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An analysis of six theories as to the origin of delinquent behaviour Johnson, Gordon Kempton 1952

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AN ANALYSIS OF SIS THEORIES AS TO THE ORIGIN OF DELINQUENT BEHAVIOUR By GORDON KEMPTON JOHNSON  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n the Department of PHILOSOPHY AND PSYCHOLOGY  We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the standard required from candidates f o r the degree of MASTER OF ARTS.  Members of the Department of Philosophy arid Psychology .  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA A p r i l , 1952  AN ANALYSIS OF SIX THEORIES AS TO THE ORIGIN OF DELINQUENT BEHAVIOUR  ABSTRACT Two reasons f o r studying delinquency were offered, and four early theories of delinquency mentioned b r i e f l y ; the.doctrine of p l u r a l i t y of causes was also discussed.  I t was suggested that an adequate theory i s  essential i f we are to understand how delinquent behaviour comes about. The following s i x theories were examined,,, i n the order named, along . with relevant evidence, primarily from the f a m i l i a l area of research: a psychoanalytic theory of delinquency, Abrahamsen's theory of delinquency and c r i m i n a l i t y , the Healy-Bronner  theory of delinquency, the " f r u s t r a t i o n -  aggression hypothesis" as i t relates to delinquency, the D o l l a r d - M i l l e r learning theory as applied to delinquency, and the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n theory of delinquency.  Each of these theories was  discussed, f o r purposes of  analysis, under f i v e main headings, wherever applicable, and c r i t e r i a f o r evaluating the r e l a t i v e adequacy of the various theories were developed. A tentative d e f i n i t i o n of delinquency was offered, and the f i r s t four theories were discussed i n terms of t h i s d e f i n i t i o n ; i t was assumed to be true, or postulated, that delinquent behaviour i s learned behaviour. Chapter VIII represents a digression i n that i t was deemed necessary to redefine delinquency before proceeding to discuss the l a t t e r two theories, the D o l l a r d - M i l l e r learning theory as applied to delinquency and the ident i f i c a t i o n theory of delinquency. I t was concluded that psychoanalysis i s a good s t a r t i n g point f o r personality theorizing, but that i t does not r e a l l y explain how  delinquency  comes about, and does not enable us to predict delinquency; that the main variables introduced by Abrahamsen and by Healy and Bronner,  "family tension"  and "intense emotional discomfort," are too vaguely stated; that these theories do not incorporate s p e c i f i c , testable hypotheses;  and that pre-  d i c t i o n i s impeded; and that the "frustration-aggression hypothesis" as related to delinquency incorporates a l o g i c a l f a l l a c y .  The D o l l a r d - M i l l e r  learning theory as applied to delinquency, i t was stated, may lead to more accurate predictions.  The i d e n t i f i c a t i o n theory of delinquency, also',  i t was suggested, might, i n i t s present state, enable us to make gross predictions.  A cross-comparison of the six theories was then made i n order  to assess t h e i r r e l a t i v e adequacy and to indicate the propositions upon which they agree or disagree one with another. A c r i t i q u e of research dealing with delinquency was offered.  I n con-  clusion, a few general suggestions were set f o r t h as to the nature of f u t ure research which would prove most f r u i t f u l .  Implications f o r future  theorizing were derived from the study, and i t was.suggested that an adequate theory, of delinquency, at t h i s stage, deals i n terms of intervening variables as well as' independent or stimulus variables and dependent or response variables; that the theory must explain the i n d i v i d u a l as well as the "group" or class of delinquents; that i t must state i n an exact manner the antecedent conditions leading.to delinquency; that i t must be pred i c t i v e i n nature; and that i t must be parsimonious.  Finally, a brief  discussion of the role of theory i n science was presented, with p a r t i c u l a r reference to the kind of theorizing and research which has been evident i n attempts to deal with the s c i e n t i f i c problem as to how delinquency comes about.  ~  ACKNOWLEDGEMENT  The writer i s indebted to h i s advisors, Dr. W. G. Black and Dr. E. Signori, f o r h e l p f u l c r i t i c i s m and encouragement.  CONTENTS  CHAPTER I..  INTRODUCTION:  1  Reasons f o r s t u d y i n g d e l i n q u e n c y  1  Early  2  theories of criminality  and d e l i n q u e n c y  Need f o r a n a d e q u a t e t h e o r y  CHAPTER I I .  8  THE PROBLEM.  8  Statement, o f t h e problem  8  A tentative definition  9  The  of delinquency  postulate  10  CHAPTER I I I . . ORDER OF PRESENTATION  10  Presentation of theories Final  appraisal  research,  CHAPTER IWi The  of the s i x theories,  10 c r i t i q u e of  and c o n c l u s i o n s  11  A PSYCHOANALYTIC THEORY OF DELINQUENCY  1.1  approach  11  Main h y p o t h e s i s  14  A Freudian postulate  14  Further aspects of the theory  15  The  22  major e t i o l o g i c a l  Evidence Critique  areas  24 of the theory  43  CHAPTER V.  ABRAHAMSEN'S THEORY OF DELINQUENCY  AND 50  CRIMINALITY The  50 •  approach  Main hypotheses  51  Further aspects of the theory  51  The  52  major e t i o l o g i c a l  areas  Evidence Critique  "  The  54  of the theory  CHAPTER V I .  52  THE HEALY-BRONNER  THEORY OF DELINQUENCY  56 56  approach  . 5 7  Main h y p o t h e s i s R e l a t e d and q u a l i f y i n g h y p o t h e s e s  57  The  57  major e t i o l o g i c a l  areas  58  Evidence Critique  61  of the theory  CHAPTER V I I .  THE "FRUSTRATION-AGGRESSION,HYPOTHESIS" 64  AND DELINQUENCY The  64  approach  Main, h y p o t h e s i s  65  Further aspects of the theory  65  The  66  major e t i o l o g i c a l  areas  67  Evidence Critique  of the "frustration-aggression hypothesis"  Critique  of the frustration-aggression theory of  delinquency  68  70  CHAPTER V I I I .  A REVISED DEFINITION OF DELINQUENT 73  BEHAVIOUR The need f o r a r e v i s e d d e f i n i t i o n  73  Cameron's d e f i n i t i o n o f the behaviour d i s o r d e r s  74  The r e v i s e d d e f i n i t i o n  75  CHAPTER IX.  THE DOLLARD-MILLER LEARNING THEORY AS  APPLIED TO DELINQUENCY  78  The approach  78  Main, hypotheses  79  Conflict  80  The dynamics o f c o n f l i c t  86  Delayed reinforcement I : the areas and sources 92  of c o n f l i c t Delayed reinforcement I I : the h i g h e r mental p r o cesses  100  Delayed reinforcement I I I : secondary  reinforce-  ments  105  F u r t h e r aspects of the theory  106  Therapy  109  The major e t i o l o g i c a l areas  110  Evidence  111  C r i t i q u e of the theory  112  CHAPTER X.  THE IDENTIFICATION THEORY OF DELINQUENCY  115  The approach  115  Identification  119  Hypotheses  120  I d e n t i f i c a t i o n and delinquency:  main, h y p o t h e s i s  127  Q u a l i f y i n g hypotheses  128  The major e t i o l o g i c a l areas  139  Evidence  140  C r i t i q u e of the theory  150  CHAPTER XI.  CROSS-COMPARISON;OF  THEORIES  152  Disagreements and agreements between the theories  152  The major e t i o l o g i c a l areas  157  ,. , Other c a u s a l f a c t o r s  159  Evaluative c r i t e r i a Conclusion •  ^  '' ,-  160  :  \  "  161 •  .  •  CHAPTER X I I . / .CRITIQUE OF RESEARCH Technical errors Refined  observations  . 164 and s p e c i f i c hypotheses  Research and theory  CHAPTER X I I I .  164  CONCLUSIONS  165 166  167  Implications f o r future research  167  Implications f o r future t h e o r i z i n g  168  REFERENCES  174  TABLES AND  FIGURES  TABLE I Home b a c k g r o u n d s o f n e u r o t i c a n d o f " a n t i s o c i a l children" TABLE I I Personality reasons  diagnosis, complaints,  f o r committal,  complainants,  and p a r e n t - c h i l d r e l a t i o n -  s h i p s o f 149 i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d  delinquents  TABLE I I I Parent-child TABLE I V  r e l a t i o n s h i p s and f r u s t r a t i o n t y p e s  ' •  Traumatic  f a c t o r s I n home l i f e  o f 116 d e l i n q u e n t  b o y s , a g e d 12-18 y e a r s , median IQ: 94, IQ  range:  62-132 TABLE V Prenatal  and e a r l y d e v e l o p m e n t a l  h i s t o r y o f de-  linquents TABLE V I R e s p o n s e s o f 20 d e l i n q u e n t and o f 20 n o n - d e l i n quent g i r l s  t o the "Test of Sado-Masochistlc  Attitudes" TABLE V I I Responses t o s t o r y (189)  completion  study o f delinquency  t e s t , i n Zucker's  TABLE  VIII  Responses (188)  FIG.  to  study  story of  completion test,  in  Zucker'  delinquency  1  The  approach-avoidance  conflict:  "neurotic"  conflict:  serious  he  haviour  FIG.  2  The  approach-avoidance  rotic"  FIG.  "neu-  conflict  3 .  The  approach-avoidance  behaviour"  situation:  "delinquent  CHAPTER I.  •  INTRODUCTION  REASONS FOR STUDYING DELINQUENCY  Two main approaches.  Probably the most important reason f o r studying  delinquency i s that i t contributes to an understanding of c h i l d behaviour i n general.  This i s the "pure science" approach, i n which delinquency i s  studied merely because we are interested i n human behaviour.  Having pos-  tulated that abnormal behaviour i s an exaggeration of c e r t a i n normal behavioural tendencies, we wish to observe the behaviour i n question i n t h i s exaggerated form before proceeding to study i t at the formative stage; at the formative stage our techniques of observation must be more r e f i n e d . Secondly, we may study delinquency f o r purely " p r a c t i c a l " reasons.  An  example of t h i s approach i s the investigation designed to discover the manner i n which delinquency i s related to other abnormal categories:  we  may study the behaviour of the psychopath, or of the neurotic whose d e l i n quent behaviour i s perhaps a punishment-seeking device r e s u l t i n g i n lessened g u i l t feelings, thus increasing our knowledge of the neuroses and of psychopathic behaviour.  Or the primary motive of the investigator may l i e i n  prevention and i n the treatment of delinquents. A l l of these i n t e r e s t s are legitimate, but perhaps people whose i n t e r e s t l i e s mainly i n the p r a c t i c a l r e s u l t s of research run the r i s k of being l e s s objective and i n c l i n e more towards errors i n methodology and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n .  I n any case, the f i r s t ,  "pure science" approach i s probably more p r a c t i c a l i n the long run, although immediate p r a c t i c a l r e s u l t s may not be apparent. Judgments of value.  Throughout t h i s paper the primary concern w i l l be  with the f i r s t of these alternatives; and i n t h i s connection, no suggestion w i l l be made that people "ought t o " prevent delinquency: t h i s i s a p h i l o -  2  sophical decision; i t cannot be decided within the context of s c i e n t i f i c r e search.  ?Jhat may. be suggested i a that i f , p r a c t i c a l people wish to prevent  •delinquency, "these are some of the methods which might prove f r u i t f u l . " Whether or not they so decide does' not enter into s c i e n t i f i c considerations. Certain statements i n chapter TX, i n p a r t i c u l a r , should be viewed i n the l i g h t of these remarks. Sciance i s interested i n these aspects of the problem: quent behaviour come about?  how does-delin-  how does non-delinquent behaviour come about?  '  i n what ways are these phenomena related to other kinds of behaviour, normal and abnormal?  can we define the precise antecedent conditions which lead  to these kinds of behaviour, and can we make accurate" predictions? t h i s , science does not go.  Beyond  I f we are interested i n p r a c t i c a l applications  of our knowledge, e t h i c a l problems must also be considered. Although science may a i d i n making such decisions, science does not incorporate judgments of value; once we have decided upon a course of action, our s c i e n t i f i c p r i n c i p l e s may help to ensure success.  A l l we are e n t i t l e d to do as s c i e n t i s t s  i s to define the conditions under which the two phenomena, delinquency and non-delinquency, occur, and to formulate laws,which enable us to predict t h e i r occurrence or non-occurrence. ;  EARLY THEORIES OF CRIMINALITY AND DELIHQ.UENCY Four early theories.  I t i s appropriate here to mention very b r i e f l y  a few of the main theories advanced p r i o r to 1930; the doctrine of plura l i t y of causes v a i l also be mentioned. Lowrey (118) reviews four of these early approaches.  Probably the  most ancient i s the assumption that the criminal i s possessed by a d e v i l . More recent are the "anthropological" theories which date from Lombroso  (117), whose genuine contribution to criminology is often forgotten. Lombroso originated the term, the "born criminal," a concept since discredited.  The criminal was considered to be atavistic and  morphologically  a savage.  Also, i t was maintained, criminals showed certain characteris-  t i c physiological deviations, or "stigmata of degeneration," facial assymmetry, receding lower jaw, deformed palate, and so on.  But some efficacy  was ascribed to environmental experience; Lombroso did not consider a l l criminals to be "born criminals." More important, Lombroso was among the f i r s t to apply scientific principles to the study of criminals:  he devel-  oped hypotheses and actually observed criminals in an attempt to verify these hypotheses, as opposed to the unwarranted speculations which were almost the sole contribution to criminology prior to Lombroso's studies. That these hypotheses have since been refuted merely indicates that they share the fate of most scientific hypotheses and of most scientific theory, especially in the formative stages.  The only anthropological approach which  survives and which merits serious consideration is that of Sheldon (157). Sheldon bases his theory on a taxonomic study of 200 delinquent youth and on the tripolar somatype system previously developed.  Delinquency is  behaviour which is "disappointing beyond reasonable expectation."  Three  constitutional types are said to characterize individuals. In "endomorphy" the digestive viscera predominate and the somatic structures are relatively undeveloped.  In the "mesomorph" somatic structures prevail.  The "ectomorph"  is fragile, delicate, and both somatic and visceral structures are relatively undeveloped. Mixed types are admitted. correspond to these constitutional types.  Three personality types  "Viscerotonia".is characterized  by a love of comfort, conviviality, gluttony^ and need for affection; "somatotonia" by muscular activity and vigor; and "cerebrotonia" by restraint, inhibition, and withdrawal symptoms. reasoning from analogy.  It is apparent that Sheldon i s  It seems obvious that the delinquent  4  would tend to f a l l into one or both of the f i r s t two categories.  The  Glueeks (76) i n t h e i r l a t e s t book maintain that the delinquent i s p r i marily a "mesomorph."  This categorization would follow from the obser-  vation, often made, that he tends to be "hyperactive."  Another approach,  s i m i l a r to the anthrtopolqglcal one and to some extent overlapping i t , was an attempt to show that criminal behaviour i s a d i r e c t r e s u l t of heredit- , ary transmission; t h i s contention i s l e s s frequently set f o r t h  now,  because i t i s d i f f i c u l t to conceive of any b i o l o g i c a l mechanism capable of transmitting highly complex, more or l e s s s p e c i f i c behaviour patterns i n a direct manner, and the r o l e of environmental influences has been, perhaps conclusively, demonstrated.  U n t i l quite recently, "moral imbe-  c i l i t y " and "moral i n s a n i t y " were thought to play a r o l e i n producing delinquent behaviour.  I n "moral i n s a n i t y " the "will," i t was  believed,  i s dominated by the "passions," although i n t e l l e c t u a l " f a c u l t i e s " are not impaired.  There was thought to be an innate "derangement of the moral  f a c u l t i e s , " due to defective organization of these " f a c u l t i e s . " "moral i m b e c i l i t y , " was gory, "moral i n s a n i t y . " l e c t u a l " f a c u l t i e s " was there was was  1925,  confused with the other cate;  "Moral i n t e l l i g e n c e " as d i s t i n c t from the attributed to the i n d i v i d u a l :  an inherent deficiency of the "moral sense."  thought, was  feeling.  i l l - d e f i n e d and was  The term,  i n the  intel-  delinquent  The delinquent, i t  not subnormal nor mentally diseased, but-lacked moral  Burt (31) gave these notions q u a l i f i e d support as recently as  although Healy (86), i n 1915,  working with this preconceived  pre-  judice and confident, more so than on any other point, that he would d i s cover examples of "moral i m b e c i l i t y " among his 1000 that not a s i n g l e case was found.  delinquents, was amazed  He abandoned the concept.  Psychologists and the medical profession are often accused of "inconsistency," because, i t i s alleged, some twenty to t h i r t y years ago they  5 advocated s t r i c t d i s c i p l i n e , scheduled feeding, and warned against an overdisplay of c e r t a i n forms of a f f e c t i o n , such as k i s s i n g , towards c h i l d r e n . However, as s c i e n t i s t s , we can hardly condemn change, nor a willingness to change our theories i n order to incorporate newly discovered f a c t s . i s supposedly s e l f - c o r r e c t i v e :  Science  to the extent that present theories are  i n v a l i d , the s c i e n t i f i c method should inevitably lead us to  reformulate  these theories i n a manner which more c l o s e l y approximates the t r u t h .  To  charge the t h e o r i s t with inconsistency merely because he changes h i s theory from time to time would seem to indicate, i n the c r i t i c , a desire f o r absolute v e r i f i c a t i o n ; these c r i t i c s do not appear to be s a t i s f i e d with the r e l a t i v e truths which the s c i e n t i f i c method reveals.  Also forgotten by these  c r i t i c s i s the fact that the s c i e n t i f i c method i s i n some instances  quite  capable of absolute refutation; when we deny the consequent, the premise i s of necessity f a l s e ; and, although the formerly-held theories mentioned above may  not be t o t a l l y d i s c r e d i t e d , i n general, i t i s usually quite safe to  assume that what science says i s not true i s indeed f a l s e .  These early  theories, then, appear to be mainly of h i s t o r i c a l i n t e r e s t ; they have been abandoned, presumably because they lack f a c t u a l support. P l u r a l i t y of causes.  The doctrine of p l u r a l i t y of causes arises because  of the alleged phenomenon that c e r t a i n socio-psychological factors are suff i c i e n t to bring about delinquency, but that they are not necessary f o r i t to occur.  This suggests perhaps that the alleged causes derive from an  immature science which cannot define those relations which are both necessary and s u f f i c i e n t for the occurrence of the behaviour i n question. "causes" are not "real causes," i n the s t r i c t sense; they may  Perhaps these  be correlates  of the factors which bear a d i r e c t causal r e l a t i o n to delinquent  behaviour.  To paraphrase a c r i t i c of t h i s approach, i t might be maintained that most of our reasoning has been as follows:  some parents r e j e c t t h e i r children;  some of these children become delinquent; therefore parental r e j e c t i o n causes delinquency.  Is i t r e a l l y as bad as t h i s ?  i n a s l i g h t l y more v a l i d manner:  Perhaps we might reason  parental r e j e c t i o n i s highly correlated  with delinquent behaviour; i t s incidence i s s i g n i f i c a n t l y less innondelinquent homes; therefore parental r e j e c t i o n i s causally- related to d e l inquent behaviour.  But the fact i s that some children who are "rejected"  do not become delinquent; and no matter how loosely we define t h i s abused term, there are delinquents who do not appear to  be "rejected." At this  point i n the argument, most people who write books on delinquency adopt what they c a l l a "multiple f a c t o r " or "multiple causation" theory. of  It i s ,  course, reasonable to assume that complex human behaviour i s the result  of multiple causation, but this does not excuse the theorist's i n a b i l i t y to  define the precise antecedent  iourito occur.  conditions necessary f o r delinquent behav-  The procedure, now,  i s to l i s t the more usual correlates of  delinquent behaviour, and to a t t r i b u t e to most, perhaps a l l , some causal efficacy.  For example,  i n most treatments of t h i s kind, the l i s t w i l l  .  include r e j e c t i o n , over-protection, low i n t e l l i g e n c e , physical defects, school retardation, bad companions, poverty, broken homes, low moral standards i n the home, unfortunate family relationships, emotional and so on.  instability,  I t i s unusual f o r these variables to be well-defined, and no  attempt i s made to explain them i n terms of a coherent system of related hypotheses;  hence, the approach can hardly be c a l l e d a theory at a l l .  are advised to look f o r a concatenation of these various f a c t o r s . of them may  Any  We one  be absent i n a p a r t i c u l a r case, the " i n d i v i d u a l exception."  In  f a c t , i n such "non-theoretical" approaches as those taken by Burt, Shaw, the Gluecks, et a l , a l l delinquents are i n some degree "exceptions" to the authors' hypotheses.  I t i s quite possible, even probable, that we could  locate an i n d i v i d u a l delinquent i n which none of these factors appeared to  7 be o p e r a t i n g .  Although  i t might be argued, v a l i d l y , t h a t t h e s e  o p e r a t e i n v a r i o u s combinations,  i t c a n h a r d l y be m a i n t a i n e d  factors  that they are  causes i n the s t r i c t sense i f the phenomenon i n q u e s t i o n appears, as we have been a b l e t o determine,  insofar  even when t h e y a r e . t o t a l l y a b s e n t .  If  c a u s a l f a c t o r s A, B, 0, ........... K appear i n v a r i o u s mathematical comb i n a t i o n s and i n d i f f e r e n t temporal another,  o r d e r i n one i n d i v i d u a l as compared t o  then we may argue t h a t the behaviour  e x h i b i t e d by t h e f i r s t  v i d u a l w i l l not be t h e same as t h a t e x h i b i t e d by t h e second.  indi-  But i f none  o f these a l l e g e d c a u s a l f a c t o r s a r e p r e s e n t when t h e behaviour we a r e attempting  t o p r e d i c t o c c u r s , i t c a n no l o n g e r be argued t h a t these  a r e t h e a p p r o p r i a t e antecedent  conditions.  o f p o s s i b l e f a c t o r s and o f combinations quency, but merely t o l i s t tute f o r systematic  There may be a v e r y l a r g e number  of these f a c t o r s involved i n d e l i n -  a l a r g e number o f p o s s i b l e f a c t o r s is. no s u b s t i -  and i n t e g r a t e d theory which employs a r e l a t i v e l y  number o f e x p l a n a t o r y  factors  small  principles.  Moreover, i n t h e " m u l t i p l e - c a u s a t i o n " approach, i t i s f r e e l y t h a t t h e exact o p p o s i t e o f one o f t h e s e v a r i a b l e s may be p r e s e n t  admitted i n an  " i n d i v i d u a l e x c e p t i o n , " and c a u s a l e f f i c a c y may now be assigned t o t h e opposite.  F o r example, t h e r e a r e many i n d i v i d u a l d e l i n q u e n t s who  possess  high i n t e l l i g e n c e , are accelerated i n school, are i n e x c e l l e n t p h y s i c a l c o n d i t i o n , and so on. "causes") be absent  Not o n l y may t h e "cause"  ( o r c o n s t e l l a t i o n of  from t h e phenomenon i t "tends  o p p o s i t e number may a c t u a l l y be p r e s e n t .  t o produce,'" b u t i t s ;  The c o n c l u s i o n would appear t o  be t h a t t h e s e " c o r r e l a t e s " o f d e l i n q u e n c y a r e o f s m a l l p r e d i c t i v e when we are d e a l i n g w i t h t h e i n d i v i d u a l d e l i n q u e n t .  value  I t appears p o s s i b l e  t h a t these f a c t o r s are o f t e n a s s o c i a t e d w i t h some o t h e r f a c t o r o r f a c t o r s which a r e r e l a t e d t o d e l i n q u e n c y behaviour  i n a d i r e c t manner.  Or d e l i n q u e n t  i s t h e r e s u l t o f v a r i a b l e s which a r e subsumed under, and a r e  8 usually hidden by,: these vague headings:  the uncontrolled variables which  are obscured by t h i s crude approach, and which presumably account f o r the contradictory results which investigators, f a i l i n g to define the precise antecedent conditions, usually obtain.  As Kanner remarks " a l l of these  studies have contributed much to the knowledge of "delinquency" and very l i t t l e to the understanding of the boys and g i r l s who are delinquents" (100,  p.659).  NEED FOR AW ADEQUATE THEORY The advantage of theory.  As has just been indicated i n the above  remarks, the usual approach of investigators i s to l i s t correlates of delinquency and a large number of unrelated f a c t s , a miscellaneous c o l l e c t i o n of data which i s not s t r i c t l y speaking a theory at a l l .  There i s  l i t t l e or no attempt to present a series of interdependent and harmoniously interrelated hypotheses which explain the f a c t s , which systematize them, and which indicate the manner i n which the variables mentioned are related.  Unless t h i s i s done there i s no possihtLity of f u l l y under-  standing the behaviour of the i n d i v i d u a l delinquent, and only a very limited understanding of "delinquency," or the behaviour of the. group or class, i s possible.  A r e a l l y adequate theory would explain the behaviour  of the i n d i v i d u a l as well as that of the group, using exactly the same set of hypotheses.  We would not have to worry about the " i n d i v i d u a l exception."  CHAPTER I I . THE PROBLEM STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM The problem and manner of presentation.  Six theories as to the o r i g i n  9 of delinquent behaviour w i l l be examined c r i t i c a l l y .  The theories w i l l  be discussed under the following headings, where applicable: approach;  (b)  ing hypotheses;  main hypothesis; (d)  e t i o l o g i c a l areas:  (c)  (a)  the'  derivative, related, or modify-  further aspects of the theory;  (e)  .  the major  the role of heredity and of environmental  experience,  the r o l e of f a m i l i a l and e x t r a f a m i l i a l factors, and the role of. reward and of punishment i n producing or i n preventing the occurrence or the reoccurrence of delinquency.  For purposes of evaluation the s i x theories  w i l l be examined under two main headings: of the theory:  (a)' evidence;  (b)  does the theory hold f o r delinquents as a group?  theory explain the behaviour of the i n d i v i d u a l delinquent?  critique can the  does the  theory r e a l l y explain how delinquency comes about, or define .the precise antecedent  conditions?  do the t h e o r e t i c a l concepts used r e a l l y help us  to predict delinquency accurately?  does the t h e o r i s t employ  or superfluous variables which are of no p r e d i c t i v e value? be tested?  unnecessary  can the theory  and does the theorist have an "out" i f h i s theory does not  hold f o r an•individual or f o r a number of cases?  f i n a l estimate of the  theory.  A TENTATIVE DEFINITION OF DELINQUENCY The d e f i n i t i o n .  The f i r s t four theories to be presented w i l l be  discussed i n terms of the d e f i n i t i o n which follows, since t h i s d e f i n i t i o n approximates what t h i s group of theorists means by the term, "delinquency." The d e f i n i t i o n paraphrases  those offered by these t h e o r i s t s .  A delin-  quent i s a c h i l d within a specified age range, who v i o l a t e s l e g a l taboos which hold f o r persons within the age range s p e c i f i e d . i n t h i s kind of d e f i n i t i o n , and the theorists who well aware of i t s l i m i t a t i o n s :  There are defects  invoke i t are usually  i t i s a l e g a l d e f i n i t i o n rather than a  10 psychological one, and takes no account of the f a c t that delinquent non-delinquent behaviour may  coexist i n the same i n d i v i d u a l ; we  and  should  be able to define the e t i o l o g i c a l factors which lead to delinquent  be-  haviour on the one hand and d i s t i n g u i s h them from those factors which lead to non-delinquent behaviour on the other hand even when both sets of factors coexist i n the same i n d i v i d u a l . This d e f i n i t i o n impedes such attempts. VIII.  A revised d e f i n i t i o n w i l l therefore be presented i n chapter  As the group of t h e o r i s t s represented  by the f i r s t four theories  have already indicated that they accept the former d e f i n i t i o n f o r most :  p r a c t i c a l purposes, the revised d e f i n i t i o n cannot be attributed to them, and of the s i x theories only the l a s t two theories to be presented w i l l be discussed i n terms of t h i s revised d e f i n i t i o n .  THE POSTULATE  The postulate.  The entire discussion proceeds on the basis of the  a p r i o r i assumption, or postulate, that delinquent behaviour i s learned behaviour.  I f this turns out not to be the case, a l l the major points  made are, of course, probably i n v a l i d .  The reason f o r o f f e r i n g t h i s  postulate here i s that most important contemporary t h e o r i s t s , with one major exception  (157), accept the postulate, and the discussion i s there-  by greatly s i m p l i f i e d .  CHAPTER III. ORDER OF PRESENTATION  .  PRESEMATION OF THEORIES The s i x theories.  The highlights of each of the following  six  theories w i l l be presented along with relevant evidence, post-1930,  11 mainly from the f a m i l i a l area of research:  a psychoanalytic theory of  delinquency, Abrahamsen's theory of delinquency, the Healy-Bronner theory of delinquency, the "frustration-aggression hypothesis" as related to delinquency, the D o l l a r d - M i l l e r learning theory as applied to delinquency, the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n theory of delinquency.  The theories w i l l be presented  i n the order named chapter VIII representing a digression i n that i t i s deemed necessary to redefine  delinquency before proceeding to discuss  the remaining two theories, v i z . , the D o l l a r d - M i l l e r learning theory as applied to delinquency and the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n , theory of delinquency, i n chapters IX and X respectively-.  FINAL APPRAISAL OF THE SIX THEORIES',' CRITIQUE OF RESEARCH AND CONCLUSIONS. t  Comparison of theories, c r i t i q u e , and conclusions.  In the concluding  portions of the paper, chapters XI, XII, and XIII, a cross-comparison of the s i x theories w i l l be conducted; a c r i t i q u e of the research methods commonly employed by investigators i n this f i e l d w i l l be offered, and also an appraisal of t h e i r interpretations of research results; and f i n a l l y , i n the conclusion, implications f o r future research and theorizing w i l l be suggested, and the r o l e of theory i n science w i l l be discussed.  CHAPTER IV. A PSYCHOANALYTIC THEORY OF DELINQUENCY  THE APPROACH  A neo-Freudian approach.  Since Freud barely touched on delinquency  i n h i s writings, t h i s theory i s "Freudian" rather than Freud's theory; but  12  no important modifications of Freudian psychoanalysis are apparent, and probably a l l of the psychoanalysts discussed would maintain that they have made no attempt to reinterpret Freud.  Psychoanalysis was o r i g i n a l l y a  theory of the neuroses, but i t has been applied to an ever wider range of behaviour , so that i t i s now more proper to speak of the personality 1  theory as a System of psychology rather than as a miniature system or a theory.  The Freudian theory of taboo, the theory of genetic develop-  ment, and the Freudian structuring of the personality, comprising the " i d , " the "ego," and the "superego," render the personality theory readi l y applicable to the problems of delinquency and c r i m i n a l i t y ; i t might even be argued that the theory may be more successful i n dealing with these areas than i n i t s o r i g i n a l application as a theory of the neuroses...  Delinquent behaviour i s learned behaviour.  Psychoanalysis, which i s  often referred to as an " i n s t i n c t theory," a c t u a l l y stresses early environmental experiences.  Many writers have misunderstood  word, Trieb; the correct t r a n s l a t i o n i s not " i n s t i n c t s " and Lowenstein  (85) state t h i s c l e a r l y .  the meaning of the Hartmann, K r i s ,  Trieb, Freud's term, means  i n s t i n c t u a l drive, not i n s t i n c t ; the word has v i r t u a l l y the same meaning as primary drive i n the H u l l i a n (95) sense.  The g r a t i f i c a t i o n of i n s t i n c -  t u a l drives, as opposed t o the g r a t i f i c a t i o n of i n s t i n c t s , i s b a s i c a l l y a learning process.  I n s t i n c t s , on the other hand, "can lead to g r a t i f i -  cation with a minimum of or no learning," (85, p. 1 3 ) .  Unlearned  t u a l g r a t i f i c a t i o n plays almost no part i n human adaptation.  instinc-  Aggressive  and l i b i d i n a l drives are innate, but the s p e c i f i c pattern or form which g r a t i f i c a t i o n of these drives takes i s learned.  Nevertheless, Anna Freud  i s not quite consistent with t h i s viewpoint when she i n s i s t s that psychoanalysis "ascribes to the innate i n s t i n c t s the main r o l e i n shaping the  13 personality" (59, p.37), and the content of the " i d " i s considered to be more or less innate.  Friedlander c l a r i f i e s t h i s :  "... the maturation  of the i n s t i n c t i v e drives i s ... universal ... (but) the m o d i f i c a t i o n of i n s t i n c t s and subsequent emotional development are probably to a large extent conditioned by the p a r t i c u l a r environment (68, p.28).  to which the .child belongs?'-  Friedlander states further that "... c r i m i n a l i t y as such i s  not i n h e r i t e d , " although "a tendency to i n s t a b i l i t y " probably i s i n h e r i t e d , particularly.' i n the form of " i n d i v i d u a l differences i n the strength of i n s t i n c t u a l urges'.''(68, p.103).  Parenthetically, we note that Friedlander  states that the problem of hereditary versus environmental determination i s "of t h e o r e t i c a l rather than of p r a c t i c a l interest?' (68, p.104). :  But  she seems to contradict t h i s i n the next sentence where i t i s stated that factors r e s u l t i n g from environmental circumstances can be modified, whereas, i t i s implied, inherited tendencies are l a r g e l y incapable of modification. Alexander and Staub (11) also maintain that personality deviations are "a matter of development" and of early experience, rather than ofinherited i n s t i n c t s .  Human beings, they believe, do i n h e r i t a n t i s o c i a l ,  tendencies, but the reason that these become manifest i n delinquents rather than i n non-delinquents i s p r i m a r i l y a matter of differences i n s o c i a l experiences, mainly early f a m i l i a l experiences. Paraphrase.  I t has been necessary to paraphrase psychoanalytic  writings i n order to derive hypotheses from them; t h i s i s also true of the hypotheses presented i n chapters V, and VI, and, to a lesser extent, i n chapter VII.  Possibly the authors concerned would not agree with our  interpretation of t h e i r theories; however, since they have not presented s p e c i f i c hypotheses the only possible procedure has been to note t h e i r more important emphases, to select the e s s e n t i a l aspects of each theory, and to formulate hypotheses on t h i s basis.  i4  MAIM HYPOTHESIS Hypothesis.  Delinquency i s p r i m a r i l y due to f a u l t y i d e n t i f i c a t i o n •  and consequent underdevelopment of the "superego." The i d e n t i f i c a t i o n process a r i s e s as a r e s u l t of the "Oedipal" s i t u a t i o n , and the formation of the "superego" ensures that the c h i l d w i l l usually behave i n a moral manner i n the absence of supervision.The "superego'' develops when the c h i l d expects of himself conformity to a standard of conduct. t u r a l l y transmitted.  The content of the "superego" i s learned and c u l -  I t i s an i n t e r n a l i z a t i o n of the parents' wishes,  demands, attitudes, -and-standards.  When'the dictates of the "internalized  parents" are not obeyed, the normal person experiences g u i l t .  I n the '  delinquent, this'process, due to unfortunate interpersonal relationships, i s i n some degree lacking.  A FREUDIAN POSTULATE The postulate.  "The fundamental p r i n c i p l e of a-11-adjustment i s  that of obtaining pleasure and of avoiding-pain" (11, p.9). The infant progresses from the pleasure p r i n c i p l e to the r e a l i t y p r i n c i p l e , and the mature person often f i n d s i t necessary to renounce immediate g r a t i f i c a t i o n i n order to achieve subsequent g r a t i f i c a t i o n . ' The r e a l i t y p r i n c i p l e i s simply the pleasure p r i n c i p l e which adjusts i t s e l f to.the demands of r e a l i t y . reality.  For our purposes t h i s means a s o c i a l  The person who does not so adapt, exhibits both defective'  :  "superego" and defective "ego" formation. The delinquent adapts mainly, in terms of the "pleasure p r i n c i p l e , " and, as i s often noted, i s usually an immature i n d i v i d u a l .  "Fear of punishment and hope of being loved..-,  represent the two s o c i a l regulators of human i n s t i n c t i v e l i f e " (11, p.7). .  15  A f a i l u r e i n adapting to the s o c i a l environment discomfort" (11, p.7) or punishment. impulses are renounced  "results i n p a i n f u l  On the positive side, i n s t i n c t i v e  i n the hope of being loved.  The "ego" i n h i b i t s  i n s t i n c t i v e demands, but makes the s a c r i f i c e only because i t expects to be compensated by love or social-approval; and similarly, "superego" must be retained at a l l costs.  love from the  " I f , however,- these compen-  sations are not forthcoming, i f an i n d i v i d u a l i s treated unjustly" (.11, p.11), he rebels, and regresses to, or i s arrested a t , the stage where i n s t i n c t i v e drives are expressed d i r e c t l y .  I f the c h i l d i s unloved,  there i s nothing to be gained by adhering to society's r e s t r i c t i o n s . except the avoidance of punishment.  Apparently, then, the avoidance of  punishment doe's not provide s u f f i c i e n t motivation to prevent delinquency; i t remains to be seen, whether the need f o r a f f e c t i o n can stand alone'as ' a deterrent. I f the bargain which the c h i l d makes with society and with his own parents i s not upheld, he w i l l react by renouncing his end of the bargain:  to "be good."  "... delinquents are persons who have been f r u s -  trated i n t h e i r human r e l a t i o n s h i p s " (68, p.23).  .  '  FURTHER ASPECTS OF THE THEORY  The two~*primary drives-.  An " i n s t i n c t , " that i s , a Trieb, i s "a  stimulus a r i s i n g inside the body....,-" (68, p.15) and hence i t i s a stimulus which cannot be avoided as environmental stimuli often may avoided. p. 15).  be  "The source of an i n s t i n c t i s always a bodily organ...." (68, The emotion which accompanies an i n s t i n c t i v e urge is,: however,  a psychological phenomenon.  There are two groups of " i n s t i n c t s , " or  Triebs, the erotic and the aggressive;.these are i n opposition to each other.  Normally, i n mental health, there i s a fusion between the two;  they may be r e l a t i v e l y divorced i n abnormal persons, but the two never  16 occur in isolation from each other.  Pathological aggression represents  "a lack of fusion between (aggressive tendencies) ... and l i b i d i n a l ... urges" ( 5 9 , p.41), due to a failure'to develop emotional attachments or to emotional deprivation. Aggression i s no longer considered to be a derivative of the sex drive, but "... an independent, primary (innate) aggressive or destructive drive" ( 8 5 , p.10) is now assumed. There are two primary drives, the libidinal (Eros) and the aggressive (Thanatos).  Aggression in i t s  extreme form aims at total destruction of frustration-objects, but there are degrees of aggression, presumably related to the degree of frustration which e l i c i t s the aggression and to the degree of fusion with l i b i dinal urges.  Ambivalence, due to fusion of libidinal and aggressive tend-  encies, i s always present, but the libido usually prevails, in normal persons at least; the libido modifies aggression rather than vice-versa. The psychoanalyst probably agrees that aggression is one of several behavioural poss i b i l i t e s when frustration occurs. "Infantile criminality." ality."  Psychoanalysis stresses "infantile crimin-  But i t i s not always clear whether these infantile "antisocial."  tendencies are considered to be innate, or merely due to the infant's lack of discrimination. asocial and amoral?  Is the neonate antisocial and immoral or simply  That the infant is notoriously indiscriminate in his  behaviour is apparent.  Is this because he has not had an opportunity to  learn socialized behaviour, or are we to assume an innate factor which requires him to satisfy his instinctive needs directly, until such time as the "reality principle" becomes operative and he learns socialized behaviour?  In other words, i s antisocial behaviour as much a product of  learning as socialized behaviour?  ?fliatever Freud's views on the subject,  Hartmann et a l (85) imply that they at least believe antisocial behaviour  17 to be a product of l e a r n i n g . I f t h i s i s the case, there i s no q u a r r e l between psychoanalysis and the t h e o r i e s to be discussed below, at l e a s t on this point.  I f , by invoking the "pleasure p r i n c i p l e , " the Freudians mean  t h a t , i n i t i a l l y , the i n f a n t s a t i s f i e s h i s needs i n the most d i r e c t manner which i s p h y s i c a l l y p o s s i b l e , whether or not t h i s behaviour meets w i t h the approval of others, and i f t h i s behaviour i s a l s o considered t o be a product of l e a r n i n g , then the remaining t h e o r i s t s would agree.  A c t u a l l y , some  psychoanalysts appear to waver between the two assumptions.  Hartmann et a l  ,(85) maintain that the Trieb i s an i n s t i n c t i v e d r i v e , the g r a t i f i c a t i o n of which i s learned.  But i n d i s c u s s i n g the "pleasure p r i n c i p l e " some psycho-  analysts i n s i s t t h a t the i n f a n t has an innate need to s a t i s f y these urges i n a s o c i a l l y inacceptable, presumably unlearned, manner.  For the purposes of  t h i s paper, we w i l l accept the formulation put f o r t h by Hartmann and h i s c o l l a b o r a t o r s as the a u t h o r i t a t i v e one. Probably a l l t h e o r i s t s w i l l admit that c e r t a i n b o d i l y organs, due to i n h e r i t e d s t r u c t u r e , give r i s e t o sexual s t i m u l i which must be s a t i s f i e d i n some manner. More c o n t r o v e r s i a l i s the Freudian assumption that these needs pervade a l l adaptations to the extent claimed. Delinquency:  a matter of degree.  Psychoanalysis tends to s t r e s s the  s i m i l a r i t i e s between delinquents and non-delinquents, r a t h e r than to overemphasize the d i f f e r e n c e s ; there i s no dichotomy. "which are unconscious  Antisocial  impulses  i n the law-abiding c i t i z e n lead t o a c t i o n i n the  c r i m i n a l . . . " (68, pp.7-8).  The a l l e g e d phenomenon of " i n f a n t i l e c r i m i n a l -  i t y " i s invoked to support the contention that c r i m i n a l tendencies are u n i versal.  "... d i f f e r e n c e s i n the p s y c h o l o g i c a l make-up of the delinquent and  the non-delinquent (68,.p.6);  are of a q u a n t i t a t i v e rather than of a q u a l i t a t i v e k i n d "  18  I n t r a f a m i l i a l relationships.  "The most potent factor i n bringing  about a modification of i n s t i n c t u a l ( a n t i s o c i a l ) urges i s the child's emot i o n a l relationship to the mother" (68, pp.35-36).  The " s o c i a l environ-  ment" ( e x t r a f a m i l i a l environment) i s also of some importance but i t i s not stressed as i n other theories; the primary factors i n producing delinquency are i n t r a f a m i l i a l .  "Environmental f a c t o r s , " poverty, bad housing, unemploy-  ment, overcrowding, may have an indirect effect i n the early years i n that they tend to disturb the c h i l d ' s early relationships with his mother.  In  the survey type, " s o c i o l o g i c a l " study where a large number of cases are used, "the time spent on each single case cannot be very great, and ( i t i s not possible) ... to probe deeper into the emotional background of a family" (68, p.102).  The f a c t that "environmental" (extrafamilial) factors influence  a n t i s o c i a l character formation i n an indirect manner "explains the dispari t i e s between the various investigations as to the correlation of each separate environmental (secondary) factor with the incidence of delinquency" (68, p.275).  Primary factors, the attitudes of the parents toward the c h i l d  and t h e i r treatment of him during the pre-school years, lead-to s o c i a l i z e d or to a n t i s o c i a l behaviour, and "without this character development, l a t e r environmental influences w i l l not lead to the manifestation of a n t i s o c i a l behaviour" (68, p.104).  "These environmental factors ... are undoubtedly  connected with the incidence of delinquency, although less d i r e c t l y than would appear at f i r s t sight" (68, p.105).  "They do not cause delinquency,  but they are c e r t a i n l y important factors i n increasing i t s incidence" • (68, p.109).  It i s less economical to eliminate these secondary factors,  but some such attempt should be made; however, as a method of preventing delinquency, unless the program i s undertaken i n conjunction with an attack upon the primary f a c t o r s , the attempt i s largely due to f a i l . Delinquents vs. neurotics.  Most major theories attempt to give an  I.  9  account of the relationship between delinquency and the neuroses and of the apparently  anomalous s i t u a t i o n i n which delinquent  and neurotic behaviour  coexist i n the same i n d i v i d u a l . Friedlander (67) says that "defective d i s c i p l i n e " i s probably the s p e c i f i c factor which distinguishes - from neurotics.  delinquents  Basing her remarks on a study of children brought to a  c l i n i c , she says there are " s t r i k i n g differences i n the home background of neurotic as. compared with that of a n t i s o c i a l c h i l d r e n " (69, p.423).  These  differences are mainly i n the area of parent-child relationships.. Bender (20), Goldfarb the delinquent's  (77, 78, 79), et a l suggest that the differences are due to f a i l u r e to i d e n t i f y s u f f i c i e n t l y with an authority f i g u r e ,  and that i n consequence he has a r e l a t i v e l y undeveloped "superego."  A  lack of emotional attachment with an authority-figure, e s p e c i a l l y the parent, p r e c i p i t a t e s t h i s s i t u a t i o n . a "superego" which i s too s t r i c t .  The neurotic, on the other hand, has  Most of the writers d i s t i n g u i s h between  the ordinary criminal and the "neurotic c r i m i n a l . "  The l a t t e r i s a "criminal  out of the sense of g u i l t " who masochistically receives expiation for his g u i l t feelings by exposing himself to punishment. "The psychological management of (family relationships during childhood) becomes d e f i n i t e l y the decisive f a c t o r i n the whole development and functioning of the adult person" (11, p.40), and determines whether the c h i l d develops i n a healthy manner, becomes s o c i a l l y adjusted, neurotic, or criminal.  Friedlander  delinquent  (67, 69) emphasizes the differences between neurotic and  behaviour.  Delinquents are characterized by a disproportionate  value placed upon s a t i s f a c t i o n of i n s t i n c t u a l desires; "their impulses demand immediate g r a t i f i c a t i o n ; ... and t h e i r regard f o r right and wrong i s wholly subordinated to i n s t i n c t u a l s a t i s f a c t i o n s " (67, p.191). i s t i c s are "common to a l l delinquents," the neurotic" (67, p.191).  These character-  and "distinguish the delinquent  from  20 There i s among d e l i n q u e n t s a f a i l u r e t o i n t e r n a l i z e the demands o f a u t h o r i t y because of f a i l u r e to i d e n t i f y \ri-t:h s u i t a b l e p a r e n t - f i g u r e s . " D e f e c t i v e superego f o r m a t i o n ( r e s u l t s ) from the f a i l u r e of the ego develop towards the r e a l i t y p r i n c i p l e " may  c o e x i s t w i t h n e u r o t i c behaviour  (67, p.199).  Antisocial  because "the ego may  have  behaviour  developed  towards the r e a l i t y p r i n c i p l e i n r e s p e c t t o some i n s t i n c t u a l urges not a t a l l i n r e s p e c t t o o t h e r s " (67, p.200). b e h a v i o u r i s the f a i l u r e o f the "ego" principle."  and  The key t o d e l i n q u e n t  t o develop  towards the  "reality  Hence, an e a r l y environment which does not s u c c e s s f u l l y r e s -  t r a i n t h e i n s t i n c t u a l impulses  through f o r m a t i o n o f a "superego"  enough t o r e s i s t these impulses r e s u l t s i n d e l i n q u e n t The  to  s u p p r e s s i o n of i n s t i n c t u a l d r i v e s .  strong  behaviour.  I n i t i a l l y V the c h i l d * s u t t e r  dependence and. h i s need f o r p a r e n t a l l o v e a r e enough to ensure,  with  p r o p e r h a n d l i n g , the s u p p r e s s i o n o f i n s t i n c t u a l d r i v e s ; but as the becomes i n c r e a s i n g l y independent  child  and l e a r n s t o a c c e p t l o v e o b j e c t s out-  s i d e t h e home thus r e d u c i n g h i s dependence upon f a m i l y a p p r o v a l , p u n i s h ment, t o be used s p a r i n g l y and r a t i o n a l l y , becomes a n e c e s s a r y  technique  i n the p a r e n t ' s r e p e r t o i r e i f the c h i l d i s not to become u n c o n t r o l l a b l e and  unmanageable. Adolescence.  as was  During puberty,  i n s t i n c t u a l urges  come to the f o r e a g a i n  t h e case i n i n f a n c y ; hence, the h i g h i n c i d e n c e o f d e l i n q u e n c y  ing this period.  Success  i n d e a l i n g w i t h i n s t i n c t u a l urges i n a  a c c e p t a b l e manner depends upon the c h i l d ' s p r e v i o u s s u c c e s s ,  dur-  socially  especially  d u r i n g the " O e d i p a l c o n f l i c t " but a l s o d u r i n g the " l a t e n c y p e r i o d . " - During puberty,  t h e r e i s an open r e v o l t a g a i n s t the p a r e n t ' s demands because  of t h e need t o deny o r t o r e p r e s s the " O e d i p a l " r e l a t i o n s h i p which the now  t a c i t l y admits  once a g a i n .  The F r e u d i a n t h e o r y of taboo.  The F r e u d i a n t h e o r y o f taboo i s o f  child  21  considerable relevance to the problem of delinquency.  ( I t i s rather sur-  p r i s i n g that none of the writers discussed stress t h i s theory.)  The taboo  possesses an ambivalent quality; i t i s at ono33feared and desired. taboo, according to Freud, i s always an object of d e s i r e .  The  But i s i t neces-  sary to taboo an object because of i t s i n t r i n s i c d e s i r a b i l i t y , or does the object achieve d e s i r a b i l i t y as a r e s u l t of the taboo?  Apparently both:  sexual objects, perceived as such, must always contain an element of desire; perhaps the taboo emphasizes the desire.  Other a c t i v i t i e s may  never have  achieved d e s i r a b i l i t y i f they had not been emphasized, or elevated to the status of a taboo. to taboo i t ?  I f an a c t i v i t y i s not desirable, why  i s i t necessary  Even when we forbid the young c h i l d to play on the street  where he may be struck by an automobile, simply because he "doesn't know any better," we t a c i t l y assume that the c h i l d may street..  desire to play on the  On the other hand, i f an a c t i v i t y i s tabooed, the c h i l d may  attach  a spurious d e s i r a b i l i t y to i t s attainment which was not o r i g i n a l l y inherent i n t h i s new object of desire.  Our strongest taboos very often represent  our strongest, desires, whether these desires originate through hereditary transmission or are learned.  Coercive d i s c i p l i n a r y methods may  succeed,  but they run the r i s k of attaching great value to the tabooed a c t i v i t y , that i t s indulgence may  even become compulsive i n nature.  so  The pattern of  behaviour which the i n d i v i d u a l has achieved only at great cost, whether t h i s behaviour i s deemed desirable or undesirable by society, i s most tenacious and has very great motivating power.  Taboos which are i n s t i l l e d by.  shames fear, g u i l t , and punishment would appear to be e s p e c i a l l y dangerous, and most productive of emotional disturbance and l a t e r Psychoanalysts  maladaptations.  usually i n s i s t that the areas i n which "upper" and "middle--  class" parents i n our society are most deficient  are i n t o i l e t  training,  forced weaning and too early weaning, an excessive emphasis upon c l e a n l i ness, and an over-zealous attempt to i n s t i l modesty i n the very young c h i l d .  22 Many people who  do not accept the Freudian theory of genetic development  would agree with this formulation. Inconsistency i n methods of t r a i n i n g and an over-dependence upon coercive methods upon the part of the parents, i n general, i n e f f i c i e n t methods of establishing taboos r e s u l t i n g i n the undesired behaviour being adopted, may bear a causal r e l a t i o n to delinquency. Given a mode of behaviour which i s highly desired, even i r r e s i s t a b l e , and at the same time strong c u l t u r a l prohibitions against i t s indulgence, we can expect a great deal of emotional disturbance as a d i r e c t result; and i n many homes there i s an endless l i s t of taboos: the f u r n i t u r e ^ and so on.  breakage, damaging  The generalization we may draw from t h i s i s  that, i n a w e l l ordered home, we would expect that there would be a much greater proportion of things that the c h i l d can do as compared to those he cannot; the l a t t e r should be reduced to a bare minimum. The s i m i l a r i t y between the Freudian theory of taboo and Lewin s 1  (113) concept, the " l e v e l of a s p i r a t i o n , " to be discussed i n chapter X, should be- noted.  Goals which are more d i f f i c u l t of attainment are deemed  more desirable than those which are r e a d i l y obtainable: might be perceived i n t h i s manner.  the tabooed object  Moreover, the tabooed a c t i v i t y i s often  interrupted, and hence, according'to f i e l d theorists, would tend to perseverate. An h i s t o r i c a l approach. to contemporary causation.  Psychoanalysis stresses h i s t o r i c a l as opposed  Early f a m i l i a l experiences are emphasized, and  are referred to as i f they possessed a contemporary e f f i c a c y .  .' THE MAJOR ETIOLOGICAL AREAS The role of heredity.  Heredity has some e f f i c a c y i n that i t deter-  mines the strength of l i b i d i n a l and aggressive drives.  I t does not  23 predetermine the s p e c i f i c adaptations which an i n d i v i d u a l makes i n g r a t i f y ing his needs, and does' not dictate s p e c i f i c modes of response such as delinquency. The role of environmental experience or learning.  Psychoanalysts  rarely develop t h e i r concepts i n terms of formal learning theory, but environmental experience, especially i n early childhood, i s considered to be the most potent single f a c t o r leading to delinquency.  Delinquency i s p r i -  marily a learned phenomenon. The role-of f a m i l i a l f a c t o r s .  F a m i l i a l experiences receive great  stress i n psychoanalytic treatments. The role of e x t r a f a m i l i a l factors.  E x t r a f a m i l i a l factors are usually  considered to be mere p r e c i p i t a t i n g causes f o r delinquency, or they are treated as having an indirect bearing on the phenomenon. Occasionally, they may act as predisposing causes, but only i f they are related to early. f a m i l i a l f a c t o r s from which t h e i r e f f i c a c y c h i e f l y derives. The r o l e of reward.  Delinquent behaviour i s rewarded behaviour i n  that i t leads to more d i r e c t g r a t i f i c a t i o n of i n s t i n c t u a l urges; however, i n f a i l i n g to accept the " r e a l i t y p r i n c i p l e " the delinquent forgoes even greater rewards which society bestows upon those who  renounce i n s t i n c t u a l  g r a t i f i c a t i o n , and he also runs the r i s k of punishment f o r his a c t i v i t i e s . The delinquent has not received his share of rewards f o r "good behaviour", i n the form of a f f e c t i o n  and s o c i a l approval, and hence.is not provided  with the motivation which would cause him to r e f r a i n from delinquent activities. The role of punishment.  The concept of the " r e a l i t y p r i n c i p l e "  leads the psychoanalyst to claim some e f f i c a c y f o r punishment, but this i s q u a l i f i e d by the taboo theory and by the supposed nature of the c h i l d ' s l i b i d i a a l urges.  I f the c h i l d does not receive love, s o c i a l i z e d behaviour  24 cannot be expected of him.  But i f we punish him, 'as; the " r e a l i t y p r i n -  c i p l e " requires, he will' interpret t h i s as a lack of love on the part of the parent.  E s p e c i a l l y i s t h i s true of the delinquent:  the psychoanalyst  i s the f i r s t to i n s i s t that the c h i l d has become delinquent because he i s unwanted or unloved.  Therefore, when we punish the delinquent, he  w i l l construe t h i s as additional evidence that society and e s p e c i a l l y authority-figures are h o s t i l e towards him; h i s reaction to^ t h i s treatment must be aggression and further delinquency.  Also punishment tends  to emphasize the tabooed a c t i v i t y , and probably i n the case of the d e l i n quent ensures i t s s u r v i v a l ; demonstrating to him that h i s behaviour i s highly, desirable.  The t h i r d reason why t h i s theory must place small  value on the corrective e f f e c t of punishment i s that punishment promotes highly emotional,disorganized behaviour which i n h i b i t s the learning of the desired behaviour.  F i n a l l y , i f the delinquent behaviour i s designed  to achieve punishment i n order to r e l i e v e g u i l t feelings, i n punishing the c h i l d we reinforce h i s delinquent behaviour.  EVIDENCE Evidence f o r the main hypothesis.  This evidence w i l l be presented  i n Chapter X where the process of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i l l be examined i n more d e t a i l than i s customary i n psychoanalytic treatments.  Sears (150,  151) surveyed the objective studies done on psychoanalytic concepts'. Indirect evidence:  parent-child r e l a t i o n s h i p s .  S a t i s f a c t o r y evidenc  that parent-child relationships are causally related to delinquency prov i d e s p a r t i a l , i f i n d i r e c t , evidence f o r psychoanalytic contentions; t h i s i s p a r t i c u l a r i l y true f o r studies dealing with parental r e j e c t i o n , weaning and d i s c i p l i n a r y methods.  Orlansky (135) surveyed the l i t e r a t u r e dealing  25. with, early f a m i l i a l experiences and t r a i n i n g procedures, such as t o i l e t t r a i n i n g , breast feeding, and weaning.  He concluded that there i s l i t t l e  or no evidence that these f a c t o r s have any influence upon l a t e r maladaptation.  However, the c l i n i c a l evidence i s usually considered to be over-  whelming.  Nevertheless, Orlansky's study indicates the need f o r more  d e f i n i t i v e research. Friedlander (69) reports a c l i n i c a l study based on 34 cases of " a n t i s o c i a l children" (not necessarily delinquent) and 33 neurotic c h i l d ren  examined at the Horshan Child Guidance C l i n i c ; the r e s u l t s are tab-  ulated i n Table T. -The author maintains that the study  demonstrated  " s t r i k i n g differences i n the home background of neurotic as compared with that of a n t i s o c i a l children" (69, p.423).  I t i s reasonable to suppose  that disturbed family relationships and interrupted parent-child r e l a t i o n ships would i n h i b i t i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and the acceptance of the parents' standards.  We would not expect to f i n d the same f a c t o r s operating i n the  background of the neurotic who has a "superego" which i s too s t r i c t , according to psychoanalytic theory.  The study should be repeated on a  more objective basis and with more adequate sampling, tracing the background of four groups:  non-neurotic delinquents, neurotic delinquents,  non-delinquent neurotics, and normal children, and the appropriate comparisons made. Even more valuable would be an attempt to predict future adaptations on the basis of. home l i f e and the stresses found i n the home: the children would be c l a s s i f i e d as probably pre-delinquent, pre-neurotic, pre-delinquent and -neurotic, pre-non-delinquent and -non-neurotic. Simon (161) analyzed the factors i n d i c a t i n g parental r e j e c t i o n i n the backgrounds of 149 i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d delinquents:  110 boys and 39  g i r l s ; the r e s u l t s of the study are given i n Table I I . From the gross data a high incidence of r e j e c t i o n i s i n f e r r e d .  The frequency with which  TABLE I HOME BACKGROUNDS OF NEUROTIC AND OF "ANTISOCIAL CHILDREN"  Family relations  Uninterrupted mother-chiId relationships; l i v i n g at home with both parents. Interrupted mother-child relationships; not l i v i n g at home. Other gross disturbances i n early fami l y setting.  Total  Neurotic disturbances  A n t i s o c i a l conduct  32  10  0  12  x  33  34  TABLE I I PERSONALITY DIAGNOSIS, COliiPLAINTS, COMPLAIHANTS, REASONS FOR COMMITTAL, AND PARENT-CHILD RELATIONSHIPS OF 149 INSTITUTIONALIZED DELINQUENTS  Percentages Personality diagnosis  Boys  Girls  Primary behaviour disorders  50.0  36.0  Psychopathic personality  28.0  25.5  Neurotic personality  11.0  25.5  Psychoneurosis  6.0  8.0  Psychosis  2.0  2.5  Organic defect  2.0  2.5  Normal personality  1.0  0.0  TABLE I I  (CONT'D.)  PERSONALITY DIAGNOSIS, COMPLAINTS, COMPLAINANTS, REASONS FOR COMMITTAL, AND PARENT-CHILD RELATIONSHIPS OF 149 INSTITUTIONALIZED DELINQUENTS  Percentages Complaints  Boys  Girls  Aggressive . behaviour: severe dedelinquency not t o l e r able to community mores.  82.2  54.0  Aggressive behaviour: intolerable only to parents  14.5  41.0  3.5  5.0  Complainants  Boys  Girls  Parents  78.0  92.0  Others  22.0  8.0  Passive resistance: negativism i n tolerable only to parents .  TABLE I I (CONT'D.) PERSONALITY DIAGNOSIS, COMPLAINTS, COMPLAINANTS, REASONS FOR COMMITTAL, AND PARENT-CHILD RELATIONSHIPS OF 149 INSTITUTIONALIZED DELINQUENTS  Percentages P r a c t i c a l considerations leading to commitment  I n a b i l i t y of parents to cooperate i n t r e a t ment.  Boys  Girls  84.0  95.0  Refusal of authorities to tolerate c h i l d i n community.  23.5  Failure under substitute parental care.  15.0  13.0  Parent-child relationships  Boys  Girls  72.0  84.0  18.0  15.0  Parents  incompetent  Parents absent  Special f i n a n c i a l incompetence  3.0  5.0  8.0  30  the parent i s l i s t e d as the complainant i s said to indicate that .the parent wishes to cast the c h i l d out of the family and into the reform school. The parents, i t i s said, " p a r t i c u l a r i l y r e l i s h e d " t h e i r assumption that the c h i l d , i n the reform school, would enjoy no pleasures unless he earned them with "good behaviour."  Also, "rejection i s expressed more subtly i n the  g u i l t y wish to take the c h i l d home soon a f t e r commitment" (161, p.122). The c h i l d , said the parents, "may be having too easy or too hard a time; he i s not happy, or 'has learned his lesson,' or has been punished enough. The r e j e c t i n g parent then has the triumph of exacting assurance from the c h i l d that he appreciates his home i n comparison to i n s t i t u t i o n a l l i v i n g " (161, p.122). The children were committed to Hawthorne-Cedar Knolls School by the Jewish Board of Guardians, and are not a representative sample of i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d children, only very serious behaviour problems being committed. There was no comparison group; the r e s u l t s are tabulated i n a s t a t i s t i c a l l y naive form; and more objective and more subtle c r i t e r i a f o r r e j e c t i o n are needed. Foulds (52) studied the parent-child relationships as related to f r u s t r a t i o n types among mentally defective juvenile delinquents.  The data are  c o l l e c t e d i n Table I I I . Four judges c l a s s i f i e d the 45 subjects into three categories "according to the way they reacted predominantly to f r u s t r a t i o n , " (52, p.255) based on Rosenzweig's c l a s s i f i c a t i o n .  "From t h i s agreed c l a s s i -  f i c a t i o n , the S's f r u s t r a t i o n (or'F) type was assessed" (52, p.255) as follows:  Extrapunitive: "subject, being a f r a i d of blame from others (and  perhaps from himself), projects the blame and aggression onto them" (52, p.255).  Intropunitive:  "he i s a f r a i d to blame others, so that he displaces  the blame onto himself" (52, p.255).  Impunitive:  "the f r u s t r a t i o n s i t u a -  t i o n i s repressed and a c o n c i l i a t o r y attitude ( i s ) adopted" (52, p.255).  TABLE I I I PARENT-CHILD RELATIONSHIPS AND FRUSTRATION TYPES  Parental status and family relationships  Percent  Number  Mother dead  8  Father dead  4  Both parents dead  4  Parents separated  4  S. i l l e g i t i m a t e (mother remarried)  3  S i b l i n g Jealousy  Ran away from homel..;  13  Percent  Extrapuni t i v e s  56  Impunitives  46  Intropunitives  10  lOhi-square i s 5 . 7 5 3  Number  TABLE I I I  (CONT'D.)  PARENT-CHILD RELATIONSHIPS AND FRUSTRATION TYPES  S a t i s f i e d with s i b l i n g position  Percent  Number  Age groupl  Youngest  43  Middle  42  Oldest  S a t i s f i e l d with s i b l i n g p o s i t i o n  Percent  Frustration type^  Extrapunitives  41  Impunitives  30  Intropunitives  ichi-square i s 7.489. 2  Chi-square i s 5.002.  0  Number  TABLE I I I (CONT'D.) PARENT-CHILD RELATIONSHIPS AND FRUSTRATION TYPES  Rejection (R), compensatory over-attachment (CA), and over-attachment (QA).i.  Percent  Number  Extrapunitives  16  R (CA)  8  R (OA)  3  R  3  CA (R)  2  Intropunitives  .  9  OA  3  CA (R)  3  R (CA)  2  R (OA)  1  TABLE H I  (CONT'D.)  PARENT-CHILD RELATIONSHIPS AND FRUSTRATION TYPES  R e j e c t i o n (R), compensatory over-attachment (CA), and over-attachment (OA)I  Percent  Number  Impunitives  13  OA  3  OA (R)  3  CA  4  R (CA)  1  CA (R)  1  R  1  •Chi-square i s 5.679.  I t was  agreed that these three f r u s t r a t i o n types correspond to Suttie's  description of ways of overcoming the separation-anxiety 1.  The intropunitive type:  her actions:  i n weaning:  mother i s considered to be lovable despite  "Mother i s good and kind; i f she does not love me that i s  because I_ am bad"  (52, p.25:6).  The- r e s u l t s of t h i s attitude range from  i n f e r i o r i t y feelings to "melancholia" unworthiness, or i t may  lead to idealism i n which the person attempts to  become "what mother loves." infancy" occurs:  i n which there i s a sense of utter  2.  Impunltive:  A "regression to the premoral  I " w i l l be a baby again because mother i s only kind to  babies," or, a variant, "suggested by experience of i l l n e s s i n childhood, 'Kiss i t and make, i t well' or 'Mother nurses sick people l i k e (52, p.256).  The former regression, to babyhood, may  babies'"  involve a complete  turning away from r e a l i t y as i n schizophrenia; the second, l e s s e r degree of regression i s seen i n h y s t e r i d a l invalidism.  3.  Extrapunitive:  t h i r d technique of renouncing mother might be stated thus:  'You are  "The bad;  I w i l l get a better mother than you,'" as i n paranoid reactions to the s o c i a l environment:  "'You  have denied me the rights I was  hate and conspire against me,  I am good and you are bad"  The father i s adopted as "the parent" which may,  born with,  you  (52, p.256).  however, lead "to the  adoption of the whole s o c i a l environment i n l i e u of the mother" (52, p.256) i n which case the person makes a normal adaptation. (  punitiveness:  separation-anxiety  4.  A variant of extra-  i s dealt with and security sought "by  substituting the power to exact services f o r the spontaneous, 'free,' love of infancy" (52, p.256). me or fear me;  The c h i l d says, i n e f f e c t , : "'you must love  I w i l l bite you and not love you u n t i l you do,'"  (52, p.256).  "Delinquency i s l a r g e l y a product of t h i s technique.J.." (52, p.256). attempt was made to c l a s s i f y the subjects on t h i s basis, and,  No .  of course, we  have no assurance that Suttie's reaction types r e a l l y do correspond to  36 Rosenzweig's f r u s t r a t i o n types.  Also, i t i s d i f f i c u l t to understand  why  the author did not administer the children's form of the Rosenzweig P-F Study to h i s subjects rather than r e l y i n g upon the judgements of a few people as a basis f o r c l a s s i f i c a t i o n . Data were assembled with regard to the c h i l d ' s relationships with family members:  known facts, observations of c h i l d with parents, the r e -  s u l t s of a questionnaire (not s p e c i f i e d ) , a F r u s t r a t i o n P l a y l e t s Test, and a Dramatic Productions Test.  From these data judges determined whether  the c h i l d f e l t rejected; was over-attached to h i s parents because of factors such as over-indulgence; over-attached as a compensation f o r an underlying f e e l i n g of r e j e c t i o n ; or f e l t adequately secure. I t was- expected that children c l a s s i f i e d as extrapunitive would show a greater incidence of feelings of r e j e c t i o n .  By making a dichotomy between  those who f i t t e d the hypothesis and those who did not and t e s t i n g these associations with a 2 by 3 contingency table, i t was discovered that the extrapunitive group were more frequently rejected, but the r e s u l t s were not significant.  The value of the study i s not that anything has been conclusive-  l y demonstrated, but that i t suggests hypotheses  f o r future research.  Lander (107) supplies data dealing with traumatic factors i n the background of 116 delinquent boys at the Hawthorne-Cedar Kholls School of the Jewish Board of Guardians; the data are collected i n Table TV.  Since the  school accepts only very serious cases, the subjects cannot be considered as representative of delinquents.  Data were obtained from case records  which were compiled before the study was undertaken, a l i m i t a t i o n .  The boys  were c l a s s i f i e d according to the following traumatic factors i n t h e i r home, backgrounds:  parental rejection, parental incompatibility, parental emotional  i n s t a b i l i t y , and defective parental s o c i a l adjustment.  "No case was included  ( i n these categories) unless the pathology was s u f f i c i e n t l y grave and overt  37  TABLE IV TRAUMATIC FACTORS IN HOME LIFE OF 116 DELINQUENT BOYS, AG-ED 12-18.YEARS, MEDIAN IQ, - 94, IQ, RANGE - 62-132 •  Traumatic factors  N  None  17  15  Maternal rejection  55  47  Paternal tion  40  34  50  44  ."Disturbed" Mothers  31  27  "Disturbed" fathers  36  31  rejec-  Parental' incompatibility  38 as to leave no doubt ... that such inclusion was p.151). nal  entirely j u s t i f i e d "  The author states h i s c r i t e r i a f o r the various categories,  (107, iMater-  rejection, including prenatal maternal rejection, 20 cases, and early  post-natal maternal r e j e c t i o n , that i s , i n the f i r s t two years of the c h i l d ' s l i f e , six cases:  "Prenatal maternal r e j e c t i o n was  considered to be present  i f the mother stated she had t r i e d to abort when pregnant with the subject, or had wished that he would be born dead, or had indicated when pregnant that conception was unwelcome" (107, p.151), post-natal r e j e c t i o n " i f the mother gave the c h i l d up f o r adoption or placement when such a move was obviously motivated  by lack of interest i n him...," or "openly  expressed  great disappointment" (10C, p.152) when a c h i l d of the opposite sex to that desired was born. "prolonged  There were also 29 cases of l a t e r maternal r e j e c t i o n :  and almost painstaking punishment," or"gross longstanding neglect  and i n d i f f e r e n c e " (107, p.152).  Paternal r e j e c t i o n was also judged on these  c r i t e r i a , where applicable, but i t i s stated that complete i n d i f f e r e n c e was commoner among r e j e c t i n g fathers and physical c r u e l t y r a r e r . p a t i b i l i t y was noted:  Parental incom-  said to be present i f any of the following conditions were  a h i s t o r y of divorce, separation, desertion, or appearance i n fam-  i l y courts during the c h i l d ' s e a r l y l i f e , i f marriage had been unwanted and entered into because of pregnancy or family pressure, a h i s t o r y of severe quarreling.  Emotional i n s t a b i l i t y of parents was adjudged i f they were  diagnosed as psychotic, neurotic, engaged i n p r o s t i t u t i o n , or i f other types of c l i n i c a l pathology were present. No comparison group was non-delinquents cal  studied; we do not know how  large a number of  would be included i n the various categories. . The  statisti-  treatment i s naive. Kvaraceus (106) traced the prenatal and early developmental h i s t o r y of  136 delinquents; data available for 103 of the subjects with respect to  39  planned parenthood  and f o r 90 o f t h e s u b j e c t s w i t h r e s p e c t t o weaning p r o -  cedures a r e shown i n T a b l e V.  The s t u d y i s based on d e l i n q u e n t s a p p e a r i n g  at P a s s a i c C h i l d r e n ' s Bureau over a p e r i o d o f f i v e y e a r s . planned parenthood, was  With r e s p e c t t o  i t was i n f e r r e d t h a t i f t h e p a r e n t s t a t e d t h a t t h e c h i l d  n o t planned f o r , t h e n t h e s e c h i l d r e n , v e r y o f t e n , were n o t wanted, w i t h  resultant  " e a r l y r e j e c t i o n , d i s l i k e , and s u b c o n s c i o u s resentment  (106, p.267). pretation. parenthood  and h a t e "  I t i s s t a t e d t h a t case h i s t o r i e s tended t o support t h i s  inter-  U n f o r t u n a t e l y , no f i g u r e s a r e o f f e r e d on t h e i n c i d e n c e o f planned f o r a comparable n o n - d e l i n q u e n t group;  hence t h e r e s u l t s a r e  inconclusive. I t can be seen from t h e SE  t h a t t h e r e were g r e a t v a r i a t i o n s i n  mucin  time o f weaning.  I t was i n f e r r e d t h a t c e s s a t i o n o f b r e a s t - f e e d i n g would not  be g r a d u a l , but would r e p r e s e n t an abrupt t e r m i n a t i o n o f a w e l l - f i x a t e d h a b i t e s t a b l i s h e d over a r e l a t i v e l y l o n g p e r i o d ; t h e r e s u l t :  early  frus-  t r a t i o n and an a g g r e s s i v e p a t t e r n as the' mode o f a d a p t a t i o n f o r f u t u r e frustrating situations. s i m i l a r socio-economic  Again, no sample from a non-delinquent  group o f  s t a t u s was a v a i l a b l e , and we do not know whether  t h i s p a t t e r n o f weaning i s common t o parents i n t h e community g e n e r a l l y , or t y p i c a l of delinquents' parents. Jackson  (97) o r i g i n a t e d a " t e s t of S a d o - M a s o c h i s t i c A t t i t u d e s , " and  a d m i n i s t e r e d i t t o 20 d e l i n q u e n t g i r l s and t o 20 g i r l s presumed t o be normal;  responses t o t h e t e s t a r e t a b u l a t e d i n T a b l e V I . An important  component i n t h e d e l i n q u e n t ' s behaviour, i t i s c l a i m e d , i s h i s need f o r a t t e n t i o n , which l e a d s t o " n a u g h t i n e s s " and e v e n t u a l d e l i n q u e n c y .  With-  h o l d i n g o f a t t e n t i o n o r a f f e c t i o n on t h e p a r t o f t h e parent r e s u l t s i n a t t e n t i o n g e t t i n g n a u g h t i n e s s by t h e c h i l d , t h e c h i l d i s punished, and f e a r and g u i l t  ensue; the c h i l d r e l i e v e s h i s a g g r e s s i v e needs and g u i l t  f e e l i n g s by e x p r e s s i n g h o s t i l i t y towards t h e p a r e n t , and i s a g a i n punished;  TABLE V  PRENATAL AND EARLY DEVELOPMENTAL HISTORY OF DELINQUENTS^  Planned parenthood  Planned parenthood  Accidental b i r t h  N  8  16  95  84  •Data f o r 90 of the children re breast feeding: breast fed an average of 10.43 mths. (norm - 6-7 mths.). S ^ e g ^ » 5.23.  TABLE VI  RESPONSES OF 20 DELINQUENT AND OF 20 NON-DELINQUENT GIRLS TO THE "TEST OF SADO-MASOCHISTIC ATTITUDES"  Responses  Delinquents  Non-delinquents  Possible no. of S-M responses  120  120  Actual no. of S-M r e sponses  66  52  Unrelieved reponses  54  20  Corrected responses  12  32  42  a "vicious c i r c l e " develops.  This i s the sado-masochistic  s i t u a t i o n which  l a t e r transfers to society. Among Jackson's subjects there were poor family relationships i n the background of nearly a l l of the delinquents. The aim of the t e s t was "to stimulate sado-masachistic p.54).  phantasies" (97,  The test consisted of s i x p i c t u r e s , each.picture allowing f o r at  l e a s t two interpretations.  In three pictures, a parent figure appears:.who  can be interpreted as benevolent  and protective or p l a y f u l on the one hand,  i  or as threatening or punishing on the other.  In the remaining three p i c -  tures, "a s i t u a t i o n of suffering, cruelty, or anguish i s suggested, but not i n e v i t a b l y forced upon the onlooker" (97, p.54).  The s i x pictures were  shown to 20 delinquent g i r l s , 12-19 years of age, and to 20 g i r l s , not known to be delinquent or neurotic, from various clubs; the two groups were matched f o r CA and MA.  They were instructed to make up a story about each p i c t u r e .  Suggestive questions were asked when the subjects f a i l e d to respond as expected.  The test was -followed by a short interview aimed at discovering  the family tensions i n the subjects' backgrounds. The stories obtained were c l a s s i f i e d as "sado-masochistic" i f they included situations of suffering i n f l i c t e d by one human being upon another, by a human being upon an animal, or i f they included mention of suicide, of natural catastrophes involving human suffering, or of an animal's or human's death.  The stories were further c l a s s i f i e d as "sado-masochistic.stories  unrelieved" and "sado-masochistic  s t o r i e s corrected by a happy ending."'  This a d d i t i o n a l c l a s s i f i c a t i o n appeared to be somewhat i n the nature of an afterthought:  when i t was discovered that the test d i d not diseriminate  between the two groups on the basis of "sado-masochistic  responses" gen-  e r a l l y , and the difference between unrelieved versus corrected reponses was noted, t h i s c l a s s i f i c a t i o n was appended. Conclusions:  both groups produce sado-masochistic  responses on t h i s  test; there i s a marked difference between the groups i n that the delinquents  43  tended to leave the stories unrelieved; both groups i n describing transgressions are equally i n s i s t e n t upon r e t r i b u t i o n ; the non-delinquent group, however, tends to f i t the r e t r i b u t i o n to the magnitude of the crime, the delinquent group to adjudge a disproportionately savage punishment. The author states that "unconscious masochism and a compulsive, need for punishment" i n combination with a strong s a d i s t i c component was suggested both by the test results and by incidental observation.  This sado-masochis-  t i c tendency which i s said to characterize the delinquent g i r l s , i t i s suggested, originated i n the home s i t u a t i o n . The results do not appear to be conclusive; but the technique used is, a promising one.  CRITIQUE OF THE THEORY Does the theory hold f o r delinquents as a group?  The theory provides  a reasonably adequate description of delinquents as a group or class: i t attempts to explain "delinquency," and perhaps does so a great deal more adequately than many studies of the survey type which merely l i s t the concomitants of delinquency. Does the theory explain the behaviour of the individual delinquent? The theory i s a systematic attempt to explain the i n d i v i d u a l delinquent, and, r e l a t i v e to other concurrent theories, would appear to be a f a i r l y successf u l one; i t purports to account for the behaviour of a l l delinquents: are no i n d i v i d u a l exceptions to psychoanalytic generalizations. this claim r e a l l y upheld?  there  But i s  I t i s possible that f a u l t y i d e n t i f i c a t i o n may be  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of a l l delinquents; t h i s may be the most valuable of the psychoanalytic concepts; but whether or not f a u l t y i d e n t i f i c a t i o n i s both necessary and s u f f i c i e n t to produce delinquency i s a matter f o r future research to reveal.  Do.all delinquents have an undeveloped "superego"?  We  44 do not know, and the reason we do not know may be inherent i n the concept: i t may possess no r e a l predictive value, and hence would be useless f o r s c i e n t i f i c purposes.  "Rejection" appears to be correlated with delinquency,  but a l l delinquents are not unloved, unwanted children, nor do they always perceive themselves as such; the conception of " r e j e c t i o n " should be operat i o n a l l y defined i n a more precise manner.  I t has not been established  that delinquency i s i n v a r i a b l y due to the influence of early f a m i l i a l iences operating i n the present.  E x t r a f a m i l i a l f a c t o r s may,  exper-  i n an i n d i v i -  dual case, be the primary causes of delinquent behaviour rather than mere p r e c i p i t a t i n g causes, and may be related to delinquency i n a more d i r e c t manner than i s indicated by t h i s theory.  "Defective - d i s c i p l i n e " i s not  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of a l l delinquent homes, as'Friedlander implies; the c r i t e r i a f o r "good" and "bad" d i s c i p l i n a r y measures should be defined i n a more precise manner.  The characterization of delinquents as manifesting i n s t i n c -  tive desires which demand immediate g r a t i f i c a t i o n i s of descriptive value only:  the hypothesis must be reformulated before we can make accurate  predictions.  The Freudian theory of taboo i s of considerable value i n  explaining the o r i g i n of delinquent behaviour, but f a u l t y t r a i n i n g may be c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of a l l delinquents' homes'.  not  I t i s not clear how the con-  cept of "defective ego formation" adds to our understanding of the d e l i n quent:  to say that the delinquent's adaptations to. a s o c i a l r e a l i t y are -  inadequate i s merely to state a tautology. To summarize, does the psychoanalytic theory explain the i n d i v i d u a l delinquent?  The answer would, appear to be a q u a l i f i e d , "yes."  The l e a s t  which can be- said i s that when we succeed i n developing an adequate theory many of our most important insights into delinquent behaviour w i l l derive more"or l e s s d i r e c t l y from psychoanalysis. How  does delinquency come about?  "Faulty i d e n t i f i c a t i o n " ' i s one answer.  But what do we r e a l l y know about the process of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n ?  The Freudian  45 ascribes i t s ' o r i g i n to the resolution of the "Oedipal" c o n f l i c t , and deems further explanation of the process unnecessary or redundant.  In fact,  proceeds to use the concept of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n as i f i t possessed tory value without further analysis as to i t s nature.  he  explana-  "Faulty i d e n t i f i c a -  t i o n " i s no answer at a l l , because the next question we must ask, and one which the Freudian pretty well avoids, i s how does faulty bring about delinquency?  identification  (The Freudian use of the term, " i d e n t i f i c a t i o n , "  does not, of course, imply that the identifying person l i t e r a l l y with another i n d i v i d u a l , i n the dictionary sense, that person.  ,  identifies  "to become i d e n t i c a l with"  But, rather, i d e n t i f i c a t i o n i s a "phenomenological" concept:  the person attempts to become "the same as" the admired i n d i v i d u a l , or attempts to emulate him. not an objective  This s i t u a t i o n represents an attitude or b e l i e f ,  actuality;  and, as a matter of f a c t ,  some psychotics  apparently do believe that they have l i t e r a l l y become the admired "egoideal."  Among r e l a t i v e l y normal persons, a l l " i d e n t i f i c a t i o n s " are presum-  ably p a r t i a l  "identifications.")  Can we postulate the existence  of an entity such as the  There seems to be no r e a l j u s t i f i c a t i o n for doing so. possess an undeveloped "superego"?  "superego"?  Does the delinquent  If an i n d i v i d u a l engages i n immoral and'  i l l e g a l a c t i v i t i e s he i s said to possess a "weak superego." "weak superego" he w i l l defy the mores.  If he.has a  This, i s c i r c u l a r reasoning, and  the "superego" cannot be defined apart from the s i t u a t i o n i n which i t operates.  We cannot know the nature of an i n d i v i d u a l ' s "superego" u n t i l after  we have observed him i n a s i t u a t i o n which c a l l s for moral behaviour. does the "superego" operate to produce delinquency?  How  We do not know.  The same c r i t i c i s m s apply to that portion of the theory which deals with "ego formation."  Precisely which conditions lead to the formation of  a strong or weak "ego"?  Again, we do not know; or at least we might be able  46  to derive more economical variables covering the same ground and make more precise predictions on the basis of formal learning theory.  And i t i s a  serious defect i n " i n t u i t i v e , theories" such as psychoanalysis  that although  they purport to be describing learned behaviour, they, for the most part, ignore the knowledge which has accumulated about learning, and f a i l to use the concepts developed by learning t h e o r i s t s . The pleasure-pain theory i s hedonistic and subjective; i t would be preferable to describe rewards more objectively, i n some such manner as H u l l ( 9 4 , 9 5 ) uses, f o r example.  The s c i e n t i f i c objection to the  pain theory i s well-stated by Snygg and Combs:  pleasure-  "The p r i n c i p l e that we seek  pleasure i s (probably) correct from the point of view of the learner hims e l f , but i t does not particularly... advance our a b i l i t y to predict, since the only way  to know what gives a person pleasure at a given time i s to  know what his needs and goals are at that time.  I f we know what they are  the use of pleasure as a separate motivating force i s unnecessary" p.360).  To say that delinquency i s a form of pleasure-seeking  t e l l us how  (162,  does not  delinquency comes about; rather, i t i s necessary to define the  needs and goals toward which delinquent behaviour i s orientated. Prediction.  Spenee (163) has c l a s s i f i e d psychological constructs as  f a l l i n g into one of four categories:  1.  Animistic or psychic, capricious  i n nature, the antecedent conditions being l e f t l a r g e l y undefined. Response-inferred  2.  constructs, f o r example, H u l l ' s "afferent neural i n t e r -  action," or the approach used by Snygg and Combs (162)  i n which introspec-  t i o n or overt behaviour are used to r e f e r back to a state within the organism and the phenomenal f i e l d i s reconstructed on t h i s basis; t h i s approach i s also used by most psychological tests, and perhaps accounts for  the r e l a t i v e l y low p r e d i c t i v e value of these t e s t s .  l o g i c a l constructs, which need not. concern us here.  4.  3.  Neurophysio-  Intervening  " 47  variables:  "  "inferred processes between the independent variables (stimuli,  etc.) and the dependent variables (responses, e t c . ) " (91,  p.264).  Most of the Freudian variables may be f i t t e d into the f i r s t they are animistic, psychic, capricious, and the antecedent  category;  conditions are  not p r e c i s e l y defined. Most of the variables are introduced to "explain" behaviour a f t e r i t has occurred, and have small p r e d i c t i v e value.  Before i d e n t i f i c a t i o n  may  be used as a predictive concept i t s nature must be defined i n a much more exact manner.  The "superego" construct has not been demonstrated to possess  p r e d i c t i v e value, and i s probably incapable of i t i n i t s present form.  How  do we measure the strength of " l i b i d i n a l and aggressive i n s t i n c t u a l drives" i n order to determine the kind of adaptations to which an i n d i v i d u a l might be predisposed? predictive value.  The pleasure-pain theory does not appear to possess How  do we know beforehand whether a p a r t i c u l a r "ego" •  w i l l develop towards the " r e a l i t y principle"? i s unnecessary. needs.  any  The pleasure-pain theory  The i n d i v i d u a l ' s behavior i s intended to s a t i s f y h i s  Whether we c a l l the g r a t i f i c a t i o n of a'need "pleasurable" or  "X",  we have merely succeeded i n describing the s i t u a t i o n or naming i t , and have added nothing of explanatory value. The psychoanalyst ascribes a "weak- superego" to f a u l t y i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and then proceeds to speak of the "superego" as i f i t had an existence independent of t h i s process.  "Faulty i d e n t i f i c a t i o n resulted i n a weak  superego" means simply that " f a u l t y i d e n t i f i c a t i o n occurred," and we are not e n t i t l e d to assume an a d d i t i o n a l e n t i t y unless i t i s necessary f o r predictive purposes; the "superego" construct then becomes superfluous. I f the c h i l d expects of himself conformity to a standard of conduct.we perhaps do need the concept of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n to explain how t h i s came about and to predict i t s occurrence on future occasions, but we do not  48 need the additional concept of a "superego."  The i d e n t i f i c a t i o n process  may be s u f f i c i e n t to explain the event and to enable us to make predictions. I f we can make equally, or more, accurate predictions without using the constructs of a " l i b i d o " and an innate aggressive drive these vari a b l e s should not be used.  This i s at the heart of the Freudian system,  but unfortunately an adequate c r i t i q u e of the concepts would require a separate paper.  "The source of an i n s t i n c t i s always a bodily organ..."  (.68, -p.15). , Humans are born with certain organs which evoke a sex drive and w i l l seek, perhaps i n e v i t a b l y f i n d , a learned outlet. f o o l i s h enough to deny t h i s .  No one i s  But where i s the bodily organ(s) which '  gives r i s e to the 'Innate" aggressive drive?  We know that anger has cer-  t a i n physiological effects upon the body, and i t i s reasonable to assume that the organism i s born capable of experiencing anger and f e a r .  But  the assumption of an innate aggressive drive i s sheer speculation and has no more merit i n i t s favor than the assumption that the e f f e c t i v e stimuli for aggression, as well as the.forms i t takes,'are learned.  In fact,  from a s t r i c t s c i e n t i f i c point of view, the l a t t e r assumption i s favored, since.the theory of innate aggression assumes added e n t i t i e s , v i z . , physio l o g i c a l structures of which l i t t l e or nothing i s known.  At l e a s t we do  know something about the processes of learning. Any variable which has no predictive value cannot, of course, be tested.  The concepts of repression and of the "unconscious mind" can be  used, by psychoanalysts as "outs".whenever form to t h e i r theories.  observed phenomena do not con-  A good example of t h i s usage is.the alleged  phenomenon of " i n f a n t i l e amnesia" which "explains" why few people remember the "universal" Oedipal c o n f l i c t of the pre-school years. ..The psycho-analyst must use h i s concepts to make true predictions; i f they are not  49  upheld there should be no excuses. Estimate of the theory.  Despite the serious l i m i t a t i o n s mentioned  above,- psychoanalysts have made an important contribution to the study of delinquency.  Of a l l systematic attempts to explain delinquency, to  date, psychoanalytic theories are perhaps the most valuable. analysis offers a f r u i t f u l f i e l d f o r future hypotheses research.  Psycho-  and f o r future  I t i n s i s t s that there i s no a r t i f i c i a l dichotomy between the  normal and abnormal, or between delinquents and non-delinquents, and points out that the differences are purely quantitative i n nature.  The  Freudians have focused attention upon the importance of puberty as a time of stress i n our society, and, perhaps most important of a l l , the need to study the pre-school c h i l d , who i s a f t e r a l l the future delinquent or non-delinquent.  The important area of f a m i l i a l experiences receives a  detailed treatment, and the s i g n i f i c a n c e of interpersonal relationships i s interpreted i n a meaningful manner.  But the psychoanalyst does not  stop here, as do so many investigators; i f we are ever to understand how delinquency comes about, we must have an adequate understanding of i n t r a personal phenomena, e s p e c i a l l y those which derive from interpersonal relationships.  Psychoanalysis from the beginning has i n s i s t e d upon the  necessity of t h i s deep-level analysis, and has not been s a t i s f i e d with merely l i s t i n g the concomitants of delinquency.  Probably more than any  other group of theorists the psychoanalysts have indicated the area i n which future investigations can be expected t o y i e l d the most f r u i t f u l results. However, on the c r i t e r i a of . s c i e n t i f i c accuracy and the use of constructs which enable us to make meaningful predictions, the psychoanalyt i c theory i s not e n t i r e l y adequate.  The whole theory may have to undergo  a r a d i c a l change before these c r i t e r i a are met. And i n addition*:a great  50 deal of research, of the predictive kind, i s indicated before c e r t a i n aspects of the theory can be accepted, except as a series of c l i n i c a l techniques lacking s c i e n t i f i c v e r i f i c a t i o n . As i t i s currently formulated does psychoanalytic theory enable us to predict and to control delinquency? part i n the negative.  The answer i s f o r the most  However, psychoanalysis would appear to be an  excellent s t a r t i n g point f o r personality theorizing, and f o r attempts to devise a theory which might eventually enable us to achieve accurate predictions and c o n t r o l of delinquency.  It w i l l be apparent that some  of the remaining theories to be discussed have strong a f f i n i t i e s with psychoanalysis and a l l have been influenced i n greater or lesser degree by psychoanalytic theory; hence, although the theories are not be be judged on t h i s basis, f o r orientative purposes, i t was decided to consider t h i s theory at the outset i n order to provide a tentative frame of reference i n describing the remaining f i v e theories:  the extent to  which they agree or disagree with psychoanalysis and the extent to which they employ or reformulate Freudian variables and constructs.  CHAPTER V.  ABRAHAMSEN'S THEORY OF DELINQUENCY AND CRIMINALITY  THE APPROACH A "Freudian" approach.  Abrahamsen (1, 2, 3, 4, 5) has written  quite extensively on the subjects of delinquency and crime, but h i s theory i n i t s present form did not appear u n t i l recently. He i s an orthodox psychoanalyst, and presumably accepts a l l of the Freudian constructs; however, there i s a d i f f e r e n c e i n emphasis, and the theory merits separate consideration. The Freudian "dynamisms" are not e x p l i c i t l y / referred to i n the l a t e r w r i t i n g s , and most of the other psycho-  51 a n a l y t i c constructs, although presumably not abandoned, do not appear necessary to the system.  The theory might almost as e a s i l y be derived,  from Healy and Bronner (89) as from Freud.  MAIN HYPOTHESES  1.  "... the core of crime i s within the atmosphere of the home,"  (5, p.338) and i t i s "family.tension," e s p e c i a l l y i n the form of emot i o n a l deprivation, which "causes" delinquent 2.  behaviour.  Emotional deprivation plus a r e l a t i v e l y undeveloped "superego"  causes delinquency.  FURTHER ASPECTS OF THE THEORY  Family tension.  "... the overwhelming importance of the existence  of family tension," (5, p.341) i n the etiology of criminal behaviour i s boldly espoused.  "In the face of t h i s f a c t o r , any other cause and any  other maladjustment are s i n g u l a r l y unimportant" (5, p.341). Delinquents vs. neurotics.  Bates (17), i n discussing t h i s  theory  states that " c r i m i n a l i t y and neurosis are to'be considered as two sides of the same coin.  One difference between the neurotic person and the  offender i s that a neurotic person suffers out. his past experiences whereas the offender acts out h i s d i f f i c u l t i e s " (17, p.472).  Whether a  person becomes neurotic or criminal "depends ... upon the development i n him of a s u f f i c i e n t superego"... by parents or others..." (17, p.473)., .  52  • THE MAJOR ETIOLOGICAL AREAS.  The r o l e of heredity.  The emphasis i s upon childhood experiences.  Abrahamsen presumably agrees with the main trend of psychoanalytic ;  thought on t h i s point. The r o l e of environmental experience or learning.  Learning concepts  are not used, but delinquency i s said to a r i s e primarily as the r e s u l t of environmental  experience.  The role of f a m i l i a l f a c t o r s .  F a m i l i a l factors are considered to  be a l l important, even more so than i n other psychoanalytic treatments, where some e f f i c a c y i s attributed to e x t r a f a m i l i a l f a c t o r s . The r o l e of e x t r a f a m i l i a l factors.  E x t r a f a m i l i a l events are con-  sidered to be of n e g l i g i b l e importance; are mere p r e c i p i t a t i n g causes, at best. The r o l e of reward.  Delinquent behaviour i s rewarded behaviour i n  that i t constitutes r e l i e f from family tension and from emotional depr i v a t i o n ; the exact manner i n which t h i s occurs, the "meaningfulness" or "lawfulness" of delinquent behaviour, i s not r e a l l y s p e c i f i e d , however. The r o l e of punishment.  Presumably Abrahamsen would agree with  other psychoanalysts as to the e f f e c t s of punishment.  . EVIDENCE "Family tension."  V i r t u a l l y a l l research concerning the f a m i l i a l  environments of delinquents and criminals i s relevant to t h i s theory. However, most of the research results might just as well be invoked to support other theories,  including those not i n accord with Abrahamsen's  53 theory, and i t i s only necessary to consider Abrahamsen's own  research  project here. The investigation involved 100 adult offenders and t h e i r f a m i l i e s ; 100 non-offenders, group."  abnormal but not criminal, served as a "control  NO clear statement of the' research design i s given.  The  author  states that there was much more family tension i n i t h e backgrounds of the offenders than i n the backgrounds of the comparison group.  An  indivi-  dual case i s described i n support of this statement. ' Rorschach r e s u l t s for 31 offenders showed "much h o s t i l i t y and aggression and usually sexu a l or some other kind of c o n f l i c t as a r e s u l t of a tense family s i t u a t i o n . . . " (5, p.333).  This does not distinguish the offenders as any  abnormal group might be expected  to show a similar Rorschach pattern; ••  also, i t i s not at a l l clear how Abrahamsen was able to decide that the c o n f l i c t s were due to "a tense family s i t u a t i o n " on the basis of the •Rorschach.  Abrahamsen i n s i s t s that, "within our project we.had abso-  lute proof of.... (the importance of family tension) up to the very end'!-' (5, p.341).  -  In addition to the r e s u l t s mentioned above, he o f f e r s  the following " s t a t i s t i c a l - proof" f o r his conjectures.  I t i s stated  that there was a "high incidence" of psychosomatic disorders among offenders and t h e i r f a m i l i e s r e l a t i v e to.those found i n the "control group."  In a cross-section of 60 offenders and 60 non-offenders,^ the  r e s u l t s were as follows:-  diseases of the g a s t r o - i n t e s t i n a l t r a c t :  offenders 55%, non-offenders non-offenders 10%. icle.  45%; skin a f f l i c t i o n s :  offenders 17%,  5%; "prone to accidents":, offenders 20%,  non-offenders  This i s the main " s t a t i s t i c a l proof" which appears i n the a r t I t i s not very clear'what  i t i s intended to "prove," since i t  i s not d i r e c t l y concerned with the author's main hypotheses; the s t a t i s t i c a l r e s u l t s are not impressive, are probably not r e l i a b l e , and  54 are presented i n an unsystematic and naive manner.  The research dealt  with 2 0 0 subjects and t h e i r families, but we are given no i n d i c a t i o n of the o v e r - a l l r e s u l t s , nor a systematized breakdown of these r e s u l t s .  . CRITIQUE OF THE THEORY Does the theory hold f o r delinquents as a group?  The theory i s  perhaps a f a i r l y adequate description of a large number of delinquents. There i s considerable evidence to indicate that emotional deprivation and family tension are correlated with delinquency, and that a large percentage of delinquents f a l l within t h i s category; but so might a large percentage of non-delinquents. Does the theory explain the behaviour of the i n d i v i d u a l delinquent? Whether the theory can give an account of the behaviour of the i n d i v i dual delinquent i s much more doubtful. A large minority of delinquents  might very well escape Abrahamsen's c l a s s i f i c a t i o n ; a large number of non-delinquents might be included.  I s t h i s just another theory which  explains "delinquency" but which does not explain delinquents?  The  theory offers a description of the conditions frequently found i n d e l i n quents' homes, but f a i l s to indicate the intrapersonal events which, i n the case of an individual, lead to delinquent behavior*  A great deal  of research, which i t has not*been possible to discuss here, has accumulated which indicates that e x t r a f a m i l i a l factors may often be of importance as predisposing causes.  Abrahamsen-'s theory should not be allowed  to discourage research as to the significance of e x t r a f a m i l i a l f a c t o r s . How does delinquency come about?  Abrahamsen's disregard of c e r t a i n  Freudian concepts, i n p a r t i c u l a r , the "dynamisms," i s perhaps i l l - a d v i s e d . His categories, emotional deprivation and family tension, are much too  55  gross to be of any r e a l explanatory value.  These are frequent concom-  i t a n t s of delinquency, but the terms do not reveal the processes by * which a c h i l d arrives at a delinquent form of behaviour.  Our i n t e r e s t  i s i n what l i e s behind these variables, not ins broad categories which might be applied to a s i g n i f i c a n t portion of the non-delinquent population.  These categories do indicate one of the d i r e c t i o n s i n which we  .should look i n order to arrive at more exact formulations. P r e d i c t i o n.  Exact prediction would not appear to be possible on  the basis of t h i s theory.  The variables used are too vague.  There i s  no reference to learning theory, although delinquency, i t i s implied, i s the r e s u l t of'learning processes. family tension lead to delinquency?  How do emotional deprivation and In what way are the two related?  What are the intrapersonal events or processes which derive from these interpersonal relationships, and how do these intrapersonal processes . operate to produce delinquency?  Abrahamsen does not answer these ques-  ions. Abrahamsen's use of the term, "superego," i s subject to the same c r i t i c i s m s as i n other psychoanalytic presentations.  The predictive  value of the construct has not been demonstrated. The lack of s p e c i f i c hypotheses,  of an exact formulation of the  terms used, and of procedures to be used i n deciding when a condition of family tension or of emotional deprivation exists makes the theory rather d i f f i c u l t to t e s t . Estimate of the theory.  The theory should be credited with emphasiz-  ing an important area f o r future research, but not to the point of ignoring other areas.  We should be extremely s k e p t i c a l of the "overwhelming  importance" of f a m i l i a l f a c t o r s a t the expense of a l l other possible causative f a c t o r s .  The variables used and Abrahamsen's hypotheses  should  56 be reduced to a more exact, testable form.  A more thorough analysis of  the causative f a c t o r s i n delinquency i s required. In p a r t i c u l a r , there should be a greater emphasis upon the intrapersonal processes which bear a d i r e c t r e l a t i o n to delinquent behaviour, and the manner i n which these are related to interpersonal phenomena rather than an exclusive emphasis upon the l a t t e r using loosely defined terms.  CHAPTER VI.  THE HEALY- BRONNER THEORY OF DELINQUENCY  THE APPROACH An empirical approach.  I t should be pointed out that Healy and  Bronner do not purport to define the necessary and s u f f i c i e n t conditions for delinquency to occur, and a c t u a l l y state that another variable, extraneous to t h e i r theory, f a u l t y i d e n t i f i c a t i o n , i s probably of more consequence than the variables which they introduce. This theory i s unusual among those considered i n .that i t grew d i r e c t l y out of research upon delinquents rather than being carried over from another area of personality study.  Although Healy and Bronner  have long been associated with t h i s type of research, t h e i r most recent publications show a complete break with many of the views expressed by Healy i n former years, as i n The I n d i v i d u a l Delinquent, large sections of which are now obsolete; Healy himself, has conducted much of the research which has rendered t h i s e a r l i e r work obsolete.  The present  theory i s based mainly on the research project reported i n New Light on Delinquency (89).  The authors analysed the f a m i l i a l , e x t r a f a m i l i a l , and  personal backgrounds of 105 delinquents and of 105 of t h e i r non-delinquent  57 s i b l i n g s with whom the delinquents were paired f o r purposes of comparison; whenever possible, the non-delinquent s i b l i n g chosen was of the same sex and nearest to the delinquent i n age; eight of the p a i r s were twins.  MAIN HYPOTHESIS "Intense emotional discomfort."  "Intense emotional discomfort" i n  the absence of substitutive s a t i s f a c t i o n s leads to delinquency.  RELATED AND QUALIFYING- HYPOTHESES Environmental opportunity.  Environmental opportunity leading to  thoughts of delinquency i s also, necessary f o r delinquency t o become manifest. Abnormal p e r s o n a l i t i e s .  The greater the degree of abnormality i n the  child's personality, i n combination with the above three factors, intense emotional discomfort, a lack of substitutive s a t i s f a c t i o n s , and environmental opportunity, the more probable the c h i l d w i l l become delinquent, and the less probable i t i s that therapy w i l l be successful.  THE MAJOR ETIOLOGICAL AREAS  The r o l e of heredity.  The r o l e of heredity i s minimized except inso-  f a r as i t operates to produce abnormal p e r s o n a l i t i e s . The r o l e of environmental experience or learning.  Delinquency i s  primarily the r e s u l t of environmental experience or learning. The r o l e of f a m i l i a l factors .  F a m i l i a l f a c t o r s are considered to be  of prime importance, but are not stressed to the same extent as i n psychoanalysis. •  58 The r o l e of e x t r a f a m i l i a l factors.  Extrafarailial f a c t o r s may act as'  predisposing causes. The r o l e of reward.  Delinquent behaviour i s rewarded behaviour i n  that i t provides r e l i e f from emotional discomfort i n lieu" of substitutive a c t i v i t i e s ; the exact manner i n which t h i s occurs i s not indicated. The r o l e of punishment.  Admonition,  threat, compulsion, or punish-  ment are o r d i n a r i l y useless and dangerous procedures.  EVIDENCE The delinquent group included 92 boys and 1 3 g i r l s , the "control group," each c h i l d being paired with a non-delinquent s i b l i n g , 8 1 boys and 24 g i r l s .  Data are reported simply as numbers of cases or percentages;  the authors' reluctance to report the data i n terms of s t a t i s t i c a l s i g n i ficance i s probably j u s t i f i e d .  The data are not s u f f i c i e n t l y refined to  permit of t h i s kind of treatment. Results,  ( l ) Adequate family relationships are reported f o r only  20 per cent of the delinquents:  20 per cent expressed love .for the  father, 50 per cent f o r the mother.  In 75 per cent there was hatred of  school, father, or mother. (2)  Abnormal personalities: (a)  Delinquents:  25 subjects d e f i n i t e l y diagnosed as  abnormal p e r s o n a l i t i e s . (b)  "Controls":  2 subjects diagnosed .as abnormal, one a  withdrawn personality, precluding delinquency perhaps; the authors express doubt over the diagnosis of the other c h i l d . (3) stress: •  "Hyperactive" or overrestless, presumably because of emotional  59 (a)  Delinquents:  (b) ' "Controls": (4)  46.  '  •  none.  o  Family .environment: (a)  For 19 delinquents the family s i t u a t i o n appeared to be  more favorable for these children than f o r the non-delinquent  sibling,  but on deeper analysis i t was discovered that there were intense a f f e c t i v e disturbances i n the family background of the kind usually associated with delinquency.  Nevertheless, we cannot'help wondering, i f , ' on the prelimin-  ary analysis of the family background of the remaining 86 delinquents and "controls," i t had appeared that the emotional environment favored the non-delinquent  whether the authors took the precaution of conducting a  deeper analysis to see i f t h i s might be reversed; apparently not: family environment favored the non-delinquent  i f the  the authors would be s a t i s -  f i e d that t h e i r hypothesis had been established; i f the environment favored the delinquent, they would search f u r t h e r into the family background. . (b)  Seventy-five " c o n t r o l s " came from a family environment of  "inimical circumstances," apparently favorable to the development of d e l inquent behaviour. as follows:  (i)  a delinquency-prone  Their f a i l u r e to become delinquent was accounted f o r 6 "controls":  lack of opportunity, l i v i n g away from  home, f o r example*  ( i i ) 7 "controls":  handicapped, unable to engage i n delinquency,  Physically  ( i i i ) 11 "controls":  substitutive a c t i v i t i e s such as educational achievement, church a c t i v i t i e s , competitive a t h l e t i c s , work, etc., l e f t l i t t l e time f o r delinquency or were incompatible with delinquent behaviour;  the p r e c i p i t a t i n g causes f o r  delinquency, such as boredom, were not allowed to become operative,  (iv)  10 "controls": marked negative q u a l i t i e s which kept them away from d e l i n quent a c t i v i t i e s , shy, dependent children, or lacking i n energy, as contrasted to the usually energetic, "hyperactive" delinquent s i b l i n g .  60 (v)  22 "controls":  "much quieter" than the delinquent s i b l i n g and "less  restless,"'"demand less from t h e i r environment, obtain s a t i s f a c t i o n s i n school and simple recreations, etc., " e a s i l y s a t i s f i e d i n d i v i d u a l s " (89, p.87).  (vi)  19 "controls":  "possessed p o s i t i v e personality character-  i s t i c s " and "avoided delinquency through ... d e f i n i t e s a t i s f a c t i o n s i n school l i f e , (v) and ( v i ) ,  s o c i a l contacts, recreations, etc." (89, p.87).  Categories  i n p a r t i c u l a r , are not very convincing and do l i t t l e to  explain how these children avoided delinquency.  The authors' f a i l u r e to  work with d e f i n i t e hypotheses and the use of loose, non-explanatory minology are very apparent (5)  ter-  here.  "Emotional discomfort":  "... 91 per cent of the delinquents  gave clear evidence of being or having been very unhappy and discontented i n t h e i r l i f e circumstances or extremely disturbed because of emotionprovoking situations or experiences.  In great contradistinction we found  similar evidence of inner stresses at the most i n only 15 per cent of the controls" (89, p.122).  The 14 "controls" who had experienced considerable  emotional discomfort were " i n every instance ... able to f i n d counterbalancing satisfactions',*'(89, p.130).  The delinquents either had no such  opportunity or ..''their.;'emotional relationships i n the family were unsatisfactory.  The authors conclude:  "Comparison of the emotional experiences  and emotional reactions of delinquents and controls shows by f a r the greatest  differences that we have been able to discover between the two  (89, p.122).  groups"  Emotional disturbances observed i n the 96 delinquents, 91  per cent of the t o t a l , included:  (a)  "ffeeling keenly either rejected,,  deprived, insecure, not understood i n a f f e c t i o n a l relationships, unloved, or  that love had been withdrawn" (89, p.128);  (b) "deep f e e l i n g of being -  thwarted other than a f f e c t i o n a l l y " (89, p.128); (c)  " f e e l i n g strongly ...  inadequacies or i n f e r i o r i t y i n the home l i f e , i n school, or i n r e l a t i o n to  61 companionship or to sports" (89, p.128); (d)  "Intense feelings of d i s -  comfort about family disharmonies, parental misconduct,  the conditions  of family l i f e , or parental errors i n management and d i s c i p l i n e " (89, pp.128-129);(e)  s i b l i n g jealousy and favoritism; (f) "...  deep-seated,  often repressed, i n t e r n a l mental c o n f l i c t . . . " (89, p.129); (g) sense of g u i l t and need f o r punishment.  CRITIQUE OF THE THEORY  Does the theory hold f o r delinquents as a group? The authors' formula, which described 91 per cent of the delinquents, appears to hold .."for d e l inquents as a group. Does the theory explain the behaviour of the i n d i v i d u a l delinquent? The authors imply that intense emotional discomfort, i n the absence of substitutive s a t i s f a c t i o n s , i s the main  component i n producing delinquency.  Notice, however, that there were nine exceptions to the theory who must be accounted f o r i n other ways:  "bad companions," etc.  "Intense emo-  t i o n a l discomfort" appears,:, to be a major complicating factor i n producing delinquency, but delinquency does appear i n i t s abs'ence.  The theory  cannot give an account of i n d i v i d u a l exceptions to i t s requirements. "Intense emotional discomfort" i s too gross a category; must be refined. How  does delinquency come about?  The theory does not r e a l l y explain  how delinquency comes about, although i t does focus attention on some of . i t s more frequent concomitants, and the success with which recidivism i s predicted i s very impressive.  This i s another f r u s t r a t i o n theory, an  improvement over that promulgated  by Dollard, M i l l e r , et a l (43), because  at least the kinds of f r u s t r a t i o n leading to delinquency are more accurately portrayed.  But we also wish to know the exact manner i n which the  62  delinquent reacts to f r u s t r a t i o n as opposed to the f r u s t r a t i o n techniques of other abnormal persons and of the normal c h i l d , and the exact manner in which these techniques have been learned. i c hypotheses precludesthe l a t t e r .  The authors' l a c k of specif-  Also, there i s no r e a l attempt to  distinguish between the etiology of delinquent and other abnormal behaviour.  The difference between a neurotic delinquent and a non-delinquent  neurotic i s said to be merely that the non-delinquent neurotic lacks environmental opportunity to engage i n delinquent a c t i v i t i e s or has achieved substitutive s a t i s f a c t i o n s .  '  , .  Given intense emotional .discomfort, why does the c h i l d choose d e l i n quency as his mode of expressing d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n ? only one of many p o s s i b i l i t i e s .  This,: delinquency, i s  The authors' answer i s simply that "ideas  of delinquency have been a part of the thought content of the i n d i v i d u a l , " (89, p.135) p r i o r to delinquency. tion:  This merely leads to the next ques-  how i s i t that the i n d i v i d u a l became obsessed with thoughts of  delinquency?  The best answer which Healy and Bronner o f f e r i s that the  environment abounds with material f o r delinquent thoughts.  And so i t does.  But t h i s combination of factors, emotional discomfort plus environmental opportunity, does not account f o r a l l cases of delinquency. do so i n nine of the cases analyzed by Healy and Bronner.  I t failed to Also, the cate-  gory, emotional discomfort, i s much too gross to t e l l us a great deal about the processes involved i n bringing about delinquency.  I t does, how-  ever, appear to be related to delinquency, and Healy and Bronner should be credited with i n d i c a t i n g an important area f o r future y&esearch. Prediction.  Because of the use of so gross a category and because of  the f a i l u r e to use s p e c i f i c hypotheses and highly refined data, rendering the study incapable of exact r e p e t i t i o n , i t i s d i f f i c u l t to use the concepts presented f o r predictive purposes.  I t must not be imagined that the  63  authors' formula, v i z . , "intense emotional discomfort" unalleviated by substitutive s a t i s f a c t i o n s plus environmental opportunity leads to d e l i n quency, enables us to predict delinquency with 91 per cent accuracy. Healy and Bronner did not attempt to predict delinquency.  I t seems quite  probable that i n applying the formula to a group of children who  have not  as yet had an opportunity to become delinquent, too young, f o r example, we would have to allow f o r a large margin of error.  Therefore we are jus-  t i f i e d i n demanding more accurate formulations. The authors make a l i b e r a l use of a l i b i s , such as "bad companions," when the theory does not hold; but these a l i b i s are extraneous to the theory. Estimate of the theory.  The variables used i n an adequate theory  must be stated i n a much more' adequate manner than has been done here. F a u l t y i d e n t i f i c a t i o n , say Healy and Bronner, i s probably the r e a l f a c t o r d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g delinquents and non-delinquents.  They plead that there  was not enough time, only three years, to investigage t h i s v a r i a b l e . they had concentrated a l l t h e i r e f f o r t s upon t h i s  If  one variable and had  made l i b e r a l use of short-cut techniques, .especially p r o j e c t i v e methods, i n investigating the emotional l i f e of the i n d i v i d u a l the study might have been more conclusive.  However, i t i s not f a i r to c r i t i c i z e the authors  for what they did not do, e s p e c i a l l y since t h i s has been an extremely v a l uable study:  i n i n d i c a t i n g the area i n which research may be most f r u i t -  f u l , i n illuminating the r e l a t i o n s h i p between other abnormalities and delinquency and between "intense emotional discomfort" and  delinquency,  i n suggesting the r o l e of substitutive s a t i s f a c t i o n s i n the prevention of delinquent behaviour, and i n the success with which recidivism was dicted.  pre-  The r e s u l t s of the study were inconclusive but highly-suggestive,  and the authors succeeded i n giving a new orientation to future research  64  upon delinquency. The authors' orientation i s excellent : psychological rather than "sociological."  They are well aware of the need f o r deep l e v e l analysis  of the emotional f a c t o r s involved and of t h e i r own l i m i t a t i o n s , presumably a function of p r a c t i c a l considerations:  time and money.  the analysis of emotional factors was not r e a l l y deep, useful for future research may be derived from the study.  Although hypotheses  Perhaps more than  anyone else Healy and h i s associates have mapped out the area, the emot i o n a l l i f e of the delinquent, which merits.the most intensive research, although often they have been content to explore only the surface of t h i s area, f a i l i n g to formulate exact hypotheses  concerning the intrapersonal  processes involved and the exact manner i n which these are related to i n t e r personal relationships and to delinquent behaviour.  Probably Healy and  Bronner were not r e a l l y interested i n setting f o r t h a formal theory of personality formation to be applied to delinquency i n accordance with the s t r i c t e s t of s c i e n t i f i c standards.  Their position i s perhaps analogous  to that of Thorndike i n the f i e l d of learning who attempted merely to set f o r t h general rules f o r the guidance of educators rather than to achieve s c i e n t i f i c accuracy of a high order.  The i n t e r e s t of the formal t h e o r i s t  i s , r i g h t l y , i n the l a t t e r p o s s i b i l i t y , and, as;.previously noted, t h i s t h e o r e t i c a l approach may well be the more p r a c t i c a l i n the long run.  CHAPTER VTI.  THE "FRUSTRATION-AGGRESSION HYPOTHESIS" AND DELINQUENCY  THE APPROACH  The "frustration-aggression hypothesis."  Aggression i s always a  65 consequence of f r u s t r a t i o n .  Aggressive behaviour presupposes the e x i s -  tence of f r u s t r a t i o n and f r u s t r a t i o n always leads to some form of aggression, manifest or i m p l i c i t ; f r u s t r a t i o n i s the necessary and s u f f i c i e n t condition f o r aggression.  MAIN HYPOTHESIS  Main hypothesis.  Criminal and delinquent behaviour are to be ascribed  to higher-than-average f r u s t r a t i o n i n combination with  lower-than-average  a n t i c i p a t i o n of punishment; c r i m i n a l i t y and delinquency, species of aggression, vary p o s i t i v e l y with f r u s t r a t i o n and negatively with  anticipation  of punishment.  FURTHER ASPECTS OF THE THEORY  Relative variables.  Criminality  or delinquency are said to occur  only when there i s a large discrepancy between the l e v e l of f r u s t r a t i o n and the a n t i c i p a t i o n of punishment, that i s , under conditions of high f r u s t r a t i o n and a low l e v e l a n t i c i p a t i o n values f o r f r u s t r a t i o n and anticipated cerned, but the relationship  of punishment.  I t i s not absolute  punishment with which we are con-  of one of these variables  with respect to the  second. Poverty and crime.  , The authors claim a direct aausal r e l a t i o n  between poverty and crime and between poverty and delinquency.  Poverty,  of course, can be extremely f r u s t r a t i n g ; but also, i t i s claimed, poverty leads to a lowered a n t i c i p a t i o n of punishment:  penniless persons, i t i s  said, do not fear f i n e s , and the threat of imprisonment.is not an e f f e c t i v e deterrent because these people are almost as w e l l o f f i n prison as  66 they are on the outside. A low vocational less desirable  status.  This i s the second "cause" of crime l i s t e d ;  jobs are more arduous and disagreeable, and hence lead to  more, f r u s t r a t i o n .  Just how a lower., income or less agreeable job leads to  a lessened fear of punishment the authors do not say,  but they might have  said that the i n d i v i d u a l high i n the occupational scale has "more to l o s e " by a n t i s o c i a l behaviour. Other factors leading to f r u s t r a t i o n .  The authors l i s t other ante-  cedents of f r u s t r a t i o n , but neglect to point out how these are related to lowered anticipation of punishment.  These factors ,are: low educational  status and low i n t e l l i g e n c e , which decrease the individual's capacity f o r dealing e f f e c t i v e l y with the environment; age: age-levels at which crime i s at a peak are said to be the most f r u s t r a t i n g ; a t y p i c a l physical personal appearance, and physical defects; i l l health;  size,  hyperactivity;  membership i n a r a c i a l or r e l i g i o u s out-group or minority; i l l e g i t i m a c y ; divorce and marital incompiajtibility; sex:  males presumably are more often  frustrated, and contribute more than t h e i r share of criminals, to the opposite sex;  relative  emotionally inadequate conditions i n the home and  i n the neighborhood and region i n which the c h i l d l i v e s ; alcoholism and. drug addiction;  form of government:  dictatorships  are more f r u s t r a t i n g ; etc  THE MAJOR ETIOLOGICAL ABBAS The  role of heredity.  The role of heredity i s not specified; pre-  sumably, a " b i o s o c i a l " point of view would be acceptable, that i s , insof a r as inherited c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , physical features, etc., lead to s o c i a l l y f r u s t r a t i n g situations they bear an i n d i r e c t r e l a t i o n to crime and  delinquency.  67  The role of environmental experience or learning. iour consists pation  Delinquent behav-  of learned respSnses .to frustration.:,and to low l e v e l a n t i c i -  of•punishment.  The role of f a m i l i a l factors.  Frustrating  f a m i l i a l situations  are  directly, related to crime and delinquency; presumably lax d i s c i p l i n e on the part of the parents leads to a lowered anticipation The r o l e . o f e x t r a - f a m i l i a l factors.  of punishment.  E x t r a - f a m i l i a l factors  are  stressed more than i n any theory so f a r considered', any factor, f a m i l i a l or otherwise, which produces f r u s t r a t i o n may bear a r e l a t i o n to crime provided i t occurs contiguously with a low anticipation The role of reward.  of punishment.  The "law of e f f e c t " i s accepted.  Rewarded  responses are "stamped i n . " Delinquent behaviour i s rewarded behaviour i n that i t provides r e l i e f from  f r u s t r a t i o n , and has a cathartic" e f f e c t  i n allowing f o r the expression of aggressive impulses. The role of punishment.  Punishment i s considered to have great e f f i -  cacy and receives i t s greatest emphasis i n t h i s theory.  Presumably, i t  i s the pre-1930 "law of e f f e c t " which the authors accept : punishment acts to "stamp out" responses, and i t s inhibitory effect upon behaviour i s exactly proportional to the f a c i l i t a t i v e effect possessed by reward.  EVIDENCE An anecdotal approach.  No research has been undertaken with the  express purpose of v e r i f y i n g or f e f u t i n g t h i s theory of delinquency.  The  research cited by the authors as tending to support t h e i r theory might just as well be c i t e d i n support of a quite d i f f e r e n t theory, and  since,  for the most part, i t was not designed to test anybody's theory,,it need not be considered i n this context:  the authors are reasoning a f t e r the  •68 f a c t ; the research they c i t e was completed before t h e i r hypothesis was formulated.  To the extent that previous research agrees with the hypo-  t h e s i s , i t may be considered as a f e a s i b l e one.for future research.  CRITIQUE OF THE "FRUSTRATION-AGGRESSION HYPOTHESIS" Frustration,'the necessary and s u f f i c i e n t condition f o r aggression? Sargent (147) i n s i s t s that the authors of Frustration and Aggression (43) did not o f f e r an adequate analysis of the role of emotion i n the product i o n of f r u s t r a t i o n , that f r u s t r a t i o n has consequences other than aggression, and that the. authors ignored the phenomenal f i e l d of the i n d i v i d u a l : that theirs was a "peripheral" approach, the s i t u a t i o n being described almost e n t i r e l y i n terms of stimuli and overt responses.  Sears (149),  M i l l e r (126), and presumably Dollard (42) now agree that f r u s t r a t i o n i s not invariably followed by aggression. " F i r s t i n time, and foremost ihnsignificance, f r u s t r a t i o n arouses a pronounced emotional reaction" (147, p.109).  Emotion i s "a central aspect,  of the whole reaction pattern" (147, p.109).  F r u s t r a t i o n does not occur  except i n the presence of emotion.  Dependent upon the individual's adap-  t i v e habits and the manner i n which he perceives the s i t u a t i o n , f r u s t r a tion may  r e s u l t in./generalized anger or i n a s p e c i f i c emotional response  such as h o s t i l i t y or jealousy; this emotional response i s followed by an habitual f r u s t r a t i o n technique or by one appropriate to the s i t u a t i o n : uninhibited d i r e c t expression of .aggressive impulses, displacement i n which a scapegoat becomes the object of aggression, regression, r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n , withdrawal or escape, or i n h i b i t i o n or repression. Frustration i s not invariably followed by aggression; i t may equally well give r i s e to fear, anxiety, i n f e r i o r i t y or shame, unalleviated by aggression.  The example given by Sargent (147) i s that of a "rejected  69 child."  The emotion r e s u l t i n g from " r e j e c t i o n " may be generalized anxiety  and insecurity. • The c h i l d may  compensate f o r a lack of affectional. r e l a t i o n -  ships within the family by becoming a " b u l l y , " by "showing o f f , " or by making friends outside the family.  He may  i d e n t i f y with an individual  outside the family, and play the role of the "big shot," or i d e n t i f y with " a group, gaining prestige value. dreams and i s o l a t i o n .  Or he may  withdraw, and escape into day-  Obviously, the s i t u a t i o n i s more complicated than  the authors of Frustration and Aggression f i r s t envisaged i t . • Morlan-(129) maintains that f r u s t r a t i o n i s neither the necessary nor s u f f i c i e n t condit i o n f o r aggression:  "Frustration often r e s u l t s i n aggression, but f r u s -  t r a t i o n does not necessarily cause aggression.  Moreover, aggression can  occur i n the absence of f r u s t r a t i o n " (129, p.-7).  For example, i f a c h i l d  has i d e n t i f i e d himself with a "tough guy" his aggression may  be patterned  a f t e r the admired ego-ideal and be t o t a l l y unrelated to f r u s t r a t i o n . The "catharsis theory" of aggression.  Morlan.(129) also attempts to  refute the "catharsis theory" of aggression which states that once aggression i s .expressed the i n d i v i d u a l becomes docile; aggression must be expressed.  ,  If the expression does not take one form i t w i l l assume' another.  The alternative interpretation i s that the. acceptance of aggression as a technique f o r i dealing with f r u s t r a t i o n predisposes the i n d i v i d u a l to resort to aggression i n this and other f r u s t r a t i n g situations; a "vicious c i r c l e " . ensues.  Morlan i n s i s t s that "expression of a f e e l i n g can strengthen that  f e e l i n g , " (129, p.6)'or, as Guthrie says, "we  learn what we do," and the  more situations i n which aggression has been used as an adaptive technique,, the greater the p o s s i b i l i t y i t has to become cued onto an ever wider range of stimulus patterns; i n e v i t a b l y , aggression simply leads to more aggres-. .sion and to i t s use as a , f r u s t r a t i o n technique i n a wider variety of  70  situations, rather than to a decreased need f o r the expression of aggression and to d o c i l i t y .  CRITIQUE OF THE FRUSTRATION-AGGRESSION THEORY OF DELINQUENCY  Does the theory hold f o r delinquents as a group?  The theory may  a reasonably adequate description- df delinquents as a group.  be  Most people  would agree that delinquents have -been subjected to more than t h e i r share of f r u s t r a t i o n s ; whether they have a lowered a n t i c i p a t i o n of punishment, however, i s open to question. Does the theory explain the behaviour of the i n d i v i d u a l delinquent?^ It i s highly probable that f o r a large number of individuals delinquent behaviour does not represent a reaction to higher-than-average f r u s t r a t i o n ; i t does not seem l i k e l y that low a n t i c i p a t i o n of punishment frequently, i f ever, bears a r e l a t i o n to delinquency, except possibly In..-the case of the psychopath; the adult criminal may  refrain from-illegal a c t i v i t i e s ,  f o r the moment, i f punishment i s anticipated. How  does delinquency come about?  A f r u s t r a t i n g state of a f f a i r s con-  currently occurring with a low l e v e l a n t i c i p a t i o n of punishment leads to delinquency and crime. conditions.  Poverty, i t i s claimed, f u l f i l l s both of these  The attempted reductio ad absurdum of the opposing viewpoint,  that i t i s the concomitants of poverty which lead to delinquency, i s a s u p e r f i c i a l one.  Like a l o t of other people, Dollard and M i l l e r , et a l ,  i n attempting to refute an opposing viewpoint, choose the easiest one to refute.  They suggest that t h e i r opponents would ascribe both poverty and  crime to some such trait;,as s t u p i d i t y or laziness, and, claiming that crime increases i n time of poverty and decreases i n time of prosperity, maintain, that i t can hardly be the case that s t u p i d i t y and laziness are similarly;;-  71 affected by the economic cycle.  But, as we have seen, i n p a r t i c u l a r dur-  ing our consideration of psychoanalysis, serious investigators do not ascribe delinquent behaviour to stupidity or laziness, and the i n d i r e c t effect of poverty i s a t t r i b u t e d to i t s more basic concomitants, i n general, conditions contributing to poor mental hygiene.  The authors do not attempt  to answer these more important c r i t i c s of t h e i r contentions. The factors said to lower the a n t i c i p a t i o n of punishment i n times of poverty are not very convincing. Perhaps, as Freudians and most other schools would maintain, the greatest deterrent i s i n d i v i d u a l "conscience" and the loss of respect of one's fellow man, i n times of poverty.  Law enforcement  both of which operate equally  i s rendered f e a s i b l e only because  the great majority of people " v o l u n t a r i l y " r e f r a i n from s o c i a l l y disapproved behaviour, and t h i s because of the p o s i t i v e rewards which ensue rather than from any fear of punishment. The theory i s based on the o r i g i n a l "law of e f f e c t , " and assumes that punishment has a weakening effect upon tabooed a c t i v i t i e s , d i r e c t l y proportional to the strengthening effect of reward. i s d i f f i c u l t to see why  I f t h i s were the case i t  crime has not long ago been eliminated:  a l l that  would be necessary would be to attach s u f f i c i e n t l y severe penalties.  But  there i s no convincing evidence to indicate that severity of the penalty i s negatively correlated with crime rate.  This i s a naive "common sense"  theory which, has l i t t l e or no support i n experimental findings. Freudians explain pathological aggression, delinquent or otherwise, as a lack of "fusion between aggressive and l i b i d i n a l urges."  The un-  loved and unloving c h i l d tends to be aggressive. Punishment, on the Freudian hypothesis, would aggravate the situation,.since i t would be construed by the offending c h i l d as additional evidence that he i s unwanted or unloved by parents or other persons i n authority, thus making  72  i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with such persons, who represent law and order, more d i f f i c u l t , and resulting i n further aggression. The theory denies that many criminals are masochistically seeking punishment, probably because of intense g u i l t feelings; hence these people, of course, have a high l e v e l a n t i c i p a t i o n of punishment. It might be maintained that the theory i s subject to a reductio .ad absurdum.  What the authors f a i l to.recognize i s that punishment and the  a n t i c i p a t i o n of punishment are themselves usually a form of f r u s t r a t i o n , and hence, on the basis of the "frustration-aggression hypothesis, i t s e l f , we would expect that punishment and a high l e v e l anticipation, of punishment would lead to c r i m i n a l i t y , or at the very least to some form of  aggression:  exactly the opposite consequence to that predicted by the  authors of Frustration and Aggression. Prediction.  As has just been indicated, the theory would appear to  lead to very inaccurate predictions with respect to delinquent and nondelinquent behaviour.  Both punishment and f r u s t r a t i o n , under ordinary  circumstances, should lead to increased aggression designed to eliminate the source of punishment or f r u s t r a t i o n ; i f the punishment i s too severe, Estes' ( 4 9 ) experiments indicate that the punished response i s inhibited momentarily, but that i t i s not eliminated from the repertoire of the behaving'organism. Estimate of the theory.  The "frustration-aggression hypothesis"  oversimplifies the s i t u a t i o n ; i t does not seem l i k e l y that f r u s t r a t i o n i s either the necessary or s u f f i c i e n t condition f o r aggression to occur. The p r a c t i c a l implication of the theory, that i n order to reduce crime and delinquency we should reduce the intensity of the f r u s t r a t i n g situations  73 to which i n d i v i d u a l s are exposed, appears to be well-founded.  An increased  a n t i c i p a t i o n of punishment does not appear to have a similar effect; nevertheless, the effects of punishment and of f r u s t r a t i o n upon children should be more f u l l y investigated i n the laboratory and by means of systematic observations of l i f e s i t u a t i o n s .  The "catharsis theory" of aggression has  not been established. The authors did not indicate the intrapersonal events which lead d i r e c t l y to delinquency:  the emphasis i s upon "peripheral"  events, overtly observeable stimuli and responses, to the neglect of i n t e r vening intrapersonal factors,  (intervening variables are "the processes v  which intervene between the i n i t i a t i o n of action i n the world of physics and physiology and the r e s u l t i n g observable consequences, again i n the world of physics and physiology" (91, p.263).  In "behaviouristic" systems,  such as those set f o r t h by Tolman (174) and H u l l (95), data are, however, obtained only i n -the observable world.)  The f r u s t r a t i n g effects of poverty,  for example, are r e l a t i v e to the i n d i v i d u a l experiencing poverty and r e l a t i v e to the society i n which i t occurs.  The s i t u a t i o n as i t appears to an  objective observer may have an e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t meaning to the i n d i v i d u a l exposed to i t .  The antecedent conditions and the resultant overt behaviour  must be defined i n terms of the intervening intrapersonal processes and events; i f an adequate account of the intrapersonal processes involved i s not given, accurate predictions are not possible.  CHAPTER .VIII. A REVISED DEFINITION OF DELINQUENT BEHAVIOUR  THE NEED FOR A REVISED DEFINITION C r i t i q u e of former d e f i n i t i o n s .  The usual d e f i n i t i o n s of delinquency,  paraphrased i n chapter I I of t h i s paper, are objected to on the grounds  74  that they are l e g a l rather than psychological, that they do not apply to children not apprehended by the l e g a l authorities, that children charged may not be of the "true delinquent type," but may be merely "mischievous or h i g h - s p i r i t e d children" (38, p.257), and that there may be at certain times and i n c e r t a i n areas a greater readiness to charge children.  There  are other objections to these d e f i n i t i o n s which we w i l l attempt to make, clear.  ' ; •  CAMERON* S DEFINITION. OF THE BEHAVIOUR DISORDERS The d e f i n i t i o n .  "Behaviour disorders ... are r e l a t i v e l y fixed,  c r y s t a l l i z e d patterns of maladaptive attitudes and responses" (35, p.9). The d e f i n i t i o n applied to delinquency.  This d e f i n i t i o n i s descrip-  t i v e of the neuroses and psychoses but i t could be extended to include delinquency, thus meeting most of the above objections. d e f i n i t i o n perhaps r a i s e s as many problems as i t solves.  However, the Must a n t i s o c i a l  behaviour be " r e l a t i v e l y f i x e d " before we may designate i t as "delinquent"? I f an i n d i v i d u a l , on one occasion, f l e e s i n t e r r o r from a t r a i n , and i f t h i s behaviour never recurs, we would not say that t h i s i n d i v i d u a l was suffering from a phobia, although he did on one occasion exhibit an abnormal f e a r . made.  But, i n defining delinquency, no such d i s t i n c t i o n i s u s u a l l y  I f a c h i l d i s brought into court f o r one rather serious lapse from  s o c i a l l y approved conduct, he may w e l l be classed as a delinquent and appear i h the s t a t i s t i c s as such.  However, he may l i v e out h i s l i f e i n  perfect conformity to the l e g a l standards, and i s probably less delinquent than most children who break innumerable petty statutes more o r l e s s habitually.' But what of the s i t u a t i o n i n which a very serious offense occurs, just once?  What of the c h i l d who commits'murder?  He i s , we  75 w i l l say, not an habitual murderer.  We may  even be reasonably certain that  he w i l l never again be charged with t h i s offense. be included i n our d e f i n i t i o n of delinquency?  Should t h i s  individual  Unless there was a d i s t i n c t  p o s s i b i l i t y of t h i s or some other form of a n t i s o c i a l behaviour recurring, this individual" would not be included by a d e f i n i t i o n which stresses " r e l a t i v e l y fixed  ... maladaptive attitudes and responses."  THE REVISED DEFINITION  Three descriptive categories f o r behaviour. s i t u a t i o n there are three general p o s s i b i l i t i e s :  In a tension-producing the i n d i v i d u a l can avoid  the source of h i s d i f f i c u l t i e s , behaviour which under some circumstances would be termed "neurotic"; he can reduce tension by attacking the source of h i s d i f f i c u l t i e s , d i r e c t l y or i n d i r e c t l y , i n a s o c i a l l y approved, or at least condoned, manner:  "normal" behaviour; or he can attack the source  of h i s d i f f i c u l t i e s , d i r e c t l y or i n d i r e c t l y , "act out h i s d i f f i c u l t i e s , " i n a s o c i a l l y disapproved manner, involving a transgression against group mores.  The l a s t of these formulations w i l l be accepted f o r the remainder  of t h i s thesis as a psychological d e f i n i t i o n of delinquent behaviour.  To  the extent that a c h i l d behaves i n t h i s manner, to t h i s extent he exhibits delinquent behaviour. An example.  Presumably a l l three techniques "are used by a l l i n d i v i -  duals i n varying degrees.  An example from a r e a l l i f e s i t u a t i o n might be  the adolescent who desires, but cannot obtain, a new car.  The "delinquents  might s t e a l the car; the "normal" person might construct and operate models or•"scooters"; and the "neurotic" might achieve h i s end i n daydreams. Additional features of the d e f i n i t i o n . in terms of the context i n which i t occurs.  Delinquency i s defined e n t i r e l y P r e c i s e l y the same behaviour  may be deemed delinquent i n one s o c i a l context and non-delinquent  36 or even approved behaviour i n another context.  To decide whether or not  behaviour i s to be designated as delinquent or non-delinquent . i t • i s f i r s t necessary to specify our s o c i a l frame of reference.. Thus i t sometimes happens that-the i n d i v i d u a l i s faced with the necessity of engaging i n behaviour which w i l l be disapproved i n one of the. s o c i a l groupings of which he i s a member, approved i n another:  the behaviour i s delinquent '  i n the one s o c i a l context, non-delinquent i n the other.  As Sherif (158);  has pointed out,; probably a l l d e f i n i t i o n s i n s o c i a l psychology must meet t h i s requirement. However, i n order to obviate the contention that judgments of truth r e l a t i o n s possess only a private validity.,: two postulates with respect to the frame of reference concept w i l l be introduced here.  Unless these two  assumptions are made i t i s d i f f i c u l t to understand how we can maintain that any p a r t i c u l a r set of " f a c t s " may be claimed to be a closer approximation to the "truth" than another set of alleged " f a c t s , " which.may be held to be .true on a purely subjective basis.  That i s , we do not-wish to  be placed i n the p o s i t i o n of maintaining that because any. one person d i s approves of the behaviour of another person that t h i s behaviour i s necess a r i l y criminal or delinquent. The two postulates are:  (a)  The number  of possible, or at l e a s t legitimate, frames of reference i s f i n i t e ; (b)  and  from any p a r t i c u l a r frame of reference only one i n t e r p r e t a t i o n may  be deemed as the. "correct" one.  To borrow the standard i l l u s t r a t i o n from  philosophy, a penny may be perceived as round or as e l l i p t i c a l , upon the p a r t i c u l a r position from which i t i s observed.  depending  Both interpreta-  tions may be considered as "correct" within a p a r t i c u l a r frame of referenc But, i n accordance with postulate (b), above* i t i s not "correct" to say that the coin i s e l l i p t i c a l when we are looking s t r a i g h t down upon i t ;  and  the number of frames of reference being f i n i t e , certain frames of r e f e r ence are not recognized as legitimate ones:  the coin may not be-described  77 as square, f o r example, from any frame of reference. R e l a t i v i t y i s not "absolute."  In philosophy, these postulates might be applied to the f i e l d  of ethics as w e l l as that of epistemology, but here we are only concerned with the problem of defining delinquent behaviour.  Behaviour, then, may  be delinquent i n one s o c i a l setting, and non-delinquent i n a second s o c i a l setting; but i n any p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l s e t t i n g we are correct i n describing the behaviour as delinquent or non-delinquent i n accordance with our d e f i n i t i o n of these kinds of behaviour. r  A l l children are i n some degree delinquent; there i s no reason to  r e s t r i c t the term to "legal-delinquents."  The c h i l d who has broken a.  l e g a l taboo i s not to be thought of as a "delinquent," although we may continue to use the term i n t h i s loose fashion, s o l e l y as a l i n g u i s t i c convenience; because delinquent and non-delinquent behaviour coexist i n the same i n d i v i d u a l i t would be just as accurate to designate the same c h i l d under other circumstances as "non-delinquent":  probably even the  most serious "legal-delinquent" exhibits more non-delinquent than d e l i n quent behaviour.  This i s a d e f i n i t i o n of delinquent behavior, then, not  of the "delinquent," and the problem i s to discover the etiology of d e l i n quent and of non-delinquent behaviour,which may coexist i n the same i n d i vidual.  The assumption i s that the same laws apply to the formation of  a l l delinquent behaviour, whether they are of the serious l e g a l kind or are very minor manifestations of delinquency such as most children display. In an analogous s i t u a t i o n , the young c h i l d who avoids stepping on sidewalk cracks would usually not be designated as "neurotic," but he does exhibit neurotic behaviour and does so f o r exactly the same reason, to reduce anxiety, say, as the f u l l - f l e d g e d compulsive neurotic. This d e f i n i t i o n i s much more economical than the usual definitions" of delinquency; f a c i l i t a t e s research, as w i l l be seen; i s a r e l a t i v e  78 d e f i n i t i o n ; and avoids categorizing the i n d i v i d u a l , or imposing an a r t i f i c i a l c l a s s i f i c a t i o n upon his behaviour; i t focuses attention squarely upon those aspects of the i n d i v i d u a l ' s behaviour i n which we are inter-s ested, his delinquent and non-delinquent behaviour, thus a r r i v i n g , i d e a l l y , at the exact manner i n which t h i s behaviour comes about, rather than concerning ourselves with side issues:  by abstracting a portion of the i n d i -  vidual' s behaviour we can perhaps a r r i v e at meaningful generalizations more readily, since there i s l e s s l i k e l i h o o d that the behavioural phenomenon being investigated w i l l be obscured by i r r e l e v a n t v a r i a b l e s .  CHAPTER IX.  THE DOIiARD-MILLER LEARNING THEORY AS APPLIED TO DELINQUENCY .  f  THE APPROACH.  H u l l and Freud.  The learning theory chosen f o r t h i s attempted  explan-  ation i s H u l l ' s as interpreted by Dollard and M i l l e r i n i t s application to more complex behavioural phenomena than thosewith which H u l l (95) deals. The personality theory derives mainly from Freud, and Freudian constructs are reformulated i n terms of H u l l ' s postulates. The choice of t h i s l e a r n ing theory, as representative of S-R theories, was a matter of convenience rather than one guided by personal prejudice:  the existence of a model i s  the chief reason why t h i s learning theory was chosen rather than another. The method used has been to follow rather c l o s e l y the suggestions made by M i l l e r and Dollard (42), reapplying them to delinquency.  In t h i s chapter  and i n Chapter X an attempt i s made to answer the following questions:  Has  learning theory any useful insights to o f f e r i n understanding delinquent behaviour?  do the more exact formulations of learning theory offer a more  79  u s e f u l guide t o the p r e d i c t i o n and c o n t r o l o f d e l i n q u e n t b e h a v i o u r t h e u s u a l , l e s s d i s c r i m i n a t i n g approaches? are s e v e r a l p o s s i b i l i t i e s :  I f t h i s i s not the case, t h e r e  d e l i n q u e n c y i s not l e a r n e d , we have m i s - a p p l i e d  the t h e o r y , o r the l e a r n i n g t h e o r y i s i t s e l f i s due t o t h e l a t t e r p o s s i b i l i t y , we i n accordance  than  inadequate.  I f our  failure  are committed t o a l t e r i n g t h e t h e o r y  w i t h d i s c o v e r a b l e f a c t s , and, p o s s i b l y , we may  even be  hasten-  i n g the demise o f the t h e o r y i f the b a s i c premise, H u l l ' s P o s t u l a t e Four (95)  i n t h i s i n s t a n c e , proves inadequate,  more adequate t h e o r y .  and w i l l end by s u b s t i t u t i n g  a  T h i s i s a major t h e o r y of l e a r n i n g , the p o s t u l a t e s  a r e m a i n l y capable of v e r i f i c a t i o n o r r e f u t a t i o n , and whether o r not i t i s t h e " b e s t " t h e o r y of l e a r n i n g a v a i l a b l e , any t h e o r y of l e a r n i n g which has been shown t o possess some v a l i d i t y i s b e t t e r t h a n no t h e o r y of l e a r n i n g a t a l l when we  are d e a l i n g w i t h l e a r n e d b e h a v i o u r .  I t i s perhaps  p r i a t e here t o r e s t a t e t h e p o s t u l a t e s e t f o r t h i n c h a p t e r I I : b e h a v i o u r i s l e a r n e d behaviour;  no attempt  appro-  delinquent  has been made t o v e r i f y  this  p o s t u l a t e , i t i s assumed t o be t r u e , and i s the b a s i s upon which t h e a n a l y s i s must p r o c e e d .  A l l o t h e r v a r i a b l e s , c o n s t r u c t s , and r e l a t i o n s h i p s , i n  t h i s and t h e s u c c e e d i n g c h a p t e r s , a r e p r e s e n t e d as hypotheses r i s k e d , p r o v i s i o n a l u n t i l such time as r e s e a r c h may  which are  take o v e r t h e t a s k o f  r e f u t i n g or v e r i f y i n g them.  MAIN HYPOTHESES  Fear of a u t h o r i t y .  Most d e l i n q u e n t b e h a v i o u r can be accounted  the h y p o t h e s i s t h a t f e a r o f a u t h o r i t y , i n combination d r i v e such as s e x o r anger,  reinforcements.  w i t h an approach  c o n s t i t u t e s t h e d r i v e towards d e l i n q u e n c y .  T h i s does not e x p l a i n the behaviour Delayed  f o r on  The  of the p s y c h o p a t h i c d e l i n q u e n t .  " d e l i n q u e n t , " i n c l u d i n g and  especially  80 the psychopath,  has n o t l e a r n e d t o a c c e p t d e l a y i n r e i n f o r c e m e n t ; r e q u i r e s  more immediate g r a t i f i c a t i o n o r p r i m a r y n e e d - r e d u c t i o n , r e l a t i v e t o t h e "non-delinquent."  (Reinforcement may be t a k e n t o mean t h e s t r e n g t h e n i n g  of a s t i m u l u s - r e s p o n s e c o n n e c t i o n through n e e d - r e d u c t i o n o r reward.)  CONFLICT  F e a r as an important  component o f d e l i n q u e n t b e h a v i o u r .  i s p a r t i c u l a r l y ' prone t o emotional c o n f l i c t .  The d e l i n q u e n t  F e a r and i t s d e r i v a t i v e s a r e  u s u a l l y p r e s e n t . , A l t h o u g h , a c c o r d i n g t o t h e above h y p o t h e s i s , f e a r i s t h e c h i e f d r i v e m o t i v a t i n g d e l i n q u e n c y i n t h e non-psychopath, i n some cases other d r i v e s , e s p e c i a l l y anger and sex, may be t h e p r i m a r y d r i v e s and f e a r p l a y s a secondary r o l e .  Because f e a r i s u s u a l l y o f c e n t r a l importance, i t  w i l l be emphasized i n t h e d i s c u s s i o n below.  I t i s c l e a r how t h e o t h e r  d r i v e s c o u l d be r e l a t e d t o d e l i n q u e n c y without r e f e r r i n g t o cases i n which they, occupy t h e c e n t r a l p o s i t i o n . Anger-anxiety c o n f l i c t s .  A n g e r i s - o n e of t h e h i e r a r c h y o f r e s p o n s e s  p o s s i b l e when f r u s t r a t i o n o c c u r s .  These anger responses must be c o n t r o l l e d .  Anger i s f r e q u e n t l y punished and f e a r becomes a t t a c h e d t o anger  cues:  fear  of t h e f o r b i d d a n a c t i v i t y and a l s o f e a r of t h e anger r e s p o n s e s produced by the c h i l d .  Anger without, f e a r i s bad enough, but when t h e two c o e x i s t t h e  c h i l d has an a d d i t i o n a l need f o r a g g r e s s i v e behaviour because t h e a g g r e s s i o n reduces t h e f e a r , and so i s r e i n f o r c e d .  I n t h e " d e l i n q u e n t " t h e anger-  a n x i e t y c o n f l i c t presumably r e s u l t s i n t h e anger r e s p o n s e s p r e v a i l i n g . child  "misbehaves," perhaps  overcoming  The  i n n o c e n t l y enough, i s planished, anger r e s u l t s ,  t h e f e a r ; t h e c h i l d i s now p u n i s h e d f o r "naughty" a g g r e s s i o n , and  the c o n n e c t i o n between anger and f e a r may be s t r e n g t h e n e d : serves t h e d u a l purpose  o f r e d u c i n g both d r i v e s .  aggression  A "vicious c i r c l e "  ensues:  81 anger and fear which are associated may be reduced v i a aggression, but aggression  leads to punishment and hence to an increase i n anger and fear  responses which i n turn must be reduced by further aggression.  Of course  i f the c h i l d stops short of the punished act, the stopping w i l l result infear-reduction and be reinforced.  But how can we be sure he w i l l do so?  If he performs the punished act, i t w i l l be reinforced, e s p e c i a l l y i f he can avoid detection.  The only way to obviate t h i s i s progressively to  increase the punishment or to resort to constant s u r v e i l l a n c e , something which we are not prepared to do, even i f the former did not r e s u l t i n neur o t i c symptoms or i n displaced aggression.  The f a i l u r e of repressive d i s -  c i p l i n e i s inevitable since the parent cannot observe everything the c h i l d does.  The c h i l d w i l l i n e v i t a b l y engage i n forbidden a c t i v i t i e s and "get  away with i t . "  The forbidden a c t i v i t y , which i s of course feared, not  followed by d i r e f u l consequences, results i n fear-reduction, and hence i s reinforced.  "G-obd behaviour" reinforced by approval i s not subject to  t h i s l i m i t a t i o n ; "bad behaviour" drops out simply because i t i s unrewarded. In the case of "bad behaviour" which i s i n e v i t a b l y r e i n f o r c i n g because i t involves primary reinforcement,  i t i s necessary to substitute secondary  reinforcements on a temporary basis i n l i e u of primary need-reduction; t h i s s i t u a t i o n w i l l be considered layed reinforcement.  below i n the sections dealing with de-  Punishment, which involves fear, i s not only dang-  erous,- but i t does not achieve the desired conduct.  I t i s unnecessary  because mere lack of reward i s enough to ensure the abandonment of a response.  Fear of punishment may generalize to fear of the parent and to  fear of a c t i v i t i e s similar to the punished act, but which are not actu a l l y forbiddan by society. Society attempts to make children "meek and obedient i n the family,". but "strong and competitive  outside" (4H, p.lS7).  D o c i l i t y may be  82  over-learned, or rebellious behaviour may be barely restrained in the family, "but ... later freely generalized to the adult milieu" (42, p.128). Drive generalization.  Because of possible drive generalization, the  child whose parent e l i c i t s anger also tends to e l i c i t fear, and similarl y with other drives and other authority figures.  Anger i s one of the  hierarchy of responses possible when frustration occurs.  Drive generali-  zation ensures that the two, anger and fear, are associated, and delinquent behaviour serves the dual purpose of reducing both drives. Discrimination.  It i s not "fear" and "anger" which we are attempt-  ing to eliminate, but fear and anger under inappropriate circumstances and in inappropriate amounts. This i s a particularly:- d i f f i c u l t discrimination for the child to make, although perhaps no more so, under ideal c i r cumstances, than those involved in learning to read. I t would be equally inappropriate for a child to generalize from "saintly" parents to a l l adults.  Appropriate generalizations involve discrimination.  This implies  that the child*s higher mental processes must be free to deal with emotional problems deriving from interpersonal relationships.  I t is not  gross attitudes which must generalize from one situation to another but adaptive techniques such as self-study. Response generalization.  Under drive, the individual tries one res-  ponse after another until he hits upon one which i s reinforced or results in need-reduction.  Thus infants and children try indiscriminately socially  inacceptable as well as socially acceptable responses. I f the responses, acceptable or inacceptable, are not reinforced, they tend to disappear; i f they are reinforced, they w i l l persist. The responses which persist are the result of differential reinforcement and are harder to eliminate because they have been rewarded-. Mere repetition has no effect:  the res-  ponse has been repeated because i t has been more or less continuously rewarded.  83 Delinquent  b e h a v i o u r may r e s u l t when t h e c h i l d performs an a c t which  i s s o c i a l l y acceptable, act:  but which i s analogous t o a s o c i a l l y  f e a r - r e d u c t i o n occurs  inacceptable  i n t h e former i n s t a n c e and t h e b e h a v i o u r gen-  e r a l i z e s t o i n c l u d e i n a c c e p t a b l e g o a l s wherein f e a r - r e d u c t i o n a g a i n It  i s n e c e s s a r y t o i n v e n t a h y p o t h e t i c a l example.  and  t h e use o f t h e h i g h e r mental p r o c e s s e s ,  for  d e s t r o y i n g a b i r d o r animal:  all  In l i e u of explanation  a c h i l d may be s e v e r e l y whipped  he g e n e r a l i z e s t h i s  b i r d s and animals; but l a t e r l e a r n s t h a t h u n t i n g  circumstances;  he k i l l s  s i t u a t i o n to include i s allowed  under some  these non-taboo animals d e s p i t e some f e a r g e n e r a l -  i z e d from t h e previous, s i t u a t i o n . embering h i s e a r l i e r experience,  The r e s u l t i s f e a r - r e d u c t i o n , and remhe now k i l l s  b i r d s and animals which a r e  " p r o t e c t e d " by t h e p a r e n t a l taboo; a g a i n f e a r - r e d u c t i o n o c c u r s . defied h i s parents,  occurs.  t h e a c t i v i t y was rev?arded,  He has  and he may g e n e r a l i z e from  t h i s t o o t h e r tabooed a c t i v i t i e s ; o r even become a m a n i f e s t  "delinquent."  F e a r i s a dangerous weapon i n t h e r e p e r t o i r e of t h e p a r e n t s , e s p e c i a l l y when i t i s used upon dependent, o r h e l p l e s s c h i l d r e n who have no way o f a v o i d i n g i t s e f f e c t s and have n o t developed t e c h n i q u e s  f o r dealing with i t .  Fear o f one s e t o f a u t h o r i t y - f i g u r e s g e n e r a l i z e s t o a w i d e r range o f a u t h o r i t y - f i g u r e s and a u t h o r i t y - s u r r o g a t e s .  I f t h e former a r e t o o f o r m i d -  a b l e o r too w e l l - l o v e d , f e a r - r e d u c t i o n may take p l a c e by a t t a c k i n g the latter.  The s t r o n g e r t h e h a t r e d , f e a r , o r anger towards t h e p a r e n t , t h e  w i d e r t h e range o f g e n e r a l i z a t i o n and the g r e a t e r the need t o reduce these d r i v e s by a t t a c k i n g s u i t a b l e o b j e c t s o u t s i d e the home.  Delinquent  behav-  i o u r may i n t h i s way become s t r o n g l y r e i n f o r c e d and be a d i r e c t r e s u l t o f the home s i t u a t i o n , d e s p i t e t h e f a c t t h a t the c h i l d p r o f e s s e s  and f e e l s ,  " c o n s c i o u s l y " a t l e a s t , l o v e and a d m i r a t i o n  The v e r y  l o v e and a d m i r a t i o n the p a r e n t s  f o r the parents.  which he f e e l s p r e v e n t s him from " t a k i n g i t o u t " on  and r e s u l t s i n d i s p l a c e d a g g r e s s i o n  towards e x t r a - f a m i l i a l  84 objects.  Or strong fear of the parents may promote displaced aggression.  I f the i n h i b i t i n g responses generalize as much or more than the responses which they i n h i b i t , no aggression w i l l occur outside the home.  But  i f the i n h i b i t i n g responses generalize less than the ones which they i n h i b i t , the o r i g i n a l aggressive responses are l e s s i n h i b i t e d and aggression occurs; t h i s i s more l i k e l y since the c h i l d has l e s s reason to love the teacher, the law, or society, and there i s a.steeper gradient of generali z a t i o n i n t h i s case.  In a c o n f l i c t s i t u a t i o n , generalization i s not made  to the most similar object but to one which exhibits an intermediate degree of s i m i l a r i t y ; i f the teacher too c l o s e l y resembles the parent, she may  e l i c i t love or perhaps fear, instead of aggression. Because of the gradient of generalization, fear of the parents gener-  a l i z e s to other authority-figures.  The authority-figures l e a s t l i k e the  parents and others who have e l i c i t e d f e a r responses are l e a s t l i k e l y to e l i c i t fear responses; the therapist should not be h o s t i l e , punishing, or r e j e c t i n g , nor should other adults who.work with "delinquents."  Higher  order conditioning and secondary generalization ensure that fear responses become attached to an ever wider range of adults. An increase i n drive, say fear, r e s u l t s i n increasing generalization and perhaps an increase i n behaviour to reduce the fear, such as delinquency, unless the fear i s increased to the point where avoidance r e s u l t s .  An increase i n anger  unmitigated by fear leads, of course, to a wider range of objects capable of  e l i c i t i n g anger and to more aggressive behaviour:  In general, f e a r  and anger responses are eliminated by presenting the objects when f e a r and anger are not present and xvhen they w i l l not be aroused.  I f the c h i l d i s  already angry or a f r a i d , the object becomes a new cue f o r e l i c i t i n g anger or fear on future occasions.  Thus when we attempt to r e l i e v e a c h i l d ' s  anger or fear i n an i n e f f i c i e n t manner, we ourselves may become objects  85  for his. fear and anger.  I f we suceed, the opposite i s true.  A severe emotional c o n f l i c t may lead d i r e c t l y to delinquency:  the  reward l i e s i n the fact that delinquent behaviour reduces anxiety, and i s learned i n much the same way as are neurotic symptoms.  The, fear-redue- ,  ing e f f i c a c y of delinquency i s apparent, as;,-, i s i t s r e l a t i o n to_anger, and, . l e s s c l e a r l y , to love, anger.; and f e a r a l l f e l t toxifards the same person. I f i t i s true, as i s often alleged, that "delinquents" are great daydreamers then t h i s i s evidence that' they are l a r g e l y frustrated and the victims of emotional c o n f l i c t s .  Daydreaming i s rewarded, but to a r e l a t i v e l y . s l i g h t  degree as compared to s o c i a l l y acceptable overt achievement. the c h i l d who  Therefore,  achieves the l a t t e r strong reinforcement has no need to day-  .dream about i t , habit strength being a function of strength of r e i n f o r c e ment .  '  Projection.  The "delinquent" probably attributes h i s own  aggressive  tendencies to others, thus neatly r a t i o n a l i z i n g his own h o s t i l e behaviour. Discrimination and the use of the higher mental processes would prevent this.  I f the "delinquent" i s unfriendly towards authority-figures, they  w i l l be unfriendly towards him, and he i s given some basis f o r h i s r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n ; h i s h o s t i l i t y e l i c i t s h o s t i l i t y i n return.  Projection i s r e i n -  forced i n that' the "delinquent's" anxiety over .his aggressive behaviour i s reduced; the aggression i s excusable on the grounds that the objects of aggression "brought i t on themselves" or "deserved what, they got." . D e l i n quent behaviour i s also reinforced. Reaction formation.  The most pertinent example here i s the " d e l i n -  quent" who "unconsciously," or at l e a s t covertly, fears authority-figures, but who aggressively attacks or defies them, thus "proving" h i s lack of fear.  The resultant fear-reduction reinforces thoughts which are opposed  to the temptation to show fear, and the "delinquent" i s committed to demons t r a t i n g h i s lack of fear, an aggressive denial, on other occasions; t h i s  86 may be one way i n which the "thoughts of delinquency" noticed by. Healy and Bronner become prevalent p r i o r to delinquency. Delinquent behaviour vs. neurotic behaviour.  The c h i l d who engages  i n delinquent behaviour "acts out his d i f f i c u l t i e s . "  He usually fears  engage i n delinquent a c t i v i t i e s but the fear i s overcome.  to  To t h i s exaent,  the "delinquent" i s more " r e a l i s t i c " than the "neurotic" who avoids h i s difficulties.  The "delinquent" i s more "courageous," more active, and  deals with his c o n f l i c t s and fears i n a more d i r e c t manner.  His behaviour  i s not too far removed from that which i s admired by the culture; i t  is  merely misdirected, a f a i l u r e to discriminate properly. Delinquent behaviour vs. psychopathic  behaviour. ' To the extent that  fear i s not present and the i n d i v i d u a l approaching an a n t i s o c i a l goal i s under no c o n f l i c t ,  to t h i s extent the behaviour.is psychopathic  than delinquent i n the usual sense.  rather  I f fear i s not the primary d r i v e mot-  ivating delinquency, the i n d i v i d u a l i s further along the psychopathic continuum than i s o r d i n a r i l y the case.  Delinquency can i n most cases be cons-  idered as an attempt, to deny fear and to reduce fear by attacking the source of the fear or by attacking a convenient Alcohol and delinquency.  substitute.  Alcohol, according to a Dollard-Mi11er hypo-  t h e s i s , reduces fear and i t s derivatives,  and should allow the "delinquent!"  or "criminal" to approach the feared a n t i s o c i a l goal when he otherwise might not do so; hence i t may be i n d i r e c t l y related to crime and delinquency.  THE DYNAMICS OF CONFLICT Four hypotheses. assumptions.  An analysis of the c o n f l i c t s i t u a t i o n involves four  The gradient of approach:  "The tendency to approach a goal i s  stronger the nearer the subject i s to i t " (42, p.352).  The gradient of  87  avoidance:  "The tendency to avoid a feared stimulus i s stronger the nearer  the subject i s to i t " (42, p.352). than the gradient of approach:  The gradient of avoidance i s steeper  "The strength of avoidance increases more  r a p i d l y with nearness than does that of approach" (42, p.352). drive:  Strength of  "The strength of the tendencies to approach or avoid varies with the  strength of the drive upon which they are based" (42, p.553). Approach-avoidance c o n f l i c t .  In t h i s s i t u a t i o n , there are strong ten-  dencies to approach and to avoid the same goal: i s delinquent behaviour.  P r i o r to delinquency,  f o r our purposes the goal the child's tendencies to  approach the goal are stronger than those tending to produce avoidance, since he i s at a distance from the goal. wards the goal:  thoughts of delinquency  bring about delinquency.  In t h i s region, he w i l l move tooccur and steps are taken to  A s h e nears the goal, avoidance tendencies increase  faster than approach tendencies.  I f he reaches a point where avoidance  tendencies equal those of approach, he w i l l stop. receives encouragement from h i s companions: deny h i s fear; he must not be a " s i s s y . "  At t h i s point, say, he  he i s motivated to reduce or to  The closer he gets to the feared  goal, the greater h i s tendencies to avoid i t ; strong motivation may  be  necessary to overcome t h i s reluctance. In t h i s s i t u a t i o n , the "neurotic" v a c i l l a t e s between approach and avoidance, as indicated i n the following diagrammatic representation:  88 THE APPROACH-AVOIDANCE CONFLICT:  '•NEUROTIC" BEHAVIOUR  0 > u  o  Gradient of avoidance  si  o  a o u cu  u  a a  •a  G r adient of approach  Avoidance stronger than approach  A p p r o a c h stronger , than avoidance  Si  +J  60  G  4J  U  (Near)  w  (Distance)  (Far)  Feared goal Fig. 1 The Approach-Avoidance  Conflict:  "Neurotic" Behaviour  (Adapted f r o m D o l l a r d & M i l l e r : 42, p. 356)  "Increasing the strength of the drive t o approach w i l l r a i s e the entire gradient of approach."  (42, p.357).  The  point of intersection occurs much nearer the goal, and, as the goal i s neared, fear also increases: ious c o n f l i c t ensues:  a much more ser-  89 THE APPROACH-AVOIDANCE CONFLICT:  SERIOUS "NEUROTIC" CONFLICT  o >  'Strong Approach  u  a o cu Cu  Weak Approach  (6  Avoidance /  O  a c o  -t-> 63  c M  +->  10  (Near)  (Distance)  (Far)  Feared goal Fig. 2 The  Approach-Avoidance Conflict: Serious " N e u r o t i c " Conflict (Adapted f r o m D o l l a r d & M i l l e r :  42, p. 358)  <  However, the above represents the neurotic s i t u a t i o n i n which the two gradients i n t e r s e c t . I f approach tendencies u n t i l they are stronger than avoidance tendencies subject w i l l advance to the goal.  are increased  at the goal, the  "Then, further increases i n the  strength of approach w i l l not ... produce further increases i n the amount of fear and c o n f l i c t e l i c i t e d .  As the goal responses become  completely dominant over i n h i b i t i o n , the amount of c o n f l i c t w i l l be reduced" (42, p.358).  The reward, of course, i s the reduction i n  c o n f l i c t , and the behaviour so learned i s reinforced.  The next  diagram i l l u s t r a t e s delinquent behaviour toward a s o c i a l l y table goal:  inaccep-  90 THE APPROACH-AVOIDANCE SITUATION:  o >  si o  ^ /  "DELINQUENT BEHAVIOUR"  Strong approach  | J  ti  o  J-I  a.  Relatively weak avoidance  05  ""j |  /  y C <s> c VI  O Si  *»  00 c  u  (Near)  (Distance)  (Far)  Feared antisocial goal Fig. 3 The Approach-Avoidance Situation: "Delinquent Behaviour"  Actually, the gradients of approach and avoidance should be represented as being i n a f l u i d state of motion with the strength of the opposing tendencies varying from instant to instant.  Thus, at one moment the l i n e s  may intersect, at another moment f a i l to intersect; hence, i t i s possible f o r neurotic and delinquent behaviour to coexist .in the same i n d i v i d u a l , although not, of course, simultaneously. ual may be diagnosed as s  represent an anomaly.  The fact that the same i n d i v i d -  both "delinquent" and "neurotic," then, does not In non-neurotic, non-delinquent behaviour the i n d i v i -  dual i s not orientated towards feared a n t i s o c i a l goals; he has substituted s o c i a l l y approved goals f o r a n t i s o c i a l ones, and experiences neither fear  91  nor, r e l a t i v e l y speaking, desire i n the presence of a n t i s o c i a l goals. psychopathic  In  behaviour, fear and c o n f l i c t are again at a minimum i n the  presence of a n t i s o c i a l goals, but approach tendencies  are at a maximum.  The "delinquent's" motivation i s fear-reduction and the reduction of an approach drive such as anger.  By decreasing h i s fear of authority-  figures- i n more appropriate ways, he has less need to attack authoritysurrogates.  His anger responses also must be retrained so that he  can  d i s t i n g u i s h between appropriate objects f o r anger and inappropriate ones. Increasing his fear of the a n t i s o c i a l goal probably w i l l not work and runs the r i s k of making a neurotic out of him.  I f he already has neurotic  attitudes toward s o c i a l l y acceptable goals, these should be reduced; by reducing the fear, rather than by increasing the motivation to approach the feared goal and heightening fear as he approaches the goal, which would aggravate the c o n f l i c t . Avoidance-avoidance c o n f l i c t . figure and the authority-surrogate.  The "delinquent" fears both the authorityThe l a t t e r i s more distant, therefore  w i l l be approached, but the nearer the c h i l d approaches the greater the f e a r . I f upon approaching the authority-surrogate,, the f e a r increases to the point where i t i s equal to the fear of the o r i g i n a l authority-figure, no d e l i n quency w i l l occur, provided the c h i l d cannot f i n d a t h i r d , less f e a r f u l authority-surrogate to attack.  But i f , as a c t u a l l y occurs, the difference  between the two alternatives i s large enough, the gradients do not cross and the subject i s driven across the weaker source of avoidance:  the  authority-surrogate i s attacked, fear-reduction takes place, and the behaviour i s reinforced.  Of course, i n t h i s s i t u a t i o n approach tendencies  form of anger are also present.  i n the  The true avoidance-avoidance c o n f l i c t , i n  which the i n d i v i d u a l must choose between two feared courses of action to neither of which are there any approach tendencies, possibly has no r e l e vance to delinquent  behaviour.  92  Pure approach competition.  No c o n f l i c t i s possible between equally-  desirable goals; environmental s t i m u l i w i l l i n e v i t a b l y " t i p the s c a l e s " i n favor of one of the goals before a state of c o n f l i c t can occur. "psychopath" who  i s not subject to c o n f l i c t may  A  deem a goal achieved  by  i l l e g a l means just as a t t r a c t i v e as one achieved i n an acceptable manner. Which he chooses w i l l be merely a matter of environmental  circumstances,  the quickest and shortest method of achieving the goal, or immediate as opposed to delayed reinforcement.  The s o c i a l approval or disapproval  which results from his actions has l i t t l e or no power to motivate Double-approach-avoidance c o n f l i c t .  him.  I f the subject hesitates or  v a c i l l a t e s between two goals, avoidance must be present with respect to both of them; an approach-approach c o n f l i c t i s not p o s s i b l e . may  want to achieve both goals or he may  wards them. goals.  The subject  have an ambivalent a t t i t u d e t o -  I f presented separately, the subject w i l l go to e i t h e r of the  Presented  together, he w i l l approach the more distant goal, but  stop short of i t when fear increases to the point where s u f f i c i e n t avoidance i s e l i c i t e d .  The "delinquent" does not do t h i s because the gradient  of avoidance i s not steep enough to intersect the gradient of approach.  DELAYED REINFORCEMENT I:  THE AREAS AND  I n f a n t i l e vs. delinquent behaviour. him "particularly, (42, p.130).  SOURCES OF CONFLICT  The child's helplessness makes  vulnerable to harsh or confusing patterns of t r a i n i n g "  The young c h i l d cannot escape the effects of an  home environment.  unfortunate  Moreover, he "cannot understand the world and cannot  control(his) emotional reactions" (42, p.130). t r o l his l i f e (are) meager and  His "own  i n e f f e c t u a l " (42, p.130).  capacities to conHence, the "same"  emotional, s i t u a t i o n can be expected to produce a much greater s t r a i n i n a  93  young c h i l d than i n a w e l l - f i d j u s t e d a d u l t , who has developed many e f f e c t i v e techniques f o r d e a l i n g w i t h t h e s i t u a t i o n .  The i n f a n t cannot be  expected t o adapt t o s i t u a t i o n s w h i c h a r e beyond h i s meager c a p a c i t i e s t o control: His  he has n o t l e a r n e d t o w a i t , t o hope, t o r e a s o n , and t o p l a n .  e x i s t e n c e i s p r i m a r i l y i n the p r e s e n t .  H i s needs must be s a t i s f i e d  now; t h e r e i s no f u t u r e i n which t o s a t i s f y them: "Delinquents" are t y p i c a l l y f i c a t i o n f o r t h e i r needs.  infantile.  he cannot t o l e r a t e  They d e s i r e immediate  delay.  grati-  The h i g h e r mental p r o c e s s e s which a s s u r e t h e  c h i l d o f f u t u r e g r a t i f i c a t i o n as the reward  f o r present r e s t r a i n t are not  i n e f f i c i e n t o p e r a t i o n . 'The b e s t e x p l a n a t i o n f o r t h i s i s t h a t t h e d e l i n quent has l e a r n e d t h a t f u t u r e g r a t i f i c a t i o n , i n h i s case, has n o t been worth w a i t i n g f o r ; has n o t been r e i n f o r c e d .  The rewards o f s o c i a l  v a l , l o v e and a f f e c t i o n , s a t i s f a c t i o n i n a w e l l - p e r f o r m e d ity to  have l a r g e l y been denied t o him.  appro-  t a s k , and s e c u r -  Why s h o u l d he be expected t o w a i t ,  renounce h i s p r e s e n t needs, f o r a f u t u r e w h i c h never m a t e r i a l i z e s ?  A l s o , l i v i n g i n t h i s " i n f a n t i l e w o r l d , " i n which h i s techniques a r e i n a d e quate and i n which he i s dependent upon i r r e s p o n s i b l e o r a t l e a s t i n c o n s i s t e n t and untrustworthy a d u l t s , i t i s n o t s u r p r i s i n g t h a t he o f t e n develops s e r i o u s emotional c o n f l i c t s , psychoses.  i n c l u d i n g f u l l y - d e v e l o p e d neuroses and  "... young c h i l d r e n s h o u l d n o t be c a l l e d upon t o f a c e s e v e r e  c o n f l i c t s u n t i l t h e y have the mental means f o r d o i n g s o " (42, p.131).  The  " d e l i n q u e n t " does n o t have the r e q u i s i t e mental means d e s p i t e t h e f a c t  that  he may be w e l l p a s t the age, and possess the i n t e l l i g e n c e , a t which normal c h i l d r e n a c h i e v e t h i s degree o f c o n t r o l . led  e a r l y t h e o r i s t s t o c a l l him a "moral  " s t u p i d " about  T h i s s i t u a t i o n i s perhaps imbecile."  The d e l i n q u e n t i s  s o c i a l t e c h n i q u e s w h i c h t h e normal c h i l d masters w i t h  a t i v e ease, not because he has i n h e r i t e d a low "moral  what  rel-  i n t e l l i g e n c e , " but  because he has had no o p p o r t u n i t y t o l e a r n t h i s type o f behaviour:  these  94 s o c i a l techniques have not been reinforced by love, approval, s e c u r i t y , and feelings of increased  well-being.  The "delinquent's" achievement quotient i s low:  his performance i n  school, f o r example, i s not as good as his native capacities would indicate. He cannot use language e f f e c t i v e l y .  And "only with the a i d of his language  can he learn to wait, hope, reason, and plan" (42, p.l31)i  Like the neu-  r o t i c , he does not make an e f f e c t i v e use of language i n solving emotional problems or in dealing with society's mores i n a discriminating manner. The feeding s i t u a t i o n . The feeding s i t u a t i o n can be the learning s i t u a t i o n to which future maladaptive behaviour generalizes.  Nothing i s  gained by feeding the c h i l d when i t i s not hungry, but to expect an infant to wait f o r i t s food may  r e s u l t i n emotional c o n f l i c t ; the c h i l d probably  has, no concept of the future; he i s being tested f a r beyond his mental capacities, and immediate g r a t i f i c a t i o n i s normal and desirable at t h i s stage.  Once the c h i l d has learned the need f o r the parent's love, the  conditions under which i t i s granted, and knows that that which i s not achieved  now may  be achieved  i n the future, he may  immediate g r a t i f i c a t i o n to some extent.  be expected to forego  But i f he does not love the par-  ents or receive love i n return, he cannot be expected to learn to accept delay.  Abrupt weaning in which the c h i l d has had no opportunity  the new  responses may  to learn  be similarly./ disastrous.  Cleanliness t r a i n i n g .  Cleanliness t r a i n i n g i s a prototype f o r a l l  future t r a i n i n g i n conformity  to the demands of society.  "The  c h i l d must  master cleanliness t r a i n i n g or f o r f e i t i t s place i n the ranks of s o c i a l l y acceptable  persons" (42, p.136).  There may  be an exact p a r a l l e l between  this s i t u a t i o n and a l l future a n t i s o c i a l behaviour. c i t r a n t i n this respect may  The c h i l d who  be the youngest of the "delinquents."  is recalFor t h i s  reason, the s i t u a t i o n i s v i r t u a l l y a r e a l - l i f e laboratory i n which to  95  observe the formation of a n t i s o c i a l behaviour when the- variables are not quite so complicated as i n "legal-delinquency," and should be the subject of an intensive research program; not that we can assume that the a t t i tudes learned hereMnvariably,  i f ever, generalize to society.  Presumably,  the behaviour learned i n t h i s s i t u a t i o n i s learned i n exactly the same manner as the l a t e r , more serious delinquent behaviour.  The c h i l d must  learn avoidance reactions to urine and feces; as l a t e r he learns avoidance reactions to criminal behaviour. aroused.  A c o n f l i c t s i t u a t i o n i s immediately  The child's tendency i s to manipulate the feces and urine, and  he can obtain immediate g r a t i f i c a t i o n by foregoing a l l the extremely d i f f i c u l t learned responses which are involved i n depositing the excreta i n the prescribed place; l a t e r , his wants receive immediate g r a t i f i c a t i o n i f he simply takes what he needs, and the property mores are learned with great difficulty.  In both cases, he foregoes the d i r e c t s a t i s f a c t i o n of his  needs because of a higher value placed on parental or s o c i a l approval. Anger, defiance, stubbornness, and fear are present i n the t o i l e t t r a i n ing s i t u a t i o n , as they are i n the t r a i n i n g of other mores and taboos. "Fear may  generalize to the t o i l e t i t s e l f and excite avoidance responses  i n the very place where the c h i l d i s expected to 'go!" (42, p.138). !  may  Fear  generalize to the authority-figures themselves and excite avoidance  and anger responses to the very persons which the c h i l d i s expected to "respect" and to obey.  I f the c h i l d fears the parents, he may  deny the  fear by seeking "revenge" upon these and other authority-figures; and i n avoiding them he avoids the very persons who might teach hiia to deal with his needs and with society's mores. an anger-anxiety  c o n f l i c t i s learned.  Punishment arouses anger and f e a r , and We may  get an excessively timid,,  conforming i n d i v i d u a l , but a s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t learning situationjmsy give us an aggressive non-conformist.  "... the c h i l d may  not be able to d i s -  criminate between parental loathing f o r i t s excreta and loathing f o r the  96 whole c h i l d himself"  (42, p.139).  The c h i l d may not be able to d i s c r i m i -  nate between parental loathing f o r i t s amoral behaviour and loathing f o r the whole c h i l d himself. or psychosis;  This s i t u a t i o n may be the basis f o r a neurosis  i t can also lead to r e b e l l i o n and delinquency.  Sex education.  Early sex t r a i n i n g , i n which the same p r i n c i p l e s apply,  i n another " r e a l - l i f e laboratory."  Obviously, the c h i l d who i s not encour-  aged to discuss these problems cannot deal with them verbally or by.using the higher mental processes:  he cannot make the correct discriminations.  Probably i n no.other area i s so great an a b i l i t y to delay g r a t i f i c a t i o n required of the c h i l d . Discrimination.. Discrimination i s the result of d i f f e r e n t i a l r e i n forcement; inappropriate generalizations may also preclude adequate d i s crimination. thoughts."  Our taboos apply to " e v i l acts," " e v i l speech," and f'evil.'^ This requires very f i n e discrimination on the part of the c h i l d .  I f he cannot discuss h i s tabooed a c t i v i t i e s and tabooed tendencies, he cannot exercise proper control over them.  He may be unable to discriminate  between the r e l a t i v e "badness" of the act, the word, and the thought. I f performed because of this dilemma, the "bad" act may be reinforced. ren i n e v i t a b l y w i l l express "bad words" and have "bad thoughts."  Child-  I f the  parent i s h o r r i f i e d by or punishes, the former behaviour, i t i s u n l i k e l y that the c h i l d w i l l be able to exercise the proper control over his behaviour.  In general, he has two a l t e r n a t i v e s :  defiance and "naughtiness."  suppression and repression or  Mild repression may have no very serious con-  sequences, and most children are expected to exhibit "bad behaviour" occasionally.  I t i s the extremes which excite our i n t e r e s t .  Y/ith respect to  tabooed topics, "adults do not teach the children good labels or d r i l l them i n good explanations  i n the f i r s t place" (42, p.209).  Repression aggravates  the s i t u a t i o n placing the topics beyond r a t i o n a l control.  Children cannot  be expected to learn good habits under these circumstances.  97 "If a subject tends to avoid thinking about certain f a c t s , he i s less l i k e l y to see a connection between them" (42, p.209).  The delinquent does  not see the connection between his fear of authority and his aggression; i f he did so, he might be able to deal with h i s fear i n a more r a t i o n a l manner.  "  " I f a response i s reinforced whenever two or more cues occur i n combination but not when these cues occur separately, the response w i l l tend to be e l i c i t e d by the combination but not by i t s separate This i s called patterning? (42, p.209).  elements....  "... a c h i l d i s less l i k e l y to be  punished i f he i s angry and performs no destructive acts or i f he performs a destructive act inadvertently without a h o s t i l e intent; he i s more l i k e l y to be punished i f he performs a destructive act because he i s angry" (42, p.210).  Because of this s i t u a t i o n , the c h i l d may at one time be able  to l a b e l a h o s t i l e f e e l i n g , and at some other time be able to l a b e l a destructive act, but he i s motivated not to see the connection between the two because "'seeing the connection' w i l l arouse strong anxiety and denying i t w i l l be reinforced by a reduction i n the strength of t h i s anxiety" (42, p.210).  In repression, the response., producing the drive i s inhib-  i t e d , but i n delinquency the response i s performed and the drive reduced. Aggression and sex are mainly unlabeled.  There i s a deficiency i n  dealing with these "unpleasant" topics even among r e l a t i v e l y normal persons.  The c o n f l i c t s a r i s i n g out of t h i s unlabeling and mislabeling lead  to t h e i r repression or to f a i l u r e to learn, that i s , to discriminate, the . correct responses with respect to these drives.  The "delinquent" may  exercise s u f f i c i e n t control over his drives u n t i l such time as they have reached s u f f i c i e n t strength, say i n puberty, to overcome his weak defenses. In repression, even the thoughts connected with the pain-producing s i t u a t i o n go unlabeled and are avoided.  Although repressed fear and anger, or  other drives, may be a factor, i t seems unlikely'that the non-neurotic  98  "delinquent" i s much given to repression: his drive-reduction i s accomplished i n a much more d i r e c t manner. alized.  Nevertheless, h i s motives are not well-verb-  Fear must be very strong before i t w i l l result i n repression, and  the "delinquent's" fear of authority-figures i s at l e a s t not so strong that he w i l l not defy them.  Repression might act i n combination with delinquent  behaviour, both symptoms serving the same purpose, to reduce fear, or the two might be motivated by different but interrelated drives. Most delinquency centers about sex and aggression.  This i s true a l -  most by d e f i n i t i o n , but t h i s does not explain how transgressions against these taboos are learned.  One reason f o r offenses i n these areas i s that  these are the areas i n which the greatest degree of r e s t r a i n t i s required; a f a i l u r e to learn to accept delay i n reinforcement inevitably leads to delinquency.  Also, the verbal responses to these drives are prevented from  occurring,.hence the c h i l d cannot bring the higher mental processes to bear upon them to the same extent; and he cannot seek the aid of adults i n solving these problems. Regression.  Delinquency may r e s u l t not because the c h i l d has not  learned to accept delay, s u p e r f i c i a l l y at l e a s t , but because he regresses to i n f a n t i l e behaviour.  Obviously, h i s mature behaviour has not been  reinforced or i s no longer reinforced.  "When the dominant habit i s blocked  by c o n f l i c t or extinguished through non-reward, the next strongest response w i l l be expected to occur" (42, p.171).  I f this i s a response strongly  reinforced during an e a r l i e r stage of development and i f mature behaviour appropriate to the situation has not been well-established, regression occurs.  I f the e a r l i e r habit was formerly strongly reinforced and the  mature behaviour i s the r e s u l t of a waak reinforcement, regression is. more probable.  Sears (150) c i t e s evidence indicating that t h i s i s the case for?""  simple overt responses.  The behaviour i s usually not a genuine duplication  99  o f the e a r l i e r response, b u t a compromise between t h i s response and the more mature b e h a v i o u r l e a r n e d a t a l a t e r s t a g e o f development. may r e g r e s s from r e l a t i v e l y mature, s o c i a l i z e d behaviour  The c h i l d  i n which immediate  g r a t i f i c a t i o n i s foregone t o a p a t t e r n o f b e h a v i o u r i n w h i c h d e l a y w i l l not be t o l e r a t e d , w i t h a l l o f t h e r e s u l t a n t concomitants: a g g r e s s i o n , and p o s s i b l y d e l i n q u e n c y .  Punishment is.more  fear,  anger,  l i k e l y now, t o o ,  because t h e c h i l d i s expected " t o know b e t t e r a t h i s age."  The b e h a v i o u r  may be seen as s i m p l y " p e r v e r s e " and i n e x p l i c a b l e . Displacement.  A g a i n , when t h e dominant response  o c c u r r i n g , t h e next s t r o n g e s t response w i l l response  occur.  i s prevented  from  I f the next s t r o n g e s t  i s s t r o n g due t o g e n e r a l i z a t i o n , d i s p l a c e m e n t o c c u r s .  I f the  " d e l i n q u e n t " c o u l d be c o n v i n c e d o f the f a c t t h a t much o f h i s a g g r e s s i o n i s d i s p l a c e d a g g r e s s i o n , meted o u t upon i n a p p r o p r i a t e o b j e c t s , he c o u l d d e a l A  w i t h h i s a g g r e s s i o n v i a the h i g h e r mental a g g r e s s i o n would cease t o o c c u r .  p r o c e s s e s , and presumably the  After a l l ,  s o c i e t y i s n o t " t o blame"  f o r f r u s t r a t i o n s s u f f e r e d i n the f a m i l i a l s i t u a t i o n , o r a t l e a s t only partly so. The more s i m i l a r an a u t h o r i t y - f i g u r e  i s t o the o r i g i n a l  person, the more probable i s d i s p l a c e d a g g r e s s i o n . resembles  I f a teacher closely  a hated p a r e n t , she may be the a g g r e s s i o n o b j e c t .  especially  i fconflict  t o a much wider range  Usually,  i s i n v o l v e d the d i s p l a c e d a g g r e s s i o n g e n e r a l i z e s o f o b j e c t s , e s p e c i a l l y i n the " d e l i n q u e n t . "  there i s a f a i l u r e to d i s c r i m i n a t e . a conflict:  frustrating  Again,  D i r e c t a g g r e s s i o n may be prevented by  t h e c h i l d may have a n ambivalent  a t t i t u d e towards the p a r e n t ,  " c o n s c i o u s " l o v e and " u n c o n s c i o u s " h a t r e d o r a g g r e s s i v e t e n d e n c i e s , - f o r example; n o t t h a t they must be " u n c o n s c i o u s . "  The " u n c o n s c i o u s " h a t r e d  o r a g g r e s s i v e t e n d e n c i e s may be "taken o u t " upon s o c i e t y i n l l i e u o f t h e l o v e d , o r i n some cases f e a r e d , p a r e n t .  100  DELAYED REINFORCEMENT I I :  THE HIGHER MENTAL PROCESSES  The role of the higher mental processes.  In most areas, immediate  reinforcement i s defined as an offense against the mores or folkways.  The  "delinquent," psychopathic or otherwise, invariably shows a f a i l u r e to discriminate between s o c i a l l y acceptable and inacceptable behaviour, a f a i l u r e to make adequate use of the higher mental processes i n dealing with emotional c o n f l i c t s , and a tendency to value immediate reinforcement rather than the delayed reinforcements which society f o r the most part condones or approves.  The infant lacks the mental s k i l l s necessary to achieve or  to tolerate delayed reinforcement.  The "delinquent" has not.! learned these  s k i l l s ; t h i s kind of behaviour has not been reinforced. The higher mental processes mediate delayed rewards, and must be brought to bear on the problems of emotional c o n f l i c t and need-satisfaction. Through them, the c h i l d learns correct l a b e l i n g , to respond less to crude sensory stimulation, to value remote goals, control, r e s t r a i n t , suppression of thoughts of delinquency, foresight, reasoning, planning, substitute s a t i s f a c t i o n s , and hope, and to evaluate his own motives and behaviour correctly. Discrimination i s the r e s u l t of d i f f e r e n t i a l reinforcement, and i s greatly aided by means of the higher mental processes; i t precludes inappropriate generalizations.  In delinquent behaviour, there i s a f a i l u r e  to discriminate between the r e l a t i v e merits of s o c i a l l y acceptable and inacceptable behaviour; there i s also a f a i l u r e to discriminate between the way i n which the various drives are i n t e r r e l a t e d and the way i n which delinquency i s designed to achieve a reduction i n these drives; this confused state of a f f a i r s i s mainly due to a f a i l u r e on the part of the higher mental processes to take over the task of resolving emotional c o n f l i c t s  101  and the problems deriving from the child's r e l a t i o n s with others; the net r e s u l t i s an emphasis upon immediate or s l i g h t l y delayed reinforcement and upon primary stimulus generalization. The higher mental processes f a c i l i t a t e delayed rewards.  Small c h i l d -  ren lack foresight or planning a b i l i t y ; they cannot bear momentary f r u s t r ations; they are especially prone to anger and fear.  I f more adequate  techniques are not learned, these i n f a n t i l e reactions may p e r s i s t into l a t e r childhood and delinquency may  result..  Hostile and destructive behav-  iour are inevitable i n the young c h i l d , and must be replaced by a slow, often tortuous process of learning i n which control, r e s t r a i n t , suppression, i n general, the higher mental processes are brought to bear upon emotional problems and upon those involved i n need-satisfaction.  The "delinquent"  has had np opportunity to deal with tabooed a c t i v i t i e s v i a the higher ment a l processes. H u l l ( 9 4 ) stresses the role of the higher mental processes; speech, and other types of communication "pure stimulus acts," when used to best advantage f a c i l i t a t e problem solution:  " I t i s believed that t h i s form of  behaviour i s the most highly adaptive, the most e f f i c i e n t and f l e x i b l e means for mediating s u r v i v a l (and adaptations generally) -;ever evolved. ... one of the most important of (the habit mechanisms subsumed under the term, intelligence) i s the capacity to use symbols, mostly verbal, i n individual problem solution" ( 9 4 , p . 9 3 ) . Labeling.  D i s t i n c t i v e labels a i d discrimination.  I f lacking, the  person responds more to the crude sensory stimulation of the s i t u a t i o n , and exhibits more primary stimulus generalization, as i n displacement. Loss of, or f a i l u r e to develop, the cue-producing responses or labels decreases the amount of learned, secondary generalization.  Verbal and other  cue-producing responses mediate learned drives and revjards, and enable the  102  person to respond  to remote g o a l s .  s t i m u l i immediately  "They f r e e him from the c o n t r o l of  p r e s e n t i n the here and now..." (42, p.128); t h e i r  absence i n h i b i t s r e a s o n i n g and p l a n n i n g and p r e v e n t s a i d from o t h e r s .  The  " d e l i n q u e n t ' s " i n a b i l i t y t o r e s i s t p r e s e n t s t i m u l i , and h i s p r e o c c u p a t i o n w i t h p r e s e n t needs, has been noted. The " d e l i n q u e n t " :  a description.  I f the " d e l i n q u e n t " has f a i l e d t o  use h i s h i g h e r mental p r o c e s s e s i n d e a l i n g w i t h tabooed a c t i v i t i e s ,  we  would expect him to show " l e s s d i s c r i m i n a t i o n and more d i s p l a c e m e n t ,  urgent  r e a c t i o n to the immediate p r e s e n t , n e g l e c t f o r the f u t u r e , t i m e l e s s n e s s , amorality..."  (42., p.220).  D o l l a r d and M i l l e r are not d e s c r i b i n g the  inquent" here, o f course; t h i s i s how  "del-  F r e u d d e s c r i b e s the "unconscious,"  and  such behaviour ph the p a r t o f the " d e l i n q u e n t " l e a d s F r e u d i a n s t o c l a i m t h a t the d e l i n q u e n t . c h i l d i s a t the mercy of h i s " i d " and l a c k s a The  " d e l i n q u e n t " may  o r may  not show r e p r e s s i o n and, i n h i b i t i o n .  "superego." His  aggres-  s i v e impulses, however, a r e n o t - a d e q u a t e l y c o n t r o l l e d by the a d a p t i v e methods of s u p p r e s s i o n and r e s t r a i n t , b o t h of which a r e under t h e c o n t r o l o f t h e higher mental processes.  F e a r s , o f t e n , a r e not handled  i n t h i s manner  e i t h e r , but r a t h e r they are reduced by m a l a d a p t i v e , a g g r e s s i v e D e l i n q u e n t behaviour  behaviour.  i n r e l a t i o n to o t h e r k i n d s of b e h a v i o u r .  Neu-  r o t i c b e h a v i o u r and d e l i n q u e n t behaviour appear t o be a t o p p o s i t e p o l e s , especially  i f the " d e l i n q u e n t " i s a l s o a "psychopath."  The  n e u r o t i c "must  ... see c l e a r l y the l i n e between what the s o c i e t y w i l l and w i l l not  'stand  f o r ' and keep on the r i g h t s i d e of the l i n e ; but t h a t i s not u s u a l l y h i s problem.  H i s problem i s the r e v e r s e one  t h a t he can l i v e c o n s t r u c t i v e l y "  —  t o become e x p r e s s i v e enough so  (42, p.347).  The problems i n v o l v e d i n  n e u r o t i c b e h a v i o u r are not those i n v o l v e d i n d e l i n q u e n t b e h a v i o u r . behaviour  of the v a r i o u s groups may  be summarized, as f o l l o w s :  The  the n e u r o t i c  i s r e p r e s s e d and i n h i b i t e d ; the c l i n i c a l l y normal person e x e r c i s e s s u p p r e s s i o n and r e s t r a i n t , w i t h a s u i t a b l e degree of s p o n t a n e i t y ; the " d e l i n q u e n t "  103 i s uncontrolled, unrestrained, and does not suppress a n t i s o c i a l  thoughts:  t h i s s i t u a t i o n i s complicated by a n x i e t y - c o n f l i c t s and abnormal fears, not necessarily neurotic, since they are dealt with i n a non-neurotic fashion; the'pss'-chopath" i s uncontrolled and unrestrained, and a n x i e t y - c o n f l i c t s are at a minimum.  The neurotic, the "delinquent," .and the "psychopath" a l l  lack planning a b i l i t y , and have not learned to discriminate the appropriate responses with respect to the s o c i a l environment.  The neurotic, however,  i s over-cautious, and f a i l s to enter into a c t i v i t i e s which are a c t u a l l y acceptable or even desirable. The higher mental processes and s o c i a l i z a t i o n .  The higher mental pro-  cesses a i d i n making adaptive discrimination, "especially with respect to c u l t u r a l l y emphasized differences" (42, p.322), and s i m i l a r i t i e s .  "Verbal  labels and other cue-producing responses also help to cut down on the type of generalization responsible f o r displacement"  (42, p.323).  As we have  seen, the "delinquent" often exhibits displaced aggression and does not discriminate properly the r e l a t i v e reward values attaching to s o c i a l l y acceptable and inacceptable behaviour.  The higher mental processes a i d i n  establishing foresight, the a b i l i t y to motivate and reward the s e l f , a b i l i t y to accept delay i n reinforcement, hope, the sustained interest necessary to long-range, planning, acceptance, of sub-goals and self-reward f o r t h e i r achievement; a i d reasoning and planning i n solving emotional problems, and i n getting the help of others.  Behaviour, adequately verbalized, i s now  under better s o c i a l control. Suppression and r e s t r a i n t .  "Delinquents" and "pre-delinquents" must  be motivated to suppress thoughts of delinquency.  They must avoid the  "delinquency area," i f possible, the "delinquency-prone"  home, i f necessary,  t h e i r companions i n delinquency, the hated authority-figure to which a more tolerant attitude cannot be developed.  To achieve suppression of delinquent  104  thoughts t h e i r a t t e n t i o n must be d i r e c t e d towards a c t i v i t i e s which a r e incompatible with delinquency. p r e s s e d thoughts  The new  thoughts w h i c h r e p l a c e the sup-  o f d e l i n q u e n c y must be rewarded.  The a c t i v i t i e s  incom-  p a t i b l e w i t h d e l i n q u e n c y must be s t r o n g l y r e i n f o r c e d ; much more s t r o n g l y than the d e l i n q u e n t a c t i v i t i e s .  Once s t r o n g l y i n v o l v e d i n n o n - d e l i n q u e n t  a c t i v i t i e s , m o t i v a t i o n t o continue these responses v a t i o n t o continue d e l i n q u e n c y i s weakened.  i s i n c r e a s e d and  As H e a l y and Bronner  moti-  have  noted, t h e " d e l i n q u e n t " t o a v o i d f u r t h e r d e l i n q u e n c y must be s u p p l i e d w i t h s u b s t i t u t e s a t i s f a c t i o n s : n o n - d e l i n q u e n t b e h a v i o u r must be r e i n f o r c e d .  A  "bad h a b i t " cannot be e l i m i n a t e d u n l e s s i t i s r e p l a c e d by a "good" one; , most workers p r o b a b l y spend too much time " p r e v e n t i n g d e l i n q u e n c y " and enough time promoting non-delinquency;  i f non-delinquent behaviour i s pro-  moted, " d e l i n q u e n c y " w i l l take care of i t s e l f ; promotion  o f non-delinquency,  that  not  f o r p r a c t i c a l purposes,  the  i s , i t s reinforcement, i s a l l that i s  n e c e s s a r y , and i t might be a u s e f u l e x e r c i s e i f p r a c t i c a l people i n these p o s i t i v e terms, r a t h e r t h a n emphasizing  thought  the n e g a t i v e s i d e o f the '  problem, " p r e v e n t i o n . " The " d e l i n q u e n t " must a l s o learn, r e s t r a i n t , "the p r e v e n t i o n o f an i n s t r u m e n t a l response by c o n f l i c t i n g responses t h a t are under v e r b a l control"  (42, p.221).  These two t e c h n i q u e s , r e s t r a i n t and  a h i g h o r d e r o f d i s c r i m i n a t i v e a b i l i t y and mental  s u p p r e s s i o n , imply  i n v o l v e f u l l use of the h i g h e r  processes.  S e l f study.  The  c h i l d who  i s a d e q u a t e l y t r a i n e d i n s e l f study p r o -  b a b l y does not become d e l i n q u e n t , not t h a t s e l f study should be c a r r i e d t o morbid to  extremes.  A c h i l d so t r a i n e d would use h i s h i g h e r mental  s o l v e h i s problems,  d i s c r i m i n a t i n g between s o c i a l l y a c c e p t a b l e , h i g h l y  rewarded forms o f b e h a v i o u r and s o c i a l l y conflicts.  The  processes  c h i l d who  i n a c c e p t a b l e ways o f r e s o l v i n g  has been t r a i n e d i n s e l f study must be a v e r y  r a r e phenomenon, but p r o b a b l y due  to more o r l e s s haphazard  reinforcement,  105 there are children who use this method of resolving c o n f l i c t s to some extent.  "... i t seems possible that c h i l d r e n could be motivated and trained  to use t h e i r mental s k i l l s to solve emotional problems" (42, p.432).  DELAYED HBIMTORCEMEMT I I I :  SECONDARY REINFORCEMENTS  The role of secondary reinforcements.  Delayed reinforcements are  learned with d i f f i c u l t y ; but i f secondary reinforcements take place between the acts leading to the desired response and the primary reward, learning i s f a c i l i t a t e d  greatly.  The p r a c t i c a l implications of t h i s are  apparent; i n the t o i l e t t r a i n i n g s i t u a t i o n , f o r example, the parent should not only reward the end-act, which, i n c i d e n t a l l y , i s also rewarded by p r i mary need-reduction, but also should reward each step leading to the a c t . This i s particularly.,: true i n dealing with young children who have a limited capacity f o r self-rewards, and f o r invoking verbal cue-producing responses which f a c i l i t a t e delayed rewards. Spence's hypothesis.  Spence (164) claims to have obviated the pro-  blem of how reward works backwards i n delay s i t u a t i o n s .  The factor oper-  ating i n the "delay" s i t u a t i o n i s the degree to which conditions are favorable f o r secondary reinforcement; hence, there i s no r e a l delay: secondary reinforcements are present and f a c i l i t a t e delay.  immediate  Secondary r e i n -  forcement i s due to the a s s o c i a t i o n of stimulus patterns and primary rewards; i n stimulus generalization, the stimulus pattern acquires secondary r e i n f o r c i n g properties which generalize to stimulus patterns preceding i t i n time.  Or the proprioceptive stimulus cues following the " c o r r e c t " response  are generalized-to s i m i l a r situations by acquiring secondary r e i n f o r c i n g properties; t h i s p o s s i b i l i t y i s indicated by the r e s u l t s of Grice's (81)  106  experiment.  Spence s p e c u l a t e s t h a t "... i t would not seem unreasonable  h y p o t h e s i z e t h a t t h e r e i s no p r i m a r y all  g r a d i e n t o f r e i n f o r c e m e n t , but t h a t  l e a r n i n g i n v o l v i n g d e l a y o f the primary reward r e s u l t s from the  of  immediate secondary  to  r e i n f o r c e m e n t which d e v e l o p s  action  i n the s i t u a t i o n "  (164,  p.7).  FURTHER ASPECTS 0? THE THEORY  The  f a c i l i t a t i v e e f f e c t o f companionship.  I t may  be  hypothesized  t h a t companionship when u n d e r t a k i n g f e a r e d a c t i v i t i e s reduces of  f e a r experienced.  undertake  the amount  I t i s a common o b s e r v a t i o n t h a t the i n d i v i d u a l  actions, i n a mob  will  or gang s i t u a t i o n which he would p r o b a b l y  not  engage i n a l o n e , and many people a r e amazed t o note t h a t c i t i z e n s who o r d i n a r i l y "law a b i d i n g " w i l l mob.  commit the g r o s s e s t crimes as members o f a  Most d e l i n q u e n t b e h a v i o u r  v i d u a l , throughout  life,  t a k e n i n the presence  i n v o l v e s more than one  The  indi-  o f o t h e r s and w i t h t h e i r a p p r o v a l a r e l e s s dangerous initiated.  Examples from l i f e  The mere presence  p r o d u c i n g s i t u a t i o n appears  t o reduce  b a s i s f o r b e l i e v i n g t h a t the presence minates or reduces  person.  has been c o n d i t i o n e d t o b e l i e v e t h a t a c t i o n s under-  than a c t i o n s which are s e l f r e a d i l y be s u p p l i e d .  are  the danger.  of another  situations  individual i n a  may  fear-  f e a r , even when t h e r e i s no o b j e c t i v e o f a second p e r s o n  in iany way  eli-  :  Given the example of a companion  who  approaches a f e a r e d a n t i s o c i a l g o a l , i t would be p r e d i c t e d , the d e l i n q u e n t act  would e l i c i t  l e s s f e a r than i f the a n t i s o c i a l g o a l was  F r e u d i a n and p o p u l a r d e s c r i p t i v e l a b e l s . to his  The  approached a l o n e .  empirical observation,  the e f f e c t t h a t the i n f a n t seeks r e l a t i v e l y immediate g r a t i f i c a t i o n f o r needs, i s i n complete ..agreement w i t h p s y c h o a n a l y t i c t h e o r y ; but i t  would appear t o be a s i m p l e r e x p l a n a t i o n i f we forcement  hypothesis:  invoked the d e l a y e d  rein-  t h a t the i n f a n t has had no o p p o r t u n i t y to l e a r n  107  delayed reinforcements, and, because of the goal gradient, no other kind of behaviour i s as yet "possible.  There i s no need to refer to the content of ..  the child's " i d " or to his lack of a "superego." The "delinquent's" alleged " l a z i n e s s " i s also a descriptive term which might better be subsumed under some such hypothesis as i s introduced here. The Freudians have accused the "delinquent" of "selfishness."  I f , by  "selfishness," the Freudians mean an i n a b i l i t y to accept delayed r e i n f o r c e ment, then the two theories are i n agreement. Freudians, i s also "greedy."  The "delinquent," say;, the  Again, once the concept i s redefined, making  use of l e s s m o r a l i s t i c and subjective terms, we have agreement. The a b i l i t y to withstand delay i n reinforcement i s perhaps one of the things we mean when we speak vaguely of " c i v i l i z e d behaviour."  Many Of our  cliches f i t i n well with the delayed reinforcement hypothesis; not that t h i s , or any of the suceeding remarks, are offered as evidence.  At a naive,  descriptive l e v e l , we speak of the criminal who seeks "easy money," we d i s approve of people who " l i v e by t h e i r wits," and of "get r i c h quick schemes." The conventional f o l k t a l e , with a moral, i n s i s t s that these schemers are never rewarded.  Achievements and status i n the society must be "earned,"  and we must "pay*' f o r everything we r e c e i v e . Delayed reinforcement reaches i t s epitome i n acts which receive no manifest reward whatever: for "posterity."  those done  High i n t e l l i g e n c e i s a prerequisite f o r achievement i n  some areas; high i n t e l l i g e n c e does not ensure the capacity to accept delayed reinforcements, but i t s lack may set a l i m i t i n g factor on this a b i l i t y . High achievement i n any area seems to imply, among other things, the a b i l i t y to accept delayed reinforcement, and a tendency to value "intangible," secondary reinforcements. Lower animals seek more immediate reinforcement than do humans, and presumably l i v e more i n the present. range plans or possess l i f e goals.  They do not, we i n f e r , make long  Man's a b i l i t y to accept greater delayed  108 r e i n f o r c e m e n t s may  be a f u n c t i o n o f b i s g r e a t e r i n t e l l i g e n c e , M s  v e r b a l cue-producing r i m i n a t e and  responses,  and  t o apprehend secondary  use  hence o f h i s g r e a t e r a b i l i t y t o d i s c r e i n f o r c e m e n t s which mediate  "delay."  M o r a l i s t s have n o t e d t h i s r e l a t i v e d i f f e r e n c e between lower animals men,  and  tial."  of  d e s c r i b e c e r t a i n d i s a p p r o v e d behaviour  and  as " a n i m a l - l i k e " o r "bes-  A l l of t h i s i s a t the a n e c d o t a l l e v e l , of. c o u r s e , and need not  taken too s e r i o u s l y .  However, i t would be i n t e r e s t i n g to know i f animals  up and down the p h y l o g e n e t i c s c a l e e x h i b i t d i f f e r e n t degress w i t h s t a n d d e l a y , and  be  i t would seem to be f e a s i b l e t o t e s t the  in ability  to  hypothesis  i n the l a b o r a t o r y . The  d e l i n q u e n t mode of a d a p t a t i o n .  s i t u a t i o n or p e r son,  The n e u r o t i c a v o i d s the f e a r e d  such as an a u t h o r i t y - f i g u r e ; the " d e l i n q u e n t " a t t a c k s  the a u t h o r i t y - f i g u r e e i t h e r d i r e c t l y , or s y m b o l i c a l l y through o t h e r a u t h o r i t y f i g u r e s and the s t a n d a r d s  they r e p r e s e n t .  I t i s an a c t i v e response  to a  c o n f l i c t s i t u a t i o n , p o s s i b l y a more " r e a l i s t i c " manner o f r e d u c i n g f e a r than t h a t i n v o l v e d i n the neuroses. i n g f e a r and anger d r i v e s ; cease  t o be d e l i n q u e n t .  The  i f he ceased  " d e l i n q u e n t " i s rewarded by  reduc-  to f e a r a u t h o r i t y , perhaps he would .  I f h i s f e a r i s i n c r e a s e d t o the p o i n t where he  a v o i d s a u t h o r i t y - f i g u r e s and a u t h o r i t y - s u r r o g a t e s , he w i l l simply become n e u r o t i c ; one of the s o l u t i o n s t o the " d e l i n q u e n t ' s " problems i s t o expone him  t o a u t h o r i t y - f i g u r e s under circumstances  t a i n w i l l not arouse  which we  are reasonably  cer-  f e a r o r anger; i n o t h e r words, t o e x t i n g u i s h the  response. "Evidence"  f o r t h i s t h e o r y , u n f o r t u n a t e l y a n e c d o t a l as y e t , i s t h a t  the " d e l i n q u e n t " t a k e s g r e a t p a i n s to deny h i s f e a r .  He  i s a "tough  u n a f r a i d o f policemen,  the t e a c h e r , and  authority-surrogates.  "Cowardice" i s d e r i d e d ; "courage" i s the  F e a r may  not be e x p r e s s e d ,  guy,"  o t h e r a u t h o r i t y - f i g u r e s and virtue.  e s p e c i a l l y f e a r of the d e s p i s e d a u t h o r i t y - f i g u r e s ;  109  the gang leader i s chosen primarily f o r his f i g h t i n g a b i l i t i e s and f o r his daring.  A l l of -which implies that fear so vigorously suppressed and requir-  ing an aggressive denial, must be an important factor i n conditioning the "delinquent's" attitude towards the authority-figure. The "delinquent's" moral code i s often spartan i n nature; " J am braver than you," or "I can take more punishment than you can." the two main hypotheses  Taken together,  i n this theory imply that the "delinquent" does not .  l i v e up to this boast; r e l a t i v e to the non-delinquent, he actually "can't take i t . "  He i s motivated to deny his fear or i n a b i l i t y to accept present  discomfort precisely because these factors are present i n him to an abnormal degree.  The normal c h i l d may be more able to accept present discomfort  or "non-reinforcement"  i n order to achieve a greater future reward, and has  r e l a t i v e l y l i t t l e need to "over-compensate" i n t h i s manner.  Hence, f o r  example, an occasional "spanking" might have no very serious consequences f o r the normal c h i l d ; f o r the "delinquent" i t might p r e c i p i t a t e aggressive behaviour or " r e b e l l i o n , " whether or not "spankings" are frequent or i n f r e quent.  His i n a b i l i t y to accept delayed reinforcements casts doubt upon his  a b i l i t y to withstand hardship, and one way of denying t h i s i s to engage i n delinquent a c t i v i t i e s .  Also, an attempt to achieve relatively, quick rewards  i s i t s e l f usually s o c i a l l y inacce.ptable.  THERAPY  Therapy i s mentioned here mainly to indicate that techhi-ques designed to deal with neuroses may not be d i r e c t l y applicable to "delinquents." When a "delinquent" i s referred to a therapist, the therapist, r i g h t l y , attempts to remove neurotic and psychotic d i f f i c u l t i e s i f present.  I f the  "delinquent" i s non-neurotic and non-psychotic, he i s presumably not r e f e r r e d , or, i f referred i s not accepted as a legitimate subject f o r  110 psychotherapy. deserves The  But d e l i n q u e n c y  i s a major syndrome i n i t s own  right,  and  j u s t as much t h e r a p e u t i c a t t e n t i o n as a n e u r o s i s o r a p s y c h o s i s .  techniques  i n v o l v e d may  not be the same as those  s i n c e the e t i o l o g y i s d i f f e r e n t ; o f t e n the two may  used on n e u r o t i c s ,  overlap.  But  delin-  quency s h o u l d be r e c o g n i z e d as a separate t h e r a p e u t i c problem. I f d e l i n q u e n c y and n e u r o t i c i s m are b o t h products flict,  then the removal o f the c o n f l i c t  and n e u r o s i s .  con-  should preclude f u r t h e r delinquency  -This i s p r o b a b l y sound r e a s o n i n g .  the n e u r o t i c have l e a r n e d d i f f e r e n t t e c h n i q u e s flicts.  of an e m o t i o n a l  But the " d e l i n q u e n t " and  f o r dealing w i t h t h e i r  T h e r e f o r e , the u n l e a r n i n g w i l l be d i f f e r e n t .  con-  The"delinquenf'must  l e a r n s u p p r e s s i o n and r e s t r a i n t , to a c c e p t d e l a y e d and secondary  reinforce-  ments, to e x t i n g u i s h h i s unreasonable  f e a r and a g g r e s s i o n toward a u t h o r i t y -  f i g u r e s and a u t h o r i t y - s u r r o g a t e s , and  to d i s c r i m i n a t e between a c t i v i t i e s  which a r e h i g h l y rewarded i n our s o c i e t y and The  those which a r e i n a c c e p t a b l e .  n e u r o t i c i s too c o n v e n t i o n a l and o v e r l y - c o n s c i e n t i o u s :  dards must be r e l a x e d ; the " d e l i n q u e n t s " b e h a v i o u r 1  his r i g i d  stan-  must be s u b j e c t to more  s o c i a l checks, not fewer.  THE MAJOR ETIOLOGICAL AREAS  The  r o l e of h e r e d i t y .  the s t r e n g t h of a d r i v e .  H e r e d i t y a f f e c t s behaviour  i n s o f a r as i t a f f e c t s  F e a r and anger a r e " l e a r n a b l e d r i v e s . "  The  r o l e of l e a r n i n g .  Delinquent behaviour  The  r o l e of f a m i l i a l f a c t o r s .  a c c e p t d e l a y i n r e i n f o r c e m e n t may  i s learned  Fear of a u t h o r i t y and be, and  behaviour.  i n a b i l i t y to  o f t e n a r e , the r e s u l t of f a m i l i a l  experiences. The r o l e of e x t r a - f a m i l i a l f a c t o r s . o u t s i d e the home; t e c h n i q u e s  F e a r of a u t h o r i t y may  i n v o l v i n g delayed reinforcement  originate •  almost  always  originate i n the home, but e x t r a - f a m i l i a l areas may be additional factors i n determining whether the c h i l d learns to seek s o c i a l l y approved goals. The role of reward.  The r e l a t i o n of reward to delinquency has been  indicated; delinquent behaviour i s rewarded behaviour. The r o l e of punishment.  Punishment must be described-in'terms of.,  need-reduction Or reinforcement:  i t i s not the opposite of reward. The  end of punishment r e s u l t s i n fear- or pain-reduction; i f t h i s leads to a response incompatible with the punished response, the new response i s learned and the punished response i s eliminated ( i d e a l l y ) .  This might  :  work well i f we were dealing with a simple s i t u a t i o n such as handling a hot object.  In delinquency, the undesired response i s not an unmixed e v i l  i t results i n fear- or pain-reduction or the reduction of a primary need; punishment would have to be very severe i n order to produce the desired r e s u l t s , and i t s bad effects would more than offset any good effects produced. Punishment works i n another way:  " i t attaches fear to the cues i n -  volved i n performing the punished response"  (42, p.75).  I f anything,  this i s a cause of delinquency rather than a deterrent; i f the fear i s strong enough to prevent delinquency, i t i s quite possible that we are dealing with a neurotic. Punishment probably has an important role i n producing delinquency i n many instances; i t may prevent i t s occurrence,  at times, but only at  the expense of emotional c o n f l i c t s ; i t probably cannot prevent recidivism, except by making a neurotic of the c h i l d .  Normal behaviour stems l a r g e l y  from the positive reinforcements of love, security, and approval  EVIDENCE The learning theory.  Evidence f o r H u l l ' s theory of learning ranges  112  from excellent to equivocal and contradictory. review t h i s evidence here.  No attempt can be made to  There are probably serious flaws i n the theory,  but no more so than i n other major theories; and H u l l ' s theory i s above a l l testable and capable of being refuted, which i s an important feature i n i t s favor. The theory of delinquency.  As f a r as i s known, no one has  research s p e c i f i c a l l y related to t h i s theory. be i n l i n e with c l i n i c a l evidence..  conducted  On the whole, i t seems to  The research mentioned i n connection  with the other theories may be viewed i n terms of t h i s theory, but t h i s i s a veryiimited kind of v e r i f i c a t i o n , since the research workers did not work with these s p e c i f i c hypotheses.  Fernald's (51) experiment,  i n which i t was  discovered that reform school boys exhibited a lesser a b i l i t y to withstand discomfort, i s relevant. But a great many other uncontrolled variables, i n addition to delayed reinforcement, were introduced by the  experimenter;  r e s u l t s were not treated s t a t i s t i c a l l y , and the "control group" was unsatisfactory; the experiment  cannot therefore be offered as evidence.  (28) did a similar experiment.  Bronner  I t i s not recommended that these e x p e r i -  ments be repeated, but the general method using revised techniques  appears  f e a s i b l e , and should r e s u l t either i n r e f u t a t i o n or i n some degree of v e r i fication.  CRITIQUE OF THE THEORY Does the theory hold f o r delinquents as a group? .Do fear of authori t y and an emphasis upon immediate or s l i g h t l y delayed reinforcements describe "delinquents" as a group?  Unfortunately, we do not know.  Friedlander (68) claims that a l l "delinquents" desire immediate g r a t i f i cation of t h e i r i n s t i n c t u a l urges, which i s another way same set of overtly observeable phenomena.  of describing the  Immediate reinforcement i s  115  usually s o c i a l l y inacceptable; therefore, to the extent that an i n d i v i d u a l i n s i s t s upon immediate or s l i g h t l y delayed reinforcement, he i s probably delinquent.  The "fear of authority" hypothesis, that "delinquents" attack  the source of t h e i r fear, would seem to be a reasonable supposition, a l though to some extent i t defies "common-sense."  The hypothesis requires  us to believe that the 'delinquent," although not so f e a r f u l of authority as the neurotic, i s more so than the normal c h i l d . that the c h i l d who  "Common-sense" suggests  does not engage i n delinquent a c t i v i t y i s a f r a i d to do  so; but this hypothesis maintains that the normal'child has no reason to attack authority-figures, having been rewarded by his s a t i s f a c t o r y r e l a t i o n ships with them.  Healy and Bronner tend to agree with the theory, noting  the lack of substitute a c t i v i t i e s or secondary reinforcements i n the "delinquent's" background, the thoughts of delinquency preceding the actual delinquent act, and the "intense emotional, discomfort" to which most."delinquents" have been subjected.  I f the Freudian and the  Healy-Bronner  theories hold f o r "delinquents" as a group, perhaps this theory does also. Does the theory explain the behaviour of the individual delinquent? Research must determine whether the theory enables us to predict the behaviour of the individual "delinquent."  Are the two main hypotheses, one or  both i n the case of an i n d i v i d u a l , s u f f i c i e n t to describe and to predict the behaviour of a l l "delinquents"? How  Again we do not know.  does delinquency come about?  Assuming that the theory may  even-  t u a l l y meet the above c r i t e r i a , does i t r e a l l y explain ho?j delinquency comes about?  Fear of an object may  lead to an attack upon the source of  the fear, provided the fear i s not excessive.  A f a i l u r e to l e a r n to  accept delay i n reinforcements and to learn to value the secondary  rein-'  forcements which society approves might lead to delinquent behaviour.  It  would seem to be an improvement i f these phenomena could be described i n  114 terms of the more exact formulations of learning theory. If there i s a serious inadequacy •when we ask another question: comes about?  Non-delinquent  i n the theory, i t i s perhaps apparent  does i t r e a l l y explain how  non-delinquency  behaviour has, of course, been rewarded; r e l a -  tionships with authority figures have been adequate.  But what exactly are  the intrapersonal processes by which non-delinquent behaviour i s reinforced and those which guide adequate relationships with authority-figures? sumably, the non-delinquent  Pre-  i d e n t i f i e s with authority-figures, admires  them, and through i d e n t i f i c a t i o n learns to accept delay i n reinforcement. If we can describe t h i s process using only one main hypothesis and i t s deri v a t i v e s , we are committed to do so; "to account f o r the most facts with the fewest p r i n c i p l e s " (42, p.6).  Whether we prefer t h i s theory or the one  to be presented i n the next chapter should be i n part a function of t h e i r r e l a t i v e s i m p l i c i t y ; a question, h o w e v e r t o which i t i s not intended to give a d e f i n i t i v e answer i n this context, since i t would involve examining some of the basic cleavages i n t h e o r e t i c a l psychology. Prediction.  Prediction i s limited by the f a c t that we have few tools  with which to measure the variables involved.  Such tools could be devised;  probably, projective techniques could be used to measure fear of authority and willingness to accept delay i n reinforcement; questionnaires might also be of some value. The c h i l d who  Gross predictions can be made using present techniques.  habitually exhibits fear and defiance i n the presence of  authority i s more l i k e l y to become delinquent, as i s the c h i l d who  emphasizes  immediate reinforcement; the two factors i n combination render the predict i o n more c e r t a i n .  The theory appears to be testable; a possible "out,"  u n t i l such time as we possess accurate measures of fear of authority, i s the p o t e n t i a l claim that the fear exhibited was excessive which would preclude delinquent behaviour.  115 Estimate of the theory.  Dollard and M i l l e r tend to ignore the percep-  t u a l world of the i n d i v i d u a l ; these authors, of course, are not to be held responsible f o r the application of the theory to delinquency; Dollard and M i l l e r do not mention "delinquents."  An additional variable may be neces-  sary i n order to describe the intra-personal events and processes by which non-delinquency  i s learned.  From the p r a c t i c a l point of view, i t may  be  more f e a s i b l e to measure another variable, such as i d e n t i f i c a t i o n , rather than fear of authority, and to describe the variables introduced i n t h i s theory i n terms of a new variable.  However, the theory described i n t h i s  chapter should lead to more accurate predictions, v e r i f y i n g or r e f u t i n g the hypotheses, than the other, more " i n t u i t i g e " theories, discussed i n chapters IV to VII, i n c l u s i v e .  CHAPTER X.  THE IDENTIFICATION THEORY OF DELINQUENCY  THE APPROACH  Lewin and Tolman.  In chapter IX, the problem of delinquency was  sidered i n terms o f a representative S-R  theory.  con-  In recognition of the  f a c t that current psychological systems may be c l a s s i f i e d , roughly, as stimulus-response or as f i e l d theories, the theory to be discussed i n chapter X w i l l be developed primarily i n terms of f i e l d concepts.  More s p e c i -  f i c a l l y , Lewinian (113, 114) concepts, i n the f i e l d s of motivation and personality, w i l l be invoked, and the learning theory introduced w i l l be that of Tolman(174). Features of the learning theory.  I t i s not intended to o f f e r here a  detailed exposition of Tolman's theory; however a few main features of the  116  theory may  be mentioned.  The learning process may  be considered as stupid, b l i n d , automatic,  and mechanical, or as cognitive, i n t e l l i g e n t , and  involving a "creative"  f a c t o r -which enables the animal to reorganize or restructure r e l a t i o n s h i p s previously learned S-R  i n one  context to meet the demands of a new  situation.  theorists tend to take the former p o s i t i o n whereas cognitive  theories  usually adopt the l a t t e r a l t e r n a t i v e . Behaviour, according to Tolman, i s goal-directed and purposive. also cognitive:  It is  the c h i l d learns meanings, not movements; that i s , he  learns, s i g n - s i g n i f i c a t e r e l a t i o n s .  Motivation  i s a selective f a c t o r .  It  ensures that the i n d i v i d u a l goes i n a certain d i r e c t i o n , or engages i n certain behaviour, which, on the basis of past experience, he has reason to expect, w i l l r e s u l t i n reaching a goal-object. past learning leads him to seek a goal-object  Thus, i f motivation plus  at point X, and nothing i n  his. experience indicates that he w i l l achieve his"goal at point Y, then he w i l l not learn the s i g n - s i g n i f i c a t e relationships which lead to pointY, since he has never been exposed to them. Moreover, rewards confirm expectancies and p r o v i s i o n a l expectancies, or "hypotheses."  Although reward i s  not essential to learning, the t y p i c a l learning s i t u a t i o n , i n l i f e s i t u a tions i n any case, includes one  set of s t i m u l i , the signs, and another set  of s t i m u l i , the reward or goal, which are associated;  on future occasions,  the signs w i l l give r i s e to the expectancy that the goal-object present.  i s also  In a s i t u a t i o n x^here reward i s present, the signs, which give r i s e  to signrgestalt expectations,  may  be considered to serve much the same func-  t i o n as "secondary reinforcements" serve i n Hull's theory. toward delayed rewards involves reward-expectancies.  Orientation  Similarily., the phe-  nomena which B o l l a r d and M i l l e r derive from the concept of anticipatory responses, hope, planning, control, r e s t r a i n t , and so on,may here be  117  described i n terms of reward-expectancies. "what leads to what."  Labels are signs i n d i c a t i n g  Self-study consists i n assessing s i g n - s i g n i f i c a t e  relationships which'Originate at an intrapersonal l e v e l . Methods of theory construction, In chapter IX, we dealt with a theory which proceeded from the p a r t i c u l a r to the general.  Another approach,  t y p i c a l l y Lewinian, i s possible: we may make gross behavioural p r e d i c t i o n s , and then reapply the p r i n c i p l e s so derived to more minute segments of behaviour, reformulating our hypotheses when necessary. valid?  We do not know; the most v a l i d procedure  In t h i s chapter, both methods w i l l be applied.  Which procedure  i s more  i s the one that works. Generalizations which  appear to hold f o r small segments of behaviour w i l l be invoked i n an attempt to  explain more complex behavioural phenomena, but, also, generalizations  which have been applied to gross behavioural phenomena w i l l be reapplied i n the hope that they w i l l also hold f o r smaller segments of behaviour. In one sense, the second approach i s that t y p i c a l l y used by the s o c i a l scientist. of  I t would be uneconomical to proceed as follows:  to l i s t a l l  the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of an i n d i v i d u a l "delinquent," then to proceed to  l i s t a l l of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of a second "delinquent," and so on, i n the hope that eventually we would discover a series of c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s common  to a l l "delinquents."  I f we proceeded i n t h i s manner, most of the  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s l i s t e d might be spuriously correlated with the individual's delinquent behaviour, and most of our e f f o r t would be waste e f f o r t .  The  s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t , therefore, begins with the class of "delinquents," and attempts to discover factors which are c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of a l l "delinquents," but which are, r e l a t i v e l y speaking, absent i n "non-delinquents."  He  then  proceeds from the general to the particular;. i f there are i n d i v i d u a l exceptions to his generalizations, his theory must be reformulated to account for  these anomalies.  It is.not enough to make phenotypical observations,  as the Gluecks, Shaw, Burt, et a l have done:  at t h i s stage, i t can hardly  118  be said that we possess a theory at a l l .  I t i s necessary to i n f e r geno-  t y p i c a l relationships. Whether our generalizations are of the f i r s t or second kind, they -will be invoked to explain segments of behaviour which are abstracted f o r purposes of analysis out of the t o t a l behaviour p o t e n t i a l of the i n d i v i d u a l .  ?Je do not  believe that anything i s to be gained by categorizing the i n d i v i d u a l as "delinquent" or "non-delinquent,'! or "neurotic" and "non-neurotic," f o r that matter, and attempting to "explain" his behaviour on that basis. A l l children exhibit both delinquent and non-delinquent behaviour. i t i s necessary to explain delinquent and non-delinquent  Therefore,  behaviour, rather  than "delinquents"..and "non-delinquents," and the analysis w i l l proceed at a l e v e l below that of the t o t a l i n d i v i d u a l .  This does not mean that we are  denying that the individual "acts as a whole," nor i s there any need to enter the pros and cons of that argument here.  I t i s maintained, only,  that, i n order to understand a class of behavioural phenomena, i t i s f i r s t necessary to abstract that portion of behaviour under analysis; i t  will  be also necessary to consider, eventually, a l l other aspects of behaviour which are interrelated with the one under study, but again we must, proceed by abstracting i n b u i l d i n g a psychological system. A "phenomenological" approach.  To discover the nature of more basic  factors involved i n delinquency, i t may be necessary to examine the boy or g i r l who  i s delinquent much more closely than has been the custom; to take  a "phenomenological" approach and to examine i n great d e t a i l the i n t r a personal events which lead d i r e c t l y to delinquent behaviour.  It seems pro-  bable that these intrapersonal events derive from interpersonal r e l a t i o n ships, but the central emphasis should perhaps be on the intraorganic processes, the former to be explained i n terms of the l a t t e r ; or at least we should t r y to formulate, the exact way  i n which the two are r e l a t e d .  To  119  date, almost without exception, t h e o r i s t s have ignored the phenomenal world of the i n d i v i d u a l "delinquent,"  often seeking to explain his behaviour  s o l e l y i n terms of overt, observeable phenomena.  For example, even psycho-  analysts tend to speak of a c h i l d as "rejected" whenever the parents exhibit " r e j e c t i n g behaviour" towards the c h i l d .  'But here, we would define a r e -  jected c h i l d as one who f e e l s or believes himself to be rejected, irrespect i v e of the objective basis f o r his -beliefs or a t t i t u d e s . The "same," objectively the -same, external s i t u a t i o n may p r e c i p i t a t e c h i l d A into delinquent  behaviour, but for c h i l d B be the foundation f o r a  s o c i a l l y adaptive response; the two children structure the s i t u a t i o n quite differently.  I t i s important to notice that t h i s s i t u a t i o n , i d e n t i c a l i n  structure to the casual observer, i s not psychologically the same.  The two  children may interpret the s i t u a t i o n i n an e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t manner, because of learned reactions to s i m i l a r s i t u a t i o n s j because of d i f f e r e n t organismic variables, and because of d i f f e r e n t needs a t the moment of exposure to the situation. In problems of s o c i a l and c l i n i c a l psychology, our intrapersonal variables must be connected to interpersonal relationships on the one hand, and to the behaviour of the i n d i v i d u a l i n l i f e situations on the other. These intervening variables are not response inferred; rather, we define the exact nature of the intrapersonal processes which would, i f present, enable us to make accurate behavioural  predictions.  The reasons that we  cannot make absolute predictions are that we cannot observe the phenomenal world d i r e c t l y , and we are not clever enough to define i t s exact properties.  IDENTIFICATION  I d e n t i f i c a t i o n as an intervening variable.  I d e n t i f i c a t i o n i s a process  which, i f i t existed, would account f o r certain events i n the observable  120 world.  Having postulated the "existence" of the process we can use i t to  predict overt behaviour and to relate the behaviour to interpersonal events. It i s necessary to define the conditions, that i s the interpersonal contexts, which lead to i d e n t i f i c a t i o n ; to hazard a guess as to the exact nature of the intervening process which ensues; and f i n a l l y to make predictions as to what behaviour w i l l now occur, again specifying the conditions.  I f the  predictions are not upheld, the nature of the events occurring throughout the entire series must be reformulated. Definitions.  I d e n t i f i c a t i o n i s an intrapersonal process i n which an  attempt i s made to achieve, often v i c a r i o u s l y and i n l i e u of d i r e c t achievement, the behaviour or q u a l i t i e s of a perceived model or ego-ideal.  This  i s the only intervening variable which i s e s s e n t i a l to the theory to be discussed below.  The model i s the object with whom the person i d e n t i f i e s ;  i t i s the a c t u a l , objectively defined object or person which the i n d i v i dual uses as a basis f o r i d e n t i f i c a t i o n , and i s to be distinguished from the ego-ideal.  The term, "ego-ideal," i s used here indiscriminately to  r e f e r to the model as perceived by the person f o r purposes of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n , and also to the end-product of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n which leads d i r e c t l y to overt behaviour; the ego-ideal i s an intrapersonal event, part of the process of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n , the internalized aspects of the perceived model with which the i n d i v i d u a l i d e n t i f i e s .  There i s no one-to-one r e l a t i o n s h i p between  the model and the ego-ideal; the two may even be i n d i r e c t contrast.  There  i s , however, a tendency f o r the two to be h i g h l y . s i m i l a r , depending upon how accurately or objectively the i n d i v i d u a l perceives " r e a l i t y , " that i s , the exact nature of the model.  HYPOTHESES  The l e v e l of a s p i r a t i o n .  1.  I d e n t i f i c a t i o n i s a function of the  121 l e v e l of a s p i r a t i o n . model who  I d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i l l o c c u r most f r e q u e n t l y w i t h a  i s p e r c e i v e d as r e p r e s e n t i n g the l e v e l t o which we  the d i r e c t i o n i n , o r behaviour  t o , which we  a s p i r e and  a s p i r e ; or p o s s i b l y , the  ego-  i d e a l simply i s the l e v e l o f a s p i r a t i o n . 2.  I d e n t i f i c a t i o n i s f a c i l i t a t e d by s i m i l a r i t y o f sex,  appearance, e t c . between the i d e n t i f y i n g person and t h i s h y p o t h e s i s may  example, a p s y c h o t i c , who The  the model.  not h o l d i n the case of an i n d i v i d u a l who  u n r e a l i s t i c a s p i r a t i o n - l e v e l o r who  of attainment.  interests,  is unrealistic  But has a v e r y  i n o t h e r ways, f o r  does not know t h a t h i s e g o - i d e a l i s i m p o s s i b l e  reason t h a t young c h i l d r e n tend t o i d e n t i f y w i t h  p a r e n t s , r a t h e r than w i t h t h e i r b r o t h e r s and s i s t e r s ,  i s t h a t the  parents  r e p r e s e n t a g r e a t e r achievement l e v e l , and young c h i l d r e n are not realistic  i n any  their  very  case; t h a t is., t h e i r s i g n - g e s t a l t e x p e c t a t i o n s have not  been s u b j e c t e d t o s u f f i c i e n t s o c i a l checks t o a l l o w t h e i r hypotheses t o be r e f o r m u l a t e d i n a manner which i s more i n accordance 3.  Identification is facilitated  with  reality.  i f the model i s p h y s i c a l l y  present,  but w i l l o c c u r on an a b s t r a c t l e v e l . 4.  The lower the MA  of the i d e n t i f y i n g p e r s o n , the more p r o b a b l e i t  i s t h a t the model w i l l be a p e r s o n  i n the immediate environment, r a t h e r  t h a n an absent hero, an a b s t r a c t e n t i t y , o r a t e c h n i q u e o f a d a p t i n g . 5.  I d e n t i f i c a t i o n u s u a l l y r e p r e s e n t s an attempt  to a c h i e v e  vicar-  i o u s l y t h a t which t h e ' i d e n t i f y i n g p e r s o n deems h i m s e l f i n c a p a b l e of a c h i e v i n g d i r e c t l y o r immediately;  hence, the model i s p e r c e i v e d as  having  a c h i e v e d t h i s d e s i r e d aim o r g o a l . 6.  Identification is facilitated  i f t h e r e i s a reasonable b a s i s f o r  e x p e c t i n g to a c h i e v e the e g o - i d e a l a t some time dependent upon the r e a l i t y of the 7.  i n the f u t u r e , a g a i n  aspiration-level.  Delay or o t h e r f a c t o r s w h i c h persuade the i d e n t i f y i n g  t h a t the e g o - i d e a l cannot be a c h i e v e d r e s u l t  i n lowered  person  expectancy  and  a  122. s e a r c h f o r new  ego-ideals.  But,  i f the i n d i v i d u a l i s u n w i l l i n g t o g i v e  the u n r e a l i s t i c e g o - i d e a l , s e r i o u s behaviour the  d i s o r d e r s may  i n d i v i d u a l achieves h i s ego-ideal a u t i s t i c a l l y ,  being persecuted,  . 8.  and  rationalizations,  ."  Achievement o f an e g o - i d e a l r e s u l t s i n the p e r c e i v e d model  i n g to f u n c t i o n as an e g o - i d e a l .  F o r example, t h i s may  i d e a l s as t h e i r own  ceas-  be r e l a t e d to  f a c t t h a t , i n our s o c i e t y , c h i l d r e n tend to abandon t h e i r p a r e n t s  the  as  ego-  c a p a c i t i e s i n c r e a s e and they d i s c o v e r t h a t they, can  a c t u a l l y emulate most o f t h e i r p a r e n t ' s 9.  i n which  o r f e e l s t h a t he i s  o r engages i n a g g r e s s i v e b e h a v i o u r  etc.  result  up  feats-.''  I d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i l l not take p l a c e i f the p r o s p e c t i v e model, as  p e r c e i v e d by the p o t e n t i a l i d e n t i f y i n g person,  does not r e p r e s e n t  any *  q u a l i t i e s deemed d e s i r a b l e by the p r o s p e c t i v e i d e n t i f y i n g 10.  Identification is facilitated  person.  i f i t does not demand too g r e a t a  change i n the c o g n i t i v e s t r u c t u r e , p e r s o n a l i t y , o r behaviour dual i d e n t i f y i n g .  F o r example, i f we  w i s h to promote an  of the  indivi-  identification  between a " d e l i n q u e n t " and a f o s t e r - p a r e n t , when the " d e l i n q u e n t " i s a g r e a t admirer of "toughness," we  would choose a f o s t e r - f a t h e r who  "tough" as w e l l as l a w - a b i d i n g .  S i m i l a r l y , " , i f a " d e l i n q u e n t " has  f i e d h i m s e l f w i t h h i s gang, then i t may  be p r e f e r a b l e to work w i t h  is identithe  gang r a t h e r than to d e s t r o y i t . 11.  Autistic  i d e n t i f i c a t i o n , although present  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of p a t h o l o g i c a l p e r s o n a l i t i e s . p l a c e w i t h c r e a t u r e s of f a n t a s y . of p a t h o l o g y ,  An  i s where the p r o d u c t s  The  i n normal p e r s o n s , identification  e x c e p t i o n to t h i s , as an  takes  indicator  of f a n t a s y are g i v e n an a r t i s t i c  r e s e n t a t i o n , which i s presumably an e x c e l l e n t a d a p t a t i o n .  An  rep-  autistic  i d e n t i f i c a t i o n , where t h e r e i s no a r t i s t i c r e p r e s e n t a t i o n , i s a r e s u l t f a i l u r e to a c h i e v e  is  i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and e g o - i d e a l s on a more r e a l i s t i c  of  level;  123 a need f o r s o c i a l approval being present, the i n d i v i d u a l cannot achieve adequate human r e l a t i o n s h i p s on an a c t u a l , personal b a s i s . 12.  The behaviour represented by the ego-ideal must be perceived,  however u n r e a l i s t i c a l l y , as capable of eventual achievement i f i d e n t i f i c a t i o n i s to take place or to be maintained.13.  Failure to achieve an ego-ideal comprising moral standards  r e s u l t s i n feelings of g u i l t and shame. 14.  Failure to achieve an ego-ideal results i n feelings of i n f e r -  iority. 15. cept.  I d e n t i f i c a t i o n i s intended to achieve a more adequate selfr-con-  The self-concept derives from s o c i a l approval or disapproval, the  perceived attitudes of others towards the s e l f .  Hence, i d e n t i f i c a t i o n i s  an attempt to achieve s o c i a l approval .in an i n d i r e c t manner. 16.  I f we are right i n saying that "ego-involvement" i s e s s e n t i a l  to i d e n t i f i c a t i o n , then we may measure the strength of an i d e n t i f i c a t i o n , i n d i r e c t l y , by measuring the strength with which the i n d i v i d u a l defends the ego-ideal. 17.  ..  There i s a tendency to construe any phenomenon which i s perceived  as r a d i c a l l y d i s s i m i l a r to the ego-ideal as threatening to the ego-ideal, as i n race prejudice, but the p o t e n t i a l threatening phenomenon should not 0  be perceived as e n t i r e l y unrelated or t o t a l l y d i s s i m i l a r to the ego-ideal i f i t i s to be construed as a threat.  I f an ego-ideal i s threatened  an outside source insecurity r e s u l t s :  the i d e n t i f y i n g person whose ego-  ideal has been threatened may  engage i n aggressive behaviour,  simply avoid the source of the threat.  or he  by  may  An attempt to break up a juvenile  gang i s perceived as such a threat, as i s an attempt to change any behaviour which the individual perceives as e s s e n t i a l to his self-concept. 18.  An attempt to demonstrate that other objects, held' i n lower  esteem, are s i m i l a r to the ego-ideal or possess the same q u a l i t i e s i s  124  p e r c e i v e d as a t h r e a t t o the e g o - i d e a l ; examples may  be found  i n race  p r e j u d i c e and p o s s i b l y o p p o s i t i o n t o the t h e o r y of e v o l u t i o n , e t c . 19. level,  A l l o t h e r t h i n g s b e i n g e q u a l , the d i s c r e p a n c y between t h e  or present l e v e l of attainment,  inversely  p r o p o r t i o n a l to the maturing  the c h i l d matures, the e g o - i d e a l may  and  the a s p i r a t i o n - l e v e l  capacities  ego-  will  be  of t h e i n d i v i d u a l .  become p r o g r e s s i v e l y more  As  difficult  of achievement, but the gap between e g o - l e v e l and e g o - i d e a l becomes p r o gressively  smaller.  The  individual's  reward-expectancies  o r hypotheses  are s u b j e c t e d to more s o c i a l checks and a r e r e f o r m u l a t e d so as t o conform w i t h the s o c i a l 20.  I f a s t r o n g i d e n t i f i c a t i o n i s a t some time i n the f u t u r e t o t -  ally inhibited may  realities.  or discredited,  be a c c e p t e d ,  an e g o - i d e a l w i t h the o p p o s i t e f e a t u r e s  i n which the i n d i v i d u a l may  by a l l m a n i f e s t a t i o n s of h i s former, of a p o l i t i c a l or r e l i g i o u s Need.  1.  f e e l i n s e c u r e and  threatened  abandoned e g o - i d e a l ; some e x - f o l l o w e r s  i d e a l o g y behave i n t h i s manner, f o r example.  I d e n t i f i c a t i o n , i s a f u n c t i o n o f .the needs o r t e n s i o n -  systems set._up-..in the i n d i v i d u a l ;  i t i s selective;  must be rewarded;  and  the p r o c e s s conforms t o the laws of l e a r n i n g . 2.  I d e n t i f i c a t i o n i s more d i f f i c u l t t o e s t a b l i s h  i f the prospective  i d e n t i f y i n g person has had u n f o r t u n a t e e x p e r i e n c e s w i t h , o r has s u f f e r e d , as the r e s u l t o f the behaviour  o f , the p r o s p e c t i v e model.  3.  I d e n t i f i c a t i o n mediates delayed  4.  Emotional  are e s s e n t i a l  reinforcements.  attachment to the p e r c e i v e d model and  i f i d e n t i f i c a t i o n i s to t a k e p l a c e .  "ego-involvement"  To the e x t e n t  that  t h e y a r e p r e s e n t , i d e n t i f i c a t i o n i s f a c i l i t a t e d , but need n o t o c c u r ; i f the p o t e n t i a l model does n o t r e p r e s e n t d e s i r a b l e achievement attachment i s not an e f f e c t i v e v a r i a b l e ; 5. it  emotional  i t i s n e c e s s a r y but n o t  sufficient.  I f the p r o s p e c t i v e model i s p e r c e i v e d as f e a r f u l , h o s t i l e , o r i f  e l i c i t s a g g r e s s i v e behaviour,  identification i s inhibited.  125  I d e n t i f i c a t i o n as a l e a r n e d p r o c e s s .  Any  s t i m u l u s p a t t e r n which i s  c o n t i g u o u s l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the achievement or a p p r e h e n s i o n of a g o a l o b j e c t may,  on f u t u r e o c c a s i o n s ,  a c t as a s i g n which i n i t i a t e s t h e  t a n c y t h a t the g o a l - o b j e c t w i l l a g a i n be p r e s e n t life  s i t u a t i o n s , v e r y o f t e n , these  c o r r e l a t e d w i t h the g o a l - o b j e c t .  expec-  i n the s i t u a t i o n .  s t i m u l u s p a t t e r n s may  be  In  spuriously  Presumably, the p r a c t i c e of magic  and  n e u r o t i c compulsions a r e based on s p u r i o u s c o r r e l a t i o n s of t h i s k i n d , upon the chance c o n t i g u i t y o f c o n t i n g e n t  events.  I n t h i s way  also,  i n g t o the theory under d i s c u s s i o n , s p u r i o u s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of an model are adopted by the p e r s o n who  or  accordadmired  uses t h i s model as the b a s i s f o r an •.  ego-ideal. • The  e g o - i d e a l c o n s i s t s of a s e r i e s o f s i g n - g e s t a l t e x p e c t a t i o n s .  I t i s s i m p l y a s p e c i a l case of these  expectations:  the s i g n s l e a d i n g  t o a g o a l - o b j e c t a r e composed o f mannerisms, c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , a t t i t u d e s , e t c . of the p e r c e i v e d model; the s i g n i f i c a t e s a r e t h e g o a l - o b j e c t s which, i t i s h y p o t h e s i z e d , istics,  the e m u l a t i o n  attitudes, etc. w i l l  o f these mannerisms,  to  character-  lead.  I d e n t i f i c a t i o n i s always s e l e c t i v e and always a p a r t i a l or  incomplete  i n c o r p o r a t i o n of the model's mannerisms, c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , attitudes, e t c . , although  a p s y c h o t i c may  imagine h i m s e l f to have a c h i e v e d  a complete  identification. I d e n t i f i c a t i o n o f t e n i n d i c a t e s an i n a b i l i t y on t h e . p a r t o f the t i f y i n g p e r s o n t o d i s c r i m i n a t e between those  c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f the  c e i v e d model which a c t u a l l y l e a d to a g o a l - o b j e c t and s p u r i o u s , o r i r r e l e v a n t to the attainment the boy who ambition  idenper-  those which a r e  of the g o a l - o b j e c t .  For  example,  daydreams o f becoming a g r e a t a t h l e t e does n o t advance h i s  by a d o p t i n g  t h e speech mannerisms of one who  g o a l , nor by u s i n g the same brand o f t o o t h p a s t e  has  or shaving  achieved cream.  that If  126  t h e s e s p u r i o u s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s a r e adopted i n l i e u o f t h e genuine, but more d i f f i c u l t , c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , which a c t u a l l y l e a d t o attainment o f t h e g o a l - o b j e c t , t h e a d a p t a t i o n made i s an inadequate one. c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of an e g o - i d e a l adopted should which a c t u a l l y do l e a d t o i t s e v e n t u a l Delayed rewards and t h e delayed  c o n s i s t solely: o f those  attainment.  achievement o f a g o a l - o b j e c t a r e  mediated by "secondary r e i n f o r c e m e n t s , "  but what D o l l a r d and M i l l e r and  o t h e r S-R t h e o r i s t s term "secondary r e i n f o r c e m e n t s " t o be e x p e c t a t i o n s The  I d e a l l y , the  are here  considered  t h a t t h e primary.reward o r g o a l - o b j e c t w i l l  signs associated with  reoccur.  t h e o c c u r r e n c e o f the p r i m a r y reward may  them  T  s e l v e s be a s s o c i a t e d w i t h o t h e r signs, i n a new s i t u a t i o n i n which t h e p r i mary reward does n o t a c t u a l l y occur; ditioning. present,  t h i s accounts f o r h i g h e r o r d e r  con-  The i n d i v i d u a l l e a r n s t h a t when c e r t a i n s t i m u l i o r s i g n s a r e  t h e g o a l - o b j e c t , f o r m e r l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h them, i s a l s o  Hence, when these "secondary r e i n f o r c i n g a g e n t s " o r s t i m u l i associated with a goal-object  present.  previously  a r e encountered on subsequent o c c a s i o n s ,  expectation  i s b u i l t up t h a t t h e g o a l - o b j e c t w i l l a l s o be p r e s e n t  situation.  I n i d e n t i f i c a t i o n , t h e u l t i m a t e g o a l , t h a t o f emulating t h e  an  i n the  b e h a v i o u r o f t h e e g o - i d e a l , has not as y e t been r e a l i z e d , but t h e i n d i v i d u a l a t t a i n s sub-goals by s i m u l a t i n g mannerisms, a t t i t u d e s , c h a r a c t e r i s tics,  e t c . which a r e a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t h e e g o - i d e a l .  Mannerisms,  atti-  t u d e s , c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , e t c . so adopted s e r v e as s i g n s t o i n d i c a t e t h a t t h e expectancy o f e v e n t u a l l y emulating t h e e g o - i d e a l w i l l be The  individual's ability  to emulate some o f t h e f e a t u r e s of the- e g o - i d e a l ,  however s u p e r f i c i a l l y and i n c o m p l e t e l y , t h a t he w i l l e v e n t u a l l y a c h i e v e cular  achieved.  s e r v e s t o support  h i s "hypothesis"  a more complete e m u l a t i o n o f t h i s  parti-  ego-ideal.  .The  i n d i v i d u a l l e a r n s s i g n s along  f i c a t i o n he i n t r o d u c e s  a p a t h t o a g o a l , and i n i d e n t i -  s i g n s which i n d i c a t e t o him t h a t he i s a p p r o a c h i n g  127 h i s goal:  that of emulating an ego-ideal and achieving the "success"  which the model i s perceived to have attained. An ego-ideal consists of reward-expectancies,  and any human behav-  iour or c h a r a c t e r i s t i c may become the basis f o r an ego-ideal provided t h i s behaviour or c h a r a c t e r i s t i c i s associated with the achievement of a goal-object. I d e n t i f i c a t i o n i t s e l f i s not an a d d i t i o n a l intervening variable, complicating the learning theory referred t o . reward-expectancies  I t i s a s p e c i a l case of  or "hypotheses" i n which these expectancies centre  about s i g n - s i g n i f i c a t e relationships based on the behaviour of another, admired i n d i v i d u a l .  Hence, i t cannot be considered to be a separate  e n t i t y or process i n i t s own r i g h t , and does not involve the introduction of an a d d i t i o n a l p r i n c i p l e which i s not current i n psychological theory. Prediction and c o n t r o l .  I t should be possible to investigate the  nature of existing ego-ideals, e s p e c i a l l y by means of projective techniques, and t o predict and control the formation of new ego-ideals i n a more or l e s s exact manner.  To promote normal behaviour we would expect  a perceived model to be a tolerant but reasonably well s o c i a l i z e d i n d i v i dual, and use whatever devices we have been able to devise i n accordance with discoverable laws which the formation of ego-ideals presumably obeys.  IDENTIFICATION AND DELINQUENCY; MAIN HYPOTHESIS  Main hypothesis.  Delinquent behaviour i s the r e s u l t of i n s u f f i c i e n t  i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with an ego-ideal, which represents non-delinquent behaviour, i n the area i n which delinquency takes place.  The remaining hypo-  theses simply state the conditions under which t h i s process may or may not occur.  128 QUALIFYING- HYPOTHESES  Fear of authority. cation.  Fear of the model i n h i b i t s or precludes  identifi-  Delinquency may occur i f suitable models are perceived as h o s t i l e ;  by "suitable models" we mean those representing non-delinquent  behaviour.  Fear sets up a tension system i n the i n d i v i d u a l ; one way of reducing t h i s tension i s to attack the source of the tension or fear, or to attack a suitable s u b s t i t u t e .  I f the o r i g i n a l source of the fear cannot be attacked  either because i t i s too awesome or because of an ambivalent a t t i t u d e t o wards the feared person i n which emotional attachment i s also present, authority-surrogates may be attacked, and the tension reduced i n this manner.  Also, the c h i l d may have made p o s i t i v e i d e n t i f i c a t i o n s , probably  out-  side the home, i n which the ego-ideal represents lack of fear; i n order to deny a f e l t fear which would be damaging to the i n d i v i d u a l ' s self-concept, the c h i l d engages i n aggressive behaviour,  reducing the fear f e l t i n the  presence of authority-figures and authority-surrogates, and "proving" that he lacks such f e a r s .  Very strong fear might prevent such behaviour, but  i n that case the individual would be neurotic.  A strong i d e n t i f i c a t i o n  with a parent, on the other hand, provided the parent was perceived as an authority-figure, would preclude any great f e l t fear i n the presence of authority-figures and preclude aggression directed against authority-figures i n the presence of minor f r u s t r a t i o n because the i n d i v i d u a l would, i n e f f e c t , be attacking the s e l f .  Nevertheless, i d e n t i f i c a t i o n may be s u f f i -  c i e n t l y s e l e c t i v e so that authority-figures perceived as d i s s i m i l a r from the ego-ideal may be attacked; i n this case the i n d i v i d u a l has a narrow cognitive map, and an ego-ideal representing greater tolerance would o f f set  this kind of behaviour;  any strong i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with any authority-  figure does make attacks upon authority-figures less probable.  129  The  " d e l i n q u e n t " has developed  sequences w i l l o c c u r i n t h e presence  an expectancy  t h a t f e a r - p r o d u c i n g con-  of a u t h o r i t y - f i g u r e s .  Since, t h e p r e s -  ence o f a u t h o r i t y - f i g u r e s l e a d s t o f e a r , he w i l l tend n o t t o i d e n t i f y w i t h these p e r s o n s :  s i g n s , such as mannerisms, t o which i d e n t i f i c a t i o n l e a d s ,  i n the form o f o v e r t b e h a v i o u r , o f "secondary  are themselves  a s s o c i a t e d w i t h f e a r because  reinforcement" or.higher order c o n d i t i o n i n g .  That:is,  these  mannerisms, e t c . , a s s o c i a t e d w i t h a f e a r e d p o t e n t i a l model, produce f e a r and hence w i l l n o t be emulated.  I n f a c t , t h e tendency  i s t o adopt manner-  isms, e t c . which a r e q u i t e d i f f e r e n t , perhaps o p p o s i t e , from t h o s e o f t h e f e a r e d person.(188) t h u s f a c i l i t a t i n g t h e e x p e c t a t i o n o f a s i t u a t i o n i n which f e a r i s n o t p r e s e n t and r e s u l t i n g i n f e a r - r e d u c t i o n ; t h i s i s a n a l o gous t o t h e e x p e r i m e n t a l s i t u a t i o n i n which r a t s escape from a white compartment which they have l e a r n e d t o a s s o c i a t e w i t h f e a r t o a b l a c k compartment i n which f e a r - p r o d u c i n g s t i m u l i a r e a b s e n t . results indicate that "delinquents," i n  Zucker's  (188, 189)  c o n t r a s t t o normal c h i l d r e n , do n o t  v a l u e t h e p a r e n t s ' v a l u e s , s t a n d a r d s , and p e r s o n a l i t y " t r a i t s , " and do n o t a t t r i b u t e t h e s e " t r a i t s , " etc...to themselves. In an approach-avoidance  c o n f l i c t , t h e i n d i v i d u a l i s f a c e d w i t h an  ambiguous s i t u a t i o n which e l i c i t s both f e a r - and r e w a r d - e x p e c t a n c i e s .  The  c o n f l i c t may be r e s o l v e d by a t t a i n i n g t h e g o a l - o b j e c t , towards which t h e r e i s an ambiguous f e e l i n g , which r e s u l t s i n f e a r - r e d u c t i o n . Delayed  g o a l achievement.  I d e n t i f i c a t i o n mediates d e l a y e d g o a l a c h i e v e -  ment, r e s u l t s i n an immediate "success e x p e r i e n c e , " and r e n d e r s acceptable behaviour p o s s i b l e .  socially  The i n f a n t possesses meager c a p a c i t i e s f o r  d e a l i n g w i t h t h e environment; he l e a r n s t h e p h y s i c a l l y s h o r t e s t p a t h which leads to n e e d - s a t i s f a c t i o n ;  but v e r y soon, s o c i e t y w i l l  insist  that a great  many l e a r n e d a c t s i n t e r v e n e between a f e l t need and i t s s a t i s f a c t i o n . t u n a t e l y , t h e i d e n t i f i c a t i o n p r o c e s s begins  For-  i n e a r l y c h i l d h o o d ; the c h i l d  130  soon l e a r n s t h a t when p a r e n t a l a c t s a r e more o r l e s s d u p l i c a t e d a  success  e x p e r i e n c e ensues, m a i n l y i n t h e form o f p a r e n t a l a p p r o v a l w h i c h t h e c h i l d now v a l u e s .  However, some p a r e n t a l f e a t s cannot be d u p l i c a t e d by  the c h i l d ; they a r e achieved v i c a r i o u s l y *  Lacking' e i t h e r s t r o n g f e a r o r  a s t r o n g i d e n t i f i c a t i o n , t h e c h i l d w i l l attempt t o a c h i e v e n e e d - s a t i s f a c t i o n i n a more o r l e s s d i r e c t manner, as i n p s y c h o p a t h i c Escape from f e a r o r t h e s u c c e s s e x p e r i e n c e s  behaviour.  involved i n i d e n t i f i c a t i o n  should p r o v i d e s u f f i c i e n t m o t i v a t i o n to l e a r n the d i f f i c u l t i n t e r v e n i n g a c t s , a l t h o u g h i n t h e former case the l e a r n i n g may be slower and l e s s discriminating. I d e n t i f i c a t i o n , i n which t h e c h i l d a c h i e v e s h i s aims v i c a r i o u s l y , enaoles t h e c h i l d t o f o r e g o immediate g r a t i f i c a t i o n .  T h i s may g e n e r a l -  i z e t o o t h e r s i t u a t i o n s , and the c h i l d l e a r n s t o accept d e l a y as not nece s s a r i l y t r a g i c , but more o r l e s s i n e v i t a b l e .  However, t h e c h i l d ' s  c a p a c i t y f o r d e l a y i s l i m i t e d , and t h e " i n t e r n a l i z e d p a r e n t s " a r e i n e f f e c t i v e guides t o b e h a v i o u r  i f their,commands, when obeyed, do not r e s u l t  i n a s u c c e s s e x p e r i e n c e i n t h e form o f s o c i a l approval, as w e l l as s e l f a p p r o v a l ; once t h e c h i l d has developed  the capacity f o r self-reward,  s e l f - a p p r o v a l may be s u f f i c i e n t t o ensure d e s i r e d behaviour,  but t h e two,  s e l f - a p p r o v a l and s o c i a l a p p r o v a l , a r e never d i v o r c e d , and s e l f - a p p r o v a l cannot c o n t i n u e t o f u n c t i o n as a g u i d e t o b e h a v i o u r t e d by t h e s o c i a l a p p r o v a l f r o m which i t d e r i v e s : not r e p l a c e s o c i a l a p p r o v a l ; i t i s o n l y a m e d i a t i n g  u n l e s s i t i s augmens e l f - a p p r o v a l does factor.  I d e n t i f i c a t i o n a l s o r e s u l t s i n a g r e a t d e a l o f immediate tion.  satisfac-  P a r e n t s a r e f l a t t e r e d by t h e c h i l d ' s attempts t o emulate them, and  respond w i t h p r a i s e and i n c r e a s e d l o v e and a f f e c t i o n . of most o f t h e behaviour  A l s o , t h e y approve  t o which i d e n t i f i c a t i o n l e a d s .  An e g o - i d e a l might be c o n s i d e r e d a s simply a c l u s t e r o f r e i n f o r c e m e n t s " which mediate d e l a y .  "secondary  I d e n t i f i c a t i o n i s the p e c u l i a r  131  p r o c e s s whereby the i n d i v i d u a l a c h i e v e s v i c a r i o u s l y the g o a l s believedto have been a t t a i n e d by. the model and b e l i e v e d by the i d e n t i f y i n g to be u n o b t a i n a b l e i n a more d i r e c t manner. u a l l y a c h i e v e the requirements  person  I f the i n d i v i d u a l i s t o a c t -  of the e g o - i d e a l on an o b j e c t i v e  each s t e p "along the way must l e a d t o goal-achievement; i d e a l w i l l be abandoned o r the i n d i v i d u a l may  basis,  o t h e r w i s e the  ego-  a c h i e v e h i s g o a l s through  fantasy. "Psychopaths"  a r e not o r i e n t a t e d i n time and space, o r a t l e a s t  do n o t share the normal o r i e n t a t i o n .  They l i v e i n the p r e s e n t .  s o c i e t y , a f u t u r e o r i e n t a t i o n i s the approved  s t a n d a r d , and no  can condone immediate n e e d - s a t i s f a c t i o n i n a l l a r e a s .  they  I n our society  If'at a l l possible,  the extreme "psychopath" w i l l take the p a t h t o a g o a l which i s p h y s i c a l l y the s h o r t e s t .  I t i s when he e x h i b i t s t h i s behaviour i n the a r e a s  i n g w i t h sex and a g g r e s s i o n t h a t he tends t o get i n t o t r o u b l e .  deal-  Of  course,  he u s u a l l y "knows" what c o n s t i t u t e s d e s i r a b l e b e h a v i o u r i n the  society,  and does not o p e n l y t r a n s g r e s s a g a i n s t the mores.  "psycho-  The  extreme  p a t h " does not behave i n a moral manner i n the absence of s u p e r v i s i o n as does the p e r s o n who  has made s u i t a b l e i d e n t i f i c a t i o n s .  H i s behaviour i s  o r i e n t a t e d toward more .or l e s s immediate s a t i s f a c t i o n o f the p r i m a r y needs such as sex and hunger, which, a l o n g w i t h anger-and p a i n - p r o d u c i n g and g r o s s l y f e a r f u l s i t u a t i o n s , alone have the power t o m o t i v a t e  him.  The areas o f s o c i e t y i n which c h i l d r e n n o t o r i e n t a t e d towards d e l a y e d g o a l s , and l a c k i n g " s u i t a b l e " e g o - i d e a l s , might more o f t e n be found would be, f i r s t ,  i n i n s t i t u t i o n s ; children raised i n t h i s environ-  ment would have a l e s s e n e d o p p o r t u n i t y t o e s t a b l i s h an a f f e c t i o n a l t i o n s h i p w i t h an a d u l t who  r e p r e s e n t s s o c i a l l y approved  Secondly, among f a m i l i e s of low socio-economic o f t e n , are not f u t u r e - o r i e n t a t e d , perhaps  status:  rela-  behaviour. these f a m i l i e s ,  f o r the v e r y good r e a s o n  that  132  t h e r e i s no r e a l hope o f improving t h e i r s t a t u s o r c o n t i n u a l f a i l u r e d i s s i p a t e d any  such hope; f o r example, t h e s e people  has  do not, o r d i n a r i l y ,  p l a c e a..high v a l u e on e d u c a t i o n a l achievement and o t h e r " m i d d l e - c l a s s virtues." ing,  T h i r d l y , i n c h i l d r e n of low i n t e l l i g e n c e who,  r e l a t i v e l y speak-  l a c k the c a p a c i t y t o use v e r b a l and o t h e r a i d s i n m e d i a t i n g  and tend to seek immediate n e e d - s a t i s f a c t i o n .  And  finally,  delay  indulged  c h i l d r e n , p r o v i d e d t h e y a r e not a l s o dominated, i n which case f e a r  and  g u i l t f e e l i n g s might combine w i t h a s t r o n g e g o - i d e a l t o produce a neu-;.rosis. we  Although  t h i s i n d u l g e d group might be found  i n any s o c i a l  would expect t o f i n d them more o f t e n among the wealthy:  i n the  class, first  p l a c e , because some wealthy p e r s o n s l e a v e t h e i r c h i l d r e n i n the care o f s e r v a n t s , who  may  o r may  not p r o v i d e a f f e c t i o n , and have l i t t l e  w i t h t h e c h i l d r e n ; and a l s o , the c h i l d may  contact  be a s s u r e d of immediate  f i c a t i o n w i t h o u t h a v i n g t o " e a r n " i t , and f a i l  grati-  t o a c c e p t d e l a y e d rewards  as s u i t a b l e g o a l s ; an abundance of money a l o n e can p r o v i d e immediate g r a t i f i c a t i o n f o r most needs which a r i s e , and the c h i l d who  achieves  immediate o r s l i g h t l y d e l a y e d g o a l - o b j e c t s has no need t o i d e n t i f y t o any g r e a t e x t e n t o r t o be o r i e n t a t e d towards d e l a y e d g o a l s . type developed of  The s t e r e o -  by the movies, t h e r i c h " p l a y b o y , " e x e m p l i f i e s t h i s k i n d  person. Unsuitable ego-ideals.  D e l i n q u e n t b e h a v i o u r w i l l r e s u l t i f the  i d e a l represents s o c i a l l y disapproved behaviour.  ego-  This i s a frequent  cause o f d e l i n q u e n c y i n " d e l i n q u e n c y a r e a s , " where t h e b e h a v i o u r deemed d e s i r a b l e by o n e , s o c i a l g r o u p i n g o f which the c h i l d i s a member i s s t r o n g l y d i s a p p r o v e d by the dominant members of the c u l t u r e . i l l u s t r a t e d by the remarks o f one o f Shaw's (155 , pp. -  c i t e d by E l l i n g s t o n (48,  p.23,  italics  added):  6-7)  I t i s well  "delinquents,"  133  E v e r y boy has i d e a l may crook.  some i d e a l he l o o k s up t o and admires.  be Babe Ruth, J a c k Dempsey, A l Capone, o r some o t h e r  H i s i d e a l i s what he wants t o be l i k e when he grows up  and becomes a man. . a neighborhood crooks.  His  When I was  twelve y e a r s o l d we moved i n t o  where t h e r e l i v e d a mob  o f g a n g s t e r s and b i g  They were a l l s w e l l d r e s s e r s and had b i g c a r s and  car-  r i e d *gatst"' Us k i d s v saw t h o s e s w e l l guys and m i n g l e d  with  them i n the c i g a r s t o r e on the Conner.  the  i n the mob  t h a t I had a f a n c y t o .  and t h a t was  how  I saw him o f t e n .  r a c k e t b e f o r e he was  He was  used t o take my  He was  He was  one  s i s out  i n the s t i c k - u p  i n the beer r a c k e t and was  and had l o t s of dough. stuff.  He  J a c k G-urney was  a swell dresser  a nervy guy and went i n f o r b i g  a mysterious, f e l l o w and would d i s a p p e a r some-  times f o r s e v e r a l days but always came back. t o as the l e a d e r o f h i s mob place.  He was  looked  up  and anybody would g l a d l y be i n h i s  •  E m o t i o n a l attachments.  I d e n t i f i c a t i o n presupposes  an e m o t i o n a l a t t a c h -  ment t o the p e r c e i v e d model; i f no e m o t i o n a l attachment has been formed w i t h r e s p e c t t o an e g o - i d e a l which r e p r e s e n t s n o n - d e l i n q u e n t delinquency w i l l occur.  The  behaviour,  c h i l d has not had adequate r e l a t i o n s h i p s  w i t h a u t h o r i t y - f i g u r e s ; t h e s e a u t h o r i t y - f i g u r e s have f a i l e d t o h i s needs f o r s t a t u s , independence, and s o c i a l a p p r o v a l . these needs and a more adequate s e l f - c o n c e p t by opposing  satisfy  He may  the wishes o r  demands o f these a u t h o r i t y - f i g u r e s and by i d e n t i f y i n g w i t h models r e p r e s e n t opposing  achieve  who  standards.  Failure to i d e n t i f y .  I f a s u i t a b l e e g o - i d e a l i s p e r c e i v e d as too  d i f f i c u l t t o emulate, i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i l l not o c c u r ; i f i d e n t i f i c a t i o n  134  o c c u r s b e f o r e t h i s p e r c e p t i o n i s made, a " n e u r o t i c dilemma" may ensue i n which t h e i n d i v i d u a l f a i l s t o l i v e up t o t h e i m p o s s i b l e standards  s e t by  the e g o - i d e a l , y e t i s u n w i l l i n g t o abandon them. Attempted i d e n t i f i c a t i o n s w i t h a u t h o r i t y - f i g u r e s w i l l f a i l  i f they  demand a r a d i c a l change i n t h e p e r s o n a l i t y o f t h e " d e l i n q u e n t , " i f t h e y demand the a&andonment o f e x i s t i n g e g o - i d e a l s , i f t h e a c c e p t a n c e o f a new e g o - i d e a l does n o t r e s u l t i n a s u c c e s s e x p e r i e n c e ,  o r i f they a r e n o t  a f u n c t i o n o f t h e c h i l d ' s needs and l e v e l o f a s p i r a t i o n . If  i d e n t i f i c a t i o n o c c u r s , but does n o t r e s u l t i n s o c i a l  approval,  e s p e c i a l l y from the model, t h e e g o - i d e a l w i l l be abandoned and perhaps an u n s u i t a b l e , a n t i s o c i a l , one s u b s t i t u t e d ; i n any case, no r e a s o n t o r e f r a i n from d e l i n q u e n t b e h a v i o u r . say, t h e d e l i n q u e n t gang l e a d e r , i s t h r e a t e n e d , a g g r e s s i v e conduct designed concept.  the c h i l d has  I f a present  ego-ideal,  t h e c h i l d may r e a c t w i t h  to p r o t e c t t h e e g o - i d e a l and h i s own s e l f -  I d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i l l be f a u l t y i f t h e model cannot be depended  upon; I f t h e e g o - i d e a l i s i l l - s t r u c t u r e d o r i l l - d e f i n e d , as w i t h s i s t e n t p a r e n t s , f o r example.  I f a s u i t a b l e ego-ideal i s d i s c r e d i t e d or  deemed unworthy due t o t h e behaviour  o f t h e model, i t may be t o t a l l y  i n h i b i t e d , and t h e o p p o s i t e , a n t i s o c i a l , e g o - i d e a l T h e " n e c e s s a r y and s u f f i c i e n t c o n d i t i o n s . " those aspects- o f b e h a v i o u r  incon-  accepted.  Failure to identify  i n which non-delinquency o c c u r s p l u s  with  environ-  mental o p p o r t u n i t y r e s u l t s i n d e l i n q u e n c y . An  example.  quent b e h a v i o u r example.  How t h e v a r i o u s f a c t o r s might operate  t o produce d e l i n -  i n one c h i l d might be i l l u s t r a t e d by a h y p o t h e t i c a l  The c h i l d i s " r e j e c t e d , " and has f a i l e d t o d e v e l o p  attachment toward e i t h e r p a r e n t ; t h e r e i s l i t t l e  identification  .these p a r e n t s who r e p r e s e n t a u t h o r i t y and s o c i a l l y approved The  an emotional with  behaviour.  c h i l d ' s r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h a u t h o r i t y - f i g u r e s o u t s i d e t h e home a r e  135  c o n d i t i o n e d by t h i s f a m i l y s i t u a t i o n ,  and he f a i l s t o i d e n t i f y w i t h t h e  i  t e a c h e r , w i t h t h e policeman  on t h e b l o c k , o r w i t h any o t h e r a d u l t i n t h e  community who r e p r e s e n t s a u t h o r i t y .  I n f a c t , he makes a p o i n t o f d i s -  r e g a r d i n g t h e i r commands and wishes,  s i n c e they i n t e r f e r e  satisfaction,  and sometimes m a n i f e s t s o v e r t d i s o b e d i e n c e .  w i t h h i s needHis attitude  towards a l l persons p e r c e i v e d as b e i n g i n a u t h o r i t y i s one o f h o s t i l i t y , f e a r , s u s p i c i o n , and d i s l i k e .  He g e t s a g r e a t d e a l o f s a t i s f a c t i o n o u t  of t h w a r t i n g t h e s e p e o p l e , even though h i s d i s o b e d i e n c e and n e g a t i v i s m are n o t always, f l a g r a n t o r o b v i o u s , what t o do," and c a r r i e s  He b i t t e r l y r e s e n t s b e i n g  "told  out the. commands o r even the wishes o f a u t h o r i t y -  f i g u r e s o n l y when- a b s o l u t e l y n e c e s s a r y and w i t h a g r e a t d e a l o f r e s e n t ment.  Not o n l y i s he h o s t i l e  towards t h e s e p a r e n t - f i g u r e s b u t t h e y a r e  p e r c e i v e d as h o s t i l e towards him, as indeed t h e y may be because o f h i s u n c o o p e r a t i v e behaviour: situation, The  t h e i r a t t i t u d e towards h i m now complicates t h e  aggravating i t .  c h i l d now i d e n t i f i e s w i t h o t h e r c h i l d r e n who r e p r e s e n t  obedience  and non-conformity  society.  He i d e n t i f i e s w i t h an a d u l t n o n - c o n f o r m i s t  dis-  t o t h e demands o f p a r e n t - f i g u r e s and o f  hood, p o s s i b l y even a c r i m i n a l .  i n the neighbor-  H i s sympathy ?fhen he goes t o t h e movies,  or reads a s t o r y may l i e w i t h t h e "bad guy." I n t h i s manner, he g a i n s a great deal of s a t i s f a c t i o n which i s merely  and p r e s t i g e , a s a "tough guy," n o t a l l o f  vicarious.  A t t h i s p o i n t , say, an attempted  i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i t h a more s u i t -  a b l e e g o - i d e a l o c c u r s , b u t t h e i d e n t i f i c a t i o n i s o n l y p a r t i a l and when the c h i l d d i s c o v e r s t h a t he w i l l have t o f o r e g o h i s p r e s e n t e g o - i d e a l s from which he g a i n s so much s a t i s f a c t i o n , Or t h e attempted  t h e new e g o - i d e a l i s abandoned.  i d e n t i f i c a t i o n f a i l s because t h e c h i l d d e c i d e s t h a t he  w i l l never be a b l e t o emulate t h e f e a t s o f t h e model, and i n o r d e r t o  136  r e t a i n an adequate s e l f - c o n c e p t , r a t i o n a l i z e s by assuming t h a t the i d e a l ' s f e a t s are not worthy o f • e m u l a t i o n .  Or the model upon which the  i d e a l i s based r e b u f f s , i n s u l t s , o r otherwise unfortunate traumatic  a t t i t u d e s o r behaviour  i n c i d e n t o c c u r s , and  egoego-  i s p e r c e i v e d as d i s p l a y i n g  towards the c h i l d .  A  particularly^  the c h i l d responds by engaging i n d e l i n q u e n t  a c t i v i t y on the f i r s t  o c c a s i o n t h a t environmental  p r e c i p i t a t i n g cause.  The  non-conformist  opportunity supplies a  behaviour,  o p p o s i t e t o t h a t of the  d i s c r e d i t e d e g o - i d e a l , i s embraced. S u b s t i t u t e a c t i v i t i e s a r e c o n s i d e r e d t o be h e l d at p r e s e n t a r e t h r e a t e n e d ing  t o reform the c h i l d , and  The  standards  the c h i l d responds by f u r t h e r d e l i n q u e n c y .  s e t by p r o s p e c t i v e models may  it  be i n c o n s i s t e n t , and  be too h i g h o r demand a  Or the model, l i k e t h e c h i l d ' s  something e l s e the next;  u a t i o n , what i s expected The  radical parents,  t h e c h i l d cannot p e r c e i v e the e g o - i d e a l c l e a r l y ;  i s u n s t r u c t u r e d , not c l e a r l y d e f i n e d , demanding one type o f  one day,  Ego-ideals  by the well-meaning e f f o r t s of those attempt-  change i n the c h i l d ' s p e r s o n a l i t y . may  "sissy stuff."  of him,  behaviour  he does not know the l i m i t s of the  sit-  and t h e e g o - i d e a l i s abandoned.  f a u l t y i d e n t i f i c a t i o n s d e s c r i b e d need not o c c u r i n t h i s  order,  some o f them might have o c c u r r e d c o n c u r r e n t l y , or i n any m a t h e m a t i c a l comb i n a t i o n ; and  i n an i n d i v i d u a l case, one  be s u f f i c i e n t t o produce  delinquency.  "Psychopaths" v a . " d e l i n q u e n t s . " tween the' "psychopathic unsuitable ego-ideal.  o r more of t h e s i t u a t i o n s might  d e l i n q u e n t " and The  I t i s necessary  to d i s t i n g u i s h  the " d e l i n q u e n t " who  possesses  "psychopath," i n an " i d e a l " form would  bean  possess  no e g o - i d e a l whatever and would be amoral, or a t l e a s t h i s code of e t h i c s would i n c l u d e o n l y t h a t b e h a v i o u r which i s designed s l i g h t l y delayed p e r s o n a l n e e d - s a t i s f a c t i o n . The  to achieve  immediate o r  " d e l i n q u e n t " who  w i t h i n d i v i d u a l s , adjudged immoral by the standards  identifies  predominant i n t h e  137 society, has a set of standards within t h i s limited context, and may behave i n a manner consistent with h i s own moral code, although t h i s moral code i s at variance with that of a large segment of society. Adolescence.  During adolescence, parent-child i d e n t i f i c a t i o n s tend  to break down, although p a r e n t a l l y inspired ego-ideals may p e r s i s t , t o some extent, throughout l i f e .  I f a poorly established ego-ideal, based  on a parental model, breaks down i n t h i s period, and i f other suitable ego-ideals have been equally f r a g i l e , delinquency may occur. ing  The weaken-  of the parental ego-ideal at t h i s period coincides with increased  sexual tension.  This e f f e c t may be o f f s e t by the tendency to set more  r e a l i s t i c l i f e goals; i f the c h i l d i s orientated towards delayed  goals  which are r e a l i s t i c and i f adequate substitute ego-ideals are i n process of being formed, adolescence should not r e s u l t i n " i r r e s p o n s i b l e " behaviour. The "superego" vs. the ego-ideal.  The charge might w e l l be made  that i n using the term, "ego-ideal," we are merely r e f e r r i n g to the "superego" under a new name, but the two constructs cannot be assimilated. These are some of the differences: 1.  The "superego" i s spoken of as i f i t was an e n t i t y i n i t s own  r i g h t , apart from the process of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n .  The ego-ideal i s not an .  entity; i t i s part of the process of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and cannot be r e f e r r e d to except i n r e l a t i o n to t h i s process.  I t i s a mere convenience, an  abstraction, which we use i n describing the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n process.  If  we could speak of the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n process as a whole without using t h i s a d d i t i o n a l concept, i t would be preferable to do so. The ego-ideal i s not an a d d i t i o n a l intervening variable; i t i s abstracted out of the t o t a l process of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n ; our j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r abstracting i t i s that i n so doing we can conceptualize the s i t u a t i o n better, and knowing the exact properties of an ego-ideal held by an i n d i v i d u a l we are enabled  4  138  to make more aocurate predictions.  I f t h i s i s not the case, the term should  be abandoned. 2.  The term, "ego-ideal," does not involve us i n c i r c u l a r  as does the construct, "superegoi"  reasoning  Given the properties of an i n d i v i d u a l  ego-ideal, we can predict how the i n d i v i d u a l w i l l behave when we expose him to a s i t u a t i o n i n which the ego-ideal w i l l become operative.  The ego-  i d e a l i s introduced f o r the sole purpose of p r e d i c t i o n . 3.  We may be able to devise tests which define the exact nature of  the ego-ideal and use them as a basis f o r prediction; no such procedure appears f e a s i b l e using the concept of the "superego." 4.  Knowing the personality, i n t e r e s t s , l i k e s and d i s l i k e s , etc. of  an i n d i v i d u a l , we may be able to select a suitable model, predict the acceptance of the new ego-ideal and control the whole process of i d e n t i f i cation, more or l e s s "at w i l l . "  We cannot predict and c o n t r o l the a c q u i s i -  t i o n of a "superego." 5.  I d e n t i f i c a t i o n being a learned process, we can apply the p r i n -  c i p l e s of learning d i r e c t l y to the formation of an ego-ideal, and make our predictions accordingly; the concept of a "superego" has not been used i n t h i s manner. 6.  The "superego" hypothesis has never been stated i n a testable  form; i t may be the case that i t i s not possible to so state i t . 7.  The term, "ego-ideal," has nothing to do with the Freudian con-  structs of the " i d " and the "ego." 8.  No assumptions or speculations are indulged i n as to whether the  ego-ideal i s mainly or p a r t i a l l y "conscious" or "unconscious."  Like the  "superego," i t may not be the r e s u l t of a deliberate plan of action. 9.  An ego-ideal i s more s p e c i f i c than a "superego," and, since there  i s no l i m i t set upon the number of ego-ideals, covers a wider range Of  139 behaviour:  moral standards, vocational ambitions, attitudes,  avocations, etc.  interests,  The ego-ideal defines very s p e c i f i c a l l y the kind of  behaviour i n which the c h i l d w i l l engage; a strong "superego," on the other hand, i s supposed to hold as well i n one s i t u a t i o n , say, l y i n g , as i t does i n the next, say, stealing:  t h i s i s contradicted by the f a c t s ; an i n d i v i -  dual may condone stealing but consider l y i n g to be morally reprehensible, or vice-versa.  An i n d i v i d u a l i s assumed to possess only one "superego,"  but may possess as many ego-ideals as he perceives desirable standards of conduct or models, a l l of which obey the same laws, however.  The ego-  i d e a l construct explains a much wider range of behaviour and i s f l e x i b l e enough to apply to behaviour which the "superego" cannot account f o r . I n general, the construct's function i s , with no s a c r i f i c e of parsimony, to explain more than the "superego" does, and, where the two cover the same ground, to explain the same phenomena better.  THE MAJOR ETIOLOGICAL AREAS The role of heredity.  Heredity could have an i n d i r e c t influence i n  the case of the r e l a t i v e l y rare i n d i v i d u a l who possesses very low i n t e l ligence determined by heredity.  .  The r o l e of environmental experience or learning.  Delinquent be-  haviour i s learned behaviour.. The r o l e of f a m i l i a l f a c t o r s .  I a t r a f a m i l i a l i d e n t i f i c a t i o n s are of  prime importance. The r o l e of e x t r a - f a m i l i a l f a c t o r s .  E x t r a - f a m i l i a l experiences may  lead to delinquency i r r e s p e c t i v e of the nature of the home environment; o r d i n a r i l y , they complement f a m i l i a l e f f e c t s . The role of reward.  Success experiences must folloxv non-delinquent  140  b e h a v i o u r i f t h i s behaviour  i s t o become c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f t h e i n d i v i d u a l .  C o n v e r s e l y , d e l i n q u e n t behaviour  r e s u l t s i n s u c c e s s e x p e r i e n c e s which were  not o b t a i n e d i n any o t h e r manner. The r o l e o f punishment.  Punishment i n h i b i t s i d e n t i f i c a t i o n s ; i t i s  an important f a c t o r l e a d i n g t o d e l i n q u e n t  behaviour.  S t r o n g f e a r , which i s o f t e n a d e r i v a t i v e o f punishment c o u l d p r e v e n t d e l i n q u e n c y under v e r y s p e c i a l l y arranged at  conditions.  To keep'the  child  a d i s l i k e d t a s k , t h e t h r e a t o f punishment, t o be e f f e c t i v e , must i n c l u d e  the e r e c t i o n o f b a r r i e r s which p r e v e n t  escape from t h e s i t u a t i o n .  amount of " p o l i c i n g " r e q u i r e d i s ' p r o h i b i t i v e and uneconomical. s i t u a t i o n , " on t h e o t h e r hand, t h e r e i s no tendency  The  I n a "reward  to "leave the f i e l d , "  but we must ensure t h a t t h e g o a l may n o t be obtained, by a more d i r e c t , but u n d e s i r e d r o u t e as i n t h e f a i l u r e t o be o r i e n t a t e d toward d e l a y e d g o a l objects.  The amount of c o n s t r a i n t i n v o l v e d i n t h r e a t of punishment as a  means o f promoting  d e s i r e d behaviour  ensures t h a t t h e d e s i r e d b e h a v i o u r i s  d i s l i k e d or hated.  EVIDENCE  The Healy-Bronner  study.  Although  t h e y cannot  be t a k e n v e r y  seriously  as evidence, t h e s e a u t h o r s ' remarks a r e r e l e v a n t i n t h i s c o n t e x t .  The  f o l l o w i n g i s a q u o t a t i o n from H e a l y and Bronner (89, p.10, i t a l i c s added) :  t h e r e remains t h e q u e s t i o n why t h e d e l i n q u e n t e a r l y o r l a t e r d i d n o t f i n d i n h i m s e l f f o r c e s s t r o n g enough t o check d e l inquent i m p u l s e s .  As we l o o k e d i n t o t h e l i v e s of t h e s e young  people, i t was c l e a r ,  ... t h a t s o c i a l r e s t r a i n t s and i n h i b i t i o n s  were i n many i n s t a n c e s absent  because o f poor f o r m a t i o n o f what  i s so a p t l y termed an e g o - i d e a l .  There had been no s t r o n g  emo-  t i o n a l t i e - u p t o anyone who p r e s e n t e d a p a t t e r n . o f s a t i s f a c t o r y  141  s o c i a l behaviour.  To p u t i t another way t h e c h i l d had never had  an a f f e c t i o n a l i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i t h one who seemed t o h i m a good parent.  The f a t h e r o r mother e i t h e r had n o t p l a y e d a r o l e  was admired  that  by t h e c h i l d o r e l s e on account o f the l a c k o f a  deep l o v e r e l a t i o n s h i p was n o t a c c e p t e d a s a n i d e a l .  They s t a t e f u r t h e r t h a t it,became apparent from t h e comparative of  studi  d e l i n q u e n t and n o n - d e l i n q u e n t s i b l i n g s " t h a t t h e e f f e c t i v e n e s s o f m o r a l  t e a c h i n g and o f good example i s dependent on e m o t i o n a l v a l u e s a t t a c h e d t o them by the child'.'"(89, p . l l ) .  And "... f e e l i n g tone about r i g h t  conduct  d e r i v e s most p o w e r f u l l y from t h e e m o t i o n a l s i d e o f human r e l a t i o n s h i p s . E t h i c a l c o n c e p t s ' t h a t have no p e r s o n i f i c a t i o n have l i t t l e f o r c e i n t h e l i v e s o f young p e o p l e " (89, p ; l l ) . "... i n c o n t r a s t , when s t u d y i n g the n o n - d e l i n q u e n t s we came a c r o s s many s t r i k i n g e v i d e n c e s o f i n f l u e n t i a l t i e s t o some person, n e a r l y a parent — child —  sometimes a h unworthy parent though n o t f e l t  always  as such by t h e  whose esteem was d e s i r e d and was o b t a i n e d and r e t a i n e d i f t h e  c h i l d remained,.non-delinquent"  (89, p . l l ) .  A l t h o u g h t h i s cannot be c o n s i d e r e d a s evidence i n t h e s t r i c t H e a l y and Bronner  sense,  a r e competent o b s e r v e r s and t h e f a c t o r which t h e y cons-  i d e r t h e i r most important f i n d i n g d e s e r v e s t h e a t t e n t i o n o f r e s e a r c h investigations. Bender's o b s e r v a t i o n s .  I f t h e i d e n t i f i c a t i o n t h e o r y i s c o r r e c t , we  would expect t o f i n d t h e g r e a t e s t i n c i d e n c e o f f a u l t y i d e n t i f i c a t i o n i n c h i l d r e n r e a r e d i n an i n s t i t u t i o n where o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with a s u i t a b l e adult are very l i m i t e d .  Although, unfortunately, not the  r e s u l t o f s y s t e m a t i c r e s e a r c h , Bender (20.) d e s c r i b e s one such group o f c h i l d r e n ; these c h i l d r e n were r e f e r r e d t o B e l l e v u e by v a r i o u s c h i l d - c a r i n g i n s t i t u t i o n s and foster-home  agencies.  These c h i l d r e n ,  she says, " r e p r e s -  -142 ented almost a laboratory experiment  i n personality structure" (20, p.363).  Bender (20, pp.363-364, i t a l i c s added) goes on to describe the children:  In  children who have been i n i n s t i t u t i o n s f o r the f i r s t two  or three years of t h e i r l i v e s without a parent who v i s i t s f r e quently and takes an interest i n them,we f i n d the most severe types of deprived, a s o c i a l , psychopathic personality deviation. There i s a lack of human i d e n t i f i c a t i o n or of human r e l a t i o n ships and an i n a b i l i t y to experience such when therapeutic e f f o r t s are made to o f f e r such a r e l a t i o n s h i p to the c h i l d . There i s a lack of anxiety or any neurotic structure as a reaction pattern to c o n f l i c t s or to f r u s t r a t i o n .  There are no con-  f l i c t s , and f r u s t r a t i o n i s reacted to immediately by temper tantrums.  There i s an i n a b i l i t y to love or f e e l g u i l t y .  There i s  no conscience.  They have an " i n a b i l i t y to enter into any relationship'.' (20, p.364). Bender states that "a f a i l u r e to i d e n t i f y themselves i n interpersonal r e l ationship was the essential psychopathological mechanism" (20, p.366). These emotionally deprived, "psychopathic" children have no concept of time, r e l a t i v e l y speaking, can "never keep pace with any schedule, have no attention span, cannot r e c a l l past experience and cannot benefit from past experience or be motivated by future goals" (20, p.364). Goldfarb's studies.  More important, are the studies conducted by  Goldfarb (77, 78, 79) and by Zucker (188, 189). Goldfarb used four groups of children.  The f i r s t group spent the f i r s t three years of t h e i r  l i v e s i n an i n s t i t u t i o n ; these 20 children were matched with a group of 20 children who had been i n foster homes from early infancy. . Two other s i m i l a r groups were used, but the children were older than i n the f i r s t  143 two groups. filled  S o c i a l workers, who were unaware o f t h e r e a s o n f o r t h e study,  i n c h e c k l i s t s o f problem b e h a v i o u r f o r each c h i l d .  were s t a t i s t i c a l l y r e l i a b l e .  The r e s u l t s  I n general, the children i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d  d u r i n g e a r l y c h i l d h o o d were checked more o f t e n f o r d e l i n q u e n t - t y p e b e h a v i o u r , but  t h e f o s t e r h o m e / c h i l d r e n e x h i b i t e d more n e u r o t i c  be p r e d i c t e d .  t e n d e n c i e s , as would  I n s t i t u t i o n a l c h i l d r e n , as i n d i c a t e d by t h e c h e c k l i s t ,  e x h i b i t e d more problem behaviour, were more o v e r t l y anxious,.had more aggr e s s i o n problems, i n g e n e r a l were more i n f a n t i l e , d e s t r u c t i v e ,  antagon-  istic,  restlessness,  and c r u e l , and needed more a d u l t a t t e n t i o n ;  i n a b i l i t y t o concentrate, craving lack of popularity,  t h e y showed  f o r affection, selfishness  d i s o b e d i e n c e , temper d i s p l a y ,  i n p l a y and  and s t e a l i n g .  Some o f  these c h i l d r e n d i d n o t grow up in,,an i n s t i t u t i o n ; t h e y were taken i n t o f o s t e r homes e a r l y i n c h i l d h o o d , b u t no sooner than t h r e e y e a r s o f age. The  f o s t e r home c h i l d r e n ,  i o u r and a n x i e t i e s  on t h e o t h e r hand, showed more w i t h d r a w a l behav-  related to i n t r a - f a m i l i a l relationships.  I n a second study G o l d f a r b ( 7 9 ) a d m i n i s t e r e d Rorschachs t o 15 a d o l e s cents who had spent t h e i r e a r l y y e a r s i n a n i n s t i t u t i o n and t o 15 a d o l e s c e n t s who were t a k e n i n t o a f o s t e r home d u r i n g these y e a r s . were s t a t i s t i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t . F+ p e r cent which was i n t e r p r e t e d loose perceptions. i c a l constructs,  The i n s t i t u t i o n a l group were  The r e s u l t s inferior.lln  as i n d i c a t i n g inaccuracy o f perception,  They were l e s s c o n t r o l l e d ,  l e s s able t o develop l o g -  l e s s s e l f - c r i t i c a l i n a problem s i t u a t i o n and l e s s aware  of r e a l i t y f a c t o r s ^ and were g i v e n t o b e h a v i o u r t h a t was t h o u g h t l e s s and not  goal-directed.  They a l s o  showed more 0's than t h e f o s t e r home group,  and  t h e s e 0 s were almost always i n a c c u r a t e l y p e r c e i v e d . 1  t i o n was t h a t t h e y demonstrated d e v i a t i o n  The i n t e r p r e t a - •  from t h e normal i n behaviour and  adjustment and " l e s s c o n s c i o u s d r i v e t o s o c i a l c o n f o r m i t y a r e i n d i c a t e d " ( 79, p.445).  The i n s t i t u t i o n a l group gave more G r e s p o n s e s and fewer  144  FC 4- 0  which " p r o b a b l y r e p r e s e n t s the r e l a t i v e absence o f r a t i o n a l  control  CF and the g r e a t e r e m o t i o n a l i m m a t u r i t y o f the i n s t i t u t i o n a l group" Zucker' s s t u d i e s .  (79, p.446).  The most important r e s e a r c h upon i d e n t i f i c a t i o n  been conducted by Zucker  (189).  Zucker h y p o t h e s i z e s t h a t t h e " d e l i n q u e n t "  has a f a u l t y model and t h e r e f o r e a d e f e c t i v e e g o - i d e a l . to p a r e n t s means t h a t he knows, i n t e l l e c t u a l l y , a c c e p t them e m o t i o n a l l y .  has  Lack o f  attachment  t h e i r i d e a l s but does not  The h y p o t h e s i s t o be t e s t e d was  t h a t "...  l a c k o f a c l o s e emotional t i e between most d e l i n q u e n t c h i l d r e n and  the their  p a r e n t s r e s u l t s i n but a s u p e r f i c i a l a s s i m i l a t i o n of the 'moral v a l u e s and i d e a l s o f the p a r e n t s by the c h i l d r e n e s s a r y t o determine  ..." (189, pp.38-33).  I t was  nec-  "whether the i n t i m a c y o f a s s o c i a t i o n and f e e l i n g between  d e l i n q u e n t s and t h e i r p a r e n t s d i f f e r s from t h a t of n o n - d e l i n q u e n t s , " p.33), Two  and how  this affects their  (189,  behaviour.  groups o f boys, 25 i n each, were matched f o r c o l o r , age,  economic s t a t u s , and s c o r e s on t h e Kent O r a l Emergency T e s t o f  socio-  intelligence.  The d e l i n q u e n t group were boys examined a t t h e Bureau o f J u v e n i l e Research i n Columbus, Ohio; the n o n - d e l i n q u e n t group, boys f r o m the L a z a r u s R e s e r v a t i o n near Columbus. completion t e s t s .  The procedure  i n v o l v e d the use o f t h r e e s t o r y -  The boys were i n s t r u c t e d as f o l l o w s : .  s t o r i e s here, but I am  Scout  "I have t h r e e  going t o r e a d o n l y p a r t o f each one t o you.  You're  supposed t o f i n i s h them, p u t an ending t o them.  Do you understand?"  p.33).  Significant  (.01  The responses were r e c o r d e d as u t t e r e d .  differences  l c ) were found i n the answers o f d e l i n q u e n t as opposed t o  c h i l d r e n t o s t o r i e s I and I I I . S t o r y I "was  (189,  non-delinquent  The r e s u l t s a r e t a b u l a t e d i n T a b l e  Y1I.  d e s i g n e d t o get a t the depth of the c h i l d ' s attachment  p a r e n t s " (189, p . 3 3 ) .  The s t o r i e s a r e quoted v e r b a t i m i n Zucker's  to h i s article.  I n s t o r y I , the s i t u a t i o n d e s c r i b e d i s one i n which a c h i l d must choose between g o i n g to. h i s p a r e n t s i n v o l v e d i n a s e r i o u s a c c i d e n t o r g o i n g t o h i s f r i e n d who  has a l s o been h u r t and i s i n need of a b l o o d t r a n s f u s i o n .  In  145 TABLE VII RESPONSES TO STORY COMPLETION TEST, IN ZUCKER'S (189) STUDY OF DELINQUENCY  Boys' responses Story I  Delinquents  Non-delinquents  Went to f r i e n d  15  5  Went to parents  10  20  Boys' responses, Story I I  Delinquents  Non-delinquents  Parent's advice  17  20  Friend's advice  8  5  Boys' responses, Story I I I Stole Did not s t e a l  Delinquents  Non-delinquents  19  1  6  24  146 view of the r e p l i e s , Zucker concludes that "delinquents as a group are l e s s attached to t h e i r parents than ... normal children" (189, p.35).. JStory TT "sought to get at the r e l a t i v e strength of parental versus play group injunctions" (189, p.34).  The c h i l d i n the story must choose between a  green box -and a red one i n a theatre s i t u a t i o n , to guess which of the boxes contains a prize; his parents urge him to choose the green box and h i s friends urge the red box upon him; the s i t u a t i o n does not seem to be particularly  relevant and the r e s u l t s were not s i g n i f i c a n t .  Story I I I  "aimed to get at the effectiveness of parental moralization" (189, p.34). A c h i l d i s depicted as being brought home by a policeman, the c h i l d being charged with stealing; the policeman leaves, and the boy's father gives , the boy a "sermon" on the e v i l s of stealing; the boy agrees to give up the practise;  the "delinquents" and "non-delinquents" must decide whether he  a c t u a l l y does. so.  The "delinquent's" r e p l i e s were a t t r i b u t e d " to the  feeble emotional bonds between delinquents and t h e i r parents..." (189, p.36).  The r e p l i e s were not due to simple habit formation:  "... as great  a percentage of nonstealers engage i n a s t e a l i n g episode i n story I I I as s t e a l e r s " (189, p.37). a c o r r e l a t i o n of .90  By means of the tetrachoric method of c o r r e l a t i o n , (PE » .03) was found between an i n d i v i d u a l ' s reply  to story I and what the boy d i d i n story I I I . Boys who  did- not go to  t h e i r parents i n story I stole i n story I I I , and vice-versa, boys who went to t h e i r parents i n story I did not s t e a l i n story I I I . Age and gence appeared to have no e f f e c t upon the r e p l i e s .  intelli-  Case h i s t o r i e s of the  boys i n the delinquent group tended to support the experimental f i n d i n g s . A number <of the scouts came from broken hojaes but " i n each of these cases the c h i l d had formed an intimate attachment to someone ... who a suitable ego-ideal" (189, p.38). unfortunate family r e l a t i o n s h i p s .  represented  The delinquent group was t y p i f i e d by  147  Zucker (188) also completed  a s i m i l a r , but more elaborate study.  He  acknowledges the value of.the large scale survey type study, but points out that "... science advances insofar as i t refines the picture of causation from gross common-sense conceptions to minute, c l o s e l y inter-connected sequences" (188, p.7).  The statement of h i s hypothesis reads:  "... that  the a f f e c t i o n a l i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of most delinquent children with t h e i r parents i s either d e f i c i e n t or lacking and that t h i s condition i s dynamically related to the extent to which these c h i l d r e n do not i n t r o j e c t the standards, morals, and values of t h e i r parents on an e f f e c t i v e emotional l e v e l " (188, p.12).  He used s i m i l a r groups consisting of 25 boys each.  story completion technique was used again.  The  .  Story I, here appearing as  story IV, and story I I I , here appearing as story I I I i s retained; two new s t o r i e s , I and I I here, are introduced.  S i g n i f i c a n t differences i n  r e p l i e s were found f o r s t o r i e s I, I I , and I I I , and IV at the .00005 l c , .002 l e , .0005 l c , and .001 l c , respectively. VIII.  The results are tabulated i n table  Intercorrelations between the r e p l i e s to s t o r i e s I and I I , s t o r i e s  I and I I I , stories I I and IV, and s t o r i e s III and IV were s i g n i f i c a n t at the .01 l c . Story I "sought to determine the depth of the child's attachment to his parents..." (188, p.17).  The c h i l d i n the story, with whom  the subject, i t i s assumed, i d e n t i f i e s , wins a foot race, the prize f o r which i s a t r i p around the world.  The c h i l d must choose between leaving h i s  parents for a year and going upon the desirable t r i p .  In story I I , the  experimenter hoped to discover whether the child "was more susceptible to the biddings of his play group rather than to those of h i s parents..." (188, p.17).  In a c o n f l i c t between boys and parents, i n the story, the  leader of the boys' gang must decide whether or not the boys should obey the wishes of the parents or those of the group of children; the c o n f l i c t centers about the question whether or not the boys should be allowed to  148 TABLE VIII RESPONSES TO STORY COMPLETION' TEST, IN ZUCKER'S (188) STUDY OP DELHTQUENCY  Boys' responses, Story I  Delinquents  Non-delinquents  Stayed home  3  18  Went on trip  22  7  Boys' responses, Story I I  Delinquents  Non-delinquents  Kept knives  17  6  8  19  Did not keep knives  Boys' responses, Story III Stole Did not steal  Boys' responses, Story IV  Delinquents  Non-delinquents  19 6  Delinquents  19  Non-delinquents  Went to parent  8  20  Went to friend  17  5  149  carry knives.  S t o r y 111  i s the one used i n the p r e v i o u s experiment,  which the s u b j e c t must d e c i d e whether the hero o f the stealing habits despite his father's moralizations. a p p e a r i n g as s t o r y I i n the p r e v i o u s experiment d e c i d e whether t o go t o h i s d a n g e r o u s l y s e r i o u s l y i n j u r e d i n an a c c i d e n t .  Age  ill  in  story continues h i s S t o r y IV i s the  one  i h which t h e hero must  parents or to h i s f r i e n d  and mean i n t e l l i g e n c e appeared  to  be u n r e l a t e d t o the r e p l i e s g i v e n . I n the second p a r t o f t h e r e s e a r c h p r o j e c t , a p e n c i l and p a p e r t e s t was  used,  supposedly  with h i s parents.  i n d i c a t i n g t h e extent t o which the c h i l d  F o r example, the c h i l d was  identifies  asked whether he shared  par-  e n t a l a t t i t u d e s , and the e x t e n t t o which he made t h e same c h o i c e s f o r hims e l f as he d i d f o r h i s p a r e n t s was  noted.  The  r e s u l t s of t h e q u e s t i o n n a i r e ,  as a means o f d i s c r i m i n a t i n g between " d e l i n q u e n t s " and were a l s o h i g h l y s i g n i f i c a n t ; and  "non-delinquents"  i n d i c a t e d t h a t " d e l i n q u e n t s " "tended  i d e n t i f y m a t e r i a l l y l e s s w i t h t h e i r p a r e n t s than n o n - d e l i n q u e n t s " p.29).  to  (188,  Boys i n both groups i d e n t i f i e d s i g n i f i c a n t l y more o f t e n w i t h f a t h e r s  than w i t h mothers.  Both p a r e n t s were adjudged by " d e l i n q u e n t s " t o be  s a t i s f a c t o r y i n t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p s with t h e i r c h i l d r e n .  I n one  less  item,  "delinquents" i n d i c a t e d t h a t they r e t a l i a t e d to u n s a t i s f a c t o r y p a r e n t a l actions  "... by behaving  i n a manner c o n t r a r y to t h e known wishes of t h e i r  parents". (188, p.31), u s u a l l y because of a " f e l t i n j u s t i c e . "  "Delinquents"  d i d n o t make the same c h o i c e o f p e r s o n a l i t y t r a i t s as those which t h e y a t t r i b u t e d t o t h e i r p a r e n t s ; and, a l s o , i n c o n t r a s t t o the  "non-delinquents,"  t h e y "... not o n l y f a i l t o i n t r o j e c t c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s p r i z e d by  their  p a r e n t s , but a c t i v e l y . s t r i v e t o p i c k up t r a i t s which are openly a n t a g o n i s t i c t o t h e expressed The  s e l e c t i o n s of t h e i r p a r e n t s " (188,  p.34).  boys a l s o i n v e n t e d s t o r i e s about the n i n e TAT  11, 12, 13, 14,  c a r d s , numbers 1,  18, 19, and 20, which d e a l w i t h f a m i l y r e l a t i o n s h i p s .  No  4,  150  s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e s were o b t a i n e d .  Case h i s t o r i e s d e a l i n g w i t h home  backgrounds of t h e " d e l i n q u e n t s " were o b t a i n e d ; t h e author v i s i t e d ^ t h e homes o f 18 o f t h e " n o n - d e l i n q u e n t s . " port the experimental Zucker  The case h i s t o r i e s tended t o sup-  findings.  says t h a t t h e r e were i n d i v i d u a l " d e l i n q u e n t s " who had a s t r o n g  a f f e c t i o n a l t i e , and who i d e n t i f i e d w i t h , t h e i r p a r e n t s .  T h i s does n o t  i n v a l i d a t e t h e t h e o r y , o f c o u r s e , s i n c e t h e s e boys might be i n c l u d e d by one o f t h e o t h e r hypotheses  not d e a l i n g w i t h a f f e c t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s o r by an  i d e n t i f i c a t i o n hypothesis s t i l l  t o be f o r m u l a t e d ; a f f e c t i o n a l t i e s w i t h t h e  model a r e n e c e s s a r y b u t not s u f f i c i e n t to p r e c l u d e d e l i n q u e n c y . boys may n o t have possessed  A l s o , the  t h e s p e c i f i c e g o - i d e a l which p r e c l u d e d  quency i n t h e a r e a i n which d e l i n q u e n c y o c c u r r e d . seen t h a t t h e F r e u d i a n v a r i a b l e , t h e "superego," too g r o s s t o be a b l e t o p r e d i c t t h i s  delin-  N e v e r t h e l e s s , i t can be i s a c o n s t r u c t which i s  finding.  CRITIQUE OF THE THEORY  Does the t h e o r y h o l d f o r d e l i n q u e n t s as a group?  The e v i d e n c e  indi-  c a t e s t h a t the t h e o r y i s d e s c r i p t i v e o f " d e l i n q u e n t s " as a group and t h a t i t might be used t o make group p r e d i c t i o n s o f e v e n t u a l d e l i n q u e n c y . Does t h e t h e o r y e x p l a i n t h e b e h a v i o u r of t h e i n d i v i d u a l d e l i n q u e n t ? An  extended  r e s e a r c h program would be n e c e s s a r y t o answer t h i s q u e s t i o n .  However, a p a r t i a l answer i s p o s s i b l e .  The b e h a v i o u r o f t h e boy who i n s i s t e d .  on wearing h i s h a t under a l l s o r t s o f i n a p p r o p r i a t e c i r c u m s t a n c e s  becomes  more m e a n i n g f u l when we d i s c o v e r t h a t he has a c c e p t e d an e g o - i d e a l based on l i l l i a m Pehn, who always wore h i s h a t t o assembly. p e o p l e would f e e l t h a t they now "understand" theless,- not one o f t h e numerous hypotheses  Undoubtedly, most  the c h i l d ' s behaviour.  Never-  dealing with i d e n t i f i c a t i o n i s  p r e c i s e enough t o e x p l a i n the boy's behaviour;  t h a t i s , we c o u l d n o t have  151  predicted that the boy would have i d e n t i f i e d with t h i s p a r t i c u l a r aspect of Perm's behaviour.^ and.we "understand" the boy's behaviour only after fact.  the  However this item of behaviour would be attributed to contiguous  association with a goal-object, i t might have been predicted.  and under experimentally controlled conditions It is possible to make a group p r e d i c t i o n ,  for example, that among boys who have based an ego-ideal upon "Hopalong • Cassidy" a c e r t a i n percentage w i l l express a desire to own clothes s i m i l a r to that worn by the model; and under experimental conditions i n which egoideals are determined with some exactitude i n d i v i d u a l predictions.  i t might be possible to make  However, a l l this theory i s capable of at present  i s r e l a t i v e l y gross predictions; presumably, more refined predictions w i l l be possible as the result of research and more adequate reformulations of the hypotheses;  also more refined predictions must wait u n t i l our learning  theories achieve a more perfect state than at present.  If the theory was  capable of the gross predictions involved i n predicting serious delinquency and non-delinquency, i t would compare favorably with the other theories discussed. How does delinquency come about?  The theory needs to be refined before  i t w i l l be capable of indicating the precise manner i n which delinquent and non-delinquent behaviour comes about; theory i n greater or lesser Prediction.  but t h i s i s true of any s c i e n t i f i c  degree.  It i s maintained that the hypotheses dealing with d e l i n -  quency are capable of refutation  i f they do not hold; i t may be possible to  predict and control the formation of ego-ideals, of ego-ideals  or to prevent the formation  deemed undesirable.  Estimate of the theory.  The theory i s i n a more refined state than  the f i r s t three theories discussed i n this paper, and i s more parsimonious. I f i d e n t i f i c a t i o n i s not the essential process which distinguishes " d e l i n quents" from "non-delinquents," and i t i s c e r t a i n l y not very probable that  152 i t i s , at least research .designed to test the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n hypotheses may  lead us a great deal closer to the discovery of what are the essential  processes involved.  And i t would appear that the most f r u i t f u l approach  to the problem would be to select intrapersonal processes, such as i d e n t i f i c a t i o n , which appear to be l o g i c a l l y related to delinquent behaviour i n a d i r e c t causal manner as the basis f o r an extended research program i n which they are subjected to a thorough s c r u t i n y . The s c i e n t i f i c value of such studies would not be r e s t r i c t e d to the problem Of delinquent  behaviour  either i n the formative stages or at the serious l e g a l l e v e l ; and i t would seem u n l i k e l y that there are any intrapersonal processes p e c u l i a r to " d e l i n quents."  CHAPTER XI.  CROSS-COMPARISON OF THEORIES  DISAGREWPINTS AND AGREEMENTS BETWEEN THE THEORIES  Neurotic vs. delinquent behaviour.  •  Most of the t h e o r i s t s make an  attempt to account f o r the coexistence of neurotic and delinquent, behaviour i n the same individual as t h i s would appear to represent an anomaly i n theories where the two kinds of behaviour are contrasted.  I t i s a fact  that a "delinquent" may also be diagnosed as neurotic, although what evidence we have (118) indicates that the incidence of the neuroses among "delinquents" i s l e s s than i n the general population.  The psychoanalytic  attempt to deal with t h i s anomaly i s perhaps not too successful: stated that a n t i s o c i a l behaviour may  i t is  coexist with neurotic behaviour  because "the ego may have developed towards the r e a l i t y p r i n c i p l e i n respect to some i n s t i n c t u a l urges and not at a l l i n respect to others" (67, p.200). The problem i s recognized, but i t does not seem l i k e l y that we could have  153  p r e d i c t e d the c o e x i s t e n c e of n e u r o t i c and delinquent behaviour of p s y c h o a n a l y t i c t h e o r y . d e f i n i t i v e manner.  on the b a s i s  Abrahamsen does not d e a l w i t h the problem i n a  C r i m i n a l i t y and n e u r o s i s a r e d e s c r i b e d as "two  of the same c o i n , " one  d i f f e r e n c e b e i n g t h a t the n e u r o t i c " s u f f e r s out h i s  p a s t experiences whereas the o f f e n d e r a c t s out h i s d i f f i c u l t i e s " T h i s may  sides  (17,  p.472).  be t r u e , but i t i s a r a t h e r vague statement of the problem.  over, a s t r o n g "superego" should, a c c o r d i n g t o Abrahamsen, p r e c l u d e quent behaviour, ego."  We  The  the two,  can c o e x i s t , s i n c e t h e y appear.to  n e u r o t i c and  s i t u a t i o n does not r e p r e s e n t an anomaly i n the H e a l y - B r o n n e r  t h e r a p y more d i f f i c u l t ; t h e i r problem, and one to which no  s a t i s f a c t o r y answer i s g i v e n , i s the o p p o s i t e one as t o how The  authors  delin-  theory.  i s considered  be a c o m p l i c a t i n g f a c t o r which r e n d e r s d e l i n q u e n t behaviour more  neurotic c h i l d avoids delinquency.  "super-,  be m u t u a l l y e x c l u s i v e .  An abnormal p e r s o n a l i t y , whether n e u r o t i c o r o t h e r w i s e ,  and  delin-  but n e u r o t i c s a r e c h a r a c t e r i z e d by an o v e r l y s t r i c t  are l e f t w i t h the problem as t o how  quent behaviour,  More-  to  probable  really  i t i s t h a t the  of F r u s t r a t i o n and  Aggres-  s i o n do not appear to have c o n s i d e r e d t h i s problem; t h e y might d e a l w i t h i t by m a i n t a i n i n g ..that, whereas the n e u r o t i c has had h i s share of f r u s t r a t i o n , h i s a g g r e s s i v e t e n d e n c i e s a r e o r d i n a r i l y suppressed,  but might upon  o c c a s i o n be g i v e n an o v e r t e x p r e s s i o n i n the form of d e l i n q u e n c y . D o l l a r d - M i l l e r l e a r n i n g t h e o r y as a p p l i e d t o d e l i n q u e n c y cation theory of delinquency t i o n of d e l i n q u e n t behaviour,  identifi-  o b v i a t e the problem by a d h e r i n g t o ' t h e  defini-  r a t h e r t h a n of " d e l i n q u e n t s , " and allow;, us  t o m a i n t a i n t h a t the i n d i v i d u a l may o c c a s i o n , n e u r o t i c behaviour  and the  The  e x h i b i t d e l i n q u e n t behaviour  upon another;  upon  one  whereas the o l d e r t h e o r i e s are  sometimes f o r c e d t o m a i n t a i n t h a t the i n d i v i d u a l i s both a " n e u r o t i c " and a " d e l i n q u e n t , " and at t h e categories.  I n these two  same time t h a t these are m u t u a l l y e x c l u s i v e t h e o r i e s , i t i s maintained  that delinquent  and  154  neurotic behaviour are characterized by fear of authority, but that i n the case of the former the tendencies toward avoidance are weaker than those motivating approach;  i n another s i t u a t i o n the converse may  same i n d i v i d u a l , formerly "delinquent," may. now Degree of refinement.  be true, and the  exhibit "neurotic behaviour.  Psychoanalysis, Abrahamsen's theory, and the  HealyrBronner theory can be considered to be more or l e s s " i n t u i t i v e . " "frustration-aggression hypothesis" may  The  be considered as t r a n s i t i o n a l , where  as the remaining two theories i n s i s t upon highly refined data and the formu l a t i o n of very s p e c i f i c , testable  hypotheses.  The psychoanalytic theory of delinquency.  The constructs and variables  set f o r t h by this group of theorists are acknowledged as a major influence upon Abrahamsen's theory, upon the D o l l a r d - M i l l e r personality theory $. and upon the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n theory; to a l e s s e r extent, Healy's and  Bronner*s  theory and the "frustration-aggression hypothesis" have been influenced by Freud. Abrahamsen accepts the "superego" construct and emphasizes the central importance of f a m i l i a l experiences; but he ignores the Freudian variables which have perhaps been most valuable i n understanding delinquency.  Healy  and Bronner appear -to accept f a u l t y i d e n t i f i c a t i o n as the distinguishing c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of "delinquents," but they do not develop t h e i r main theory i n Freudian terms; i t i s not inconsistent with Freudian theory, but there i s a difference i n emphasis.  The authors of Frustration and Aggression  are i n approaimate agreement with Freud as to the nature of f r u s t r a t i o n and aggression, but t h e i r hypotheses are more s p e c i f i c ; they do not f i n d i t necessary to use Freudian constructs. Dollard and M i l l e r have reformulated Freudian hypotheses i n terms of Hull's learning theory; once an hypothesis has been reformulated, i t follows, l o g i c a l l y , that we are not t a l k ing about the same thing at a l l , although our predictions may  be s i m i l a r i n  155 content.  Delayed rewards are not the same as willingness to forego imme-  diate g r a t i f i c a t i o n of i n s t i n c t u a l urges.  Displacement  and regression do  not xaean the same thing i n D o i l a r d - M i l l e r terms as they do to Freudians; the hypotheses may be designed to account f o r the same overtly observaable phenomena or the same set of f a c t s , but they lead to quite d i f f e r e n t predictions and to  the use of variables which cannot be assimilated.  Identi-  f i c a t i o n , as used i n the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n theory, i s not the same process as that referred to by Freudians; the "superego" construct has been abandoned; the theory i s developed i n terms of an intervening variable; the hypotheses are more s p e c i f i c and presumably more testable; i d e n t i f i c a t i o n i s subjected to a more complete analysis; the theory borrows heavily from Lewin and Tolman and owes more-to Lewin and Tolman than i t does to Freud.  The Freudian  "ego" and "superego" together might be considered as the.sum t o t a l of the individual's expectancies and p r o v i s i o n a l expectancies, or "hypotheses." The individual may be said to develop towards the " r e a l i t y p r i n c i p l e " when these expectancies represent a correct analysis of the situations to which he,is. exposed; f o r example, the excessive suspiciousness c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of a paranoid personality does not represent a r e a l i s t i c analysis of s o c i a l r e a l i t i e s , since the h o s t i l i t y ascribed to others has no basis i n f a c t , and behaviour based upon the expectancy of supposed h o s t i l e reactions of others w i l l o r d i n a r i l y be inappropriate. The s i m i l a r i t y between the Freudian theory of taboo and the concept of l e v e l of aspiration has been pointed out; i n terms of f i e l d theory, taboos may be considered to be a s p e c i a l case of the "Zeigarnik e f f e c t . " . The unfinished or interrupted a c t i v i t y tends to perseverate, and i n the case of a taboo may receive an undue emphasis. Whatever the t h e o r e t i c a l explanation, c l i n i c a l evidence and observations of young children i n the home tend to support t h i s generalization. Abrahamsen's theory.  This theory i s consistent with psychoanalysis  and i s vaguely s i m i l a r i n content to that of Healy and Bronner.  I t would  156  be i n a c c e p t a b l e t o the r e m a i n i n g t h e o r i s t s l a r g e l y because the  hypotheses  are not s p e c i f i c and a r e not t e s t a b l e ; t h e n e g l e c t o f e x t r a - f a m i l i a l  fac-  tors i s also inacceptable. The Healy-Bronner  theory.  The t h e o r y i s i n c o m p a t i b l e w i t h t h e  i n g t h r e e t h e o r i e s because the hypotheses and mere concomitants b e f o r e we  a r e not s p e c i f i c and  remain-  testable,  of d e l i n q u e n c y a r e l i s t e d ; the t h e o r y must be  can be s a i d t o be d e a l i n g w i t h a c t u a l "causes."  the remaining t h e o r i s t s agree  refined  However, a l l o f  t h a t t h e s e authors have i n d i c a t e d the  i n which t h e s e "causes" a r e t o be  areas  found.  The"frustration-aggres'sion hypothesis."  Wo  other t h e o r i s t s t a t e s that  f r u s t r a t i o n i s e i t h e r n e c e s s a r y o r s u f f i c i e n t t o produce a g g r e s s i o n ;  and  no o t h e r t h e o r i s t agrees t h a t a n t i c i p a t i o n of punishment can p r e v e n t  delin-  quent b e h a v i o u r . d e l i n q u e n c y , we  However, i t i s g e n e r a l l y agreed t h a t i n o r d e r t o should reduce  the number and  reduce  s e v e r i t y of f r u s t r a t i n g  situa-  t i o n s t o which c h i l d r e n a r e exposed. The D o l l a r d - M i l l e r l e a r n i n g t h e o r y and d e l i n q u e n c y . disagreement  This theory i s i n  w i t h the p r e v i o u s t h e o r i e s m a i n l y i n t h a t i t d e a l s I n terms  of more r e f i n e d d a t a and i n terms o f f o r m a l l e a r n i n g t h e o r y . The i d e n t i f i c a t i o n t h e o r y .  I d e n t i f i c a t i o n c o u l d perhaps be d e r i v e d  from D o l l a r d - M i l l e r p r i n c i p l e s i n terms of "secondary  reinforcements."  Whether a n y t h i n g would be l o s t o r g a i n e d by such a procedure of c o n t r o v e r s y .  The  c l e a v a g e s between the two  between f i e l d t h e o r y and S-R  theory.  An  i s a matter  t h e o r i e s are mainly  i n t e g r a t i o n of t h e s e two t h e o r i e s  would i n v o l v e an i n t e g r a t i o n of the t h e o r i e s o f m o t i v a t i o n and from which they d e r i v e , which o b v i o u s l y cannot be attempted o f t h e s e two  approaches,  c o g n i t i v e o r S-R,  problem f o r e x p e r i m e n t a l p s y c h o l o g i s t s .  those  learning  here.  Which  w i l l prevail i s primarily a  I t can be s t a t e d t h a t , a t p r e s e n t ,  H u l l ' s t h e o r y i s more adequate i n one r e s p e c t i n t h a t i t l e a d s t o  certain  157 quantitative predictions, more precise than any of which Tolman i s capable. On the other hand, certain of the experiments on "latent learning," consistent with Tolman's theory, but which do not require i t s acceptance,  cannot  be accounted f o r on the basis of Hull's theory as formulated at present.  THE MAJOR ETIOLOGICAL AREAS  The role of heredity.  The theorists are i n substantial agreement  that the role of heredity i s s l i g h t or i n d i r e c t .  Whether or not t h i s i s  the case future research may be expected to determine.  Sheldon  (157),  whose theory was not considered i n d e t a i l i n this paper, disagrees, and the Gluecks (76) present evidence which they believe supports  Sheldon's  contentions. The role of environmental experience or learning.  A l l of the theor-  i s t s agree that delinquent behaviour i s learned behaviour; but they vary i n the extent to which use i s made of formal learning concepts.  The  fail-  ure to r e f e r to learning theory, and to the large amount of evidence accumulated with respect to the learning process, when dealing with learned behaviour, can be considered a serious omission. The role of f a m i l i a l factors.  A l l theorists acknowledge the basic  r o l e of f a m i l i a l factors, but psychoanalysts and Abrahamsen assign a v i r t u a l l y exclusive r o l e to f a m i l i a l factors, a position with which the remaining theorists do not concur. The role of e x t r a - f a m i l i a l f a c t o r s .  The i d e n t i f i c a t i o n theory, the  D o l l a r d - M i l l e r learning theory, the "frustration-aggression hypothesis," and, to a lesser extent, the Healy-Bronner  theory are among' the theories  i n which an attempt i s made to show that, e x t r a - f a m i l i a l factors may c r i t i c a l i n deciding whether or not delinquency w i l l occur.  be  158 »  The  r o l e of reward.  A l l t h e o r i s t s agree t h a t d e l i n q u e n t b e h a v i o u r i s  rewarded behaviour o r g o a l - d i r e c t e d b e h a v i o u r , but t h e r e i s l e s s agreement as t o the n a t u r e of the rewards i n v o l v e d i n d e l i n q u e n t and behaviour.  non-delinquent  Reward, i n terms of the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n t h e o r y , i s not q u i t e the  same as i n t h e D o l l a r d - M i l l e r t h e o r y ; i n the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n t h e o r y , the q u e s t i o n i s r a i s e d whether o r not the i n d i v i d u a l h i m s e l f i n t e r p r e t s a p a r t i c u l a r e x p e r i e n c e as rewarding, and t h e r e i s a tendency  t o speak i n terms  of s u c c e s s and f a i l u r e , r a t h e r t h a n reward and punishment.  The  controversy  between Tolman and H u l l as t o the r o l e o f reward i n l e a r n i n g needs no e x p o s i t i o n here. The r o l e o f punishment.  With the e x c e p t i o n of the authors o f F r u s -  t r a t i o n and A g g r e s s i o n , t h e r e i s agreement t h a t punishment may  introduce  v a r i a b l e s which are d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d t o d e l i n q u e n c y i n a c a u s a l manner; t h a t punishment has l i t t l e  or no  e f f i c a c y i n p r e v e n t i n g d e l i n q u e n t behav-  i o u r ; and t h a t i t promotes r e c i d i v i s m .  T h i s c o n f l i c t s w i t h c u r r e n t educa-  t i o n a l t h e o r y , which combines punishment and reward. e x p e r i m e n t a l f i n d i n g s support  the g e n e r a l c o n c l u s i o n t h a t punishment i s an  i n e f f e c t i v e means of e s t a b l i s h i n g a d e s i r e d response. c a t e t h a t a response without  dual.  non-reinforcement..  i n which a response may  indi-  response); indivi-  be permanently weakened i s by  T h e r e f o r e , i f punishment i s used i t may  and t h e weakening p r o c e s s w i l l be d e l a y e d .  t o h o l d a response cannot  l e a d t o temporary s u p p r e s s i o n o f the  i s not e l i m i n a t e d from the b e h a v i o u r a l r e p e r t o i r e of the  The o n l y way  response  Estes' results  i s not e l i m i n a t e d more r a p i d l y w i t h punishment than  i t ( a l t h o u g h i t may  t h e response  However, E s t e s ' ( 4 9 )  suppress  the  Punishment, i n o r d e r  i n abeyance, must be c o n t i n u e d i n d e f i n i t e l y s i n c e i t  e l i m i n a t e a response.  of c u r r e n t e d u c a t o r s :  One  of E s t e s ' c o n c l u s i o n s f a v o r s the method  punishment may  be used t o suppress a response  such time as some o t h e r d e s i r e d response  i s strengthened  by  until  reinforcement.  But t h i s method would not be e f f i c a c i o u s u n l e s s t h e punishment was  admin-  159 i s t e r e d i n the presence of the discriminative cues f o r the undesired response, and i f the punishment i s delayed i t w i l l probably be i n e f f e c t i v e , the discriminative stimuli leading to the undesired behaviour being absent and the deterrent effect of punishment being more than o f f s e t by the immediate reward to which the undesired behaviour leads. d i t i o n s can r a r e l y be met i n l i f e  situations.  OTHER CAUSAL FACTORS " P l u r a l i t y of causes."  These l a t t e r two con  •  When a consequent follows upon more than one  antecedent, i t must be the ease that these antecedents are not d i r e c t l y related to the consequent or effect, but that they have something i n common.  I t i s t h i s common element which may, with a higher degree of pro-  b a b i l i t y , be l a b e l l e d as "the cause" of the phenomenon i n question. A l though a l l of the theories discussed are not equally parsimonious, they a l l deny, i m p l i c i t y or e x p l i c i t l y , the doctrine of p l u r a l i t y of causes. Instead of ascribing causal e f f i c a c y to diverse and unrelated factors, a theorist w i l l deny the importance of many of these factors, as i n psychoanalysis, ignore them, or attempt to derive them from more basic p r i n c i p l e As an example of t h i s l a s t approach, delinquent behaviour may be ascribed to an i n a b i l i t y to withstand delay i n achieving rewards.  Low i n t e l l i g e n c e  a background of poverty, or parental indulgence then become special i n s t ances of t h i s f a i l u r e to accept delay, or they may be described as conditions which favor the learning of an o r i e n t a t i o n toward immediate  rewards.  This i s a more parsimonious explanation. Three d i s t i n c t "causes" are not recognized, and the causal picture i s refined. Similarly,.-, the concept, "bad companions," i s not introduced as a separate causal factor, but, i n terms of the D o l l a r d - M i l l e r learning theory and of the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n theory, may be considered as a s p e c i a l  160  instance of the reduction of fear of authority. Most of the other factors demonstrated to be correlated with delinquency can also be deduced from one or a few major hypotheses.  EVALUATIVE CRITERIA Delinquents as a group.  I t was agreed that a l l of the theories more  or l e s s adequately describe "delinquents" as a group or class, but doubt was expressed that the f i r s t four theories could be used f o r accurate predictions of group behaviour. The i n d i v i d u a l delinquent.  I t does not seem probable that any of the  theories i n t h e i r present state are capable of predicting that, given cert a i n conditions i n an individual's previous environment, and having exposed him to the environmental context which makes delinquency possible, d e l i n quent behaviour and only delinquent behaviour w i l l i n v a r i a b l y ensue.  But  there are differences i n degree between the theories as to the accuracy with which these conditions are defined and the predictive power of the t h e o r e t i c a l constructs used.  I t was suggested that only the l a s t  two  theories have made a genuine attempt to meet these c r i t e r i a , and, whether or not they can actually predict the behaviour of the i n d i v i d u a l , that they provide a framework inside of which i t may be possible to reformulate hypotheses to account f o r anomalies; the intimate i n t e r a c t i o n which should p r e v a i l between research and theory might enable these theories to meet the c r i t e r i a at some future date. How  does delinquency come about?  We cannot agree that the psycho-  analysts, Abrahamsen, Healy and Bronner, or the authors of F r u s t r a t i o n and Aggression have made a genuine attempt to answer t h i s question. "Family tension," "faulty identification',*' unless more accurately specified,  161  and  "intense  emotional discomfort,"  t h e y a r e v e r y vague answers.  a r e no answers a t a l l , o r a t l e a s t  I t was suggested t h a t h i g h l e v e l f r u s t r a -  t i o n i n combination w i t h low l e v e l a n t i c i p a t i o n o f punishment as a t h e o r y of d e l i n q u e n c y i s p r o b a b l y u n t r u e , and, t h a t i n any case i t i n c o r p o r a t e s a logical fallacy.  The o t h e r two t h e o r i e s may o r may not have s t a t e d some  of the v a r i a b l e s which a r e r e l a t e d t o d e l i n q u e n c y i n a d i r e c t c a u s a l manner;  t h i s i s a research Prediction.  problem.  I t i s c l a i m e d t h a t the f i r s t f o u r t h e o r i e s  are not c a p a b l e o f making a c c u r a t e p r e d i c t i o n s ; t h e f i r s t  three are  s t a t e d so v a g u e l y t h a t they would g i v e r i s e t o c o n t r a d i c t o r y i f used a s a b a s i s f o r p r e d i c t i o n .  discussed  results  The hypotheses c o m p r i s i n g t h e D o l l a r d -  M i l l e r l e a r n i n g t h e o r y as a p p l i e d t o d e l i n q u e n c y and t h e i d e n t i f i c a t i o n theory, i t i s claimed, could  be t e s t e d , perhaps almost as they s t a n d ,  d i r e c t l y o r i n d i r e c t l y , and, i f found, wanting, c o u l d p r o b a b l y a l l we can r e q u i r e o f any t h e o r y :  that  be r e f u t e d ;  this i s  i t i s capable o f being,  refuted o r v e r i f i e d .  'CONCLUSION  A s s i m i l a t i o n s o r rapprochements between t h e t h e o r i e s .  The methods  of t h e o r i z i n g , the degree o f f o r m a l i t y and o f refinement,, t h e l e v e l s o f a n a l y s i s , the constructs o r made by the v a r i o u s equivalent.  implied t o be  i s not p o s s i b l e ; the  b a s i c , so t h a t i f one t h e o r y i s a s s i m i l a t e d t o a n o t h e r ,  we w i l l be d e a l i n g i n  materials  t h e o r i e s cannot i n any way, be c o n s i d e r e d  A rapprochement between t h e t h e o r i e s  c l e a v a g e s are too  theses.  and v a r i a b l e s used, and t h e p r e d i c t i o n s  terms o f e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t v a r i a b l e s and hypo-  There i s some agreement as t o t h e n a t u r e o f t h e f a c t s , o r raw o f t h e o r y , w i t h which we must d e a l .  With r e s p e c t  to the l a s t  162  two  t h e o r i e s d i s c u s s e d , we  do not see a n y t h i n g p a r t i c u l a r l y d e s i r a b l e i n  an a s s i m i l a t i o n of one t h e o r y by the o t h e r . e v e n t u a l l y attempt  t o account  Each o f the t h e o r i e s must  f o r r e l a t i o n s h i p s which a r e a t p r e s e n t  yond i t s ken, whether o r not the o t h e r t h e o r y g i v e s an account but, i f the two  of t h e s e ;  t h e o r i e s were a s s i m i l a t e d , we-might o v e r l o o k major p o s s i -  b i l i t i e s which the one approach tends t o " d i s c o v e r , " and which o f the o t h e r approach tend t o ignore o r i n which.they a r e not The two tific  be-  advocates  interested.  approaches are b a s i c a l l y i n agreement as t o the n a t u r e o f s c i e n -  t h e o r y , as t o t h e f a c t s uncovered'about d e l i n q u e n c y , and,  as t o the k i n d of r e s e a r c h which i s needed.  These two  primarily,  t h e o r i e s may  be  c o n s i d e r e d as m i n i a t u r e systems ( s ' s ) which p u r p o r t t o account f o r a l i m i t e d realm of data; the d a t a "accounted always,  f o r " tend t o o v e r l a p , but not  and c e r t a i n of t h e areas d e a l t w i t h by one  not c o n s i d e r e d by the o t h e r of the two  theories.  o f the t h e o r i e s a r e  When we  r e a c h the  stage  where i t i s p o s s i b l e , or r a t h e r , e s s e n t i a l , t o i n t e g r a t e our t h e o r i e s , i n o r d e r t h a t t h e y may  a c c o r d w i t h r e s e a r c h r e s u l t s , i t w i l l be time enough  t o ensure t h a t these t h e o r i e s c o v e r the same r e a l m of d a t a , t h a t t h e r e are no i n c o n s i s t e n c i e s between them, and t h a t they, themselves,  are  accounted  f o r i n terms of a more comprehensive g e n e r a l i z a t i o n o r s e r i e s of g e n e r a l izations. I t i s p o s s i b l e t h a t , a t p r e s e n t , t h e o r e t i c a l psychology may be s e r v e d by a d i v e r s i t y of t h e o r i e s and t h a t any attempted o f these t h e o r i e s s h o u l d be postponed  best  integration  u n t i l i t i s i n d i c a t e d by major  advances i n t h e o r y and r e s e a r c h a t some time i n t h e f u t u r e ; the c o n s t a n t i n t e r p l a y which p r e v a i l s between r e s e a r c h and t h e o r y might f o r c e an i n t e g r a t i o n of the t h e o r i e s d i c t a t e d by r e s e a r c h r e s u l t s , even though the t h e o r y or System which i s u l t i m a t e l y accepted may  not resemble  any  163 which are held at present.  This i s a controversial issue and i t would  not be appropriate here to advocate t h i s approach, dogmatically,  or to  i n s i s t that i t i s necessarily the "best" approach. Since we are dealing mainly i n terms of theories•which  are, at  best, merely p l a u s i b l e , i t might be advisable'to have several competing theories, rather than to attempt to a r r i v e at a synthesis which might cause us to ignore the points on which the theories d i f f e r ; i t i s , apparently, these points of difference which lead to experimentation, and hence to reformulation of theories. with' : experimentally -  Since the theories must be consistent  derived facts,, i f they are to survive, a gradual syn-  thesis might be brought about, not i n any a p r i o r i manner and not by ignoring the differences between the theories, but by. emphasizing them; a synthesis might result because a l l .theories must be brought into accord with experimental f a c t s .  I f we attempt a synthesis now, before the  " c r u c i a l " experiments have been performed, i t i s possible that we might gloss over the inconsistencies and differences which, i t i s to be expected, w i l l be the basis f o r these experiments, and an adequate synthesis might actually be retarded. as to  Whenever there i s a great deal of uncertainty  the adequacy of our hypotheses or theories i t i s perhaps preferable  to have a d i v e r s i t y of hypotheses or theories u n t i l such time as s c i e n t i f i c research dictates acceptance of one of the various alternatives or requires us to formulate new hypotheses or theories; i f these hypotheses or theories e n t a i l contradictory predictions, as do some aspects of the theories formulated  by H u l l and Tolman, f o r example, only future  can resolve our dilemma.  research  Just when competing theories should be recon-  c i l e d i s a d i f f i c u l t decision, but perhaps i t i s one which need not be made a p r i o r i , but w i l l be forced upon us by research r e s u l t s .  Whereas  164  i t i s true that the realm of data investigated w i l l probably be dictated by the nature of our theories, these theories must accord with the e v i dence,  A synthesis of the various theories covering the same realm of.  data w i l l perhaps come  about mainly because of t h i s necessity to conform  with experimental facts rather than as a result of a p r i o r i attempts to reconcile the differences between these theories. and M i l l e r (42)have attempted  For example, Dollard  a synthesis of Freudian and H u l l i a n pos-  tulates, presumably i n order to account f o r c l i n i c a l and  experimental  data for which one of these theories alone does not account; i t i s reasonable to suppose that Dollard and M i l l e r were primarily interested i n deriving a theory which conforms with both experimental and c l i n i c a l dence,  evi-  "to combine the v i t a l i t y of psychoanalysis, the r i g o r of the  natural-science laboratory, and the facts of culture" ( 4 2 , p.3), rather than to arrive at an a p r i o r i synthesis.  The l i m i t a t i o n s of academic  psychology when dealing with "dynamic behaviour" to be found in the c l i n i c have been frequently noted by c l i n i c i a n s : synthesis i s perhaps an attempt  the Dollard-Miller,  to meet these objections without  sacri-  f i c i n g the comparatively greater accuracy which prevails i n the laboratory.  CHAPTER XII.  CRITIQUE OF RESEARCH  TECHNICAL ERRORS The mechanics of research. Much of the research i s d i s q u a l i f i e d on the grounds that the techniques used are inadequate, and that i t does not meet a minimum standard of s c i e n t i f i c accuracy.a naive s t a t i s t i c a l approach;  Typical errors are  inadequate sampling; f a i l u r e to give data  for a comparable non-delinquent group; and f a i l u r e to control the variahles  165 i n the s i t u a t i o n .  HEFIMIHG OBSERVATIONS AND SPECIFIC HYPOTHESES  Refined observations.  Investigators t y p i c a l l y use gross data as  a basis f o r generalization,and accumulate an enormous amount of unrefined data or miscellaneous observations which are reported i n a s t a t i s t i c a l l y naive manner. They make phenotypical observations and use gross descrip-  tive categories i n l i e u of s p e c i f i c hypotheses; they do not distinguish between p r e c i p i t a t i n g causes and predisposing causes, and the entire concept of causation i s often a very naive one. Survey type, s t a t i s t i c a l reports indicate the areas i n which research i s needed.  They do not i l l u -  minate to any great extent the actual dynamics of the s i t u a t i o n .  Examples  of these s t a t i s t i c a l reports are tables showing the d i s t r i b u t i o n of ages of '•delinquents," the r a t i o between male and female "delinquents," the occupations of fathers of "delinquents," t h e i r socio-economic  status,  the parental status of "delinquents," homes broken by death or divorce, "broken homes," generally, n a t i o n a l i t y of "delinquents'" parents, r e l i g ious denomination of "delinquents," and so on. None of these categories indicate how delinquency came about.  What i s needed i s research i n t o the  subtler emotional r e l a t i o n s h i p s which l i e behind, and are usually hidden by, these s t a t i s t i c s .  Perhaps, not very much i s to be gained by further  studies of the survey kind.  The procedure which would seem most f r u i t f u l  now would be to-formulate hypotheses as t o what f a c t o r s led to the compi l a t i o n of the s t a t i s t i c a l t a b l e s . basis of these gross evaluations.  I t i s foolhardy to generalize on the The a c t u a l factors which are related  to delinquent behaviour i n a d i r e c t manner require a deeper l e v e l of anal y s i s i n order that they may be uncovered.  Hypotheses based on these  166  subtler relationships w i l l enable us to a r r i v e at a more meaningful understanding of the problem.  :  In 1915, Healy said that : "Tables show-  ing high correlations between offense and antecedent merely indicate the d i r e c t i o n i n which to look f o r causes; they do not prove the existence of any cause i n any case" (86, p.128). It i s also necessary to work with very s p e c i f i c hypotheses.  Fam-  i l y tension cannot cause anything; although the variables.'within family tension may possess some causal s i g n i f i c a n c e .  I f we attempt to test  the hypothesis that family tension causes delinquency, we w i l l get cont r a d i c t o r y results, because the multitudinous uncontrolled variables subsumed under the heading, "family tension," w i l l i n e v i t a b l y affect the results.  ' RESEARCH AND THEORY  Four procedures.  In studying a behavioural phenomenon, i t i s poss-  i b l e to proceed i n four ways:  by random observation, by systematic  observation, by t e s t i n g isolated hypotheses, or by undertaking research directed by systematic and integrated theory.  It i s maintained that  only the l a s t method results i n a genuine understanding of the problem. It w i l l be noted that i t has not been possible to include a great deal of research as relevant to our p a r t i c u l a r problem.  This i s cer-  t a i n l y not because there has been any dearth of research done upon d e l inquency.  But, aside from the f a c t that some of i t has not been p a r t i -  cularly,'' good research, the majority of the research was not designed to test a theory.  Unless we achieve the predictive power of an adequate  theory, we do not r e a l l y possess a s c i e n t i f i c understanding of the problem.  167 CHAPTER X I I I .  CONCLUSIONS  IMPLICATIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH General suggestions.  As indicated throughout  t h i s paper, i t i s  maintained that meaningful research i s designed to test a theory, investigates intrapersonal processes which may  bear a d i r e c t causal r e l a t i o n  to the phenomenon i n question, and investigages genotypical r e l a t i o n s h i p s , makes refined observations and deals i n terms of s p e c i f i c , testable hypotheses and refined data. Research workers must not forget that t h e i r task i s not to v e r i f y a theory or hypothesis, but to do a l l i n t h e i r power to refute i t .  If,  a f t e r a concerted attack upon the v a l i d i t y of an hypothesis, we have been unable to refute i t , we may,  p r o v i s i o n a l l y , accept i t as "true," that i s ,  i t enables us to make accurate predictions, provisional u n t i l such time as we are able to devise a new method by which to cast doubt upon the hypothesis, or u n t i l i t i s contradicted by other well-established hypotheses and theories. The p r a c t i c a l person i s required to adopt the opposite  procedure.  He must act as i f an hypothesis was true; otherwise, he has no basis f o r action.  But he should at least be prepared to revise his techniques on  the basis of the results of new  research; and the hypotheses which he  accepts as-bases f o r action should be those which have achieved the greatest degree of v e r i f i c a t i o n . Our " o f f i c i a l " attitude to each of the hypotheses set f o r t h i n t h i s paper, then, i s one of caution and reserved judgment.  We do not  i  accept any of them, although i f confronted with a p r a c t i c a l s i t u a t i o n we might employ.a great many of them.  I f every hypothesis examined i n  168 this paper was  conclusively demonstrated to be f a l s e , our knowledge of  delinquency would be advanced immeasurably, paradoxical as this may  seem  to the layman. Our purpose i n theorizing about delinquency has been to derive hypotheses, and to present these i n a form which may  render the t e s t i n g of  these hypotheses f e a s i b l e , i n the hope that some q u a l i f i e d investigator w i l l attempt to refute these hypotheses.  The only hypotheses which we  are j u s t i f i e d i n rejecting on an a p r i o r i basis are those which, apparently, cannot.be tested; that i s , stated i n such a way i f the predicted event does not occur, they may  that i f not upheld,  be refuted.  A "good"  hypothesis i s one which can be tested; a " v e r i f i e d " hypothesis i s one which enabled us to make accurate predictions. In terms of the revised d e f i n i t i o n of delinquency, we see no reason why  research should be confined to "legal-delinquents."  be investigated i n the formative  Delinquency  may  stage, whether or not i t reaches serious  proportions, and it-can be postulated that exactly the same processes are involved i n the production of very mild misdemeanours as i n those which have interested investigators i n this f i e l d . we can a c t u a l l y produce very minor delinquencies  One  advantage i s that  i n the laboratory, under  more controlled conditions, and without v i o l a t i n g e t h i c a l considerations. The precise techniques to be used can be developed and the hypotheses reformulated,  i f necessary, i n order to render them testable or i n order .  to account for anomalies which appear i n the research r e s u l t s .  IMPLICATIONS FOR FUTURE THEORIZING  The' use of intervening variables. of delinquency, at t h i s stage,  The psychological  explanation  should make deliberate use of intervening  169 variables, as i n the learning theories of Tolman and H u l l .  Spence states  that intervening variables involve "guesses as to how the uncontrolled or unknown factors under study are related to the experimentally-known v a r i a b l e s , " and are "assumed to intervene between the measurable environmental and organic variables ... and the measurable behaviour properties ..." (165, p.72).  Their function i s to relate behaviour to the conditions  determioingit or, mainly, to relate behavioural and environmental Our variables are of three kinds:  variables.  interpersonal relationships,  intrapersonal phenomena, and overt delinquent behaviour.  We know quite  a b i t about the interpersonal relationships, not enough, of course, and often the variables have been poorly defined. the forms that l e g a l delinquency may take.  We know rather accurately  And we know next to nothing  about the intrapersonal processes, i n terms of which we must make our predictions, and without which we cannot a t t a i n anything more than a very elementary knowledge of the s i t u a t i o n . A theory must explain the i n d i v i d u a l delinquent.  A theory must be  capable of predicting delinquent behaviour i n an i n d i v i d u a l case; and i f should use exactly the same set of constructs i n making i n d i v i d u a l predictions as i n making class predictions. A theory must explain how delinquency comes about.  A theory must  define very s p e c i f i c a l l y the antecedent conditions which give r i s e to delinquent behaviour. A theory must be predictive.  A theory must be capable of being  refuted i f i t does not hold; i t should lead to accurate predictions; there should be no superfluous variables which possess no p r e d i c t i v e value.  Descriptive theories are of small value; to merely describe a  phenomenon a f t e r i t has occurred, to give i t a name, unless we proceed to  170  the next stage, and begin to make accurate predictions, does not advance s c i e n t i f i c knowledge.  There should be an exclusion of any variable which  does not possess predictive powers. Parsimony.  That theory i s preferable which explains the widest  range of phenomena and which incorporates the fewest p r i n c i p l e s . The r o l e of theory. science i n some d e t a i l .  Lee (110) has examined the role of theory i n Mature science deals with facts only insofar as  they y i e l d laws, theories, and hypotheses. system we may  In building a s c i e n t i f i c  start with f a c t s , but then progress to hypotheses, which  i n turn are incorporated into a t h e o r e t i c a l system; eventually, i f v a l i d , the hypotheses  achieve the status of laws.  systems i n which one set of hypotheses  At the highest l e v e l we have  or laws, which comprise a theory,  are related to another, formerly discrete set of hypotheses  or laws; the  second set i s reduced to the f i r s t ; or the two sets are deduced from a more basic generalization.  In research upon delinquency, few i n v e s t i g a t -  ors  have progressed beyond the f i r s t stage, the mere c o l l e c t i o n of f a c t s ,  or,  possibly to the second, the setting up..of a few very crude  hypotheses.  What i s not .generally recognized i s that a mature science does not c o l l e c t facts unless these facts can be related to a theory. there may  be some disagreement  Although  here, i t seems to us very uneconomical to  c o l l e c t f a c t s , and then l a t e r to attempt to incorporate them into a theory.  Most of the c o l l e c t e d " f a c t s " w i l l perhaps turn out to be not very  f a c t u a l and not worth recording; i f an attempt has been made to v e r i f y a theory, t h i s would not matter, because i n t h i s case at l e a s t we may have p a r t i a l refutation of our theory and have perhaps made a very valuable contribution. • misled.  However, i f we c o l l e c t f a c t s , per se, we s h a l l probably be  Facts are what we are aware of i n perceptual experience, and, i n  171 dealing with a complex set of phenomena such as the personality of the delinquent, "what we are aware of" w i l l be a function 6'f our extremely f a l l i b l e methods of observation, and the chance f o r error i s great. Theory i s general, and applies to many different facts i n many d i f f e r e n t l o c i of space and time. tual.  Facts may be perceived but theories are concep-  The s c i e n t i f i c a l l y naive person may tend to extol facts and ignore  the p o s s i b i l i t i e s  of theory; however, the generality of theory ensures  that i t i s a predictive instrument out of a l l proportion to the predict i v e power of mere facts or even a series of unrelated hypotheses.  Gen-  e r a l i z a t i o n s , hypotheses, laws, theories, "are always intended to be explanatory of the p a r t i c u l a r s , " (110, p.34) or "facts." a generalization  I f such and such  holds, c e r t a i n s p e c i f i e d p a r t i c u l a r s w i l l follow.  The p a r t i c u l a r s may never have been previously observed, but are predicted on the basis of the generalization or deduced from i t ; t h i s i s science at a more mature l e v e l than has been generally apparent in. work upon d e l i n quency and abnormal psychology.  I f the systematic body of generalizations  comprising our theory holds, then certain specified events w i l l take place, or be predicted on the basis of the theory, whether or not they have been hitherto observed.  This i s an indication of the greater pre-  d i c t i v e power of a theory; without the theory, probably a great many f a c t s never would be observed, and lacking understanding, prediction and control of the events would not be possible. By s c i e n t i f i c explanation of p a r t i c u l a r s , we mean "that the occurrences of many d i f f e r e n t kinds of p a r t i c u l a r s can be related to each other i n an i n t e l l i g i b l e manner by means of generalizations under which a l l can be subsumed" (110, p.34).  This i s the important step which the  "non-theoretical" investigators of delinquency have f a i l e d to take.  The  172  great value of these studies i n supplying us with a preliminary orientat i o n , offering suggestions as to where to begin i n our search f o r useful hypotheses, may not be denied.  But i t would be a mistake to assume that  we possess a s c i e n t i f i c understanding of the problem on the basis of these investigations.  Of course, even the " f a c t s " which have been "dis-  covered" by the "non-theoretical" group of investigators are often not found i n immediate experience.. Perhaps, they might better be described as rather crude hypotheses, that i s , hypotheses not r e a d i l y amenable to an exact s c i e n t i f i c test. To the extent that a s c i e n t i f i c hypothesis or theory, a generalization of wide scope, expresses the correlations of many p a r t i c u l a r events, to this extent i s the hypothesis or theory "true."  The process includes:  perception of p a r t i c u l a r experiences; analysis and abstraction of p a r t i cular experiences; generalization i n which we note that i t i s possible to "abstract the same c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s or conditions from more than one p a r t i c u l a r instance," (110,  p.35)  and thus are able to state that the  "generalization applies to or covers several p a r t i c u l a r instances" (110, p.35). I f hypothesis (H) holds, then particulars Pa, Pb, Pc,  '."V.V..., Pn  follow, and the hypothesis states the relations which hold between these p a r t i c u l a r s (P's).  The p a r t i c u l a r s are subsumed under the hypothesis and  are explained by i t ; the hypothesis renders them i n t e l l i g i b l e . only way  And the  i n which p a r t i c u l a r s of experience may be rendered i n t e l l i g i b l e  i s by r e l a t i n g them to each other by means of a generalization under which they can be subsumed.  In the next step, we state further that i f  theory (T) holds, then hypotheses Ha, Hb, He,  , Hn follow.  The  173  hypotheses are now subsumed under the theory, and our explanatory power i s enhanced by rendering the hypotheses more i n t e l l i g i b l e , by r e l a t i n g the hypotheses to each other, and by incorporating them into a theory under which they are subsumed.  Somewhere i n the process we must put the  various hypotheses to the test; i f they achieve a high degree of v e r i f i cation, they may be said to have reached the status of laws.  Finally,  we integrate various, formerly discrete theories into a system, and poss i b l y a series of systems into one or a few, more comprehensive overa l l systems.  That i s , we now state that i f a l l the ramifications of  system (s) hold, then theories Ta, Tb, Tc, under the system:  Tn are subsumed  the theories are i n t e r r e l a t e d i n such a way that they  are incorporated into a more general system; and, i f we wish to carry the logic one step further, we may f i n d i t possible to subsume several systems (s's) under one or a few very large, comprehensive Systems (S's).  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