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The life of Vergil : an investigation of the historical sources Ramage, Edwin Stephen 1952

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THE LIFE OF VERGIL: AN INVESTIGATION OF THE HISTORICAL SOURCES. by-EDWIN STEPHEN RAMAGE A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n the Department of CLASSICS Vie accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the standard required from candidates f o r the degree of MASTER OF ARTS. Members of the Department of CLASSICS THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September, 195£ THE LIEE OF VERGIL: AN INVESTIGATION OF THE HISTORICAL SOURCES. by EDWIN STEPHEN RAMAGE A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE RE QUI REMENTS FOP. THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n the Department of CLASSICS -ABSTRACT THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September, 1952 We must depend mainly upon the so-called h i s t o r i c a l sources for the l i f e of V e r g i l . These are divided into three groups-inscriptions, references i n various writers and the Vitae Vergilianae. The f i r s t two groups are l i m i t e d i n t h e i r usefulness. Each of the Vitae has obvious flaws, the Donatus-Suetonius L i f e being the most complete. Our purpose w i l l be to examine the many problems posed by these h i s t o r i c a l sources, o f f e r i n g solutions where possible, but always remembering that to most of the questions raised there i s no s a t i s f a c t o r y answer. V e r g i l was born on the Ides of October (Suetonius, V i t a  Bernensis, Probus, Ausonius), i n 70 B.C. ( a l l the sources), somewhere near Mantua and perhaps at Andes. His father's name may have been either Maro, V e r g i l i u s , Istimichon, or Stimichon. His mother's name was Maia, Magia, or Magia P o l l a . His father was either a potter, a c u l t o r a g e l l i , or a h i r e l i n g of Magius, being probably of Etruscan o r i g i n . V e r g i l studied f i r s t at Cremona, going to Milan when he was f i f t e e n or sixteen, and to Rome a short while later> At Rome he studied under the Epicurean S i r o (Eocas, Servius) and perhaps under Epidius (Vita Bernensis). His f i r s t piece of w r i t i n g was a d i s t i c h on B a l l i s t a and perhaps he wrote the Culex (Suetonius, Servius, Eocas, Donatus Auctus, M a r t i a l , Statius) and maybe the Catalepton or part of them. Soon he became involved i n the confiscations. There 2 are a number of problems raised by the h i s t o r i c a l sources regarding t h i s period of his l i f e . Did these confiscations take place a f t e r P h i l i p p i , Mutina, or Actium? Were P o l l i o , Varus and Gallus i n charge, or P o l l i o and Gallus, or P o l l i o and l a t e r Varus? Was the Mantuan land confiscated because of i t s proximity to Cremona, because the Mantuans were part-i isan to Antony, or because they had remained neutral? What were the circumstances surrounding the attack on Vergil's person? Did he win back his farm or was he reimbursed f o r thes loss of i t ? Was there only one ev i c t i o n or were there two? ' He may have begun h i s Eclogues i n 42 B.C., but he more probably began them i n 41. The order of w r i t i n g seems to have been: IE, I , IV, VI, V I I I , X. The others cannot be dated. Between 40 and 38 B.C.* V e r g i l l e f t Mantua f o r Rome and Naples, coming at this time into the Augustan C i r c l e . He began h i s G-eorgics i n 38 or 37 B.C. at Naples, and i t took him seven years to complete them, f o r he t r a v e l l e d and also seems to have written at a very slow r a t e f They may have been read to Augustus a f t e r Actium (Suetonius). About 30 B.C. V e r g i l began the Aeneid, which Augustus was eager to hear (Suetonius). In 26 B.C. V e r g i l read either the Second, Fourth and S i x t h Books or the Third, Fourth and S i x t h Books to him and Octavia. V e r g i l t r a v e l l e d to Greece i n 19 Bi.C. to revise his Aeneid, but Augustus, meeting him a_t Athens, persuaded him to return to I t a l y . V e r g i l f e l l i l l at Megara and died at Brundisium on September twenty-first (Suetonius, F i l a r -gyrius), 19 B.C. (Probus, F i l a r g y r i u s , Jerome). Probably lie was buried somewhere near Naples. V e r g i l was a large man of dark complexion, with a somewhat r u s t i c appearance and was never i n perfect health. He was slow of speech, modest and restrained, but he had f a u l t s and even had made a number; of enemies. In addition, he was not above r e t a l i a t i n g when angered. Table of Contents. Chapter. Page. I. THE HISTORICAL SOURCES. . 1 I I . VERGIL'S BIRTH, FAMILY AND RACIAL STOCK 6 I I I . VERGIL'S EDUCATION AND EARLY WHITINGS 21 IV. VERGIL AND THE CONFISCATIONS ...31 V. THE ECLOGUES, GEORGICS AND AENEID . . 44 VI. VERGIL »S DEATH. 53 VII. VERGIL THE MAN 65 BIBLIOGRAPHY ... 71 INDEX. 77 Chapter I. THE HISTORICAL SOURCES. The l i f e of V e r g i l has from ea r l y times been a subject for much debate and as a r e s u l t no one has ever succeeded i n w r i t i n g a complete or adequate biography of the great Roman poet. The main reason for the uncertainty that sur-rounds the l i f e of V e r g i l i s the lack of adequate source material. Though he wrote more than twelve thousand lin e s of poetry, most of them about his native I t a l y and many of them about his birthplace and the haunts of his youth and l a t e r years, V e r g i l makes no more than three or four d i r -ect references that are useful i n determining events i n his l i f e . Because of th i s o b j e c t i v i t y of the poet, we must turn almost e n t i r e l y from the Eclogues, Georgics and Aeneid to what we may c a l l the h i s t o r i c a l sources to t r y to piece to-gether a l i f e of V e r g i l . The h i s t o r i c a l sources may be divided into three groups. In ascending order of import-ance they are f i r s t , I n s c r i p t i o n s , secondly, references to V e r g i l contained i n t he works of writers contemporary with and succeeding the poet, and t h i r d l y , the Vitae Vergilianae. I t w i l l perhaps be p r o f i t a b l e to discuss these three sources i n a general way before attempting to ascertain what facts we may gather from them. Inscriptions are useful mainly i n attempting to determine the r a c i a l o r i g i n and the s o c i a l standing of V e r g i l and his family. The Corpus  Inscriptlonum Latinarum must not be r e l i e d upon, however, to answer by i t s e l f the questions that arise concerning the rank and stock of the poet. The information offered by the Corpus may be used only to augment that offered by the .is other h i s t o r i c a l sources and i t / , therefore, l i m i t e d i n tits!.' usefulness. More important are the i n c i d e n t a l references that are to be found i n the various w r i t e r s ' works. This group of h i s t o r i c a l sources may be sub-divided i n turn into two more groups, the one consisting of those writers who were contemporary with V e r g i l and the other of those who l i v e d a f t e r the poet. The f i r s t sub-group i s a rather small one, f o r Horace, Propertius and Ovid are the only contemporaries of V e r g i l who mention him i n t h e i r works. Even here Ovid and Propertius, as we s h a l l see l a t e r , offer us l i t t l e information about the poet, while Horace, though i n com-parison with these other writers he seems to t e l l us a l o t , could have to l d us a l o t more. We f i n d more evidence i n the works of those writers who followed the poet. Among the l a t t e r are M a r t i a l , S i l i u s I t a l i c u s , Claudianus, Aulus G e l l i u s , Ausonius, and Macrobius, though, of course there are many others. The number of writers who mention V e r g i l i s f a i r l y large, then, but each i n d i v i d u a l writer r a r e l y makes more than one or two useful references. The most important of the h i s t o r i c a l sources are the Vitae Vergllianae. I t would be impossible to go into an exhaustive discussion here of the merits and demerits of each of the Lives. Dr. Ernst Diehl has edited the most Important of them, adding a commentary in German, while Henry Nettleship has c o l l e c t e d a fewer number of them, appending an English commentary and an illuminating essay on the l i f e of V e r g i l . In Diehl's c o l l e c t i o n we f i n d the 1 Donatus-Suetonius L i f e , the Danatus Auctus L i f e , the i ~ " ~ — — — — — — — — — metrical version by Pocas, those shorter Lives written by Servius, Probus and F i l a r g y r i u s , as well as the Vita Ber- nensis . Vita Monacensis and the V i t a Noricensis. Nettleship in his shorter c o l l e c t i o n has included the Lives by Suetonius, Servius and Probus, as well as the Vita Bernensis. As we have sa i d , i t would be impossible i n so short a time and so small a space to. judge these Lives i n d i v i d u a l l y , 1 Nowadays i t i s generally agreed that Suetonius and not Donatus was the author of this L i f e . Therefore, i n the following pages, when reference i s made to the L i f e written by Suetonius, that going under the name of Donatus-Suetonius in Diehl's c o l l e c t i o n w i l l be the one that i s meant. but we may pause a moment to notice the obvious flaws i n each of them. The Donatus-Suetonius L i f e seems to be the f u l l e s t and most r e l i a b l e . I t i s true that s u p e r s t i t i o n does enter this L i f e , but on the whole the w r i t e r i s care-f u l to put forward facts and not mere sup e r s t i t i o n . The Donatus Auctus L i f e , on the other hand, i s next to useless for our study, f o r i t i s e s s e n t i a l l y the l a t t e r L i f e with superstitious anecdotes added at various points. The L i f e alleged to be Focas' i s f a i r l y r e l i a b l e , but because he has had to f i t the facts into d a c t y l l i c hex-ameters, Pocas' version of the l i f e of V e r g i l i s f o r the most part rather vague. Servius' L i f e i s also f a i r l y r e l i a b l e , agreeing i n most respects with Suetonius' L i f e , though i t i s not as complete as the l a t t e r . The Vita Bernensis and those of P i l a r g y r i u s and Probus are, l i k e the Servian L i f e , rather short and i n -complete. The V i t a Monacensis and V i t a Noricensls are apparently written i n the accepted j o u r n a l i s t i c s t y l e of that time in order to catch the i n t e r e s t of the reader. The former contains a f a i r amount of superstitious lore and i n addition i s rather disorganized. The same i s true of the V i t a  Norlcensis, though i n this L i f e the author t r i e s to keep a l i t t l e more to the f a c t s . I t i s f o r the most part impossible to determine upon what sources each of the authors of the Lives depended* Suetonius at times t e l l s us on whom he Is r e l y i n g f o r what he has to say, hut such references are the exception rather than the rule. We cannot here decide, e i t h e r , which are the independent Lives and which Lives depend upon the others for t h e i r subject matter. But, as we have already s a i d , the Donatus- Suetonius L i f e i s the f u l l e s t and most r e l i a b l e , and for that reason may be the parent of some or a l l of the others. Here we have the h i s t o r i c a l sources, the material we must use i n piecing together a l i f e of V e r g i l . But, as we s h a l l see, these sources often f a i l us, f o r at one time none of them w i l l contain any reference to a certain phase of the poet's l i f e , while at another time the evidence offered by one source w i l l c o n f l i c t with that put forward by another. I t w i l l be our purpose, then, to present these problems as we come upon them, offering plausible solutions where possible, but always remembering that to most of the questions raised there i s no s a t i s f a c t o r y answer. 6 Chapter I I . VERGIL'S BIRTH, FAMILY, AND RACIAL STOCK. A l l the Lives, both those considered important and those considered unimportant, 1 agree that V e r g i l was born i n the year when Gnaeus Pompeius Magnus and Marcus L i c i n i u s Crassus were Consuls, or, i n other words, i n the year 70 B. C. Certain of the Lives go even further and give Vergil's day of b i r t h as the Ides of October. In the l a t t e r group are the Donatus-Suetonius L i f e , 2 the V i t a Bernensis, 3 and the L i f e prefixed by Probus to his Commentary on the Aeneid. 4 Not only are the authors of the Ancient Lives unanimous on the question of Vergil' s birthdate, but they are i n complete agreement with the other writers who make reference to the poet's birthdate. Saint Jerome i n his e d i t i o n of Eusebius' Chronicon gives Vergil's year of b i r t h as 70 B. C.5 1 Vide Domenico Comparetti, V e r g i l i n the Middle Ages, trans. E.E.M. Beneke, London, Swan Sonnenschein and Co., 1895, pp. 135-155; W. Y. S e l l a r , The Roman Poets of the Augustan:Age: Vi r g i l , O x f o r d , Clarendon Press, 1929, p.. 98; H o l l i s R i t c h i e Upson, M e d i e v a l Lives of V e r g i l , " CP,vol. 38 (1943), pp. 103-111; Henry Nettleship, Ancient Lives of V e r g i l , Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1879, p p . 28-32. 2:.Ernst Diehl, Die Vitae Vergilianae und ihre antiken  Quellen, Bonn, A. Marcus and E. Weber, 1911, p. 8. 3 I b i d . , p. 44. 4 Ibid.,' p. 43. 5 A. Abr. 1948. Phlegon, Prosper Tiro, Bede, Julianus, and Maximinus, a l l of whom wrote a f t e r Suetonius and perhaps drew upon him, place the poet's b i r t h i n 70 B. C , as do the Chronica G-allica, the Chronicon Paschale and the Consularia Constantinopolitana,6 Regarding the actual day of Vergil's b i r t h , M a r t i a l i n one of his epigrams has the following l i n e s ; Octobres Maro consecravit Idus. Idus saepe colas; et has et i l l a s , Qui magnl celebras Maronis Idus. 7 Again, Ausonius t e l l s us that Octobres olim gehitus Maro dedicat idus; 8 Therefore, we find that the amount of evidence i n favour of placing V e r g i l ' s b i r t h on the Ides of October, 70 B.C. i s overwhelming and the complete lack of any evidence to the contrary leaves l i t t l e doubt that t h i s i s the correct date. Establishing the birthdate of the Roman poet i s much easier than establishing his birthplace. A l l eight of the more important Lives agree that he was born i n the v i c i n i t y of Mantua, while five, of these state that he was born i n a town or v i l l a g e called Andes. There seems to be, however, some disagreement amongst these Lives as to what kind of a settlement Andes was. The Donatus-Suetonius L i f e describes i t as a pagus 9 as does E i l a r g y r i u s 1 ° along with the authors 6 J. K. Eotheringham, "The Two Thousandth Anniversary of V i r g i l ' s B i r t h , " CR, v o l . 44 (1930), pp. 1-3. 7 Epigrams XII, LXVTI, 11. 3-5. 8 Epistl.es 21, 1. 25. 9 Diehl, op. o i t . , p. 8. 10 I b i d . , p. 45. of the V i t a Monaoensis H and the V i t a Norioensis. 1 2 Probus, however, a grammarian who i s not prone to making mistakes, describes Andes as a vicus. 13 Now i t may be that by the time the various Lives came to be written, the pagus and vicus which i n c l a s s i c a l times had been thought of as two d i f f e r e n t kinds of settlements had come to be regarded as being much the same. I f th i s i s the case, then t h i s seeming disagreement between the Lives can be disregarded. On the other hand, i t i s equally possible that each word kept i t s o r i g i n a l meaning and that line authors of the Lives were thinking of Andes i n di f f e r e n t terms. The Ancient Lives, too, seem to be at variance as to the exact location of Andes. A l l agree that i t was somewhere near Mantua, but the versions vary a l l the w&y from "iux t a Mantuamn of.the V i t a Monacehsis 14 ^ 0 the view of Probus who places Andes t h i r t y miles distant from Mantua. 1 5 The Donatus-Suetonius L i f e gives Andes' pos i t i o n as n... a  Mantua non procul," 16 while F i l a r g y r i u s I 7 and the author of the Vi&a Noricensis J- 8 place Andes "... haud procul a Mantua." Probus' estimate of t h i r t y miles as the distance between Andes and Mantua we must reject, f o r Mantua had only a small H Lo°' o i t . 12 I b i d . , p. 49, where St. Jerome i s quoted. 13 I b i d . , p . 43. 14 I b i d . , p . 45. 15 I b i d . , p. 43. 16 I b i d . , p. 8. 17 I b i d . , p. 45. 18 I b i d . , p . 49. 9 territory". ^ 9 Therefore, i f Andes had been t h i r t y miles from that town, i t i s hardly possible that the poet would have written i n his epitaph "Mantua me genuit" as some of the Lives suggest. 2 0 Moreover, we should not expect Mar-t i a l to make such statements as Marone f e l i x Mantua est. 2-*-and Tantum magna suo debet Verone Catullo. Quantum parva suo Mantua V e r g i l i o , i f he was born a whole t h i r t y miles from the l a t t e r town. Moreover, Apuleius describes V e r g i l as being "Mantuanus poeta," 2 3 while S i l i u s I t a l i c u s speaks of V e r g i l i n the following terms: Mantua mittenda c e r t a v i t pube Cremonae, Mantua, Musarum domus atque ad sidera cantu . evecta Aonio et Smyrnaeis aemula p l e c t r i s . 4 Even as early as Ovid we f i n d that V e r g i l i s closely-connected with Mantua. 2 5 . The evidence, then, seems to point to a location f o r Andes f a i r l y close to Mantua. According to t r a d i t i o n , the present-day P i e t o l e stands on the spot where Andes once stood; 19 Henry Nettleship, op. c i t . , p. 33. 20 Diehl, op. c i t . , p. 18 (Donatus-Suetonius); p. 32 (Donatus Auctus); p. 43 (Servius); p. 44 (Probus); p. 45 ( F i l a r -gyrius); p. 49 (Vita Noricensis). 21 Epigrams, I , LXI, 1.2. 22 I b i d . , XIV, CXCV, 11..If. 23 Apology, 416. 24 Punica V I I I , 11. 592-594. 25 Amores I I I , XV, 1. 7: Mantua V e r g i l i o , gaudet Verona Catullo. 10 the l a t t e r i n this case would have been only 1^o or three miles from Mantua. Many attempts hatee been made to show that P i e t o l e i s not the s i t e of his b i r t h , 26 but u n t i l more d e f i n i t e proof against t h i s s i t e i s brought forward, we should perhaps follow t r a d i t i o n and place Andes here. Having d e f i n i t e l y established Vergi l ' s birthdate from our h i s t o r i c a l sources and having accepted with certain l i m i t a t i o n s Andes i n i t s t r a d i t i o n a l location as his birthplace, we. may now pass on to a discussion of Ve r g i l ' s family. When attacking the problem of Ver g i l ' s family, we immediately are faced with a number of d i f f i c u l t i e s . F i r s t of a l l , our h i s t o r i c a l seurces o f f e r us l i t t l e d i r e c t information. Except f o r a;m unreliable reference i n Masrobius 2 7 and another i n Acron, 2 8 we must once again depend mainly upon the Ancient Lives f o r our information. But the Lives i n turn present us with another problem inasmuch as they do not.agree' on many points. Eor instance, Eocas gives Vergil' s father the name of Maro, 2 9 while Servius says h i s name was V e r g i l i u s . 30 26 Vide CQ, v o l . 25 (1931), pp. 65-76 and v o l . 26 (1932), pp. 1-13, 65-74, 209-214 where Rand and Conway argue f o r and against P i e t o l e respectively. o 27 Saturnalia V,II, 1. 28 Arthur John Macleane ed.y Q.uinti H o r a t i i F l a o c i Opera  Omnia, rev. by G-eorge Long, London, Whittaker and Co., 1881, p. 55. 29 Diehl, op. c i t . , p. 37. 30 I b i d . , p. 40. 11 Suetonius, F i l a r g y r i u s , and the V i t a Bernensis do not even at-tempt to name the parent, while the V i t a Monacensis c a l l s him Istimichon 31 and the V i t a Noricensis, Stimichon. 32 I t i s very probable,, then, that by the time the various Lives came to be' written i t was not known f o r sure just what had been the name of Vergil's father. We may reasonably conjecture, however, that the father, following precedent, gave his own nomen and cognomen to his son. There i s a s l i g h t p o s s i b i l i t y that an i n s c r i p t i o n allegedly found at or near the present s i t e of P i e t o l e refers to Vergil's father. 33 j_f S O ) then i t would lend support to our conjecture. However, we cannot prove that i t does ref e r to the poet's father. Perhaps i t i s best not to draw any conclusions on t h i s point, but rather to agree with the author of the V i t a Noricensis who says: Quis pater eius f u i t s i c incertum est. 34 We have less troublejin determining the name of Ve r g i l ' s mother from the Lives. The. Donatus-Suetonius L i f e and .the -V i t a Bernensis do not mention her by- name; the L i f e which goes under the name of Donatus Auctus refers to her as Maia, 35 31 I b i d . , p. 45. 32 I b i d . , p. 49. 33 C.I.L. V, 3827: M • VERGILIO • M • F ANTHIOCO • VNIGENITO SIBI • ET • PAIvIPHILO 34 Diehl, op. ci. t . , p. 50. 35 I b i d . , p. 27. 12 as do the V i t a Monacensls 3 6 and the V i t a Norioensis, 3 7 while .Eocas says of her: mater P o l l a f u i t Magii non infima proles. 3 8 Servius gives her name as Magia 3 9 and Probus as Magia P o l l a . 4 0 E i l a r g y r i u s , though he does not mention her name i n his version of Vergil's l i f e , i n his Commentary refers to her as Magia. 4 1 The evidence, then, i s for the most part i n favour of her name being Maia or Magia P o l l a . Maia i s probably a corruption of Magia, while the second name, P o l l a , given to her by some of the Lives, probably means "the younger." Once again, however, as i n the case of Vergil's father, we are plagued by a complete lack of any references whatsoever to his mother i n the e a r l i e r extant l i t e r a t u r e : we have to accept the name Magia P o l l a on the authority of the Lives alone. The task of i d e n t i f y i n g Vergil's parents i s by no means an easy one, but even more d i f f i c u l t i s that of i d e n t i f y i n g the other members of his immediate family: that i s , i f there were anyyothers. 4 2 Our h i s t o r i c a l sources make l i t t l e mention of V e r g i l ' s having any brothers and no mention at a l l of his 36 I b i d . , p. 45. 37 I b i d . , p. 49. 38 I b i d . , p. 38. 39 I b i d . , p. 40. 40 I b i d . , p. 43. 41 Ad E e l . I l l , 62 i n Otto Ribbeck, "De V i t a et S c r i p t i s P. V e r g i l i Maronis Narratio," P. V e r g i l i Maronis Opera, Leipzig, Teubner, 1818, p. V l l ' i n. 4. belief 42 I t i s my personal that V e r g i l was an only son. 13 having any s i s t e r s . Suetonius alone states that V e r g i l had two brothers, S i l o and Elaccus, both of whom died f a i r l y early i n l i f e , 43 a n a that V e r g i l i s lamenting the death of the l a t t e r i n Eclogue V. This i s probably an assumption and we must be very careful of accepting as fact any assumption based upon an interpretation of any of the Eclogues. Perhaps Suetonius had other evidence which he thought proved that V e r g i l had two brothers who died early. However, we do not have this evidence or any suggestion that i t ever existed and i n view of the fact that Acron i s the only other of our h i s t o r i c a l sources that even suggests that V e r g i l may have had a brother, 44 w e m u s t be careful not to draw any conclusions. Another vexing question to which the h i s t o r i c a l sources give us no s a t i s f a c t o r y answer i s that of the s o c i a l standing of Vergil's family i n t h e i r community. Evangelus, speaking of V e r g i l i n Mac-robius' Saturnalia, says with a note of contempt i n his voice that V e r g i l was born " r u s t i c i s • parentibus." 45 Again, Suetonius at the beginning of the L i f e ascribed to him makes reference to the vocation of 43 Diehl, op. c i t . , p. 12. 44 Horace, Carm. I , XXIV, 11.5-12, speaks of a V e r g i l i u s grieving over the death of a Q u i n t i l i u s . Macleane i n a note on this passage (op. c i t . , p. 55) says: The Scholiast Acron says that some supposed that he j ^ u i n t i l i u s ] was V i r g i l ' s brother, which notion p l a i n l y arose from the language Horace uses i n t h i s ode. Macleane then goes on to say that Q u i n t i l i u s was a close neighbour of V e r g i l at Cremona. 45 Saturnalia V, I I , I . 14 Vergil ' s father i n the following terms: P. V e r g i l i u s Mantuanus parentibus modiois f u i t  ac praecipue-patre, quem ouidam opificem  figulum, -plures Magi cuiusdam v i a t o r i s i n i t i o  mercennarium. mox ob industriam generum  tradiderunt, egregieaue substantiae s i l v i s  coemendis et apibus ourandis auxisse reculam. 4^ Focas also gives two tffifferent opinions as to the rank of the poet's father: huic genitor f i g u l u s , Maro nomine, c u l t o r a g e l l i  ut referunt a l i i tenui mercede locatus, sed plures figulum. ^ • The V i t a Monacensis states that the father of V e r g i l was a fi g u l u s , 48 while Servius and E i l a r g y r i u s along with the authors of the V i t a Bernensis and the V i t a Norioensis do not mention his c a l l i n g . According to the Lives that do mention the father's p o s i t i o n , then, he was probably a potter: but i t i s also possible according to these Lives that he was either a merchant hired by a certain Magius or else that he was the ;proprietor of. a small farm. The l a t t e r alternative we can perhaps disregard, f o r would i t not be impossible f o r a small peasant farmer to send his son to be educated at some of the best schools that I t a l y of that time had to offer? On the other hand, i f he were a potter, i t i s possible, that he would have the money necessary f o r the education of his son, since t h i s trade was fl o u r i s h i n g i n northern I t a l y at this time. 4 9 But how can we 46 Diehl, op. c i t . , p. 8. 47 Ibid.,, pp. 37f. 48 I b i d . , p.45. 49 Mary L. Gordon, "The Family of V e r g i l , " JRS, vol . 24 (1934), p. 6. account for a potter's marrying the daughter of a.Magius, the member of a gens famous throughout I t a l y ? 5^ Possibly he was no mere potter, but the proprietor of a factory. In t h i s case he probably would have had business dealings with the Magii who are believed to have been c l o s e l y connected with commerce. 5 1 Perhaps cleverest of a l l i s Suetonius' second suggestion that the poet's father was i n the beginning a h i r e l i n g of Magius and. that because of his industry he won . the r i g h t to marry the l a t t e r ' s daughter. 5 2 Nettleship has put forward the i n t e r e s t i n g view that young Ve r g i l ' s father may have bought up large tracts of forest land i n the v i c i n i t y of Andes and Mantua. 5 3 Therefore, he may have been i n the beginning a c u l t o r  a g e l l i and soon through his industry may have grown to be a landowner of f a i r means. However, the question of how he, a small farmer, managed to acquire the. necessary c a p i t a l to buy up this land cannot be answered. Even i f we decide that V e r g i l ' s father was poor before marriage,, we may perhaps conjecture with some certaintyythat he was a l i t t l e wealthier a f t e r marriage, for he was marrying into a branch of a family that gained importance i n Augustus' system of government. 5 4 Suetonius' suggestion that Magius 50 Cf. G.I.L. IX, 1125; 1140. 51 Cf. Diehl, op. c i t . , p. 8 (Donatus-Suetonius). 52 Loc. c 53 Nettleship, op. c i t . , p. 33. 54 GII.L. IX, 1125: M • MAGIO • if! • F • MAXIMO PRAEF • AEGYPTI TARRAC ONENSES 16 was i n a p o s i t i o n to h i r e others 5 5 would perhaps lend support to this view. Once again, however, i t would he dangerous to draw any conclusions regarding the. s o c i a l p o s ition of Vergil's family. A l l we can do i s guess, and even speculation raises many questions that cannot be answered. Just as nothing can be proven about the s o c i a l stand-ing of the poet's family, so nothing d e f i n i t e can be proven about Vergil's r a c i a l o r i g i n . There are a number of theories that have been put forward, none of which we have neither time or space to examine here. A number of scholars believe V e r g i l may have been of C e l t i c stock, while others think his r a c i a l o r i g i n was Umbrian and s t i l l others, Etruscan. There have been theories proposed, too, to show that V e r g i l was Greek or, again, Ligurian. Most of these are based upon hypothetical derivations of the names V e r g i l i u s and Maro. Maro, f o r instance, may be a Greek name 56 0 P } o n the other hand, i t may be I t a l i a n , coming from the native I t a l i a n stem Mar-which gives such native I t a l i a n names as Marus and Marius.m^? But both V e r g i l i u s and Maro may be Liguriam names, f o r a V e r g i l i u s Proclus i s found i n the region where the Romans se t t l e d the Ligures Baebianfe 5 8 and a P. V e r g i l i u s Laurea was a duumvir at Hasta, a Roman colony i n L i g u r i a . 59 j n addition, 55 Diehl, dp. c i t . , p. 8. 56 Gordon, op. c i t . , p. 2. . 57 I b i d . , p. 3. 58 C.I.L. IX, 1455. 59;Ibid., V, 7567. 17 one of the family of the T i t i V a l e r i i who l i v e d at the c a p i t a l of the Ligures was ca l l e d Maro. 60 Exponents of the theory that V e r g i l was of C e l t i c stock point out the fact that we fi n d i n one i n s c r i p t i o n the name V e r g i l i a coupled with a C e l t i c name Catuikla 61 an<3. ±n another i n s c r i p t i o n V e r g i l i u s and G-allus are joined. 62 From the foregoing examples we may see that there i s l i t t l e r e a l evidence brought forward i n support of these theories. The evidence offered by our h i s t o r i c a l sources other than the Corpus point to an Etruscan o r i g i n f o r V e r g i l and his family. " Eocas i n his version of the/jpoet's l i f e says that the tellus...Tusca gave V e r g i l to the world, 63 and the author of the V i t a Noicicensis puts forward the same view only i n di f f e r e n t words. 6 4 Besides these important references i n the Lives, there i s one reference i n Pliny's Natural Hi s t o r i e s that i s worth quoting here at length: In mediterraneo regionis:ldecimae coloniae  gremona, B r i x i a Cenomanorum agro, Venetorum  autem Ateste et oppida A c e l u m 7 Patavium, Opitergium, Velunum, Vicet^a, Mantua Tuscorum  trans Padum sola reliqua. 65 The f i r s t two references, i t i s true, do not oc£ur i n the most r e l i a b l e of the Lives, but we cannot ignore them. I f we are going to disregard them, we must account f o r the occurrence i n these Lives of references to the poet's r a c i a l o r i g i n which do not occur i n any of the other extant Lives. 60 I b i d . , V, 7681. 61 I b i d . , V, 4137. 62 I b i d . , IX, 1085. 63 Diehl, op. c i t . , p. 37. 64 I b i d . , p. 50, 1.21. 65 Natural Histories I I I , 130. 18 Perhaps Eocas i s using a poet i c a l generalization and i s c a l l i n g a part of I t a l y Etruscan which he. knows i s not Etruscan at a l l . But i s i t possible that he would c a l l a land so f a r north of E t r u r i a Etruscan, even i f he were yi e l d i n g to poetic license? I t i s possible that he knew of an established t r a d i t i o n .that gave V e r g i l an Etruscan o r i g i n , or on the other hand he may have had" access to some primary source which i s now l o s t . A l l we can do i s speculate, f o r to draw any conclusions about Eocas• sources i s completely impossible. Paulus' L i f e again i s on the whole not very r e l i a b l e . However, i n the l a s t paragraph but one 6 6 he offers us i n the f i r s t sentence a short summary of V e r g i l ' s l i f e . Here the facts put forward agree i n the main with those put forward by the other Lives. I t i s s i g n i f i c a n t that i t i s at th i s point i n his L i f e of V e r g i l that Paulus makes mention of Vergil's being born genere Tusco. We now come to the t h i r d reference i n our h i s t o r i c a l sources, which i s perhaps even more important than the other two. P l i n y i s on the whole a r e l i a b l e author. Here he i s merely cataloguing towns and adds by way of in t e r e s t another piece of information. There seems to be no reason for us to disbelieve him when he says Mantua was a colony of the Tuscans. We should perhaps accept as genuine these three references, f o r we possess nothing i n either the Lives or 66 Diehl, op. c i t . , p. 50, 1. 20. i n the other extant c l a s s i c a l l i t e r a t u r e that refutes the statements of these three authors. The fa c t that V e r g i l was horn i n the t e r r i t o r y of Mantua, an Etruscan foundation, would suggest, then, an Etruscan o r i g i n f o r the, poet, although i t proves nothing d e f i n i t e . The Corpus lends additional support to the theoryethat V e r g i l was of Etrusean o r i g i n . There are i n a l l ten V e r g i l i i found i n E t r u r i a . 6 7 Four V e r c i l i i are found at Clusium, two of whom have the Etuscan names V i p i n a l and Thania. Again, at Ostia we f i n d the name V e r g i l i u s coupled once with Leonas and again with PriapJss, both of which are possibly Etruscan names• The name Maro, too, appears i n a number of i n s c r i p t i o n s . Miss. Gordon believes that i t i s a name which the Etruscans borrowed from the Umbrians or vice versa. 6 8 She goes on to say that the aedileship of the Etnuscans seems to be c l o s e l y connected with t h i s name and that perhaps i t o r i g i n a l l y stood f o r the name of a priesthood. However, we can prove nothing conclusive on t h i s point. Therefore, the arguments based upon i n s c r i p t i o n s are as suggestive of a Ligurian or C e l t i c o r i g i n f o r V e r g i l as they rare of an Etruscan o r i g i n . However, the two references i n the Lives and the one i n Pliny's work coupled with t h i s evidence offered by the Corpus argue i n favour of an Etruscan o r i g i n 67 I follow at th i s point Mary L. Gordon, op. cit.,pp. 5f. 68 I b i d . , pp. 3f. f o r the poet. We have now seen a few of the many problems that confront us when we examine the h i s t o r i c a l sources f o r the l i f e of V e r g i l . Very l i t t l e i s known about the poet's b i r t h and about his family. We have no d i f f i c u l t y i n establishing his date of b i r t h as the Ides of October, 70 B.C. and we do know that he was i n a l l p r o b a b i l i t y born at Andes. But what kind of a town was Andes and where was i t situated i n r e l a t i o n to Mantua? When we come to investigate Vergil's family we are once again at a loss on many points. Who was Ve r g i l ' s father and what was the l a t t e r ' s c a l l i n g ? Did the poet have any brothers or s i s t e r s ? These are a l l questions to which we can f i n d no s a t i s f a c t o r y answer in>our h i s t o r i c a l sources. Vergil's mother, i f we are to believe the Lives, was Magia P o l l a , a member of a gens well known i n I t a l y . However, we know nothing more about her. The poet's family seems to have been of Etruscan stock, but once again we can f i n d no evidence which shows conclusively that t h i s i s so. Chapter I I I . VERGIL'S EDUCATION AND EARLY WRITINGS. The h i s t o r i c a l sources f o r the l i f e of V e r g i l o f f e r us no information regarding his l i f e previous to his twelfth year. In that year, according to Jerome, 1 the young poet was studying at Cremona. Presumably his mother and father had been able to give him what education he needed up to this time and now i n 58 B.C. his formal education had begun. The Ancient Lives which make reference to his early education (though none of them .mentions the actual year) agree that he received his f i r s t formal education at Cremona. Among these Lives are those of Suetonius and Servius along with the V i t a Monacensis and the V i t a Noricensis. The information offered by the l a t t e r L i f e we may disregard, f o r the author i s merely quoting Jerome word f o r word. 2 The L i f e attributed to Suetonius sheds a l i t t l e l i g h t upon the length of time that V e r g i l studied at Cremona, for the author says: i n i t i a aetatis Cremonae egit usque ad v i r i l e m 1 Chronicon, a. Abr. 1959. 2 Ernst Diehl ed., Die Vitae Vergilianae und ihre antiken  Quellen, Bonn, A. Marcus and E. Weber, 1911, p. 49. 22 togam, quam XV anno n a t a l i suo accepit isdem i l l i s  consulibus iterum duobus, quibus erat natus"^ evenitque ut eo ipso die Lucretius poeta deoederet. 3 Servius, on the other hand, t e l l s us nothing new when he states that V e r g i l et Cremonae...studuit. 4 The author of the V i t a Monacensis mentely puts forward the same information i n d i f f e r e n t words. 5 The evidence, then, points to Cremona as being the scene of V ergil's e a r l i e s t formal education. We learn also from Suetonius that he stayed at Cremona u n t i l he donned the toga v i r i l i s , a view which i s borne out Tajy Jerome who says: V e r g i l i u s sumpta toga Mediolanum" transgreditur. ^ However, there arises at t h i s point a minor d i f f i c u l t y , f o r Suetonius says that V e r g i l assumed the toga v i r i l i s when he was f i f t e e n , or, i n other words, i n the year 55 B.C., while Jerome places V e r g i l ' s assumption of the toga v i r i l i s i n his sixteenth year, or i n 54 B.C. The Roman youth who was approaching manhood as a rule donned the toga v i r i l i s i n either his f i f t e e n t h or sixteenth year; therefore either date may be the correct one. This discrepancy i s not a very important one, however, and since none of the other h i s t o r i c a l sources offers any help on t h i s point, i t i s 3 I b i d . , pp. 8, 10. 4 I b i d . , p. 41. 5 I b i d . , p. 46: Hie primum Cremona c i v i t a t e i n I t a l i a  eruditus.... 6 A. Abr. 1964. 23 impossible f o r us to determine which view we should accept. The h i s t o r i c a l sources give us no further information regarding Vergil ' s early education at Cremona; they t e l l us nothing about his teache.rs or about his studies there. We may presume that he received much the same kind of an elementary education at Cremona as any other Roman boy of that time would receive; that i s , he probably -was taught the three R's and i n addition a l i t t l e Greek. A f t e r completing his studies here he seems to have gone to Milan, his departure from Cremona taking place, as we have already seen, either i n 55 B.C. or i n 54 B.C. I f our h i s t o r i c a l sources are correct, V e r g i l did not remain here long, f o r Jerome t e l l s us that the poet moved to Mil/an and ...post breve tempus Romam pergit. 7 Suetonius, too, suggests that V e r g i l remained here f o r but a short time. 8 The author of the V i t a Monacensis, evidently quoting from Jerome, mentions Vergil' s going to Milan and his subsequent a r r i v a l at Rome post breve tempus. 9 These three authors are a l l rather vague as to how long V e r g i l remained here, but his stay probably did not exceed a year. What studies he pursued at this time we once again cannot t e l l . Jerome, Suetonius and the author of the V i t a Monacensis a l l agree that V e r g i l went from Milan to Rome to continue his 7 A. Abr. 1964. 8 Die h l , op. oit.£ p. 10: sed V e r g i l i u s a Cremona  Mediolanum et mde paulo post t r a n s n t m urbem. 9 I b i d . , p. 46. studies. To these, we may add the V i t a Noricensis, where the author i s s t i l l quoting Jerome, and the L i f e written by Focas where the l a t t e r says: turn t i b i Sirenem Maro c o n t u l i t ipsa magistrum  loma potens.... lO Fi l a r g y r i u s and Probus we may ignore, f o r they enlighten us not at a l l on thi s point. When we come to Servius, however, we f i n d that he disagrees with these other versions by placing the scene of Vergil's studies a f t e r Milan at Naples. Now i t i s true that V e r g i l l a t e r i n his l i f e spent much time at Naples, and i t i s possible that during his stay here he carried on with his studies. I t i s probably this period i n Ve r g i l ' s l i f e of which Servius i s thinking and he i s overlooking V e r g i l ' s period of study at Rome. At any rate, i n view of the evidence to the contrary, we must presume that Servius i s mistaken. I t was at Rome that V e r g i l for the f i r s t time came i n con-tact with the Epicurean philosophy. Focas t e l l s us that S i r o , a leading Epicurean, ^ 2 was his teacher, ^ as does Servius at 10 Ibid . , p. 39, 11. 63f. 11 Ibid., p. 41: ...et Cremonae et Mediolani et Neapoli jStuduit. 12 C f . K r o l l , "Siron," Paulv's Real-Encyclopadie der  klassischen Altertumswissenschaft, Stuttgart, J.B. Metzler, 1929, I I . Reihe, Band I I I , p. 354. But notice that the author here believes that Siro did his teaching at Naples. Cf. also Tenney Frank, "Vergil's Apprenticeship I I , " CP, v o l . 15 TT920), pp. 106f f o r a s i m i l a r view. 13 Diehl, op. c i t . , p. 39, 11. 63f. 25 t w o p o i n t s i n h i s C o m m e n t a r y o n V e r g i l ' s w o r k s . ± 4 b A c c o r d i n g t o t h e V i t a B e r n e n s i s , h e a l s o s t u d i e d o r a t o r y a l o n g w i t h A u g u s t u s u n d e r E p i d i u s , I 5 w h i l e a s t a t e m e n t o f P r o b u s w o u l d s u g g e s t t h a t V e r g i l s t u d i e d u n d e r o t h e r i m p o r -t a n t t e a c h e r s , w h o s e n a m e s P r o b u s d o e s n o t m e n t i o n . ^ H i s s t u d i e s a t R o m e , t h e n , c o n s i s t e d m a i n l y o f p h i l o s o p h y a n d p r o b a b l y i n c l u d e d o r a t o r y . I f w e a r e t o b e l i e v e S u e t o n i u s , t h e y i n c l u d e d a l s o m e d i c i n e a n d m a t h e m a t i c s , f o r t h e l a t t e r s a y s t h a t V e r g i l i n t e r c e t e r a s t u d i a m e d i c i n a e q u o q u e a c  m a x i m e m a t h e m a t i c a e o p e r a m d e d i t . ^ -A c c o r d i n g t o t h e s a m e a u t h o r , V e r g i l w a s b e i n g t r a i n e d f o r t h e l a w c o u r t s a n d p l e a d e d h i s o n e a n d o n l y c a s e a t t h i s t i m e . 1 8 T h e p o e t h a d c o m e t o R o m e i n a b o u t t h e y e a r 5 3 B . C * E r o m t h a t t i m e t o 4 3 B . C . , e x c e p t f o r w h a t l i t t l e i n f o r -m a t i o n t h e h i s t o r i c a l s o u r c e s h a v e t o o f f e r r e g a r d i n g h i s e d u c a t i o n , n o t h i n g e l s e i s k n o w n a b o u t h i m . I t i s p o s s i b l e t h a t d u r i n g t h e s e y e a r s h e t o u r e d I t a l y a n d b e c a m e f a m i l i a r w i t h t h e I t a l i a n c o u n t r y s i d e t o w h i c h h e m a k e s s o m a n y a l l u s i o n s i n h i s p o e t r y . I t i s p o s s i b l e , t o o , t h a t d u r i n g p a r t o f t h i s 1 4 C o m m . i n V e r g . A e n . V I , 2 6 4 : e x m a i o r e a u t e m p a r t e  S i r o n e m , i d e s t m a g i s t r u m s u u m E p i c u r e u m s e q u i t u r . a n d C o m m . i n V e r g B u c . V I , 15: . . . n a m v u l t e x e q u i s e c t a m  E p i c u r e a m , q u a m d i d i c e r a n t t a rn V e r g i l i u s a u a m V a r u s d o c e n t e  S i r o n e . 1 5 D i e h l , o p . c i t . , p . 4 4 . 1 6 I b i d . , p . 4 3 : s e d c u m i a m s u m m i s e l o q u e n t i a e d o c t o r i b u s  v a c a r e t , i n b e l l i c i v i l i s t e m p o r a i n c i d i t . . . . 1 7 I b i d . . , p . 1 2 . 1 8 L o c . c i t . time he continued his formal education, learning Greek under Parthenius I 9 and studying philosophy under Philodemus. 2 0 There can he l i t t l e doubt that V e r g i l was wri t i n g -goetvy during his years of study, but there i s much doubt as to which of the poems alleged to be his early e f f o r t s are r e a l l y h i s . According to Suetonius and Servius, V e r g i l wrote a f a i r number of minor poems before attempting the Eclogues-. Suetonius says that he wrote f i r s t a d i s t i c h against B a l l i s t a : monte sub hoc lapidum t e g i t u r B a l l i s t a sepultus; nocte die tutum carpe v i a t o r i t e r . Then, according to Suetonius* L i f e again, he wrote the Catalepton, Priapea, Epigrammata, and Dirae, together with the C i r i s and Culex, the l a t t e r when he was but sixteen years old. In addition, s c r i p s i t . . . d e qua ambigitur Aetnam. mox cum res Rbmanas inchoasset, offensus materia ad Bucolica  t r a n s i i t . . . . : Servius also gives to V e r g i l the couplet oh B a l l i s t a and then goes on to say: s c r i p s i t etiam septem siye octo l i b r o s hos: G i r i n  Aetnam Gulicem Priapeia s i c l Catalepton ~~ Epigrammata Copam Diras. The passage from Suetonius has been under suspicion and 19 Cf. T.R. Glover, V i r g i l , London, Methuen and Co. Ltd., 1923, p. 18. 20 Cf. Peiro Treves, "Philodemus," Oxford C l a s s i c a l Dictionfe  ary, p. 681. . 21 Diehl, op. c i t . , p. 12. 22 I b i d . , pp. 12, 14. -23 I b i d . , p. 41. 27 one write r has suggested that the whole passage following the d i s t i c h on B a l l i s t a and extending down to Suetonius' statement about the Aetna i s spurious. 2 4 On the other hand, Tenney Frank accepts t h i s whole passage.as being Suetonian. 2 5 I t i s perhaps better not to t r y to draw any conclusions about these li n e s i n Suetonius' L i f e , but to go on and examine the i n f o r -mation given by the other so-called h i s t o r i c a l sources. Foeas' L i f e and that going under the name of Donatus  Auctus are the only others of the Lives that mention Vergil's early writings. In his L i f e Focas attributes to V e r g i l the d i s t i c h on B a l l i s t a and the Culex, adding an explanation of each, 2 6 while, i n the Donatus Auctus L i f e the d i s t i c h on B a l l i s t a , the Moreturn, Priapeia jsicJ, Epigrammata, Dirae, and Culex as well as the Aetna, about which there i s s t i l l some doubt, and an early attempt at an epic are given as Vergil's e a r l i e s t poetry. 2 7 The other h i s t o r i c a l sources give us some information. M a r t i a l and Statius both speak of the Culex as being V e r g i l ' s . The former i n one of epigrams has the following to say about the poet: Protinus ITALIAM.concepit, et ARMA VIRVMQVE  Qui modo v i x Culicem fl e v e r a t ore rudi. 2 8 24 Russel Mortimer G-eer, "Non-Suetonian Passages i n the L i f e of V e r g i l formerly ascribed to Donatus," TAPA, v o l . 57 (1926), pp. 110-112. 25 Tenney Frank, "What do We Know About V e r g i l ? " CJ, vo l . 26 (1930-1931), p. 8. 26 Diehl, op. c i t . , p. 39, 11. 49-62. 27 I b i d . , pp. 29f. • ' 28 Epigrams V I I I , LVE, 11. 19f. 28 In a l a t e r poem he offers advice to a student with the words: Accipe facundi Culicem, studiose, Maronis, _ Ne, nucibus p o s i t i s , ARMA vTHVMQJVE legas. 2 9 S t a t i u s , too,, i n a passage i n his Silvae attributes the Culeg to V e r g i l : haeo primo iuvenis canes sub aey/o, ante annos C u l i c i s Maroniani. 30 The only other reference to the Culex i s found once again i n Suetonius, but t h i s time i n his L i f e of Lucan where he says: .. .ut praefatione quadam aetatem et i n i t i a sua  cum V e r g i l i o comparans ausus s i t dieere: 'et quantum mihi restat Ad Culicem?' 31 Evidence for V e r g i l i a n authorship of the Catalepton i s found i n the works of three authors only besides the Lives written by Suetonius and Servius. Ausonius makes mention of the Catalepta Maronis, 32 w h i l e Q u i n t i l i a n suggests that Catelepton I I i s of V e r g i l i a n authorship when he says: multa a l i a etiam audentius i n s e r i possunt  sed i'ta demum, s i non app area t adfectatio, m quam m i r i f i c e V e r g i l i u s : Connthorum amator i s t e verborum, Thucydides Britannus, Atticae f e b r i s , Tau Gallicum, a l , min, et s i l ut male e l i s i t ; I t a omnia i s t a verba miscuit f r a t r i . 35 29 I b i d . , XIV, CLXXXV, 11. I f . 30 Silvae I I , VII, 11. 73f. 31 Suetonius, ed. J.C. Rolfe, London, William Heinemann, 1914, v o l , 2, p. 500. 32 Ausonius, ed. Hugh GJ. Evelyn White, London, William Heinemamn, 1951, v o l . 1, p. 307. 33 Inst. Orat. V I I I , I I I , 27f. 29 Marius Victorinus suggests, that Catalepton XEII i s also Vergi l ' s work. 3 4 The h i s t o r i c a l sources make no other mention of the Catalepton. Suetonius i n the passage quoted e a r l i e r suggests that even i n his time there was some doubt as to whether or not the Aetna was V e r g i l i a n . Servius i n his l i f e also mentions i t among Vergil's early writings, as we have seen. These are „ the only two of the sources that mention t h i s poem as V e r g i l ' s . Heyne quotes an obscure passage i n the Ambresian Manuscript which states that Parthenius f i r s t wrote a Moreturn i n Greek 35 and that V e r g i l wrote i n La t i n an imi t a t i o n of i t . The only other reference to the Moreturn" that i s to be found in the h i s t o r i c a l sources i s that in' the Donatus Auctus L i f e which we have already seen. We must be caref u l , then, not to accept this poem as being Vergil's on the basis of t h i s very insubstantial evidence alone. The rest of the minor poems mentioned by Suetonius and Servius (the Priapea, Epigranmata, Dirae, C i r i s , and Copa) are not mentioned i n any other of the h i s t o r i c a l sources as being of Ve r g i l i a n authorship. . 34 N.W. De Witt, review of Theodor B i r t ' s Jugendverse und Heimatpoesie V e r g i l s ? AJP, vol.32 (1911), p. 449. (I have not had access to Victorinus' writings.) 35 Chr. G o t t l . Heyne ed., P. V e - r g i l i i Maronis Opera, London, T> Rickaby, 1793, v o l . l,p. CLXV: Et Fabrlcius B I b l . Gr. v o l . I I , pag. 677 ex Vossio  memorat, i n bibliothecae Ambrosianae codice  Moreto V i r g i l i i adscripta esse haec verba: P a r"khenius Mo re turn scrip s i t i n Graeco quern V i r g i l i u s lmitatus est. 30 We can draw no d e f i n i t e conclusions, then, about Vergil's early writings. I f we are not going to dispute the passages i n the Lives of Suetonius and Servius, we may accept as Verg i l i a n a l l of the poems mentioned there. I f , on the other-hand, we are going to view these passages with suspicion,then when we consult the other h i s t o r i c a l sources, we must conclude that ce r t a i n of the poems l i s t e d i n these Lives are probabls^ V e r g i l i a n ; f o r the evidence i s strongly i n favour, of V e r g i l i a n authorship f o r the Culex and I t i s possible, too, that the poet did write the Catalepton, or at least part,of i t . There i s a passage that suggests that the Moretum was early thought of as being V e r g i l ' s , but' the evidence here i s bW anything but conclusive. As f a r as the rest of the minor poems are concerned we can f i n d no evidence f o r V e r g i l i a n authorship other than the passages i n the Lives written by Suetonius and Servius. 31 Chapter IV. VERGIL AND THE CONFISCATIONS. In 43 B.C. Ve r g i l seems to have returned to Mantua and to have begun there the composition of the Eclogues. Soon, however, as certain of the Eclogues suggest, he along with many other Mantuans was evicted from his farm. The h i s t o r i c a l sources for this period of Vergil's l i f e are very few. In fa c t , the only information we have i s that offered by the various Lives and Commentaries. Moreover, the l i t t l e evidence that we can glean from these two h i s t o r i c a l sources i n turn raises many problems. There i s some disagreement amongst these sources as to exactly when the confiscations took place. Suetonius suggests that they took place a f t e r the Battle of P h i l i p p i , 1 and Focas agrees with him. 2 I f th i s i s the case, then we may date the confiscations as l a t e 41 B.C. or more, probably early 40. Oil 1 the other hand, i f we are to believe Probus, the evictions i n question took place a f t e r the B a t t l e of Mutina i n 42 B.C.:3 1 Diehl, op. oit.fr p. 14. 3 Ibid.,. p. 43. 2 Ib i d . , p. 39,. 11. 69-76. 32 i n : IJZhis Commentary, however, this same wr i t e r places them af t e r 'Actium. 4 The authors of the V i t a Monacensis 5 and V i t a Noricensis 6 place them a f t e r the B a t t l e of Actium. The l a t t e r view .we must disregard, for the evidence offered by the s Eclogues -shoWi that they were written at the' time of the confiscations, but also that they were written before 37 B.C. and there i s no reconciling this, evidence with 31 B.C., the date of the.Battle of Actium. Moreover, there i s no suggestion of confiscations a f t e r the Rattle of Actium, but rather there seems to have taken place under Octavian's management an orderly settlement of the veterans. 7 There were confiscations a f t e r both Mutina and P h i l i p p i , but these two series of evictions took place under d i f f e r e n t circumstances. A f t e r Mutina the triumvirs, Antony, Octavian and Lepidus, a l l of whom were i n I t a l y at that time, did the proscribing and evicting; but a f t e r , P h i l l i p i Octavian alone did the confiscating while Antony patrolled the East. There i s no suggestion i n any of the Lives or Commentaries that the triumvirs together did the evic t i n g , but a l l these sources state that Octavian alone directed the confiscations. Therefore, i t i s perhaps best to place a f t e r P h i l i p p i these evictions i n which V e r g i l became involved. 4 E e l , praef., quoted by Diehl, op. c i t . , p. 52. 5 Diehl, op. c i t . , p. 46. 6 I b i d . , p. 49. 7 Albert A. Trever, History of Ancient C i v i l i z a t i o n , New York, Harcourt, Brace and Company, vol . I I "The Roman World," pp. 263ff. 33 However, the problem i s not completely solved, for Servius i n his version of Vergil's l i f e says of the confiscations: : . . . o r t i s b e l l i s c i v i l i b u s i n t e r Antonium et Augustum, Augustus v i c t o r Cremonensium agros, quia pro Antonio " senserant, dedit m i l i t i b u s s u i s. " _ Servius does not appear to be thinking of the r e h a b i l i t a t i o n of the veterans that took place a f t e r Actium. I t i s more probable that he i s thinking of the troubled years around 40 B.C. when the Roman world was taking sides for the coming c i v i l war between Octavian and Antony and i s somehow i d e n t i f y i n g the confiscations a f t e r P h i l i p p i with a defeat of Antony. However, we are once again merely guessing. A second problem raised, by our h i s t o r i c a l sources i s the problem of determining who were put i n charge of the confiscations. Suetonius says that Asinius P o l l i o , Alfenus Varus and Cornelius Gallus were i n charge, 9 while the author of the V i t a Monacensis states that Augustus sent only Cornelius Gallus and Asinius P o l l i o to oversee the confiscations.-^ The' Commentary going under the name of Servius- Auctus suggests that Asinius P o l l i o was put i n charge, but was then relieved. by Alfenus Varus. 1 1 The wr i t e r of the Scholia Bernensis agrees, i 2 8 Diehl, op. c i t . , p. 41. 9 I b i d . , p. 14. 10 I b i d . , p. 46. 11 Ad E e l . IS, Z7>, quoted i n D i e h l , op. c i t . , p. 52. 12 E e l . IX praef., quoted i n Diehl, op. c i t . , pp.52f; ad Eel . V I I I , 1.6, i n I b i d . , p. 53. P o l l i o was probably i n charge i n 41 B.C., but because of the tension which was building up i n I t a l y between Octavian and the p a r t i s a n s of Antony, Octavian thought i t best to reli e v e P o l l i o since the l a t t e r was strongly pro-Antony. He,probably * then put Alfenus Varus i n charge. This supposition would perhaps take care of Suetonius' suggestion that P o l l i o , Varus and G-allus were i n charge and would also account for the state-ments made i n the Servius Actius Commentary and i n the Scholia  Bernensis. The reason f o r the confiscation of the Mantuan land i s another point about which there seems to be some disagreement amongst the h i s t o r i c a l sources. Basing t h e i r views upon a statement which V e r g i l makes i n the Eclogues, 1 3 most of the writers give the proximity of Mantua to Cremona as the reason for the e v i c t i o n of the Mantuans. Suetonius, f o r instance, says on this point: t ...non s u f f i c i e n t e agro Cremonensium Mantuani  quoque, i n quibus erat etiam poeta V e r g i l i u s , maximam partem finium suorum perderent eo quod  v i c i n i Cremonensibus fuerant. 1 4 Eocas also gives t h i s reason for the Mantuans' losin g t h e i r property. 1 5 Servius, too, t e l l s us that since the f i e l d s of Cremona were not s u f f i c i e n t to accomodate the veterans i ...his 1 agris addidit agros Mantuanos, sublatos non propter-civium 1 culpam, sed propter v i c i n i tat em 13 Eclogues IX, 1. 28: Mantua vae miserae nimium v i c i n a  Cremonae. 14 Diehl, opI c i t . , p. 24. 15 I b i d . , p. 39, 11. 79f. 35 ...Cremonensium.... 16 In his Commentary Servius also asserts that i t was not propter culpam sed propter vicinitatem that the Mantuans l o s t t h e i r land. I 7 The authors of the V i t a Monacensis and V i t a  Noricensis do not speak as e x p l i c i t e l y when they suggest that the Mantuan f i e l d s were annexed because those of Cremona were not s u f f i c i e n t , 1 Q but they do not suggest that the Mantuans had done anything to deserve such treatment. There are suggestions i n the Lives and Commentaries, however, that there may have been other reasons f o r the seemingly unfair treatment of the Mantuans. The writer of the V i t a Bernensis t e l l s us that the Mantuans as well as the people of Cremona had been partisan to Antony and had deserved th i s treatment. 19 Probus i n his preface to the Eclogues brings to l i g h t a s t i l l d i f f e r e n t reason f o r the confiscation of the property of the Mantuans: I t a l i a e ergo c i v i t a t i b u s adversas f div-ed.:.:pr7partes  sequentibus Cremonenses et Mantuarn. neutri sunt  a u x i l i a t i : sed hoc Augustus indignatus veteranis, quorum operam i n bello habuerat, agros Cremonensium  d i v i d i l u s s i t et, s i non suffecissent, Mantuanos  adiungi. ^ 16 I b i d . , p. 41. 17 Buc. praef.; there i s a second reference to the confis cations m Servius* Comm. i n Verg. Buc. IX, 28, i n which he gives once again this same reason for the confiscations. 18 Diehl, op. c i t . , p. 46 (Vita Monacensis) and p. 50 (Vita Noricensis). 19 I b i d . , pp. 44f: ...unde cum omnibus Mantuanis agri  auferrentur, quod Antonianis partibus f avis sent. .~77 20 Quoted i n Diehl, op. c i t . , p. 52. 36 According to the write r o f the Scholia Bernensis, personal motives played t h e i r part i n the confiscations, f o r i t seems that Alfenus Varus who succeeded P o l l i o was angry with the Mantuans because Octavius Muss'a.. . c i v i s Mantuanus idemque magistratus, cum tributum ab Augusto f u i s s e t indictum, pecora  Vari capta pignori tarn diu i n foro clausa tenuit ' ...donee inedia morerentur, unde moles$iam Mantuanis  super amittendis agris i n t u l i t Varus. 2 1 The great weight of evidence i s i n favour of the f i r s t view that the Mantuans l o s t t h e i r land because they happened to be neighbours of the people of Cremona. However, i t i s important to notice that possibly there were other.cmore important reasons for the Mantuans' losing t h e i r f i e l d s . Another problem presented by the h i s t o r i c a l sources i s that of how V e r g i l managed to recover his losses. Suetonius says that V e r g i l wrote the Eclogues i n honour of P o l l i o , Varus and Gallus ...quia i n distributione agrorum...indemnem se ' p r a e s t i t i s s e n t , 2 2 and that then the- poet wrote the Georgias i n honour of Maecenas who had helped him escape the violent attack of a certain veteran. 2 3 A l i t t l e l a t e r i n his version of Vergil's-l i f e , Suetonius mentions once again the assistance these four offered the poet. 2 4 Probus i n his L i f e agrees with Suetonius 21 Schol. Bern. E e l . V I I I , 6, quoted i n Diehl, op. c i t . , p. 53. 22 Diehl, op. c i t . , p. 14. 23 Loc. c i t . 24 I b i d . , p. 24. 25 I b i d . , p. 43. and i n his Commentary mentions a second time that Gallus gave a helping hand to V e r g i l . 2 6 In his L i f e Servius makes no mention of Varus or Gallus, but states that i t was.through th patronage of Maecenas and P o l l i o that V e r g i l recovered his losses. 2 7 Focas, as happens most of the time, i s vague at t h i s point i n his version of the l i f e of V e r g i l and merely suggests that it was the doctissima turba potentum that gave V e r g i l a i d. 2 8 In the V i t a Monacensis there i s a long l i s t of persons who persuaded V e r g i l to go to Augustus, but the author seems to give most cr e d i t to P o l l i o for V e r g i l success i n winning back his farm. 29 The author of the V i t a  Noricensis, not to be outdone, suggests that i t was through Aemilius Macer, Q u i n t i l i u s Varus, Maecenas, Gallus and P o l l i o that V e r g i l was reinstated. 3 0 F i n a l l y , the Scholia Bernensis suggest that P o l l i o restored Vergil's land, that Varus took i t away and that the poet, a f t e r taking the advice of Cornelius Gallus and Macer, went to Rome to t r y to gain an interview with Octavian. 3-*-P o l l i o , then, seems to have helped V e r g i l , since most of the h i s t o r i c a l sources for t h i s phase of Vergil's l i f e mention his aiding the poet. Probably Gallus, too, helped V e r g i l . Varus may have aided V e r g i l i n keeping l i s property 26 E e l , praef., quoted i n Diehl, op. c i t . , p. 52. 27 Diehl, op. c i t . , p. 41. 28 I b i d . , p. 40, 1. 86. 29 I b i d . , p. 47. 30 I b i d . , p. 50/'' 31 E e l . IX praef., quoted i n Diehl, op. c i t . , p. 53-a f t e r Octavian had restored i t * Very probably Maecenas had a hand i n getting back Vergil's farm, f o r i t seems possible that i t was he who introduced the poet to Octavian. In addition, there i s the suggestion that the l i t t l e poetry that V e r g i l had written up to t h i s time had some influence with Octavian. Perhaps P o l l i o , a f t e r r e a l i z i n g that V e r g i l had poetic t a l e n t , had introduced him to Maecenas who i n turn introduced him to Octavian. However, we cannot say d e f i n i t e l y , that t h i s Is what happened. S t i l l another problem posed by the h i s t o r i c a l sources i s thatjof the circumstances surrounding the attack made on Vergil's person. There can be l i t t l e doubt that such an attack was made, f o r i t i s mentioned i n the Lives of Suetonius 3 2 and Focas 3 3 and i n the V i t a Monacensis. 3 4 Servius mentions the attack i n his Commentary. 3 ^ as does Probus 3^ and the w r i t e r of the Scholia Bernensis. 3 7 But these versions disagree as to the name of the attacker and the reason f o r the attack. Suetonius merely says that i t was a veteran who nearly k i l l e d V e r g i l i n altercatione l i t i s 52 Diehl, op. c i t . , pp. ,14, 24. 33 I b i d . , p. 59, l l . S l f f . 34 I b i d . , p. 47. 55 Comm. i n Verg. Buc. I l l , 94 and IX, 1; Buc praef. 36 E e l , praef., quoted i n Diehl, op. c i t . , p. 58. 57 Eel. IX praef., quoted i n Diehl, loo, c i t . agrariae 3 8 and i n a l a t e r passage he states.that V e r g i l had to swim a r i v e r to escape. 3 9 Focas suggests that V e r g i l barely escaped'death when attacked by someone wielding a sword. 4X) The author of the V i t a Monacensis asserts that the attack was made by a Claudius A r r i o and that V e r g i l escaped by swimming the r i v e r . 4 1 Servius i n his Commentary gives the attacker's name as Arrius and his rank as that of centurion and informs us also that V e r g i l escaped by swimming the Mincius. 4 2 On the other hand, Probus i n his Commentary gives the name of the veteran i n question as Milienus Toro, and his rank as that of p r i m i p i l a r . 4 3 In the Scholia Bernensis we f i n d a s t i l l d i f f e r e n t version, the attacker's name being Claudius and his rank- that of a mere miles. 4 4 Probably, then, the attacker was a s o l d i e r , but to name him or to give him his true rank i s out of the question, f o r the versions are not i n the least consistent.regarding these d e t a i l s . Another question raised i s whether V e r g i l won back his 38 Diehl, op. c i t . , p. 14. 39 I b i d . , p. 24: but i t should be noticed that Suetonius here i s interpreting as allegory E e l . I l l , 95: ...ipse aries  etiam nunc v e l l e r a s i c c a t . 40 I b i d . , p. 39, 11. 82-3. 41 I b i d . , p. 47. 42 Comm. i n Verg. Buc. IX, 1 and I I I , 94; Buc praef. 4 3 E e l , praef., quoted i n Diehl, op. c i t . , p. 58. 44 Ee l . IX praef., quoted i n Diehl, l o c . c i t . '40 farm or whether he was reimbursed f o r the loss of i t . Once again there i s disagreement amongst the h i s t o r i c a l sources. Suetonius says d e f i n i t e l y that V e r g i l agros recepit, and Focas seems to agree. 46 servius i n his L i f e 47 would have us believe that the poet deserved the return of his f i e l d s and i n his Commentary he states that V e r g i l did receive back his farm. 48 p r obus i s vague at t h i s point i n his L i f e , but suggests i n his Commentary that the poet was restored to his farm. 49 ip^e passage i n the V i t a Monacensis dealing with the success of V e r g i l i n recovering his losses i s rather ambiguous, f o r the author says that V e r g i l sought out hereditatem suam and f i n a l l y won i t back. 50 . • Verg i l makes no s p e c i f i c statement i n the Eclogues regarding the question at hand. However, the general impression one gets from these poems i s that Vergil's farm was restored. The evidence offered by the Lives i and Com- mentaries i s often rather ambiguous, but perhaps suggests that the farm was restored. On the other hand, the f a c t that V e r g i l spent most of his. l i f e following t h i s episode at Rome and Naples i n the south"causes one to wonder whether he did 45 Diehl, op. c i t . , p. 24. 46 I b i d . , p. 40, 1.89: Caesaris huic placido nutu repetuntur  a g e l l i . pp. 51f. 47 I b i d . , p. 41. 48 E e l . praef., quoted i n Diehl, op. c i t . , 49 E e l , praef., quoted i n Diehl, op. c i t . , p. 52. 50 Diehl, op. c i t . , p. 47. 41 receive his farm or whether he received a sum of money from Octavian i n place of i t . I t i s much easier, however, to agree with Suetonius and Focas i n assuming that the farm was restored. There i s one other major problem that presents i t s e l f and that i s the question of whether or not V e r g i l was evicted from his farm a second time. There i s no suggestion i n Suetonius' L i f e that Vergi l ' s farm was twice confiscated. I f we are to follow the course of events as set forth by the l a t t e r , we f i n d that V e r g i l t r i e d to obstruct the veteran who had to come to take over his farm. Afte r barely escaping with his l i f e , the poet made a t r i p to Rome and subsequently regained his property. 51 Focas also suggests that V e r g i l was obstinate and that a f t e r being driven from his farm he went to Rome to appeal to Augustus. 5 2 Servius i n his L i f e says: amissis ergo agris Romam venit et usus patrocinio  P o l l i o n i s et Maecenatis solus agrum quern amiserat  meruit. 5 5 3 However, he says at two or three points i n his Commentary on the Eclogues that V e r g i l a f t e r returning from Rome was chased by a certain A r r i o : post, acceptos agros ab Arrione centurione paene interemptus. ^ 51 I b i d . , p i 24. 52 Ibid. , pp.-39f, 11. 81-88. 53 I b i d . , p. 41. 54 Comm. i n Verg. Buc. I l l , 94, and cf. Buc. praef. 42 At another point this commentator mentions Vergil' s returning to Rome a f t e r clashing with an A r r i u s . 5 5 Probus does not give , _t any second eviction and neither does the V i t a Bernensis, V i t a Monacensis or the V i t a Noricensis. The Scholia Bernensis contain:/ perhaps one of the most important pieces of evidence i n favour of a second evi c t i o n , for here the commentator says: ...quidam autem dicunt, primitus agros ab Pollione V i r g i l i o redditos. postquam autem Varus successit  P o l l i o n i , adempti sunt. ~ ~~ The order of Eclogues I and IX proves to most scholars that V e r g i l was twice driven from his farm.. I f the two poems are taken In t h e i r present order, then they do suggest two evictions. I f , on the other, hand, the Ninth Eclogue i s taken as being written before the F i r s t , then there could have been only one evi c t i o n . Since there i s evidence to prove that the Eclogues are not now i n t h e i r order of composition, there i s no reason f o r us to suppose that the F i r s t Eclogue was composed before the Ninth merely because i t comes f i r s t . I t i s extremely d i f f i c u l t to draw any conclusions. Probably i f we were to weigh a l l the evidence, .we should f i n d i t i n favour of only one evi c t i o n , but there s t i l l exists the p o s s i b i l i t y that Vergil's farm was twice confiscated.. 55 Comm. i n Verg. Buc. IX, I: ...Vergilius postquam paene occisus est ab Ar r i o centurione, Romam revertens, mandavit  procuratoribus suis ut tuerentur agros...." ~ IX 56 Schol. Bern. Eel./praef., quoted i n Diehl, op. ext., p. 53. • B e c a u s e o f t h e s e m a n y u n s o l v e d p r o b l e m s i t i s p o s s i b l e 1 o n l y t o c o n j e c t u r e w h a t w e r e t h e e v e n t s o f V e r g i l ' s l i f e d u r i n g t h e s e y e a r s . I n 4 5 B . C . h e p r o b a b l y r e t u r n e d f r o m M a n t u a a n d w a s e n g a g e d p e r h a p s i n a s e a r l y a s 42 ' i n w r i t i n g t h e E c l o g u e s . I n 4 0 B . C . , h o w e v e r , a f t e r t h e B a t t l e o f P h i -l i p p i , t h e r e t o o k p l a c e t h e c o n f i s c a t i o n s i n w h i c h m a n y M a n t u a n s l o s t t h e i r f a r m s . T h e f a r m l a n d o f t h e p e o p l e o f C r e m o n a h a d n o t b e e n s u f f i c i e n t t o r e h a b i l i t a t e a l l t h e v e t e r a n s , a n d t h e M a n t u a n s , b e c a u s e t h e i r f i e l d s b o r d e r e d o n t h o s e o f t h e l a t t e r p e o p l e , h a d t o g i v e u p s o m e o f t h e i r l a n d a l s o . H o w e v e r , t h e r e m a y h a v e b e e n o t h e r r e a s o n s f o r t h i s s e e m i n g l y u n p r o v o k e d c o n f i s c a t i o n . A m o n g t h o s e M a n t u a n s l o s i n g t h e i r p r o p e r t y w a s t h e p o e t V e r g i l w h o w a s m o r e f o r t u n a t e t h a n t h e o t h e r s i n a s m u c h a s h e h a d P o l l i o , G a l l u s a n d M a e c e n a s t o h e l p h i m . W h i l e t r y i n g t o p r e v e n t a v e t e r a n f r o m t a k i n g o v e r h i s f a r m , V e r g i l w a s c h a s e d , b a r e l y e s c a p i n g w i t h h i s l i f e . T h e n , a t . t h e i n s i s t e n c e o f G a l l u s a n d p e r h a p s M a c e r , h e m a d e a t r i p t o R o m e . P o l l i o i n t r o d u c e d h i m t o M a e c e n a s a n d t h e l a t t e r p r e s e n t e d h i m t o O c t a v i a n . O c t a v i a n , p r o b a b l y i n f l u e n c e d • t o a c e r t a i n e x t e n t b y V e r g i l ' s e a r l y a t t e m p t s a t p o e t r y , g a v e h i m b a c k h i s f a r m , o r a t a n y r a t e r e i m b u r s e d h i m f o r i t . 44 Chapter V. THE ECLOGUES, GEORGICS AND AENEID• During the year of the confiscations and perhaps, even e a r l i e r Vergil- was engaged i n composing the Eclogues. Probus gives Vergil's.age when he began his pastoral poems as twenty-eight years, i Therefore, according to Probus, V e r g i l would have begun his Eclogues i n 42 .B.C. This i s not i n i t s e l f impossible, but the Lives of Suetonius and Servius along with the intern a l evidence of the Tenth Eclogue show that Probus i s probably wrong. Suetonius 2 and Servius 3 assert that V e r g i l composed these poems within a three-year period and i n sview. of the fact that the Tenth Eclogue may be dated as 38 B.C., i t i s d i f f i c u l t to accept Probus' statement. 4 We should perhaps be correct, then, i n placing the f i r s t of the Eclogues i n 41 B.C. This date i s even more acceptable i f we take into account what Suetonius and Servius go on to say, 1 Diehl, pp. c i t . , p. 44. 2 I b i d . , p. 14. 3 I b i d . , p. 41. 4 That i s , i f ..we are correct i n assuming that' 11. 46-49 refer to Agrippa's expedition to Gaul i n 38 B.C. Cf. Conington, P. V e r g i l i Maronis Opera, London, Whittaker and Co., 1831, v o l . 1, p. 110. " 45 for they both t e l l us that; the Georgics v/ere. composed i n a seven-year period,and the Aeneid i n eleven years. I f we take 41 B.C. as the terminus a quo of the Eclogues, then the poet would have completed work on the Aeneid l a t e in. 20 B.C. or early i n 19. The l a t t e r year, according to a l l our h i s t o r i c a l sources, was the year i n which V e r g i l a c t u a l l y did stop w r i t i n g and made his f a t e f u l t r i p to Greece. The Eclogues, according to t h i s c a l c u l a t i o n , were composed between the year 41 and 38 B.C. I f there was only one ev i c t i o n , the Ninth Eclogue was probably written l a t e i n 41 B.C. or early i n 40 B.C., the year of the evictions, and Eclogue I followed a few months l a t e r . Eclogue IX may without hesi t a t i o n be dated as 40 B.C., f o r i t treats of P o l l i o ' s consulship which the l a t t e r held i n t h i s year. We may also date the Sixth Eclogue as 40 B.C., for i t was probably i n this year that V e r g i l came i n contact with Varus. Eclogue VIII was probably written i n 39 B.C.: that i s , i f the early part of i t refers to P o l l i o and his campaign i n th i s year, 5 while Eclogue X, for the reason which we have already seen, we may assign to 38 B.C. The Second, Third and E i f t h Eclogues we cannot date, except to say that the Second and Third were written before the F i f t h , since the l a t t e r contains a d i r e c t reference to each of the other two. 6 I t i s impossible to t e l l anything at a l l - about the date of Eclogue VII. 5 L I . 6-13. 6 L I . 86-87. Very possibly one of Eclogues I I or I I I , or perhaps both' of them, were written before the period of the confiscations, near the beginning of 41 B.C. Then there would have been some poems of V e r g i l , besides his e a r l i e r attempts, to rec-ommend him to P o l l i o and Maecenas. However, th i s i s mere speculation once again and we s h a l l probably never know the exact date of the Eclogues i n question. Sometime between 40 and 38 B.C. V e r g i l probably l e f t Mantua f o r Rome and then perhaps went on to Naples 7 where he completed the Eclogues and revised them. At Rome and Naples V e r g i l , along with the other promising young poets of the day, enjoyed the patronage of Maecenas. 8 Here he came i n contact with P l o t i u s Tucca, who must have been a talented poet, and the epic poet Varius. V e r g i l , i n addition, was on very intimate terms with Horace, 9 whom he had introduced e a r l i e r to Maecenas. ^ Probably 7 Cf_. Diehl, op. c i t . , p. 10, where Suetonius says that the poet was rarely i n Rome and i b i d . , p. 47 (Vita Monacensis): 'Bucolica et Georgica i n Parthenope c i v i t a t e , quae Cuma et  Neapolis et Necapolis vocatur. 8 Cf. M a r t i a l , Epigrams I , CVII, 11. 1-4; VI I I , LVI, 11. 5-24; X I I , IV, 11. I f . 9 Cf. Horace, Sa-tires I , V, 11. 40ff: P l o t i u s et Varius Sinuessae Vergiliusque  occurrunt, animae, qualis neque candidiores  t e r r a t u l i t heque quis me s i t devinctior a l t e r . and Odes I , I I I , 11. 1-8, where Horace shows great concern f o r the safety of a V e r g i l i u s , probably the poet, who i s making a-voyage to Greece. 10 Cf. Horace, Satires I , VI, 11. 52-55. 47 Propertius and V e r g i l were f a i r l y good friends, inasmuch as they were both members of the Augustan C i r c l e . Propertius seems to have been present at the readings which V e r g i l gave. 1 1 The poet, Cornelius Gallus, was a close f r i e n d of-V e r g i l a f t e r the evictions at Mantua, but probably t h i s friendship cooled when Gallus l o s t the favour of Augustus. 'Aemilius Macer also, as we have already seen, had helped V e r g i l e a r l i e r and probably had become Ver g i l ' s f r i e n d f o r l i f e . Q u i n t i l i u s Cremonensis, about whom very l i t t l e i s known, was perhaps a very close f r i e n d of'Horace 1 3 land 11 Cf. Propertius, Elegies I I I , XXIV, 11. 65f: cedite Romani scriptores, cedite Grai: nescio quid maius nascitur I l i a d e . Propertius' statement would suggest that as early as 26 B.C., the year i n which this Elegy was probably written, he had heard some of the Aeneid. 12 Ammianus Marcellinus, XVII, 4, 5, gives what he considers the reason for Gallus' f a l l i n g out of favour with Augustus: Longe autem postea Cornelius Gallus Octaviano res  tenente Romanas, Aegypti procurator, exhausit  civitatem plurimis i n t e r c e p t i s , reversusque cum  furtorum arcesseretur, et populatae proyinciae, metu n o b i l i t a t i s a c r i t e r indignatae, cui negotium  spectandum dederat imperator, s t r i c t o incubuit •ferro. Is est ( s i recte existimo) Gallus poeta, quern flens quodam modo i n postrema Bucolicorum  parte V e r g i l i u s carmine leni- decontat. 13 Cf. Horace, Odes I , XXIV, i n which the poet t e l l s of the great g r i e f that he and V e r g i l f e l t at the death of a Q u i n t i l i u s . Jerome i n his edition of Eusebius' Chronicon (a. Abr. 1994) says: Q u i n t i l i u s Cremonensis V e r g i l i et Horati f a m i l i a r i s moritur. ' \ ' ~~ . 48. V e r g i l . Maecenas, then, Augustus 1 trusted advisor, took care of the needs ^ of these young poets. Probably the only rule by which they had to abide was that they should say nothing against the Empire, but rather they should speak i n praise of Augustus and his regime whenever i t was possible. I t was i n this kind of an atmosphere that V e r g i l began his Georgics i n 38 B.C. or early i n 37. These poems he composed probably while i n residence at Naples. I 5 I t i s impossible to assign each of these poems to i t s year of composition. There are passages which suggest by t h e i r tone that they were composed i n certain years, but i t i s perhaps best here to r e f r a i n from such guesswork. During these seven years, V e r g i l , of course, did not. spend a l l his time w r i t i n g poetry. Horace t e l l s of meeting P l o t i u s , Tucca, Varius and V e r g i l at Sinuessa, probably i n 37 B.C. The same poet i n one of his Odes prays for the w e l l -being of a V e r g i l i u s who i s making.a- t r i p to A t t i c a . This Ode was c e r t a i n l y written before 19 B.C. and cannot r e f e r to the t r i p V e r g i l made just before his death. 1 7 Therefore, i t 14 Suetonius (Diehl, op. c i t . , pp. 10, IB) suggests that Maecenas and Augustus more than took care of Vergil's needs'. 15 Cf. Diehl, op. c i t . , p. 47 (Vita Monacensis) and Georgics IV, 563f. 16 Satires I , V, 11. 31-51. 17 The Ode i n question i s I , I I I , where Macleane i n a note says that t h i s refers to a voyage e a r l i e r than the one on which V e r g i l died, probably taken sometime during the composition of the Aeneid. Pa p i l l o n , however, i n the introduction to his edition of Vergil's works (p. x v i i ) says that the v i s i t came • probably before Georgics I I I , l O f f . may refer to an e a r l i e r voyage which took place during these years. We do have some evidence, then, that V e r g i l t r a v e l l e d as well as wrote poetry" between 38 and 31 B.C. Indeed, i t i s hard to believe that the G-eorgics, perfect though they may, be, took seven years of constant work to f i n i s h . Probably t r a v e l l i n g , as we have seen, took up some of his time and probably, too, V e r g i l worked at a very slow rate. Suetonius quotes a t r a d i t i o n that cum Georgica s c r i b e r e t . . . c o t i d i e meditatos mane  plurimos versus dictare s o l i t u s ac per totum diem  retractando ad paucissimos redigere, non absurde  carmen se more ursae parere dicens et lambendo  demum effingere. i a Aulus.Gellius,. too, suggests that V e r g i l worked slowly, though his statement applies not only to the Georgics, but to the poet's other works as w e l l . ^ The GeorgicsSuetonius t e l l s us, were read to Augustus when the l a t t e r returned to I t a l y a f t e r the Bat t l e of Actium p'f) and was delaying at A t e l l a reflciendarum faucium causa. The reading took four days, with Maecenas s p e l l i n g off the poet from time to time. 2 1 No other of the Lives mentions . 18 Diehl, op. c i t . , p. 14. Nettleship, Ancient Lives of , V e r g i l , p. 15, n. 5, believes that the idea of Vergil's reducing a large number of verses to as few as possible may have come from the memoir of Varius and he c i t e s Q u i n t i l i a n , Inst. Orat. X, I I I , 8: Vergilium quoque paucissimos die " composuisse versus auctor est Varius. 19 A t t i c Nights, XVII, X, 2-4. 20 Diehl, op. c i t . , p. 16. 21 Loc. c i t . 50 this reading and since Augustus seems .to have spent a,short time at Brundisium before carrying on his pursuit.of Antony and to have been nowhere near A t e l l a a f t e r Actium, we must be careful of accepting what Suetonius says. 22 i. Probably about 30 B.C.. V e r g i l made a s t a r t on the Aeneid. I t seems that the Romans expected i t to be a great poem, for , as Suetonius says, Aeneidos vixdum coeptae tanta e x t i t i t fama, ut  Sextus Propertius noh dubitaverit s i c praedicare: 'cedite, Romani scriptores, cedite G-rai: nescio quid maius nascitur I l i a d e ' . . . . 2 3 In t h i s L i f e also we f i n d the suggestion that the Aeneid was written f i r s t i n prose and then transformed into verse. 2 4 This idea appears nowhere else i n the h i s t o r i c a l sources and we must take i t or leave i t on the evidence of Suetonius alone. Maecenas had been the i n s t i g a t o r of the Georgics, but did anyone suggest an Aeneid to Vergil? Servius says that Augustus suggested i t , 2 ^ while the author of the.Vita  Monacensis states that the Roman people clamored f o r V e r g i l 22 Diehl, op. c i t . , p. Iff, i n a note on t h i s passage says: ein aufenthalt Oktavians i n A t e l l a nach Aktium-hat nicht stattgefunden, aber mit A t e l l a verbanden  den kaiser noch ungeklarte beziehungen: er s o i l  nach A t e l l a eihe colonie gefiihrt haben (Lib, "colon. grom. l a t . I s. 250), sogar i n ' A t e l l a verstorben sein (Eutrop. 7, 8 Hier. chron. a. Abr. 2029) and cf. Georgics I I , 59ff where i t i s suggested at any rate that -Maecenas nelped V e r g i l r e c i t e . 25 I b i d . , p. 16. 24 I b i d . , p. 14. 25 I b i d , , p. 41. to write i t . Probably i t was Vergil's ambition from e a r l i e s t youth to write a Roman epic, f o r , as we have seen, there i s evidence to show that he had e a r l i e r made an attempt at such a poem before he had come to know Maecenas and Augustus. The emperor, as was only natural, was eagerly waiting to hear the poem or some portion of i t . In 29 B.C., while away on the Cantabrian expedition, Augustus ...supplicibus atque etiam minacibus per iocum  l i t t e r i s e f f l a g i t a r e t , ut ' s i b i de Aeneide', ut  ipsius verba sunt, 'vel prima carminis t n T O Y P 0 - ^ vel quodibet K«£»XOV mitteretur*. 2 7 Macrobius preserves an answer made by V e r g i l to one of these l e t t e r s : ...ego vero frequentes a te l i t t e r a s accipio  et i n f r a de Aenea quidem meo, s i mehercle iam  dignus auribus habere t u i s , l i b e n t e r mitterem, sed tanta inchoata res est, ut paene v i t i o mentis  tantura opus ingressus mihi videar, cum praesertim, ut s c i s , a l i a quoque studia ad i d opus multoque  potiora impertiar. 2 8 At long l a s t , probably three years l a t e r , he read a part of the Aeneid to Augustus. Suetonius says that V e r g i l read the Second, Fourth, and Sixth Books to Augustus and Octavia and that the l a t t e r , when V e r g i l came to that celebrated l i n e , tu Marcellus e r i s , fainted away. 2 9 That readings such as th i s took place we cannot doubt, but Suetonius may here be following t r a d i t i o n when he t e l l s of the f a i n t i n g 26 I b i d . , p. 47. 27 I b i d . , p. 16. 28 Saturnalia I, XXIII, 11. 29 Diehl, op. c i t . , p. 16. of Octavia. Therefore, i t i s perhaps best f o r us not to draw any conclusions regarding the circumstances sur-rounding t h i s reading, but merely to assume that V e r g i l did read part of his Aeneid to Augustus i n 26 B.C. 3 0 We cannot even be sure what parts of the Aeneid V e r g i l read at this time. Suetonius, as we have already seen, suggests the Second,.Fourth and Sixth Books. Servius also states that he read the Fourth and Sixth Books, but mentions the Third as the other read. 3 1 The H i s t o r i c a l sources offer us no other information regarding the l i f e of V e r g i l during his years of composing the Aeneid. Probably he was sojourning at Naples, for hec seems to have d i s l i k e d the hustle and bustle of Rome. 3 2 I t "is also probable that during these years he read parts of his Aeneid to others besides Augustus and that V e r g i l i n turn listened to t h e i r poetry. 3 3 However, we s h a l l probably never know. 30 The date i s here fixe d by the death of Marcellus i n 26 B.C. • 31 Comm. i n Verg. Aen. IV, 323. 32 Cf. Tacitus, Dialogue XIII and Diehl, op. c i t . , p. 10 (Donatus-guetonius) . 33 Cf. Horace, Satires I , Iv, 1. 73: n e c r e c i t o cuiquam n i s i amicis .... ~ — — Chapter VI. VERGIL'S DEATH. In 19 B. C., after completing the Aeneid, he decided to make a t r i p to Greece in order to carry cut the re v i s i o n of ' i t by v i s i t i n g i n person the places that he mentions i n h i s poem. Suetonius, who gives the most complete story of Ver-g i l ' s l a s t days, says that the poet Anno aetatis quinquagesimo secundo inpositurus  Aeneidi summam manum s t a t u i t i n Graeciam et i n Aslam  secedere triennioque contjnuo n i h i l amplius quam  eiaendare.... 1 Pocas i n his c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y vague manner also makes mention of this t r i p of V e r g i l and gives e s s e n t i a l l y the same reason f o r his making i t : sed loca quae vulgi memoravit t r a d i t a fama  aequoris et terrae s t a t u i t percurrere vates  certius ut l i b r i s oculo dlctante notaret. Here we have a l l the evidence that the Lives have to offer regarding such a t r i p . ' The two authors, i n the passage quoted above, are quite d e f i n i t e as to the reason f o r Vergil's making such a t r i p . 1 D i e h l , op. c i t . , p. 16. 2 I b i d . , p. 40, 11. 102ff. 54 However, there was probably another reason f o r the poet's going to Greece besides the r e v i s i o n of the Aeneid. I t i s highly probable that he was i n need of a res t . At no time in his l i f e had he ever enjoyed perfect health, and now after undergoing the ordeal of w r i t i n g t h i s great epic, he surely must have needed a change. I f we are to believe Suetonius, V e r g i l did not succeed i n going beyond Athens, for i t was there that Augustus, returning from the East, met him and persuaded him to return 3 to I t a l y . Suetonius i s the only authority that mentions this incident, f or not even Focas makes reference to this meeting. Immediately a number of questions a r i s e : What was Augustus' purpose i n having V e r g i l return to I t a l y ? Why did V e r g i l return i f the r e v i s i o n of his Aeneid was as im-portant as his l a t e r actions would suggest? And how much rev i s i o n had he done by the time he met Augustus? To these questions we have no answers and we s h a l l be at a loss to answer them u n t i l such time as new evidence i s discovered. Suetonius goes on to say that i t was at Megara that 4 V e r g i l languorem nactus est as a re s u l t of too much sun. 3 I b i d . , p. 16: sed cum ingressus i t e r Athenis occurrisset Augusto ab oriente Romam revertenti destinaretque non abslstere  atque etiam una redlre....Cf. also Dio, LIV, 10, where the writ e r t e l l s of Augustus' returning to Rome from the East i n 19 B.C. 4 I b i d . , p. 18. 55 This languor t as Suetonius c a l l s i t , was probably sunstroke. During the homeward journey Vergil's condition grew steadily worse so that aegrior aliquanto Brundisium ap-5 p e l l e r e t . Pocas also states In his L i f e that the poet was smitten 6 with some kind of a malady, but does not say exactly what the sickness was. One manuscript of the L i f e by Servius refers to Vergil's sudden attack with these words: 7 valetudinem ex s o i l s ardore contraxit. Once again sunstroke i s suggested. V e r g i l was never i n perfect health, as we s h a l l see l a t e r , and overexposure to the sun coupled with the effects of the return journey to I t a l y could e a s i l y have meant the end for him. His condition grew gradually worse, u n t i l on the twenty-f i r s t day of September in t h i s year, after managing to get 8 as f a r as Brundisium, he died. This i s the Suetonian version and i t i s the generally accepted one. The h i s t o r i c a l sources are nearly a l l i n agreement as f a r as the date of Vergil's death i s concerned. Probus says that the poet decessit... annum agens quinquagesimum et primum, thus placing his death i n 19 B. C. F i l a r g y r i u s , i n his L i f e 5 Loc. c i t . 6 I b i d . , p. 40, 11. 105fi 7 Codex Dresdanus, quoted i n D i e h l , op. c i t . , p. 42. 9 8 Diehl, op. c i t . p. 18: Sentio Q. Lucretio conss. 9 I b i d . , p. 44. i s even more s p e c i f i c : ...Vergilius moritur XI k. Oct. Sentio Saturnino  et Lucretio Clnna consulibus nono Ptolomaei regis  anno, cui apud Aegyptum Cleopatra i n regnum successit, August! Caesarls XXVI regni anno, ante  annoa XVI C h r i s t i n a t i v i t a t i s . 10 Of the h i s t o r i c a l sources other than the Lives, Jerome i s the only one which dates the death of V e r g i l , giving i t as the year i n which Sentius Saturninus and Lucretius Cinna 11 were consuls, or, in other words, 19 B. C. The V i t a Bernensis, however, seems to place the death of Ve r g i l i n 18 B. C., f o r the author says of the poet: v l x l t annos LII a m i c i t i a usus imperatorls  Augusti et aliorum complurium probatlssimorum  virorum. 12 The great weight of evidence favours 19 B. C. as the year of Vergil's death. Two of the Lives, those of Suetonius and P i l a r g y r i u s , are even more e x p l i c i t and place the poet's death on the twenty-first of September of t h i s year. Suetonius, as we have seen already, gives Brundisium as the scene of the poet's death. Most of the other Lives also place h i s death i n southern I t a l y , though P i l a r g y r i u s i s the only author who agrees with Suetonius that V e r g i l died 10 I b i d . , p. 45. I t i s rather d i f f i c u l t to see how Cleopatra can come i n here. 11 Chronicon, a. Abr. 1999. 12 Di e h l , op. c i t . , p. 45. Is i t possible that the w r i t e r here i s misinterpreting Suetonius' statement that Anno aetatis guinquagesimo secundo impositurus.Aeneldi summam manum s t a t u i t i n Graeciam et Asiam secedere? 57 13 14 15 at Brundisium. Focas and Probus both t e l l us that V e r g i l died in Calabria, though these writers do not say 16 exactly where. Besides these statements of the L i v e s , we have the as-17 sertion of Jerome that Ve r g i l i u s Brundisi *. morltur. a . ^ ^ The only evidence to the contrary Is that/'by ^ tie Dres Manuscript i n which the writer says that V e r g i l p e r i i t . . . 18 Tarenti i n Apuliae c i v i t a t e . A l l the evidence, then, points to southern I t a l y as the scene of the poet's death, and we are probably safe i n assuming further that the poet died at the c i t y o f Brundisium. Suetonius, after giving the place and date of Vergil' s death, goes on to say that the poet's remains were taken to Naples ...tumuloque oondita qui est v i a Puteolana i n t r a  lapidera secundum, i n quo distichon f e c i t t a l e : 'Mantua me genult, Calabri rapuere, tenet nunc  Parthenope; ce c i n i pascua rura duces.' 19 Probus also places Vergil's tomb on the v i a Puteolana 20 and quotes the same epitaph. F i l a r g y r i u s , i n his L i f e , agrees that Vergil's remains were taken to Naples and 13 I b i d . , p. 45. 14 I b i d . , p. 40, 1. 105. 15 I b i d . , p. 44. 16 I t i s probable that they are drawing t h e i r information from the epitaph which i s i n i t s e l f vague. 17 Chronicon, a. Abr. 1999. 18 Quoted i n D i e h l , op. c i t . , p. 42. 19 D i e h l , op. c i t . , p. 18. 20 I b i d . , p. 44. 08 . . . i n secundo ab urbe m l l l a r i o sepeliuntur t i t u l o  huiusmodi superscripto, quern ipse moriens d i c t a v i t ; there then follows the d i s t i c h quoted also by Suetonius and 21 Probus. The Dresden Manuscript, though we should perhaps not rel y too much on the authority of so l a t e a source, i s a l i t t l e more vague, contending that V e r g i l was buried at Naples i n cuius tumulo ab ipso compositum est tale  distichon; 'Mantua me genuit, Calabri rapuere, tenet nunc  Parthenope; ce c i n i pascua rura duces.' 22 Others of our h i s t o r i c a l sources also suggest that the poet was buried near Naples. Jerome, in his edition of Eusebius' Chronicon, says that the poet's bones ...Neapolim translata i n secundo ab urbe m i l i a r i o  sepeliuntur t i t u l o i s t i u s modi suprascripto quern  moriens ipse dictaverat;: ; 23 then comes the epitaph. The Younger Pl i n y hints that i n the f i r s t century A. D. Naples was generally accepted as the s i t e of Vergil's tomb, for i n t e l l i n g of the habits of S i l i u s I t a l i c u s , the writer says: Multum ubique librorum, multum statuarum, multum imaginum, quas non habebat modo, verum  etiam venerabatur, V e r g i l i ante omnes, cuius  natalem r e l i g l o s l u s quam suum celebrabat,  Neapoli maxime, ubl monimentum eius adire ut  templum solebat. 24 21 I b i d . , p. 45. 22 Quoted i n Di e h l , op. c i t . , pp.42F. 23 A. Abr. 1999. The s i m i l a r i t y between t h i s passage and that of F i l a r g y r i u s suggests a r e l a t i o n between the two. 24 Letters I I I , VII. There i s the strong p o s s i b i l i t y that those authors of the Lives and the other writers who mention merely that V e r g i l was buried at Naples are drawing this conclusion from the epitaph alone and are not basing t h e i r statements on any other information. However, the statements made by Suetonius, P i l a r g y r i u s and Jerome to the effect that V e r g i l was buried i n secundo ab urbe l o l l i a r i o hint that there was another source at hand. Suetonius may have used i t and Jerome and P i l a r g y r i u s may have copied him. At any rat e , there i s no evidence that would suggest that Naples was not the poet's resting place and, inasmuch as he spent most of his l a t e r l i f e there, i t i s highly probable that one of hi s last wishes was to be buried near that c i t y . We have yet to consider Vergil's w i l l and the story of the poet's dying wish that the Aeneid should be burned. Suetonius Is the only one of the ancient authorities that 25 mentions the terms of Vergil's l a s t w i l l and testament. E a r l i e r i n his version of Vergil's l i f e , t h i s writer hints that the poet had amassed a f a i r - s i z e d fortune, f o r he 26 says of V e r g i l : possedit prope centiens sestertium ex l i b e r a l l t a t i b u s amicorum habuitque domum Romae 25 D i e h l , op. c i t . , p. 18. 26 I b i d . , pp. 10, 12, and cf. the statement of Probus, i b i d . , p. 44, that V e r g i l f or beginning the Aeneid ab  Augusto usque ad sestertium centies honestatus est. Horace also, Epistles I I , I , 11. 245ff would suggest that. V e r g i l had received f a i r - s i z e d sums of money from Augustus. 60 E s q u i l l i s iuxta hortos Maecenatianos, quamquam  secessu Campaniae Si c i l i a e q u e plurimum uteretur. Though this i s the only statement of Vergil's f i n a n c i a l status which we possess, i t i s very probable for a number of reasons that he had amassed a large amount of money and property. He was very close to two of the wealthiest men of the time, Augustus and Maecenas. In addition, he was somewhat reserved and does not seem to have been given to spending money on expensive luxuries. Moreover, i t was becoming more and more the practice at Rome fo r wealthy people to w i l l part of thei r property to men i n the public eye whom they admired. I f we may believe what Tacitus has to say 27 about the poet, then we must assume that V e r g i l was very popular with the masses and could expect to f a l l h e i r to numerous legacies. According to Suetonius once again, V e r g i l i n his w i l l l e f t one-half of his property to his half-brother Proclus, one-quarter to Augustus and one-twelfth to his patron Maecenas, while Lucius Varius and Plotius Tucca shared the one-sixth remaining. Probus also asserts that the poet w i l l e d his fortune to Augustus, Maecenas and Proclus, a younger brother, although this author does not give the 28 exact terms of the w i l l . There i s also the story i n Suetonius' L i f e of Vergil's l a s t wish that the Aeneid should be burned. The wr i t e r of 27 Dialogue X I I I . 28 Diehl, op. c i t . , p. 44. 61 this L i f e says that even before leaving for the East, V e r g i l egerat cum Varlo...ut siquld s i b i a c c i d i s s e t ,  Aeneida combureret; at i s i t a facturum se per- negarat...» 29 Now on his deathbed the poet ...assidue s c r i n l a desideravit, crematurus i p s e ;  verum nemine offerente n i h i l quidem nominatim  de ea ca v i t . F i n a l l y , seeing that his friends would not burn the Aeneid and that they would not l e t him burn i t , ...eidem Vario ac simul Tuccae s c r i p t a sua sub ea  condicione l e g a v i t , ne quid ederent, quod non a se  edltum esset. Servius also makes reference to this dying wish of V e r g i l when he states that the poet earn i . e . Aeneidem 30 L J moriens praeeepit incendi. Probus gives us a l i t t l e information, t e l l i n g us that V e r g i l i n his w i l l forbade the 31 publishing of those verses which he had not edited. There are references i n certain others of the h i s t o r i c a l sources to this desire of V e r g i l to see his Aeneid destroyed. Pliny's Natural Histories contain a reference to Augustus' forbidding the burning of this poem contra testament! eius 32 verecundiam. Macrobius also mentions this wish of V e r g i l , when he depicts Evangelus as saying that the poet moriens 33 poema suum legavit i g n i . A t h i r d author, Aulus G e l l i u s , 29 I b i d . , p. 20. 30 I b i d . . p. 41. 31 I b i d . . p. 44. 32 Natural Histories V I I , 114. 33 Saturnalia I , XXIV, 6. 62 makes the point that V e r g i l ...cum morbo obpressus adventare mortem viderat, p e t i v i t oravitque a suis amicisslmis impense, ut  Aeneida, quam nondum sat i s elimavisset, adolerent.34 i Accordingly, Suetonius says, Varus edited the Aeneid ...auctore Augusto.. .sed summatim emendata, ut qui  versus etiam inperfectos sicut erant r e l i q u e r l t . . . . 5 5 Here the author only suggests that Augustus ordered the editing of the poem. Probus, too, i s rather vague on this point, but we may presume from what he says that Augustus 36 did give an order that the Aeneid should be preserved. Prom Servius' L i f e we learn that Augustus vero, ne tantum opus p e r i r e t , Tuccam et  Varium...lussit emendare....37 Here too there i s at least the suggestion that Augustus forbade the destruction of the epic poem. The Elder P l i n y states quite d e f i n i t e l y that Augustus 38 did give such an order. There are a few poems written by so-called scholastic poets which allude to Vergil's attempted burning of the Aeneid. Suetonius quotes a certain C. Sulpicius A p o l l i n a r i s who t e l l s us that V e r g i l had ordered Tucca and Varius to 34 A t t i c Nights, XVII, X, 7. 35 Di e h l , op. c i t . , p. 20. 36 I b i d . , p. 44: Aeneis servata ab Augusto, quamvis ipse  testamento damnat, ne quid eorum, quae non edidls'set, extaret.... 37 I b i d . , p. 41. 38 Natural Histories VII, 114: Divus Augustus carmina  V e r g i l i i cremari...vetult. burn the epic poem, but that they had refused and Augustus 39 i n addition had forbidden the burning of i t . There i s also another poem extant which hints that the Emperor i s -40 sued such orders. There were probably two reasons then for Vergil's f a i l -ing to have his Aeneid burned. In the f i r s t place, he was unable to persuade Varius and Tucca that i t should be destroyed and, what i s more, Augustus forbade i t s burning. Varius and Tucca then went ahead and edited the 41 • Aeneid, but very c a r e f u l l y , leaving the unfinished parts as they were, but -evidently removing what they considered 42 unnecessary. I f we are to believe Suetonius, the order 39 Diehl, op. c i t . , pp. 18, 20: 'iusserat haec rapidls aboleri oarmina flammis  V e r g i l i u s , Phrygium quae cecinere ducem. Tucca vetat Variusque; simul tu, maxime Caesar, non s i n i s et Latlae consulis h i s t o r i a e . l n f e l i x gemino c e c i d i t prope Pergamon i g n i , et paene est a l i o Troia cremata rogo. | f Probus, i b i d . , p. 44, quotes the f i r s t four l i n e s , but gives them to Servius Varus. 40 Antholog. Lat. P. Burmarmi Sec. T. I , Lib. I I . Ep. 176, quoted i n Heyne, op. c i t . , p. CCXXVIII. 41 Diehl, op. c i t . , p. 18 (Donatus-Suetonius); p. 41 (Servius); p. 50 (Vita'Noricensis). But c f . i b i d . , p. 20, where Suetonius hints that Varius alone was the editor. 42 For the t r a d i t i o n that the Aeneid o r i g i n a l l y did not begin with arma virumque cano, vide the L i f e written by Suetonius i n Diehl, op. c i t . , p. 20, and that by Servius i n i b i d . , pp> 41f. 64 4 3 of certain of the books was changed, although i t i s hard to believe that Augustus would allow the editors to do anything so d r a s t i c . The Aeneid, then, very nearly d i d not survive, and we have the e ditors , Tucca and Varius, and also Augustus to thank that I t did come down to us. 43 D i e h l , op. ci t . . . p. 20. Chapter VII. VERGIL THE MAN. No biography i s complete i f i t does not contain an account of the personal appearance and personal character-i s t i c s of the person whose l i f e i s being set f o r t h . However, i n the case of V e r g i l , we are: once again faced with d i f -f i c u l t i e s that arise from a lack of material. Suetonius Is the only ancient authority that makes reference to V e r g i l ' s appearance, and what source he r e l i e d on we do not know. He t e l l s us that V e r g i l was corpore et statura... grand!, aquilo colore, facie  rustlcana....1 V e r g i l , then, was a large man, probably of dark complexion, with a kind of r u s t i c appearance. I t is an adequate p i c t u r e , of course, f o r we have no trouble i n v i s u a l i z i n g the poet's appearance, but can we accept Suetonius' description? Probably the writer i s using a p o r t r a i t or a bust of V e r g i l as his source, f o r there i s some evidence to show that such likenesses of the poet were i n existence. There has come 1 Diehl, op. c i t . , p. 10. down to us a mosaic p o r t r a i t of V e r g i l found at Hadrumentum, which agrees f a i r l y w e l l with the general description given by Suetonius. In addition, M a r t i a l speaks of one such po r t r a i t i n an epigram: quam brevls inmensum cepit membrana Maroneml  ipsius et vultus prima tabel l a g e r i t . 2 Aelius Lampridius, speaking of Severus Alexander, mentions the f a c t that the l a t t e r Vergilium autem Platonem poetarum vocabat  eiusque imaglnem cum Ciceronis simulacro i n  secundo l a r a r i o habuit....3 Probably i t was one of these p o r t r a i t s upon which Suetonius based his description of V e r g i l . He goes on to t e l l us that V e r g i l enjoyed varying health, ...nam plerumque a stomacho et a faucibus ac  dolore c a p i t i s laborabat, sanguinem etiam saepe  r e i e c i t . 4 Horace, i n the Satire In which he t e l l s of his meeting. Tucca, Varius and V e r g i l at SInuessa, hints that V e r g i l was not i n the best of health: lusum i t Maecenas, dormitum ego Vergiliusque;  namque p i l a l i p p i s inimicum et ludere crudis. 5 Probably i t was par t l y because of his poor health that V e r g i l shunned Rome with i t s noisy, j o s t l i n g mobs of people. Suetonius, quoting as his source Melissus, t e l l s us also that V e r g i l was very slow of speech so that he seemed 2 Epigrams XIV, CLXXXVI.' 3 Severus Alexander XXXI, 4 4 Diehl, op. c i t . , p. 10. 5 Satires I , V, 11. 48f. 67 6 almost l i k e an unlearned person and Seneca hints also 7 that the poet's speech was f a u l t y . This h e s i t a t i o n must have occurred only i n the law court, however, f o r l a t e r i n his version i n the poet's l i f e Suetonius, quoting Seneca thi s time, asserts that ...Iulium Montanum poetam soliturn dicere, i n - volaturum se V e r g i l i o quaedam, s i et vocem posset  et os et hypocrisin: eosdem enim versus ipso  pronuntiante bene sonare, sine i l l o inanes esse  mutosque. 8 Perhaps Vergil's poor health had something to do with his i n a b i l i t y to speak f l u e n t l y i n the court room, but probably, too, his reserved nature and natural modesty at times l e f t him tongue-tied. Tacitus t e l l s us that he preferred a retreat to l i v i n g amid the hustle and bustle 9 of Rome. Perhaps his physical condition had much to do with his staying away from the large c i t y , but i t i s equally possible that he by nature preferred the quiet.retreat where he would be away from the prying eyes of the Roman popu-10 lace. V e r g i l soon became known fo r h i s modesty and r e s t r a i n t . 6 D iehl, op. c i t . , p. 12: ...et i n sermone tardisslmum  <^eum^> ac paene lndocto slmilem fuisse Melissus t r a d i d l t o 7 Excerpta Controversiarum I I I , praef. 8: ...Vergillum i l i a f e l i c i t a s i n g e n i i <ln> oratione soluta r e l i q u i t . . . . 8 D i e h l , op. c i t . p. 16. 9 Dialogue XIII. 10 Cf. D i e h l , op. c i t . , p. 10, where Suetonius says of Vergil;...ac s i quando fiomae, quo rarissime commeabatT  vlgeretur i n publico, sectantis demonstrantisque se  subterfugeret i n proximum tectum. 68 I I 12 Suetonius. and.Servius both t e l l us of his being given 13 . the cognomen Parthenias as does Ausonius. I t was this modesty and r e s t r a i n t , much exaggerated, of course, that caused l a t e r ages to look upon V e r g i l as a kind of Saint. . We must not, however, make the mistake of thinking that V e r g i l could do no wrong. The second of his Eclogues i s usually Interpreted as the poet's confession of love for a boy, Alexander. Suetonius, who may be generalizing from this one poem, t e l l s us that V e r g i l v/as . . . l i b i d i n i s i n pueros p r o n i o r i s , quorum maxime . d l l e x i t Cebetem et Alexandrum, quern secunda  Bucolicorum egloga Alexim appellat...utrumque  non ineruditum, Cebetem vero et poetam. 14 Servius, i n his L i f e , also makes reference to this vice of the poet. There i s i n addition the story of his a f f a i r with P l o t i a H i e r i a which, according to Suetonius, Asconius 15 Pedianus had refuted. Whether V e r g i l was immoral to the extent that he suggests i n the Second Eclogue, we s h a l l probably never know, but, as we have seen, the ta l e of the a f f a i r with P l o t i a H i e r i a even i n Suetonius' time had been proven f a l s e . 11 I b i d . , p. 10. 12 I b i d . , p. 41. 1 3 E d y l l l a , X I I I , 361. 14 Diehl, op. c i t . p. 10. 15 I b i d . , p. 10: vulgatum est consuess, eum et cum P l o t i a  H i e r i a . Sed Asconius Pedianus adfirmat, ipsam postea  maiorem natu narrare solitam, invitatum quidem a Vario ad  communionem s u i , verum pertinaclssime recusasse. 69 V e r g i l had many f r i e n d s , i t i s true, but he also had made a number of enemies. The V i t a Monacensis gives us a l i s t of these people whom he d i s l i k e d and who in turn must 16 not have f e l t very kindly towards him. Among these are the two Antonian poets Maevius and Ba^vius, f o r whom, as . 17 Ve r g i l himself t e l l s us, he had an intense d i s l i k e . 18 Probably, I f the anecdote about Nola as t o l d by Servius 19 and Aulus Gellius i s based on f a c t , V e r g i l was not above r e t a l i a t i n g when he was angered. But the poet, as we have already seen, had made many friends among the poets of the time. Horace was one of his closest friends and at a l l times shows great admiration and respect f o r him. In one of his Odes Horace addresses him-s e l f to Vergil's ship when the l a t t e r i s going to Greece. The poem i s e s s e n t i a l l y a prayer for Vergil's safe return and during the course of I t , the write r c a l l s him animae 20 dimidlum meae. At one point i n his Satires he describes V e r g i l , Plotius Tucca and Varius as ...animae, quails neque candidiores terra t u l l t neque quis me s i t devlnctior a l t e r . 2 1 .16 I b i d . , p. 47.: i s t i i n i m i c i V i r g i l i i adversabantur i l l i :  C o r n i f i c i u s , Clodius, Mebeus, Vabeus, Archades, Vavius et  Mevius. 17 Eclogues I I I , 11.90f. 18 Comm. i n Verg?*. Aen. VI, 740. 1 9 A t t i c Nights, VI, 20, 1. 20 Odes 1, I I I , 1. 8, 2 1 Satires I , V, 11. 41F. In another of his Satires Horace uses the adjective pptimus 22' to describe V e r g i l , while i n another of his Odes he attempts to console the poet who i s grieving over the death 23 of a Quintilius-. I t i s a p i t y that the works of Tucca an Varius have not survived, f o r these poets too probably put into words the admiration they f e l t for th e i r fellow poet* Here, then, we have V e r g i l the poet and the l i f e he le d , or, at any r a t e , as much of his l i f e as we are able to piece together. As we have seen, too l i t t l e information about the poet can be gleaned from the h i s t o r i c a l sources and at times what pieces of evidence they do o f f e r us may c o n f l i c t . The r e s u l t i s that the biography of V e r g i l i s fraught with problems from beginning to end. To many of the questions raised we can offer answers based on conjecture, but at no time is conjecture very s a t i s f y i n g . Therefore we s h a l l have to wait to solve these many pro-blems u n t i l such time as fr e s h evidence Is brought forward which suggests the solutions to some or a l l of them. 22 Satires I , VI, 1. 54. 23 Odes 1, XXIV. BIBLIOGRAPHY. I General Works of Reference. Corpus Inscriptionum Latlnarum: vol. 5 Inscriptiones Galliae Cisalpinae L a t i n a e . v o l . 9 Inscriptiones Calabriae, Apuliae, Samnii, Sabinorum, Piceni Latmae. Paulys Real-Encyclopadie der klassischen Altertums- wissenschaft: Brzorska,-, "Epidius," Band VI (1909), 59. Kappelmacher, A., "Maecenas," Band XIV (1930), '£07-209. Klebs,-, "P. Alfenus Varus," Band I (1894), 1472f. K r o l l , Willielm, "Siron," I I . Reihe, Band I I I (1929), 353f. P h i l i p p , - , "Mantua," Band XIV (1930), 1359f. Skutsch,-,•"C. Cornelius Cn.f. Gallus," Band IV (1901), 1342-1350. Rohden, Paul, and Dessau, Herman ed., "P. Ve r g i l i u s Maro," Prosopographia Imperii Romani, B e r l i n , George Reimer, 1898, v o l . 3 (p-z), pp. 401-403. "Vergilius Maro, Publius," Harper's Dictionary of  C l a s s i c a l Literature and A n t i q u i t i e s , ed. Harry Thurston Peck, New York, American Book Company, 1923, 1643-1647. Treves, Piero, "Philodemus," Oxford C l a s s i c a l D i c t i o n - ary, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1950, p. 681. 72 II Modern Works. B i r t , Theodor, Jugendverse und Heimatpoesie Vergils : Erkiarung des Catalepton, L e i p z i g , Teubner, 1910. • Comparetti, Domenico, Vergi l i n the Middle Ages, t r a n s l . E.F.M. Beneke, London, Swan Sonnenschein and Co., 1895. Crutwell, Charles Thomas, A History of Roman Literature: Erom the E a r l i e s t Period to the Death of Marcus  Aurelius, London, Charles G r i f f i n and Company Limited, 1910, 252-279. DeWitt, Norman Wentworth, V i r g i l ' s Biographia L i t t e r a r i a , Toronto, Oxford University Press, 1923. Duff, J. Wight, A L i t e r a r y History of Rome, London, T. Fisher Unwin, 1910 v 432-495. Frank, Tenney, V e r g i l , a Biography, Oxford, B a s i l Blackwell, 1922. Glover, T.R., V i r g i l , New York, The Macmillan Company, 1912. Rose, A.J., A Handbook of L a t i n L i t e r a t u r e , • London, Methuen and Co. Ltd., 1942, 233-294. Sellar,- W.Y, The Roman Poets of the Augustan Age: V i r g i l , Oxford,, Clarendon Press, 1929. Trever, Albert A., History of Ancient C i v i l i z a t i o n , New York, Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1939, vol.2 "The Roman World," 243-265. I I I Ancient Works. Aelius Lampridius, "Severus Alexander," The Scriptores  Historiae Augustae, t r a n s l . David Magie, London, William Heinemann, 1930, v o l . 3, 178-313. (Loeb C l a s s i c a l L i b r a r y ) . Ammianus Marcellinus, t r a n s l . John C. Rolfe, London, William Heinemann, 1949,' vol . 1. (L. O.l .L.). A p u l e i i Opera Omnia, ex editione Oudenorpiana, London, A.J. Valpy, 1825, vol. 2. (Delphin C l a s s i c s ) . The A t t i c Nights of Aulus G e l l i u s , t r a n s l . JohnC. • Rolfe, London, William Heinemann, 1927, vols. 2, 3. (L. C. L.). Ausonius, t r a n s l . Hugh G. Evelyn White, London, William Heinemann, 1949, v o l . 2. (L. C. L.). Claudian, t r a n s l . Maurice Platnauer, London, William Heinemann, 1922.- (L. C. L.). Dip's Roman History, t r a n s l . Ernest Gary,.London, William Heinemann, 1914, vols.'5, 6. (L. C. L. ). Eusebius, Eusebi Chronicorum l i b r i duo, ed. A. Schoene, B e r l i n , 1875-76. Quinti H o r a t i i E l a c c i Opera Omnia, ed. Arthur John Macleane, rev. George Long, London, Whittaker and Co., 1881. Thirteen Satires of Juvenal, ed. John E.B. Mayor, London, Macmillan and Co. Ltd., 1901, 2 vols. Macrobius, Saturnalia, ed. Francisus Eyssenhardt, Lei p z i g , Teubner, 1893. Ml V a l e r i i M a r t i a l i s Epigrammaton L i b r i , ed. Ludwig Friedlander, L e i p z i g , S. H i r z e l , 1886, 2 vols. Ovid, Heroides and Amores, t r a n s l . Grant Showerman, London, William Heinemann, 1931. (L. C. L.). P l i n y , Natural H i s t o r i e s , t r a n s l . H. Rackham, London Tfilliam Heinemann, v o l . 2. (L. C. L.) . Pliny-the Younger, Letters, t r a n s l . William Melmoth and rev. W.M.L. Hutchinson, London, William Heinemann, 1935, v o l . 1. (L. C. L.). The Elegies of Propertius, ed. H.E. Butler and E.A. Barber, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1933. The I n s t i t u t i o Oratia of Q u i n t i l i a n , t r a n s l . H.E. Butler, London, William Heinemann, 1921, vols. 3, 4. (L. C. L.). Annaei Senecae Oratorum et Rhetorum Sententiae Divisiones Colores, ed. Adolph K i e s s l i n g , L e i p z i g , Teubner, 1872. S e r v i i Grammatici qui Eeruntur i n V e r g i l i i Carmina "~" Commentarii, ed. George Thilo and Hermann Hagen, Leipzig, Teubner, 1884, 3 vols. S i l i u s I t a l i c u s , Punica, t r a n s l . J.D. Duff, London, William Heinemann, 1949, 2 vols. (L. C. L.). S t a t i u s , trans1. J.H. Mozley, London, William Heinemann, 1928, v o l . 1, S i l v a e , 1-556. (L. C. L.). Suetonius, trans1. J.C. Rolfe, London, William Heine-mann, 1914, 2 vols. (L. C. L.). C o r n e l i i T a c i t i Dialogus de Oratoribus, ed. W. Peterson, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1895. Velleius Paterculus, The History of Rome, t r a n s l . Frederick W. Shipley, London, William Heinemann, 1924, 1-329. (L. C. L.). P. V e r g i l i Maronis Opera, ed. John Conington, rev. H. Nettleship, London, Whittaker and Co., 1881, vo l . 1 P. V i r g i l i i Maronis Opera, ed. Chr. G o t t l . Heyne, London, T. Rickaby, 1793. P. V e r g i l i Maronis Opera, ed. Frederick Arthur H i r t z e l , Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1950%; P. V e r g i l i Maronis Opera: V i r g i l , ed. T.L. P a p i l l o n , .. Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1882, v o l . 1, i - l x i . P. V e r g i l i Maronis Opera, ed. Otto Ribbeck, Leipzig, Teubner, 1898. Diehl, Ernst ed., Die Vitae Vergilianae und ihre an- tiken Quellen, Bonn, A-. Marcus and E. Weber, 1911. Nettleship, H. ed., Ancient Lives of V e r g i l , Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1879. IV P e r i o d i c a l A r t i c l e s . Anderson, W.B., "Statius and the Date of the Culex," C l a s s i c a l Quarterly, v o l . 10 (1916), pp. 225-228. Braunholtz, G.E.K., "The Nat i o n a l i t y of V e r g i l , " C l a s s i c a l Review, vo l . 29 (1915), pp. 104-110. Conway, R.S., "Further Considerations on the S i t e of Vergil's Farm," C l a s s i c a l Quarterly, v o l . 25 (1931), pp. 65-76. , " V e r g i l , Probus and Pi e t o l e Again," C l a s s i c a l Quarterly, v o l . 26 (1932), pp. 209-214. Cowles, Frank Hewitt, "Vergil's Hatred of War," C l a s s i c a l Journal, v o l . 29 (1933-34), pp. 357-374. DeWitt, N.W., review of "Jugendverse und Heimatpoesie  Vergils: Erklarung des Catalepton von Theodor B i r t , " American Journal of Philology, v o l . 52 (1911), pp. 448-458. —, , "Rome of V e r g i l , " C l a s s i c a l Journal, v o l . 17 (1921-22), pp. 150-156. , " V i r g i l at Naples," C l a s s i c a l Philology, vol. 17 (1922), pp. 104-110. Fairclough, Henry Rushton, " V i r g i l ' s Knowledge of Greek," C l a s s i c a l Philology, v o l . 25 (1930), pp. 37-46. Fotheringham, J.K., "The Two Thousandth Anniversary of V i r g i l ' s B i r t h , " C l a s s i c a l Review, v o l . 44 (1930), pp. 1-3. Frank, Tenney, "Vergil's Apprenticeship I , " C l a s s i c a l  Philology, v o l . 15 (1920), pp. 23-38. , "Vergil's Apprenticeship I I , " C l a s s i c a l Philology, v o l . 15 (1920),"pp. 103-119. , "Vergil's Apprenticeship I I I , " C l a s s i c a l Philology, vol. 15 (1920), pp. 230-244; , "Vergil's Res Romanae," C l a s s i c a l Quarterly, v o l . 14 (1920), pp. 156-159. , "What do We Know About Ve r g i l ? " C l a s s i c a l •Journal, v o l . 26 (1930-31), pp. 3 - l T 7 ~ Furr, Leonora R e i l l y , "The Nati o n a l i t y of V e r g i l , " C l a s s i c a l Journal, v o l . 25 (1929-30), pp. 340-346. Geer, Russel Mortimer, "Non-Suetonian Passages i n the L i f e of V e r g i l Formerly Ascribed to Donatus," Transactions and Proceedings of the American Phi l o - l o g i c a l Association, v o l . 57 (1926), pp. 107-115. Gordon, Mary L., "The Family .of V e r g i l , " Journal of  Roman Studies, v o l . 34 (1934), pp. 1-12. Jackson, S. Elizabeth, "The Authorship of the Culex," C l a s s i c a l Quarterly, vol. 5 (1911), pp. 163-174. Lind, L. Robert, "Vergil's M i l i t a r y Experience,", C l a s s i c a l Philology, v o l . 30 (1935), pp. 76-78. Mattingly, H., "The Date of Vergil's Death: A Numismatic Contribution," C l a s s i c a l Review, vo l . 44 (1930), pp. 57-59. MacKail, J.W., " V i r g i l and Roman Studies," Journal of  Roman Studies, v o l . 3 (1913), pp. 1-24. Pease, Arthur Stanley, review of " V e r g i l . A Biography, By Tenney Frank," C l a s s i c a l Journal, v o l . 18 (1922-23), pp. 443-445. Prescott, Henry ¥., "The Present Status of the V e r g i l i a n Appendix,:" C l a s s i c a l Journal, vol. 26 (1930-31), pp. 49-62. Rand, E.K., "A Romantic Biography of V e r g i l , " C l a s s i c a l  Philology, vol. 18 (1923), pp. 303-309. , " V i r g i l ' s Birthplace Revisited," C l a s s i c a l Quarterly, v o l . 26 (1932), pp. 1-13. , " V i r g i l ' s Birthplace Revisited, Continued," C l a s s i c a l Quarterly, v o l . 26 (1932), pp.. 65-74. Savage, J.J., "Was the Commentary on V i r g i l Written by Aelius Donatus Extant i n the Ninth Century?" C l a s s i c a l Philology, v o l . 26 (1931), pp. 405-411. Sforza, Francesco, f^ The Problem of V i r g i l , " C l a s s i c a l  Review, v o l . 49 (1935), pp. 97-108. Slaughter, M.S., " V i r g i l : An Interpretation," C l a s s i c a l  Journal, v o l . 12 (1916-17), pp. 359-377. Stuart, Duane Reed, "The Sources and Extent of Petrarch's Knowledge of the L i f e of V e r g i l , " C l a s s i c a l Philology, v o l . 12 (1917), pp. 365-404. Upson, H o l l i s R i t c h i e , ."Medieval Lives of V i r g i l , " C l a s s i c a l Philology, v o l . 38(1943), pp. 103-111. 77 INDEX Acron, 10,13. ,'Actium, B a t t l e of, 32(3),33, 49,50(2). Aelius Lampridius, Quoted: 66.. . Aemilius Macer, 37(2),43,47. Aeneid, 1,6,45,50-52,53(2), 54T2),59,60,61(4),62(4), 63(3),64. Aetna, the poem ascribed by some to V e r g i l , 26(2), 27(2),29. Alexander, perhaps the boy i n Eclogue I I , 68. Alfenus Varus, 33(2),34(2), 36(2),37(3),42,45. Ambrosian Manuscript. 29. Ammianus Marcellinus, Quoted: 47n.l2. ANCIENT LIVES, Donatus Auctus, 3,4,11, ' 27(2J,29. -Donatus-Suetonius, or Suetonius, 3,4,5,6,7, 11(2),13(3),15,21,22, 27(3),29(2),30(2),31,33, 34,56(2),38,41(2),44(3), 50,51,52,54,56(3),58, 59(3),60(2),62,63,65, 66(3),68. Quoted: 8,14, 21,23n.8,25,26,28,34,58,40, 49(2),50(3),51,53,54n.3, 55(2),56n.12,57,59-60,61(5), 62,65,66,67nn.6andl0,67,68, 68n.l5. F i l a r g y r i u s , 5,4,7,11,14,24, 56(2),59(2). Quoted: 8,56, 58. Focas, 5,4,10,18,24,27,51,54, 58,40,41(2),54,55. quoted: 12,14,17,24,57,40n.46,55. Probus, 5,4,6,8(2),24,25,51, 56,38,40,42,44(4),57(2),58, 60,61. Quoted: 25n.l6,55, 59n.26,62n.36. Servius, 3,4,10,11,14,21,24(2), . 28,29(2),30(2),37,40,44(5), 50,68,69, Quoted:' 22,24n.ll, 26,33,54,41,52,55,61,62. V i t a Bernensis, 5,4,6,11(2), 14,25. Quoted: 55n.l9,56. V i t a Monacensis, 5,4,8,11,12, 17,21, £2,52,53,,35,37, 58,59, 42,50.- Quoted: 8,14,25,40, 46n.7,69n.l6. V i t a Noricensis, 5,4,8,12,14, 21,24,32,35,42. Quoted: 8,18. Andes, 7,8(4),9(5),10(2),15, .20(2). " , Antony, 52(2),55(2),54(2),55,50. Apuleius, Quoted: 9. Apulia, 57. Arrio,41. Arrius,39. Asinlus P o l l i o , 33(3),34(3), 36(2),37(passim),38,42(2), 43(2),45(2),46. A t e l l a , 49,50. 'Athens, 54. Augustan C i r c l e , 47. Augustus, 15,25,33,37,41,47, 48(2),49,50(2),51(passim), 52(2),54(3),56(2),60(3), 61,62(passim),65(2),64(2). Octavian,32(5),33,54(2),57, 38(2),41,45(2). Aulus G e l l i u s , 3,49,61,69. Quoted: 62.o Ausonius, 5,68, Quoted: 7,28. B a l l i s t a , 26(5),27(3). / Bav'ius, 69. Bede, 7.• Brundisium, 50, 55(2 )•, 56, 57(3). Calabria, 57. Catalepton, 26(2),28(3),29(2), 30. C a t u l l a , 17. Chronica G a l l i c a , 7. Chronicon of Eusebius, Jerome"'s version,6,21n.l, 56. Ouoted: 22,23,47n.l5, 57,58. Chronicon Paschale, 7. C i r i s , 26(2),29. Claudianus, 3. Claudius, Vergil ' s attacker, 39. Claudius A r r i o , 39. Cleopatra, 56(2). COdex Dresdanus, Quoted: 57, 58. C OIvMENTARIES, 31,32,55,40. Probus, 52,37,39,40. Quoted: 35. Servius, 38,59,40. Quoted: 25,55,41,42n.55. Servius Auctus, 35,34. Consularia Constantinopolitana, 7. Copa, 26,29. Cornelius Gallus, 33(2),36,57 (passim),45(2),47(2). CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM LATINAPJJM, 212],17,19(2J.. Ouoted: 11 . n.55,15n.54,16nn'.58f, 17nn.60-62. Cremona, 21(5),22(4),25(5), :. 54(2) ,55(2) ,45. Culex, 26(2) ,27(4) ,28(passimj)-, Dirae, 26(2),27,29. Donatus-Suetonius L i f e , see ANCIENT - LIVES. Eclogues, 1,13,26,51(2),32, 34,35,36,40,41,42(2),43, 44-46,68. 79 Epidius, 25. Epigrammata, 26(2),27,29. E t r u r i a , 18. Eusebius,* see Chronicon. Evangelus, 13,61. E i l a r g y r i u s , see ANCIENT  LIVES. Elaccus, 13. I Eocas, see ANCIENT LIVES. Gallus, the name, 17. Georgics, 1,36,45,48-50. Greece, 45,53,54,69. Hasta, 16. Horace, 2(2),46,47,48,69,71. Quoted: 46n.9,66,69. Ins c r i p t i o n s , see Corpus,etc. Istimichon, alleged name of Vergil's father, 11.. I t a l y , 14(2),15,18,20,25,27, 34,49,54(2),55,56,57. Jerome, edition of Eusebius' Chronicon, see Chronicon. Julianus, 7. Leonas, 19. Lepidus, 32. Ligures, 17. Ligure§3Baebiani, 16. L i g u r i a , 16. Lives, see ANCIENT LIVES. Lucretius, the poet, 22. Macrobius, 3,10. Quoted: 51,62. Maecenas, 36,37(2),38(2),43(2), 46(3),48(2),49,51,60(3),66. Maevius, 70. • • • Magia, 11,12(2). Magia P o l l a , 11,12(4),20. Magii, an I t a l i a n gens, 15. Magius, 14,15(3). Maia, 11,12(2). Mantua, 7,8(4),9(2),10,15,17,18, 19,20,31,34 ,-43,46,47, 57 . Mantuanus, 9. Marius, an I t a l i a n name, 16. Marius Victorinus, 29. Maro, the name, 10,16(3),17,19. M a r t i a l , 3, Quoted: 7,9(2),13, 27,28,68. Marus, an I t a l i a n name, 16. Maximinus, 7. Megara, 54. Melissus, 66. Milan, 23(passim),24. Milienus Toro, 39. Moreturn, 27,29(2),30. Mosaic P o r t r a i t of V e r g i l , 66. Mutina, Ba t t l e of, 31,32(2). Naples, 24(3),40,46(2),48,57, 58(4),59(2). 80 Natural H i s t o r i e s , see ~ P l i n y , the Elder. Nola, 69. Octavia, 51. Octavian, see Augustus. Ostia, 19. Ovid, 2(2). Quoted: 9n.25. Pggus, 7,8. Parthenias, 68. Parthenius, 26,29. P h i l i p p i , Battle of, 31, 32(3),33,43. Philodemus, 26. Phlegon, 7. Pi e t o l e , 9,10,11. P l i n y , the Elder, 18,19. Quoted: 17,61,62n.38. P l i n y , the Younger, Quoted: 58. P l o t i a H i e r i a , 68(2). P l o t i u s Tucca, 46,48,60,61, 63(3),64,66,69,70. Priapea, 26(2),27,29. P r i a p i s , an Etrusean name, 19. Probus, see ANCIENT LIVES. Proclus, 60(2). Propertius, 2(2),43(3). Quoted: 4 7 n . l l . Prosper Tiro, 7. Qu i n t i l i a n , Quoted: 28,49n.18. Q u i n t i l i u s Cremonensis, 13n.44, 47,70. Q u i n t i l i u s Varus,.31. Rome, 23(2),24(3),25(2),40,41(4), 43,^6(2),59,66,67. Saturnalia, see Macrobius. Scholia Bernensis, 33,34,36,37,38, 39. Quoted: 42. Seneca Rhetor, Quoted: 67n.7. Servius, see ANCIENT LIVES. Severus Alexander, 66. S i l i u s I t a l i c u s , 3,58. Quoted:9. S i l o , 13. Silvae, see Sta t i u s . Sinuessa, 48,66. Siro,' 24. Sta t i u s , 27,28. Quoted: 28. Stimich&n, alleged name of Ver-g i l ' s father, 11. Suetonius, 7,28,and see ANCIENT  LIVES. C. Sulpicius A p o l l i h a r i s , 61. \ Quoted: 63n.39. Tacitus, 60,67. Tarentum, 57. Thania, 19. T i t i V a l e r i i , 17. Toga V i r i l i s , 22 (passim). Umbrians, 19. V a r i u s , t h e e p i c p o e t , 46, 60,61.(3) ,62(3-) ,63(3) ,64 65,69,70. V e r c i l i u s , 19. V e r g i l i a , 17. ( V e r g i l i u s , t h e n a m e , 10, 16(2),17,19(2). P . V e r g i l i u s L a u r e a , 16. V i c u s , 8. V i p i n a l , a n E t r u s c a n n a m e , 19. V i t a e , V i t a e V e r g i l i a n a e , s e e A N C I E N T L I V E S . 

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