. Exhausted, he opened a tavern i n 1825, but died i n 1830 before he had become financially secure. The son Franpois was i n Europe at the time when his father died, and entered i n his diary, which he later published, the simple fact that his father "emporta seulement avec.lui dans l a tombe l a reputation d'un citoyen honnete et r.eligieux comme l'a v a i -ent ete ses peres."^ Growing up i n the streets of Quebec and l i v i n g i n the ancient city had influences on the small, quiet, sensitive boy.. The d i s t r i c t i n which the family lived was not crowded with houses then, but was a series of small 2 Franpois Xavier Garneau, Voyage en Angleterre et en France dans les Annies  1851. 1852 et 1855. Quebec, Cot6, 1855. This book i s hereafter referred to as Voyage. An abridgement of this work appeared with i t s complete t i t l e as Voyages. gardens and open fields^ broken by various homes, stretching from Saint Gene-vieve to.the Saint Jean gate. In a l l directions lay areas of hi s t o r i c a l i n -terest to Canada and to French Canadians: the St. Lawrence Valley, the Saint Charles, the fie l d s of Beauport and the Plains of Abraham. In the Upper Town was the garrison of Bri t i s h soldiers, and as Garneau grew older he often talked to them of the places they had seen. His f i r s t acquaintance with the soldiers he made one day when he escaped the watchful eye of his mother, wandered into the city through the gates of Saint Jean, and found his way to the Upper Town where the soldiers fed him and played with him. Late i n the evening his father found him s,itting on the knee of a soldier and playing with a drum. As he grew, another person influenced him, and he learned tales, of the French heroes as well as those of the B r i t i s h as told by his soldier friends. Occasionally the family i i i Quebec would return to Saint Augustin to v i s i t the boy's grandfather who s t i l l lived on the farm. Old Jacques Gar-neau had been born i n 1753 and was therefore six years old at the time of the conquest. During the la s t few years of the French rule, and i n the ear-l y days of the conquerors, he had heard many stories of the heroic vanquish-ed people and i n his old age was able to t e l l them to his interested grand-children. The vague, simple legends, told simply but emotionally described battles the old man had never seen, but had often lived, and entranced his young listeners: Mon v i e i l aleul...assis sur l a galerie de sa longue maison blanche, per-chee au sommet de l a butte qui domine l a v i e i l l e eglise de Saint-Augustin, nous montrait de sa main tremblante de theatre du combat naval de l'Ata- lante avec plusieur.s vaisseaux anglais, combat dont i l avait et£ temoin dans son enfance. I I aimait a. raconter comment plusieurs de ses oncles avaient peri dans les luttes herolques de cette epoque, et a nous rap-, peler l e nom des lieux ou. s'£tajent livres une partie des glorieux com-bats restes dans ses souvenirs." 3 Garneau, Voyage, p. 172. 4 Fortunately the boy's father recognized the potentialities of his eldest son and was determined to send him to school. The one chosen was that run by M. Parent and was located i n the v i c i n i t y of Saint Genevieve i n the rue Saint Real. The boy later went to school to Joseph Francois Per-rault, the historian, and became the latter's assistant at the Court of King's Bench. When sixteen, Francois Xavier was apprenticed to the Scot-t i s h notary, Archibald Campbell and, after finishing his apprenticeship during which he came into contact with many English-speaking people, he was hired to work for Campbell. He stayed only u n t i l he had saved enough money to v i s i t London and Paris for a few months. Garneau spent a short time i n England before going to France, but on his return to London from Paris Denis Benjamin Viger persuaded him tb remain there for a while. Viger was at that time the agent for Lower Canada i n England. Garneau, then twenty-two years old, stayed with Viger as his secretary and had an opportunity to work on papers and documents of impor-tance to the people of Quebec. By 1853 he was anxious to return home. His father had died and his mother was alone and worrying about her son. Before returning to Canada he made another t r i p to Paris with Viger. He arrived in Quebec in.the spring of 1833 and began working as a notary. His mother died i n July 1835 and the following month he married Esther Bilodeau of La Canardiere. She, too, was of an old Canadien^family and apparently they had some money. Garneau worked as a notary for only a short time before deciding that he was not a success i n the profession. In the year of his marriage, therefore, he became an accountant i n the Bank of Quebec. At this time the colony was tense as the Rebellions of 1837 and 1838 approached. Fran-4 ,nCanadienn was often used by Garneau to refer to "French Canadian B. The word i s used i n the same sense i n this thesis. 5 cois Xavier had come in contact with the liberal ideas of Europe and, a Canadien of so many generations, began to support the patriotes in their fight for political freedom. Because he was small and not strong, he sup-ported them with his pen and in an executive position. In March 1854 he had become one of the secretaries of the Constitutional Committee of Quebec and was therefore influential in the movement. He was not, however, rashly rebellious, probably because he had seen the value of constitutional government while in England. When the fi r s t split in the patriote party came, at the time ELzear Bedard broke with Louis Joseph Papineau, Garneau stayed with the leader and published anonymous articles in the Quebec Gazette under the name "Ami du statu quo". When Papineau became too radical, however, the ardent nationalist Garneau would not support him. By writing political material Garneau was probably discovering that he could write prose. He had already become known as a poet, for in 1855 he had had poems published in a new journal, L'Abeille Canadienne. edited by himself and James Huston, one of the promoters of l'Institut Canadien de Montreal. This weekly lasted from December 7, 1855, until February 7, 1854; the connection with Huston continued for., some years. In 1841 Garneau, with David Roy, published a literary and scientific journal, L'Institut. This periodical contained material of an intellec-tual nature and appeared only from March 7 until May 22. The best of Gar-neau* s poems have been printed in the f i r s t two volumes of Le Repertoire  National. ^  a four-volume collection of the prose and verse written between 1777 and 1850, compiled and published by Huston between 1848 and 1850. 5 James Huston, Ed., Le Repertoire National. 2nd, Montreal, Valois, 1893, four volumes. The f i r s t volume contains eight poems by Garneau; the second contains eleven. 6 That Garneau*s predilection for history developed early i s evident i n his published diaries, but the interest i s also evident i n his poems. "Le dernier Huron11, written i n 1840, looked to the future and one feels the pa-r a l l e l between the last lonely Indian and the la s t b i t of French culture i n North America. "Les Exiles' 1, written i n 1841, concerns the Rebellion of 1827, and "Louise" i s a ballad with an h i s t o r i c a l theme also written ia 1830. S t i l l at the bank i n 1840 and s t i l l a nationalist, he signed the resolutions to the Assembly protesting the Union. In 1842 he helped to or-ganize the Society of Saint-Jean-Baptiste de Quebec. That year also he l e f t the bank and went to the Legislative Assembly as French translator at a sa-lary of eight hundred dollars a year. Only a few months a year were required for the work, and he had time to do hi s t o r i c a l research. His health was not good, .and because his family worried about him he l e f t the position of trans-lator i n 1844 and became Clerk for the City at twelve hundred dollars a year. The year following the last change i n occupation Garneau published the f i r s t volume of the f i r s t edition of his Histoire. In 1846 the second volume appeared and i n 1848 the third. The three volumes of the f i r s t edi-tion covered the period from the discovery u n t i l the Constitutional Act of 1791. Garneau's only h i s t o r i c a l prose publications to this time had been articles on episodes i n the story of French Canada. With the appearance of the third volume, i n May 1848, the Legis-lative Assembly voted him a thousand dollars to continue his work and the Governor, Lord Elgin, offering to help him, made him a member of the Con-s e i l de 1'instruction Publique. He was president of l'Institut Canadien for the term 1851-52, and continued his work to issue a second edition of his history i n 1852. This edition included the period from the Constitu-tion Act of 1791 to the Act of Union of 1840. 7 Garneau had been well liked by both French and British . The small, nervous man was a well known figure i n his native Quebec. He was f i v e feet fiv e inches t a l l , slight, had a brownish, oval face, hazel eyes and a bald head, although i n his youth he had had ligh t brown hair. He was quiet and sad appearing, yet an animated speaker when on a topic i n which he was i n -terested. He had li v e d i n Quebec since his return from Europe except for nine years following his marriage, u n t i l he became i l l with epilepsy. Those years he lived a t La Canardiere, a d i s t r i c t near Quebec, i n his "petite mai-son blanche" on the road to Beauport. He and his wife had nine children, only four of whom outlived their mother who died i n Ottawa i n 1893. Garneau . knew the city i n which he was born as well as any man could. His natural sympathy lay with the French people, but he knew the B r i t i s h well, their laws, their language and their customs. When he became a national figure the Quebec Journal persuaded him to publish the notes and diary he had kept during his t r i p to Europe. These appeared i n s e r i a l form between November 1854 and May 1855 i n that newspaper. The l a t t e r year, 1855, they were produced as one volume with the t i t l e , Voyage en Angleterre et en France dans les annees^ 1851. 1832  et 1855. Garneau was not satisfied with the edition and suppressed i t a t once. Two years later, i n 1856, he abridged his history for use i n the Quebec schools, A revised third edition of the Histoire was published i n 1859, but by then Garneau was very i l l . ' He had suffered from epilepsy since 1845 and the disease had become increasingly worse, especially since a bad a t -tack i n 1846. In 1864, due to sickness, he had to resign his position on the Conseil de 1*Instruction Publlque and two years later, when his health broke completely, he had to leave his position with the City of Quebec 8 which granted him a pension of a thousand dollars. In January 1866 he col-lapsed i n the snow, contracted pleurisy, and after fifteen days of suffer-ing died on February 3 at the age of f i f t y - s i x . He was buried i n Quebec's Belmont cemetery. Garneau*s work has lived for over a hundred years and he i s s t i l l looked upon .as French Canada's greatest historian. He was preparing a fourth edition when he died. That edition appeared i n 1882 under the aus-pices of his son Alfred and his many friends including Pierre Joseph O l i -vier Chauveau, formerly Premier of Quebec, Benjamin Suite, the author of Melanges His t o r i aues. and the nationalist poet, Louis Frechette. Four other editions have been published in French by the author's grandson, Bscbor Gar-neau.. AlAndrem" B e l l translated the work into English. Two abridgements were made of the Voyage . As early as 1862 Garneau's influence was being f e l t i n Quebec. In 1861 the Abbe Jean Baptiste Antoine Ferland, professor of history at Laval since 1855, published the f i r s t volume of his Cours d'histoire du  Canada, and a nationalistic school of poets appeared with Frechette as i t s recognized leader. Garneau continued to influence French Canadian l i t e r a -ture u n t i l after the turn of the century and his influence on Canadian his-toriography has been tremendous. He brought i t to maturity, and the work that he l e f t was destined.to be a mainspring for the nationalistic inspira-tion of French Canadian historians thereafter. CHAPTER II E D U C A T I O N 9 Garneau1s education divides quite easily into separate parts: the formal and the non-academic. In .addition to those two kinds of training, of crucial importance was the child's development at home. This home i n -fluence was exerted .as long as he was there, or at least u n t i l he went to Europe. I t must also be remembered that while Garneau*s family background was similar to that of almost any Canadien boy at that time, his education makes a complete break with tradition for he never had a church education and he spent" two years i n Europe. At the age of fiv e Francois Xavier was enrolled i n a neighbour-hood school run by two eccentrics, Parent and Morin. This school, near the rue Saint Real, was inexpensive, and his parents could afford to send him to i t . There the boy learned the fundamentals of grammar -and a r i t h -metic, but l i t t l e else. Young and timid, seldom playing with other boys, he went there for seven years, u n t i l he had outgrown this elementary i n -struction. In the autumn of 1821, when he was twelve, he entered a more advanced, experimental school which opened that year i n the same neighbour-hood. I t had been founded by the philanthropist Joseph Franpois Perrault. Born before the conquest and self-educated, Perrault had been a fur trader, Indian fighter and buffalo hunter. He had moved to Quebec to work at the Court of King's Bench, but was concerned with everything, including his work. He had a special interest i n education, jurisprudence, belles l e t -tres, history and above a l l agriculture. I t was he who had brought the Swiss, Amury Girod, to the country to manage an experimental farm. Girod later took part i n the Rebellion of 1837. Perrault himself wrote a small Histoire du Canada, .and at the age of eighty-five published his biography. This was no ordinary man who took an interest i n Franpois Xavier Garneau. He did not teach i n the school, but visited i t regularly. Perrault, "curieusement traditionaliste et novateur".,''" had ad-opted the Lancasterian method of instruction, the essence of which was the monitorial system. The students were divided into discussion groups. The answers to set questions were memorized u n t i l they could be recited. The teacher taught a superior monitor, of monitor general, who taught the lesser monitors. These i n turn taught the separate groups. Although con-sidered progressive at that time, the school would not be considered ad-vanced today, for i t was merely the traditional memori^tJQnii.and-TOC.'^dbration type. Young Garneau, studious and grave, became a monitor general and at least came close to the source of information. The boy finished the course when he was fourteen after having studied a l l the basic subjects, but having indicated special interests i n poetry and history. As a moni-tor he had not had perfect freedom for study, but was close to the only educated people connected with the school. Franpois Xavier was keenly interested i n a class i c a l college training, but his family was poor and found financing an education to be a major problem. Nevertheless, his appetite for knowledge whetted, he was determined to continue his studies, and according to the legend he per-suaded his mother to .accompany him to the Petite Seminaire and to beg the authorities to admit him. She did so: Prenez mon f i l s , je vous en prie...[she i s supposed to have said]. I I est vrai que je suis trop pauvre pour payer les frais.de son education: mais mon f i l s est un jeune homme laborjeux. Apres :ses etudes faites, i l gagnera de 1 •.•argent, et i l promet de vous payer alors.*" 1 Gustave Lanctot, Garneau l'Historien National, Montreal, Fides, 1946, p. 2 H.R. Casgrain, F.-X. Garneau et Francis Parkman. Montreal, Beauchemin, 1926, p. 17. 11 The Superior could not agree to supporting and educating the boy for eight years. According to the story, however, Mgr. Signay, curl of Quebec and head of the Seminary, later Bishop and Archbishop of Quebec, heard good reports of the boy and of his w i l l to study. At that time the priest, needed new recruits for the clergy, and meeting Francois Xavier on the street, told him that a classical education could be obtained i f he would study for the priesthood. 0 The boy would not accept the condition. As his grandson Hector Garneau said, "Qui salt? peut-etre couvaient deja, sous ce front neuf, l e besoin passionne de liberte, 1'instinct d*independence qui eclateront dans I'homme precocement mur." The boy refused, perhaps not knowing ex-5 a c t l y why himself a t that age: •Impossible, repondit l e jeune homme avec cette droiture et cette fran-chise qui caracteriserent toute sa vie [according to Oasgrain]: je ne me sens pas appele au sacerdoce. Perrault, who had noticed the boy earlier, relieved what might have been an embarrassing situation and used him as clerk at the city re-cording of f i c e . Several times each week he and another clerk about the same age, Dufault, went to Perrault's home for lessons i n English, Latin, history and literature. At the same time Perrault allowed the boy free use of a private library containing works on law, jurisprudence, .and h i s -g tory, as well as material on Plato .and Socrates. For two years Francois Xavier continued this semi-directed study while at the same time working S Lanctot,. op. c i t . . p. 18. 4 Histoire du Canada. 6th edition, "Introduction" by Hector Garneau, p. xxvii. 5 Casgrain, loot c i t . 6 Henri d'Arles, Nos historiens. Montreal, l fAction francaise, p. 89. D fArles suggests there was not enough material on Plato and Socrates. dally with Perrault. His work on legal documents required his reading law; he became a good writer and familiar with rules and procedure. This training naturally led him to consider becoming a notary. His parents and Perrault agreed, and the latter presented him to the well-known not-iary, Archibald Campbell. Campbell .and Garneau signed a contract i n 1825 stipulating that the former was to train the boy as a notary.. Although other apprentices i n the office received nothing for their labour, Garneau, while working hard to learn the profession, received fifty-two dollars a year i n return for his work. Like Perrault, Campbell recognized something unusual i n his new clerk and willingly paid for a boy who would so diligently improve himself. At the same time Campbell opened his large .and revealing li b r a r y to the student. In his youthful years, while studying to be a notary, Garneau received .an education i n what Roman Catholic writers consider to be the most dangerous doctrine ever known. He found his models i n radical French literature and imitated them purposefully. New books and ideas were accessible to him i n two ways. There were public l i b r a r i e s . At that time as well Quebec had two other f a i r l y good collections of books on which Garneau might draw. The Bibliotheque de Quebec, founded by Governor Haldimand i n 1779, by 1796 had 2,664 books i n English and French. The parliamentary library, opened i n 1792, i n 1817 contained 1,000 volumes and by 1835, 5,500 vol-umes. Olivier Maurrault points out that a great many books of. a l l types were coming from France - i n the early nineteenth century although for a long time this was not thought to be the case. These could be obtained 7 George Robitaille, "L'Eistoire du Canada", Le Canada Francais. 12:510, March, 1925. 8 Olivier Maurrault, "La vie intellectuelle au temps de Garneau", Centen-^ aire de l'Histoire du Canada de Franpois Xavier Garneau. Montreal, Societe" Historique de Montreal, 1945, pp. 55-69, cf. Casgrain, op. c i t . . p. 18. 13 i n the city l i b r a r i e s , and several newspapers carried the latest European ideas. 9 Garneau himself could not buy books on fifty-two dollars a year. The most important notary i n the city, a director of banks and companies, Campbell was able to own a good selection. As a member of benevolent and social societies, he owned books dealing with relevant topics. His inter-est i n literature and science led him to acquire material i n English, French and Latin. An active member of the Quebec Histo r i c a l Society, he had books on history. In this library, the boy had access to the ancient classics as well as to the most modern of philosophical, s c i e n t i f i c and p o l i t i c a l thought. Here his education really began. He had some leisure, and read i n an organized fashion. He even made an attempt to learn I t a l i a n . At this time the French Romantics were at their peak of popularity i n Quebec, and he had every opportunity to become versed i n the best from both France and England. He could have read de S t a l l , and he did read Chateaubriand, the founder of the "religion de l a Revolution".^° He also read Augustin Thierry, whose idea of the antagonism of the races was purely evolutionary. The Social Contract of Jean Jacques Rousseau was i n Quebec and had been roundly denounced by the church, as Voltaire had been. Garneau was bom when nineteenth century romanticism was colour-ing thought and writing the world over and, as Emile Begin shows i n Le  Canada franpais f he had every chance of being influenced by i t i n thought and i n style because i t was almost his whole intellectual environment."^ 9 Olivier Maurrault, BLa vie intellectuelle au temps de Gameau n, Centen-a i r e de 1'Histoire du Canada de Franpois, Xavier Garneau. Montreal, Societe Historique de Montreal, 1945, p. 60. 10 Robitaille, op. c i t . . p. 515. 11 Emile Begin, "Garneau et l e RomantismeB, Le Canada Franpais. 29(1):127-154, October, 1941. 14 By the end of his five-year apprenticeship he had read Fenimore Cooper, as well as William Shakespeare, John Milton, .and above a l l , Lord Byron. Horace he read i n Latin. There i s l i t t l e doubt that, despite an interest i n the less revolutionary ideas Romanticism coloured his l i f e and his s p i r i t . Gustave Lanctot states that Garneau was not influenced by Vol-taire, but Marcel Trudel, i n his study of Voltaire,"^ has proved that . the Canadian was not only influenced by him, but also plagiarized him. In Byron Garneau met ideas <of heroism and liberty. That these ideas fe l l on f r u i t f u l ground i s obvious i n his later l i f e , but they were i n evi-dence earlier i n his refusal to accept the conditional education. In A l -phonse de Lamartine's poetry he found ideas on patriotism. He learned from Adolphe Thiers and Thierry. Francois Guizot and Jules Michelet he read u n t i l almost the end of his l i f e , a t least u n t i l 1862.^ He continued with his reading during his apprenticeship which finished when he obtained his license as notary i n June 1830. Campbell hired him for a hundred and eighty dollars a year and he stayed there un t i l ' he had saved enough money to v i s i t Europe. In the accounts of his journeys one sees the evidence of his reading and his thinking.-In 1828 Garneau had received his f i r s t taste of travelling. Probably because Campbell knew his clerk was bright, intelligent and broadminded, and perhaps merely because he thought i t would be good for the boy, Campbell recommended Francois Xavier as .a travelling companion to a client whose doctor had aVised a t r i p . Garneau was to have ;an ex-pense-paid voyage to the United States! 12 Begin, O P. c i t . . p. 132. 13 Lanctot, op. c i t . . p. 37. n I l faut hautement l e replter: 11 n'a pas ete touche par 1*esprit voitairien en qui i l ne voit qu'une pauvre phi-losophic - s t e r i l e . 14 Marcel Trude], L 1 Influence de Voltaire au Canada. Montreal, Fides, 1945, vol. 1, p. 167-200; vol. 2 passim. 15 Gustave Lanctot, Franpois Xavier Garneau. Toronto, Ryerson, [1926?] p. 47. The travellers l e f t Quebec in_August on a vessel bound for Saint John, New Brunswick. After leaving Saint John on another boat they stopped at Portland and Boston on their way to New York where they stayed two of three weeks. They vi s i t e d parks, streets, quays, l i b r a r i e s and theatres, and the youth was greatly impressed by the United States, the country des-tined to produce a powerful and lasting culture, "une Chine Occidentale". Whether he f e l t this at the time, as a boy of nineteen overwhelmed by a l l he saw, i s d i f f i c u l t to say. His journal was written many years later and this part of i t had been recalled without notes. The travellers returned to Canada by Troy, Syracuse, and Buffalo where they saw Niagara Palls. On Lake Ontario they travelled by boat, and arrived i n Quebec having covered seven hundred miles by road and water, part of the t r i p being through "une 17 petite portion de cette Nouvelle-France d'autrefois." After having seen part of North America he wanted to v i s i t Eur--I Q ope, "l'Europe k laquelle I'Amerique doit tout ce qu'elle est." By 1831, 19 having saved four hundred dollars, he sailed for London on board the Strathisla on June 20. Garneau kept- daily notes of his adventures and i n later years compiled them for publication. In 1855, when the Voyage appeared, the notes had been edited and rewritten by a man of forty-five recalling himself as a boy of twenty-two, and therefore they may be some-what imaginary. The work shows implicitly that Garneau's interest i n his-tory was already well established; i t i s the story of a Canadien boy's view of Europe: what he saw, whom he met, and how everything impressed him. 16 Garneau, Voyagef p. 7. 17 Francois Xavier Garneau, Voyages. Quebec, Leger Brousseau, 1878, p. 16. This volume i s the abridged version of the Voyage. 18 Garneau, Voyage, p. 10. 19 Armand Yon, "Francois-Xavier Garneau: L'homme", Centenaire de lfrhistoire  du Canada, p. 99. His dedication of the book to Dr. Jean Blanchet of the medical faculty of Laval, i n 1854, t e l l s why he went: 2 0 C ' l t a i t pour observer les resultats de l a haute c i v i l i s a t i o n de 1»Europe et les ouvrages de ses plus grands genies, que je passai les mers et v i s i t a i Paris et Londres, ces deux Athenes modemes. Characteristically, on board the Strathisla he read English to improve his language, and his choice included Prior and Newton, "ce 21 prince de llastronomie".*" Byron, the best for shipboard reading, be-comes the Voltaire of the nineteenth century, for he intoxicates a per-22 son with heroism and with liberty. Revealing another glimpse of his interest i n Byron, when v i s i t i n g the Poet*;?. Corner of Westminster Abbey, after having seen the memorials to Chaucer, Johnson and Milton, n l e sub-23 lime Milton", Garneau f i n a l l y quoted Byron on the l i b e r a l statesman George Canning, "genius, almost a universal one, an orator, a wit, a ?4 poet and a statesman"." Like any young and interested tourist i n Europe, the Canadien visited a l l the h i s t o r i c a l l y important sights i n London, and later i n Paris, and commented on what he had seen. English painting, he f e l t , 25 s t i l l had progress to make. Buckingham Palace was architecturally mediocre.4" Foxhunting i s too easy, too methodical, too a r t i f i c i a l to 27 be called hunting. ' On passing Runnymede, en route to France, he re-©Q OQ calls King John.} the New Forest he relates to King Rufus.- Netting 30 Abbey at Portsmouth suggested the tyranny of Henry VIII. On board Nelson's flagship at Portsmouth, he saw the room i n which "l'immortel 20 Garneau, Voyage, p. 4. 21 . Ibid, p. 15. 22 Loc. c i t . 23 Loc. c i t . 24 Loc. c i t . 25 Ibid, p. 73. 26 Ibid, p. 63. 27 Ibid.. p. 187-28 Ibid., p. 204. 29 Ibid.. p. 205. 30 Loc. c i t . 31 captaine fut p o r t l et rendit sa grande ame a Dieu". In Francehe connec-ted Bolbec with Pepin the Short. In Normandy, whence came many French Canadian families, he quoted Thiers to i l l u s t r a t e the similarities of the 33 Normans and the French Canadians, and Thierry on William's personal com-34 "35 mand of Norman horsemen in 1066. Garneau became l y r i c a l : J'etais f i e r de fouler l e sol d'ou. sortis une s i grand partie de nos pares, de ce sol qui a donne l e jour a Guillaume l e Conquerant, aux deux Corneilles, a Benserade...a madame l a princesse de Beaumont.... sans compter les guerriers i l l u s t r e s sur terre et sur mer qu'elle a produits dans tous les temps et dont les actions immortelles ont ete celebrees par l'histoire. At Ardres the famous Fi e l d of the Cloth of Gold springs to mind. In Paris he thinks of "1' indolent Louis XV.11. °^ He remembers Jean Goujou, 38 the sculptor, k i l l e d i n "les massacres de l a Saint Berthelemi n. Atop Mount Calvary, near Paris, Charles X came often to pray "sans devenir pour 39 cela n i plus prudent n i plus p o l i t i q u e . " 0 0 In Paris he stayed, s i g n i f i -cantly, at "1'hotel-Voltaire, quai Voltaire, en face de La galerie du 40 1 Louvre". A l l streets contain places of interestj graveyards contain intriguing tombstones, and one t e l l s the story of Abelard and Eloise.^" Like so many tourists, Garneau did not res i s t noting s t a t i s t i c s . He quoted import and export figures, agriculture and mining information cn France 4^ .and t e l l s how many people were employed i n the shipyards of Ports-43 mouth. Also l i k e most tourists he compared landmarks abroad with those at home. The London sky was not clear l i k e the summer sky i n Canada. 4 4 31 Garneau, Voyage, p. 206. 32 Ibid.. p. 210. 33 Ibid.. pp. 219-21. 34 Ibid.. pp. 221-22. 35 Ibid.. p, 215. " 36 Ibid., p. 236. 37 Ibid.. p. 95. 38 Ibid., p. 100. 39 Ibid.. p. 223. 40 Ibid. f p. 98. 41 Ibid., pp. 150-51. 42 Ibid.. p. 157. 43 Ibid.. p. 207. 44 Ibid.. p. 46. 5 18 The Thames, beside the Saint Lawrence or the Mississippi, i s "un ruisseau fort m i n c e " . T h e forest of Saint-Germain-en-Lay e i s nothing l i k e the wild ones of Canada.^ The Halle aux Grains reminded him of the military towers protecting the approach to Quebec,*^ and Dover reminded him of his home c i t y . O n the Liane, "riviere que nous appelerions ruisseau en Ca-nada", Boulogne "a une partie haute et une partie basse comme Quebec".4^ Less flattering to North Americans i s their attitude toward the arts.50 L'esprit commercial va trop l o i n en Amerique pour favorxser les beaux arts. De simple ebauches ont aux yeux de l a multitude l a valeur de morceau acheves; i l faut seulement savoir les f a i r valoir. While i n the Hall of Mirrors a t Versailles, Garneau understood how kings, surrounded by such pomp and splendour, could believe themselves divine.5i Versailles, too, brings forth his ideas on the differences be-tween Britain and France. I f Louis XIV had spent less on his palace and more on colonization, New France would have remained French. England f o l -lowed another system and her people consequently are scattered to a l l parts of the globe.*^ V i s i t s to the natural science museum contains hints of slig h t l y evolutionary ideas. "Si l'homme peut pretendre a une etincelle de feu S3 divin, c'est bien dans ce l i e u qu'il doit a l l e r en chercher les txtres." 45 Garneau, Voyage, p. 44. 46 Ibid.. p. 141. 47 Ibid., p. 126. 48 Ibid., p. 91. 49 Ibid.j P» 94. 50 Ibid., pp. 125-126. 51 Ibid.. pp. 154-155. 52 Ibjd. f p. 152. 53 Ibid., p. 129. 19 A lecture at.the French Institute*^ further illustrates his interest i n science. Garneau wished that a friend had been to the meeting with him, someone with whom to share his views that science does not always consist c t ; of "l'audace et...un fracas de paroles steriles". Garneau, however, was not so interested i n the social implica-tions of history as he was i n the raci a l , military and constitutional. eg He contrasted the French, British and sometimes the American societies. Rien de plus etrange et de plus interessant pour l e voyageur comme ces contrastes, qui constituent l'histoire vivante de l a marche des arts et de l a c i v i l i s a t i o n . Two years i n London gave Garneau an opportunity to v i s i t the House of Commons and to form an opinion of the Br i t i s h system of government Although the Voyage might indicate that he formed his opinion i n three weeks, this i s hardly probable. He came from London praising the Br i t i s h parliamentary system and saying that i t s stability i s owing to i t s con-57 stitution being based on the real facts and not on imaginary theories.*" Impressing him always was " l 1 a l l i a n c e de l a liberte et du privelege, du republicanisme et de l a royaute".^^ Indeed, he says the English consti- : tution i s a compromise between three great parties,|personified i n the king, the lords, and the people.^ A l i t t l e privileged class appears to hold the balance of power, but i n reality the people of England are the source of power; they have brought the colossal riches which have made 54 Garneau said the French Institute had been originally organized by Richelieu i n order to control criticism of the Government. Richelieu had been .informed by "son bouffonj l'abbe Boisrobert" that there had been much criticism. The historian and statesman Francois Guizot had been i n -strumental i n reestablishing the Institute after the July Revolutions i n 1830. Voyage, p. 122 55 Ibid.. p. 123. 56 Ibid.. p. 210. 57 Ibid.. p. 77. 58 Loc. c i t . 59 Ibid.. p. 80. 60 6 1 England great. The English are a practical, experienced people hand-li n g important events with ease. So great are transactions i n London 62 that British business superiority w i l l be recognized by posterity. P o l i t i c a l f l e x i b i l i t y and freedom are related to freedom of religion, press and discussion. He made no estimate of the number of religions i n London, but says that none proclaims i t s e l f more loyal, more virtuous or more pure than any other. v He believed i n the wis-dom of allowing a l l people to express their views: On pourrait croire que cette liberte laxssee a toutes les idees meme a celles qui paraissent les plus dangereuses, met l a societe sans cesse en danger, et pourtant c'est l e contraire qui arrive. En effet, chaque opposition en rencontre un autre, et l a multitude des conflits eloignent les hommes de lutte de seul point ou leurs coups pourraient nuire a. l a societe. Plus tard 1'experience, l e jugement, les consequences font rejeter les idees fausses ou dan-gereuses et choisir celles qui sont les plus avantageuses pour tout l e monde Le grand avantage de ce-.systeme, c'est de combattre 1'ambition par 1'ambition, l'egolsme par l'lgolsme, l a vanite par l a vanite, en un mot les passions par les passions. Les passions epuisees, l a raison, l a verite surnagent et reprennent leur empire. In France the f i r s t time he was anxious to see the old land "dont j'avais tant entendu parler par nos peres, et dont l e souvenir se prolongeant de generation en generation, laisse apres l u i cet interet 65 plein de tristesse qui a quelque chose de l'sxH. 1 1 He maintained a l -ways that the B r i t i s h gained from the Norman Conquest, and he turned often to say that he was interested i n Normandy because of the -ancestry of so many Canadiens:^ Ce peuple normand a joue un grand role en Europe. La bravoure des soldats et l e genie des chefs ont immortalise ses exploits. I I a conquis l a Pouille, l a S i c i l e et une partie de l a Grecej i l a f a i t trembler Babylone et Constantinople, plantg l e premier entre les croises ses drapeaux sur les murs de Jerusalem; et surtout i l , a conquis l'Angleterre et contribue a l a fondation du Canada. 60 Garneau, Voyage, p. 78. 61 Ibid. f p. 59. 62 Ibid., p. 55. 65 Ibid.. p. 175. 64 Ibid.. pp. 87-88. 65 Ibid.. p. 91. 66 Ibid.. pp. 211-212. He went to Paris, the most beautiful city i n the world, but could stay only a short while. . The people were celebrating the anni-versary of the July Revolution and Garneau arrived on the last day of 67 the f e s t i v i t i e s . Lamartine liberalism was i n f u l l sway and Michelet was lecturing a t the Sorbonne. The appeal of France was both-, emotional and cultural. Despite his great interest i n the culture however, he com-pared the system of government with that of Britain. He preferred the debates of the Br i t i s h to those of the French because the English speak-ers were better, less confusing. ° The new French constitution of 1830 was an adaptation of the English, and retained the features he so much 69 admired: La nouvelle chartre maintenait...l legalite devant l a l o i , l a liberte de conscience, l a liberte de l a presse et de l a parole, l'admissi-b i l i t e egale a tous les emplois c i v i l s et mllitaires, l a l i b e r t e ' individuelle.... Liberty i s always stressed i n Garneau's writing; freedom i s 70 best. He realized that the majority decided .all questions i n England and f e l t that the United States was fortunate to have had such an example 71 from which to pr o f i t . Unhappily, he thought, the march of liberty i n France was being impeded somewhat by the rash social theories coming 72 forth after the Revolution.' Among-the chief speakers i n the French Parliament i n 1831 he included A. de Tocqueville, Honor! de Balzac, Taiers, 73 Thierry and Guizot. When Garneau returned to London from Paris after his f i r s t v i -s i t , Denis Benjamin Viger offered him a job as secretary and the young Canadian was able to see England i n more detail and, with Viger, make 67 Garneau, Voyage, pp. 130-131. 68 Ibid.. p. 105. 69 Ibid.. p. 106. 70 Ibid.. p. 67. 71 Ibid.. p. 85. 72 Ibid.. p. 140. 73 Ibid.. p. 109. another t r i p to France. He remained i n London for two years working for the agent of Lower Canada, meeting new ideas and new people. The two years Garneau spent i n London were formative ones. He had read freely and widely i n both B r i t i s h and French liberalism: he had had an opportunity to judge for himself something of the people from whan he had sprung culturally, and the people to whom he owed his present po-l i t i c a l protection. He loved France for her tradition, language and culture. He respected Britain as a nation which had brought order to Canada. He had read Chateaubriand, Lamartine, Byron and Shakespeare. Fusing his admiration for the two countries, he wished for a traditional 74 and orderly Canadian liberty, but did not find i t : En Canada, au cohtraire, je trouvais deux peuples distinets encore • debout, face a face, en guerre ouvert'e et en proie a des passions qui paraissaient bien nobles chez certaines gens, mais que l'avenir devait depouiller de ce prestige s i funeste a l a foule ignorante qui s'abandonnait follement a leur declamations interessles et men-song eres. Until this time, Garneau*s experience had been a l l i n the realm of theory, but i n l i b e r a l theory. He went to London as an independent thinker without experience, and there associated with the most famous l i -berals of his day, men experienced i n putting l i b e r a l democratic philoso-phies into practice. He met Daniel O'Connell, the gifted I r i s h "Liberator" fighting for a free Ireland, and called him, i n admiration, "l'orateur dont l a parole est inspiree. Les idles, l a voix, l e geste, 75 tout chez l u i dehotait l'homme de genie." Garneau also knew John Ar-thur Roebuck, praised his writing and oratory and admired the way he at-tracted liberals. Of Roebuck, who had been born i n Canada, Garneau wrote patriotically, "J^etais f i e r que cette jeune plante se fut developee au s o l e i l du Canada."76 74 Garneau, Voyage, p. 247. 76 Ibid.. pp. 182-185. 75 Ibid.. pp. 61-62. While working for Viger he met William Lyon Mackenzie, from Upper Canada, i n London. The Voyage comments on Mackenzie, but one hesitates to accept the comment as the view of a twenty-two year old. 77 I t i s more that of a reflective forty-five: ...sa vie publique a lui-meme jusqu'a ce moment, semble prouver qu* i l est plus f a i t pour l'attaque que pour l a defense, et que l e sang celtique bouillonne avec trop de force dans ses veines, pour l u i permettre de remplir un role plus meditatif et plus tranquille. Garneau also met the Polish refugees then gathering i n London to organize an attempt to free their own country which had been overrun by Russia. Thomas Campbell, the English l i b e r a l and poet, as president of the Literary Society of the Friends of Poland invited Garneau to meet the many Polish leaders: Prince Czartoriski, General Pac, the poet Niem-ciwicz and Dr. Schirma. 7^ On the anniversary of the taking of Warsaw, a poem by Garneau was read which was later published i n the Polonia. prin-ted i n London. The poem i s an appeal for freedom. Russian dominated Poland was analogous to Canada; both were fighting to preserve a nation-a l i t y . In a letter dated December 29, 1832 sent to a friend at home, Garneau carefully compared Poland and Quebec:7^ La domination etrangere est l e plus grand mal dont un peuple puisse etre frapp!.. .Mais courage! La cause de l a justice et de l a liberte est trop sainte pour ne pas triompher: s i ce triomphe est lent et penible, i l n fen sera que plus certain et plus durable. When Garneau returned to Canada i n 1833 his education was com-plete. He had read widely i n many schools of thought. He had measured new opinions against traditional ones. He had synthesized his ideas on Liberal England, cultured France and the progressive United States of A-merica. He had written for a l i b e r a l cause. His philosophy was estab-lished and would be retained with determination. 77 Garneau, Voyage, p. 202. 78 Ibid.. pp. 191-195. 79 Krystyna Zbieranska, "Une page du pass! Canadien et P clonals 1', Le  Canada Franpais. 28(2):1070, June, 1941. CHAPTER III P H I L O S O P H Y Garneau*s education, both formal and non-academic, gave him his philosophy of history, and evidence of this i s entrenched i n both his Voyage and his Histoire du Canada. His family background, his schooling, his travels, and the people he met, a l l influenced him deci-sively. His impressions of Europe, his quotations and his general char-ac t e r i s t i c s , a l l show the great extent to which he was influenced by the French Romantic historians who opposed fanaticism i n any form. The French Romanticists combined local colour and social philo-sophy as history. They were conscious of a mission i n l i f e — a social philosophy to defend — and were therefore never impartial or disinteres-ted. Many, li k e Frangois Guizot and Augustin Thierry, had started their careers as p o l i t i c a l journalists when the press was becoming free to per-mit extensive p o l i t i c a l discussion. To them the publication of a long l i s t of dry documents was not enough; those documents had to be interpre-ted with imagination. French Romanticism, coming from Voltaire to Montesquieu, was spurred considerably by the hi s t o r i c a l novels of S i r Walter Scott, so popular i n France. These men reject the providential view of history. In place of Providence they substitute progress, nationalism .and Hegelian dialectics. They pictured a l i f e cycle .and used terms almost biological to discuss -an evolutionary, society. A cy c l i c a l view of history allows for prediction; Romantic historians f e l t i t their duty to explain the past and predict the future while exalting mankind. Reason had replaced fai t h as the basis for thinking. In the development of Garneau1 s h i s t o r i c a l philosophy three French Romanticists were the most important: Thierry, Guizot and Miche-l e t . Many of their ideas had come from the social doctrines of Rousseau, the sci e n t i f i c .and philosophic ideas of Voltaire, and the evolutionary laws of tradition discovered by Montesquieu. With these ideas must be included that of the sovereignty of the people expressed by Mignet and Thiers, .and the great appeal for li b e r t y made by Sismondi, de Tocqueville and Guillaume Raynal. Guizot considered two kinds of deed, the concrete and the moral. The f i r s t was an individual responsibility reflecting only the personality of the individual; the second reflected on society and affected the whole of a nation. Only the second was the concern of the historian. Neither Garneau nor Guizot condemn a personal action unless that action affects the entire community. They do not appear to believe that history i s the intimate story of the l i f e of an individual, but that i t i s rather the great movement of the whole people toward freedom. Guizot believed that the July Revolution of 1830 had fused the monarchy, the aristocracy and the people into a better society. Garneau apparently doubted that the French had accomplished this fusion. But he did recognize the achievement i n the Br i t i s h system of government and admired i t intensely. From Thierry Garneau learned to use not documents alone to de-velop a thesis and to sustain an argument, but to use old popular legends and traditions as well, to use them i n a colourful, picturesque, imagina-tive manner. The past must l i v e to be loved: Guizot f e l t that the historian's duty was to bring i t to l i f e . At the same time the a r t i s t -— for he considered history an art — must analyse his material c r i t i c a l l y and then give i t continuity to ensure r a c i a l influences being discerned i n the development of a people. He wrote of broad trends. Thierry's views on race, discredited later, were that r a c i a l antagonisms alone make history move and evolve. Such movements and mutual antagonisms, no doubt based on Montesquieu's ideas of experience and tradition, are the core of Thierry's work. They are too the core of Garneau's work. Even the Voyage illustrates the influences of one race upon another and their antagonisms. Probably from Michelet, however, came most of Garneau* s his-t o r i c a l philosophy. While permitting no deformation of truth, Michelet reacted against purely documentary history and relied to a certain ex-tent on reconstructive imagination i n order to judge, explain and orient humanity. Both Michelet and Garneau write from example rather than from precept. Garneau shows people not as they were expected to act, but as they did act. Both Michelet and Garneau used a l l available sources: the jour-nals of voyages of others, conversations, archives, chronicles, legends, customs, and governmental material, as well as information gathered on their own travels. To these sources they applied analysis, intuition, imagination and philosophy. To them history included a l l learning. An understanding of geography, for example, was necessary to understand foe arena i n which the action took placej but unless the terrain were a de-termining feature, i t does not become a part of the story. Not being geographic determinists, these men spurned the ideas expounded by the rising school of German geographers which maintained that geography de-termined a l l hi s t o r i c a l movement and activity. Nor did these two Romanticists foglieveiih divine intervention. They saw the importance of religious thinking, and i t s power i n moving the events of the day, but rejected the providential theory of history. To them history, cause and effect, was science a r t i s t i c a l l y presented. The Divinity did not direct i t . They appealed to reason; superstition and myth were elements of a barbaric past. History presented from the religious point of view, according to Garneau, tended toward digressions which "ont perdu leur interet^pour l a generalite des lecteurs"."^ Always Michelet glorified-France and the French peoplej always Garneau glorified New France and the Canadiens. Neither, however, g l o r i -f i e d the great men. A.nation, to them, was a collection of people moving as a unit toward a perfect society. Only as a unit and not as a selection of individuals could the nation be considered. To Michelet great men represented the nation, but were not divinities to be worshipped. Since the revolutions began, the people were becoming the core of national greatness. Garneau had noted this i n his diaries and he repeated i t i n his history: 2 Depuis ce moment, l e grande figure du peuple apparait dans 1* histoire modeme. Jusque-la, e l l e semble un fond noir suir lequel -se dessinent les ombres gigantesques et barbares de ses maxtres, qui le couvrent presqu'en entier. On ne voit agir que ses chefs absolus qui viennent a. nous armes d'un dimplome divin; l e reste des hommes, plebe passive, masse inerte et souffrante, semble n'exister que pour obelr. Garneau synthesized the ideas of the French Romantic historians, but was at the same time a product of both the early nineteenth century and the late eighteenth. Like a l l people he was a product of his time. He was i n part a product of the French revolution as tempered by B r i t i s h conservatism. He was i n part a product of Lamarckian naturalism and Lyell'3 The Principles of Geology. Evolutionary ideas were becoming 1 Histoire. Ed. II, v. 1, (Pref.) p. v i i . Substance repeated Ed. I l l , v. 1, (Pref.), p. v i i . Hereafter the word Histoire w i l l be omitted unless required for clarity. 2 Ed. II, v. 1, (Discours Preliminaire), p. x i . Substance repeated Ed. I l l , v. 1, (Discourse Preliminaire), p. x i i . 28 accepted; the year Garneau published his second edition, Herbert Spencer published his development hypothesis which led i n time to Darwinism. The nineteenth century struggle between the theologians and the scientists had. commenced. In his opposition to clericalism, Garneau was l i k e any liberal of his day. Garneau1 a liberalism developed with years of reading and he saw l i b e r a l theory applied practically i n England. Although influenced, by the French revolutionary writers, he was not a republican. Although admiring the progressive attitude of the United States, as a nationalist he feared Quebec's being absorbed by i t s neighbour.. He had admired the freedom of speech and l i b e r t y of conscience i n Britain, and extolled the industry of the British people. He had seen the culture of France and showed his ap-preciation for i t . He indicated the differences between the constitutions of the two countries. He knew why B r i t i s h colonization had succeeded -and why French had not. He dwelt on the Norman conquest of B r i t a i n and enjoyed contrasting the two races. He saw them as fundamentally different, but both as parents of liberty. He accepted the differences between the two countries he most admired and saw that the history of Canada was the h i s -tory of a country related to both. Garneau's history and his reasons for writing, i t are develop-ments of Romanticism and nineteenth century liberalism. Catholic, but Gallican; French Canadian with an admiration for the B r i t i s h parliamentary system; Quebec born, but not educated i n the Quebec, pattern, Garneau wrote .a romantic history of the military and p o l i t i c a l struggle of his race for existence. He saw the history of Canada as two great phases, The f i r s t , the French period, i s characterized by wars with the savages and with the American colonies. The second he preferred: the p o l i t i c a l and parliamen-tary struggle of the French Canadians to save their nationality and pos-3 sibly, religion. To this thesis he applied his philosophy. Garneau1s philosophy of history was frankly s c i e n t i f i c . The French he saw as sailing westward and conquering North America: 4 Le Nouveau-Monde fut decouvert et etabli au moment ou. les formes de l a societe de l'ancien allaient changer, et ou. l'homme qui travaille et l'homme qui souffre, formant l a masse des peuples, a l l a i t commen-cer a s'agiter pour obtenir un gouvernement fonde sur ses besoins, et qui fut capable de prendre l a place d'un gouvernement militaire caracterise par l a noblesse et l a chevalerie. Like anything newly planted the colony had to fight to survive; i t was the "theatre d'une lutte sanglante entre l a c i v i l i s a t i o n et l a barbarie. 0 To apply the scientific method to the writing of history was essential. In so doing Garneau followed his North American contemporary, George Bancroft, who had been trained i n the German school of historiography. The f i r s t lines of Garneau's "Discours Preliminaire", a philosophic i n -troduction i t s e l f an appendage from the eighteenth century romantic wri-ters, indicate his attitude toward scie n t i f i c history: 6 *L'histoire est devenue, depuis un demi-siecle, une science analytique rigoureuse; non settlement les f a i t s , maisleurs causes, veulent etre indiquls avec discernement et precision, afin, qu'on puisse juger des uns par les autres. La critique severe rejette tout ce qui ne porte pas en soi l e cachet de l a verite. Raised on the style of French Romanticism and on the patriotic thoughts of Byron and of Lamenais, who f e l t that a l l progress i s deter-mined by the extension of liberty, Garneau modelled himself sympatheti-3 Ed. II, v. 1 (Discours Prelim.), p. x v i i . Substance repeated Ed. I l l , v. 1, (Discours Prelim.), p. x v i i . 4 Ed. II, v. 3, .p. 167.. . , Substance repeated Ed. I l l , v. 3, p. 147. 5 Ed. II, v. 1, (Pref.), p. v. Substance repeated Ed. I l l , v. 1, (Pref.), 6 Ed. II, v. 1, (Discours Prelim.), p. i x . Substance repeated Ed. I l l , v. 1, (Discours Prelim.), p. x i . 7 Ed. II, v. 1, p. 40. Substance repeated Ed. I l l , v. 1, p. 40. cally and sincerely on his French and English Romantic teachers. The patriotism he had been exposed to, he absorbed. After the conquest, the battle between the races became a p o l i t i c a l one and Garneau wrote to re-mind his people that they should not forget their heritage. He was not prepared that his people should be exterminated. The Act of Union Gar-neau saw as stamping out the culture and traditions of the French Canadi-ans, saw i t as a means of assimilation. He saw his mission: ^  • A l a cause, que nous avons embrassee dans ce l i v r e , l a conserva-tion de notre religion, de notre langue et de nos l o i s , se rattache aujourd'hui notre propre destinee. En perseverant dans les croyances et l a nationality de nos pares, nous nous sommes f a i t peut-etre 1* ennemi de l a politique de l'Angleterre, qui a place les deux Canadas sous un meme gouvemement, pour fa i r e disparaxtre ces tr o i s grands t r a i t s de l 1existence des Canadiens.... As a consequence he wrote the p o l i t i c a l history of his country. Following the union he was more convinced that the regime was not l i b e r a l and i n a letter to Lord Elgin, dated May 19, 1849, again stated his rea-9 sons for writing history: J'ai entrepris ce t r a v a i l dans l e but de r e t a b l i r l a v e r i t l s i souvent defiguree, et de repousser les attaques et les insultes dont mes compatriotes ont ete et sont encore journellement l'objet de l a part d'hommes qui voudraient les opprimer et les exploiter tout a l a f o i s . J ' a i pense que l e meilleur moyen d'y parvenir I t -a i t d'exposer tout simplement leur histoire. The daily insults grew from ignorance, and Garneau wished to eliminate the ignorance of the B r i t i s h while striking the imagination of the French. He wanted to make the people aware of their p o l i t i c a l strug-gles and the opportunities they had to strengthen themselves i n public l i f e . In the "Discours Prlliminaire" he spoke of r a c i a l characteristics 8 Ed. I l l , v. 1, (Pref.),- p. i x . 9 Garneau tb Lord Elgin, May 19, 1849. - Included i n Histoire du Canada. 8th edition, p. 20."'""'"*""'"" . "'•-.' contributing to the maintenance of the French c i v i l i z a t i o n i n North America. In the Histoire proper he sketched r a c i a l characteristics and the efforts made to retain them.- In the conclusion he pleaded for the use of tradition to insure for the Canadiens a national future as dis-tinguished -as their past had been. Garneau believed i n a didactic -use of history and devoted himself to teaching the people something of their past i n order to evoke an interest i n the future and to equip them to meet i t . "Cette etude [he said] est nScessaire a tous les peuples de ce continent qui. s'occu-pent' de'leur avenir.""*"0 The people of Quebec were conscious of a bleak future at that time; history would teach' them a national lesson and give them p o l i t i c a l direction. Garneau was opposed to Louis Joseph Papineau 1 s ideas on a Canadian republic; history opposed such a scheme: "L'histoire Itait la.; e l l e prouvait qu'un aussi vaste t e r r i t o i r e n'avait jamais pu subsister en-republique.""'"''' In this way Garneau drew from both Thierry and Guizot and wrote of heroic examples from the past. According to Lanctot, Garneau thought that "...c'est l'histoire qui relatera les faits herolques du passe et dressera, en signe d'espoir, l'exemple de l'oeuvre des ancetres."^ I t was not only the French he wished to teach. Great Britain had protected the Laws and customs of the habitant i n 1774 and 1791; the habitant had kept the f a i t h i n 1776 and 1812. The Act of Union was a betrayal, of that fa i t h and Garneau f e l t , as Rousseau would have, that the 10 Ed. I I , v. 1, (Discours Prilim.), p. xiv. Substance repeated Ed. I l l , v. 1, (Discours Prelim.), p. xvi. 11 Ed. I l l , v; 3, p. 236. Substance repeated Ed. I I , v. 3, p. 261. 12 Gustave Lanctot, "L'Oeuvre Historique de Garneau", Centenaire de  l'Histoire du Canada, p. 14. 32 French Canadians were entitled to protest. Garneau believed that Great Britain should have learned from the past that the Union would collapse. He predicted the eventual breakdown of the Union government .and the u l -13 timate independence of Canada. I t i s impossible to deduce exactly when Garneau decided to demonstrate his philosophy of history, to accept the mission of writing the Histoire. The stories vary, and are confusing. Hector Garneau told the oftr-repeated tale that his grandfather had planned to .write the h i s -tory by the time he was seventeen, by 1826. In Campbell's office the young clerks discussed various topics. The conversation took an unfor-tunate turn one day and a sarcastic English-speaking boy taunted Franpois Xavier on the origin of the French-Canadians. "Apres tout, qu'etes-vous done, vous,Canadiens-francais, vous n'avez meme pas d'histoire!"''"4 Ces mots, provocateurs et cinglants, firent sur l e jeune Garneau...1* effet d'un soufflet aux ancStres. l i s s'incrusterent dans son cerveau. l i s y allumerent une flamme d 1 inspiration. "Quoi, repliqua-t-il avec ehergie, nous ji'avons pas d'histoire! Eh bien, pour vous confondre, je.vais moi-meme l a raconter!" l w The Abbe H. R. Casgrain believed that the idea did not occur to Garneau u n t i l after the voyage to.the United States. Casgrain embroiders on the story above by adding that. Garneau quoted Milton to his co-worker:^-6 Eh bien! s'ecria M. Garneau fortement emu, j'e'erirai peut-etre , un jour l'histoire du Canada! mais l a veridigue, l a veritable his-t o i d Vous y verrez comment nos ancetres sont tombesi et s i une chute pareille n'est pas plus glorieuse que l a victoire!...Et puis, aj o u t a - t - i l , ghat though the f i e l d be lost? a l l i s not lost. Qu» importe l a perte d'un champ de bataille? tout n'est pas perdu!... Gelui qui a vaincu par l a force, n'a vaincu qu'a moiti! son ennemi. 13 Ed. I l l , v. 1. (Discours Prelim.), p. x x i i . 14 Histoire du Canada. 6th edition, "Introduction" (by Hector Garneau), p. x x v i i i . Henri D'Aries commented: "Mon Dieu, que cela est dramatique!" 15 Loc. c i t . 16 H. R. Casgrain, F.-X. Garneau et Francis PftT»kmanT Montreal, Beau-chemin, 1926, p. 22. 33 Lanctot accepted .and slightly changed Casgrain's improved ver-"1 7 sion, yet elsewhere wrote that the Hi stoire was considered shortly af-ter the Act of Union threatened Canadian nationalism and aspirations.-'-? A l l these legends may be wrong. Garneau had read history for' . years and his poetry had h i s t o r i c a l themes. As a notary he had gathered h i s t o r i c a l information. When he returned to Canada from Europe and began writing for the patriotes he probably discovered that he had a good prose style. Following the uprising of 1837 and 1838, Canadian liberty was threatened by the British, i n spite of their own constitution which he considered the mighty bulwark of freedom. Garneau had been nourished on the history of Canada and had been educated, to judge from his Voyage, in the history of Britain and France. He had no doubt .analyzed the weaknesses and strengths of the old regime. Studying the conflicting p o l i t i c a l interests after the conquest, he could see that without the Quebec Act French Canadians could have been suppress-ed and that various cliques had t r i e d to circumvent the Constitutional Act with practices at variance with the B r i t i s h parliamentary system.. He con-cluded that i n spite of B r i t i s h attempts to persecute editors, to n u l l i f y the power of the Assembly, to r e s t r i c t Church powers and to massacre un-defended revolutionaries, the French had obeyed B r i t i s h law. They had struggled for a century to avoid the B r i t i s h Conquest, but oh being con-quered they had accepted the B r i t i s h system and adapted to i t ; they had become more adept than the Br i t i s h themselves. Probably neither a.caustic remark of an English boy, nor the Act of Union gave Garneau his idea for writing his history. Lord Durham's re-17 Lanctot, Garneau Historien National, p. 10. 18 Gustave Lanctot, "Francois Xavier Garneau", Encyclopaedia of the So- c i a l Sciences f 1931, vol. 6, p. 585; port said almost i n the words of the legend that the French were "a people 19 with no history, and no literature' 1. Durham had found the r a c i a l con-f l i c t to which Garneau often referred. The Governor General discovered that even the children of the schools were "accustomed to. fight nation 20 against nation" and that their street fights illustrated a division i n -to British on one side, and French on the other: I expected to find [he wrote] a contest between a government and a people: I found two nations warring i n the bosom of a single state: I found a struggle, not of principles, but of races.... Lord Durham's solution to the problem was assimilation. To a person raised on eighteenth-century enlightenment philosophy, assimilation — t h e suppression of liberty .and the betrayal of the trust shown and re-turned earlier — was too reactionary to be condoned. Nor did i t f i t i n with Romanticism. The Union, the attempt to force assimilation, was an attempt to stop the r a c i a l antagonism and to negate Thierry. I t was a denial of Montesquieu1 s people's evolution and an obstruction of the theory of collective development on which Michelet had lectured. Setting the x date of accepting the challenge at 1839 would give Garneau a year to ga-ther material supplementing what he had already and to commence writing, as i s generally conceded, i n 1840-41. Lanctot says that Garneau wrote an ar t i c l e i n February 1841 defending the maintenance of the French language as an instrument of literature and as a component of an incomparable c i v i -92 lization.. Lanctot also suggests that an a r t i c l e on Jacques Cartier, "Une page d'histoire", published i n the Canadien. 1842, was the f i r s t of his book. 2 3 19 C. P. Lucas, ed., Lord Durham's Report on the Affairs of Br i t i s h  North America, vol. 2, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1912, p. 294. 20 Ibid.. p. 39. 21 Ibid.. p. 16. 22 Lanctot, Francois Xavier Gameauf p. 27. 23 Ibid.. p. 31 In any case, the f i r s t volume of his f i r s t edition appeared in 1845. I t was the beginning of an analysis of the past, an .attempt to bring to l i f e a past of character and incident. - His mission was to refute Lord Durham; .to prove that the French Canadian had a history. To his history Garneau applied his philosophy and style which were both the products of Romanticism, his s c i e n t i f i c ideas on documentation, and his patriotic fervour. He attempted, he said, to.write "sans haine, plaignant l'erreur, reverant l a vertu...."^ 4 In fact, he was a moder-ate writer and i n this deserves praise considering that the school of historians to which he belonged believed i n an intentional, impassioned glori f i c a t i o n of the past based on p o l i t i c a l , philosophic and r a c i a l prejudices. 24 Ed. I I , v. 3, p. 399. Substance repeated Ed. I l l , v. 5, p. 557. CHAPTER IV L ' H I S T O I . R E DU C A N A D A The f i r s t volume of Garneau"s Histoire du Canada came off the press i n August 1845, the second i n A p r i l 1846 and the- third i n 1848. The third and last volume of the history had been delayed because of an attack of epilepsy. The last two volumes were accepted with silence i n Canada, although i n France Isadore LeBrun, writing i n the Revue Encyclo- pedique. praised i t highly.^ The Church was. not happy about the f i r s t two volumes, but accepted the third one more readily because, as Lanctot states, " i l afaffirme 1'indissoluble solidarite, dans Quebec, de l a re-l i g i o n et de l a nationalite...." Four years later a second edition was published. The f i r s t edition had related the history of Canada to the Constitutional Act, 1791. The second edition, however, brought •the story down to the Act of Union. This edition i s more accurate i n documenta-tion than the f i r s t and better written. In 1859 the third edition ap-peared, a revised second with l i t t l e new material, but many changes i n style. . Before i t s appearance the draft of this edition was given to a priest for expurgation, but i t i s i n r e a l i t y almost factually identical with the second. Over the three editions one can see changes i n docu-mentation, but l i t t l e i n philosophy. The f i r s t three editions were pub-lished i n Quebec. Five other editions of the history were later published, and are indicative of Francois Xavier Garneau's great popularity. At the time of his death the author was preparing a fourth edition which was issued 1 Lanctot, Francois Xavier Garneau, p. 55. 2 Ibid.. p. 34. 37 posthumously i n 1882. A fourth volume appeared with this edition i n 1883. Published i n Montreal, this extra volume contains two poems "A l a memoire de F.-X. Garneau" and "Envoi" by. Louis Frechette; a glowing biography by Pierre Joseph Olivier Cfoauveau, which was published separately the same year under the t i t l e Frangois-Xavier Garneau. sa Vie et. ses Oeuvres, and a fine analytical index by Benjamin Suite. In 1913 Hector Garneau, Francois Xavier's grandson, published a f i f t h edition, a sixth i n 1920, and' seventh i n 1926. These three editions, published i n Paris, were annotated and edited with an introduction and ap-pendices by the grandson, and contained a preface by Gabriel Hanotaux of l'Academie francaise. These editions reproduced the f i r s t texts of Gar-neau, that i s the editions of 1845.-1848 and of 1852. The eighth edition, of 1946, also edited by Hector Garneau^has a new and much shorter intro-duction, includes the letter from Francois Xavier to Lord Elgin, and emits the Hanotaux introduction and the author's "Discours Preliminaire" i n which he had stated his philosophy of history. Although. this present wade i s concerned only with the f i r s t three editions of Francois Xavier Gar-neau1 s Histoire. -and more particularly with the second and third, i t i s interesting to note that the 1946 edition by Hector Garneau follows the text of the fourth, published by his father Alfred, i n 1882. I t i s also worth mentioning that this edition of 1946 i s the f i r s t of the editions by Hector Garneau to be published i n Canada. Francois Xavier Garneau had abridged his history i n 1856 for use in Quebec schools. The slim volume contained questions and answers typical of so many nineteenth-eentury school texts. Four editions of this Abrege de 1'Histoire du Canada appeared, the last i n 1873. Garneau had suppressed his Voyage, but after he died someone published an abridge-38 ment which saw two editions, one i n 1878, the other i n 1881. The abridge-ment was entitled simply Voyages and omitted most of the material which would be of interest today. AadsflBasLjr B e l l translated the Histoire du Canada into English following the 1859 edition. Bell's work appeared three times, i n 1860, 1862 and 1866. The translations are very free and are marred by interjec-tions of the translator or by his omitting material which was not f l a t t e r -ing to the B r i t i s h . The overall plan of the work i s interesting and well conceived. The f i r s t edition, 1845-1848, told the history to 1791 and later editions to 1840. The second edition i s merely an extension of the f i r s t and for most purposes may be considered the same. The third edition i s the one most writers show, as changed. For the purpose of considering the plan of work and i t s documentation, however, i t i s best to consider them as a whole. A l l editions but the last include a preface and the "Discours Preliminaire". The history i t s e l f shows the r a c i a l characteristics con-tributing to the maintenance of French c i v i l i z a t i o n i n North America and insists that although mistakes were made i n establishing i t , the French society i n North America i s worth preserving. A four-page conclusion to the whole work pleads for a tradition insuring a national future as d i s -tinguished as i t s past. The body of the work shows the influence of Thierry and Miche-l e t i n form as well as interpretation. The eighteenth-century style of dividing the work i s a r t i f i c i a l , - but i s effective. A three-chapter i n -troduction sketches world history to the discovery of America, 1492-1535, the discovery of Canada 1534-44 and i t s temporary abandonment, 1543-1603. Thus the introduction condenses the history of the world, directs interest to the New World and focusses the attention on Canada. Three main d i v i -sions follow. Books I to X concern the period before 1760, and XI and XII deal with the period from 1760 to 1791. In the second -and third editions,Books XIII to XVI carry the story to 1840. Each book of the sixteen i s topically complete i n i t s e l f and i s further subdivided into chapters which may also stand alone. Book I i s the story of the permanent establishment of the New France. Chapter 1 t e l l s of Acadia from 1605-13; Chapter 2, Canada 1608 to 1628; and Chap-ter 3, New France as a whole to the peace of Saint-Germain-en-Laye, 1613 to 1632. A period of twenty-nine years i s therefore covered i n Book I. The effect i s that of separate pictures being used to give an overall view, as i n Book I, of that twenty-nine year period. These "tab-leaux", 0 as Garneau called them, taken together, form the whole tapes-try, and the entire work gives an analytical history of Canada from the French Canadian point of view. The pattern of this verbal tapestry i s not irregular, ncrso regular that i t i s boring. The action : moves by scene rather than by chronology. This method of presentation allows for the inclusion of a l l material necessary to understand the history, ma-t e r i a l requiring long digressions from a chronological pattern. As a result of this plan, the history of the other French. North American colo-nies as told here does not dam the main stream of thought. Because each book i s complete i n i t s e l f , and each chapter as well, the removal of a chapter or even a book does not destroy the general meaning,- but merely reduces knowledge which might be useful at a later date for complete understanding. 3 Ed. I l l , v. 1, (Pref.), p. v i i i . 40 Book I I , for example, i s a single chapter describing the geogra-phy of the country and the culture of the Indians. Garneau i n geographi-cal terms, gives the general description of the country — seasons, extent of lakes .and water, valleys, mountains, the type of s o i l , f l o r a , as well as known mineral resources. He depicts the dialects, clothing, appearance and social habits of the Indians, including the war songs, war customs and location of the tribes. This book i s superfluous for a person knowing the geography of the territory and the culture of the Indians. For anyone un-familiar with this material the chapter i s well placed, because the topics considered do not require to be explained l a t e r . Book III, making possible a grasp of the old regime i n the ligh t of c i v i l .and ecclesiastical government, studies.the struggle between two ideas, the struggle between Church and State for supremacy. Chapter 1 of Book V, factual and provocative, compares the French and the English colo-nies and shows the Church-free colonies to the south as.more progressive .and enduring. In this book Garneau describes the War of the League of Augs-burg. Book VII includes the story of John Law's unsuccessful efforts to build a national bank i n France and continues to the story of settlement in Louisiana to follow a chapter i n Book IV. Each volume expands the range of knowledge necessary to understand the background of the conflict between France and England. Book IX breaks the pattern. The f i r s t eight books lay a ground work for seeing the whole history of Canada as antagonisms and the survival of the f i t t e s t . New France had defeated geography and climate, she had overcome problems within herself, .and by various means had deflected Indian animosity. Survival was not yet assured because the British persisted. With the beginning of the Seven Years War, the end was i n sight for one of them. The stronger would be the victor. Book IX develops the f i r s t three years of the l a s t great conflict. Each chapter here builds on the emotion-a l groundwork l a i d i n previous books and each chapter intensified the emo-tion. Several small military encounters are sketched i n Chapter 1, 1755-56. In the second chapter two important encounters only are described: French successes at Oswego and Fort William Henry. The heroism and gallantry of Montcalm's defense of Ticonderoga received a whole chapter to i t s e l f . Book X, Chapter 1, the climax, shows the f i r s t Battle of the Plains of -Ab-raham and the surrender of Quebec, 1759. The drama i s resolved i n .another chapter: the second Battle of the Plains of Abraham, the l a s t military victory of the French and the Cession. The plan of the f i r s t ten books of the work i s to sharpen the history of Hew France from broad, general conditions of the war of the antagonistic races, to the f i n a l military success of Br i t a i n . In two books Garneau then told of French Canadian readjustment from the conquest u n t i l 1791, a period of preparation for p o l i t i c a l struggle to come. The antagonisms occur i n this period, but i n the f i e l d of p o l i -t i c s . The French fend for themselves i n the early years as they had done i n 1608, and win minor victories to 1791. The f i r s t edition stopped at this point, but the second -and third show the intensity of the p o l i t i c a l struggle, really a r a c i a l struggle, and i t s climax with rebellion. The resolution of this second stage of the drama i s Lord Durham's v i s i t and the Act of Union. The third phase i n the Franco-British r a c i a l .antagon-ism w i l l be cultural — the French war against assimilation. Garneau wrote of war and p o l i t i c s and gave l i t t l e space to as-pects of the history which did not bear directly on his main themes. He wrote l i t t l e on religious history except to show that the missionaries demanded sacrifices harmful to the development of the colony. Nor does he delve into colonial institutions. He practically ignored the seigneurial system, the pivot of the economy* Following Guizot, Garneau was l i t t l e concerned with the Sovereign Council, the Intendants and the Governors, unless their actions affected the whole society. Likewise, few digress-ions, within chapters do not apply specifically to Canadian development. The entire year 1775 of the American revolution i s confined to one para-graph except where Canada i s implicated directly. To Garneau the history of Canada was an evolution. The discover-ers of North America planted the seeds of both a culture and a struggle. The Histoire i s the story of that struggle, f i r s t m i l i t a r i l y , an attempt to conserve l i f e and autonomy, and second p o l i t i c a l l y and culturally, ah attempt to preserve "ces trois grands symbols de sa nationalite, sa langue, ses l o i s et sa religion 1.'^ He discovered a pattern i n the history and em-phasized the pattern, not the d e t a i l . He saw that France lost i n North America not only because of corruption within, but also because Britain had wealthy and progressive colonies as well as naval superiority.^ Never-theless, the French won a moral, victory after the conquest. Their victory stems from obedience to B r i t i s h law and an adaptability to the English rf constitution, a Norman invention i n the f i r s t instance.' Ia a l l editions these ideas are paramount. 4 Ed. I I , v. 5, p. 28. Ed. I l l , v. 3, pp. 23-24. This type of foot-note indicates that the material i s the same i n these volumes at these pages. 5 Ed. I l l , v. 3, pp. 77-78. Also: Garneau to Jacques Viger, January 2, 1857, reproduced i n 'Cinq Lettres de F.-X. Garneau", Le Canada Franpais. 29(1):15$, October, 1941. He wrote: La conservation de notre- religion, de notre langue et de nos l o i s doit etre l e but fine inebranlable de notre politique...." 6 Ed. I I , v. 2, p. 288. Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 296. 7 Ed. I I , v. 1, (Pref.), p. v i i i . Ed. I l l , v. 1, (Pref.), p. v i i i . Garneau based his ideas on facts from various sources. He was the f i r s t Canadian historian to use original documents when possible and, i n l i n e with his s c i e n t i f i c philosophy, submitted them to a thorough s c i e n t i f i c analysis and as far as possible under existing circumstances rejected everything untrue. By way of Thierry, he was influenced by the new Germanic school of scie n t i f i c historians which had followers i n Eng-land .and the United States .although not so many i n France. As a notary Garneau had collectedFrench Canadian folk lore and this he used. Vast reading i s evident i n the quotations. His sources were not so good i n the f i r s t as i n the later editions, but he was writing of times .about which much had already been 'reported and he quoted freely. Bossi.'.s Christopher Columbus, the Journals of Jacques-Cartier and Samuel Champ-l a i n gave the routes these men followed, their ideas and experiences. The tragedy of Gaspard de Coligny* s Huguenot settlement and the gallan-try of Dominique de Gourges1. avenging i t s failure are French Candian legends. Garneau learned too that i n Marc Les carbo t New France had a l -ways an advocate of an adequate economy.6 The Jesuit Relations supplied information .as did the Letters and L i f e of Marie de 1*Incarnation. He contradicted Raynal. 9 He cited a l e t t e r written by the captain of the English vessel Windsor who praised F rench fighters i n high terms. 1 0 He borrowed from the " s i belles pages" 1 1 of George Bancroft who praised 12 French Canadian soldiers i n war and peace. Often he indicated his ob-ligation to Voltaire and Lamennais, Jared Sparks and Sismondi, or to "le 8 Ed..II, v. 1, p. 45. Ed. I l l , v. 1, p. 44. 9 Ed. II, v. 2, p. 94. Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 94. 10 Ed. II, v. 2, p. 181. Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 186. 11 Ed. II, v. 1, p. 227. Ed. I l l , v. 1, p. 224. 12 Ed.'II, v. 2, p. 89. Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 89. 44 celebre Jesuite Charlevoix", who wrote with "une pieuse credulite". He also referred to the acts of the Sovereign Council and the correspondence of the Governors and Intendants. The history of the post-conquest period came from Parliamentary and Executive Council accounts, and correspondence between London and Quebec, as well as biographies, contemporary reports and' in t ervi ews. Garneau had .ample opportunity to collect material and to do re-search. Unlike Francis Parkman, the American, and many other contemporar-ies, however, he could not spend lavishly for his sources. Nevertheless, his positions as translator for the Legislative Assembly and as Secretary of Quebec City gave him not only a wage, but also free time and .an oppor-tunity to acquire material. The Legislative Assembly met for only a short while each year and he had time to travel to scenes of his t o r i c actions. In the government f i l e s were manuscripts, judiciary reports and other, ma-t e r i a l from which to write the history of the old regime. No doubt, to an o f f i c i a l , people more readily loaned documents and manuscripts. Once published the history stimulated interest. Further i n f o r -mation was forthcoming. The government assisted i n an exchange of docu-ments between the United States and Canada. Archives were opened to him. Following the appearance of the f i r s t volume, he went to Hew York to see the French colonial documents, and to Albany to see a friend of Papineau. Following publication of the second volume, Garneau went to Montreal to see that rebel leader who had himself transcribed documents - on New France while he was i n exile In Paris. Jacques Viger, himself an historian as-sisted with material; l i t e r a r y and h i s t o r i c a l societies contributed; Lord IS Ed. I I , v. 1, (PrSf.), p. v i . Ed. I l l , v. 1, (PreT.), p. v i . 45 Elgin opened the o f f i c i a l correspondence of the B r i t i s h Governors with London.and notes of the Executive Council to him i n order to help complete the B r i t i s h period. As President of the Quebec Branch of 1 11'Institute Ca-nadien" Garneau had another source of information. In touch with Francis Parkman i n Boston and with Dr. E. B. O'.Callaghan, formerly a rebel of 1837 and at that time archivist i n New York, Garneau was probably also corres-ponding with George Bancroft. At least the Canadian was drawing on the American's knowledge. The preface to the second edition explains the 14 need for a new edition in- the ligh t of new material: Cette precieuse acquisition nous a permis de r e c t i f i e r certains fai t s exposes dans notre premiere edition, de parler avec plus de certitude sur d'autres et d'ajouter des details necessaires ou . interessans a plusieurs. New evidence i s noticeable. Information on Benjamin Franklin which had not appeared i n the f i r s t edition he credited to O'Callaghan's 15 Documentary History of the State of New York. A new lett e r from Col-lfi bert to Frontenac dated 13 June, 1678, probably came either from the Papineau material or Paris Archives material i n New York. Early editions 17 say that no slavery existed i n French Canada, but the third edition contradicts this statement and shows the numbers and locations of the slav e s . ^ The two later editions are new to some extent, for the history i s extended to 1840. In them Garneau c r i t i c i z e d the f i r s t newspaper, ihe 14 Ed. I I , v. 1, (Pref.), p. b. Substance retained: Ed. I l l , v. 1, (PrSf.), p. v. This type of footnote indicates that the meaning of the material has been retained i n the second reference. 15 Ed. I I , v. 2, p. 409. Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 420. 16 Ed. II , v. 1, p. 213. Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 209 17 Ed.. II, v... 3, p. 103. 18 Ed. I l l , - v . 3, p. 89. Quebec Gazette. His f i r s t direct quotation from a newspaper i s from 20 the Gazette de Montreal for February 14, 1793. He went through the Canadian page by page 2! although he does not say so i n the third edi-tion. He quoted the Quebec Mercury, the Minerve .and Vindicator. Spec- tator. London Review, .and the Gazette de France. He quoted l'Ami du  Peuple. published i n Plattsburgh, 2 2 New York, by Franco-Americans. The second edition of the history, but not the third, showed that the Spec- tator of Montreal agreed with that radical American publication. Garneau also translated and used Parliamentary Debates. He 22 quoted Governors proroguing parliament, Roebuck speaking i n favour of 23 Canada when his influence was waning, speeches by Lords Dalhousie, Dorchester and Durham. O'Connell and Joseph Hume discuss the Ninety-two Resolutions." He quoted Lord Brougham at length to damn Colonial Office P5 politics..* He allowed Lord Melbourne, thisi Duke', of1 Wellington, Lord OR Brougham and Lord Gosford to denounce the Act of Union. Where pos-sible he l e t a speech or a document speak for i t s e l f . To the third edition material i s added not only for informa-tion, but also to increase the prestige of the French or decrease that of the B r i t i s h . Information on the origins of immigrants to New France backs the statement that Charlevoix erred i n thinking that most came from 19 Ed. I I , v. 2, p. 388. Ed. I l l - , v. 2, p. 399. 20 Ed. II, v. 3, p. 102. Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 88. 21 Ed; 11,.;, v. 3 , p.: 143. 22 Ed. II, v.'3, p. 269. Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 246. 23 Ed". I I , v. 3, p^ 272'. Ed. I l l , v. 3, p. 331. 24 Ed'. II,. v. 3, p.. 323. Ed. I l l , v. 3, p'.' 287. 25 Ed. I I , v. 3, p. 397. Ed. I l l , v. 3, p. 356. 26 Ed. I I , v. 3, p. 394. Ed. I l l , v. 3, p. 252. Normandy.27 He expanded the charges against the intendant, Bigot.28 Two additional pages on education justify Church education and discuss the 99 suppression of the Jesuits.~ Four pages more than he had had before em-phasize the French Canadian philosophy of l i f e and compare i t with English thinking.°0 More information concerns the Committee of Laws; 3! S i r Francis Hincks' a c t i v i t i e s i n London; 3 2 Andre Hamel and Lord Aylmer's submission of the Ninety-two Resolutions; 3 3 M. Plessis, Bishop since 1801, meeting Protestant opposition. . Many additions merely answer questions i n a reader's mind: Colborne organized an army i n 1837;^ Lord Stanley had re-placed Lord Goderich as Minister to the Colonies.3** Government spending and use of money.•by'.,the Legislative Council without the assent of the Legislative Assembly explain the rebellions more adequately. 3 7 In the f i r s t editions Garneau did not show, that the United States government tried to prevent raids on the Canadian border after 1837. Often Garneau adds l i t t l e new material, but gives more d e t a i l ^ accounts by expanding the earlier t e x t . 3 9 27 Ed. I l l , v. 2, P« 104. . 28 Ed. III, v. 2, P. 299, cf. Ed. I I , v. 2, p. 291. This type of note indicates that there are changes i n the wording. 29. Ed. III, v. 3, pp. , 63-67, cf. Ed. I I , v. 3, pp. 66-67. 30 Ed. III, v. 3, pp. , 132-136, cf. Ed. I I , v. 3, p. 155. 31 Ed. III, v. 3, pp. , 61-62, cf. Ed. I I , v. 5, p. 65. 32 Ed. III, v. 3, 549. 33 Ed. I l l , v. 3, p. 287. 34 Ed. III, v. 3, P^  114. 35 Ed. I l l , v. 3, pp. 318-319. 36 Ed. III, v. 3 > P. 280. 37 Ed. I l l , v. 3, pp. 231-232. 38 Ed. III, v. 3, P« 344. 39 Ed. III, v. 2, P. 410, cf. Ed. I I , v. 2, p. 400. Also: Ed. III, v. 3, P^  242, cf. Ed. I I , v. 3, p. 265. Ed. III, v. 3, PP* 230-231, cf. Ed. II> v. 3, p. 256. Ed. III, v. 3 > pp, , 290-291., cf. Ed. I I , v. 3, pp. 326-527. Ed. III, v. 3, P- 388, cf. Ed. r l l , v. 5, pp. 577-378.' Although Garneau1s sources were good, the work i s not always well documented. He used both footnotes and textual credits. In places 40 he gave no- credit, but merely used quotation marks. In other places he used no quotation marks and permitted the reader to conclude that the author was being o r i g i n a l . 4 1 The third edition i s less annoying i n this regard for quotation marks are usually added. A summary stood as such, 42 but too often i t was d i f f i c u l t to t e l l a summary from a quotation. *" A passage i n the f i r s t edition he ascribed to V o l t a i r e . 4 ^ In the second he used the quotation, but credited no one. From the third he omitted the passage. Occasionally, quotation marks were placed carelessly, but were 44 corrected i n the third. Some material he practically copied woyd for word from other authors and gave no credit whatsoever.*5 Footnoting i s also polished considerably i n the third edition. What had been textual information might become a footnote i f the material had no real bearing on the history. Footnotes on the May Massacres and on the American 47 treatment of the Indians appear. A story about Papineau was included i n the text of the second edition, 4^ but i s relegated to footnote posi-tion i n the third. 40 Ed. I I , v. 3, p. 114, cf. Ed. I l l , v. 3, pp. 99-100. 41* Edi I I , v. 3, p. 136, cf Ed. I l l , v. 3, p. 120. Ed. II, v.,5, p. 259, -jcf Ed. I l l , v. 3, p. 234. 42 Ed. II, v. 3, p. 553, cf Ed. I l l , v. 3, p. 297. 43 Ed. I, v. 2, pp. 254-255. Ed. .II, v. 2, pp. 54-55. 44 Ed. I l l , v. 5, p. 118, cf Ed. I I , v.. 5, p. 134.. 45 Trudel, L'Influence de Voltaire au Canada, vol. 1, pp. 167-192. 46 Ed. I l l , v. 5, p. 275. 47 Ed. I l l , v. 5, p. 47. 48 Ed. I I , v. .5, p. 261, cf . Ed. I l l , v* 5, p. 235. The vast amount of material Garneau used did not prevent his mak-ing errors. Although he saw the value of the conquest and changed current ideas of i t , he condemned the military regime and showed i t to be more op-pressive than i t was. Often he made heroes of the wrong people. Garneau1s nationalism may have been to blame for his making a hero of La Tour. Prob-ably his greatest error, one generally perpetuated by French Canadian historians u n t i l Sir Thomas Chapais, was his appraisal of General Montcalm, Governor Vaudreuil and Bigot. The last he seems to have underrated for craftiness. Montcalm he depicted as pessimistic, morose and discontented, jea-lous of Vaudreuil."'" Vaudreuil, on the other hand, i s the heroic Governor who seems cursed with Montcalm. Once again overwhelmed with pride Garneau might have misjudged the men, but Governor.Vaudreuil had a high opinion of Canadian troops and was a Canadian himself. Garneau might have honestly be-lieved, however* that the Canadian-born Governor,who had praised Canadian 50 \ troops with p o l i t i c a l astuteness, was as s k i l l f u l as the European-born professional soldier, i f not better. The third edition contained no state-51 ment that European soldiers were superior. The second had: Un antagonisme sourd existait entre les Ganadiens et les Franeais, • provenant en partie de l a superiority que l'kcmme de l a metropole s'arroge sur l'homme de l a colonie. Garneau1s general plan and his use of various sources are further indications of his association with the Romantic school of historians. His plan i s an a r t i s t i c a l l y conceived mosaic admirably arranged to include ev-erything he had to say. Like his Romantic teachers he used every conceiv-49 Ed. I I , v. 2, p. 250. Ed. I l l , v, 2, p. 252. 50 Ed. I I , v. 2, pp. 262-264. Ed. I l l , v. 2, pp. 274-276. 51 Ed. I I , v. 2, p. 265. able type of source material, often including, i t i s suspected, only imagination. He, lik e Thiers, often l e t documents speak for themselves, but a careful analysis of the books leads one to suspect that he used only documents saying what he wished to hear. To present his mass of material, Garneau adopted a style that was, l i k e his thinking, that of the Nineteenth Century Romantic historians, l e t probably his style as much as anything made him "notre historien natio-nal". His history i s a r t i s t i c and readable as well as s c i e n t i f i c . Poetic discipline i s evident, not.only i n the unity achieved'in the entire plan, but also i n the logical, captivating style thrusting the reader onward. Certain s t y l i s t i c changes i n the third edition emphasized the plan. The overall pattern of the work i s interesting. The f i r s t part of the Histoire i s f a i r and accurate. Garneau praised the British when possible and cr i t i c i z e d French institutions and leaders at w i l l . A. reader cannot help but admire his objectivity. Considering the circumstances un-der which the book was written, following p o l i t i c a l upheaval and cultural debasement, in. the heat of discussion, i t appears remarkably calm. One wonders how an active crusader for national survival could have been so moderate and so impartial. He presented his information without prejudice or abuse. Often he. could have misconstrued facts purposely, used them to dissipate the ignorance, of the B r i t i s h or to f i r e the imaginations of the Canadiens. Frank about the French regime, he both praised and condemned the Church and clergy for i t s work, diagnosed the corrupt c i v i l administra-tion and illustrated the autocratic manner of governing by the rejection of p o l i t i c a l liberty. With the Seven Years War, with Book IX, the tone changes as does the pattern; No criticism of the French appears; Except for Montcalm and Vaudreuil, they are a l l friends working for a common cause. U n t i l this point there has been much shading; now the picture becomes more black and . white, good or bad. Previous to 1755 there were B r i t i s h heroes as well as French. At this point Garneau began to show a less heroic B r i t i s h at-titude and to indicate some Br i t i s h weaknesses. His story of the Alcide off Newfoundland i n 1755 places the blame for beginning the Seven Years War i n North America squarely on B r i t i s h sailors who betrayed the trust-ing French.0*^ He explained how burning the countryside during the siege of Quebec did not advance the iter, but he never did explain why i t was burned. He began demanding unequivocal acceptance of his •statements. He allowed General James Wolfe no greatness. The credit for conquering Que-bec, Garneau t r i e d to give to Generals Montcalm, Townshend and Murray. » Wolfe i s merely a proud dreamer worried about the impression his personal 54 defeat would create i n England. Garneau presented his material with seeming objectivity; but no mention i s made of assistance by the Br i t i s h soldier to the habitant following the Conquest. After the Conquest the tone changed again and this new tone was carried to 1791. The account i s not less factual, but i s gently c r i t i c a l of the B r i t i s h . Garneau indicated that Governor Guy Carleton despatched soldiers to raze the homes of habitants who had joined the American rebels. Garneau complained that the B r i t i s h respected the property of their old but rebelling Colonials, yet not that of the loyal though foreign race i n -habiting Canada.55 Chief Justice Smith was seen as "l'ennemi i r r e c o n c i l i -52 Ed. I I , v. 2, p. 209. 53 Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 318. 54 Ed. I I , v. 2, p. 312. 55 Ed. I I , v. 3, p. 25. Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 215. Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 322. Ed. I l l , v. 3, p. 22. 56 ' able des l o i s francaises et des Canadiens*1. . No voice was raised i n England opposing the removal of French laws arid customs.^7 The Executive personnel was always hostile to the Canadiens;58 References to B r i t i s h tyranny i n Ireland often infer that Britain was making another persecuted Ireland of Canada. 5 8 For an effective pattern, Garneau had to increase his criticism of the B r i t i s h following the Constitutional Act of 1791. The complaints became more bold and definite. ' The general plan of the history directs a reader from broad understandings of the r a c i a l conflict to the drama-t i t i c climax of the Conquest to show the f i n a l resolution of the drama. The general tone of the history directs a reader from the well-laid admira-tion of Br i t i s h prowess i n colonisation to dislike of Br i t i s h s k i l l at using their p o l i t i c a l l y secure position unconstitutionally. The climax i n this period i s Lord Durham's Report. The resolution was yet to come. As seen i n Garneau*s history, the period from 1791 to 1840 was a more dangerous one for the habitant than the one previous, but the fault seldom lay with the passive Canadien. When the turn of p o l i t i c a l events i s toward rebellion, for the struggle had by this time become a p o l i t i c a l one, the pages are f i l l e d with more damning criticisms of the Bri t i s h . I t i s noticeable that the third edition emphasized B r i t i s h shortcomings even more than the second. The French Canadians were be-trayed by the Br i t i s h they had elected to the f i r s t Legislative Assembly. 6 0 56 Ed. II, v. 5, p. 69. 57 Ed. II, v. 2, p. 579. 58 Ed. II , v. 3, p. 25. 59 Ed. II, v. 2, p. 386. Ed. II, v. 3, p. 50. 60 Ed. II, v. 3, p. 94. Ed. II, v. 5, p. 102. Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 590. Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 19. Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 595. Ed. I l l , v. 3, p. 45. Ed. I l l , v. 5, p. 84. Ed. I l l , y. 5, p. 88. James Craig's instructions had their source i n religion as well as i n p o l i t i c s . ^ The British were always unfair i n their relations with the French. Even where the majority of a parish was Protestant, the cure collected the tax and did the work, but had to use the Church building 6 2 after the Protestants. The third edition evokes more sympathy for the Roman Catholic Church. I t said that even when the Roman Catholics were i n a minority, they did the work. The change i s minor, but effective. The rebellion of 1837, a r a c i a l rebellion, Garneau saw as the result of bad administration. The B r i t i s h , of course, were the administrators! Garneau's pompous Lord Durham, sent to resolve the problem, i s not a 64 pleasant sight as he comes as victor to Quebec. Less flattering to the B r i t i s h i s the description of thirty p o l i t i c a l prisoners perishing on the scaffold while their enemies, crowded around to watch, applaud gc the spectacle which passed i n their eyes for a triumph. Under the old regime nothing so horrible had been seen to equal the spectacle f o l -lowing the hanging of the American, McLane, who had been found guilty of high treason: *>6 Le Corps, du supplicie, apres etre reste quelque temps suspendu au gibet, fut descendu au piedcfe l'echafaudj l e bourreau en trancha l a tete, l a p r i t par les cheveux et l a montra au peuple en disant: "Voici l a tete du traxtre! n I I ouvrit ensuite l e cadavre, en arra-• cha les entrailles, les brula, et f i t des incisions aux quatre membres, sans les separer du tronc. Jamais pareil spectacle ne s' etait encore yu en Canada. At times Garneau .appears to have forgotten that he was writing of moral deeds affecting the whole nation. I t did not r e a l l y matter that 61 Ed. II,. v. '3, p. 260. Ed. I l l , v. 3, p. 235. 62 Ed. I I , v. 3, pp. 333-534. Ed. I l l , v. 3, p. 297. 65 Ed. I I , v. 5, p. 215. Ed. I l l , v. 5, p. 195. 64 Ed. I I , v. 5, p. 575. Ed. I l l , v. 3, p. 555. 65 Ed. I l l , v.- 3, p. 545. Ed. I I , v. 5, p. 586. 66 Ed. I l l , V i 5, p. 101. Ed. I I , v. 3, p. 117. ' James Osgoode was said to be the illegitimate son of George I I I . The f i r s t two editions did not t e l l how the Duke of Richmond died, but the third t e l l s that he died of hydrophobia caught while tormenting a fox 68 i n a hole. No heroic death that! I t i s impossible not to admire Garneau1s pattern. The crafts-manship forces a person to assume objectivity for a l l the work. Because i t i s objective to 1755 the reader i s taken off guard, finishes the his-tory with profound sympathy and admiration for the French Canadians and with disgust for the " f a i r playing" B r i t i s h . The objectivity and f a i r -ness of the f i r s t section, that to the Conquest, i s admirable, but well reasoned. A le t t e r from Garneau to M. L. Moreau denies Garneau's impar-t i a l i t y and his complete honesty, but does indicate something of his general planning. This letter was dated March 9, 1854: 6 9 C'est aus.si a l' vaide de ce principe de tolerance que j ' a i pu defendre les catholiques canadiens contre les attentats de gouverne-ment protestant-de l'Angieterre apres l a conquete. Le blame que j ' avais porte contre l e gouvernement francais, donnait de l a force a mes paroles, aux yeux des protestant eux-memes, lorsque je blSmais leur conduite depuis qu'ils etaient les maitr.es, et ne l a i s s a i t rien . a me repondre. He achieved the required effect. Not u n t i l later does one rea-l i z e that Garneau never quite allows B r i t i s h heroes to come to l i f e and to stand heroically even before the Conquest. The Kirkes, for example, 70 although never cruel, are never warm. v S i r Hovenden Walker receives no 71 sympathy for losing his f l e e t . On close examination one finds the praise only for those who praised the French Canadians:':2 "Le general .67 Ed. II, v. 3, p. 119. Ed. I l l , v. 3, p. 105. 68 Ed. I I , v. 3, p. 238. Ed. I l l , v. 3, p. 215. 69 Casgrain> F. X. Garneau et Francis Parkmanf p. 50. 70 Ed. I l l , v. 1, pp. 73-75. 71 Ed. II, v. 2, p. 48. Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 50. 72 Ed. I I , v. 2, p. 382. Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 394. Murray, quoique severe, i t a i t un homme honorable et qui avait un bon coeur. II aimait ces Canadiens dociles a l'autorite comme vieux soldats...." Be-cause one lawyer, Uniacke, protected the Roman Catholic Church against 72 74 Judge Sewell, he i s lauded, as i s Lord Thurlow, who gave that people assistance. Sir Harcourt Lees and John Richardson, "les orateurs les plus remarquables du parti anglais", had backed the use of the French language. Sir George Prevost's general friendliness draws p r a i s e . 7 6 Even Lord Dur-77 ham receives a nod for his humanity i n banishing the rebels to Bermuda; he could have had them executed. At times Garneau included so much detail that his reader may have d i f f i c u l t y i n following the trend of events. But when he wished to show French heroism, philosophical digressions and remarks disappear to some extent and the facts stand more independently. The plain, short, unadorned stories are clear and dynamicj the heroism i s unmistakable. Frustrating detail does not detract from the exploits of Adam Dollard de Ormeaux,78 Robert Cavelier de l a S a l l e , 7 9 Marie Madeleine de Vercheres, 8 0 or Pierre Lemoyne d 1 I b e r v i l l e . 8 1 The defense of Lachine i s almost stark. ^ 2 73 Ed. II, v. 3, p. 226. Ed. I l l , v. 3, p. 202. 74 Ed. II, v. 3, p. 399. Ed. I l l , v. 3, p. 408. 75 Ed-. II, v. 3, p. 102. Ed. I l l , v. 3, p. 88. 76 Ed. II, v. 3, p. 173. Ed. I l l , v. 3, p. 153. 77 Ed. II, v. 3, p. 378. Ed. I l l , v. 3, p. 337. 78 Ed. I l l , v. 1, pp. 139-140. Ed. I I , v. 1, pp . 138-139. 79 Ed. I l l , v. 1, pp. 237-244. Ed. II, v. 1, pp. 239-246. 80 Ed. I l l , v. 1, pp. 310-311. Ed. II, v. 1, p. 313. 81 Ed. BE, v. 1, pp. 303-304, 345-349. Ed. II, v. 1 , pp. 306-307, 82 Ed. I l l , v. 1, pp. 272-273. Ed. I I , v. 1, pp. 274-275. 56. In the "Discoura Preliminaire" Garneau acknowledged the humble work of the colonist as more widespread and more durable than the ' most b r i l l i a n t victories of the renowned Louis XIV. 3 3 The appeal i s emotional and directed to the Canadiens, .all descendants of those colonists. This •petite peuple" had repulsed invasion by B r i t i s h colonists who were i n -f i n i t e l y more rich and twenty times more populous. 3 3 Credit for estab-lishing Louisiana i s given to d 1Iberville, "un Canadien i l l u s t r e dans nos annales". 8^ The Battle of Monongahela, at which the French defeated the B r i t i s h with only one quarter the losses of the enemy was, he wrote, 87 one of the most memorable i n American history. Ticonderoga Garneau considered the long-overdue French reply to Crecy. 3 3 At both places the winner repulsed an army of five times i t s own number. The real heroes breaking Montgomery's siege of Quebec i n 1775 were not B r i t i s h , but French. Captain Louis Chabot, at Pres de V i l l e , k i l l e d the American leader. 3 9 90 Louis de Beaujeau saved the city with his troops. The Battle of Chateau-guay 9! i n 1813, was a great military contribution from the French to the B r i t i s h . The khn&tfi edition represses fact to allow the French even more credit than they had had i n the The combat was led by Colonel de Salaberry: M 83 Ed. I I , v. 1, (Discours Prelim.), p. xv. Ed. I l l , v. 1, (Discours Prelim.), p. xvi. 84 Ed. I I , v. 1, p. 316. ' Ed. I l l , v. 1, p. 313. Ed. II, v. 2, p. 73. Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 74. 85 Ed. I I , v. 1, p. 327. Ed. I l l , v. 1, p. 323. 86 Ed. I I , v. 2, pp. 79-80. Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 80. 87 Ed. I I , v. 2, p. 229. Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 233. 88 Ed. I I , v. 2, p. 270. Ed. I l l , v; 2, -p. 278. 89 Ed. I I , v. 3, pp. 12-i3. Ed. I l l , v. 3, p. 10. 90 Ed. I I , v. 3, p. 16. Ed. I l l , v. 3, p. 13. 91 Ed. I I , v. 3, pp. 195-196. Ed. I l l , v. 3,. p. 175. Le combat durait depuis plusieurs heures. Hampton voyant que ses troupes nkvaient pas plus de succes sur une rive que sur 1'autre, et croyant les Anglais beaucoup plus nombreux qu'ils ne l ' l t a i e n t en effet, par l a maniere dont i l s etaient disposes dans leurs ouv-rages et dans les eclairciss des bois, p r i t l a resolution d'aban-donner l a lutte, laissant a i n s i 3 a 400 hommes vainqueurs de 7000, apres une lutte de quatre heures. -Throughout the Histoire du Canada Garneau often referred to the French Canadians as the "Canadiens". The intention of the third edition i s clear i n the description of the same battle • Le combat durait plusieurs heures. Hampton, qui croyant les Canadiens beaucoup plus nombreux qu'ils ne 1'etaient, p r i t l a reso-lution d'abandonner l a lutte. A i n s i 3 a 400 hommes avaient vaincu 7,000 ennemis apres une Lutte de quatre heures. Nothing was permitted to detract from this glorious' victory which was a l -most as great as Ticonderoga. The second edition suggested that triumphs at Piattsburgh and at New Orleans had overshadowed Chateauguay.92 No such suggestion appears i n the third. On the contrary, there i s the idea that French Canadian military prowess was as great as ever. Anything detracting from French Canadian nationalism and p a t r i -otism i s removed from the third edition. Apparently General James Murray had d i f f i c u l t i e s i n governing an aggressive military people "qui avait Q plus de franchise que de souplesse dans 1'expression de ses sentimens..."" That belief did not appear a third time. No Canadien passive resistance 04 i s said to have caused troubles i n the third edition." The Canadian Spectator was a radical journal, with an English Roman Catholic editor. Apparently to fpr e s t a l l a connection between radicalism.and Roman Catholo-cism, a connection involving French Canadians, the statement that the 92 Ed. II, v. 3, p. 212. cf Ed. I l l , v. 3, p. 190. 93 Ed. II, v. 2, p. 382. 94 Ed. II, v. 2, p. 590. editor was a "fervent catholique" does not appear i n the third edition.*'*3 Strong attacks made by the Ganadien are softened.9** To show the French Canadians keeping s t r i c t l y to the rule of law immediately before the re-bellion, the third edition forgot that many had ventured out of Montreal to annoy peaceful, country Englishmen who resented their t a c t i c s . 9 7 A l -ways, i t seems, the French Canadians fought within the constitution to which they had adapted so readily and so easily. Always Garneau used his style of writing and his plan of organi-sation to the same evident purpose. His prose improved over the years. Judging from the f i r s t edition one would think that he wrote emotionally for popular appeal. His wording, usually free and simple, although heavy at times, i s inspiring and l i v e l y ; the phraseology i s clear. Emotional waves rise and subside, especially i n his commentary sentences. In reading the description of the Battle of Ticonderoga, for instance, one i s forced to follow the waves of the writing and i s carried by the emotional enthu-siasm: "depuis une heure jusqu'a cinq ses troupes revinrent six fois et 98 furent repoussees cheque f o i s avec de grandes partes". Praises are sometimes over-abundant and descriptions are too f l o r i d . His version of the expulsion of the Acadians i s a "purple patch". °Ces scenes tragiques rappelaient les djSsastres de l a retraits des Grecs apres l a prise de T r o i e . " 9 9 Sentence constructions sometimes add to the f l o r i d i t y and do not seem intended. Of the Canadian soldiers i n the Seven 95 Ed. I I , v. 5, p. 270. cf Ed. I l l , v. 3, p. 246. 96 Ed. II, v. 3, p. 337. Ed. I l l , v. 3, p. 301. 97 Ed. I I , v. 3, p. 556. Ed. I l l , v. 5, p. 316. 98 Ed. I I , v. 2, 282. Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 290. 99 Ed. II, v. 2, p. 175. Years War Garneau said, "Jamais l a France n'a eu de soldats plus intrepides, plus divouees et plus patiens."-*-00 Of the American Declaration of Inde-pendence i n 1776 he said, "Ainsi se termina l a seconde partie du drame sanglant commence entre l'Ancien et l e Nouveau-Monde avec l a guerre . de Sept ans"."'"01 He obviously tried to moderate this type of writing for the third edition but did not always succeed for i n a l l editions the story of the expulsion of the Acadians i s extreme: Vains souhaitsi La guerre de 1774 commenga les infortunes de ce peuplej cette de Sept ans consomma sa ruine totale. [Ed. I] Vains souhaitsJ Helas! La guerre... commenga ses infortunes....[Ed. II] Vains souhaits! La guerre de 1774 commenca ses malheurs....[Ed. I l l ] Like a true Romantic he often overdescribes nature. After the Battle of Ticonderoga the threat of defeat from that-quarter seemed to hare been finished; "Ainsi se dissipa l e nuage qui, suspendu au flanc des mon-tagnes du lac George, menagait l e Canada du cote de 1'Occident". l 0^ Gar-neau depicted George Washington 's soldiers as:l° 4 ...s'avangaient en colonnes, leuisarmes d ' a c i e r p o l i etincelant aux rayons du s o l e i l . La r i v i e r e coulait tranquillement a leur droits tandis qu'a leur gauche d'immenses fprets les ombrageaient de leur solennelle grandeur. Offi c i e r s et soldats, personne ne doutait du succesj on marchait comme a un triomphe. His description of Lake Huron i s purely romantic. Champlain had discovered the lake, "ce lac oceanique que ne sillonnaient encore que les fragiles es-quifs de l'Indien, qui ne reflechissait que les sombres forets des ses rives solitaires...." ° Of the scene following the Battle of Sainte Foye, Gar-neau wrote: "L'eau et l a neige qui cousnaient l e sol etaient rougies de sang, 100 Ed. I, v. 3, p. 274. 101 Ed. II, v. 3, p. 29. 102 Ed. I, v. 3, p.' 18. Ed. I I , v. 2, p. 220.- Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 226. 103 Ed. I I , v. 1, p. 321. cf Ed. I l l , v. 1, p. 318. 104 Ed. I I , v. 2, p. 225. cf Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 230. 105 Ed. II, v. 1, p. 62. cf Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 60. que l a terre gelee ne pouvait boire, et ces malheureux nageaient dans ces mares liv i d e s ou l'on s'enfongait en bien des endrolts jusqu'a mi-jambe.10^ Writing of Poutrincourt's relations with the Indians and his departure from the colony, Garneau almost reached extremes. " l i s [the Indians] ver-serent des larmes en l e reconduisant sur l e rivage, larmes qui font l e 107 plus bei eloge de sa conduite et de son humanite." To t e l l what was l e f t to France i n North America i n 1763, he did reach s t y l i s t i c extremes.^ 3 I I ne resta plus rien a l a France dans l'Amerique du nord que quelques rochers nuageux et steriles repandus sur les bords de l a mer de Terre-neuvej dernier debris d'un empire ecroule, qui surnageaient sur les f l o t s d'une mer deja fatiguee du joug de l'Europe. By 1859 Garneau had eliminated a great deal of this kind of wri-ting. France after 1763 retained i n North America "quelques rochers nua-geux et steriles,. Ipars sur les bords de l a mer, dans l e voisinage de Terreneuve".^ 9 He removed the reference to Greece and Troy. The Canadian soldiers became merely intrepid .and devoted. He moderated the language considerably, although often retained and even enlarged the noble savage concept as though he could not bear to throw i t out. Three p a r a l l e l ex-cerpts i l l u s t r a t e his attempts to modify a description of and Indian funeral: Seule l e sombre majeste des .forets est en harmonie avec une spectacle .aussi eloquent, et dont l a grandeur semble etre s i au-dessus de nos moeurs a r t i f i c i e l l e s et de convention. [Ed. I] Mais seule l a sombre majeste des forets etait en harmonie avec un pareil spectacle. [Ed. II]. Dans cette grande fete, tout se passait avec ordre, decence et recueillement. Peu de nations avaient une solennite aussi imposante et plus propre en merne temps a inspirer du respect pour l a memoire des aleux. Mais seule l a sombre maj este des forets pouvait etre en harmonie avec l e spectacle qu'elle developpait a tous les regards. [Ed. I l l ] 106 Ed. I, v* 3, p. 257. . Ed. I I , v. 2, p. 350. Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 362. 107 Ed. I I , v. 1, p. 46. cf Ed. I l l , v. 1, p. 45. 108 Ed. I I , v. 2, p. 369. 109 Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 380. 110 Ed. I I , v. 2, p. 360. Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 372. cf Ed. I, v. 3, p. 274. 111 Ed. I, v...l, p. 229. Ed. I I , v. 1, p. 109. Ed. I l l , v. 1, p. 106. He seldom added flamboyance, but did to t e l l of Voltaire's bon-f i r e to celebrate t h e , f a l l of Quebec. The story does not appear i n the f i r s t edition and has slight changes i n the third: flCe spectacle singulier donne par un Francais a quelque chose de s i -nistre. C'est l e r i r e effrehe d'une haine plus forte que l e malheur; me ce r i r e effrayant a recu depuis son explication dans les boule-veresemens et les vengeances a jamais memorables de 93. La cause des Canadiens fut vengee dans des-flots de sang. Mais helas! l a France ne pouvait plus rien pour des enfans abandonnes sur les bords du St.-Laurentj et un peu plus tard e l l e en avait perdu l e souvenir. Garneau was a conscientious craftsman and took his task as an historian seriously. He reworked his material from edition to edition, striving for smoothness and cl a r i t y , striving too for a more scholarly effect. In the f i r s t editions he used the short vernacular form of date, "32" for "1832", "77" for "1777". In the last edition he used the formal date. In the quotation above, "les vengeances...de 93" become "les ven-geances...de 1793". He overused i t a l i c s for emphasis i n the f i r s t two 115 editions, but not i n the third. They are replaced by plain print or, 114 where used as quotations, given as speeches within quotation marks. His writing became more formal and of a more pure French type. Ca p i t a l i -sation changed for effect and i n the interests of correctness. In the third edition "les Jesuites et les Recollets" has lower case type for "jesuiiss" and " r e c o l l e t s " , 1 1 5 "Relation avec sa majeste", from the sec-ond edition, became "relation avec Sa Majeste", 1 1 6 "Canadien-francais", 112 Ed. I I , v; 2, p. 372. 113 Ed. I I , v. 2, p. 181. Ed. I I , v. 2, p. 213 114 Ed. I I , v. 2, p. 325. 115 Ed.- I l l , v. 2, p. 102. 116 Ed. II, v. 2, p. 194. i. ret. Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 583. cf Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 186. cf Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 218. cf Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 555. cf Ed. I I , v. 2, p. 104. cf Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 192. more formally "Canadien-Francais" i n the third edition, often replaces "Canadien". ' The practice of commencing sentences with numerals was not carried to the third edition. A sentence no longer begins "800 s o l -dats", but instead begins "Hurt cents s o l d a t s " ; 1 1 8 "1,639 depots" be-comes, "II y eut i639 depots". 1 1 3 He also modernised and changed his spelling. Such words as "emigrans", "habitans", "testamens", i n the second edition, are standard-ised i n the third to "emigrants", "habitants", "testaments". In the passage cited above the word "enfans" i s changed to "enfants". Common spelling errors were corrected. Indian "contons" i s changed to "cantons",^^O-In one paragraph he spelled a name i n two ways; the third edition estab-lished the man with a new spelling: "Ormsley" and ^Ormsly" i n the second edition became "Ormsby" i n the t h i r d . 1 2 1 Even i n the third edition names are not always as we know them today. We are familiar with "Medard Chou-art des Groseilliers", not with "Desgroseillers", 1 2 2 or "Desgrozeliers", as the third edition called him. 1 2 3 William Lyon Mackenzie's surname i s "MacKenzie" i n the second edition and "McKenzie" i n the t h i r d . 1 2 ^ Rewriting a sentence or even changing a word i n a sentence from edition to edition makes the history more pleasant to read. In the sen-tence following, the f i n a l choice was "calme"; the f i r s t edition had been 117 Ed. I I , v. 3, p. 397. cf E d . . I l l , v. 3, p. 355. 118 Ed,. II, v,. ,2, p. 276. Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 284. 119 Ed. I I , v. 2, p. 365. Ed. I l l , v. 2, p.. 377. 120 Ed. II, v. 3, p. 53. Ed. I l l , v. 3, p. 47. 121 Ed. II, v. 3, p. 179. Ed. I l l , v. 3, p. 158. 122 Ed. I I , v. 1, p. 341. 123 Ed. I l l , v. 1, p. 341. 124 Ed. I I , v. 3, p. 365. Ed. I l l , v. 3, p. 325. 63 "toute puissance" and the second "sourde": "Mais les Canadiens, refrbidis de plus en plus, et toujours soumis a l 1influence calme, raais efficace du clerge et d'un bourgeoisie toute monarchique, entendirerit ...avec une i n -diffe r e n c e . . . " 1 2 5 A colloqxiialism, . "De l e petit printemps", became "De bonne heure au printemps; 1 2 6 "L'education populaire", "L'instruction 1 P 7 128 publique"; "Une horde de soldats", "Une escouade de soldats". M. 1P9 de Vergor i s f i n a l l y the "favori" of Bigot, not the "protege". " Entire sentences were rewritten twice to express an idea i n a more exact form. 130 The changes are minute, perhaps, but the labour i s evident. Jamais guerre n'avait ete plus glorieuse pour l a France, soit en Europe >ou en Amerique. [Ed.-I] Jamais guerre n'avait ete plus glorieuse pour l a France, soit en Europe soit en Amerique. [Ed. II] Jamais guerre n'avait 6te plus glorieuse pour l a France en Europe et en Amerique. [Ed. I l l ] Rewriting i s also evident i n quoted speeches. The f i r s t editions quote irrelevantly and at length, whereas the third quotes merely the main ideas. Three men, Gabriel Elzear Taschereau, Chartier de Lotbiniere and M. de Rocheblave, made long speeches i n the Legislative Assembly and said the same thing. Garneau quoted too much the f i r s t time, that i s i n the second edition, but for the third edition reduced the passages to the mam \ l ^ 1 themes of de Lotbiniere and de Rocheblave. • The farewell speech by James 125 Ed. I, v. 3, p. 423. Ed. I I , v. 3, p. 17. Ed. I l l , v. 3, p. 14. 126 Ed. II, v. 2, p. 297. Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 308. 127 Ed. II, v. 3, p. 84. Ed. I l l , v. 3, p. 76. 128 Ed. II, v. 3, p. 148. Ed. I l l , v. 3, p. 129. 129 Ed. II, v. 2, p. 216. Ed. I l l , v. 2, p; 222. 130 Ed. I, v.. 2, p. 140. Ed. I I , v. 1, p. 353. Ed. I l l , v. 1, p. 350. 131 Ed. II, v. 3, pp. 97-102. . Ed.< III, v. 3, pp. 87-88. Craig i s replaced by the comment that Craig made one. One talk by Papineau was extremely repetitive, and for the third edition most of the speech was removed, with the real content given only once. 1 3 3 These re-ductions shortened his text and made i t more concise. 134 A speech by Joseph Howe was entirely removed, but the remo-val may not have been made i n order to shorten the text. Howe had said that the insurgents were foolish to rebel. Garneau said i n both editions that the people called Craig's administration the "Regne de l a terreur". From the third i s omitted the expression that the name contained more 135 irony than truth. ' Unnecessary t r i v i a l talks by military men disap-peared. One li k e that of James Kempt which formerly occupied twelve 137 lines of text, i n the third edition i s summarized i n three lines. ' I r -relevant biographical material on Edward E l l i c e , 1 3 3 who came with Durham, i s l e f t out of the third edition probably because the man was of l i t t l e importance. A certain speech of an Indian, which could not have been re-corded, i s r e t a i n e d . 1 3 9 In this speech the Indian had refused to fight for the British during the American Revolution. Garneau also included 140 the unrecorded thoughts of the dying La Salle. The writing of such thoughts may be considered as nineteenth-century "reconstructive imagina-tion". Garneau might well have eliminated the writing of that type of material as he did so many rhetorical questions. 132 Ed. II, v. 3 » P. 162. Ed. I l l , v. 3, p. 145. 133 Ed. II, V* 3, P* 545 - Ed. III, v. 3, P. 507. 134 Ed. II, V . 3 » PP . 565--566. cf Ed. III, V . 3, P» 526. 155 Ed. II, V . 3 » P. 161. cf Ed. III, V . 3, Pr 145. 136 Ed. I I , V . 3, PT 268. 137 Ed. II, V . 3, P. 293. cf Ed. III, V . 5 > P« 560. 138 Ed. II, V . 3 » P P . 261--262. 139 Ed. II, V . 2, P« 451. Ed. III, V . 2, P* 459. 140 Ed. II, V . 2, P» 8. Ed. III, V . 2, PP . 10-11. 141 Ed. I I , V . 3, P. 140. cf Ed. III, V . 3, P« 124. He also spent much time retranslating parliamentary debates and other speeches from English to French i n order to achieve a more exact meaning. Some are direct retranslations, while others are abridged. Early-talks by P. H. Huskisson 1 4 2 and Lord Bathurst 1 4 5 a,t Westminster are trea-ted in this manner. A comment following a quotation from the Durham Re-port, Garneau eliminated: "On rougit en exposant de pareilles bassesses."144 Generally speaking the third edition i s more scholarly and the most easily read. Detail confuses the third edition less because i t i s more conveniently arranged. Paragraphing i s more lo g i c a l . An over-long paragraph becomes two more effectively-written onesj the one sentence paragraph almost disappears. Sentences are refined, and made more exact; references of pronoun are less faulty. Levis praised the Canadiens high-l y , and Garneau praised Levis. Confused sentence structure i n the f i r s t two editions detracts from this praise, but i n the third i t i s positively established. 1 4 5 Garneau also corrected instances of reverse chronology. The second edition said that Canada's internal divisions i n 1337 were like those of the United States i n 1776 and those of France i n 1450. The third edition reverses these two countries with the respective dates and the chronological flow i s more easy.-*-46 In the second edition he had a great long sentence recapitulating the causes of the troubles in the B r i t i s h colonies. In the third, he says we know the causes and then does not sum-marize. 1 4^ 142 Ed. II, v. 3, pp. 278-281. cf Ed. I l l , v. 3, pp. 249-250. 143 Ed. II , v. 3, p. 223. cf Ed. I l l , v. 3, p. 200; 144 Ed. II, v. 3, p. 379. cf. Ed. I l l , v. 3, p. 338. 145 Ed. I, v. 3, p.1 274. Ed. I I , v. 2, pp, 560-361. Ed. I l l , v. 3, p. 372. 146 Ed. II , v. 3, p. 395. Ed. I l l , v. 5, p. 555. 147 Ed. II, v. 2, p. 414. Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 424. Garneau developed his style i n a l l respects but one; he had no sense of humour. The history has form emphasized by style. He was pains-takingly careful to choose the correct word for his colourful emotional text. Periods of chattiness are merely to permit the reader to prepare for intensity. Garneau admired the Greek playwrights and Shakespeare, but did not discover that one of their secrets was the use of well-placed humour. Only once i n three volumes does Garneau's Histoire draw a Smile. He told the story of the dying but s t i l l miserly de l a Jonquiere who re-fused the wax candles which had been placed near his death bed. The Governor preferred the tallow ones, and said "elles coutaient moins cher et eclairaient aussi b i e n " . 1 4 8 Macaulay, Thierry, Michelet, Bancroft, even Carlyle had wit i n middle age, and probably had a good deal i n youth. I f Garneau1 s Voyage indicates his personality apart from his interest i n history, i t i l l u s -trates his lack of French laughter at twenty-two. Perhaps he consciously refrained from diminishing the gravity of his Histoire. but even the Voyage, f i l l e d with colour, exuberance of language, and enthusiasm for l i f e and history, i s lacking i n humour. Only once did he have a joke.. On his second visa to enter France from England the o f f i c i a l s described his hair as black instead of auburn. The change i n colour i n a year must have been, he suggested, due to the cloudy sky of England. ~ 148 Ed. II, v. 2, p. 200. 149 Voyage, p. 89. Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 206. CHAPTER V 67 THE "COMPETENT ECCLESIASTIC" AMD HIS BLUE PENCIL Garneau's Histoire du Canada did exactly what he had hoped i t would. A minority group msually seeks refuge i n a glorious past and Garneau showed his compatriots their heritage. A cult grew around the l i t t l e man who had drawn his philosophy from the radical French l i t e r a -ture of his day and who had purposely modelled himself after his teachers. Octave Cremazie and Louis Frechette drew on him for poetic themes. The number of editions through which his work has passed i s not equalled by any other Canadian historian and surely attests to his continued popu-l a r i t y . The University of Montreal celebrated the centenary of the Histoire du Canada i n 1945 and French Canada's leading historians con-tributed essays on i t s author. But Garneau's Histoire was not always so well received as i t i s by most later Roman Catholics. Lanctot states that the appearance of the f i r s t volume was "l'evenement l i t e r a i r e de l'annee et meme de l a decade.""1" He appears to judge the popularity by the sales. The last two volumes were greeted with silence i n Quebec, probably because of Church criticism of the f i r s t . Maximilian Bibaud, whose father had written a history, sug-2 gested that Garneau's work was monotonous and d u l l . This accusation i s unfounded and i s fortunately rare. Robitaille states that some c r i t i c s found a certain scorn for scholarship. This criticism Garneau appears to 1 Lanctot, Francois Xavier Garneau. p. 33. 2 Maximilian Bibaud, Le Pantheon Canadien. Montreal, Valois, 1891, pp. 104-105. 3 Robitaille, "L'Oeuvre de Garneau et l a Critique de son Temps", Cen-tenaire de 1'Histoire. p. 136. 68 have met. Nevertheless, the second edition, the longer text, was well liked too. In spite of i t s popularity, the work was subjected to se-vere and continuing criticism, not altogether valid, but which had had i t s effects by 1859. Lay c r i t i c s saw flaws i n Garneau's content. He told l i t t l e of social institutions, and l i t t l e of the home l i f e , manners and customs of the habitant. He described the Indian culture more than he did the French and English. He was not pleased to find that the colonists were less well educated than immigrants from France, but he did not discuss educational f a c i l i t i e s . Although there was no newspaper i n Canada u n t i l after the Conquest, Garneau did not f u l l y explain communication methods. The func-tions of the Sovereign Council, the Intendant and the Governor he explain-ed only insofar as explanation was required to understand the evolution of the colony. He was not writing economic history, but did imply that the colonial economy depended too much on furs. The seigneurial system, the core of the domestic economy, he practically ignored, but suggested that too much paternalism had contributed to French colonial fa i l u r e . The B r i t i s h colonies had succeeded without i t . Garneau did consider the economic aspect, and people who say he was not concerned with the economy are wrong. He knew that commerce was important to the colony, and he also knew that i t was not well handled. 4 Too much reliance was placed on the monopolistic fur trade. No one i n France seemed to realize the reason for British colonial successes i n North America: 5 ...le commerce forme avec I 1agriculture, l a grande occupation de toutes les classes des populations araericaines, depuis l e citoyen l e plus opu-lent jusqu'au. citoyen le plus humble. 4 Ed. II, v. 2, p. 147. 5 Loc. c i t . He spent only one paragraph on the Company of Canada in the f i r s t edition,** but i n the second expanded this one to two and a half pages showing a l l the vices of monopolies which destroyed the Indian culture: 7 I I est inutile de dire qu'avec un pareil systeme et de pareils bene-fices, l'on devait f i n i r par rebuter les Sauvages qui en etaient les victimes, et perdre entierement un commerce ou l e vendeur primitif voyait sa merchandise rapporter apres qu'elle etait sortie de ses mains, 700 pour cent de p r o f i t sans•qu1ell« eut change d'ltat. In Book VIII Garneau told something of the mining, fishing, fur trade, ginseng export, agriculture, boat construction, and other aspects of the economy. He realized that i n a commercial age credit i s a necessity and he saw that one reason for the lack of progress i n New France was the P abuse of public credit and i t s consequent disappearance. Paternalism and monopoly held back the economy of New France. In New England trade was freer. Garneau quoted Raynal as saying that "chez les Franeais i l etait, et fut toujours asservi a. l a tyrannie du monopole".9 Garneau's opposition to monopoly and admiration for free trade were no doubt the bases of the criticism by commercial-groups. Free trade was causing troubles i n Canada and i n England when the f i r s t two editions appeared. Nevertheless contemporary criticism did not force him to change his views, for l i t t l e i s added or changed to satisfy such criticism. Lay objections, however valid, overlook Garneau1s professed reason for writing and his philosophy of history. The general criticism i s that he concen-trated too much on war and politics.- I f there i s no analysis of the 6 Ed. I, v. 2, p. 408. cf Ed. II, v. 2, pp. 158-140. 7 Ed. I I , v. 2, p. 144. 8 Ed. II, v. 2, pp. 102-105. 9. Ed. II, v. 2, p. 142. 70 national mentality, no analysis of the p o l i t i c a l education of the various groups, no preoccupation with c i v i l leaders, and l i t t l e concern with eco-nomics, as Lanctot says,-*-0 this i s not fault but merit. The truth is that Garneau did not ignore a l l these aspects of the history of Canada, but he did not permit them to overshadow his main thesis. Lanctot 1s statement that Garneau lacked h i s t o r i c a l perspective^- i s , therefore, not exactly true. He concentrated on war and p o l i t i c s not because he considered other elements without place i n history, but because he considered that the evo-lution of the race constituted a war for survival. Ecclesiastical criticism of the history was more formidable and more t e l l i n g . Following the French Revolution of 1848, as GarneauVas pub-lishing his third volume, criticism of Church policy was at its height i n Canada and i n Europe. He wrote when democracy was advancing and threaten-ing to undermine the hierarchical structure of the Roman Catholic Church. Garneau accused .the ancient French clergy of being hostile to the masses and therefore undemocratic.^2 The church was facing i t s most serious threat since the Reformation. In Canada Louis Joseph Papineau and Antoine A. Dorion. established the Parti Rouge with i t s a n t i - c l e r i c a l , radically l i b e r a l ideas, and thereby brought the French Revolutionary ideas of 1848 across the ocean. The Church saw liberalism and recoiled. The upper clergy condemned the French Revolution of 1793 as the source of a liberalism smacking of republicanism. Below the Canadian border was a growingrepublic which might annex Canada and end c l e r i c a l influence. Evolutionary philoso-phies were concluding that man must i n time become perfect and without need 10 LanctSt, "L'Oeuvre Historique de Garneau", Centenaire de 1'Histoire. p. 28. 11 Gustave Lanctot, "Francois Xavier Garneau", Encyclopaedia of the Social  Sciences. 1931, v. XI, p. 585. 12 Ed. I, v. 1, p. 103. Ed. I I , v. 1, p. 41. for a church. The new view of science was, consequently, a danger to re-lig i o n . Although Garneau did not denounce the Church, his belief i n any kind of evolution might be construed as an attack upon i t . In so far as an historian can be sc i e n t i f i c , Garneau was a self-admitted scientist and therefore a threat. In so.far as he was a philosopher, his contem-porary l i b e r a l ideas against extreme clericalism were dangerous. After the publication of the second edition Church criticism intensified and Garneau was forced to meet i t . In highly integrated so-cieties a deviant from the culture often places himself i n an untenable position. This Garneau recognized. He added very l i t t l e information to satisfy the lay c r i t i c s , but in order to overcome ecclesiasticobjections, he submitted the third edition to a "competent e c c l e s i a s t i c " ^ for cor-rection before i t was published. Garneau did not make the philosophic changes himself. Most generally considered as the censor i s the Abbe Jean Baptiste Ferland, at that time professor of history at Laval and later author of a history of Canada.1"^ Because the Histoire was publish-ed i n 1859, the censoring must have been done shortly before 1859 because evidence i s that as late as 1856, Garneau had not permitted i t ^ 8 Ferland and Garneau were unfriendly u n t i l 1864, the year before the former's death. As far as could be determined only one French Canadian hints that Garneau might not have wished his text changed. L. M. Darveau, i n his Nos Hommes 13 The term "competent ecclesiastic" i s the one most often applied to the censor of Garneau1s Histoire. 14 Some writers suggest that the censor might have been Casgrain, but Casgrain was very young, and was in France at the time the work would have been done. 15 Armand Yon, "Francois Xavier Garneau, L'Homme", Centenaire de 1'His- toire. p. 108. 14a See page I 3 4 . de Lettres. said i n 1873:-L0 Pour sauver l e tout des fureurs de certains critiques impitoyables, l'auteur dut sacrifier quelques passages de son l i v r e qui seraient devenus pour l u i une cause continuelle de persecutions de toutes sortes de l a part de ces zolles intraitables. The priest censored the work to align i t with Church doctrine. . Possibly nothing philosophically a n t i - c l e r i c a l , l i b e r a l , Galilean or symp-tomatic of a free conscience was supposed to appear i n the third edition. For purposes of determining the type and amount of material deleted by the ecclesiastic censor, i t i s best to do a comparative reading of the second and third editions. For general purposes i t i s possible to consider the f i r s t two editions as one because the edition of 1852 i s merely an expanded version of the 1846-48 edition. The third edition covers the same period as the second, but should be considered independently because i t i s the ed-i t i o n Roman Catholics assume to contain Garneau1 s true thoughts, his doc-t r i n a l l y acceptable philosophy. Very noticeable i s the disappearance of bald statements l i k e "catholicisme a toujours eu une repugnance extreme pour les republiques.'' 1 7 In the second edition Garneau said that the progress of the French Revolu-tion determined Britain's giving French Canadians an extension of liberty 18 which led to the Constitution of 1791. This bold statement that the re-volution had some beneficial results has been omitted from the third edi-tion. Nevertheless the loss of Canada remains intact as one of the causes of the French Revolution. 1 9 Napoleon, not being a revolutionary figure, 16 L. M. Darveau, Nos Hommes de Lettres. Montreal, Stevenson, 1873, pp. 89-90. 17 Ed. I I , v. 2, p. 425. 18 Ed. I I , v. 3, p. 106. 19 Ed. I I , v. 3, p. 400. Ed. I l l , v. 3, p. 358. but a reactionary one, often received high praise. Not included i s the statement that finances determine revolutions.2-'- The immense wealth of a monopoly seems to be the point. For France p o l i t i c a l l y Garneau had not much respect because i n time of itrouble, she had forgotten the Canadiens.^2 Nevertheless, prob-ably to preserve some trace of the old connection, the statement that the 23 colonies were only of secondary importance to the old land i s omitted from both the second and third editions. Faults i n resolution and perse-24. verance over a long time caused the abandonment by Paris. He excused Henry IV, Richelieu, and Louis XIV by saying that they were hampered by outmoded institutions at a time when energy, liberty, industry and emi-gration were needed. 2 5 The specific outmoded institutions are not named, yet one i s never i n doubt as to his meaning. Cardinal Fleury i s blamed for neglecting the French navy. 2 6 The "indolent Louis XV"27 spent too 2 8 much time with royal mistresses and not enough with the affairs of state. These people are cleansed for the third edition. Garneau admired the rebels to the south, but philosophic admira-tion was curtailed for the third edition. Praise for their system of education 2 9 and their non-militaristic nature 0^ passed the censor. He 20 Ed. I l l , v. 3, p. 174. 21 Ed. I I , v. 3, p. 267. 22 Ed. I I , v. 3, p. 370. 23 Ed. I, v. 2, p. 102. 24 Ed. I I , v. 2, p. 354. 25 Ed. II, v. 2, p. 113. Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 113. 26 Ed. II, v. 2, p. 182. 27 Ed. II, v. 2, p. 212. Also i n Voyage, p. 95. 28 Ed. II, v. 2, pp. 253-254. 29 Ed. II, v. 1, p. 298. Ed. I l l , v. 1, p. 295. 30 Ed. II, v. 3, p. 167. Ed. I l l , v. 3, p. 148. 74 would not allow, however, that the American Revolution had saved Catholo-cism for Canada. 3 1 The second and third editions agreed that the united States was the f i r s t free nation i n the Mew World,52 : a n ^ that i t s popula-tion and industry had made i t one of the major nations i n the world. 33 That elective governments lead naturally to liberty of conscience 3* i s not i n the third edition, probably because Canada had an elective government. Garneau* s admiration for the United States forced him to admit that " l a rlpublique des Etats-Unis est devenue grande, puissante et un exemple pour l e monde". The third edition concedes the United States to be "grande et puissante*', but not "un exemple pour l e monde*1.3*5 The modification was apparently for religious reasons. Great though his respect may be for the American Republic, i n a l l editions he said Canada must not become a part of the United States for Canada would become completely American i n 5 6 mores, language and institutions. This admonition i s completely accept-able to the Roman Catholic Church. Direct disparagement of the lack of democratic responsible gov-ernment under the old regime does not appear i n the third edition. Nor does the statement that " l e r o i et l e clerge faisaient une guerre impitoy-able a tout principe de l i b e r t l " . 3 7 Blame i s directed toward the govern-ment alone. The Church may want no part of lib e r t y , but neither does i t t o want to be seen as attacking liberty, or bringing on the Revolution: 51 Ed. I I , v. 3, p. 158. 32 Ed. I I , v. 3, p. 55. 35 Ed. I I , v. 1, p. 278. 34 Ed. I I , v. 3, p. 22. 35 Ed. I l l , v. 5, p. 359. 36 Ed. I I , v. 1, p. 502. 57 Ed. I I , v. 1, p. 165. cf Ed. HE, v. 5, p. 49. Ed. I l l , v. 1, p. 276. Ed. I I , v. 3, p. 401. Ed., I l l , v. 1, p. 299. 58 Ed. I l l , v. 1, p. 166. A cette epoque l e gouvernement f a i s a i t une guerre impitoyable a tout principe de liberte, ne voyant point sans doute l'abime vers lequel i l marchait et dans lequel i l devait disparaitre dans l e siecle s u i -vant. [Ed. I H ] The censor allowed no depreciation of the French Canadian Roman Catholic i f i t reflected on either the Church or the population. Garneau said that the British hated the Catholics, and that to judge from some of the Roman Catholic o f f i c i a l s sent to Europe, they had reason. 2 9 The state-ment does not appear i n the third edition. A retention of comments on Church method of control by use of t r a d i t i o n 4 0 would have been astonishing. Only Garneau's second text said that nothing i s worse than " l a delegation d'un pouvolr absolu". 4 1 Garneau cannot be called Carlylafr i n his view of Great Men, but he understood that certain people l i k e Bishop Laval, the Intendant Talon, Count Frontenac or Governor Vaudreuil, made lasting contributions to the Canadian community. Some of the leaders, Frontenac for instance, did not accede to Church policy, but, i n spite of their recalcitrance, had to remain impressive because of their unquestionable influence on the history of the country. I t appears to have been thought wise to diminish the prestige of such men without denying their importance entirely. Papi-neau, one of these figures, lost favour because of his anti-clericalism. The method used to level Papineau for tbe third edition i s unique. In weakening his prestige that of his followers Chasseur and Bedard i s r a i -sed to heights contrary, probably, to Garneau's original intention. 39 Ed. I I , v. 2, p. 585. 40 Ed. I I , v. 2, p. 425. 41 Ed. I I , v. 1, p. 169. Although the second edition showed Papineau as a distinguished extremist, yet loyal to the crown, i t pictured M" as a great and popular leader, as a man who could entrance the Legislative Assembly with his elo-quence. Garneau by-passed Papineau* s f l i g h t to the united States and showed that Dr. Wolf red Nelson unsuccessfully begged the leader to leave the battlefield at St. Denis.^ In his zeal to retain a hero Garneau did not show when Papineau l e f t the f i e l d . The second edition obliquely c r i -t icized Chasseur for being disappointed i n the timidity of the chief who Aft had retreated from an earlier stand of open rebellion. Beaard was also reproved for rejecting the Papineau ideal. The third edition pares the disapproval of Beaard and barely mentions Chasseur.*^ On the other hand, the third edition makes Bedard a p o l i t i c a l and cultural martyr. In the second edition Bedard was shown as admitting that the British had had good cause for Imprisoning him after closing his newspaper. He recognized that the imprisonment was not a punishment, but rather a just i f i a b l e precaution taken to atop his undermining of the government.45 Bedard thereby excused the Br i t i s h . No such honest admission by Bedard appears i n the third edi-tion. His excuse for the B r i t i s h was withdrawn and they are made to appear more villainous. He became a martyr without an excuse for his persecutors. Papineau could not be altogether dismissed, but his qualities of leadership were hidden somewhat. In the second edition, he and Bedard were the firm "champions des droits populaires", but i n the third were firm 42 Ed. I I , v. S, p. 559. Ed. I l l , v. 3, p. 520. 43 Ed. I I , v. 3, p. 356. cf Ed. I l l , v. 5, p. 517. 44 Ed. H I , v. 3, p. 396. 45 Ed. I I , v. 3, p. 154. "defenseurs de nos d r o i t s 1 1 . 4 6 When the third edition appeared i n 1859 the Church was more wary of popular rights, and no longer did Papineau have «l»3me grande et Hevle". 4 7 He was no longer "notre personnification chez l ' l t r a n g e r " . 4 8 Instead of gallantly abandonning himself "a un enthousi-asme rlpublicain", Papineau "s'abandonna imprudement a un enthousiasme re-p u b l i c a n " . 4 9 Criticism was carefully placed because Papineau had to be effec-tively retained. He was a prime mover of the p o l i t i c a l events leading to the climactic rebellions which could not be openly denounced by a national-i s t i c writer who was also opposing injustice. Therefore, when the perfume of sanctity could not be applied, some of the odour of heresy was washed away. The third edition did not quote f u l l y Papineau1 s most anti-doctrinal speeches. One of his most democratic harangues ended with a plea for re-form and a strong appeal to the republic-minded. Garneau must have been impressed with the speech for he gave i t twice i n the second edition, once summarized and once quoted. The third edition does not contain this most drastic language. In the second edition, but not i n the third, Pa-pineau was quoted as saying that people w i l l be happy: 5 0 ...en demandant l a reforme de l'&ristocratie, et en augmentant l a force du principe democratique dans son gouvernement. Le systeme vicieux qui a regno* dans les colonies, n'a f a i t que donner plus d'energie au peuple, pour se rendre republicain: c'est ce qui a It! le cas dans les etats du nord de 1'union. Dans les colonies du mi-l i e u , quoique les institutions y fussent plus rlpublicairfe et plus liberales, l e peuple y a It! l e dernier a se revolter. [Ed. II] 46 Ed. I l l , v. 3, p. 80. 47 Ed. I I , v. 3, p. 316. 49 Ed. I l l , v. 3, p. 233. 50 Ed. I I , v. 3, p. 320. cf cf Ed. I I , v. 3, p. 89. 48 E d . I I , v. 5, p. 343. Ed. I I , v. 3, p. 319. Praise for him i n the third edition i s weak in both language and content. Papineau and Bedard, linked together i n the radical years before the uprising, are feebly described as "Sortis tous les deux rangs du peuple, i l s avaient regu une education classique au college de Quebec."51 The re-ligious education was not denied them, but Garneau* s tremendous praise of 52 the second edition has withered. I t had read: 0* Ilsfurent dans l a legislature les premiers apotres de l a l i b e r t ! et les defenseurs des institutions nationales de leurs compatriotes, parmi lesquels leurs noms ne cesseront point d'etre en veneration. Sortis tous deux du sein du peuple, l'un d'une. famille de Montreal, 1'"autre d'une famille originaire de Gharlesbourg, pres de Quebec, i l s avaient regu une Education qui les mettait de pair avec l a plu-part de ces gentilSiiommes qui cherchaient en vain a conserver l e prestige de leur ancienne i l l u s t r a t i o n , mais qui allaient trouver des emules redoubtables et l e plus souvent v&inqueurs dans les de-bats de l a tribune. [Ed. II] The veneration ceased. The rewording for the third edition, as well as the withholding of information reduces the impression of Papi-neau's immense power and popularity. The second edition says that he went to Stanstead and was welcomed by that part of Canada. The weight of the words chosen i n the third edition i s noticeablej he was welcomed by the people i n that l o c a l i t y . 0 0 Nor does the third edition mention that at a dinner for two hundred given at Stanstead i n honour of the radical leaders, they, Papineau, O'Callaghan, Dewitt and Fletcher, were "les principaux orateurs". 5 4 In one instance Papineau 1 s wisdom was reduced and a group of Methodists were not named as coming to the assistance of the French Cana-dians. In 1822 a suggestion that the two Canadas be united created a s t i r . 51 Ed. I l l , v. 5, pp. 80-81. 52 Ed. I I , v. 5, p. 89. 53 Ed. I l l , v. 3, p. 294. cf Ed. I I , v. 3, p. 330. 54 Loc. c i t . Papineau and Nelson went to London with a petition to protest this pos-sible change i a the constitution of 1791. To do so they had to enlist the help of the "Saints'1, a group composed of "methodistes et autre dis-sidens". Referring to this petition, or memoirs, which was edited by Nelson with the aid of Papineau, a footnote i n the second edition said that i t was "l'un de nos papiers d'ltat l e plus aoblement, savamment et philosophiquement penses que l'on trouve dans notre histoire". The third edition makes no mention of the Methodists having helped with i t and ceased to indicate that the two a n t i - c l e r i c a l leaders could compose a paper that was philosophically sound. The footnote i n the third edition read: "Ce mamoire, redige par M. Neilson, [sic], avec l'aide de M. Papi-neau, est l'un de nos meilleurs papiers d'Etat." 5 5 The third edition also makes an attempt to whitewash the habi-tant population. Only law-abiding citizens lived i n the colony. Not appearing i s the idea that the English were right i n saying that the French Canadians were always too p a r t i a l to nationalistic prejudices. 5 6 The second edition indicated that the electors were being influenced by doctrinally impure ideasj the Legislative Assembly of 1837 was composed of men f a l l i n g under the world wide sway of liberalism. The two follow-ing passages cannot possibly mean the same t h i n g : 5 7 Les demieres elections avaient change l e caractere de ce corps. Un grand nombre de jeunes gens des professions libSrales avaient St! 41us sous l'inspiration de 1'esprit du temps. [Ed. II] Les dernieres elections avaient change l e caractere de ce corps. Un grand nombre de jeunes gens avaient I t ! !lus. [Ed. I l l ] 55 Ed. I l l , v. 5, p. 234. cf_ Ed. I I , v. 3, p. 258. 56 Ed. I I , v. 3, p. 181. cf Ed. I l l , v. 3, pp. 160-161. 57 Ed. I I , v. 3, p. 507. cf Ed. I l l , v. 5, pp. 272-275. Craig had said that the Legislative Assembly was "infectee des doctrines revolutionnaires". Ed. I I , v. 5, p. 155. I t may readily be seen that Garneau's liberalism.--almost r a d i -calismr-his ideas of freedom were challenged. Church doctrine does not f i l t e r into the book, but much inticShurcih-doctrine i s flushed away. A paragraph approving the British attitude toward taxation i s omitted from the third edition. I t contained good arguments against the Church tithe. Another paragraph i n the second edition* 5 9 referred to increase i a popula-tion and called the people "un polype dont chaque partie a les vertus de l a total!to". Garneau* s interest i n the natural sciences • .- evident. The same passage was introduced by the statement that " l e mouvement pro-gre3sif continue toujours, et l e droit, l a ralson l'interet finissent par triompher." The paragraph was not Included i n the third edition. , Evolution, or at least Hegelian dialectics, i s supposed to have no place i n the third edition and this short passage does not appear:^ ...11 est dans l a nature des choses d'of f r i r de l a resistance avant de cesser d'exlster au de changer de nature. C'est une l o i morale comme une l o i physique. Le mensonge ne remplace pas l a v l r i t e sans combat, et l a lutte const!tul en morale ce que l'on appelle l a con-science. [Ed. II] The premise that Garneau*3 doctrine was faulty led to more de-t a i l e d criticism. Some c r i t i c s said that he dwelt too l i t t l e on eccle-s i a s t i c history and did not sufficiently appreciate the part played by the Church. These people overlooked that he was not writing an ecclesi-a s t i c a l history of Canada. He gave the Church i t s due, but f e l t that as far as civic affairs were concerned, the Church should be disinterested and impartial. Probably because i t s praise was so greatly qualified, almost an entire paragraph commending the clergy i s not found i n the third e d i t i o n : 6 1 58 Ed. II, v. 3, p. 74. 60 Ed. I I , v. 5, pp. 569-370. cf 61 Ed. I I , v. 1, p. 199. cf 59 Ed. I I , v. 5, p. 85. Ed. I l l , v. 3, p. 529. Ed. I l l , v. 1, p. 196. ALa religion a joue un grand role dans 1' Itablissament du Canada; et ce serait manquer de justice que de ne pas reconnaitre tout ce qu* elle a f a i t pour l u i , surtout dans les temps critiques.... Son de-vouement enfin a e t i sans borne dans l'accomplissement de sa tache divine. Mais s i son influence est indispensable au debut de l a c i v i l i s a t i o n ; s i l a religion est necessaire aux peuples c i v i l i s e s , s i e l l e est leur bien l e plus prScieux, 1*experience prouve aussi que l e clerge doit autant que possible se tenir eloigns des a f f a i r ^ et des passions du monde, a f i n de conserver ce caractere de desin-teressement et d'impartialite s i necessaire a ceux qui sont etablis pour rlpandre l a morale parmi les hommes. [Ed. II] The "Discours Preliminaire" pointed out that although Canada was founded under religious auspices, she f e l t the effects most feebly. He also said that we would appreciate his meaning later.**** The third edition does not, however, blame the Church directly for "tant de guerre, tant d'orages et tant de revolutions". The second edition even hinted that the Pope's division of the world was a cause of war, while the -third edition does not mention him i n this respect. Not appearing i s ihe state-ment that "Apres que l e pape se fut arroge l e droit de dormer aux Chre-tiens les terres des Infideles, tout f r e i n fut rompu...." The passage had formerly read as follows: 6^ Les l o i s Internationales, violles des 1'origins dan3 ce continent par les Europeans, y etaient partout meconnues et sans force. Apres que l e pape se fut arroge" l e droit de donner aux Chret iens les terres des infideles, tout frein fut rompu; car quel respect pouvait-on avoir pour un principe qu'on avait foulS au pied des l e premier jour dans l e Nouveau-Monde en s'emparant de gre ou de force d'un sol qui etait deja posslde par de nombreuses nations. Aussi l'Amerique du Nord presenta - t-elle bien tot l e spectacle qu*offrit 1»Europe dans l a premiere moitie de l'ere chretienne; une guerre sans cesse renais-sante s'alluma entre les Europeens pour l a possession du s o l . [Ed. II] Garneau, as a Galilean, obviously preferred a separation of Church and State, but most of his ideas are weakened i n the third edi-tion. Probably because of the denunciations of the governmental prac-62 Ed. I I , v. 1, (Discours Prelim.), p. xv. Ed. I l l , v- 1, (Discours Prelim.), p. xvi. 63 Loc. c i t . 64 Ed. II, v. 2, pp.' 106-107. 82 tices emanating from Par i s ; l a t e r i n the Histoire. tiro paragraphs are not i n the third edition. The second paragraph was an expansion of the first which s a i d : 6 5 Le principal point a Paris I t a i t toujours politique a suivre avec l e clerg! pour avoir l a paix et ensuite les reformes a operer pour donner un nouvel elan au pays. [Ed. II] According to the second edition, religion commanded the subser-vience of a l l else and religious control was not to the best advantage <j£ the colony. Garneau mentioned i n a paragraph some problems met by Madame de Guercheville, who made a contribution to early French colonization. Of the next paragraph which so forcefully concluded a chapter, only the f i r s t sentence i s retained i n the edition of 1859. The reason i s ap-parent: 6 6 Telles furent les premieres vicissitudes des Itablissemens fran-cais en Amerique. S i l'on ne peut s'empecher d 1 admirer 1'entousiasme religieux qui animait madame de Guercheville, et qui l u i f a i s a i t s a c r i -f i e r une.partie de sa fortune pour l a conversion des infideles, s i cet enthousiasme dolt paraltre presque sublime, dans ce sieele de froid calcul ou 1'intSret materiel domine tous les autres, i l est cependant permis de se demander pourquoi e s t - i l r e s t ! sans f r u i t , et ulterieure-ment sans avantage pour La France? C'est qu'a cette Ipoque 1'experi-ence n'avait pas encore appris que l e bien, l ' i n t l r e t de l a religion commandaient imperieusement de tout s a c r i f i e r a l'avancement et a Ia consolidation des nouveaux Stablissemens, parce que ceux-ci tombant, l a ruine des missions devait en etre l a suite. On doit aussi deplorer que 1'intSret des una et des autre3 n'ait pas toujours et! identique, ou plutot bien compris, car alors au l i e u de chercher a se supplanter, a se dltruire r!ciproquement, l'on se serait soutenu ensemble pour 1' avantage et l a grandeur de l a patrie francaise, pour l * i a t ! r e t qui devait f a i r e taire tous les autres. [Ed. II] The B r i t i s h colonies to the south of the French were superior i n commerce, industry and natural advances, because English monarchs were Pro-testant and did not permit Church influence to become too g r e a t . 6 7 As 65 Ed. I I , v. 1, p. 195. 67 Ed. I I , v. 1, p. 175. 66 Ed. I I , v. 1, pp. 51-52 85 might be expected such sentiments are not i n the third edition. Garneau* s second edition gave a better statement of his ideas on commerce than did the third, but was c r i t i c a l of the Church. Only the f i r s t sentence of a very revealing passage appeared i n the t h i r d : 6 8 Le commerce commencait d l j a a prendre de l'essor. L'etablisse-ment de 1'Amerique l'augmenta, et maintenant 11 embrasse tout, et du rang l e plus humble tend continuellement a occuper l a premiere place et a exercer l a plus grande influence dans l a sociSte. Les-armes, l a mitre ont tour a tour exerce leur domination sur l e monde, l e negoce vient leur succeder. S S i l ne par a i t pas aussi venerable ou aussi mag-nifique que ces deux antiques puissances, i l veut du moins regner d* une maniere absolue sur toute 1*Amerique.... [Ed. II] Religious interference i n the economy was originally shown to have led to poor development, but most of such comments are unwritten i n the third edition. In the second Garneau protested that those who opposed Sully did not help advance New France. The protest does not appear i n the third edition; only the f i r s t sentence of this passage does: Les protestans et les catholiques, partisans de l a politique de Sully, composaient ce q u ' i l y avait de plus industrieux en France, et par cela meme de plus favorable aux progres du commerce et de l a colonisa-tion. Leurs adversaires, qui voulaient dominer a toute force dans les affaires politiques comme dans les affaires religieuses, avaient pris l a preponderance sur eux en Amerique comme ai l l e u r s . I l s voulurent que l e commerce supportat toutes les depenses, eccllsiastiques comme ci v i l e s , fardeau beaucoup trop lourd pour l u i , et i l s sacrifierent au-tant par faux zele que par ignorance, les interets les plus chers du pays a l a devotion sublime, mais outrle du 17e siecle. [Ed. II] Tracy's orders were to maintain peace between the spiritual and temporal authorities, yet to weight the balance so that the spiritual was inferior to the other. 7 0 Religious enthusiasm was being overdone and the Court must have known this to give such orders. The whole world had been embroiled i n a religious turmoil. Condemnation of Church interference 68 Ed. I I , v. 2, p. 131. cf Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 158. 69 Ed. I I , v. 1, pp. 47-48. cf Ed. I l l , v. 1, p. 47. 70 Ed. II, v. 1, p. 195. Cf Ed. I l l , v. 1, p. 191. appears only i n the second edition. Garneau said that to speak of either religious or p o l i t i c a l liberty was a crime i n the eyes of the Church dur-ing the old regime. 7 1 He had probably not made up his mind for the f i r s t edition and the sentence i s not i n the third. Even as late as the Con-quest, he f e l t , the French were too occupied by religious disputes to fight e f f e c t i v e l y . 7 2 On the whole, Garneau believed that the religious zeal inspiring the people of France was good, but misplaced. He commended the country for distinguishing herself above a l l other nations i n her efforts to con-vert the natives of the new world. The qualifying sentence i s not i n the thir d e d i t i o n : 7 5 Mais malheureusement ce catholicisme ardent, devoue, infatigable, exerca une pernicieuse influence sur l a police des colonies et sur leur destines future. The second and third editions imply unpleasantness experienced by seigneurs who opposed the Roman Catholic Church on rel i g i o u s - p o l i t i c a l matters and who objected to the effects of the clergy mixing p o l i t i c a l and religious prejudices. Changed somewhat i n the third edition, the note c r i t i c a l of the clergy i s not present and the people are no longer accused of obstructing legislation: 7 <* Tandis que l e ministre indiquait d'un cote 1'usage que l'on devait faire du conseil contre l a chambre d'assemblee,.11 cherchait de 1'autre a se concilier l e clerge catholique et son eveque qui avait une grand* influence sur l e peuple. Le gouverneur revenant sur l a question, transmit & lord Bathurst un apercu de 1'etat des partis dans l e pays et l u i marqua 1* embarras ou i l se trouvait place entre ses instructions et l a situation des esprits. I I deciara q u ' i l et-a i t impossible de se faire une idee l'impopularite du juge Sewell; 71 Ed. II, v. 1, p. 82. 72 Ed. I I , v. 2, p. 212. Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 218. 75 Ed. II, v. 1, p. 41. 74 Ed. II, v. 5, pp. 225-224. cf Ed. I l l , v. 5, p. 200. 85 que d'apres les informations qu'il avait recues et les siennes propres dans un voyage qu'i l avait f a i t dans l a province, i l trou-vait que toutes les classes l u i Itaient hostiles, meme dans les coins les plus recules du pays...qu'elle Itait non seulement parta-gee par l e peuple, mais par l e clerg! cathollque lui-meae, qui soutenait a tout^force qu'elle Itait bien fondle. Que s i 1'influ-ence du clerg! sur les laics- Itait grande sur difflrentes questions, sa seigneurie pouvait juger de ce qu'elle Itait lorsqu'elle servait pour un objet dans lequel l e peuple croyait ses i n t l r e t s les plus chers engagls, contre un homme qu ' i l regardait malheureusement comme ayant outrag! ses sentimens religieux et sa loyautl; que l e clerg! recevait une double force dans l e cas actuel de l ' e f f e t corn-bin! des prejugls politiques et religieux et que l'on pouvait se fa i r e facilement une i d l e de l a haine que cet homme leur avait i n -spirSe. [Ed. II] Le gouvemeur transmit au ministre un memoirs, dans lequel i l l u i marqua l'embarras ou. i l se trouvait pour remplir ses instruc-tions, vu l ' l t a t des esprits. II Itait impossible, d i s a i t - i l , de se faire une i d l e de 1 1impopularitl de Sewell: toutes les classes, jus-qu'au clerg! catholique, l u i Itaient hostiles, meme dans les coins les plus reculls du pays. I I Itait persuad! que s i l e gouvernement avait entendu les deux parties sur les accusations portles contre ce juge, qu'elle qu'eilt I t ! l a decision, elle anrait contribue a l a paix, en otant au parti hostile a l'accus! un prltexte de plainte; et i l osait dire que c 1Itait l a l e motif qui avait fait passer les rlsolutions, cause de l a derniere dissolution. [Ed. I l l ] No thought appears in the final edition that the clergy toadied to the executive possibly at the expense of the people. No mention is made of M. Roux' -purposed i n l i f e being to raise the Church to a good footing with the government. The last publication of the Histoire apparently meant to forestall a belief that a Bishop, or any of the clergy, would be-tray the people while pandering to the Conquerors. The following sentence was omitted: 7 5 Le grand vicaire de l'lveque...adressa uh mandement au peuple, dans lequel.il semblait n'avoir pu trouver d'expressionaassez fortes pour convaincre l'Angleterre de sa f i d e l i t e et de son devouement. 75 Ed. II, v. 5, pp. 169-170. 86 The censor must have f e l t i t more p o l i t i c to indicate that the B r i t i s h needed the French .and their clergy, rather than to imply that the clergy had bargained with the Br i t i s h . I f the Bishop of Quebec did s e l l out for a price and did threaten his flock, the third edition carefully avoids mentioning the price and the use of religion for p o l i t i c a l purposes. I t i s not impossible that the B r i t i s h did require help from the Bishop be-76 fore the American Revolution. The two texts d i f f e r remarkably: On invoqua aussi l e secours du sacerdoce. L'eveque de Quebec, qui venait de recevoir une pension de L200 du gouvemement, adressa une circulaire aux catholiques de son diocese pour les exhorter A sou-tenir l a cause de l'Angleterra menacant d'excommunication tous ceux qui se montreraient r l b e l l e s . [Ed. I I ] ' ; Le secours du clerge fut invoqul. L*eveque de Quebec adressa une circulaire aux catholiques de son diocese>pour les exhorter a sou-tenir l a cause de l'Angleterre et a repousser 1'invasion americaine. [Ed. I l l ] Mgr. Plessis i s even more completely whitewashed. Two paragraphs rewritten for the third edition no longer suggest that he ceded p o l i t i c a l l y to make a gain for religion. This passage appeared i n the second edition: 7 < Craig qui avait une maniere a l u i de gouvernefic^Jja'avait pas settlement cherche a. dominer l e par lament, i l avait voulu aussi mettre a ses pieds l e clerge. I I s'etait persuadi qu' i l pourrait conduire tout a sa guise par l a violence et 1*Intimidation, et comme 11 avait impose sa volonte dans les choses politiques, 11 croyait pouvoir aussi corrompre et intimider 1*eveque catholique, mettre son clerge.dans l a dependence de gouvemement, en l u i faisant abandonner pour se l'arroger ensuite l a nomination des cures. La soumission de M. Plessis qu& avait S t i jusqu'a l i r e ses proclamations et f a i r e les allocutions politiques en chaire, l u i avait f a i t croire q u ' i l f e r a i t de ce p r l l a t ce qu'il voudraitj mais i l fut trompe. L*eveque n'avait cede en politique que pour acquerir et non pour perdreen religion. II y eut trois entrevues au chSteau St. Louis entre ces deux hommes...dans lesquelles l e gouver-neur put se convaincre que l e clergl serait aussi ferme pour defendre ses droits que l a chambre d'assemblee. 76 Ed. I I , v. 2, p. 430. 77 Ed. II, v. 3, p. 158. cf Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 438. Nous avons vu les efforts qui ont Ste f a i t s en differens temps depuis l a conquete pour abattre l'eglise catholique et implanter l e protestantisme a sa place. Nous avons f a i t remarquer que l a revolu-tion americaine sauva l e catholicisme en Canada, ou pour parler plus exactement, l'empecha d'etre persecute, car on ne l'aurait pas plus eteint en Canada qu'en Irlande. On peut a j outer que l a dispersion du clerge frangais par l e regime de l a terreur en 1793 contribua beaucoup a apsaiser aussi a Londres les prejuges contre l'eglise romaine; et que l e contrecoup fut assez sensible en Canada pour y laisser permettre 1*entree des pretres, sujets des Bourbons, qu'en Staient specialement exclus avant l a revolution. [Ed. II] . Points arising from the l a t t e r paragraph have been discussed ear-l i e r , but changes i n the third edition ease the position of the Bishop and a l t e r the results of the impact of the American Revolution: 7 3 Craig n'avait pas settlement cherche a dominer l e parlement, i l avait voulu aussi asservir l e clerge" a ses volontls. En suggerant, aux ministres de suspendre l a constitution, i l leur avait recommande, comme on l ' a vu, de s'emparer du patronage de l'Eglise, de l a nomina-tion des cures, de 1'erection des paroisses, des biens des jlsuites et du seminaire de Montreal. I I eut trois entrevues au chateau Saint-Louis avec 1*eveque.... Nous avons expose les efforts qui avaient ete ,faits en d i f f e r -ents temps depuis l a conquete, pour abattre l'Eglise catholique et pour implanter l e protestantisme a sa place. -Nous avons f a i t remarquer aussi que l a revolution americaine avait desarme l a persecution, qui n*avait ose f a i r e encore que des menaces. On peut ajouter que l a d i s -persion du clerge frangais par l e regime de l a terreur en 1793, con-tribua beaucoup a apaiser les prejuges de l'Angleterre contre l'Eglise romaine; et que l e contre-coup fut assez sensible en Canada pour en ouvrir 1'entree aux pretres frangais, qui en etalent exclus avant l a revolution. [Ed. I l l ] Nor does the l a s t edition indicate that Plessis had promised an exchange of p o l i t i c a l for religious support. He had been confirmed Bishop i n 1818, but the third edition makes no mention of his receiving a salary of L100O nor of the L500 he received from the legislature as rent for the episcopal palace. 7 9 Indeed, no mention i s made of the rent. While Thomas 78 Ed. I l l , v. 3, pp. 139-140. 79 Ed. I I , v. 3, p. 227. cf Ed. I l l , v. 3, p. 203. Dunn was arranging a military show to discourage the Americans, "l'eVeque, M. Plessis, adressa un mandement a tous les catholiques pour exciter leur zele." Probably to avoid the appearance of the Church using religious power for military purposes, the f i n a l edition dropped the last four words and merely said, "l'eveque, M. Plessis, adressa un mandement a tous les catho-l i q u e s . " 8 0 I t was well known that Plessis had meddled i n p o l i t i c s . In order to satisfy the clergy and keep them out of o f f i c i a l business, Durham " s a i -s i t cette occasion pour prouver des bonnes dispositions, et accorda un 81 t i t r e inebranlable aux suplicien8 B. The following praise for Durham did not reach the third e d i t i o n : 8 2 ^Cette act I t a i t tres sage et tres politique. I I [Durham] savait que depuis M. Plessis surtout, l e clerg! avait s!par! l a cause de l a re-l i g i o n de celle de l a politique, et que s ' i l rassurait l'autel, i l pourrait f a i r e ensuite tout ce q u ' i l voudrait sans que l e clerg! cessat de precher 1'obSlssance au pouvoir de l a couronne quel q u ' i l fut. Lord Durham etait trop e c l a i r ! pour nlgliger une pareille i n -fluence. A c l e r i c a l censor clearing Bishop Plessis also had to clear B i -shop Briand over whom Plessis made the funeral oration. Damage to the prestige of either Bishop could not be permitted. I t would appear that the French Canadians were not to know that the Church openly advocated obedience to the B r i t i s h , or that resistance would constitute disloyalty to both the British and to God. The rebellion had to be described, but i t evidently seemed wiser not to show that i t had been prohibited. In one 80 Ed. I l l , v. 3, p. 115. 81 Ed. I l l , v. 5, pp. 336-337 cf Ed. I I , v. 3, p. 131. 82 Ed. I I , v. 3, p. 377. place the word "revolts" was changed to "insurrection 1*. 8 3 The l a s t two paragraphs of the following passage describing the funeral oration did not appear i n the third editions 3* On ne pouvait rassurer l'Angleterre dans un langage plus sou-nds n i plus devoue. Le pretre oublait tout l e reste, remerciait presque l a providence d'avoir arrache l e Canada a l a nation impie qui b r i s a i t ses autels. I I prechait l'obeissanee l a plus absolue en disant que celui qui resiste a l a puissance r e s i s t ! a Dieu meme, et par cette r e s i s -tance i l raerite l a damnation. Toutes ces maximes du reste etalent et sont encore celles de l'eglise catholique. Quoique les protestans les repudient ou du moins ne les poussent pas s i l o i n que Rome, l i s en profiterent en Canada, et M. Plessis fut toute sa vie en grande consideration parol eux. [Ed. II] The third edition eliminates thoughts which reveal Garneau's general attitude toward the Church. At no time does the third say nc»etait l'ancienne pretention clericale de recuser les tribunaux c i v i l s ordinaires? 3 3 Nor i s there any suggestion that interference by a non-cleric would be dan-gerous or that a "chanoine" could be audacious. The two adjectives were removed from this sentence before i t could appear for the third time: 3 6 L'intendant f i t informer immedjatement contre l e chanoine audacieux.... M. de Beauharnois a l i a beaucoup plus l o i n que 1. de Frontenac dans cette intervention dangereuse. [Ed; II] Changes i n word choice are not always to improve the writing. They often give a new meaning to the entire sentence. Jacques Cartier, on his return to France, according to the third edition, found France the prey of religious "dissentions"j not of religious "persecutions" as the second 83 Ed. I l l , v. 5, p. 332. cf 84 Ed. I I , v. 3, p. 110. cf 85 Ed. I I , v. 2, pp. 119-120. 86 Ed. I I , v. 2, p. 120. cf Ed. I I , v. 3, p. 373. Ed. I l l , v. 3, p. 95. Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 119. had s a i d . 0 The laws of Great Britain, according to the second edition, prohibited "hierarchie papiste", but according to the third, "hierarchic catholique". 8 8 A change of the l a s t words of the following sentence to "le f i t a part", from " l e f i t secretement", reveals a sentence less i n -criminating: 8 9 I I 7 a l i e u de croire aussi que l e clerge partagea les sentimens des pltitionnaires, quoique, suivant son usage, s ' i l f i t des representa-tions, s ' i l l e f i t secretement. [Ed. II] Jesuits attacked Garneau because he said that they meddled i n af f a i r s of state. Despite a defence of their constitutional rights, Gar-neau appears to have disliked them. Champlain, too, appears to have d i s -trusted them and to have preferred the Recollets. The third edition re-duces somewhat the praise for Champlain and softens his direct criticism of the Jesuits. The differences between the two editions are noticeable:' Esprit naturellement religieux, mais ennemi de l a domination des Je-suites, i l [Champlain] prifera les moines de l'ordre de St.-Franeois pour l e Canada a tous les autres, parce qu'ils etaient, d i s a i t - i l , sans ambition. [Ed. II] Naturellement religieux, mais, comme bien des hommes de son siecle, redoutant l'influence des jesuites, i l prefarait pour le Canada, les moines de l'ordre de Saint-Ffancois, parca^qu'ils Staient, d i s a i t - i l , sans ambition. [Ed. I l l ] The Jesuits replaced the Rlcollets, however, and i n the second edition the reasons sound almost sinister. They did not i n the third 91 which i s again softened: C 1etaient des Jlsuites, substitues aux Recollets, exclus sous pr6-texte que, dans une nouvelle colonie, ces moines mendians etaient plus a charge qu'utiles. [Ed. II] 87 Ed. I I , v. 1 (Intro.), p. 24. cf 38 Ed. I l l , v. 3, p. 202. cf 89 Ed. I I , v. 2, p. 404. cf 90 Ed. I I , v. 1, p. 121. cf 91 Ed. II, v. 1, p. 120. cf Ed. I l l , v, 1 (Intro.), p. 23. Ed. I I , v. 3, p. 227. Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 414. Ed. I l l , v. 1, p. 118. Ed. I l l , v. 1, p. 117. 91 L'occasion avait et! saisie pour exclure les r l c o l l e t s , quoiqu'ils fussent tres-populaires, parce qu'on croyait depuis longtemps que, danse une nouvelle colonie, des moines mendiants etaient plus a charge qu'utiles; i l s prierent en vain l e gouvernement de les l a i s -ser revenir. [Ed. I l l ] Talon had reported that the Jesuits were taking advantage of their positions as confessors, but his successor had been ordered to keep peace with the ecclesiastics. In additional sentence i n the third edition t e l l s that the court frowned on Talon's animosity toward them: 9 2 ...le ministre I c r i v a i t - i l a Talon, en 1668, de dire au gouverneur de se conduire avec douceur envers tout; l e monde, de se corriger des ses emportements, et de ne point blamer publiquement l a eon— duite de l'eveque et des j l s u i t e s , mais de l u i envoyer des memoires afin qu'il put conferer a ce sujet avec leurs suplrieurs et les faire interdire. [Ed. I l l ] On the other hand, later when the Intendant reported that they traded i l -l egally with Albany the king sided with him. M. de l a Jonquiere, as Gover-nor, became involved i n "de pitoyables quarelles avec les J l s u i t e s " . 9 o Garneau's f i r s t two editions of the Histoire asserted that the Jesuits 94 traded with Albany: C'est au milieu de ces apprets d'une guerre imminente et pro-chaine que M. de l a Jonquiere atteignait l e terme de sa carriere, dont les derniers jours furent troublls par de pitoyables querelles avec les J l s u i t e s . Ces pares faisaient toujours l a traite dans leur mission du Sault-St.-Louis, sous l e nom des deux demoiselles Desau-niers, et envoyaient leur castor a Albany, par contrebande.... A l a f i n M. de l a Jonquiere, press! d'intervenir, voulut l e f a i r e cesser et sur l'ordre que l e r o i l u i transmit pour couper court au mal, i l f i t fermer leur comptoir du Sault-St.-Louis. [Ed. II] The third edition meekly says that they were accused of trading with Albany. The change of pronoun i n the last clause i s probably to pre r vent one's believing that Saint Louis had a Jesuit-owned warehouse or a t 92 Ed. I l l , v. 1, p. 199. 93 Ed. I I , v. 2, p. 199. 94 Loc. c i t . cf Ed. I I , v. 1, p. 203. Ed. I l l , v. 2, pp. 204-205. 92 95 least to make the idea ambiguous: Le gouverneur atteignait alors l e terme de sa carriere, dont les derniers jours furent troubles par de pitoyables querelles avec les j l s u i t e s . On accusait ces pares de faire l a tra i t e dans leur mission du saut Saint-Louis, sous l e nom de deux demoiselles Desauniers et d'.envoyer leur castor a Albany.... A l a f i n , sur 1' ordre que l e r o i l u i transmit pour arreter l e mal, M. de l a Jon-quiere f i t fermer l e comptoir du saut Saint-Louis. [Ed. I l l ] Obviously the king believed the rumours for the Jesuits were prohibited at St. Louis. M. de l a Jonquiare, of course, paid for his f o l l y and "Iprouva bientot La vengeance de ceux qu' i l venait d'offenser". The last edition described the Jesuits as "garderant l a neu t r a l i t l et observerant une prudente reserve....". The f i r s t and second had quali-fied this description and said, "Les Jl s u i t e s , contre leur usage, parur-ent vouloir garder l a n e u t r a l i t l , et observerent une prudente reserve."^ 7 The Jesuits also had control of education, and from the- f i r s t two editions i t i s evident that Garneau was not pleased with the ignor-ance of the habitant. The third edition relieved the clergy and not the government of the blame and indeed included material to show that the Jesuits had made an effort to expand education. The texts d i f f e r a great d e a l : 9 8 L'education de ceux-ci fut abandonee au clerg!, qui fut l e seul corps enseignant a peu d'exception pres avec les religieux sous l a domina-tion francaise. Le gouvernement ne s'occupa jamais lui-meme de cet objet important. Soit politique, soit d l s i r de plaire au sacerdoce en l u i l!guan:t l'enseignement, i l l a i s s a l e peuple croitre dans 1' ignorance; car alors, i l faut bien l e reconnaxtre, les clergls comme les gouvernemens considlraient 1*instruction populaire comme danger-euse et funeste a l a t r a n q u i l l i t ! des Itats.... [|d. II] 96 95 Ed. II, v. 2, p. 199. 95 Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 205. 97 Ed. I I , v. 2, p. 122. 98 Ed. II, v. 1, p. 185. cf Ed. I l l , v. 2, pp. 204-205. Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 121. Ed. I l l , v. 1, pp. 180-131, 93 L'education de ceux-ci fut abandonee au clerge...sous l a domination francaise. Le gouvemement ne s'occupa jamais lui-meme de ce sujet important.... En 1728, les jesuites demanderent l a permission d* etablir un college a" Montreal, et les freres Charon, de Montreal, proposerent d*etablir des mattres d'ecole dans toutes les paroisses.... Malgre les efforts des jesuites et des freres Charon, l e gouveme-ment considera toujours 1*instruction du peuple comme plus dangereuse qu'utile a La tranquillite publique.... [Ed. I l l ] Garneau had as l i t t l e esteem for Bishop Laval as he had for the Jesuits because he believed that the Bishop was controlled by them. No edition contradicts Garneau's report on Talon's memoire to Colbert: 9 9 L'on se plaignait que les Jesuites avaient pris une autoritS qui passait les bornes de leur profession; que 1'eveque de Pltree etait leur creature, qu'ils avaient jusque l a nomme' les gouver-neurs pour l e r o i et f a i t revoquer ceux qui avaient ete choisis sans leur participation. Garneau showed also that the Jesuits, with Laval, interfered with the Governors and the people. They took over any authority of which they con-sidered themselves the r i g h t f u l possessors. A three-way disagreement ensued. Garneau admitted that Laval had great talent and was indefatig-able, but also said that his dominating s p i r i t demanded that everyone bend to his wishes. High birth had given the Bishop considerable power and he made or broke governors ""a son g r e " . 1 0 0 Laval apparently missed no oppor-tunity to interfere and, as a consequence, the court treated him coolly. I t was tired of the perpetual wrangle between the Church and the c i v i l authorities. Be that as i t may, the Bishop eventually controlled the Sovereign Council. The people were genera]ly opposed to the amount Laval levied for the Church 1^ and to the Bishop's h o s t i l i t y "au suffrage popu-99 Ed. II, v. 1, p. 193. Subs. ret. Ed. I l l , v. 1, p. 191. 100 Ed. I I , v. 1, p. 172. Ed. I l l , v. 1, p. 173. 101 Ed. II, v. 1, p. 175. Ed. I l l , v. 1, p. 176. 94 102 l a i r e " . The country divided over Laval and controversy continued un-der different pretexts or names, but the ecclesiastic influence gave every quarrel a religious aura. Bishop Laval was annoyed because Aft. d'Avaugour, on his a r r i v a l , had visited the Jesuits, but not the Bishop. He was also annoyed with this new Governor's naming the Jesuits superior to the Council, but not hi m s e l f . 1 0 5 l i s [the Jesuits] exciterent l a jalousie des gouverneurs et du peuple, surtout apres 1*arrives-de M. de Petree, dont 1'esprit absolut choqu-a i t les preventions de M. d'Avaugour, l e dernier homme au raonde dis-pose a laisser gener sa marche par un corps qui semblait so r t i r der ses attritulons. On avait remarque qu'a son arrivle i l avait v i s i t e les Jlsuites sans faire l a mime faveur-a" 1» eveque, et que bientot apres i l avait nomml leur suplrieur a son conseil, quoique depuis 1* erection du vicarait general le p r l l a t y eut remplace ces pares. On usa d'abord de part et d'autre de certains menagemens; mais cela dura peu, et un Iclat devint bientot i n l v i table. La traite del'eau-de-vie en fut l e prltexte. Ainsi commencerent ces longues querelles entre 1' auto r i t l c i v i l e et l ' a u t o r i t l eccllsiastique qui se renouvellerent s i -souvent dans ce pays sous l a domination francaise. [Ed. II] -The third edition completely omitted the suggestion that Laval was proud or that he aided the Jesuits. Nor does jealousy appear a3 a "pretexts" 104 for the Brandy controversy:"^ lis;.;exciterent l a jalousie des gouverneurs et du peuple, surtout apres l ' a r r i v l e de M. de Laval, dont 1*esprit absolu choquait leur preventions. M. d'Argenson Icrivait au ministre que M. de Laval etait tellement attache a ses sentiments et...qu'il ne f a l s a l t au-cune d i f f i c u l t I d'empieter sur l e pouvoir des autres. Garneau held the Gall lean view that the two powers, ecclesias-t i c and c i v i l , must be independent, and that "car du moment que l e Canada avait cesse d'etre une mission, l e gouvemement c i v i l avait repris tous ses droits et tout son a u t o r i t l 0 . 1 0 ' ' The censor certainly attempted to destroy Garneau's view on the brandy issue, but the whole business of Laval's excommunicating for the sale of "eau-de-vie" had to be treated. 102 Ed. II, v. 1, p. 181. 103 Ed. I I , v. 1, p. 141. 104 Ed. I l l , v. 1, pp. 138-139. 105 Ed. I I , v. 143. 95 That the liquor t r a f f i c was defended by the c i v i l authorities "pour les meilleurs r a i s o n s " ^ 8 i s not found i n the third edition. The philosophical attitude that the brandy issue assumed greater proportions 107 than necessary i s not found either; no doubt because the Church had made i t an issue, no one may say that i t was unnecessary. Nor does praise of Frontenac»s refusal to a l l y himself with the Church appear. With this i material i s omitted the mean jibe at the Jesuits who had been unsuccess-f u l i n Paraguay: 1 0 8 Du reste, dans une petite society, les moindres choses prennent lea proportions d'un Svenement, et elles finissent par en avoir les con-sequences. C'est en refusant l e secours de bras slculier aux deci-sions de l'Eglise q u ' i l s ' a t t i r a i t son inamadvsrsion; et pourtant en principe, c'etait l a politique l a plus sage, car que sont devenus les pays theocratiques? Qu'est devenu l e gouvernement fond! par les Jlsuites au Paraguay? Que sont aujourd'hui les malheureux Romains sous les bayonnettes mercenaires de 1'Stranger? L'insquisition Stouffe tout. [Ed. II*] M. de P l t r l e ' s underhanded use of M. de Charny, a p r i e s t , 1 0 9 i s not found i n the third edition. Probably the most imprudent remark about the clergy, i n reference to the brandy controversy, denied that the Church knew everything, but i t i s missing i n the 1859 e d i t i o n : 1 1 0 Cette interpretation, l a seule logique, l a seule recevable, appliquee au dlbat, mettait f i n aux reclamations du clerg! que n'avait plus de pretexts pour empilter dans une sphere qui Itait Itrangere a l a sienne. [Ed. II] Laval's success i n having Frontenac recalled demonstrated the power of the prelate. The entire Church party had opposed the Governor. Jesuits accused him of having Jansenist tendencies and of permitting the 106 Ed. II, v. 1, p. 358. 107 Ed. II, v. 1, p. 359. 108 Ed. II, v. 1, p. 359. cj; Ed. I l l , v. 1, p. 356. 109 Ed. II, v. 1, p. 186. 110 Ed. I I , v. |, p. 143. cf Ed. I l l , v. 1, p. 143. 96 sale of liquor Garneau's comments on these charges are restrained and meaningful. "Aujourd'hui, [he said] que Pascal est reclaraS comme une des luoieres du Catholicisms, on doit etre indulgent sur l e premier reproche 8. 1 1 1 The second charge i s probably the one for which the colourful old Governor was really recalled i n 1682. There i s the suspicion that the King's con-fessor, a Jesuit, had something to do with the r e c a l l according to the f i r s t editions. The third edition was changed by completing this sentence with the words "eau-de-vie" and omitting the remainder: 1 1 2 D'autres 1'accusalent d'accorder un faveur ouverte a l a trai t e de 1'eau-de-vie j i l n'y eut pas jusqu'a l'abbe Brisacier qui osat ecrire contre l u i au confesseur du r o i l The third edition emphasized Laval's victory by use of comments supposed to reduce the prestige of the old Governor. Replacing praise, i n one case, i s criticism. A paragraph i n which Garneau praised Frontenac's work and refusal to succumb to Church authority i s almost missing. A one sentence addition i n the third edition i s not too f l a t t e r i n g : ^ - 0 I I appartenait a une famille reduite a l'indigence, et l e r o i sans doute 1'avait envoy! en Canada pour cacher sa pauvrete, et pour l u i fournir 1'occasion de faire quelques epargnes. In the second edition some honest criticism of Frontenac con-tained within a paragraph i s related specifically to his trade with the Indians: 1 1 4 Du reste a part sa conduite dans l a traite avec les Sauvages, i l se f a i s a i t encore des ennemis par sa hauteur et sa jalousie, deux de-fauts tres graves dans un homme plac! a l a tete d'un gouvernement. [Ed. II] 111 Ed. I l l , v. 3, p. 355. Ed. I I , v. 1, p. 357. 112 Ed. I I , v. 1, p. 537. cf Ed. I l l , v. 1, p. 354. 113 Ed. I l l , v. 1, p. 556. 114 Ed. I I , v. 1, p. 559. 97 The third edition makes the statement general, divorces i t from the matter of trade and presents the criticism i n one two-sentence paragraph:115 Frontenac se f a i s a i t encore des ennemls par sa hauteur et par sa jalousie, deux dafauts tres-graves dans un homme place a l a tete d'un gouvernement. Ce fut pour l u i une source de diff i c u l t e s et de chagrins. [Ed. I l l ] Charges that Garneau was Galilean stand up well, but the emis-sion of lesser evidence clears him to some extent i n the third edition, a section extolling the great names of liberty and national independence i n -cluded the "citoyen police de Rome", but becomes nde Paris 1" i n the f i n a l work. 1 1 6 The City and the See might be confused; the See does not sub-scribe to revolution for independence. Jesuits are no longer described as being "dirigee par l a main habile de Rome".117 The idea that orders come from Rome, the Chief See of the Roman Catholic clergy, i s not inclu-d ed. 1 1 6 Two sentences i n the second edition were not Incorporated i n the third. They struck at the Papal concept, a t the method of becoming a Car-dinal, at ultramontanism, and a t Jesuit power. Garneau was discussing a Papal Bu l l which he said declared the i n f a l l i b i l i t y of the Pope: 1 1 9 Cette bulls proclamalt l ' i n f a i l l i b i l i t e du papej et l e cardinal [Fleury] avait promis de se vourer a sa defense pour obtenir l e chapeau. "Comme prete, d i t un auteur, i l oublia q u ' i l se devait a. l a France et non a l a cour de Rome. ..11 c r a i g n a l t l e s Jesuites et les servait a f i n de ne pas les avoir pour ennemis. [Ed. II] The most obvious .omissions from the third text are those coa-th ose ceraing the Huguenots and/generally appealing for freedom of conscience. Garneau envied the progress made i n the United States and disliked the LIS Ed. I l l , v. 1, p. 356. 116 Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 434. cf Ed. I I , v. 2, p. 425. 117 Ed. I I , v. 1, p. 226. cf Ed. I l l , v. 1, p. 223. 118 Ed. I I , v. 1, p. 142. cf Ed. I l l , v. 1, p. 143. 119 Ed. II, v. 2, p. 123. 98 over-emphasis on religious institutions i n Canada. Good po l i t i c s had pre-vailed i n the Thirteen Colonies where the English settlers were guaranteed lib e r t y i n p o l i t i c a l and religious matters. 1 2 0 Most of them were poli t i c a l malcontents possessing experience and money, essential materials for a new colony. 1 2 1 Many of these people were French Huguenots who had gone to Vir-ginia or Carolina, and would have gone to Louisiana, a French colony, had their demands for freedom of conscience been met. These men and women mi-grated to the New World to escape the persecutions of the mother country. In New England they met persecution again. Garneau saw the progress of the United States and decided that i f France had permitted liberty of con-science i n her colonies they would have flourished by attracting fine peo-ple from both France and New England. Garneau deplored the c i v i l discord which had caused persecutions and lost North America to France. The period of persecution he could not admire, although i n the third edition his condemnation of i t does not ap-122 pear;^^ ...a cette epoque de haine et de passions, les plus chers interets du pays etaient sacrifies aux fureurs de fanatisme et aux apprehen-sions d'une tyrannie egolste et soupconneuse. [Ed. II] His feeling that the Huguenots, Bpeut-etre les freres, les parens, * 125 les amis, les citoyens de nos ancetres n, should have been permitted to enter does not appear i n the third edition. Nor does the rest of the para-graph. I t contained praise for Huguenots who had succeeded i n the United States and proof that they had become good citizens. Even information that 120 Ed. I I , v. 1, pp. 284-285. Ed. I l l , v. 1, p. 282. 121 Ed. I I , v. 1, p. 284. Ed. I l l , v. 1, p. 285. 122 Ed. I I , v. 1, (Intro.), p. 50. 123 Ed. I I , v. 2, p. 14. 99 three of the Huguenot descendants were important enough to be/of the Con-tinental Congress i s missing. The third edition does not contain the long l i s t of the.principal Huguenot families who had gone to Carolina, a l i s t which shows many well-known names of t o d a y . T h e censor probably thought better of accrediting people of heretical backgrounds with success because doing so might tend to discredit Church policy. The third edition per-mitted the United States no compliment for helping the Huguenots nor did i t assume that future reward was i n store for the action. Although i n the f i r s t two editions, the passage does not appear i n the third: L'Amerique a cela de parti culier qu'elle a ete trouvee et qu'elle s* est f a i t e ce qu'elle est moins par les armes que par les travaux plus productifs de l a paix, et que c'est en sechant les larmes des malheureux que l a persecution ou l a misere chassaient d'Europe, qu' elle assurait son bonheur et sa prosperity future. [Ed. II] Garneau objected to the French judgement of the Huguenots. Judge-ment i s the privilege of God. Hot a l l the French were active i n the r e l i -gious wars because some kept the industries a l i v e . Hotice that i n the following passage Garneau excused the people of Normandy, "d'ou. sortis une s i grand© partie de nos peres":"*''^ Au reste s i nous avons d i t que pendant les guerres religieuses l e gouvernement ne put songer a l'Amerique, i l y avait toutefois une exception pour une partie de l a nation; car tandis que l e reste des Francais travaillaient a s'entre-dStruire avec un acharoement qu'on a peine a concevoir aujourd'hui, pour des croyances dont ces massacres memesprouvaient que Dieu seul pouvait etre l e juge, les Normands... continual ent a faire paisiblement l a peche de l a morue...comme s i leur pays eut jbui de l a plus grande t r a n q u i l l i t e . 1 2 7 [Ed. II] The third edition differs from the second. Material i s omitted, and l i k e 124 Ed. I I , v. 2, p. 15. 125 Ed. II , v. 1 (Intro), p. 21. 126 Voyage, p. 215. See footnote 60, page 20. 127 Ed. II , v. 1, (Intro.), p. 35. 100 the paragraphing, the meaning i s changed. No mention i s made of God's 128 sole right to judge: Au reste, s i nous avons d i t qu'au milieu des guerres r e l i -gieuses l a France ne- put songer a 1'Amerique, nous devons cependant exceptor une partie de l a nation. Les Normands..*. Obviously, France must not be accused of hurting herself by ex-cluding the Huguenots who i n the third edition receive no praise. Gaspard de Coligny, the Protestant leader, was highly praised in the f i r s t two editions. His colonizing experiment fai l e d because the real interests of the state were sacrificed to fanaticism and to the fears of egotistical tyranny and suspicion. The third edition does not contain this section of a paragraph showing that Britain learned by French mistakes and praising the Coligny p l a n : 1 2 9 En formant des Istablissemens protestans francais dans l e Nouvelle-Monde, Coligny executait uu [sic] projet patriotique, dont l'Angleterre enl'imitant sutensuite profiter, et dont nous voyons aujourd'hui les immenses resultats. II voulait ouvrir en Amerique a tous ceux qui s» etaient separes de l a religion Stablie du royaume, un asile, ou, tout en formant partie du meme empire, et en augmeritant son etendue et sa puissance, i l s pourraient jouir des avantages que possedaient les fideles de l'ancienne religion, dans l a mere-patrie. C'Stait;;, une des plus belles et des plus nobles conceptions modernes. S i elle n'a pas reussi pour l a France quoiqu'elle eflt l'appui du gouvernement, c'est que par malheur parti catholique, qui conservait toujours l a principale influence sur l e trone, s'y opposa sans cesse, tantot sourdement, tan-tot ouvertement, excite par l a cour de Rome Itrangere a l a nation, et par consequent f o r t peu touchee des ses interets ou de-se grandeur. [Ed. II] As the third edition omits the idea of the Coligny experiment as the most noble of modern conceptions,and omits the blame of foreigners of Rome, so does i t Lack the personal praise of Coligny's patriotism. The third edition i s bare; the second had been more expansive: 128 Ed. I l l , v. 1, (Intro.), p. 55. 150 Ed. I l l , v. 1, (Intro.), p. 27. 129 Ed. I I , v. 1, (Intro.), p. 34. Ed. I I , v. 1,-(Intro.), pp.29-30. 101 En 1555, Coligny, qui etait l e chef des huguenots, proposa a Henri II de former dans quelque partie du Nouveau-Monde, une colonie ou ses sujets protestants pourraient se re t i r e r pour exer-cer leur culte librement et en paix. [Ed. I l l ] En 1555, ce chef des Huguenots [Coligny] l'un des genies les plus etendus.. .les plus fermes, les plus actifs qui aient jamais i l l u s t r l ce puissant empire; grand politique, citoyen jus-que dans les horreurs des guerres c i v i l e s , proposa a Henri II de former une colonie...cu ses sujets de l a religion reformee pour-raient se retirer pour exercer leur culte librement et en paix. [Ed. II] Direct opposition to the French method of handling the Hugue-nots i s missing from the third edition. Of the following paragraph only the f i r s t and last sentences remain, sli g h t l y changed and occupying a paragraph each. Criticism of Richelieu's policy, formerly the f i r s t sen-tence of the next paragraph, was not included i n the third e d i t i o n : 1 3 1 Le voisinage des Francais fut done favorable a l a l i b e r t i americaine, et par suite a celle de plusieurs autres nations, mais par un enchainement d'evenemens dont personne alors ne prevoyait les consequences. L'observation q u ' i l reste a faire sur"la cohduite des protestans francais dans cette guerre n'en subsiste pas moins dans toute sa force. S i les persecutions dont i l s etaient l'objet doivent etre reprouvles d'une religion tolerante et d'une sage liberte, s i ces persecutions cStaient un outrage a l a morale evange-lique comme a La saine raison, les Huguenots ne sont pas moins eon-damnables eux-memes, pour avoir port! les armes contre leur patrie. La r e c i t de cette guerre nous montre continuellement des Francais armes contre des Frangais, depouillant l a France au pr o f i t de ses ennemis, a l'envi les uns des autres. Richelieu, en excluant les Huguenots du Canada, commit un acte aussi injuste qu'impolitique.... [Ed. II] - 3 *^2 The Huguenots faced the "rigeurs d'un cruelle perslcution n. The third edition does not contain the following paragraph c r i t i c i z i n g the immigration policy of Louis U V : 1 5 5 Cette conduite du r o i d'Angleterre contraste avec celle de Louis XIV, qui ne voulait tolerer d'autre opinion que l a sienne, et qui fermait a ses sujets les portes de toutes ses colonies comme 151 Ed. I I , v. 1, p. 81. cf 132 Ed. I I , v. 1, (Intro.), p. 50. Ed. I l l , v. 1, p. 79. 135 Ed. I I , v. 1, p. 285. 102 pour montrer que meme l'avenir devait subir les l o i s de sa voluntS, et qu'il modelerait a son gre les empires futursJ Quelle difference de resultat et quelle condamnation eclatante pour 1'exclusion que l e spectacle qu'offre aujourd'hui 1'Amerique, ou l'on trouve vingt-cinq millions d'Anglais pour a peine un million de Francais. [Ed. II] But England learned something from France's exclusion. She saw that continued persecution turned the people from France and made them enemies when they arrived i n the New World. I t appears that so long as the reader i s not l e f t with a bad opinion of French policy, the lesson England learned could remain. The one sentence paragraph following could not:134 .,.1'Angleterre eut l a sagasse de ceder plutot a des enfans exigeans, qui d'imposer un joug de force qui aural t tout f a i t perir au pr o f i t de ses ennemis. El l e en avait, du reste, un exemple devant les yeux dans les Huguenots, que l a haine et l a vengeance armaient contre~ia France. [Ed. II] Chapter 1 of Book V explains the cause of the rapid growth of population i n the English colonies. The implication i s that persecution i n Europe became a mockery because those heretic areas developed faster than those which had been controlled. This Galilean suggestion was a n t i -c l e r i c a l . Of the following passage from the second edition, only the second sentence i s i n the thirdj the growth of population i s admitted, 135 but not the preliminary commentary: Ainsi l e zele aveugle qui regnalt parmi les sectes chretiennes, jus-qu'a leur faire nier a leurs voisins ce que tous les hommes avaient droit de posslder, l a liberte 1 de conscience, amenait pour r l s u l t a t l a colonisation d'un nouveau monde et l e developpement plus rapide des heresies, comme s i l a providence eut voulu se moquer des perse-cut eurs. La cause premiere de cette emigration involontaire subsis-tant toujours, ces nouvelles colonies se peuplerent rapidement et surpasserent bientot celles de l a France. [Ed. II] 134 Ed. I I , v. 1, p. 81. cf Ed. I I , v. 1, p. 78. 135 Ed. I I , v. 1, p. 280. cf Ed. I l l , v. 1, p. 278. 1 0 3 Garneau saw the exclusion of the Huguenots as the reason for Canada's languishing. Even those Huguenots who had managed to come to the Hew World met a persecution which was one cause of the f a l l of Acadia, but not according to the third edition. The second included the . following passage: 1 5 6 Cet abandon du gouvemement interieur en Acadie, l a i s s a i t l i b r e cours aux prljugls et aux passions des hommes qui s'y refugi-aient. Les halnes que les guerres religieuses avaient lalssees dans l a nation, s'y transplantalent avec eux. Les Huguenots, comme parti vaincu et perslcutl, soupiraient plus vivement apres l a l i b e r t l que leurs compatriotes catholiques, et se montraient en proportion plus hostiles au pouvoir que le r o i confiait de preference aux fideles de l'ancienne religion que Henry IV lui-meme avait ete obl i g l d'embras-ser pour porter l a couronne. Cette preference politique, cet antagonisme religieux joints a l a r i v a l i t e commerciale, entretenaient l e mal et prouvaient une autre chose, c'est que l'existence des deux autels ne paraissait pas compatible ensemble avec les principes de l a royautl de St.-Louis. [Ed. II] Garneau realized that important causes of French defeat were the lack of a strong navy and the French passion for war. The second edition included other things which, however, the third does not contain. The contraction of this sentence reveals the censor's mind: 1 3 7 C'est son defaut d'association pour encourager une emigration agri- cole par tous les moyens legitimes, c'est 1'absence de l a l i b e r t l politique et religieuse que f i t exclure du Canada plusieurs certaines de mille huguenots lorsqu'elle n'avait pas d*autres colons a y en-voyerj c'est l a passion des armes rlpandue parmi les colons, enfin c'est toujours l a faiblesse comparative du commerce et de l a marine francaise. [Ed. II] ...c'est l e manque d'associations pour encourager une emigration de laboureurs par tous les moyens legitimes* c'est l a passion des armes rlpandue parmi les colons, enfin c'est toujours l a faiblesse du com-merce et de l a marine francaise. [Ed. I l l ] 156 Ed. I I , v. 1, pp. 155-164. 157 Ed. I I , v. 2, p. 11. Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 15. 104 The advantages Garneau saw i n a large Huguenot emigration were, therefore, economic, p o l i t i c a l , and moral. Ie li n e with his philosophy of history and with his reasons for writing on the war of races, prob-ably the chief reason for his wishing a larger protestant population was that, had there been more French i n North America at the time of the Con-quest, Canada might yet have been French. The censor, however, could overlook no praise of the heretic, and removed the words "paisibles" and "comme Staient les Huguenots": 1 0 8 De quel avantage n'eut pas Ste une emigration f a i t e en masse et com-posle d'hommes riches, Iclaires, paisibles, laborieux, comme l ' l t a i e n t les Huguenots, pour peupler les bords du St.-Laurent, ou les f e r t i l e s plaines de l'Ouest? [Ed. II] Perhaps morally Garneau was opposed to the methods used by Louis XIV to massacre these heretics. This monarch who dominated Europe and used his soldiers to expel his own subjects — two to three hundred thousand Huguenots — could not spare enough troops to protect Quebec. The second edition said that Louis "avait des myriades de dragons pour massacrer les p r o t e s t a n s " , b u t the third edition does not mention those troops. From the p o l i t i c a l view and the commercial, the following passage indicates Garneau's thoughts to some extent. His regret for the small population i s well shown i n the second edition, whereas i n the third only one short sentence remains of what had been almost half a paragraph. The remnant indicates l i t t l e and could well have been omitted with the rest. The ex-cerpt from the second edition i s given f i r s t , and i s followed by the pas-sage as i t had been shortened for the third:! 4-^ 158 Ed. I I , v. 1, p. 252. cf Ed. I l l , v. 1, p. 250. 139 Ed. I I , v. 1, p. 255. cf Ed. I l l , v. 1, p. 250. 140 Ed. II, v. 1, p. 252. Ed. I l l , v. 1, p. 250. 105 Du mollis l i s n 8 aural ent pas ports a 1'Stranger le secret des manufac-tures frangaises, et enseign| aux autres nations a produire des mar-chandisesqu'elles Stalent.acCoutumSes d'aller chercher dans les ports de France. Une funeste politique sacrifia tous ces avantages aux rues exclusives d'un gouvernement arme, par 1'alliance des pouvoirs tem-porel et spirituel, d'une autoritS qui ne laissait respirer nh l a con-science ni 1*intelligence. Si vous et les votres ne vous etes conver-t i s avant tel jour, 1'autoritS du roi se chargera de le faire, Scrivait Bossuet aux schismatiques. Nous le rSpStons, sans cette politique, nous ne serions pas, nous Canadaens-f ranpais, reduits a defendre pied a. pied contre un mer envahissante, notre langue, nos lois et notre nationalite. Comment jamais pardonner au fana t i sine les angoisses et les souffrances de tout un peuple, dont 11 a rendu l a destinee s i dou-loureuse et s i pSnible, dont i l a compromis s i gravement l'avenir. [Ed. II] Du moins i l s n'auraient pas port! a 1'Stranger le secret des arts de l a France, et nous ne serions pas, nous Canadiens-Frangais, rSduits a defendre pied a pied contre une race Strangers notre langue, nos lois et notre nationalitS. [Ed. I l l ] Garneau denounced the sacrifice of Protestant Frenchmen which turned them from France to England. Better i t would have been for France to have sent tbe Protestants to and excluded the Catholics from the New World. The latter did not particularly like to migrate anyway. Garneau1s great criticism of and his answer to the exclusion of the Huguenots ap-peared in the second edition, but was not incorporated in the t h i r d . 1 4 1 Richelieu f i t done une grande faute, lorsqu'il consentit a ex-clure les protestans des colonies, parce que s ' i l f a l l a i t absolument Sliminer une des deux religions pour avoir la paix, 1» interet de l a colonisation demandait que cette elimination tombat plutot sur les catholiques qui Smigraient peu ou- point du tout, que sur les protes-tans que ne demandaient qu'a sortir du royaume. I I porta un coup fatal au Canada en leur en fermant 1'entrSe par l'acte d'Stablissement de l a compagnie des cent associSs. Jusqu'a cette Spoque, les protestans en avaient StS tenus SloignSe" d'une maniere sourde et systSmatique, tout comme depuis l a conquete on repousse tant que l'on peut les Canadiens franpais de pouvoirj mais i l s'en introduisait toujours quelques-uns. Ce ne fut que lorsque Richelieu les eut ScrasSs a l a Rochelle, qui fut prise en 1628, que l'on ne se crut pas oblige de les menager, qu'ils furent sacrifils sans pitS a* la vengeance de leurs ennemis victorieux, et que mis au ban de la nation i l s furent partout exclus des territoires franpais. 141 Ed. I I , v. 1, p. 71 106 L'on TO. voir tout a l'heure que l e premier f r u i t de cette funeste decision, fut l a conquete du Canada au prof i t de l'Jngleterre, par ces meme Huguenots qu*on persecutait en France et que l'on ex-cluait de ses colonies. [Ed. II] With the appearance of the third edition c r i t i c s generally turned to praise " l a haute conscience et 1'elevation philosophique de 1' I c r i v a i n " . 1 4 2 They assumed that because he submitted his text to a priest for expurgation Francois Xavier Garneau had changed his opinion on Church doctrine, that he had become converted. They also believe that the third edition shows corrections of judgement, doctrine and style, and i s the one a reader should follow. In 1882 James McPherson LeMoine wrote an a r t i c l e for the Royal Society of Canada and compared four French Canadian historians. Referring to Garneau, he wrote:1*3 Ce qui frappe en feuilletant les pages de M. Garneau, c'est 1'eleva-tion des idles, 1*independence de ses appreciations, l e courage de ses convictions, l a surete de ses jugements, l e tout courronn! d'un indicible elan de patriotique enthousiasme. M. Gustave Lanctot, sixty-three years later, wrote i n similar v e i n : 1 4 4 ...Garneau n*a jamais recuie devant I'affirmation de ce qui l u i sem-b l a i t etre une verite de l'histoire, meme au risque de s'attirer l a disapprobation des autoritls et l a rupture de ses amities. These statements are rather ironic i n the l i g h t of the changes made. Nevertheless, regardless of their exact words, sometimes contradic-tory, French Canadian historians consider the 1859 edition as the one giving Garneau1 s true thoughts. I t i s on this one that they base their praise and clear Garneau for Roman Catholic readers. 142 Lanctot, Francois Xavier Garneau. p. 45. 145 LeMoine, James M. "Nos Quatre His t o r i ens Modemes, Bibaud, Garneau, Ferland, Faillon", Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, Sec. I, 1882/85, p. 5. 144 Lanctot, "L'Oeuvre Historique de Garneau", Centenaire de l ' E i s t o i r e . p. 19. -CHAPTER VI 107 DID GARNEAU CHANGE HIS BUND? French Canadian writers, v i r t u a l l y a l l Roman Catholic, accept Francois Xavier Garneau-s third edition as the best because i n i t his philosophy i s acceptable to them. I t i s true that statements directly attacking the Church or not f i t t i n g too well into Church doctrine are omitted from this edition, but equally true i t i s that his philosophy has not been entirely removed. These writers appear not to have read the third edition of Garneau c r i t i c a l l y , not to have compared the third edition with the second, but merely to have accepted the corrections of the ecclesiastical censor. Despite the omission of statements openly approving of revolu-tions and freedom of the individual or mass, evidence existing i n the third edition denies that Garneau changed his opinions. Repeating the same stories, carrying forward the same legend of his conversion, ignor-ing what they wish to ignore, French Canadian historians have convinced themselves that Garneau changed his mind on points of doctrine, and they have insisted oh protecting the reputation which they have b u i l t for their "historien national?. Probably i n order to make use of the nationalism that Garneau* s history evoked, they excuse his continued attacks on the Church i n order to believe that the entire third edition affirmed " l " I n -dissoluble solidarite, dans Quebec, de l a religion et de l a national!tS n.^ For that reason the Church had more easily come to accept the third volume of the f i r s t edition, than the two earlier ones wherein most criticism of the Church was contained. French Canadian historians use various forms of reasoning to prove that Garneau changed his mind. 1 LanctSt, Francois Xavier Garneau. p. 36. 108 Gustave Lanctot believes that Garneau matured, and became more wise and less influenced by French ideology, that with age he grew less c r i t i c a l , and more willing to act upon criticism and to tone down his writing. Lanctot also believes that from religious motives Garneau came to agree with Church doctrine, and therefore submitted his work to a 2 priest for correction. Lionel Lindsay, i n the Catholic Encyclopaedia^ 3 wrote that Gar-neau1 s acceptance of a reprehensible doctrine—his criticism of Church authority and people—may be explained by his lack of guidance in a poor philosophy. Lindsay said that blemishes are not found i n the third edi-tion which, at Garneau13 own request, was revised by a "competent eccle-siastic". The Encyclopaedia insists that Garneau was "ever a practical Catholic and died a most edifying death". The Abbe George Robitaille excused Garneau as being understand-ably led astray, but maintained that he had saved himself by proferring the text to "un ecclesiastique parfaitement i n s t r u i t des dogmas de 1* Eglise, dont saint Paul d i s a i t qu'elle est une colonne de verite". The submission "loin de rabaisser Garneau, l ' a exalte"".* The Abbe H. R. Casgrain wrote that Garneau, too impressed by the progress of the United States, did not guard himself well enough a-gainst American doctrines on the origin of society or against their sys-tem of secular government. The result i s , supposedly, a gap i n the 2 Lanctot, op. c i t . . p. 42. 3 Lionel Lindsay, "Francois Xavier ^arneau*} Catholic Encyclopaedia. New York, Appleton, 1909, vol. VI, p. 386. 4 R o b i t a i l l e , "L'Oeuvre de Garneau et l a Critique de son Temps", Gen- tenaire de 1'Histoire. p. 141. Robitaille added: "Gloire au f i l s sounds de l'Eglise!" religious side of his work: ".. . l e cot! l e plus interessant, l e plus glo-rieux de nos origines coloniales l u i a, en partie, Ichappe."5' The Abbl Armand Ion admits that there should be nothing astoni-shing i f , i n that day, some l i b e r a l religious ideas did appear, but fiiDows the pattern to show that Garneau, fervent Catholic, desiring to clear himself with the Church, submitted his text to an "ecclesiastique compe-tent". Ion i s sure that Garneau died a Christian, for those ar his death bed are reported to have heard him murmur, "Ave Maria! Ave Maria!" More important to Garneau than history, Ion beliaved, was that "Garneau voulut vivre et mourir en vrai f i l s de l'Eglise." Edmond Lareau was not so kind, but wrote that Garneau wanted bis work more acceptable to Canadian readers. At the same time he wanted to 7 accept the counsel of the clergy i n order to correct his own philosophy. Lareau suggested, therefore, that Garneau was prepared to l e t the Church direct his thinking, and curb his independent mind. Garneau's Histoire. pleading for the preservation of French cul-ture, has been an undeniable success. In 1945 l a SocietcS Historique de Montreal commemorated the centenary of, oddly enough, the condemned f i r s t edition, and gave Garneau credit for spurring the interest i n French Cana-dian history. That he had done so i s true. Almost immediately following his death, friends subscribed to raise money for a monument. On September 15, 1869 this monument was unveiled i n the presence of the Lieutenant Governor, S i r Harcisse Belleau. 5 Casgrain, F.-X. Garneau et Francis Parkman. p. 77. 6 Ion, "Garneau, L'Homme", Centenaire de l'Histoire. p. 108. 7 Edmond Lareau, Histoire de l a Litterature Canadienne. Montreal, John Lovell, 1874, p. 160. 110 I t seems only right, i n the light of Garneau1s work and i n f l u -ence, that he should be the f i r s t French Canadian man of letters to have a monument raised to his memory, and i t i s f i t t i n g that the words of the Canada,en should be inscribed on his tomb. Ses rivaux et ses successeurs l u i disputeront l a palme de 1'erudition, mais c'est l u i qu'on appellera toujours l'historien national. No one has ever disputed Garneau1s position and he i s s t i l l considered the "historian national". At the same time, none of his suc-cessors appear to have looked into the Histoire c r i t i c a l l y to judge for themselves whether or not Garneau's philosophy was really corrected. In truth no actual changes i n philosophy are made. Garneau's attitude to-ward the Church, toward the Jesuits, toward Laval and toward the Hugue-nots i s exactly the same. As shown earlier, style and documentation have been changed and improved. A rejection of a fact earlier stated i s rare, but not unknown. One concerned slavery. Another said that although the French Canadians accepted the criminal and commercial law of 1774, they refused the c i v i l laws favouring centralisation. The third edition inex-plicably said, quite incorrectly, that the Canadiens refused a l l the new laws. 8 Nevertheless, the reader who wishes Garneau's true and unabridged thinking should go to the second edition, although he can find i t i a the third. The "competent ecclesiastic" merely reduced the f u l l force of Garneau's thoughts, but could not, without destroying the sense of the whole work, destroy their meaning. Garneau's French Romanticism, stemming from Voltaire, continues to stress the hatred of fanaticism i n any form and the love of freedom in any form. The dogmatic presentation of the conclusions which Garneau drew 8 Ed. I l l , v. 2, pp. 591-395. cf Ed. I I , v. 2, pp. 401-405. from his research have been omitted i n the third edition, but the material on which he based his philosophy has not, except i n a few places. The i n -troduction i s s t i l l cynical i n i t s view of the value of the oath that theo-logians i n s i s t be taken on a bible. He demonstrated skepticism through Christopher Columbus:9 Tout l e monde connait l e fameux examen qu'on l u i [Columbus] f i t subir devaut les thlologiens d'Espagne, qui voulaient l u i prouver son erreur, l a Bible a l a main. The edition of 1859 denounced superstition as much as did that of 1852. History i s s t i l l based on reason and truth, not on "fantasma-gorie n. Despite papal encyclicals denouncing democratic trends following the French Revolution of 1848, belief i n " l e f r u i t incontestables des pro-gres de 1*esprit humain et de l a l i b e r t l politique 1 1 remains. The "Discours Preliminaire" practically summarizes the l i b e r a l philosophy of the French Romantics. 1 0 ka double flambeau de l a critique et de l a raison s'lvanouiissent l e merveilleux, les prodiges, et toute cette fantasmagorie devant laquelle les nations a leur enfance demeurent frappees d'une secrete crainte, ou saisies d'une puerile admiration; fantasmagorie qui ani-mait jadls les sombres forets du Canada dans l a vive imagination de ses premiers habitants, ces indigenes billiqueux-et barbares, dont ~ i l rest a peine aujourd'hui quelques traces. vCette rlvolution dans l a maniere d'apprlcier les evenements, est le f r u i t incontestable des progres de 1*esprit humain et de l a l i b e r t l politique. C'est l a plus grande preuve que l'on puisse fournir du perfectionnement gradual des institutions sociales....et s ' i l plnetre jusqu'a l'origine du peuple lui-meme, i l voit l e mer-veilleux disparaftre comme ces llgers brouillards du matin aux rayons du s o l e i l . Like the second edition, the third discredits three centuries of superstitious ignorance which obscured and paralysed the intelligence 9 Ed. I l l , v. 1, (Intro.), p. 7. 10 Ed. I l l , v. 1, (Discours Prllim.), pp. x i - x i i . 112 of the people; three centuries when "l'alchimiste passait pour un divin ou un sorcier, et souvent 11 f i n i s s a i t par se croire lui-meme inspire" par les esprits."1--* That he considered some Church figures "alchimistes" i s evident. He refers to the *pieuse credulite 1" 1 2 of Charlevoix and em-phatically rejects the s p i r i t u a l clairvoyance of Marie de l'lncarnation: 1 5 La superieure de l'Hotel-Dieu et l a d l k b r e Marie de 1'Incarnation, suprieure des ursullnes partagerent ce delire de l a devotion. Ce furent elles qui donnerent l e plus d'l c l a t en Canada, au culte de l a s p i r i t u a l i t l , pieuse chimera qui affecta pendant longtemps plu-sieurs intelligences tendres et romanesques. Le clergl se contenta d*observer une reserve respectueuse devant ce phenomene moral, n* osant blamer ce que les un« prenaient pour de saintes inspirations, et les autres, pour des illusions innocentes causees par un exces de piete. Church teaching, authoritarian and upholding authority, taught that no good came from revolution. Most of Garneau*'s thoughts on the topic were omitted for the third edition. Nevertheless, i t concedS that revolutions—the Batavian, the English of 1688, the American, and above a l l the French—established " l e l i o n populaire sur son pildestal* 1. 1* Partly evolutionary ideas continue to appear. Garneau, follow-ing Rousseau, believed that one must bow before authority, but also be-fore the law of nature. 1* 5 The conflict of race continues; the strong, overcoming the weak, survive i n North America. As "ennemis naturelles et lrreconciliables"*, 1 6 the English had an "antipathie n a t u r e l l e " 1 7 for 18 the French. France had hereditary enemies i n Austria and Belgium. 11 Ed. I l l , v. 1, (Discours Prelim.), p. x i i . 12 Ed. I l l , v. 1, (Pref.), p. v i . 15 Ed. I l l , v. 1, p. 184. 14 Ed. I l l , v. 1, (Discours Prelim.), p. x i i i . 15 Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 158. 16 Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 60. 17 Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 71. 18 Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 61. Expressing aspects of the s c i e n t i f i c doctrines condemned by encyclicals, tbe third edition also includes the Spenserian idea that movements of people pursuing freedom and security are attempts to attain "les dern-ieres limites de l a p e r f e c t i b i l i t e humaine H. 1 9 More noticeable than the expression of evolutionary ideas i s Garneau's questioning of non-evolu-tionary doctrine. The Indian culture of North America had been seen as an immigration from the Garden of Eden taking place before the opening of the Bering Sea. As an orthodox Roman Catholic Garneau must s t i l l have been wrong doctrinal l y to believe that the North American Indians were completely indigenous. Nevertheless, he questioned the other theory. He had been describing the different t r i b e s : 2 0 D'apres ces huit divisions radicales d'une partie des hommes de l a race rouge, lesquelles sembleraient militer contre l'hypothese d' une seule voie d'immigration asiatique par l e nord-ouest, on s'at-tendrait a trouver des differences nombreusea sous l e rapport phy-sique comme sous l e rapport moral, entre tant de tribus diverses, et pourtant i l n'en est rien. The strength of Garneau's ideas on revolution was reduced i n the third edition but not eliminated. Omitted from the third edition was a sentence crediting the French Revolution with having furthered Ca-nada's p o l i t i c a l liberty and causing the passage of the Constitutional Act. Included i n the third edition i s a sentence which, although i t may be somewhat ambiguous contains the identical i d e a : 2 1 Les troubles de 1'Europe [the French Revolution], qui menacaient de bouleverser 1'Amerique, et l a popularity de ce gouverneur [Lord Dorchester] parmi les Canadiens, furent probablement les motifs qui engager ent l a Grande-Bretagne a l u i remettre pour l a troisieme fois les renes de l'administration. 19 Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 137 21 Ed. I l l , v. 3, p. 92. 20 Ed. I l l , v. II, p. 90. 114 Praise for the United States of America abounds i n his compari-2 2 son of tbe colonies. One of the foremost nations i n the world,** made up of a non-militant people with an excellent system of education under 24 the control of elected committees, the United States remains the anti-thesis of New France. Garneau had appreciated the industry of the Thir-teen Colonies and had disapproved of so much Church interference i n New France, k note of bitterness remains i n the third edition. Because the great praise for the B r i t i s h Colonies does not appear u n t i l Book V, the following passage may have been overlooked by the censor when he was reading Book I : 2 5 Ce qui frappait davantage autrefois l'Stranger en arrivant sur ces bords, c'etaient nos institutions conventuelles, comme dans les provinces anglaises, c*etaient les monuments du commerce et d'Indus-t r i e , difference caracteristique qui f a i t conna£tre 1*esprit des deux peuples. Tandis que nous erigions des monasteres, l e Massa-chusetts construisalt des navires pour commercer avec toutes les nations. Great Britain's success i n the constitutional f i e l d , owing to a large l i b e r a l basis of government,26 was "aiguillonnS et soutenu par l a voix puissant de l a nation". 2 7 Garneau's respect for B r i t i s h p a r l i a -mentary government persisted. Liberty, once lost i n universal barbarity, 2 6 had recovered and p a r t i a l l y consolidated Louisiana.*'* That colony had remained French territory longer than had Canada which had enjoyed no freedom. The third edition also shows that the American Continental Con-gress, fighting for liberty, had violated i t s own declaration of the rights 22 Ed.III, v. 1, p. 276. 23 Ed. I l l , v. 3, p. 148. 24 Ed. I l l , v. 1, p. 295. 25 Ed. I l l , v. 1, p. 63. 26 Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 219. 27 Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 350. 28 Ed. I l l , v. 1 (Discours Prelim.), p. x i i . 29 Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 82. U S of man by condemning Catholicism and therby denying a people their right to believe. This condemnation of the Congress from a l i b e r a l point of view may be seen as a condemnation of an intolerant group, even an i n -tolerant Church. To eliminate tbe plea for liberty would necessitate ito elimination of Garneau's entire work. From beginning to end the plea survives. He appraised .the Indian culture and approved of i t s freedom. As though designed by Rousseau, i t required no judges, no prisons, and no o f f i c i a l s . 5 1 To Garneau liberty included commercial freedom, freedom from monopoly. Praise for the United States includes the reason for the Thir-teen Colonies' becoming superior to the French ones, and indicates which type of economy Garneau preferred. He f e l t that had French Canadians im-itated the Americans commercially they would have had a stronger economy on which to base their defence of North America. For Garneau commerce and not religion accounted for a solid background. The third edition makes no positive statement on this matter, but shows again by quoting Raynal that i n New England commerce was free, while i n New France the beaver trade was licensed to a monopoly of twenty-five traders.°2 Mono-polies, l i k e the Roman Catholic Church, are directed from above. Ameri-can commerce, on the other hand, along with agriculture was the concern of a l l , "depuis l e citoyen l e plus opulent jusqu'su citoyen l e plus humble". Economic monopolies helped to cause the defeat of New France. The lessons learned by the evils of monopolies may be applied, by ana-logy, to religious one. 3Q Ed. I l l , v. 2, pp. 431-432. 32 Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 149. 31 Ed. I l l , v. 1, p. 98. 33 Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 153. 116 General criticism of the clergy appears throughout the third edition. Damaging c l e r i c a l jealousies and riv a l r i e s on the death of Bishop Saint V a l l i e r i n 1688 and the subsequent quarrel over the burial of his body, s t i l l reveal Garneau's disgust. The third edition conti-nues to explain how the "...longue querelle, que nos historians ont i g -noree, car aucun d'eux n'en f a i t mention, souleva l e clerge et l e gou-verneur contre l e conseil, dirige" par M. Dupuy w.° 4 Regardless of how criticism of the wrangling clergy i s toned down, the idea that there are two sides to every argument i s retained. The lack of a printing press may also be l a i d to the Jesuits. Garneau regretted that the press, "cette arme s i redoubtable aux abus et a l a tyrannie n >- u was not introduced u n t i l after the conquest i n Canada, yet had been i n the B r i t i s h colonies since 1638: 2 6 Bientot regna dans les provinces cette liberte" de 3a pensee, cette independence de 1?. esprit qui contribua s i puissamment a donner aux habitants une grande idee d'eux-memes et a ex ever leurs vues et leur ambition. Le Massachusetts, qui marchait a l a tete de ce mouvement est aussi l e premier pays americain qui a i t produit des hommes celebres dans les lettres et dans les sciences, comme Franklin. He implied that; the habitant had nothing with which to combat tyranny dur-ing the oid regime, and admitted that i n the .division of power between the c i v i l and ecclesiastic o f f i c i a l s " l e peuple n'efit r i e n " . 5 7 Garneau emphasized the weaknesses of priests and illustrated that even some of the ones i n important positions were not to be trusted implicitly. Father Cotton, confessor of Louis XIII, Garneau considered 34 Ed. I l l , v. 2, pp. 117-118. 36 Loc. c i t . 35 Ed. I l l , v. 1, p. 295. 37 Ed. I l l , v. 1, p. 170. the Indirect cause of the failure of the Port Royal colony. 2 8 Father Hennepin betrayed La S a l l e . 3 9 Alberoni, an Italian priest risen to emi-nence, Garneau described as nautrefois pretre obscur dans l'Etat de Parme, espion et flatteur du due de Vendome".40 Two priests suggested as members of the Legislative Council, " l e dominicain Taylor et l e recollet Kilder", Garneau saw as "deux hommes deshonores par leurs debauches." 4 1 The third edition does not always express an idea i n the same manner as the second. Included for the third time i s Garneau? s belief that the Church was too powerful i n c i v i c a f f a i r s and that the Sovereign Council played " l e role servile qui ne caracterise que trop souvent les 42 autorites coloniales". He had said i n the second edition: "On doit aus-s i deplorer que 1*interet des uns et des autres n'ait pas toujours Ite identique". 4 3 The third edition means the same, but i s not so blunt. He had quoted Lescarbot earlier to i l l u s t r a t e his belief that "l'Eglise est en l a republique, et non l a rlpublique en l ' E g l i s e . " 4 4 Garneau l i s t e d several incidents showing Madame de Guercheville's errors, her refusal to allow Champlain to head her proposed expedition, and the role of Biart and the blame of Father Cotton. "Telles furent,[he said] les premieres vicissitudes des Itablissements francais en Amerique." 4 3 He did not have to recapitulate the "vicissitudes"; the reader recognizes a conflict and knows that France was unsuccessful. More often the facts are given and the reader draws his own conclusions. There i s l i t t l e doubt that they w i l l coincide with the conclusions of the author. 38 Ed. I l l , v. 1, p. 50. 40 Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 87. 42 Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 122. 44 Ed. I l l , v. 1, p. 47. 39 Ed. I l l , v. 2, pp. 15-16. 41 Ed. I l l , v. 3, p. 57. 43 Ed. I I , v. 1, pp. 51T52. 45 Ed. I l l , v. 1, p, 50. 118 The Jesuits are really treated no more l i g h t l y i n the third edition than i n the second. Garneau did not deny that the secret of the confessional was not kept and, as a l i b e r a l , he could not accept submission by force or by faithj i t would have to be by reason: 4 6 Bien des gens etaient convaincus que l e secret du confessionnal devait influer sur l a conduite des eccllsiastiques vis-a-vis des justiciables, et qu'ils ne pouvaient se soustraire a cette j u r i s -diction antique de l'Eglise qui juge de l'acte par 1*intention, et confond l 1absolution avec l a rehabilitation politique. Ces juges, au moyen de leur double tribunal, etaient salon eux, reve-tus de deux pouvoirs redoubtahles, qui s*aidaient mutuellement, et qui devaient causer un just a f f r o i aux habitants, parce qu'ils commandaient l a soumission l a plus i l l i m i t e e l'un par l a force et 1'autre par l a f o i . Nor are the allegations that the Jesuits traded i l l i c i t l y under an assumed name omitted or denied. I f Garneau did not believe them he must have recognized that they were current. In fact, he said that i t was 47 not uncommon for the clergy to engage i n trade: Tout l e monde commercait, les religieux, les militaires, comme les autres citoyens. Le seminaire trafiquait avec l a Nouvelle-Iork, en avait un navire en mer. Les abue devinrent s i graves, que Col-bert fut o b l i g l , vers 1676, de defendre l e commerce aux fonctionn-aires et aux ecclesiastiques, et de r e t i r e r au gouvemeur l a per-mission de vendre des conges de traite. Mais les dlfenses resteront bientot sans effet. The Jesuits' attitude — hardly commendable — i s illustrated i n their relations with de l a Jonquiere who "eprouva bientot l a vengeance de ceux qu'il venait d'offenser 1". 4 3 Garneau's i l l u s t r a t i o n of Jesuits' influence over Madame de Maintenon i s also oblique criticism of them. She had acquired, I t appears, "sur 1'esprit du vieux monarque un empire qui fut plus d'une fois f a t a l au royaume B. 4 9 a "calviniste convertie**,*50 46 48 50 Ed. I l l , v. 1, p. 163. Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 205. Ed. I l l , v. 1, p. 250. 47 Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 165. 49 Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 25. 119 she was directly influenced by her Jesuit confessor, and Garneau be-l i t t l e d her qualifications to lead the great empire. The Jesuits, therefore, were not very wise i n their choice of a tool or, taking power into their own hands, made mistakes:*'"** Mme. de Maintenon n'avait point non plus l e genie q u ' i l faut pour manier l e sceptre d'un royaume t e l que l a France dans un temps d" orages. E l l e f i t l a faute de nommer premier ministre Chamillard, sa creature, lequel malgrl son honnetetl, I t a i t fort au-dessous ce cette vaste tache. Had not Garneau thought the Jesuits too powerful, the statement would not have been included that some people b e l i e v e d they were. I f he had meant to purify the Jesuits he would have cast no suspicion i n their direction:52 ...las j l s u i t e s avaient pris une autoritl qui dlpassait les bornes de leur profession; que l'lveque I t a i t leur creature; qu'ils avai-ent jusqu^lia. nommes les gouverneurs pour l e r o i , et f a i t rlvoquer ceux qui avaient I t l choisis sans leur participation. As though to emphasize the idea that the Jesuits went beyond their duties, Garneau did not object to the dissolution of the Society of Jesus. He expressed himself i n Galllean words which should leave no doubt as to his sympathies:53 C'est surtout cette oblissance absolue a un souvrain Itranger, au pontife Homain, qui a f a i t abolir dans l a suite leur ordre dans l a plupart de Etats catholiques. Livres exclusivement a l ' l c o l e , a l a chaire et au confessionnal, quel ascendant ne pouvaient-ils pas esplrer d'exercer avec ces trois grands moyens sur 1'esprit des hommes? Nor does the tone toward Bishop Laval change in the third edi-tion. Garneau 3howed that the country was divided by ecclesiastical i n -fluence and called again for a separation of Church and State. He openly 51 Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 59. 53 Ed. I l l , v. 1, pp. 225-224. 52 Ed. I l l , v. 1, p. 191 c r i t i c i z e d Laval: Bson esprit absolu et dominateur voulait tout f a i r e * ~, 54 pl i e r a ses volontes...." This ultramontane Bishop "voulftt f a i r e de tout son clerg! une milice passive, obSissant a son chef comme les jesuites a leur general." 5*' Laval was persuaded " q u ' i l ne pouvait 56 errer dans ses jugements". Garneau showed that he could. Some of the more direct remarks deriding the Bishop are removed, but the story of the brandy controversy i s blunt i n the second edition and blunt i n the third. Garneau reached his own conclusions: Le gouvernement, tout entier a son zele religieux, avait oubliS qu'en se mettant a l a disposition du clerge i l ouvrait l a portie a mille d i f f i c u l t e s , en ce qu'i l assujettissait l'un a 1'autre deux pouvoirs qui doivent etre independants. Much praise of Frontenac was omitted and a short paragraph of criticism added where praise of the Governor would have constituted i n -direct criticism of Laval. Nevertheless, elsewhere Garneau praised each of the Governors who had opposed Laval, but most of a l l he praised the old Count. Readers cannot but draw inferences. To here, criticism of Laval i s contained chiefly i n Books III and IV. Praise for Frontenac, for "cette firmet! de caractere dont i l avait d l j a plus d'une fois donnl des preuves", 5 8 appears mostly i n Book V. Praise for " l a vigilance et ...l'energie de M. de Frontenac" 5 9 i s almost unrestricted. Garneau ar-dently defended him against attacks of Jansenism made by the Jesuits. The inclusion of the reference to Pascal's acceptance by the Church sug-gests that Church thought fluctuates and that the Church uses what i t wants, regardless of opinions held: "Aujourd'hui, que Pascal est rlclam! 54 Ed. I l l , v. 1, p. 73. 55 Loc. c i t . 56 Loc. c i t . 57 Ed. I l l , v. 1, p. 142. 58 Ed. I l l , v. 1, p. 332. 59 Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 333. 121 comme une des lumieres du Catholicisms, on doit §tre indulgent sur l e pre-mier reproche [of Jansenism]". No matter how imposing Laval i s supposed to be, of the two popular symbols of Church and State under the old regime, the representative of the State reached greater heights. The impression i s l e f t , undeniably, that had no Church interference hampered the state representative, Frontenac, the country would have been properly developed: 6 **f I I avait en general des idles Itendues et justes pour l'agrandisse-ment de l a coloniej mais l ' l t a t de l a mltropole* et l a politique de son gouvernement, ne l u i permirent pas toujours de suivre-un systems favourable au developpement des immenses contrees qui portaient l e nom de Nouvelle-France. I f the second edition revealed Garneau*s belief i n freedom of conscience, the third retains that belief. True, open praise of the pro-testant character was omitted i n the third.edition, as was direct condem-nation of French government's emigration policy. A close examination of the organisation and wording of the third edition has revealed that Gar-neau preferred a supremacy of State over Church. Another similar examina-tion shows that he wholeheartedly approved of the Huguenots. He believed that toleration of many views had been advantageous i n New England and would have attracted a fine type of person to New France. The Thirteen Colonies were protestant and were created by a group of p o l i t i c a l malcontents possessing experience and fortune, "excellentes 62 matlriaux pour fonder un pays". To preserve this .material Britain was p o l i t i c a l l y wise i n having allowed the English i n the New World to enjoy lib e r t y i n religious matters. 6^ Throughout his work Garneau showed that 60 Ed. I l l , v. 1, p. 355. 61 Ed. I l l , v. 1, p. 357. 62 Ed. I l l , v. 1, p. 282. 63 Loc. c i t . 122 the French did not follow this p o l i t i c a l philosophy; that due to the type of immigrant, the English colonies progressed rapidly while the French 64 ones perished as they were destined to do. Protestants, he thought, would have made good s e t t l e r s : 6 5 Tranquille pendant que les autres, oubliant deja les maux que 1*in-tolerance avait f a i t souffrir a leurs fondateurs dans leur pays natal, Staient en proie aux persecutions religieuses, e l l e a t t i r a i t chez elle une emigration nombreuse, qui Itait sure d'y trouver l e repos et l a paix. The third edition demonstrated that the Huguenots had establish-ed themselves in Virginia and Carolina and wished to go to Louisiana. Is though to emphasize their value, Garneau changed an adjective: "grande" i n the second edition became "prlcieuse" i n the third. Less general i n 1859 than i n 1852, his attitude toward the Huguenots must be accepted as expressed. " l i s [the Huguenots] furent une prlcieuse acquisition pour l a Caroline. 1 1 6 6 His choice of adjective again i l l u s t r a t e s his view on l i b e r -ty of conscience: 0[Maryland] a i t eu l'honneur de proclamer l e grand prin-cipe de l a liberte de conscience et de reconnaitre l a saintet! de ses d r o i t s . " 6 7 More noticeable than his feelings toward Huguenots who came to the New World, i s Garneau's sympathy for those French protestants who 68 faced the "rigours d'une cruelle persecution" i n France. He gently c r i t i -cized Mme. de Guercheville who f e l t that a Calvinist should have no part i n directing the establishment of New France. 6 9 l e t a Catholic, Father Cotton, had ruined Port Royal. The methods used to stamp out Huguenots 64 Ed. I l l , v. 1, p. 296 . 65 Ed. I l l , v. 1, p. 284. 66 Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 16. 67 Ed. I l l , v. 1, p. 284. 68 Ed. I l l , v. 1, (Intro.), p. 28. 69 Ed. I l l , v. 1, p. 50. 123 i n France aroused Garneau1 s doubtsj his choice of word and style, as much as his content, reveal his sympathy. The third edition denied that French protestants would have ceased to love France had they been treated kindly. A single paragraph defends the Huguenots and strikes at the methods of conversion used by both Louis and Madame de Maintenon. The ends do not 70 j u s t i f y the means: ...les huguenots s o l l i c i t a l e n t l a permission de s ' l t a b l i r en Amerique, et promettaient d'y vivre en sujets paisibles a 1'ombre du drapeau de leur patrie, qu'ils ne pouvaient cesser d'aimer....Ils furent refuses, et bientSt les dragonnades passerent sur leurs cantons, terribles pro-nostics de l a revocation de l'eclit de Nantes. Le r o i mon t r a i t avec un secret p l a i s i r , d i t un auteur, sa puissance en humiliant l e pape et en ecrasant l e huguenots. Mme. de Maintenon, calviniste convertie, devenue secretement son epouse, 1'encourageait dans ce dess^Ln, et l u i suggera ce moyen cruel, d'arracher les enfants a leurs parents pour les elever dans l a f o i catholiquej ce moyen qu'elle n'eut jamais re-commande sans doute s i el l e eut ete mere. A passage i n the third edition bewails the fate of the "malheur-eux protestants" and shows that, as a result of the persecutions, the wealth and the people had gone elsewhere and were wasted for France. The following passage from the third edition expresses exactly the same thought as i t had i n the second, despite mutilations. Garneau leaves no doubts as to where he thought the Huguenots would have gone had they had a choice. The language 71 used denies that Garneau thought only of economic advantages: Les vexations, les confiscations, les galeres, l e supplice de l a roue, l e gibet, tout fut employe inutilement pour convertir les malheur-eux protestants. I l s ne songerent plus qu'a .Ichapper a l a main qui s* appesantissait sur eux: ont eut beau l e u r defendre de q u i t t e r l e royaume et p u n i r des ga l e r e s ceux qui trempaient dans Isvx evasion, deux cents mille huguenots, d 'autres disent cina cent m i l l e , s ' e n f u i r e n t en Hollande, en Allemagne, en Angleterre, et dans les colonies americaines, ou i l s porterent leurs richesses, leur industrie, et, apres une pareille sepa-ration, des ressentiments et une soif de vengeance-qui eoiaterent cher a leur patrie....De quel avantage n'eut pas I t ! une emigration f a i t e en -masse et composle d'hommes riches, Iclaires et laborieux, pour peupler les bords du Saint-Laurent ou les f e r t i l e s plaines de 1'Quest? 70 Ed. I l l , v. 1, pp. 249-250. 71 Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 250. 124 French Canadian historians w i l l not admit that the third edition i s essentially the same as the second i n respect to attitudes and philoso-phy. The chief difference i s i n the manner of expressing those attitudes and that philosophy. Instead of expressing Garneau's opinions so dogmati-cally, the third edition states his facts and generally allows the reader to draw his own conclusions. In the same manner that Garneau's plan and style directs the reader emotionally, his arrangement of material directs him intellectually. Nothing included i n the edition of 1859 suggests that the author's views on Church and State or on freedom of conscience had been changed. The evidence, i n fact, i s the opposite. A good deal of evidence also indicates that they had not changed as late as 1856. CHAPTER VII S U M M A R Y No one, i t appears, has brought the evidence together to analyse Garneau1s work. Effort has been expended on various individual sources of information, but obviously no one has followed the letters which Garneau wrote u n t i l 18561 and f i n a l l y compared the writing of the third edition be-fore appraising him either i n the l i g h t of religious doctrine or historio-graphy. Writers have too readily accepted the legend of conversion* i t i s sometimes more pleasant to accept a fact as stated than to question i t . There i s no doubt that Francois Xavier Garneau was a good historian who ac-cepted the French Romantic historians* philosophy and style. In spite of scattered proof of his philosophy, his independence of thought, his avowed partiality, and his use of facts to support his thesis, French Canadian writers refuse to view Garneau from any angle but the one they seem to wish to promote. I t i s possible to summarize Garneau*s value as an historian from other sources than his history. An examination of that work precludes the idea of his having changed his philosophy. Garneau's c r i t i c s often unwittingly include information that de-nies something others have stated elsewhere. Six of Garneau's letters are held by the Dominion Archives i n Ottawa. Excerpts from letters he had writ-ten before 1857 have been published, although none from his letters written after 1856. I t i s very unlikely that a man doing research and preparing a fourth edition would stop writing letters ten years before his death, that i s a t the age of 47. None of his c r i t i c s publish any document or letter written by Garneau stating that he had submitted his work to the ecclesias-t i c a l censor because he had been converted. On the other hand, there have 1 See page 134. 126 been none published which absolutely deny the truth of the legend. I t i s possible that such letters do exist i n a private collection which has not been opened to even Garneau's most well known and influential biographer, Gustave Lanctot, formerly Dominion Archivist. The letters are i n the pos-session of Hector Garneau, who for many years denied the story of the conversion and accepted the second edition of his grandfather's work, the 1852 edition, as revealing Francois Xavier Garneau's thoughts more exact-l y . In spite of the missing letters, circumstantial evidence w i l l permit an appraisal of his views on history and his attitude toward liberty and freedom. Although as s c i e n t i f i c as circumstances would permit, Garneau had to rely on secondary material for much history of the early period of the old regime. For the later periods he could more easily turn to prim-ary sources. He did not f u l l y accept the reasons for the Huron-Iroquois wars as related by Charlevoix. Garneau f e l t they were dramatic but not l a based on "aucune preuve recevable". Most of the early writers were theologians, and he had to s i f t the truth from myth and superstition i n order to include nothing that rea-son denied. Reason led him to make damning comments about the Church and to raise much Church opposition. The Archbishop of Quebec i n 1850 was Monseigneur Signay, the man who as cure had offered Francois Xavier Gar-neau education many years before on the condition that he would become a priest. Believing that the Church had nothing to fear from the truth, the Archbishop opened the episcopal archives to Garneau after the third l a Ed. I l l , v. 1, p. 55. volume of the f i r s t edition appeared. Garneau later said that he had found nothing concerning the early clergy that he had not already inclu-ded i n his work. The edition of 1852 was essentially the same as the f i r s t one. Roman Catholics accept the view that because of the deletions concerning the Church, the third edition i s the best. I f interpretation i s based on fact and since Garneau said he had found no new facts, he could hardly change his interpretation. In 1850 he wrote to Dr. E. B. O'Callaghan and denied the v a l i d i t y and usefulness of Church c r i t i c i s m : 3 I I n*y a pas jusqu'aux Jlsuites que nous avons i c i qui n'aient cite" mon l i v r e a l'appui de l a religion dans les correspondences qu*ils ont envoyees en France et qui ont et! publiees dans les jouroaux francais. Ainsi ne desesperez pas de mon salut. S i j ' a i a passer par les flammes dans l'autre monde pour cette cause, ce sera tout au plus par les flammes du purgatoire. Garneau* s documentation of material i s not so good as one would expect from a sci e n t i f i c historian today. Inadequate documentation i s one method of circumventing immediate accusations of dishonesty. Trudel shows that i n spite of the general reputation of the "historien national" that he was not "toujours tres, tres scrupuleux". 4 He included speeches which could not possibly have been recorded and which were therefore impossible to document. However they make the work dramatic and interesting. In the f i r s t editions he incorporated material as though i t were his own, but i n the third, accepting criticism and possibly wishing to appear more acade-mic, he at least indicated that not a l l was original. Marcel Trudel posi-ti v e l y proves that Garneau plagiarized Voltaire. 0 Without reading 4 Trudel, Linfluence de Voltaire, vol. 1, p. 171. Nevertheless, writ-ing one year after the appearance of Trudel*s book and showing i t i n his bibliography, Lanctot s t i l l insisted that Garneau was not influenced by Voltaire. See Lanctot, Garneau. Historien National, p. 57. 5 Ibid, pp. 172-173. See Appendix for the type of plagiarism Trudel shows. 128 everything Garneau read, no one can be certain how many others he copied. Trudel effectively counters Lanctot*s assertion that Garneau had not been influenced by the a n t i - c l e r i c a l Voltaire. Garneau footnoted as he saw f i t , and a reader often feels that more footnoting would have Improved the work. In 1859 the German school of s c i e n t i f i c historians had not yet undermined literary history and Garneau, a li t e r a r y historian using the s c i e n t i f i c method, did not emphasize his scrutiny of sources. Doubts as to Garneau* s honesty as an historian must arise i f one accepts the third edition as his work and not that of the editor. Con-sciously omitting material which would throw suspicion on the characters of bishops i s not praiseworthy; i t denies Garneau's independence. Some of the material revealed British generosity; from another point of view i t revealed the clergy's betrayal of the people. Elsewhere removal of de-scriptive adjectives produces a less perfect picture of certain people. Impressions of Champlain, Frontenac and Papineau were distorted i n some places for the third edition, and without careful examination of internal evidence Garneau*s real view of these men i s d i f f i c u l t to determine. E l -zear Bedard i s shown i n the 1852 as having excused the B r i t i s h for impri-soning him. The 1859 edition does not include that excuse which could not- have been retracted by Bedard after the second edition because he had died i n 1849. The omission was probably well reasoned, but constitutes a withholding of important and known information. The consequence i s that understanding of B r i t i s h policy i s suppressed and Bedard i s elevated to the position of a patriotic martyr. The second edition had not shown him as so great a man. Suggestions, therefore, that the third edition i s more honest, are untrue. In almost every case the dishonesty bolstered the position of a French Canadian personality or group. 129 French Canadian historians remarking on Garneau1 s impartiality merely indicate that they have not read the Histoire carefully. Garneau made no attempt to be impartial, and although he approached documents sc i e n t i f i c a l l y , he probably, used only those suiting his purpose. His own words, presumably known to historians, i l l u s t r a t e his lack of objectivi-ty. The "Discours Preliminaire" states " l a cause que nous avons embras-se". His mission was the conservation of "notre religion, de notre langue et de nos loi s ? Thomas Char land quotes the letter to Lord Elgin i n which Garneau recapitulated his reasons for writing as "de repousser les atta-g ques et les insultes". People with a mission are rarely impartial. In the l e t t e r to M. L. Moreau, a c r i t i c , Garneau denied that he was impartial. He explained that he stressed the exclusion of the Huguenots to disarm Pro-testant c r i t i c s and that he had a reason for c r i t i c i s i n g the French regime. This explanation does not reveal complete honesty. Garneau1 s frank bias i s especially apparent i n his writing about the Seven Years War. He i s unhappy that the French did not send recruits i n time to defeat the English. 3 He openly considers himself French when forts f e l l : "Quant au Detroit et aux autres postes superieurs, l i s etaient encore, i l est v r a i , en notre pouvoir..." 9 "Malheureuseraent l'ennemi" had received information from traitors concerning Niagara and that fort was lost to the British a l s o . 1 0 6 Thomas Charland, "Garneau, Preparation de l'Historien", Centenaire de  l'Histoire. p. 120. 7 Pierre J . 0. Chauveau, :Francois-Xavier Garneau sa Vie et ses peuvres. Montreal, Beauchemin et Valois, 1883, p. ccxl. 8* Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 349. 9 Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 345. 10 Ed. I l l , v. 2, p. 329. 150 An analysis of the organisation of the entire work indicates that Garneau wrote for a purpose, and the purpose i s further emphasized i n the third edition by his treatment of Beaard and Papineau. Garneau appealed to French Canadian emotion, but to the "petit peuple" of Quebec. He said that he wanted to give them the truth "des hommes et des choses".1-Garneau's style added to his popularity. He wrote literary h i s -tory l i k e some contemporaries i n England and France and the United States. As said earlier, Garneau was a conscientious craftsman polishing his work to a shining, effective bri l l i a n c e . One can well understand the t h r i l l afforded the "petit peuple" on finding their history so dramatically writ-ten by one of themselves. There i s no reason to wonder at i t s popularity or i t s influence. Differences i n style between the f i r s t and third edi-tions are noticeable. The f i r s t edition i s almost colloquial. Its flowing prose would possibly be more easily read by a semi-illiterate group than would the third with i t s more academic polish. Garneau seems to have first written his history for the habitant alone. On capturing the public a t -tention so completely he then might have tried seriously to be accepted ±1 more scholarly c i r c l e s . His extended work, to the Act of Union, 'fee grande act de i n j u s t i c e " , 1 2 i s less f l o r i d i n language and generally i n more ac-ceptable European French. Probably i n respect to style only i s the third edition superior to the second which more precisely expresses Garneau's thought. He remained attached to the French school of Romanticism i n phi-losophy. Thiers he followed, especially i n the second edition, i n respect to truth, simplicity and sobriety* but his organisation and the reasons 11 Ed. I l l , v. 1, (Pre*.), p. v i . 12 Ed. I l l , v. 3, p. 557 expressed for writing denied Thiers' opinion that history should not be passionate, colourful or philosophic, or include a search for primary causes. Garneau did not follow Bos suet, ultramontane providentialist, but quoted him. He used the intellectual approach of Guizot, the imagi-native approach of Thierry, the patriotism of Lamenais, and l i k e Mignet included philosophy. Those historians, admiring the revolutionary t r a -dition of France, narrated the story of great men, events and ideas re-sponsible for the evolution of a society. Michelet, however, Garneau followed i n a l l matters. Like Michelet he fused intelligence, imagina-tion, patriotism and philosophy to explain the past, c l a r i f y the future, and exalt humanity. in history Garneau, l i k e Michelet, rejected the supernatural/and accepted the world as one i n which man must l i v e . In the history of a real world there i s a place for geography, but only as a stage on which to enact the events. An historic event, an isolated happening, means nothing u n t i l i t has been f i t t e d with other events to show a nation fighting for freedom. French history was f i l l e d with such events; Garneau applied the rules to the Canadian story. He admired l i f e , i t s r e a l i t y and i t s ideas, and ne-ver despaired of the future. Despite,Ion's contention, 1 2 Garneau con-sidered his own chosen calling the greatest of a l l : ! * I I y a quelque chose de touchant et de noble tout a l a f o i s a de-fendre l a nationalite de ses pares, cet heritage sacrS qu'aucun peuple, quelque degradl qu' i l fut, n'a jamais repudil. Jamais cause plus grande et plus sainte n'a inspire" un coeur haut place, et n'a merit! l a sympathie des hommes gehereuxl French Canadian writers appear to deceive themselves i n their belief that Garneau repudiated a l l that he had come to believe over the 15 Ion, "Garneau, L^ o-mme'1, Centenaire de 1'Histoire. p. 108. 14 Ed. I l l , v. 1, (Discours Prelim.), p. x v i i . years. They appear to think that his submission to Church pressure a t a„. time when he was i l l i s tantamount to conversion. They compartmentalise his a c t i v i t i e s , his l i f e , and his writings, and never see them as one. In a l l respects he was a deviant from the culture of Quebec. The only factor common to others of his age was his ancient Canadian lineage. He had not had the common education of a Quebec boy for he did not at any time attend a Church school* his education was not confined to narrow limits. His breadth of education Roman Catholic writers disdain. Gar-neau* s unrestricted, independent reading was done without Church guidenoe, and the writers from whom he derived his philosophy were a n t i - c l e r i c a l . His independence and w i l l power were evident early i n his preferring ft-ee-dom to a conditional education. They are evident later i n his w i l l to succeed with Archibald Campbell. Neither bis v i s i t to Europe, nor that to the United States, was customary for a Quebec boy at that time. In the second of the journeys his strong determination i s again recognized. His family was poor and could not a s s i s t him, but Francois Xavier saved enough to v i s i t "ces deux Athenes modernes'1.---*' Europe crystallized his ideas on liberty, humanity and government* His admiration for Voltaire as expressed i n the Voyage i s too great to be overlooked, although some have wished to do so. Miche-l e t , Tocqueville, Thierry, Sismondi and others, teaching or i n the French Parliament, became real to him, not merely as the authors of books, but as ardent theorists trying to shape their country. His work i n London brought him into contact with practicing politicians and statesmen working with problems directly concerned with 15 Voyage. p. 4. l i b e r t y and freedom. No religious reference to either Ireland or Poland appears i n his diary, but a reader cannot but f e e l that Garneau opposed oppression by Rome i n the religious f i e l d as much as he opposed oppress-ion by Britain or Russia i n the p o l i t i c a l f i e l d . His admiration for free speech as he had seen i t i n England i s always evident i n the unabridged edition of the Voyage. In 1850, after having examined the Church arch-ives i n Quebec, Garneau wrote to Louis H. Lafontaine. The le t t e r i n d i -cates his confident attitude toward freedom of speech: 1 6 . ..je puis parler avec uneparfaite independence. Je ne dois de re-connaissance speciale, ne au gouvernement, n i a qui que ce spit, et je n*ai pris aucune part aux evenements publics j ce qui me Laisse dans l a plus grande Libert! de parler des hommes et des choses comme un historian eclair!, independent et veridique doit l e fair e . Garneau was an individualist, a thinker, a non-conformist, a deviant i n a static culture. His reputation was high i n the world of i n -tellectuals l i k e Papineau, Parent and Chauveau, but he had "une terrible reputation chez les marguilliers et les s a c r i s t a i n s " . 1 7 That he had some knowledge of p o l i t i c a l tact i s evident i n a letter to O'Callaghan. He did not, however, indicate that he knew the f i n a l result of deviation. Writing i n 1850 he said:18 ftNos Scrivains religieux ont continue de critiquer mon ouvragej mais leurs critiques, toutes nombreuses qu'elles ont !te et l e sont en-core, n'ont pas depasse en general les bomes de l a moderation, sur-tout depuis 1'apparition du 5e volume, ou. j ' a i d i t que les Canadiens devaient se r a l l i e r autour de leur religion, de leurs l o i s et de leur nationalit! pour leur propre conservation. Six years later i n writing to Chauveau, Garneau indicated his individuality and his attachment to principles. Chauveau had obviously asked Garneau why he persisted i n writing as he did. Even i f i t were 16 Casgrain, F.-X. Garneau et Francis Parkman. p. 59. 17 LanctSt, Garneau. Historien National, p. 52. 18 Ibid.. pp. 125-124. 154 possible to ignore the evidence i n the third edition, even i f i t were pos-sible to discount his c r i t i c a l approach to Church doctrine, this letter would suggest that any changes later than 1 8 5 6 were because of pressure 19 and not conversion: Le respect que j ' a i toujours eu pour mes convictions et pour l'inde-pendence de mes opinions, en jugeant les homines et les choses, dans mon Histoire du Canada, devait peut-etre ruiner mon avenir. Mais je savais d'avance l a consequence de ma conduite. Puisque j ' a i f a i t un pared! sacrifice, qui peut atteindre mes enfants, j * l t a i s pret a faire l e sacrifice, non moins sensible pour moi, de votre approbation. Hector Garneau met with disapproval when he re-issued his grand-father's text of 1 8 5 2 and was not really proclaimed as a writer u n t i l he published the eighth edition based on the text of the fourth edition of 1 8 8 2 . One cannot but wonder who abridged the Voyage en Angleterre et en  dans les Annees 1 8 5 1 . 1 8 5 2 et 1 8 5 5 . for publication i n 1 8 6 5 . French Cana-dian writers seldom suggest that Garneau suppressed the original Voyage for other than reasons of style. They do not say who shortened the text :-. •• for publication i n La Litterature Canadienne de 1 8 5 0 a I 8 6 0 , and for the editions published after the author died. The work does not appear to have been abridged by the author for i t eliminated most of the material showing Garneau*s personality and interests, and i t refers to nM. Garneau" as though he were a third person. The Voyage as f i r s t published however, received a more effective cleaning than did the Histoire. Garneau had originally written that Richelieu had an informer. Whoever abridged the work omitted Garneau's words that Richelieu's informer was "son bouffon, l'abbe Boisrobert" 2 0 Great amounts of material which shortened the text 1 9 Lanctot, OP. c i t . . pp. 1 6 0 - 1 6 1 . Cf W. L. Grant, "The History of Canada", i n Review of Historical Publications Relating to Canada. Toronto, Glasgow, Brook, 1 9 1 4 , v o l . XVIII, p. 2 5 . Grant translates this letter and indicates that words are missing between "future" [avenir] and "but I knew" [Mais je savais]. 2 0 Voyage, p. 1 2 2 cf Voyages, p. 1 0 1 . 135 are indicated i n the prescribed manner. Nothing indicates that material was eliminated when the words describing Boisrobert were omitted. I t must be remembered that at this time Garneau was very i l l and that he had to resign from the Gonseil de l-Instruction Publique. Hector Garneau i s de-nounced for tampering with his grandfather's third history text i n order to re-issue a f i f t h edition. Surely the unnamed abridger of the Voyage must have been unprincipled to have tampered with i t s original text} a l -ways supposing, of course, that i t was not Garneau himself who did so. Garneau did not change his mind; people accept the legend too readily and without reference to his published letters and to his f i n a l text. He changed l i t t l e or nothing i n response to lay criticism; he i s praised as being independent. He himself denied that he had drawn incor-rect conclusions on historical events related to the clergy; he i s praised as being a s c i e n t i f i c historian. By defending Garneau-e third edition as the best and disapproving of Hector Garneau'e re-issuance of the second i n 1912 after i t had been effectively s t i f l e d , most writers appear to be rationalising. In l i e u of a positive conviction that Garneau was converted or proof that he changed his mind, they appear to hope fervently that he was; wishing might make i t so. In the meantime, they use him as he inferred that they use Pascal. The simple act of eliminating material from a work-abridging i t — d o e s not or should not destroy i t s sense. I f the sense or main theme of the history had been destroyed, the Histoire would have been of no value. This has not been done. Francois Xavier Garneau helped to isolate Quebec and to make the province more vulnerable to nationalism. He constantly showed the French forgetting "les enfans du St.-Laurent" 2 1 i n their time of need. He showed 21 Ed. I I , v. 3, p. 399. 136 the B r i t i s h attempting to undermine the culture through assimilation. He glor i f i e d an heroic past and called for a preservation of the French cul-ture i n North America. In spite of his di s l i k e for " l a dlcadence d»une ancienne monarch! et l a conquete &trangere", 2 2 he appreciated the culture of the former and the protection which the l a t t e r afforded from the united States. 2^ He cut the cords binding French Canadians to Europe and turned their thoughts inward. He wrote with both the head and the mind to plead the cause of the "petit peuple". Because Garneau pleaded for a preserva-tion of "leur religion, leur langue et un pied a terre a l'Angleterre dans 1»Amerique du nord", 2 4 and thereby supports Quebec nationalism, the French Canadians accept what i s useful. They refrain from seeing the work as a whole, even the third edition. In his study of French Canadian literature Halden says that the work i s more important for i t s influence than for i t s facts and interpretation. 2 5 The praise by the Abb! Maurice Heoert i s prob-ably drawn with that i n mind, although Hubert might disagree: 2 6 ^11 apporte a son labeur d'historien l a patience, l a clairvoyance, l a sagacite, l'opinifitretl, l a luciditS, 1*irrepressible vouloir de l a lignee de terriens dont i l est issu. Following the revolutions of 1848, the Church had need of his nationalism, his patriotism and his lessons i n order to prevent the people from accepting imported ideas from a n t i - c l e r i c a l France. Garneau1sviews'^ 22 Ed. I l l , v. 3, (Conclusion), p. 358. 23 Ed. I l l , v. 3, (Conclusion), p. 359. 24 Loc. c i t . 25 Charles ab der Halden, Etude de Litterature Canadienne Francaise f Paris, Rudeval, 1904, p. 11. 26 Maurice Hubert, "Garneau et l'Influence de son Oeuvre", Centenaire de 1*Histoire. p. 155. 1S7 dn science, on religious doctrine, and on bis native Canada remained con-stant, but proof of t^isFrench Canadian nationalist historians have con-veniently neglected to recognize, no doubt because nationalism and r e l i -gion are so closely related i n Quebec. As Roman Catholic writers defend Laval, the f i r s t Bishop, French Canadian writers protect the prestige and influence of the f i r s t great historian. They need his qualities for spe-c i a l purposes. Probably because he was i l l and persecuted, probably because he could not withstand criticism which had possibly by that time passed the bounds of moderation, and no doubt to ensure the social acceptance of his family while retaining his own self respect, Garneau submitted his work for revision. A l l agree that he did not revise i t himself. A work revised by someone else does not necessarily indicate that the author changed his entire l i f e pattern i n two years. I t does not indicate that he changed his character and his philosophy. Deletions of a man's religious philoso-phy do not constitute changes of a man's religious doctrine. Silence on a topic does not necessarily indicate concurrence; i t may indicate fear. A revision by someone else could indicate that the author refused to do i t himself. Only he would know which of the thoughts expressed to expunge. Had Garneau really changed his mind, instead of submitting to intolerable pressure by giving the draft to a priest for correction, he would, a n v r a i f i l s de l ' E g l i s e , 2 7 have done i t himself. 27 Yon, "Garneau, L'Homme", Centenaire de l' E i s t o i r e . p. 108 B I B L I O G R A P H Y B I B L I O G R A P H Y FRANCOIS XAVIER GARNEAU1S WRITING The History Garneau, Francois Xavier, Histoire du. Canada deptds sa Dlconverte .iusqu' A nos Jours. 3 vols., Quebec, Aubin, 1845 and 1846, Frechette, 1848. F i r s t Edition. This edition relates the history of Canada from i t s discovery u n t i l the Constitutional Act of 1791. , Histoire du Canada depuis sa Deeouyerte jusau 1 A nos Jours f 5 vols., Quebec, Lovell, 1852. Second Edition. The second and third editions t e l l the history of Canada to the Act of Union. ' , , , . Histoire du Canada depuis sa Dlcouverte .iusgu'l nos Jours. 3 vols., Quebec, Lamoureux, 1859. Third Edition. This revised or "corrected 1' edition i s basically the same as the second, but i s the one which French Canadian Roman Catholic historians accept as the best edition of Garneau* s history, and as expressing Garneau* s true - thoughts. ._. . Histoire du Canada depuis sa Decouverte iusqu'A nos Jours. 3 vols., Montreal, Beauchemin, 1882, Fourth Edition. Published post-humously by the author's son, this edition i s the text Garneau was completing at the time of his death. An additional volume published i n 1883 contains the text of Pierre Joseph Ol i v i e r Chauveau's Fran- cois Xavier Garneau sa Vie et ses Oeuvres as well as two poems by Louis Frechette and an excellent index by Benjamin Suite. Chauveau*s part of the book was published again as a separate work. . Histoire du Canada. Hector Garneau, ed., 2 vols., Paris, Alcan, 1913 and 1920. F i f t h Edition. A preface by Gabriel Hanotaux and an introduction by Hector Garneau, Francois Javier's grandson, are Interesting features of this edition which reproduces the second edition. . Histoire du Canada. Hector Garneau, ed., 2 vols., Paris, Alcan, 1920. Sixth Edition. This edition i s almost a reprint of the F i f t h . I t also reproduces the second edition and contains the same preface and introduction. . Histoire du Canada. Hector Garneau, ed., 2 vole., Paris, Alcan, 1928. Seventh Edition. Once again the grandson published the text of the edition of 1852, but this same year he wrote a l e t t e r saying that his next edition would be based on the 1882 version. . Histoire^du Canada, Hector Garneau, ed., 9 vols., Montreal, l'Arbre, 1944. Eighth Edition. This edition follows the text of the Fourth Edition of 1882 and contains a letter Garneau wrote to Lord Elgin. The preface and introduction are omitted. , Abreee de l' E i s t o l r e du Canada depuis sa Decouverte jusqu'a nos Jours. Quebec. Cote. 1856. F i r s t edition. The subtitle of this book and of the other abridgements says that i t was for use i n Quebec schools. . Abrlel de l' E i s t o l r e du Canada depuis sa Decouverte jusqu'a  nos Jours. Montreal, Holland, 1858, Second Edition. . Abrlel de l'Ei,stoire du Canada depuis sa D^cpuyerte ^lusqu'a  nos Jours, Montreal, Beauchemin and Valois, 1875. Third Edition. , History of Canada, from the Tjme of i t s Discovery t i l l the  Union Year (1840-1). 5 vols.. Andrew B e l l , trans.. Montreal. Lovell I860. B e l l translated the Third Edition and did an extremely poor job. He spoiled the text by contradicting the author and by making corrections or " i l l u s t r a t i v e notes" i n the text which glorify the B r i t i s h . , History of Canada, from the Time of i t s Discovery t i l l the Union Year 1840-41, 5 vols., Andrew B e l l , trans., Montreal, Lovell, 1862. This i s the edition to which Garneau replied i n Revue Cana- dienne. (See below.) , . History of Canada, from the, Time of i t s Discovery t i l l the  Union Year 1840-41. 2 vols.. Montreal. R. Worthing ton. 1866. ^n-other edition was published the same year and the only difference i s that i t contains the name of John Lovell as publisher added to that of Worthing ton. Other Writing Garneau, Francois Xavier, "Une Conclusion d'Histoire", Revue Canadienne 1:415-454, A p r i l , 1864. When Andrew B e l l published the translation of the history the second time Garneau probably f e l t that he was called upon to make a comment. This a r t i c l e i s an annotated and documented version of pages 45 to 60 of volume 5 of the Third Edi-tion and i s a very subtle reply to B e l l . . Voyage en Angleterre et en France dans les Annies 1851. 1852  et 1855. Quebec. Augustin Cot!, 1855. This exceedingly interesting book was suppressed by the author a few days after i t appeared be-cause he did not l i k e the style. I t i s l i v e l y and interesting and shows Garneau to be a human person with varied interests. reader who has been to Europe w i l l find that i t i s especially interesting, for the young man saw so many places of note that are s t i l l standin today and t e l l s his impressions of them. 140 > Voyage en Angleterre et en France, dans lea Annees 1851. 1852 et 1855. abridged i n La Ljtterature Canadienne de 1850 a 1860. Quebec, [Le Foyer Canadien] Desbarats and Derbishire, 1863. , Voyages. Quebec, Leger Brousseau, 1878. An unknown abridger mutilated Garneau1 s interesting book and removed any material that might show his respect for Britain and his interest in the past. , Voyages. Quebec, Leger Brousseau, 1881. , "Cinq Lettres de F.-X. Garneau"1, Le Canada Francais. 29:154-157, October, 1941. _. Selected Poems i n James Huston, ed., Le Repertoire National. (1850), Montreal, Valois, 1893, vols. 1 and 2. Most of the poems Garneau had published before 1850 are i n these two volumes. ( A l l editions of the original history except the seventh and the second B e l l translation are i n the University library. This University does not have one of the six remaining copies of the suppressed Voyage en  Angleterre et en France [unabridged], nor the f i r s t and third editions of. the Abregl de l'Histoire nor the second edition of the abridged Voyages.) MATERIAL CONCERNING GARNEAU'S WORK Arnould, Louis, Nos Amis les Canadians. Paris, Oudin, 1913. d'Arles, Henri, (pseud, for Henri Beaude), Nos Historians. Montreal, 1"Action Francaise, 1921. Bibaud, Maximilian, Catlchisme de l'Histoire du Canada. Montreal, Gendron, 1853. , Le Pantheon Canadien. Montreal, Valois, 1891. This book i s not v i t r i o l i c i n i t s approach to Garneau, but i f one reads the Catechisme. which t e l l s who the best historians were, one finds that Bibaud was not impressed by Garneau. Begin, Emile, "Garneau et l e Romantisme", Le Canada Francais. 29:127-154, October, 1945. Bilodeau, Charles, "L'Histoire Nationale," Royal Commission Studies. Ottawa, King's Printer, 1951, pp. 217-250. Bisson, L. A., "Le Romantisme Litteraire au Canada Frangais r Paris, Droz, 1932. Bracq, Jean Charlemagne, The Evolution of French Canada. New York, Macmillan, 1924. Bruchesi, Jean, "La Situation Politique et Nationale 11 y a une Siecle", i n Lefebvre, J.J., ed., Centenaire de l'Histoire de Frangoi3 Xavier  Garneau. Montreal, SocietS Historique de Montreal, 1945, pp. 72-89. 141 Brunet, Berthelot, Histoire de l a Litterature Canadienne-Franpaise. Montreal, l'Arbre, 1946. Casgrain, Henri Raymond, n F . X. Garneaun, Le goyer Canadien. 4:137-143, A p r i l , 1866. . F.-X. Garneau et Francis Parkman (1885), Montreal, Beauchemin, 1926. . "Notre Passe Li t t e r a i r e et nos deux Historians", Transactions  of the Royal Society of Canada. 1:85-90, 1882-1383. Gharland, Thomas, "Garneau, Preparation de l'Historien", i n Lefebvre, J.J., ed., Centenaire de l'Histoire du Canada de Franpois-Xavier  Garneau. Montreal, Societe Historique de Montreal, 1945, pp. 113-127. This book i s made up of a series of essays on Garneau and reveals the present day thought about the man and his history. The essays are written by French Canada's leading historians. Chartier, £., "La Vie de l'Esprit au Canada Francais, 4e etudes—L'Histoire et 1'IdSe Nationale (1840-1925)n, Transactions of the Royal Society  of Canada. 28:97-109, 1934. Chauveau, Pierre Joseph Olivier, "Etude sur les commencements de l a poesies Francaise au Canada et en particulier sur les poesies de M. Francois-Xavier Garneau", Transactions of the Royal Society of  Canada. 1:65-85, 1882-1883. , . Francoi3-rXavier Garneau sa Vie et ses Oeuvres. Montreal, Beau-chemin and Valois, 1883. Colby, Charles W., "Garneau, Histoire du Canada"" [Book Review] American Historical Review. 19:382-384, January, 1914. , "Garneau, Histoire du Canada" [Book Review] American Historical Review. 26:556-559, A p r i l , 1921. Darveau, L. M., Nos Hommes de Lettres. Montreal, Stevenson, 1873. Egerton, H. E. [Book Review] English His t o r i c a l Review. 36:316-317, A p r i l , 1921. Fraser, Ian Forbes, The S p i r i t of French Canada. Toronto, Ryerson, 1959. Frlgault, Guy, "Actualit! de Garneau", L"Action Ohiversitaire. 11:8-16, March, 1945. Fryer, C.E., "Francois Zavier [sic] Garneau", Annals of the American  Academy [Book Review], 52:247-248. March, 1944. Grant, William Lawson, "Histoire du Canada", Canadian Histo r i c a l Review [Book Review] 2:79-81, March 1921. , "Histoire du Canada", ^eview of Histo r i c a l Publications Relating to Canada. 18:25-26, 1914. , [Book Review] English Historical Review. 29:622-623, July 1914. 142 Groulx, Lionel, "L'Originalite' de notre Histoire", i n Lefebvre, J.J., ed., Centenaire de l'Histoire du Canada de Francois Xavier Garneau. Montreal, Societe Historique de Montreal, 1945, pp. 31-53. Halden, Charles ab der, Etudes de Litterature Canadienne Francaise. Paris, Rudeval, 1904. Hebert, Maurice, "Garneau et 1* Influence L i t t e r a i r e de son Oeuvre", i n Lefebvre, J.J., ed., Centenaire de l'Histoire du Canada de Franpois  Xavier Garneau. Montreal, Societe Historique de Montreal, 1945, pp. 143-162. Lanctot, Gustave, Francois Xavier Garneau. Toronto, Ryerson [1926?]. Dr. Lanctot has done more work on Garneau than any other writer but seems to contradict himself. , "Francois-Xavier Garneau", Encyclopaedia of the Social Sciences. 1931, vol. 6, p. 585. , Garneau. Historien National. Montreal, Fides, 1946. , "La Huitieme Edition de Garneau", La Revue de l'Universitl Laval. 1:354-360, January, 1947. , "L'Oeuvre Historique de Garneau", i n Lefebvre, J.J., ed., Centen- aire de l'Historiaue du Canada de Francois Xavier Garneau. Montreal, Societe Historique de Montreal, 1945, pp. U-30. I t i s f i t t i n g that the f i r s t a r t i c l e i n this book be written by Dr. Lanctot. : . "Une Lettre de Gustave Lanctot", Le Canada Franpajs. 15:133-136, October, 1927. Lareau, Edmond, Hjstoire de l a Litterature Canadienne. Montreal, Lovell, 1874. Lareau does not appear to think that Garneau's submission of his text for censorship was voluntary. Leger, Jules, Le Canada Francais et son Expression Li t t e r a i r e . Paris, Nizet and Bastard, 1938. Le Moine, James MacPherson, "Nos Quatre Historiens Modernes, Bibaud, Garneau, Ferland, Faillon", Transactions of the Royal Society of  Canada. 1:1-11, 1882. Lindsay, Lionel, "Francois Xavier Garneau", Catholic Encyclopaedia. 1909, vol. 6, p. 386. MacMechan, Archibald, Headwaters of Canadian Literature. Toronto, McBlellan and Stewart, 1924. Maurault, Olivier, "La Vie Intellectuale au Temps de Garneau", i n Lefebvre, J.J., ed., Centenaire de l'Histoire du Canada de Francois Xavier Gar- neau, Montreal, SoeietS Historique de Montreal, 1945, pp. 415-421. ' 143 Morgan, Henry J. , "Francois Xavier Garneau", Bifeliotheca Canadensis. Ottawa, Desbarats, 1867, pp. 135-136. Morisset, Gerard, "Les Arts au Temps de Garneau", i n Lefebvre, J.J. ed., Centenaire de l'Histoire du Canada de Francois Xavier Garneau. Montreal, S o c i l t ! Historique de Montreal, 1945, pp. 415-421. Morissette, Napoleon, "En Marge des nouvelles Editions de Garneau", Le Canada Francais. 16:558-567, Apr i l , 1929; 16:585-608, May, 1929; 17:16-25, September, 1929; 17:221-231, December, 1929; 17:517-327, January, 1950. Roy, Gamille, French-Canadian Literature. Toronto, Glasgow, Brook, 1913. This i s a reprint of his a r t i c l e "French Canadian Literature", i n Shortt, A., and Doughty, A.G., ed., Canada and Its Provinces. Toronto, Glasgow, Brook, 1914, vol. 12. , Manuel d'Histoire de l a Litterature Canadien-Francaise. Quebec, L 'Action Sociale. Roy, Pierre, Georges, F j i s de Quebec. Levis, La Cie de publication de Levis, 1955, vol. 5, pp. 1-8. . Les Monuments Commemoratifs de l a Province de Qulbec. Quebec, Proulx, 1925, vol. 1. Robitaille, Georges, Etudes sur Garneau. Montreal, Action Canadienne-Fran-paise, 1929, Most of this book and the articles i n Le Canada Franpais (below) are attacks on Hector Garneau. , "L'Histoire du Canada", Le Canada Franpais. vo l . 12:507-527, March, 1925; 12: 706-724, May, 1925. , "L'Oeuvre de Garneau et l e Critique de son Temps", i n Lefebvre, J.J., ed., Centenaire de l'Histoire du Canada de Francois Xavier  Garneau. Montreal, Societ! Historique de Montreal, 1945, pp. 129-142. Scott, Henry Arthur, Nos Anciens Historioeraphes. L l v i s , La Cie de publi-cation de Levis, 1950. Skelton, Oscar D. [Book Review] Queen's Quarterly. 28:428-429, A p r i l , 1921. Suite, Benjamin, Melanges Historiaues P Gerard Malchelosse, ed., Montreal, Ducharme, 1925, vol. 11, pp. 71-94. Trudel, Marcel, L'Influence de Voltaire au Canada. Montreal, Fides, 1945, 2 vols. Trudel establishes Garneau's plagiarism but l i t t l e has been written since the great Semaine d'Histoire and therefore one cannot t e l l yet whether or not the French Canadians s t i l l think Garneau was not influenced by Voltaire. Ton, Armand, "Franpois Xavier Garneau, L'Homme", i n Lefebvre, J.J., ed., Centenaire de l'Histoire du Canada de Francois Xavier Garneau. Montreal, Soci!t! Historique de Montreal, 1945, pp. 93-111. Zbieranska, Krystyna, "Une Page du Pass! Canadien et Polonais", Le Canada  Francais.28:1069-1076. June, 1941. 144 "Article I", North American Review. 74:261-268, A p r i l , 1852. "Histoire du Canada", La Minerve. September 1, 1845. This review of Garneau* s f i r s t volume i s i n glowing terms and gives an excellent idea as to how i t was received i n Quebec. "Une Lettre de M. Hector Garneau", Le Canada Francais. 15:609-610, May, 1929. Hector Garneau reveals that he i s going to publish the fourth edition of his grandfather's work. A P P E N D I X A P P E N D I X I) Garneau: "Le Cap-Breton Itait, comme on l e savait, l a clef du Canada et protlgeait l a peche de l a morue qui employait par an plus de cinq cents petits vaisseaux de Bayonne, de Saint-Jean de Luz, du Havre de Grace et d'autres v i l l e s . " T. I I , p. 462. Sans reference n i guillemots. Voltaire: "Le Cap-Breton.•• l a clef de leurs possessions dans l e nord de 1'Amerique... La peche de l a morue... qui employait par an plus de cinq cents petits vaisseaux de Bayonne* de Saint-Jean-de-Luz, du Havre de Grace et d'autres villes.' 1 P r l c i s du Siecle de Louis XV. ch. XXVIII. II) Gameaus " Le marquis de Saint-Slverin, l'un des plenipotentiaires francais, avait d l c l a r ! q u ' i l verait accomplir les paroles de son maitre 'qui voulait faire l a paix non en marchand mais en r o i . * I I ne f i t rien pour l u i et f i t tout pour ses a l l i e s . " T. I I , p. 488. Sans reference n i guillemets (sauf pour l e discours indirect). Voltaire: "Le marquis de Saint-Slvlrin, l'un des plenipotentiaires de France au congres d'Aix-la-Chapelle, commenca par dlclarer q u ' i l venait accomplir les paroles de son maitre 'qui voulait faire l a paix non en mar-chand mais en r o i . ' Louis XV ne voulut rien pour l u i ; mais i l f i t tout pour ses a l l i e s . " Precis du Siecle..., ch. XXX. III) Sur l a reconnaissance de Jacques III par Louis XIV ( t . I I , 1. VI, ch. 2), Garneau suit d'assez pres l e texte de Voltaire (Sifecle de Lpujs  XIV. ch. XVII) puis retombe dans l e plagiat: Garneau: "Le r o i de France, d i s a i t l a v i l l e de Londres a ses reprlsen-tants, se donne un vice-roi en cortf Irant l e t i t r e de notre souverain a un prltendu prince de Galles : notre condition serait bien malheureuse, s i nous devions etre gouverols au gre d'un prince qui a employ! l e f e r , l e feu et les galeres pour detruire les protestants de ses Itats; a u r a l t - i l plus d'humanit! pour nous que pour ses sujets?" Le parlement passa un acte d'atteinder pour dlclarer l e prltendu r o i Jacques coupable de haute trahison. (page 194). Sans reference, n i guillemets, sauf pour l e d i s -cours indirect. Voltaire: "Les instructions donnles par l a v i l l e a ses representants fur-ent violentes. 'Le r o i de France se donne un vice-roi enconfIrant l e t i t r e de notre souverain a un prltendu prince de Galles: notre condition serait bien malheureuse, s i nous devions etre gouvernls au gr! d'un prince qui a employ! l e fer, l e feu et les galeres pour dltruire les protestants de ses Itats; aural t - i l plus d'humanit! pour nous que pour ses propres sujets?' Guillaume s* expliqua dans l e parlement avec l a mime force. On dlclara l e nouveau r o i Jacques coupable de haute trahison; un b i l l d'atteindre fut port! contre lui.*' 

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