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Machiavellianism, real and romantic, on the Elizabethan stage Ferneyhough, Beatrice Christina 1953

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MACHIAVELLIANISM REAL AND ROMANTIC ON THE ELIZABETHAN STAGE.  by BEATRICE CHRISTINA PER NE YHOUGH, B.' A.  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OP THE REQUIREMENTS POR THE DEGREE OP MASTER OP ARTS i n the Department of English  We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the standard required from candidates f o r the degree of MASTER OP ARTS.  Members ,of the Department of English  THE UNIVERSITY OP BRITISH COLUMBIA  1953  NOTE Two "Abstracts" are sent with the f i r s t copy of t h i s t h e s i s , the four-page one apparently the e a r l i e r , the single-page one (lacking f o r the second copy) an i n s e r t . Considering them t o be, as i t were, Leonora and F i d e l i o overtures, we are retaining both. Library, U.B.C. December 4, 1953  ABSTRACT An examination of the works of Machiavelli makes clear that the s i n i s t e r figure "bearing his name i n the drama of E l i z a bethan England i s a caricature or romanticized version of the p o l i t i c i a n discussed i n The Prince. Further, a review of English history from the f i f t e e n t h to the seventeenth centuries reveals that the Tudor monarchs and their ministers were governed i n t h e i r p o l i c i e s by the precepts for rulers outlined by Machiav e l l i and that i n i t i a l l y the works of Machiavelli were read with interest and retained for reference by many of the leading scholars and statesmen. Denunciations of the Machiavellian thesis early arose, however, from the ranks of the Catholic reformers. The concept of the devil-possessed figure that played so prominent a part i n the drama derives, i t therefore appears, not from E n g l i s h innocence of craft i n p o l i t i c s , but from the misrepresentation of Machiavelli's thesis by the spokesmen of the Catholic counter-reformation. Picked up by p o l i t i c a l pamphleteers, this perverse and f a s c i n a t i n g character was seized upon by the palywrights and became the prototype of p o l i t i c a l v i l l a i n y . Marlowe, the f i r s t playwright to r e f l e c t the influence of Machiavelli, e x p l i c i t l y offers Barabas i n the Jew of Malta as a Machiavellian and a d i a b o l i c a l v i l l a i n ; and i n Tamburlane, Faustus and Edward II gives other evidence of r e a c t i o n to the prevalent interest i n the theories of the I t a l i a n thinker. j  The understanding of princely power as Machiavelli a c t u a l l y conceived i t i s demonstrated by Ben Jonson i n Se.nanus and i n C a t i l i n e . . but pre-eminently by Shakespeare i n his h i s t o r i c a l plays and i n Coriolanus. Of the true Machiavellians on the Elizabethan stage, Richard, Duke of York, portrays hom who by his own a b i l i t i e s overcomes great odds to win power; Henry IV f u l f i l s the demands l a i d upon the prince who achieves power by the a i d of others and retains i t by force and cunning; and Henry V epitomizes the astute and popular prince who s k i l f u l l y enhances the power and prestige of himself and his country by his virtues both as a warrior and as a statesman. In the dialogue of Volumnia i n Coriolanus i s paraphrased the essence of the famous eighteenth chapter of The Prince.  \  ABSTRACT  The Machiavellian v i l l a i n has long been the subject of discussion among c r i t i c s of the Elizabethan drama. This essay attempts to analyse with some precision evidence from history and the drama of the relationship of the l i t e r a r y to the real p o l i t i c a l figure.  It attempts to indicate the answer to the  questions:  In what way does the sinister stage  personality symbolize the real experience of the Elizabethans ? What i s the relationship of this character to that of the prince delineated by Machiavelli ? Niccolo Machiavelli, whose name has been attached to the typical sixteenth century unscrupulous and diabolically cunning cloak and dagger murderer and politician  was i n fact the founder of modern  p o l i t i c a l science.  He was a responsible and esteemed  servant of the foremost city state of his time i n Italy, and his theses on princely rule and on the principles underlying republican government have established themselves as texts i n the courses of s  >.> 'l  universities.  It would appear, then, that the Machia-  vellian of the Elizabethan stage requires some explaining. An examination of the history of English government during the late fifteenth and the sixteenth centuries reveals that the practice of the kings and c 4 chief ministers of England was governed by the precepts on power that Machiavelli so b r i l l i a n t l y set forth i n his writings; and'investigation of the popular reaction to the practices he exposed makes clear that i t took a sharp turn toward the close of the sixteenth century, when the bogey of Machiavellian v i l l a i n y asserted Itself i n England, appearing i n i t s most spectacular form i n the plays of the last two decades of that century and the f i r s t decade of the seventeenth. It becomes apparent from a consideration of the facts of history and of the record of public opinion that the Machiavellian v i l l a i n epitomized the fear of the ambitious Individual experienced by a despotism faced on two sides by a threat to i t s claim to absolute power; and that the menace that threatened the Tudors from the reactionary nobility on the one hand and from the upstart merchant aristocracy on  the other found dramatic expression i n the extravagant, ruthless, self-seeking v i l l a i n who inevitably was characterized by the name of the theoretician of that absolute princely rule by which alone the confusions of the end of the medieval era could be resolved into a new and more advanced order of society.  Such para-  doxes are not unknown i n history. The great dramas of Elizabethan England present not only the Machiavellian Barabas, the prototype for a l l subsequent villains i n the cloak and dagger tradition, they present al so such figures as Richard, -i  Duke of York, Henry IV, Henry V and the b r i l l i a n t dialogue of Volumnia In Coriolanus» proofs, every one of them, that the sound p o l i t i c a l science of Machiav e l l i upon which the Tudor monarchs built their i n stitutions and formulated their laws also reached the people through the stage, although these latter characterizations were not associated tfithc the name of Machiavelli. The conclusion arrived at from a careful examination of a selected number of plays by Marlowe, Jonson and Shakespeare i s that the true Machiavellian prince was most effectively represented i n drama by the great  princes i n the historical plays of Shakespeare, and particularly i n the figure of Henry V i n the play of that name; and that the essence of the Machiavellian thesis on The Prince was poetically most succinctly and explicitly phrased i n the dialogue of Volumnla i n Coriolanus.  FOREWORD The author wishes to make c l e a r to the reader that t h i s t h e s i s i s presented as an i n t r o d u c t o r y d i s c u s s i o n of one p o i n t of view on the subject of Machiavellianism and the E l i z a b e t h a n Drama.  To e s t a b l i s h the argument pursued i n  a f i n a l manner would r e q u i r e a much more exhaustive examination of the plays and h i s t o r y of E l i z a b e t h a n England than i s o f f e r e d here.  The author hopes, however,  that the reasoning i s s u f f i c i e n t l y sound and the evidence both from h i s t o r y and from drama p e r t i n e n t enough to j u s t i f y t h e i r being placed before the reader f o r thoughtf u l consideration. Perhaps I t would be wise at t h i s p o i n t also to emphasize that the w r i t e r recognizes that the e s t i m a t i o n of the p o l i t i c a l content of a p l a y i s but one of many l i n e s along which t h i s form of l i t e r a r y a r t maybe evaluated. The w r i t e r does not intend to imply that other  values  are not present, or that many i n c i d e n t s discussed f o r t h e i r s i g n i f i c a n c e i n r e l a t i o n to the thought of M a c h i a v e l l i could not be evaluated i n other terms. of the features of any great work of a r t i s the many angles from which i t may be  discussed.  One  C O N T E N T S  Foreword  Page  Chapter I  Machiavellianism; An understanding of what M a c h i a v e l l i r e a l l y meant.....  1  Chapter I I  The M a c h i a v e l l i a n i n E n g l i s h L i f e : An examination of E n g l i s h h i s t o r y f o r evidence of M a c h i a v e l l i a n p o l i c y i n Tudor government  30  Chapter I I I  A n t i - M a c h i a v e l l i a n i s m : A review of the development of h o s t i l i t y i n Sixteenth Century England.toward the works of M a c h i a v e l l i  66  Chapter IV  The Romantic I n t e r p r e t a t i o n : A d i s cussion of plays that set the p a t t e r n f o r the M a c h i a v e l l i a n of the romantic type  83  Chapter V  A demonstration that c e r t a i n E l i z a bethan stage characters not n e c e s s a r i l y branded as M a c h i a v e l l i a n "hold the m i r r o r up" t o the true M a c h i a v e l l i a n .  128  Bibliography  Chapter I. Machiavellianism.  In a c r i t i c a l study of the influence of the thought of Machiavelli on Elizabethan drama, the distinction must be noted between the reactions of the Elizabethans who gave expression to their understanding of Machiavelli, and the point of view of the twentieth century commentator, ffhe study must embody the writer s criticism both of the f  thought of fflaohiavelli and of the criticism revealed in the drama of the sixteenth century,  for this reason, a brief  summary of the point of view of Machiavelli opens the discussion, and some space is devoted to an outline of the politics of the English monarchs and chief ministers of sixteenth century England, and to an examination of the opinions expressed about Machiavelli by Elizabethan writers. Thus the reader may pursue the subjeotjln possession of the writer^ understanding of the background against whioh the dramas under review were written. Machiavelli lived from 1469 to 1527. He was the son of an impoverished Tuscan nobelman of ancient lineage, whose  -2-  f a m i l y had f o r s e v e r a l g e n e r a t i o n s  been l i v i n g i n i f l o r e n e e .  Members of the f a m i l y had h e l d p o s i t i o n s of importance i n f l u e n c e i n the government of the r e p b l i c of  and  Florence;  A'  and  over the y e a r s ,  the f a m i l y had become i d e n t i f i e d w i t h  the c i r c l e s of the n o b i l i t y who  had abandoned the  of h e r e d i t y to take up common cause w i t h the a r i s t o c r a c y now  claims  commercial  i n e f f e c t i v e c o n t r o l of F l o r e n c e  and  the  Tuscan h i n t e r l a n d . Aooording to M a c h i a v e l l i , the s t r u g g l e of the a r i s t o c r a c y to share power i n F l o r e n c e e a r l y as 1378;  was  landed  abandoned as  s i n c e when the c o n f l i c t f o r power had  raged  among the contending merchant n o b i l i t y , and between the n o b i l i t y and power had  the p e o p l e .  The  t h e r e f o r e ceased to be a v i t a l one  when M a c h i a v e l l i wrote; and n o b i l i t y was conditions  i s s u e o f h e r e d i t a r y r i g h t to  the problem of the  to f i n d a means of adapting  of a new The  i n Florence ancient  themselves to  the  age without too great l o s s of wealth  and  dignity.  agonies of p r i d e s u f f e r i n g r e s t r a i n t ,  and  the s u b t l e t i e s of the noble endeavouring to  the n e c e s s i t y f o r s o t i v e p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the  conceal  struggle  f o r s u r v i v a l underlay much o f the p o l i t i c a l manoeuvring  -3-  of the time and the concepts and formulations of Machiavelli. What strikes this reader of Machiavelli most forcibly is his intelligence and objectivity. A mind alert, selfconscious, intensely aware and, c r i t i c a l l y , as active as a terrier is expressing i t s e l f with frankness and dignity. 1 As the dedications and introductions to 'i'he Prinoe and 2 The Discourses  indicate, Machiavelli offers his work, not  as an achievement, but as a tentative effort to disclose truth, as knowledge that, culled from contemporary experience, and checked against the past, may guide a prinoe, and serve the common good; as the findings of an explorer and a scientist in the f i e l d of human behaviour,  public and private.  Although his theses are direoted to the attention chiefly of those who  do or could rule, the principles they expound  are frequently referred to as applicable to the generality of men;  and the work is defended on the ground that " . . . i t i s the duty of an honest man to -teach others that good whioh the malignity of the times and of fortune has prevented his doing himself; so , that amongst the many capable ones whom he has instructed, some one perhaps, more favored by Heaven, may perform i t . " 3  1) Hiocolo Machiavelli, The Prinoe. ed. Hardin Craig, Chapel H i l l , The University of Horth Carolina Press, 1944, pp. xxxv-xxxvil 2) Meoolo Machiavelli, The Prinoe and The Discourses, flew York The Modern Library, Inc., 1940, Bk. I, pp. 103 - 105; Bk. II, pp. 271 - 275. 3) Ibid., Bk. II, pp. 274 - 275.  The style, as one would expect, Is clear, pointed and refreshing.  Balance and restraint mark the thinking and  the mode of expressions; as a matter of fact, the constant reminders that in the discussion of some one particular princely career or generalized statement of policy, one must not forget that certain other modifying factors might alter the case, caution the reader that a l l generalizations are dangerous, and that the lessons of particular experiences must be applied with judgment and an eye to immediate realities. In the light of the moderate tone in which Machiavelli writes, i t is d i f f i c u l t for a modern Canadian to.imagine how he became the prototype for the devil-possessed figure of the Elizabethan stage.  The problem can be solved, however, by  our understanding that the people to whom Machiavelli f i r s t exposed his thoughts were very unlike ourselves in experience and philosophy; and that Machiavelli was one of the most daring and prophetic innovators of thought of the. Renaissance period in western Europe. As Lord Acton remarks in the preface to Burd's edition of The Prinoe. we are favored by having at our disposal "The authentic interpreter of Machiavelli  -5-  "the whole of l a t e r h i s t o r y " .  4  The works of M a c h i a v e l l i relevant to t h i s d i s c u s s i o n comprise The P r i n c e , The Discourses on the Ten Books of Titus 1_ i-v to & j 3*&v4?ng- the H i s t o r y of Florence, The A r t of War, the l e t t e r s and p l a y s , p a r t i c u l a r l y the Mandragola.  These t r e a t i s e s ,  l e t t e r s and plays together r e v e a l a man of w i t and s i n g u l a r independence of mind, but of remarkable subservience i n deed. They d i s c l o s e a mind that ranged c r i t i c a l l y over every person, event, i n s t i t u t i o n and point of view that came to i t s n o t i c e ; and they e s t a b l i s h M a c h i a v e l l i , s e c r e t a r y of Florence, as a l o y a l and d e f e r e n t i a l servant and fervent p a t r i o t .  They make eWv  t h a t , although M a c h i a v e l l i was an explorer and Innovator, and was fond of g i v i n g advice, he followed h i s own precepts and sought to please the r u l e r s of h i s time, while he attempted to persuade them to modify t h e i r p r a c t i c e . Humble and i l l - p a i d as the p r a c t i c a l work of h i s l i f e was, M a c h i a v e l l i , as h i s t o r y has shown, was more than a competent c i v i l servant.  The problem of government was c i r c l i n g  i n h i s b r a i n i n c e s s a n t l y as he d i l i g e n t l y c a r r i e d out the orders of The Ten a t home or i n f o r e i g n c o u r t s ;  supervised  the p r o v i s i o n i n g of armed camps w i t h scrupulous regard to 4) M o o o l o M a c h i a v e l l i , The P r i n c e , ed. L. A. Burd* I n t r o d u c t i o n by Lord Acton, London, The Clarendon Press, 1891, pp. x i x - x x .  -6  d e t a i l ; or, as a delegate from Florence to the court of Cesare Borgia, watched and set his wits against that i n s p i r i n g duke.  What he was  looking f o r was  awe-  the secret of  stable government, and a champion who would unify I t a l y  and  set her on the road to otablo government, security and prosperity by erecting the i n s t i t u t i o n s and laws that would perpetuate order.  The o r i g i n a l i t y of his thought f o r that  time lay i n his s t r i c t adherence to material r e a l i t y , h i s t o r y and experience for his explanations  and his judgments, his  suave and untroubled acceptance of the imperfections and the a r b i t r a r y ways of fortune:  of  man  his complete abandonment,  i n short, of the assumption, common i n his day i n most of western Europe, that the o r i g i n of government was and that i t s character was  divine w i l l ,  h i e r a r c h i c a l . Like a craftsman,  his thought accepted the l i m i t s his material set him, and  de-  vised a code of p o l i t i c a l behaviour that would serve humanity as i t was. The e v i l and s h i f t i n g manners of men, SAC  ways of fortune, Machiavelli argued, wee  and the a r b i t r a r y  eve  responsible f o r the  fact that government i t s e l f tended to fluctuate, to r i s e decline; s t a b i l i t y of government, therefore, required  and  constant  -7-  vigilance on the part of the ruler, and a readiness to change with the time.  He offered, therefore, not a blue-print, but  a series of principles as guides to action for the ruler who would meet a l l possible eventualities; and he was concerned less with an ultimate - except i n terms of security and prosperity for the ruler and the people - than with a modus Vivendi for the ruler with a vision of empire^than with the means by whioh order might be spread at the expense of chaos. His practical and sanguine approach was summed up in his remajkjr), that men should follow "...the example of ounninge Archers, whoe .intending to shoette att a marke that is beyonde their reache knowinge the strength of their bowe, & howe farr i t w i l l carrye, doe take a higher compasse then otherwise woulde serve, not that they meane by that proportion to overshoote the marke, but knowinge the weakness of their bowe make shewe to shoote over, that att least they maye shoote home". 5 The core of what Machiavelli strives to express can be grasped only by a reading of a l l of his chief works, each of whioh contributes a portion of the definition he was trying to evolve from his experiences and study of government. His conclusions are made clear i n the recurrence of basio ideas and observations, most of whioh are f i r s t expressed in his  pp.  5 ) Hiocolo Machiavelli, The Prince, ed. Hardin Craig, Ch. v i , 20 - 2 1 .  -8-  l e t t e r s , and l a t e r are expanded and i l l u s t r a t e d i n a v a r i e t y of ways i n The P r i n c e . The Discourses, and the H i s t o r y of Florence. This c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of h i s work i s the l o g i c a l consequence of the circumstance  i n which he developed h i s ideas,  the source of h i s materials and the purpose f o r whioh he wrote.  He was  t r a i n e d as a w r i t e r of i n t e l l i g e n c e s , or  reports to The 'Jen of Florence, the body charged w i t h m i l i t a r y and f o r e i g n a f f a i r s f o r the c i t y , was  his responsibility  to give exact records of events, and to o f f e r opinions  only a f t e r he had c l e a r l y set f o r t h the f a c t s .  This he d i d  most c o n s c i e n t i o u s l y , as evidence i n h i s own l e t t e r s t e s t i fies.  From the court of Cesare Borgia he wrote: "  Your E x c e l l e n c i e s must hold me excused, remembering that matters cannot be guessed, and that we have to do w i t h a prinoe who governs f o r h i m s e l f , and that he who would not w r i t e dreams and vagaries, has to make sure of t h i n g s , and i n making sure of them \\me goes, and I t r y to use time and not throw i t away". 6  Further, from the same court at Urbino he w r i t e s , p a t i e n t l y  Hew  6) Pasquale v i l l a r i , She L i f e and 'i'imes of M a c h i a v e l l i , York, Charles Scribaers« Sons, 1929, p. 292.  -9-  explaining " . . . t h i s l o r d never r e v e a l s anything excepting when doing i t , and he does i t under pressure of n e c e s s i t y , on the moment and not otherwise; wheref o r e I pray your E x c e l l e n c i e s to excuse me and not charge me w i t h negligence, when I cannot s a t i s f y your E x c e l l e n c i e s w i t h news, f o r at most times I f a i l to s a t i s f y even myself .' 7 1  Exact adherence to f a c t was compulsory i n h i s work, and appears to have been native to h i s i n t e l l e c t *  As  the  excerpts given here i n d i c a t e M a c h i a v e l l i ' s comments on the s i g n i f i c a n t p r a c t i c e s of Oesare Borgia and the approaoh to events l a t e r regarded as t y p i c a l of M a c h i a v e l l i found t h e i r f i r s t formulations of Florence  i n the reports upon which the government  depended f o r i t s p o l i c i e s .  Of h i s powers of observation and the q u a l i t y whioh has d i s t i n g u i s h e d them from those of preceding and contemporary I t a l i a n observers, Pasquale V i l l a r i i n h i s L i f e  and  Times of M a c h i a v e l l i notes that they enabled M a c h i a v e l l i "to define the elements of the^ p o l i t i c a l force of France, . 8 or of Germany, of the King or of the Emperor" and "to d i s c e r n the cohesion of s o c i a l f a c t s i n a marvellous organic 7jPasguale V i l l a r i , The L i f e and Times of M a c h i a v e l l i , New .Charles S c r i b n e r s ' Sons, 1929, p. 299. ibid.. 8) V o l . I , p. 440 ' A  York,  -10-  unity". *  M a c h i a v e l l i supplemented t h i s a b i l i t y w i t h the  Q u a l i t i e s of a student, and subjected h i s knowledge of p r a c t i c a l p o l i t i c s to an exacting comparison w i t h that accumulated i n the records of ancient Rome, the government of whioh recommended i t s e l f to him f o r the l e n g t h of time i t endured and f o r the extent of empire over which i t asserted power; and the c o n c l u s i o n he drew from t h i s comparison he organized i n t o a system, or s c i e n c e , of p o l i t i c s .  Machiavelli's  genius, i n s h o r t , was one w i t h that of the great men of the Renaissance i n other f i e l d s of thought, who were notable f o r t h e i r preoccupation w i t h p r a c t i c a l a f f a i r s and t h e i r tendency to look to|nan and nature f o r example and to the ancients f o r guidance. M a c h i a v e l l i concluded from h i s studies that the c h i e f a t t r i b u t e of the great prinoe was knowledge of and s k i l l i n the a r t of war.  He departed, however, from the medieval a t t i -  tude toward the w a r r i o r as a s o r t of knight e r r a n t , and thought of him as inseparable from the statesman. of the r u l e r as a f i g h t e r and law-giver was,  The  idea  of course, not  new w i t h M a c h i a v e l l i , but he fused the two ideas i n a new  9) 'Vol. I , p. A  440  -11  way*  To him the w a r l i k e a t t r i b u t e s of the p r i n c e were use-  f u l against i n t e r n a l as. w e l l as e x t e r n a l enemies, f o r r e p u t a t i o n at home as w e l l as abroad.  In other words, the  prince's c a p a c i t y f o r m i l i t a r y leadership was, to M a c h i a v e l l i , p r i m a r i l y a p o l i t i c a l asset, f o r i t enabled him to command the l o y a l t y of h i s people i n both peace and war* As F. L. Taylor says, M a c h i a v e l l i ' s outlook "...was p o l i t i c a l r a t h e r than m i l i t a r y , ..but....he recognized no o p p o s i t i o n between those two terms. He conceived the c i v i l i a n and the s o l d i e r . . . a s the same man i n two d i f f e r e n t aspects. I t was the duty of the c i t i z e n to be also the s o l d i e r ; s o l d i e r i n g was a branch of c i t i z e n s h i p and warfare...a branch of p o l i t i c s * An army was a h i g h l y s p e c i a l i z e d department of the c i v i l s e r v i c e * The d i r e c t i o n of an army i n the f i e l d was a part of the wider business of s t a t e c r a f t " * 10 Taylor estimates the s i g n i f i c a n c e of t h i s approach i n the  f o l l o w i n g way: "With M a c h i a v e l l i war ceases to be .accepted as an i s o l a t e d phenomenon r e c u r r i n g at i n t e r v a l s throughout human history.•.He was the f i r s t of a long l i n e of w r i t e r s who take a p h i l o s o p h i c a l survey of the a r t of war, who study i t w i t h a view not  10) F. L. Taylor, The A r t of War i n I t a l y . 1494 - 1529, Cambridge.University.Press, 1921, p. 167.  -12-  so much to s u r p r i s i n g the secret of v i c t o r y as to assessing the p o s s i b i l i t i e s and the l i m i t a t i o n s of • armed f o r c e " . 11 The great prinee with whom M a c h i a v e l l i i s mainly concerned i s the s i n g l e man through whom an order of government i s to be founded.  Taking Romulus,  founder of Home, as h i s ex-  ample, M a c h i a v e l l i points out that "A sagacious l e g i s l a t o r of a r e p u b l i c , -therefore, whose object i s to promotethe p u b l i c good, and not h i s p r i v a t e i n t e r e s t s , and who p r e f e r s h i s country to h i s own successors, should-concent r a t e a l l a u t h o r i t y i n himself; and a wise mind w i l l never censure any one f o r having employed any e x t r a ordinary means f o r the purpose of e s t a b l i s h i n g a kingdom or c o n s t i t u ting a republic. I t i s well that, when the act accuses him, the r e s u l t should excuse him; and when the r e s u l t i s good, as i n the case of Romulus, i t w i l l always absolve him from the blame." 12 Such a prince must be r e s o l u t e ; he must be resource^ f u l , a c t i v e and d e c i s i v e , i r r e v o c a b l e i n deoree, v i g i l a n t and f e a r l e s s i n the face of a t t a c k .  The resolute prinoe, how-  ever, must temper s e v e r i t y w i t h prudence, so that he may not a l i e n a t e the support of the people, f o r without the support  11) 3'• L. Taylor, The A r t of War i n I t a l y , p. 157. 12^ l i e e o l o M a c h i a v e l l i , The Discourses. Bk. I , pp. 138-139  -13  of the people, the p r i n c e i s at the mercy of the nobles whose ambition i s a constant  threat to him,  or he i s ex-  posed to the attack of powerful r i v a l s from o u t s i d e ,  The  p r i n c e , as M a c h i a v e l l i sees him, then, i s a single-handed champion holding i n check two mutually h o s t i l e  forces  w i t h i n the s t a t e , the n o b i l i t y and the people.  He i s  o b l i g e d to be c a r e f u l not to d r i v e the n o b i l i t y to desperat i o n by h i s r e s t r i c t i o n s , and at the same time he must keep the population contented.  That p r i n c e , t h e r e f o r e , i s most  secure - provided he acts w i t h prudence - who  r u l e s through  m i n i s t e r s and agents appointed by him and dependent upon h i s f a v o r , f o r the prince then has merely to be-concerned w i t h s a t i s f y i n g the populace by h i s ' p o l i c i e s , and t h a t , i n M a c h i a v e l l i ' s view, i s e a s i l y done, since the people g e n e r a l l y want only not to be oppressed. That the i d e a l prince of M a c h i a v e l l i looked to the people r a t h e r than to the n o b i l i t y f o r h i s strength i s proven by the frequency w i t h which the favor of the people i s s t r e s s e d i n both The P r i n c e and The Discourses.  1 3  The few-  ness of the n o b i l i t y , t h e i r ambition, u n r e l i a b i l i t y , s e l f -  13) Hiccolo M a c h i a v e l l i , The P r i n c e . Oh. I I , pp. 4-5; C h . i l l , p. 5j Ch. IX, pp. 40-41 & 42; Ch. I , pp. 45 & 46; Ch;XVII, pp. 73.& 74; Ch. XIX, pp. 80 & 82; Ch. XX, p. 97: The-Discourses. Bk. I , Ch. XYI,  -14-  seeking, d e s i r e to command, and tendency to l i v e toy doing i n j u r y i s contrasted sharply w i t h the b a s i c a l l y peacefuland reasonable  i n t e n t s of the people.  Further, M a c h i a v e l l i  notes,-the prince must always l i v e w i t h the same people, but he may  change the n o b i l i t y w i t h which he a s s o c i a t e s , and  therefore must meet the needs and expectations of the people, i'he r e s o l u t e and prudent p r i n c e , therefore, according to M a c h i a v e l l i , governed h i s actions p r i m a r i l y by the knowledge that without the support of the people, h i s p o s i t i o n was  never  secure The r e l a t i o n s h i p the wise p r i n c e w i l l maintain w i t h h i s people i s w e l l summed up by M a c h i a v e l l i i n Chapter XXI of The P r i n c e . "...a prince should encorrage h i s .Citizens and other subjectes, that they maye hope peaceably and q u i e t l i e to followe t h e i r trade, whether i t be i n merchandize or i n t i l l a g e , or i n any other trade, l e a s t the one sorte f o r feare of spoylinge should leave the grownde u n t i l l e d and the the other i n dowbte of newe exactions and oustomes, shoulde bringe i n noe newe wares: But r a t h e r a good prince shoulde propose rewardes to those that d i l l i g e n t l i e followe these trades, or anie other, whereby  -15  the O i t t y e s or.contry may be enriched. Alaoe a t t the appointed tymes of the yeare l e t t him keape the peoples headea ocoupyed w i t h p l a y e s , and shewes. And whereas the O i t t y e s are devided into c e r t e i n e Companies aceordinge to t h e i r t r a d e s , and oocupacions, the p r i n c e ahoulde haue those companies i n e s t i m a t i o n and rekoninge, that shoalde soomtyme be conversante emonge them, and shewe them soome token of h i s Courtesy and favour. Pro +vided alwayes that he preserve and s t i l l mayntaine the maiestie of h i s e s t a t e , whieh i n noe wise, or anie cause ought to be omitted or neglected". iST H v  !  F i n a l l y , the great prinoe must be a man of f o r e s i g h t ; he must look not merely to the present, but to the f u t u r e ; for,  i n M a c h i a v e l l i ' s view, the p r i n c e i s not a mere adven-  t u r e r , not one seeking power f o r the sake of temporary g l o r y , or p r i v a t e g a i n .  He i s the a r c h i t e c t of law and  order i n the community. M a c h i a v e l l i argues "The w e l f a r e , then, of a r e p u b l i c or .-a kingdom does not c o n s i s t i n having a prinoe who governs i t w i s e l y during his l i f e t i m e , but i n having one who w i l l give i t suoh laws that i t w i l l maintain i t s e l f a f t e r h i s death". 15 The question, t h e r e f o r e , of the foundations upon which the power of the prince i s l a i d , i s discussed i n terms of the establishment of a p r i n c i p a l i t y that w i l l stand, p r e v a i l and expand, not only f o r the l i f e t i m e of the prinoe  15)  The Discourses. Bk. I , Ch. x i , p. 148  who  -16-  i n i t i a t e s i t , but i n d e f i n i t e l y . The instruments  of the great p r i n c e , i n t h i s concep-  t i o n , are r e l i g i o n , armed f o r c e s , laws and a j u d i c i a r y , and the organized support of the people.  The source of the  armed forces of the M a c h i a v e l l i a n great p r i n c e , i s , as has been i n d i c a t e d , the c i t i z e n s of h i s own p r i n c i p a l i t y , who by being entrusted w i t h arms, are, by t h i s proof of the prince's confidence, encouraged i n t h e i r l o y a l t y .  It i s  c l e a r that only a man who can command the admiration of the people as a w a r r i o r oan act i n t h i s manner w i t h assurance. The laws of the wise prince are designed to safeguard h i s own estate and b e n e f i t the people; and the j u d i c i a r y must be appointed and dependent f o r t h e i r p o s i t i o n upon the prince's f a v o r .  R e l i g i o n , the importance of whioh  M a c h i a v e l l i f r e q u e n t l y emphasized^ as indispensable to order and good government, i s discussed as a c r e a t i o n of man's i n genuity, and the founders of r e l i g i o n s are e x t o l l e d as the 16 f i r s t amongst great men.  R e l i g i o n i s indispensable, and  the appearance of r e l i g i o u s f a i t h i n a r u l e r i s invaluable because without i t s appeal to s u p e r s t i t i o n the obedience of 16) The Discourses. Bk. I , Ch. X, p. 141  the people might not always be assured, or their readiness to sacrifioe aroused as occasion required. Machiavelli, therefore, discussed religion in a tone of deep respect, but at a l l times as a p o l i t i c a l expedient. On the question of the hereditary right .to rule Machiavelli was r e a l i s t i c and rational.  While he recognised  the advantages of a prince's being able to present t i t l e by birth to reinforoe his claim to power and observed that a prince who has secured power by his own a b i l i t y w i l l be wise i f he "shall seeme as though he came by the estate by anoiente inheritaunoe..."  1-7  , he nevertheless points out that  men "...observe with greater regarde the -prooeedinges of such princes", I.e. those who assert power by a b i l i t y , "than of those that succeede their parentes in their kingdomes, and yf they haue as good s k i l l to governe, as to gett, they may winne the heartes of the People sooner by desertes and pleasure, then the other by disoentes pedigrees, and continue their loves longer by the authoritie of their lawes, then the other can doe by the antiquitie of their lynes, for men are oarried awaye rather with thinges that are presents, then with those that are paste, and fyndinge i n i t a commoditie, they content themselves and seeke noe farther, but w i l l under17) The Prince. XXIV, 108  ••18-  take anie daynger in defence of their princes safetie..." 18 The concept of the great ruler i n action is then summed up in the famour metaphor of the l i o n and the fox.  Having  conceded the value of legal institutions and the trappings of power such as religion and spectacle as means of exercising control over men, Machiavelli sees as the decisive asset of a ruler the possession of the qualities of beasts, courage and cunning, a oapaoity to wield force and perpetrate fraud; "...for seinge there is twoe kyndes of consent ion or stryffe, the one by lawe the other by force, the f i r s t proper to men, the later to beastes, men must haue reooorse for redresse to the later, yf they cannot recover their righte by the f i r s t . Therefore i t t i s verie neoessarie for a prince to knowe as well howe to use the foroe and subtilty of beastes, as the faythe and sincerenes of men,...." 19 Within this general understanding of the character and function of p o l i t i c a l power Maohiavelli examined the problems of princes weak and strong, new and hereditary, great and inglorious.  P o l i t i c a l power, he noted, may be personal,  corporate or communal; i t may,  that i s , be princely, e l i -  garohio or democratic; but i f i t is to be effective, i f i t  18) The Prince, XXIV, 108 19) The Prince. Ch. XVIII, pp. 74 - 75.  -19  is to bring security and greatness to the ruler and the ruled, i t must be able to seize or outwit where i t meets denial, and win by art or intimidation where i t encounters reluctance. The individual princes whom Machiavelli cited as examples were put forward as persons who f u l f i l l e d or failed to f u l f i l the requirements for greatness i n a prinoe, or as illustrations of how a prinoe should or should not act i n given circumstances.  Romulus, Moses, Cyrus and Theseus demon-  strated, according to Machiavelli, the careers of men of outstanding merit.  By virtue of their own greatness and the  opportunity whioh alone fortune gave them, they succeeded, after overcoming tremendous obstacles, i n winning power and establishing principalities i n whioh they made themselves secure and rich, and i n which they enjoyed the favor of their people.  Agathocles and Oliverotto da Fermo represented, on  the other hand, those who attain power by v i l l a i n y and who, therefore, cannot, i n spite of their great a b i l i t i e s , be numbered among the most famous men. Cesare Borgia, erroneously seized upon by many as the typical Machiavellian prince, was cited by Machiavelli as a prinoe, who, having been raised to power by the favor and influence of others, did everything  -20-  that should or oould have been done, to consolidate power i n . most d i f f i c u l t circumstances.  In Machiavelli's understand-  ing only a man of rare genius oould be expected to take hold upon a principality that was contrived for him by others, he having had l i t t l e to do with achieving i t , and being, therefore, without previous plans for government, without the experience i n commanding and ordering that comes with winning power oneself, and without prior support either of an army or of people whose lpyalty had been won by reputation already established. %® Once set upon his career, however, Borgia demonstrated those qualities of quick action, ruthlessness, cunning and daring, and Intelligent concern for the common welfare, whioh Machiavelli regarded as indispensable to a good ruler.  Francesco Sforza, by contrast, Machiavelli  brought forward as a private man who won his principality with great d i f f i c u l t y but retained i t with ease; as one who "usinge meanes requisite for soe greate .an enterprise, by singular vertue advanced him self to be duke of Millaine, and was hable to defende that with saalle coste, which he had gotten with great care." 21 20) The Prince. VII, p. 26 21) The Prince. VII, p. 26  21-  Altogether, the arguments of.The Prince, The Discourses and the History of Florenoe make clear the distinctive roles of the prince, the laws and customs, the armed forces and the citizens i n a sixteenth century community.  The Prinoe, even  carelessly read, could not lead one to believe that Machiav e l l i ' s principles of power were composed by one who was i n different to the reaction of the subject to the Jmler, or conqueror; much less can The Prince be seen as the inspiration for the perverse v i l l a i n y which motivates the characters of 22 the English drama that have been classed as Machiavellian, The evil-intentioned, headstrong, murderous and useless individual of the English stage, preoccupied exclusively with revenge and personal aggrandizement to the detriment of a l l , has nothing in common with the prince of Machiavelli^ treatise, except that he k i l l s and acquires as occasion demands in order to achieve his ends.  The ends of the prince of the treatises  of Machiavelli, however, who  is dubbed wise or great, and who  is held up as an example, must at least appear to be acceptable to the majority of the people, conform to, or at least not be obviously subersive of law and custom, and advance the power 22) Edward Meyer, Machiavelli and the Elizabethan Drama, Weimar, Verlag Von Emil Pelber, 1897, discusses these in detail and Jeannette Fellheimer, The Englishman's Conception of the Thesis 1935 devotes considerable space to a discussion of the stage Machiavellian,  -22-  and wealth of the community as well as the private estate of the prince* The true prinoe of Machiavelli, i n short, is a warrior and a man of talent. He is resolute, self-reliant, objective and restrained*. He manages judiciously the vices and virtues to whioh a l l men,  including princes, are heir, so that he  may  secure himself and his possessions against open or concealed attack; and may enlist the support of the majority of the people about him, through either fear or gratitude* The man,  however, Machiavelli pointed out, eannot be  separated from his environment, which must offer opportunity for his talents*  Because of this close interdependence of  man and environment, Machiavelli noted, a prince may,  after  enjoying i n i t i a l success, succumb to disaster, because of his inability to change his nature when conditions change* wise prince, therefore, enacts laws and establishes  The  institu-  tions devised to cope with the vagaries of men and the alterati o n s of fortune; and he rules, not arbitrarily, but in conformity to the law thus established* men,  there are always a few who  Since, however, amongst  aspire to command, the prince  is faced with the problem of steering a fiddle course between  23-  the mutual hatred of the common people, who want only to avoid oppression, and the few nobility, who desire to oppress. In the complexity of this reality, Machiavelli despaired of perfect government, and concluded: I say,then, that a l l kinds of government - are defective,..Thus sagacious legislators, knowing the vices of each.of these systems of government fey (monarchy, o l i garchy, democracy) have chosen one that should partake of a l l of them....In fact, when there ia combined under the same constitution a prinoe, a nobility, and the power of the people, then these three powers w i l l watch and keep each other reciprocally i n check"• 23  n  ,  Because Machiavelli believed that a l l men, including 24 ^ princes, were e v i l , that "this maybe boldlie sayde of men, that they are ungratefull, inoonstante, disoemblers, fearfull 25 of dayngers, covetous of gayne,"  he was regretfully com-  pelled, i n the interests of truth and the needs of practice,to state that deeeit, cruelty, bad faith have their place i n the ordering of a state. He admits: "Surelie yf men were good this precepte -were naught, yf they were honest this were hatefull. But seinge they are . wicked and deceiptfull, i t behoves a prinoe by discemblinge to meete with their malice, and by ounninge to overthrowe their Grafte. And nowe a prinoe can never wante oocasions to oollour 23) The Discourses. I, pp. 114 - 115. 24) i b i d . pp. 117 - 118. 25) 13SB. iVIII, p. 75  -24-  the breache of his promise V. The precise weighing of the amount of goodness and badness, of cruelty and kindness, of,sincerity and deeeitfulness, of virtue and viee.generally to which a prince must give himself i s , i n Maohiavelli's view, then, a necessity which springs from the innate e v i l in the nature of men,  including princes.  This, together with the uncertainties of fortune, f i l l s the l i f e of men with danger, and confronts those who would establish any kind of order with endless d i f f i c u l t i e s , and Baffle even the wisest counsel.  ,  may  Machiavelli, therefore warns  " . . . l e t t noe man be perswaded that he can -take soe sure counsell that he cannot be controlled, but rather thinoke that he may be deoeaved, for soe variable is the coorse of worldlle affaires, that the more a man seekes to exoape one dainger, the lykker he is.to f a l l into an other, but herein i s a mans wisdome seene, yf he be able of twoe evilles to choose the least, and oan reape some commodity owt of anie inconvenience"• 27 :  According to Machiavelli, a l l men desire glory and pa  riches, or "renowme royallties and the lyke"  fc0 t  a  s the six-  teenth century manuscript edition of The Prinoe phrases i t . A l l men desire to acquire and to possess, though some by 26) 27) 28)  The Prinoe. XVIII. P. 75 Ibid.. XXI, p. 10E Ibid. XXV, p. 112  -25-  their a b i l i t i e s and resolution are more s u c c e s s f u l than others. A man  distinguishes himself from the common man,  therefore,  Machiavelli believes, by his v i s i o n and energy: his capacity is greater? his achievement, therefore, i s greater, and his renown, or n o b i l i t y varies as the extent of his estate and the s e c u r i t y with which he holds i t . The contemplative  l i f e , ««? preoccupation with the a r t s ,  according to Machiavelli, are alternatives to a l i f e , of action, and are forced upon an i n d i v i d u a l by the malignity of fortune. He himself wrote out h i s theories of government only when e x i l e forced him out of active p o l i t i c a l l i f e .  In j u s t i f i c a -  t i o n , f o r example, of his own writings he deolared that  one  should teach others what by bad fortune one had not been able to undertake oneself, i n the hope that among one's pupils might be he who would accomplish that whioh fortune and the times made impossible to oneself.  That he did not  the arts or learning is clear from his own  studies and his  own c a r e f u l expositions of the arts of war and from his composition  despise  politics;  of plays and poetry, and from his exhorta-  tions to the princes to study and to learn from the examples of the great.  His standards, however, were i n e v i t a b l y the  -26-  standards  of h i s time;  w h i c h he was  chiefly  and  i n the f i e l d  concerned  these  of public  standards  the  c o n s t r u c t i o n o f t h e modern n a t i o n a l s t a t e ,  ing  of the e r a of i n d i v i d u a l  interprise,  life  with  were t h o s e and  the  of  open-  empire-building  and  conquest. C o n c e r n e d w i t h men, for  s m a l l and  s u r v i v a l , M a c h i a v e l l i was  their  effects.  To him,  endowed w i t h v i r t u e , r e s o u r c e f u l n e s s and and  siring dulge  t o be  listed  simply  clarity  of aim,  G l o r y and  and  the n a t u r a l  Sueh a man  among t h e g r e a t a n d  fame, r e p u t a t i o n  to guarantee  of his  a s h i s p r i n c e , de-  the famous, w o u l d i n -  t h e community, w i t h o u t  necessary  man  initiative,  by h i s p r i n o e as r e i n f o r c e m e n t s  i n a manner t h a t w o u l d w i n  alienating  o t h e r s t h a n was  t h e p r i n c e was  to h i s e s t a t e ,  h i s energy  without  preoccupied with actions  t h a t i s , w i t h uncommon e n e r g y ,  h o n o u r were s o u g h t  power, as p r o p s  great, i n their struggle  aggrandizement  d o i n g more harm t o  h i s own  wealth  and  security. In of  conception i t i s not  t h e weak p r i n c e s h o u l d be  ion, to  this  i r r e s o l u t i o n , mildness  the  surprising  t h a t the  i n c a p a c i t y t o make war, and p i t y ,  and a  tendency  o p i n i o n s of o t h e r s ; or that the c o r r u p t p r i n o e  mark  indecisto d e f e r should  -27-  be he who  s a c r i f i c e d p u b l i o welfare  to h i s own  p r i v a t e advance-  ment, or, i n other words, f a i l e d to l i n k h i s own  fortunes  those of the community; w h i l e the t y r a n t s h o u l d be one ignored  the demands of a l l but  h a t r e d of the people, was She  h i m s e l f , and who,  as the mark of the g r e a t man ward h e r e d i t a r y monarchy.  He  l e d him  earning  the  on n a t i v e  valued  v i r t u e , and he  observed  seldom continued i n a f a m i l y by descent.  archy; and h i s p r i n c e was  ability  to a o r i t i c a l a t t i t u d e t o -  t h e r e f o r e , andadvocate of r e p u b l i c a n i s m ,  existence  who  doomed h i m s e l f .  emphasis whioh M a c h i a v e l l i p l a c e d  that vittue  to  He  was.  r a t h e r than of mon-  the founder of a s t a t e the  of whioh presupposed t h a t i t s i n i t i a t o r  continued  organized  i t along l i n e s that would enable i t to s e l e c t f o r l e a d e r s h i p a man  worthy of the p o s t .  Time and  again M a c h i a v e l l i expressed  h i s l a c k of f a i t h i n h e r e d i t a r y monarchy as a. means of guarant e e i n g good r u l e r s .  2 9  He saw,  indeed, i n the p r i n o e  the  archi-  alone c o u l d  restore  es tekt  of s t a t e power, and  the s i n g l e man  who  a c o r r u p t s t a t e to order and good government through h i s s e i z u r e of absolute  power; but f o r the p e r p e t u a t i o n  of  great-  ness i n a s t a t e , f o r n a t i o n a l aggrandizement, he advocated r e 29) f.  The  Discourses.  I, i , 144; -  I , XVII, 165; -  -  I,XX,  174  -28-  publieanism. The r u t h l e s s n e s s and cold-bloodedness  of which Machia-  v e l l i has f r e q u e n t l y been, aceused are the ruthlessness and oold-bloddedness  of the p r a c t i c e " o f h i s times.  Ho one can  read the I n t e l l i g e n c e s and h i s t o r i e s of the renaissance w i t h out being impressed by the v i o l e n c e and implacable self-seek-, ing of the n o b i l i t y , o l d and new, and of the p r i v a t e e r i n g adventurers both on land and sea, who f l o u r i s h e d i n those turbulent times.  Hor can one f a i l to be impressed by the  frequency w i t h which p r i n o e l y r u l e r s brought d i s a s t e r upon • themselves  and the people of t h e i r land by t h e i r  or i r r a t i o n a l s e l f - w i l l .  malevolence  A warning and a c a l l to judgment,  such as M a c h i a v e l l i voiced was t i m e l y ; but i n I t a l y i t wa,s not heeded. This l i t t l e man,, t h i s c l e r k , who presumed to advise the great oould not have been.less t y p i c a l of the a c q u i s i t i v e man,  He oould appreciate but he d i d not possess any of the  q u a l i t i e s he regarded as e s s e n t i a l to the r u l e r .  Shrewd as  was h i s summing up of the techniques of a c q u i r i n g p o s i t i o n . ~ and power, he r e s o r t e d , when he himself was i n want, to t h e  -  naive appeals f o r help from h i s f r i e n d s ; or he wrote, humbly  -29-  offering his services, to princes^ from whom he hoped to receive recognition for his a b i l i t i e s and promotion to ployment.  em-  He seems never to have been bribed or corrupted  in any way in his public l i f e .  He appears in his own person,  indeed, to have been an example and the prophet of the patriotic c i v i l servant who  is more than a servant and less -  than a ruler, and is wholly loyal to his native state.  His  forerunners were the modestly paid ambassadors of merchant princesj who presented themselves at the courts of a l l principalities and republics, and whose minutely detailed and objective reports of a l l that went on provided the raw material from whioh he organized his p o l i t i c a l science.  The  quality peculiar to Machiavelli and his predecessors and contemporaries, the Italian envoys, was t h e * a b i l i t y to treat themselves as persons apart from the realities in whioh they moved; and, in the midst of violence, to remain suave and unruffled, incorruptible in oommeroe with the corrupt, and loyal to the prosperity of the state they served. Such were Machiavelli and the prince and science he conceived.  -30-  Chapter II  The Machiavellian in English Life,  Looking back on sixteenth century England one i s led to ask what i t was i n the l i f e of England at that time that inspired certain poets to conceive of the Machiavellian prince as a perverse v i l l a i n , and i f , as the stage characters suggest, Machiavellianism was wholly foreign to thoir own experience and standards of practice. This enquirer would also ask i f there might not be i n the plays of Elizabethan England characters which demonstrate the qualities of the true prince^ according to Machiavelli, but which for some reason have not been labelled Machiavellian. Machiavellianism, as ftefined in Chapter I of this thesis, i t is submitted, not only was not alien to English experience, but was the very substance of the polioies of the Tudor monarohs and of many of the ministers who served them. Its interpretation of the prince as innovator, for  •3.1-  exaraple, was typified by Henry VII and Henry VIII; and i t s conception of the triumphant and sagacious prinoe found i t s fulfilment in Elizabeth* These Tudor monarchsjsuccessfully organized the transition of p o l i t i c a l power i n England from the hands of the anoient feudal nobility to those of the merchant aristocracy who arose to prominence as England's commerce and sea power advanced.  They effected the change not as a conscious ob-  jective but as a by-product of their own pursuit of power and wealth; and the power they wielded was that of popular despots, or Machiavellian princes. The opportunity for the Tudors oame with the exhaustion of the patience and endurance of the English people by the persistent, petty battles of the English nobility over the orown, known as the Wars of the Roses. Henry Tudor, Earl of Riohmond brought these wars to an end by his viotory at Bosworth i n 1485.  Many of the former great nobility of  of England were dead and the remainder were demoralized and disunited.  The people were anxious for peaoe and for  r e l i e f from the financial demands of war; and they r a l l i e d to the new king hopefully. them.  Henry VII did not disappoint  32  As a young prinoe with a slim olaim to the throne of England by blood, Henry VII had spent his youth i n constant p e r i l of being seized and destroyed by r i v a l families. Suspicion, treachery and deeds of blood had surrounded him; so that he had learned young to be alert, wary and s e l f reliant, to trust himself and to adt with oaution.  Taken  from Wales to Brittany for safety when Henry VI of Lancaster was hard-pressed by the contending Yorkists, under Edward IV, Henry Tudor waited there until the violence and excesses of the usurper, Richard III, so alienated the people of England from the Yorkist l i n e ^ that a new claimant for the throne might hope for success* Henry s f i r s t attempt to land i n England was a failure 1  in whioh Machiavelli would have seen fortune playing a major part,  Henry's ship was isolated from i t s fleet, and floods  and storms out off the advance of the chief force of English supporters under Buckingham, sent out to greet and aid his landing.  But Henry's astuteness would have recommended i t -  self to Machiavelli when he refused to be beguiled by a band of Englishmen apparently welcoming him as his ship sighted shore a second time.  He would not risk going ashore,  and returned safely to Brittany,  -33*  In this f i r s t attempt Henry had proven himself w i l l ing and able Wiead an army overseas i n an effort to make a d i f f i c u l t landing in territory ruled by a hostile power. He had demonstrated judgment and caution, a readiness to faoe r e a l i t i e s , and a s p i r i t undismayed by heavy reverses. On the occasion of his seoond attempt, he displayed further qualities that would have recommended him to Machiavelli, Convinced of his danger, and at the same time confident of support i n England, he kept his own oounsel and slipped away from Brittany without public knowledge, leaving three hundred Englishmen i n Vannes ignorant of his departure. He landed at Milford Haven in his native Wales with a small foroe, and advanced into England to Bosworth, winning new adherents to his ranks as he went along.  He made a solemn pageant of his  landing, kneeling and kissing the ground, making the sign of the oross and causing the Judica me. Deus. to be sung. At Bosworth he himself ohose the ground for battle; i t lay between a rivulet and a morass where inferior members oould fight to advantage. This courageous and astute young man appeared to be one of those of whom Machiavelli might have said:  -34-  ".. .examininge t h e i r noble actes withlTU wholle coorse of t h e i r l i v e s , i t w i l l appere that they had nothinge given them by the favour of f o r t u n e , but only occasion whioh yelded them f i t t matter whereby they might bringe i n what manner of government they thought oonveniente". 1 The immediacy w i t h whioh Henry had turned to h i s seoond attempt, and the independence of h i s a c t i o n showed that he was not a man to wait on time to improve things f o r him, but was one who  could use h i s own resources to  meet the d i f f i c u l t i e s of the present. Thus as Henry took the throne of England, he  was  a man who had shown himself a good s o l d i e r and able oommander, learned i n the a r t of war.  He c l e a r l y r e l i e d  upon the general populaee f o r support; and he made every p r o f e s s i o n of r e l i g i o u s devotion and d i d not communicate h i s plans more than was neoessary f o r t h e i r exeoution.  In  a l l t h i s he would have won the admiration of the founder of p o l i t i c a l s c i e n c e . Henry, thanks mostly to h i s own a b i l i t y , entered upon the tasks of government w i t h great advantages.  A  prinoe by b i r t h , w i t h c l a i m to the throne, he won h i s kingdom i n war, and was crowned on the f i e l d of b a t t l e . He was a hero to h i s men-atrarms and a dispenser of favors 1) The P r i n c e , VI, 2) Ibid, i l l , 11.  21-2E  -35-  to his loyal supporters.  It remained for him to demon-  strate his capacities as a ruler. The steps he took to consolidate his rule were caref u l l y chosen to take advantage of existing laws and customs whioh oould be turned to his purpose, to confirm his l e g i t r imate claim to the throne and to subordinate the administra-r tion of the realm directly to his authority. F i r s t he set about the seouring of his t i t l e by law and hereditary right; and he pursued this aim in such a manner that each c i v i l i a n confirmation strengthened his claim made i n the name of heredity. Never was his l e g i t i macy subordinated to a right conceded from any other quarter or on any other condition. In this he was adhering with scrupulous exaotitude to the principle, emphasized by Machiavelli, that a new prince should as much as possible conform, at least i n appearance, to the laws and customs of the people of his new principality.  Even the ultimate  confirmation of Henry's claim, that of the Act of Parliament of November 7th, 1485, recognized his reign as dating from the twenty-first of August, the day before the battle of 3) The Discourses. I XXV, 182  -36-  Bosworth. Further to bind his power to descent, the new prinoe proposed to marry into the family of the contending house of York, and thus, by uniting the blood of the two claimants to end the danger of conflict arising from a r i v a l claim.  He therefore imprisoned the sole heir of the"  Yorkists, Clarence, for l i f e ; and announced his intended marriage to Elizabeth of York. Seeking to impress and win the favor of the populace, he now proceeded in easy stages to London, The City and very heart of England, where he rode In triumph through the streets.  His progress through the country and his recep-  tion in London were applauded by the people with greatest enthusiasm. Shortly after his arrival in London he called a council of the nobles and formally proclaimed his intended marriage; and then, in spite of an outbreak of plague, held his coronation as scheduled, before his wedding. As he advanced in security, he rewarded his immediate followers, 4  out of the spoils of his adversaries,  he instituted a  body-guard of f i f t y men, archers and others, constantly to 4) The Prince, XVI, 70  -37-  attend him*  He then called parliament and had his t i t l e  confirmed i n him and in the heirs of his body*  In these  actions Henry observed a member of maxima that Machiav e l l i would have applauded*  His insistence upon reoogni5  tion of power as centering in and flowing from himself, and his use of established institutions and laws to this end, the organization of the nucleus of an armed force of his own subjects, identified with a l l his movements, his deliberate encouragement of public display of the people's favor toward him as he travelled slowly through his new territories meeting the people, would a l l have won the approbation of Machiavelli.  Later, in an even more pre-  else conformity to the princely behavioug advocated by Machiavelli, he went through those counties where uprisings against him had either taken place or were threatening; and whenever he encountered hostility, he made a great show of foroe; where outbreaks had taken place he had the leaders only summarily executed, and where the people were humble he was graoiousness i t s e l f to a l l .  Nor did he over-  Si The Discourses, I IX, 138 and 140-141.  -38-  look paying s p e c i a l a t t e n t i o n to the guildsmen of the c h i e f trades.  Of t h i s t r i p i t i s t o l d that he showed great  i n t e r e s t i n and promised p r a c t i c a l a i d to the B r i s t o l s h i p builders, i h i l e he showed clemency to the common people, and r u t h l e s s j u s t i c e to t h e i r misleaders against h i m s e l f , he s y s t e m a t i c a l l y impoverished h i s opponents among the n o b i l i t y by l a n d s e i z u r e s .  In t h i s way,  he maintained himself, was  i n a p o s i t i o n to reward h i s supporters, and was not required to burden h i s new  subjects w i t h t a x a t i o n and imposts,  7  He  f u r t h e r made a scrupulous point of e s t a b l i s h i n g h i s c r e d i t w i t h Parliament and the merchant leaders of London, by persuading them on s e v e r a l occasions to loan him money, which each time he p a i d back promptly, according to agreement. Parliament, which he had used s k i l f u l l y as a means of confirming h i s r o y a l power, he now employed, w i t h an i n s i g h t worthy of M a c h i a v e l l i , as the instrument f o r punishment of the leaders of r e b e l l i o n sponsored by the Y o r k i s t Queendowager and l e d by the impostor, Lambert Simnel, 6} The P r i n o e , XXI, 85 7) I b i d , XVI, 69 70  Upon  -39-  Henry's summons Parliament met and attainted the leaders, and passed measures designed to provide special organs for the punishment of crimes and misdemeanors against the king, one of which was the Court of Star Chamber*  By these means  Henry set up institutions and persons other than himself as the media of punishment, reserving to himself the power of o  bestowing benefits, as Machiavelli recommends* Henry exercised his power ruthlessly, but with prudence. When the revolt fanned by the Yorkists and led by Lambert Simnel was reaching the proportions of o i v i l war, he acted with despatch*  He deprived the Queen-dowager of her  lands; paraded the real Warwick publicly,, issued a pardon to a l l who would submit to him; set guards throughout the coast, and himself made a progress through the insurrectionary counties*  When he learned that the Earl of Dorset, one  of his most powerful opponentsj was coming in to surrender, he sent out forces and had him seized*  In the course of these  activities he made public and ceremonious show of his religion, had the Church o f f i c i a l l y curse a l l who opposed him, and as 8)  The Prince. XIX, 82 - 83.  -40-  the c i v i l war gathered head "..•issued a very s t r i n g e n t proclamation against robbing churches, r a v i s h i n g women, o r even t a k i n g v i c t u a l s without paying f o r them at the p r i c e s 'assized by the c l e r k of the market', on pain of death. Mor was any man to venture to take a l o d g i n g f o r h i m s e l f not assigned t o him by the king's harbingers, oh p a i n of imprisonment and f u r t h e r punishment a t the king's d i s c r e t i o n . The s t r i c t e s t d i s c i p l i n e was enforced throughout the army..." 9 In a l l t h i s he honored the maxim which i s summed up i n chapter seventeen of The Prinoe i n the quotation from Virgil Res dura, et r e g n i novitas me t a l i a o o g u n t / k o l i r i , e t l a t e f i n e s oustode tueri. The w a r r i o r prinoe showed himself as statesman r e s o l u t e and d e c i s i v e i n a c t i o n , a good executive served by e f f i c i e n t m i l i t a r y agents, and a leader ready t o appear p e r s o n a l l y i n the areas of danger.  I n h i s handling o f the E a r l of Dorset,  he showed himself the p r i n c e of the eighteenth chapter of The P r i n c e , who keeps h i s word only i n s o f a r as i t serves h i s own i n t e r e s t , and as longas the occasion f o r whioh he made  9)  James Gairdner, Henry V I I , London, MaoMillan and Co., 1892  -41-  the agreement remains. with r e l i g i o n , ^  He o s t e n t a t i o u s l y i d e n t i f i e d h i s r u l e  showed that he understood that to r e t a i n  or w i n the a l l e g i a n c e of the people he must guarantee them against l o s s of t h e i r property or harm to t h e i r women,  1 1  and  centered a u t h o r i t y i n h i m s e l f , making h i s name the symbol of 12 power and j u s t i c e .  And as a commander he had shown him-  s e l f ready and able to enforce  discipline.  M a c h i a v e l l i i n d i s c u s s i n g the methods a prince  should  use t o r e t a i n c o n t r o l of a p r i n c i p a l i t y annexed to h i s own, but d i f f e r e n t i n language and custom, argued that the prince should, i f p o s s i b l e , r e s i d e there himself; but that i f he could no* he should plant colonies and organize a government there of h i s own subjeots o r of such native people as he could make dependent upon himself f o r b e n e f i t s and p o s i t i o n . In I r e l a n d , f o l l o w i n g the attempt of Simnel to g a i n the crown* Henry V I I undertook t o make the whole a d m i n i s t r a t i o n d i r e c t l y responsible t o himself, and predominantly E n g l i s h i n personnel.  He therefore arranged that a l l the p r i n c i p a l c a s t l e s  i n I r e l a n d should be placed i n the hands of the E n g l i s h , and 10) 11) 12) ,  The P r i n c e . X V I I I , 77 I b i d . X V i l , 73. G. M. Trevelyan, H i s t p r y of England.London, Longmans, Green & Co., 1929, pp. 273 - 275 gives a good summary of Henry V I I s measures d i r e c t e d toward c e n t r a l i z i n g power i n England i n the monarch. 13) The P r i n c e , I I I , 7 - 8 . r  1  ; •  -  ...  ^42  that the country should no longer, be a refuge f o r E n g l i s h outcasts and malcontents.  He allowed the I r i s h c h i e f , K i l d a r e ,  to r e t u r n to I r e l a n d as the King's Deputy, but he held h i s son i n England as a hostage. In h i s I r i s h p o l i c y Henry was the master p o l i t i c i a n , as M a c h i a v e l l i would-have esteemed him: s k i l f u l , a f f a b l e , r e s o l u t e , achieving by h i s own a g e n c i e s ^ what he could not win w i t h the consent of the subordinate  people, y e t c o n t r i v i n g , by the  j u d i c i o u s treatment of d i f f i c u l t but indispensable persons, to render them u s e f u l to him i n s p i t e of themselves; clement, as circumstances r e q u i r e d , c r u e l , when n e c e s s i t y d i c t a t e d . The o b j e c t i v i t y and c l a r i t y of purpose that underlay Henry's p o l i c i e s produced an e f f e c t i v e n e s s i n a c t i o n which would have d e l i g h t e d M a o h i a v e l l i ,  C l e a r l y , i t was Henry's object t o  u n i f y and r u l e England as an absolute monarch, as i t was M a o h i a v e l l i ' s dream that the Medici should u n i f y and r u l e Italy,  To do t h i s , as M a c h i a v e l l i would have seen i t , Henry  had to crush h i s o p p o s i t i o n among the n o b i l i t y , and win the people to h i s s i d e .  To r u l e , a l s o , he needed revenue; and he  wished to r a i s e M i s needed revenue f o r h i s own treasury w i t h 14  out appeal to the people, as M a c h i a v e l l i would have advised. 14) The Prinoe. x Y l , 69 - 76  :  ~"  :  :  !  -43-  Henry therefore appealed not to the people f o r revenue, but to the  Great C o u n c i l of the nobles^^j/yho^indeed, were now i n no  p o s i t i o n to r e s i s t h i s demands; and through them he secured a r e v i v a l of Benevolences, or f o r c e d loans, equivalent t o donations. In i n s t r u c t i n g h i s commissioners, he urged them, as Bacon, i n his l i f e of Henry V l l l r e p o r t s : "..•'that i f they met any that were sparing -they should t e l l them that they must needs have, because they l a i d up; and i f they were spenders they must needs have, because i t was seen i n t h e i r port and manner of l i v i n g ; so n e i t h e r k i n d came amiss' ". 15 Trapped by the king's subt£]jty, the nobles were f l e e c e d . Henry, however, was c a r e f u l , as M a c h i a v e l l i would have advised, not to d r i v e any one s e c t i o n of h i s diverse p o p u l a t i o n too f a r . Though h i s two c h i e f commissioners, S i r R i c h a r d Empson and Lord Dudley might make h i s r u l e hated f o r t h e i r e x t o r t i o n s , Henry eased the mind of many a noble by promoting i n parliament an act to p r o t e c t from impeachment or a t t a i n d e r any one who fought f o r a de f a c t o king; and thus he exonerated a l l who had fought f o r R i c h a r d I I I before Bosworth.  H i s mastery  of compromise i s i l l u s t r a t e d i n h i s l e g i s l a t i o n on enclosures, which r e q u i r e d that no dwellings be b'orn down, but s a i d nothing  15) Quoted i n Gairdner, Henry V I I . p. 151  -44-  about the neeeaaity f o r c u l t i v a t i o n of the land; the owners, t h e r e f o r e , could turn sheep on the l a n d , and the peasants could not complain that they were rendered homeless. By p o l i c i e s , then, that would have found f u l l favor w i t h M a c h i a v e l l i , Henry VII of England, w i t h i n ten years of h i s a c q u i s i t i o n of the throne, e s t a b l i s h e d himself as the most powerf u l i n d i v i d u a l i n the land, and was r a p i d l y becoming the iest,  wealth-  This he had achieved by combining force and a subtle mani-  p u l a t i o n of law and custom.  He respected t r a d i t i o n as long as i t  served h i s purpose, and timed h i s changes to take advantage of the c o n f l i c t between the nobles and the people i n a manner that suppressed the former and c o n c i l i a t e d the l a t t e r ; and he pursued a c a r e f u l f i n a n c i a l p o l i c y which strengthened h i s treasury and won  own  the favor of the people.  In f o r e i g n p o l i c y a l s o , Henry's career honored the p r i n c i p l e s enunciated by M a c h i a v e l l i , E a r l y i n h i s r e i g n , i n  1492,  he undertook a war w i t h France both to win r e p u t a t i o n w i t h the 16 E n g l i s h and to compel f e a r and respect from a r i v a l power. He launched the war, t h e r e f o r e , on a l i m i t e d scale and w i t h no  16) The P r i n c e , XXI, 98 - 100  -45--  i n t e n t i o n of conquering France; and, having impressed France., r b e n e f i t t e d the Emperor M a x i m i l i a n , and f r e e d E n g l i s h commerce w i t h the Low Countries from molestation by Spain, he enriched himself by exacting the l a r g e s t t r i b u t e from France that any E n g l i s h k i n g had ever r e c e i v e d .  The conduct and timing of t h i s  war revealed Henry's a p p r e c i a t i o n of the value of m i l i t a r y r e p u t a t i o n and of the p r i n c i p l e of the balance of power, 17  em-.  phasized by M a c h i a v e l l i . In the course of h i s long r e i g n (1485 - 1509) Henry was confronted on more than one occasion by c o n s p i r a c i e s against him, and took a hand himself i n promoting conspiracies i n the. courts of other p r i n c e s *  His handling of the major conspiracy  of the Y o r k i s t s i n a i d of the c l a i m of the imposter, P e r k i n 18 Warbeok, f o l l o w e d the course M a c h i a v e l l i advocated*  He  pretended to take no n o t i c e of the conspiracy and allowed i t to r i p e n before he appeared to act.- Then he showed himself to be. so w e l l informed that he was able to expose the foremost l e a d e r s , i n c l u d i n g h i s own chamberlain, Lord Stanley, a r e l a t i v e . »He r u t h l e s s i n h i s punishment, even executing Lord Stanley, and 17) The P r i n c e . I I I . 9 ; and"XII, 102. 18) The P r i n o e . vt££: TU* Discourses. 1?kTE,vi.  was  -46-  causing anyone who l i b e l l e d , him for. the a c t to be punished. In t h i s way Henry strengthened h i s p r e s t i g e and won many Y o r k i s t s away from f u r t h e r thought of i n t r i g u e . Meanwhile Henry had h i s hand i n c o n s p i r a c i e s of h i s own.  I n Scotland the E a r l of Angus and Lord Bothwell, the  l a t t e r a f a v o r i t e m i n i s t e r of James I I I , were h i s agents. had himself arranged a p l o t t o kidnap warbeck.  He  He r e l i e d not  upon rumor o r treachery, but upon p a i d spies and informers f o r h i s information; he c o n t r i v e d to place d i r e c t l y under o b l i g a t i o n t o him, a l l people on whom he depended; and he was so continuously watchful that a l l who had anything to l o s e by a misstep were o a r e f u l to support h i s government. H i s so  f o r e i g n a l l i e s , a l s o , commonly found themselves X&- s k i l f u l l y hemmed i n by circumstances created by Henry that they had l i t t l e a l t e r n a t i v e but t o do as h i s p o l i c y d i c t a t e d . He used hostages to keep men l i k e Lord K i l d a r e of I r e l a n d i n l i n e , and to r e i n the a c t i v i t i e s o f monarchs l i k e Ferdinand of Spain, whose daughter, Katherine, Henry h e l d i n England a f t e r her f i r s t husband, A r t h u r , P r i n c e of Wales, d i e d . A  The f o r t i -  c a s t l e s which he maintained as outposts, and centres of i n t e l l i g e n c e , i n the remoter parts of h i s kingdom he placed i n  -47-  the hands of nobles d i r e c t l y responsible to himself and dependent upon him f o r t h e i r p o s i t i o n .  This system of s p i e s and  personal s u p e r v i s i o n of a f f a i r s , a c t i v e and aggressive, which was not merely watchful but went out to f o r e s t a l l p o s s i b l e danger and to create opportunity, wae wholly i n the s p i r i t of the M a c h i a v e l l i a n true p r i n e e . James (iairdner, h i s t o r i a n and biographer of Henry V I I summed up h i s q u a l i t i e s . i n a paragraph as f o l l o w s : "His t a s t e i n b u i l d i n g was magnificent. .The wealth he had amassed and l e f t behind him, locked up i n various secret p l a c e s , was reported to have amounted to n e a r l y 1,800,000 pounds (value of that day)...He valued money only f o r money's worth; and to him a l a r g e reserve was a great guarantee f o r peace and s e c u r i t y . He made, moreover, a p r i n c e l y use of h i s wealth, encouraged s c h o l a r s h i p and music as w e l l as a r c h i t e c t u r e , and dazzled the eyes of f o r e i g n ambassadors w i t h the splendour of h i s receptions Few indeed were the c o u n c i l l o r s that shared his confidence, but the wise men....had but one opinion of h i s consummate w i s dom. Foreigners were g r e a t l y s t r u c k w i t h the success that attended h i s p o l i c y . Ambassadors were astonished at the i n t i mate knowledge he displayed of the a f f a i r s of t h e i r own c o u n t r i e s . From the most unp r o p i t i o u s beginnings, a p r o s c r i b e d man and an e x i l e , he had won h i s way i n e v i l times to a throne beset with dangers; he had p a c i f i e d h i s own country, oherised  -48-  commeroe, formed strong a l l i a n c e s over Europe, and made h i s personal i n f l u e n c e f e l t by the r u l e r s of France, Spain, I t a l y , and the Netherlands as that of a man who could t u r n the scale i n matters of the highest importance to t h e i r own domestic welfare...." 19 Surely the career and character of Henry V I I f u l f i l s the d e c l a r a t i o n o f M a c h i a v e l l i who s t a t e d that the p r i n c e should "...endeavour i n h i s governmente and .administration of J u s t i c e to shewe oonVfcinewallie a oerteine Maiestie mixed w i t h a bolde currage, not w i t h owte g r a v i t y & oonstancye, i n soe much that the b e t t e r sorte male e s teem h i s woorde f o r a lawe, and h i s sentence i n iudgmente i r r e v o c a b l e , and also to rayse and continewe that o p i n i o n of him i n the hartes of h i s subiectes, that they maie imagine he can n e i t h e r be abused by frawde, nor a l t e r e d by f l a t t e r i e . She prince that hath once woonn to himself reputacion and accompte emonge h i s s u b i e c t e s , neede not - . feare n e i t h e r the conspiracies or ooniurations of h i s subiectes a t t home nor the assaultes or invasions of h i s Enemyes abroade; f o r a prince indeede shoulde soe behaue himself i n the wholle coorse of h i s l y f f e , that he maybe feared and had i n awe of twoe s o r t e s , the one d o m e s t i o a l l , the other f o r e i n e , the one subiectes, the other s t r a i n g e r s , the owtward enemies wilbe kepte-vnder y f they peroeave that he i s w e l l provided of Armew and w e l l beloved of h i s frendes he s h a l l not wante t o take h i s  19) James Gairdner. Henry V I I . p. 209  Y *° > ey,  s  &vt  -49  p a r t e , y f he obserue good d i s c i p l i n e emonge h i s people, and thinges beinge sure abroade, there i s noe dowbte of h i s saftye a t t home vnlesse he be disturbed by some r e b e l l i o n or oonspiracie. And though h i s f o r e i n e Enemies shoulde e n t e r p r i s e anie matter against him, soe longe as h i s prov i s i o n f o r the Warrs were s u f f i c i e n t s and h i s r e p u t a c i o n emonge h i s people not impayred, (yf he were not wanting to h i m s e l f , ) he shoulde be hable to beare of t h e b r u n t e and rage of t h e i r f u r i e , & withstands t h e i r malice to t h e i r owne gayne and g l o r i e , . . . " 20 In conclusion, i t should be remembered that Henry V I I was a contemporay of M a c h i a v e l l i , and that he died four years bef o r e The Prinoe was w r i t t e n , twenty-three years before i t was p r i n t e d ,  Henry V I I l i v e d the p o l i c y that M a c h i a v e l l i ob-  served, analysed and formulated.  The p o l i c y of Henry V I I then  was not derived from any t h e o r i s t , but was that recommended by h i s own c h a r a c t e r , h i s own experience and h i s own aims.  He,  however, was c l o s e l y i n touch w i t h events not only i n England but outside of England, and p a r t i c u l a r l y w i t h the events i n Italy.  As a Milanese envoy a t London i s reported to have r e -  marked i n 1494,  n  f  ...the merchants, most e s p e c i a l l y the  F l o r e n t i n e s , never cease g i v i n g the K i n d of England a d v i c e s .  20) The P r i n o e . XIX, 79.. 21) James txairdner, Henry V I I . 111.  1 n  -50  This same envoy f u r t h e r emphasized that the k i n g of England i s most thoroughly acquainted w i t h - the a f f a i r s of I t a l y , and receives s p e c i a l information of every event... when the King of France went i n t o I t a l y the King of England sent w i t h him a h e r a l d of h i s own c a l l e d Richmond, a sage man who saw e v e r y t h i n g . . . . " 22  n  1  f  Machiavellianism, t h e r e f o r e , was as hative to Henry V I I and England as i t was to I t a l y and M a c h i a v e l l i ; Henry VII expounded i t i n deeds, M a c h i a v e l l i i n words.  This i s important  to note; f o r some commentators upon the r e a c t i o n to M a c h i a v e l l i i n the drama of England have assumed that the r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of the M a c h i a v e l l i a n as a desperate v i l l a i n sprang from the d i f f erence i n n a t i o n a l character and p o l i t i c a l experience of the 23  Englishman and the I t a l i a n . this.  Obviously, h i s t o r y denies  Henry V I I s achievements as those af one of the great f  monarchs of England, the i n i t i a t o r of thejmodern E n g l i s h s t a t e upon whioh the n a t i o n a l d i s t i n c t i o n and i m p e r i a l power of the E n g l i s h was b u i l t , confirm the accuracy of M a e h i a v e l l i ' s e s t i mation of what was t a k i n g place i n Western Europe and of what measures were needed to guide s o c i e t y a t that time to i t s next 22) James Gairdner, Henry V I I . P. I l l 23) Fellheimer,. op. c i t .fee th"e claim by Fellheimer Jjhat the - n a t i o n a l s]friT and temper of E n g l i ^ h ^ p o l i t i c s was* cont r a d i c t o r y to tfe&t of the I t a l i a n ' s ^ a s o u t l i n e d by Machiavelli. ' , U o 4 t  -51-  stage of development.  They prove the p o s i t i v e , c o n s t r u c t i v e  purpose that underlayssome at l e a s t of the t u r m o i l of those times. How f a r the Elizabethans were from scorning Henry V I I f o r a v i l l a i n may be deduced from the manner i n which Shakespeare introduces him as a young e a r l : King Henry:  Come h i t h e r , England's h o p e . — I f secret powers (Laying h i s hand on h i s head} Suggest but t r u t h to my d i v i n i n g thoughts, This p r e t t y l a d w i l l prove our country's b l i s s . His looks are f u l l of peaceful majesty; His head by nature framed to wear a crown, His hand to wear a sceptre; and himself L i k e l y i n time to b l e s s a r e g a l throne. Make much of him, my l o r d s , f o r t h i s i s he Must help you more than you are hurt by me. ( I I I Henry V I , IV, W, 64 - 76) 24  The scene of the p l a y took place years before the B a t t l e of Bosworth, but i t presented the f u t u r e Henry V I I to the people of E l i z a b e t h ' s day as the man destined to be the f i r s t Tudor monarch and as the one who would b r i n g peace and order t o d i s tressed England. The p o p u l a r i t y of Henry VII's accession to power i s a l l e g e d also by Holinshed i n h i s C h r o n i c l e s : "At the close of h i s ( E a r l of Richmond's ) second speech „$o h i s army 'the people r e i o i s e d , and clapped t h e i r hands, -crying vp to heauen, 'King Henrie, k i n g H e n r i e i ' 24) W i l l i a m Shakespeare, "Henry VI, P a r t I I I , " The Works of W i l l i a m Shakespeare. Oxford, The Shakespeare Head Press, 1938.  -52-  When the l o r d S t a n l e i e saw the good w i l l and gladnesse of the people, he tooke the orowne of k i n g Richard, (which was found amongst the s p o i l e i n the f i e l d ) and set i t on the e a r l e s head; as though he had heene e l e c t e d k i n g by the v o i c e of the people,...i" (p. 420) 1  " i . . . a f t e r the death of king Richard was knowne and -published, euerie man, i n manner vnarming h i m s e l f e , & c a s t i n g awaie h i s abiliments of warre, meekelie submitted themselues to the obeisance and r u l e of the e a r l e of Richmond: of the which more part had g l a d l i e so doone i n the beginning, i f they might haue oonuenientlie exeaped from king Richards e s p i a l s , which, hauing as c l e e r e eies as Lyna, and open eares as Midas, ranged & searched i n euerie quarter," (p. 421) 25 Henry V I I was followed by Henry V I I I , of whom M a c h i a v e l l i wrote i n The Discourses: "...quite l a t e l y the k i n g of England attacked the kingdom of France, and employed f o r that purpose no other s o l d i e r s except h i s own subj e c t s ; and although h i s own kingdom had been for over t h i r t y years i n profound peace, so that he had a t f i r s t n e i t h e r s o l d i e r s nor oaptains who had seen any a c t i v e militarys e r v i c e , yet he d i d not h e s i t a t e w i t h such troops to a s s a i l a kingdom that had many experienced commanders and good s o l d i e r s , who had been c o n t i n u a l l y under arms i n the I t a l i a n wars. He was enabled to do t h i s because he was a sagacious p r i n c e , and h i s kingdom was w e l l ordered, so that i n time of peace the m i l i t a r y a r t had not been neglected". 26 This i s high p r a i s e from M a c h i a v e l l i who wrote so s t r o n g l y i n favor of r e l y i n g on n a t i v e troops, and who considered  that  25) Shakespeare's Holinshed W.G-. Boswell-Stone, ed., London, - •„ Ohatto and Windus P u b l i s h e r s , 1907, p. 420 and ©.421. 26) The Discourses, I ? XKI, 175 - 176  -53-  oapacity i n war and the study of the a r t of war during peaoe were the f i r s t r e q u i s i t e s of p r i n c e l y power. I f i t i s t r u e , as M a c h i a v e l l i claims, that wise coune-  27 i l l o r s demonstrate the wiadom of the p r i n c e ,  then Henry V I I I  was s c a r c e l y l e s s able a r u l e r than h i s f a t h e r , although h i s dissoluteness, self-indulgence  and capriciousness  e a s i l y appear l a c k i n g i n greatness.  make him  The t r u t h i s that Henry  had a succession of the ablest statesmen i n England's h i s t o r y r Thomas Wolsey, Thomas Cromwell, Thomas Cranmer, Thomas More. Of these, two are notably types discussed by M a o h i a v e l l i , Although Henry V I I I was himself not i n a c t i v e i n the f o r e i g n diplomacy of England, being p a r t i c u l a r l y concerned w i t h the i n t r i g u e s to f e e l out the strength and i n t e n t i o n s of the German Protestant f o r c e s , the f o r e i g n p o l i c y of the e a r l y part of h i s r e i g n was c h i e f l y guided by l o l s e y , whose s k i l l i n manoeuvring f o r E n g l i s h influence as between France and Spain was M a o h i a v e l l i a n .  Wolsey's s e l f - s e e k i n g , however be-?  trayed him, and he s u f f e r e d the f a t e of c o u n c i l l o r s who i n c l i n e to s a c r i f i c e the i n t e r e s t s of a sovereign both powerful and cunning.  When h i s personal ambition rendered him useless  and even dangerous to Henry, he was dismissed, disgraced and l e f t to d i e i n retirement, 27) The Prinoe, m i l ,  Henry's behaviour toward Wolsey  103 & 108.  54-  as l a t e r toward Cromwell waa marked by the astuteness  and r u t h -  lessness that bespeaks the wise prince according to M a e h i a v e l l i .  28  Thomas Cromwell, l i k e Wolsey, ran a course from a p o s i t i o n low i n the s o c i a l scale t o that of the f i r s t statesman i n the n a t i o n , next t o the k i n g .  Son of a man who was  i n turn a brewer,  smith and armourer, he had a l l the d r i v e and arrogance of a Tamburlane,  As a youth he ran away from home, served i n arms i n  I t a l y and France, entered trade i n the Low Countries and i n I t a l y and returned to England i n 1512, as a merchant and shearman.  to enter the wool trade  L a t e r , he began to p r a c t i c e as an  attorney, and became known to Wolsey i n 152G  as a man  of law.  Thomas Cromwell i s described as i r r e s i s t i b l e and r e l e n t l e s s , c a r r y i n g out h i s tasks i n a p e r f e c t disregard of human feeling.  He was  charged by Henry w i t h the o r g a n i z a t i o n of the  d e s t r u c t i o n of Papal power i n England, and he d i d i t w i t h a thoroughness that made h i s work i r r e v o c a b l e .  He i s the f i r s t  of England's statesmen to whom has been a t t r i b u t e d a knowledge of M a o h i a v e l l i * s The P r i n o e .  2 9  Whether or not Cromwell had ever seen or possessed a copy of The P r i n c e , what h i s experiences were i n I t a l y ,  how  28) The Prinoe, Ohs. XXII & X X I I I , pp. 103-108 29) I n n e s , A.D. Ten Tudor Statesmen, p. 98; F e l l h e i m e r , Jeannetie, ' The Englishman's.Conception of "the I t a l i a n i n the Age of Shakespeare, p.m. ; E i n s t e i n , Lewis, The I t a l i a n flenaislTanoe In England, p. an ; ^.sqi els™.  -55  much he was a f f e c t e d by the unorthodoxy of I t a l y or how much he was a product of the whole trend of western Europe toward absolutism i n government and unorthodoxy i n r e l i g i o n would be hard to say; but i n character and career he i s t y p i c a l of one of the princes and c o u n c i l l o r s w i t h whom M a c h i a v e l l i d e a l t the prince who f a i l e d properly to r e s t r a i n h i s c r u e l t i e s , who f a i l e d t o keep himself from becoming g e n e r a l l y hated, and who, i n s e r v i n g as a c o u n s e l l o r and agent of another prinee was v i c t i m i z e d when h i s end became necessary to M s master. In compassing h i s task of removing the power o f the C a t h o l i c Church from England, Cromwell moved from the i n c i d e n t a l to the b a s i c , from the lower t o the higher.  F i r s t he attacked  the c l e r i c a l abuses whioh so outraged the masses of the people, and i n doing so won popular support; then he a s s a i l e d the p r i v i l e g e s of churchmen, who were i s o l a t e d by the envy of the other n o b i l i t y ; and then he c o n f i s c a t e d the church and monastio p r o p e r t i e s , making them a v a i l a b l e to the new n o b i l i t y , whose sympathies l a y w i t h the king's p o l i c i e s .  I n t h i s he deprived  the church of economic s t r e n g t h and enriched the f o l l o w e r s of the k i n g , c r e a t i n g a new s e c u l a r power to replace the power of the Holy See i n England.  When Cromwell's work against the  papal a u t h o r i t y i n England had beefa completed, however, h i s  -56-  maater, Henry  VIII,  had him a r r e s t e d and charged w i t h  treaaon;  and he used Cromwell's laws, h i s concept of treason and h i s f a v o r i t e process, a t t a i n d e r , against him. Cromwell was t r i e d and beheaded.  Like Cesare Borgia's-p Hemirro de Oreo, he had 30  f u l f i l l e d h i s task and could be disposed o f . M a c h i a v e l l i a n p o l i c y , the p r i n c i p l e of p r i n c e l y a b s o l utism b u i l t upon the nice balancing of the claims of the n o b i l i ty and of the people, but r e s t i n g i n the f i n a l a n a l y s i s upon the favor of the people, had so triumphed i n E n g l i s h government by the time of Henry V I I I ' s death that the i n s t i t u t i o n s and p r a c t i c e s i t had made t r a d i t i o n a l withstood the d i s i n t e g r a t i n g i n f l u e n c e of the weak and discordant r u l e s of the t o o - p a r t i s a n Edward V I and of the f a n a t i c a l l y C a t h o l i c Mary; and E l i z a b e t h came to the throne_ to exercise M a c h i a v e l l i a n s t a t e c r a f t w i t h renewed v i g o r .  Thanks to the " p o l i t i c k e wisdom" of her grand-  f a t h e r and f a t h e r , E l i z a b e t h exercised her s k i l l as a prince through a f i r m l y e s t a b l i s h e d parliament  and a system of c o u n c i l s ,  courts and commissions, l a y and e c c l e s i a s t i c a l , whioh fused t r a d i t i o n and novelty i n government so p r e c i s e l y that the feudal forms that had r e i n f o r c e d l o c a l immunities had become 30) The P r i n o e , V I I , 29  -57  the media of c e n t r a l i z e d c o n t r o l , and the new  i n s t i t u t i o n s such  as the Star Chamber and the n a t i o n a l churoh prevented the o l d order from being r e s t o r e d .  The M a c h i a v e l l i a n dream was  here  realized in fact, E l i z a b e t h ' s f i r s t task was to r e i n f o r c e her new  state  w i t h a r e l i g i o n that would prove i n t o l e r a b l e to n e i t h e r P u r i t a n nor C a t h o l i c .  She d i d t h i s by means of the Act of Supremacy  and the Act of Uniformity, which e s t a b l i s h e d her as "supreme governor", not as supreme head (a nice d i s t i n c t i o n that w e l l i l l u s t r a t e s E l i z a b e t h ' s c a p a c i t y f o r equivocation)  of the  Church of England i n command of a corps of e c c l e s i a s t i c s ;  and  she adopted the prayer book by Cranmer as the a u t h o r i t a t i v e guide to f a i t h .  For enforcement of t h i s reform, she  character-  i s t i c a l l y r e l i e d on a combination of force and persuasion  -  the i n q u i s i t o r i a l court of High Commission and the p a r i s h c l e r g y , whose appointment depended on the queen's f a v o r . In the r e l i g i o u s settlement, E l i z a b e t h was r a t i o n a l and political.  She sought to r e t a i n the episcopacy i n the church,  but to e s t a b l i s h the l a i t y , crown and parliament as masters i n the realm as a whole.  The church, she intended, should be  instrument of p r i n c e l y power.  an  This r a t i o n a l a t t i t u d e toward  1  58-  r e l i g i o n , so t y p i c a l of M a c h i a v e l l i (who c e r t a i n l y was no a t h e i s t ) was evident also i n her f o r e i g n p o l i c y . the Congregation democratic  She hacked  of the Lord, a Protestant body w i t h strong  f e a t u r e s , i n Scotland, i n i t s e f f o r t s to oust  C a t h o l i c French i n f l u e n c e from the country, and she gave a i d to the P r o t e s t a n t Netherlands  and to the French Huguenots  against the C a t h o l i c s and Spain; but her a i d was doled out c a u t i o u s l y so that i t might do no more than keep any one f o r c e from becoming too powerful.  I n t h i s she aimed a t checking her  r e l i g i o u s and commercial r i v a l s who threatened her possession of the throne and England's independence.  -  Her f o r e i g n p o l i c y she regarded as a c o n t i n u a t i o n of that of Henry V I I and Henry V I I I , who played o f f one r i v a l against another, and j u d i c i o u s l y aided the l e s s strong against the powerful, on the l i n e s advocated by M a c h i a v e l l i .  Nor was  she above using her own person as a pawn i n the.game i n order to keep the r i v a l powers guessing whom she might marry. I n her f i g h t f o r a n a t i o n a l church subservient to the _ crown, E l i z a b e t h tended to be t o l e r a n t , and to l i m i t punishment f o r recusancy to f i n e s ; but when the p o l i t i c a l and commercial power of Spain, j o i n e d w i t h a r e v i v e d C a t h o l i c movement spearheaded by the f a n a t i c a l J e s u i t s , launched a determined campaign  -59-  to conquer England f o r Spain and C a t h o l i c i s m , her p o l i c y changed.  From 1564, a f t e r the Counoil of Trent, and p a r t i c u -  l a r l y a f t e r the Pope excommunicated E l i z a b e t h i n 1570, C a t h o l i c non-conformity became i d e n t i f i e d w i t h treason, and executions mounted/ as the p l o t s against E l i z a b e t h m u l t i p l i e d and Spain's preparations f o r i n v a s i o n became more open. E l i z a b e t h ' s capacity to r e t a i n her p o p u l a r i t y w i t h the great m a j o r i t y of her subjects never f a i l e d her.  L i k e her  f a t h e r and grandfather, she never ferb"ke the l i n k of her i n t e r e s t s w i t h those of the people; f o r while her s k i l l i n diplomacy served her w e l l , i t was the promotion of England as a t r a d i n g and indust r i a l n a t i o n , u n i f i e d against a l l r i v a l s , that gave the Sudors t h e i r s e c u r i t y and power.  Without t h e i r economic p o l i c y v o f . p r o -  t e c t i o n and promotion of the merchant adventurers  and a r t i s a n  c l a s s e s , and a l s o the squirarohy that blossomed with the r e duction of the great f e u d a l estates and the growing importance of trade, the Tudors, f o r a l l t h e i r other p r i n c e l y q u a l i t i e s would not have conformed to the times, and would not have won the g l o r y and renown of being the a r c h i t e c t s of B r i t a i n ' s u n i t y and empire. E l i z a b e t h refused to be bound by the o l d n o b i l i t y .  She  chose her own m i n i s t e r s , and f i l l e d her c o u n c i l and court w i t h new men.  She treated, the parliament as her c h i e f support, but a l s o as her c h i l d , and f l a t t e r e d i t s members without s c r u p l e ; but she dared not t r y l o y a l t y too harshly by t a x a t i o n , and she h e r s e l f became a merchant and a promoter of merchant e n t e r p r i s e s i n order to maintain her t r e a s u r y . She was s c e p t i c a l , dishonest, c o q u e t t i s h and hard-headed. She kept her m i n i s t e r s guessing and her court f a v o r i t e s i n a constant d i s q u i e t .  Because of the s a n i t y of the p o l i c y that  emerged from the carryings-on of t h i s woman, who exasperated more than one ambassador and h a r r i e d m i n i s t e r , because of the success of her r u l e i n s o l v i n g the domestic and f o r e i g n problems of her country, one can only conclude that her moods and passions were at l e a s t h a l f c a l c u l a t e d to keep the enemies w i t h which she was surrounded guessing, and unsure of how to accomplish t h e i r ends; and to t r y to stave o f f the i n e v i t a b l e hour of d e c i s i o n , when the new world being ushered i n by Tudor p o l i c y would r i s e up and supersede both the o l d order and the t r a n s i t i o n a l despotism.  As one reviews the s i t u a t i o n s that confronted  E l i z a b e t h , both as a r u l e r and as a person, and examines the s o l u t i o n s she a r r i v e d at and the processes by which she a r r i v e d at those s o l u t i o n s , one i s c o n s t a n t l y reminded of the arguments i n The P r i n c e and i n the Discourses.  -61-  E l i z a b e t h was p h y s i c a l l y and mentally vigorous; she  was  courageous and learned; and although she was not a Joan of Arc she kept a s t r i c t watch over her m i l i t a r y commanders.  She  had  her own notions of s t a t e p o l i c y and conveyed them to her adv i s e r s when i t s u i t e d her convenience.  She was s e n s i t i v e to  her standing as a p r i n c e a n d of h e r - a u t h o r i t y . She t r u s t e d no one, i t appears, not even her most l o y a l m i n i s t e r s ; but r e t a i n e d those whom she knew to be indispensable to the success of her government and whose p o s i t i o n r e s t e d w i t h her; and by such she allowed h e r s e l f to be cautioned and checked. favor and how to execute.  She knew how  to  Often peevish, v a c i l l a t i n g or ob-  s t i n a t e , she has been c h a r a c t e r i z e d as one of the keenest p o l i t i c a l minds of her time.  She had a vast experience of  s t a t e c r a f t , and remarkable power to judge c h a r a c t e r .  As a  renaissance prinoe she i l l u s t r a t e d the t r u t h of M a c h i a v e l l i ^ c o n c l u s i o n that " I t t i s impossible f o r a p r i n c e , and s p e c i a l l i e -such a one as i s newlie raysed to that e s t a t e , d u l i e to observe those thinges whioh oauseth men to be esteemed vertuous, f o r he s h a l l be constrayned spyte of h i s harte to transgres the bondes of p y t t i e , faythe honestie courtesie and r e l i g i o n : and therefore i t i s b e h o o f f u l l f o r him to c a r r i e a mynde & d i s p o s i t i o n readie to a l t e r w i t h a l l weathers, as the v a r i a t i o n of fortune s h a l l m i n i s t e r occasion, as to followe the best, and to be vertuous y f he  -62-  maye, but y f that w i l l not serve, not to be s e r i p u l o u s to f o l l o w e the c o n t r a r i e . A prince shoulde observe w i t h a l l d i l l i g e n c e and care that noe woorde sholde passe h i s mouthe that d i d not savour of one of these f i v e q u a l l i t i e s before meneioned, and wheresoever he were seene or hearde, he should seeme w i t h great reverenceto e x t o l l and imbrase P i t t i e Fayth Honestie courtesie .& R e l i g i o n and s p e c i a i l i e the l a s t e , f o r men g e n e r a l l i e are c a r r i e d away w i t h the shewe of thinges, not w i t h the substance, everie man can see but fewe can judge, there i s noe man but seeth what thow seemest to bee, but fewe can deserne what thow a r t e indeede. Which fewe dar not gainesay the opinion of the m u l t i t u d e , which haue the maiestie of the prinoe fior t h e i r e defence. In the A c t i o n s of men, & e s p e o i a l l i e i n princes causes (whioh are not determinable by lawe nor c a l l e d i n question before judges) the lookers on f o r the most parte marke the evente not the causes, the ende not the maner of t h e i r prooeedinges, Lett a prince therefore provide f o r the s a f e t i e of h i s person and s e c u r i t i e of h i s estate and never dowbte but what meanes soever i t be doon (soe i t cary a shewe of honestie) i t shalbe construed . to the best, and be thought woorthy of great prayse and commendacion, f o r the common people are o a r r i e d away w i t h the semblance of honestie and good eventes of A c t i o n s , and t r u l i e the wholle worlde i t i s but a oommuflaltie, f o r the wiser sorte that can judge of thinges a r i g h t are placed i n such roomes where the multitude cannot come unto". 31 E l i z a b e t h ' s v o l a t i l e p e r s o n a l i t y , her bravery and energy recommended her to the populace; who witnessed the graciousness of her manner during pageants, experienced the p r o s p e r i t y w i t h 31) The P r i n c e , X V I I I , 77 - 78.  -63-  which her r u l e endowed England on the w h o l e a n d were impressed by the number and s e v e r i t y of her proclamations. As w i l l be shown l a t e r i n greater d e t a i l , by the time of E l i z a b e t h the w r i t i n g s of M a c h i a v e l l i were c i r c u l a t i n g i n England i n published as w e l l as manuscript form.  That the  M a c h i a v e l l i a n q u a l i t i e s of the p o l i c i e s of the Tudors were 32  appreciated by some Englishmen would seem to be undoubted. That these p o l i c i e s were g e n e r a l l y approved and applauded i s t e s t i f i e d to by the r e l a t i v e ease w i t h which the Tudors r e t a i n e d t h e i r throne, and the tremendous support they received while 33 e f f e c t i n g r a d i c a l reformsj  the growth of n a t i o n a l consciousness  and the p a t r i o t i c fervour shown under t h e i r r u l e . The i d e n t i t y of England's i n c r e a s i n g greatness as a n a t i o n w i t h the person of the monarch becomes most notable under Elizabeth.  I t i s p r e c i s e l y under E l i z a b e t h , however, that the  devil-possessed M a c h i a v e l l i a n appears upon the E n g l i s h stage, c l e a r l y l a b e l l e d and l o u d l y denounced.  At the same time,  however, as w i l l be shown, the true prinoe as M a c h i a v e l l i def i n e d him i s also paraded on the stage, but untagged, and, apparently, unrecognised. Why true M a c h i a v e l l i a n s could emerge upon the stage 32) Jeannette F e l l h e i m e r , The Englishman's Conception of the , I t a l i a n in.the Age of Shakespeare, Chapter IV c i t e s evidence of l i b r a r i e s , l e t t e r s and anecdotes. 33) The Calendar of the Carew Manuscripts. 1589 - 1600, ed. J.S..Brewer, M.A. and Wm. B u l l e n , London, Longmans, Green & Co., 1869, gives evidence of the overwhelming support extended to E l i z a b e t h i n her church reforms, from c l e r g y as w e l l as l a i t y , pp. x x x - x x x l  -64-  without being ao l a b e l l e d must now be c l e a r to readers.  It is,  s u r e l y , that the c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n of the prince i n terms r e f l e c t i n g those of M a c h i a v e l l i must have s t r u c k the audience w i t h the force of t r u t h , and impressed i t w i t h the accuracy and f u l l n e s s w i t h which the character defined contemporary p o l i t i c a l p r a c t i c e . I t i s , s u r e l y , that M a c h i a v e l l i ' s s e l e c t i o n of p r i n c e l y characteri s t i c s e s s e n t i a l to s u c c e s s f u l renaissance  government was d i s -  c r i m i n a t i n g and exaot, and that the appearance on the stage of a t r u l y M a c h i a v e l l i a n r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of a s u c c e s s f u l  renaissance  monarch would be reoeived by the audience with r e c o g n i t i o n and approval.  I t i s , s u r e l y , that the q u a l i t i e s c i t e d as d i s t i n g u i s h -  ing the true M a c h i a v e l l i a n prince - as r e s o l u t i o n , v a l o r , r e sourcefulness, self-assurance, cunning, s u b t l e t y , d i s s i m u l a t i o n and shrewdness, an a f f e c t a t i o n of p i e t y , d i g n i t y , the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of the p u r s u i t of h i s own advantage w i t h the promotion of p u b l i c w e l f a r e , general tolerance and a capacity f o r r u t h lessness - epitomized  the q u a l i t i e s c a l l e d f o r t h by the problems  of the age. I n other words, the p r i n c i p l e s of renaissance  poli"-  t i c a l power, as expounded i n the works of M a c h i a v e l l i and demons t r a t e d i n the plays designed to extenuate the p r a c t i c e of the Tudors, f e l l upon the theatre audiences of E l i z a b e t h ' s time w i t h the impact of r e a l i t y , and r e i n f o r c e d the confidence of the people i n t h e i r l e a d e r s .  She romantic M a c h i a v e l l i a n , how-  ever was an extravagance, a bogey.  -66<  Chapter I I I A n t i - Machiavellianism  The s t o r y i s t o l d that i n 1 5 2 7 Thomas CBomwell, m i n i s t e r to Henry V I I I and p u p i l of C a r d i n a l Wolsey i n s t a t e c r a f t , advised Reginald P o l e , l a t e r C a r d i n a l P o l e , c o u n s e l l o r t o the C a t h o l i c Queen Mary, " . . . . t o drop highflown i d e a s , and l e a r n the p r a c t i c a l business of a p o l i t i c i a n by studying M a c h i a v e l l i ' s 1  P r i n c e , W h e t h e r  or not the s t o r y i s h i s t o r i c a l l y w e l l  founded i n f a c t , i t presents a c c u r a t e l y the d i v i s i o n between those who embraced the theses of M a c h i a v e l l i , and those who clung t o the medieval-Catholic concept of p o l i t i c a l power, Cromwell was one of the c h i e f a r c h i t e c t s of the r e l i g i o u s independence of England and of that indispensable b u t t r e s s of absolute monarchy, a n a t i o n a l church; P o l e , on the other hand was a ceaseless f i g h t e r f o r the r e s t o r a t i o n of papal a u t h o r i t y and the r i g h t s of the ancient n o b i l i t y i n England,  To Pole  and t o those who looked out on l i f e w i t h h i s eyes, the Machiav e l l i a n t h e s i s was impious, a t h e i s t i c and i m p l i c i t w i t h d i s order.  Out of the c o n f l i c t between these opposing p o i n t s of  1 ) A.D. Innes, Ten Tudor Statesmen, London, Grayson & G y s o n , p. . 9 8 . ra  view .the M a c h i a v e l l i a n bogey evolved. There i s p l e n t y of evidence, as has been noted f o r example by Edward Meyer,  2  Jeannette Fellheimer 3  a n  Hardin C r a i g , k-  £  i n t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e works, that M a c h i a v e l l i was favorably accepted i n England.  I n 15^9*  originally  W i l l i a m Thomas, an  h i s t o r i a n undertaking to w r i t e of I t a l y , decided t o base h i s work on M a c h i a v e l l i s H i s t o r y of Florence, as the one on which 1  a l l authors agreed best, 5 i n d i c a t i n g that the then novel m a t e r i a l i s t i c approach of M a c h i a v e l l i to the p r a c t i c e of princes and to the o r i g i n s of s o c i e t y and of power was not outrageous to the E l i z a b e t h a n students of h i s t o r y . I n 1562,  when the  f i r s t e d i t i o n of M a c h i a v e l l i ' s A r t of War was published I n E n g l i s h , the e p i s t l e dedicatory, addressed to Queen E l i z a b e t h , showed only respect and admiration f o r M a c h i a v e l l i ^.  1573  In  G a b r i e l Harvey then a student a t Cambridge, wrote to M. Remington, a f r i e n d , asking f o r the l o a n of M a c h i a v e l l i * s book. h i s l e t t e r he r e f e r r e d to M a c h i a v e l l i as " and master of p o l l i c i e s *  In  *ye greate founder  and he s t a t e d ,  11  »I purpose to  peruse him only, not misuse him; and s u p e r f i c i a l l y t o surveie 2) Edward Meyer, M a c h i a v e l l i and the E l i z a b e t h a n Drama, V e r l a g Von Emil F e l b e r , ltJ97« 3) Jeannette F e l l h e i m e r , The Englishman's Conception of I t a l i a n i n the Age of Shakespeare, U n i v e r s i t y of London T h e s i s , 1935. l±) Hardin C r a i g , M a c h i a v e l l i * s The P r i n c e , Chapel H i l l , U n i v e r s i t y of North C a r o l i n a Press, 19l|4» I n t r o d u c t i o n . 5) F e l l h e i m e r , op* c i t . p. 180* 6) I b i d , p. 182, 1  Weimar, the M.A. The  -68  h i s f o r r e s t s of p o l l i c i e , not g u i l e f u l l y to conveie awaie " . L a t e r , i n 1579* Harvey remarked  h i s i n t e r e s t i n them*  7  upon the p o p u l a r i t y of Machiavelli»s w r i t i n g s at Cambridge and noted t h a t the extent.to which they were read was remarkable.  He described " ' an odd crewe or tooe as cunninge '  i n M a c h i a v e l l i and i n  H  'certayne g a l l a n t Turkish  M  Discourses'",  which, he claimed, were r e p l a c i n g l o g i c and moral and n a t u r a l philosophy i n student i n t e r e s t . -®  I n l57lj.» S i r P h i l i p Sidney,  w r i t i n g from Padua to Hugh Languet, staged that he "» never could be induced t o b e l i e v e that M a c h i a v e l l i was r i g h t about avoiding excess of clemency u n t i l (he) learned from ( h i s ) own experience what ( M a c h i a v e l l i ) has endeavoured w i t h many arguments to prove' "• 9 Languet, r e p l y i n g , r e f e r r e d to Sidney as Machiavelli«s f r i e n d * These references t o M a c h i a v e l l i , voiced by E n g l i s h s c h o l a r s , i n d i c a t e at l e a s t i n t e r e s t i n M a c h i a v e l l i , and i n some instances, approval©  Government records f u r t h e r r e v e a l that f a m i l i a r i t y  w i t h M a c h i a v e l l i extended to the court n o b i l i t y .  A note i n  Queen E l i z a b e t h ' s Common-Place Book f o r the years 1596 - l603  7) F e l l h e l m e r , op. c i t . p.,!B5 8) Meyer, M a c h i a v e l l i and the E l i z a b e t h a n Drama, p. 25 9; F e l l h e l m e r , The Englishmen's Conception, p.""18o  -6 9 -  r e f e r s t o " ' C e r t e i n s e l e c t e d chapters s e l e c t e d out of Nicholas Machiavel h i s 3 books of discourses upon the f i r s t decade of Livie»  A l e t t e r from John Blount i n 1 6 0 2 makes mention  ^  of C e c i l , Lord B u r l e i g h , as a M a c h i a v e l l i a n ; and e a r l i e r , i n l55l»  S i r W. P i c k e r i n g i ambassador t o Prance, w r i t i n g t o  B u r l e i g h , spoke of the Discourses of M a c h i a v e l l i which he had ordered bound, but which he had burned because they were bungled. F u r t h e r , the C e c i l papers a t H a t f i e l d House, c o n t a i n i n g 'Certayne s e l e c t e d chapters t r a n s l a t e d out of Nicholas M a c h l a v e l l h i s 3 books of Discourses upon the f i r s t decade of L i v i e  offer  1  evidence t h a t B u r l e i g h d i d indeed consult M a c h i a v e l l i s work* 1  When Thomas B e d i n g f i e l d dedicated h i s H i s t o r y of Florence (1595)  t o S i r Christopher Hatton, he defended h i s doing so by the  hope he had-that h i s l o r d s h i p , although he had read jthe o r i g i n a l ; , would "  1  f o r v a n i t i e s ' sake....againe vouchsafe t o read i t i n  our English.» ^ w  T h i s , and a good deal more evidence l i k e i t ,  gathered together i n Chapter Four of Miss Fellheimer's work and i n the work of Edward Meyer, already r e f e r r e d t o , f o r t i f i e s the impression that not only B u r l e i g h , but L e i c e s t e r ,  Walsinghan,  S i r Thomas•Smith, Lord Rutland, the E a r l of Northumberland, Lord John Lumley and o t h e r s , could have and l i k e l y had read 10) 11) 12)  F e l l h e l m e r , The Englishman's Ibid.p. 227 Feaiheimer, o p . c i t . p. 2 2 8  Conception, p. 2 2 b  -70-  M a c h i a v e l l i e i t h e r i n E n g l i s h manuscript t r a n s l a t i o n or I n French, I t a l i a n or L a t i n p r i n t e d e d i t i o n s * I n a d d i t i o n t o s c h o l a r s , c o u r t i e r s and men h i g h i n the government of E l i z a b e t h , men of r e l i g i o n were a l s o g i v i n g a t t e n t i o n t o M a c h i a v e l l i * a theses.  An e a r l y expression of the  church's c r i t i c i s m i s given i n a sermon by Rev. Edwin Sandys: n  'There i s no p o l i c y , no widsom l i k e the Bisdom of God. The Commonwealth which A r i s t o t l e and P l a t o have framed i n t h e i r books, otherwise f u l l of wisdom, yet compared w i t h t h a t c i t y f o r whose sake and b e n e f i t the Lord doth watch, what are they but f a n c i e s of f o o l i s h men? As f o r Machiavel's i n v e n t i o n s , they are but the dreams of a b r a i n - s i c k person, founded upon the c r a f t o f man, and not godly wisdom, which only hath good e f f e c t . Godly p r i n c e s have no need t o seek f o r counsel a t these men's hands; the mouth of the Lord i s s u f f i c i e n t f o r them* 13 1  11  By the lf>80»s however, the name of M a c h i a v e l l i was becomi n g the synonym f o r e v i l ambition.  The widely disseminated  and much discussed pamphlet a t t r i b u t e d t o the notorious J e s u i t p l o t t e r , Father Parsons, had a l a r g e share i n developing this reaction.  I n t h i s pamphlet,, e n t i t l e d Leyeester's Common-  wealth ( l £ 8 a ) . Leicester^warned against advancing  Huntington  too f a r , as, the pamphlet notes, h i s t o r y has shown that those  13)  F e l l h e i m e r , o p . c i t . p. 186  -71  advanced sometimes t u r n on those who aided them, as, f o r example, Henry V I I turned upon and executed Lord Stanley, and R i c h a r d I I I turned upon and executed Buckingham: L e i c e s t e r , t h e r e f o r e , the pamphlet argues, should be wary, and that n  'not without reason, as S e i g n i o r Machavel my Lords C o u n c i l l -  our a f f i r m e t h « |W  The pamphlet f u r t h e r comments upon " 'a  s e t t l e d r u l e of Machivel, which the Dudlles do observe:  That  where you have onceddone a great i n j u r y , there you must never forgive*  1  ^  Thus from the recommendation of Thomas Cromwell t o the warning t o Lord L e i c e s t e r , the evidence i s ample that the t h e s i s of M a c h i a v e l l i had the a t t e n t i o n of persons of various ranks and i n t e r e s t s ; r e a c t i o n to it#  and t h a t people were d i v i d e d i n t h e i r  As the century advanced opinion h o s t i l e to  M a c h i a v e l l i grew sharper and more v o c i f e r o u s , u n t i l i n the l a s t decade the name of M a c h i a v e l l i became a synonym f o r the d e v i l , and the e p i t h e t a p p l i e d t o the most d i a b o l i c a l stage In 1*J53> Roger Ascham defined Machiavelli«s doc-  villtija)ns* t r i n e as  n  'to thincke say and do what sooner may  serve f o r p r o f i t s or pleasure ' ; ^ n  best  and, while he may  not  have approved then, he does not e x h i b i t the f e e l i n g which  ll(.) Meyer, op>oit» p» 29 15) F e l l h e l m e r , op<,cit«p« 180  72-  he expresses i n 1 5 7 0 i n h i s c l a i m that a l l are M a c h i a v e l l i a n s who  " l . . . a l l i e themselves w i t h the worst P a p i s t e s , t o whom they be wedded and do w e l l agree i n three proper opini o n s : I n open contempts of Goddes worde: I n a secrete s e c n r i t i e o f sinne: and i n a bloodie d e s i r e to have a l l taken away, by sword and burning, that be not of t h e i r f a c t i o n « ". l 6 G a b r i e l Harvey, who i n 1 5 7 3 had been a student of Machiav e l l i and had recognized i n him a master of p o l i c y , i n 1 5 7 8 wrote a L a t i n poem i n which he l i s t e d the four crimes that were to become i n c r e a s i n g l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h M a c h i a v e l l i a n 17  villains:  poison, murder, f r a u d , and v i o l e n c e *  In  1579»  i n a l e t t e r t o Spenser, he expressed fear of the harmful e f f e c t s the study of M a c h i a v e l l i might have on the Cambridge students* He, who i n 1 5 7 3 had c a l l e d M a c h i a v e l l i i n 1 5 7 8 , called'him  n  ^  • unicus i n p o l i t i c i s •",  " »Deus R i g i d ! Tyranni » ".  1 9  After 1576  the denunciation of M a c h i a v e l l i becomes a chorus i n which Robert Greene, Thomas Lodge, Christopher Marlowe, Thomas Howell, G a b r i e l Harvey, Richard Harvey, Thomas Nashe and others r a i s e d t h e i r v o i c e s , pronouncing him a "poysoner", a »waiverer , a M  "master of h e l l " , a " c o r r u p t e r " , a "lawgiver t o those s t r i v i n g t o e x c e l l i n t y r a n n i c " , a "brocher of D i a b o l l i c a l Atheisme". They l i n k him w i t h treachery, apostasy, u n c l e a n l i n e s s ; and lb) 17) 18) 19)  Meyer, o p * c i t * p. 17 ~~ I b i d , p. 22 F e l l h e i m e r , o p . c i t * p* 1 9 9 I b i d , p. 1 9 8  -73-  they define h i s p r i n c i p l e s as " p e s t i l l e n t M a c h i a v e l l i a n policy".  '  /  This a t t i t u d e of outrage toward M a c h i a v e l l i , which emerged i n t o l i t e r a t u r e during the 1 5 7 0 ' s and i n t o the drama a l i t t l e more than a decade l a t e r , continued i n t o the quarter of the seventeenth century.  I t was  first  at i t s height  when the great tragedies and h i s t o r i c a l dramas were produced f o r which the E l i z a b e t h a n  age  i s famous.  By the end of the  r e i g n of James I , however, r i d i c u l e , c a r i c a t u r e and parody were superseding the p o r t r a i t of M a c h i a v e l l i as Satan, and prominent p e r s o n a l i t i e s , l i k e S i r F r a n c i s Bacon had  written  t h e i r considered approval of M a c h i a v e l l i ' s thought.  The  bogey had come and gone; but the character and i n t e n t of M a c h i a v e l l i ' s work had been e f f e c t i v e l y d i s t o r t e d . M a c h i a v e l l i ' s spectacular  r i s e to prominence i n the  theatre and i n c o n t r o v e r s i a l l i t e r a t u r e as the synonym f o r satanic v i l l a i n y , p a r t i c u l a r l y a f t e r 1 5 7 6 , need wf i«s we bear i n mind the h i s t o r y of the time. 1  not  surprise  Even^Machia-  v e l l i wrote h i s P r i n c e , the. c o n f l i c t over supremacy raging between the church and the secular s t a t e , which was  i n essence  the c o n f l i c t between the medieval C h r i s t i a n and the renaissance n a t i o n a l concept of the nature of power was  under way  in a l l  -7k-  western Europe,  By the time of E l i z a b e t h t h i s c o n f l i c t had  reaehedj.its peak i n England,  The c r i s i s was r e s o l v e d , as we  know, during the l a s t decade of the s i x t e e n t h century  with  the s u c c e s s f u l defence of E n g l i s h n a t i o n a l independence under a sovereign k i n g and n a t i o n a l church.  I t was p r e c i s e l y during  these years of c r i s i s that the stage M a c h i a v e l l i a n f l o u r i s h e d ; f o r the Tudor abandonment of the t r a d i t i o n a l C a t h o l i c - f e u d a l outlook and t h e i r vigorous p u r s u i t of n a t i o n a l despotic power was proof to b e l i e v i n g C a t h o l i c s that E l i z a b e t h and  her  c o u n c i l were dominated by " p o l i t i c k e atheisms'* j whereas the p a r t i s a n s of E l i z a b e t h found the a c t i v i t i e s of those who promoted C a t h o l i c claimants to the throne equally g u i l t y of wickedness, i r r e l i g i o n , and s e d i t i o n . Behind the M a c h i a v e l l i a n v i l l a i n l a y h i s t o r y ; and term " p o l i t i c k e a t h e i s t e " had a v e r y . s p e c i f i c meaning.  the Accord-  i n g t o the d i s c u s s i o n of E l i z a b e t h a n atheism i n chapter three 20  of Ernest A. Strathmann's S i r Walter R a l e i g h ,  inward or  secret atheism had i t s roots i n schism and heresy; that i s , because of the nature of power as the d i r e c t and v i s i b l e e v i dence of G-od's r u l e on e a r t h , the break-up of western Christendom  i n t o secular n a t i o n a l states bred both wickedness and d i s -  2 0 ) Ernest A. Strathmann, S i r Walter R a l e i g h , A Study i n E l i z a b e t h a n Skepticism, New York, Columbia U n i v e r s i t y Press,  1951•  -75loyalty.  This wickedness and d i s l o y a l t y was a creeping  thing  that i n f e c t e d people while they remained s c a r c e l y aware of i t s growth; and i t s most v i r u l e n t expression was the a c t i v i t y of the " p o l i t i c k s a t h e i s t e " who w i t h a f f e c t e d p i e t y , smooth words, s u b t l e t y and secret crime wrested power from those appointed by god to r u l e . one who, his  The  " p o l i t i c k e a t h e i s t e " i n other words, was  while p r o f e s s i n g f a i t h , s e c r e t l y i n h i s heart or by  deeds challenged  the hierarchy e s t a b l i s h e d by God and  i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of l i f e i n h i s Word.  As C a t h o l i c s and  the  Protest-  ants both claimed to represent t r u t h and d i v i n e order, each charged the other w i t h atheism once the cry was r a i s e d ; and n e i t h e r n e c e s s a r i l y i m p l i e d a d i s b e l i e f i n God  i n h i s opponent.  Thus, as Mr. Strathmann notes i n the opening of h i s chapter on the question, atheism became what he c a l l s a " s n a r l word", which any one might use against whoever disagreed w i t h them i n r e l i gious or p o l i t i c a l opinion.  E l i z a b e t h was a " p o l i t i c k s  a t h e i s t e " to the supporters of the papacy, and a l s o to the P u r i t a n s w i t h i n the A n g l i c a n Church; B u r l e i g h , L e i c e s t e r , Hatton^Essex might be " p o l i t i c k e a t h e i s t e s " to the e a r l s of the North and t h e i r C a t h o l i c supporters.  In these circumstances,  i t i s not s u r p r i s i n g that M a c h i a v e l l i , he who most s u c c i n c t l y  -76-  and most b o l d l y s t a t e d the m a t e r i a l i s t view of s t a t e power, should have become the symbol of Satanic power and apostasy. By 1 5 6 0 the o r i g i n a l l y C a t h o l i c - i n s p i r e d denunciation of M a c h i a v e l l i began to f i n d r e f l e c t i o n i n popular l i t e r a t u r e . In 1 5 6 8 , the Sempill B a l l a d s were published i n Scotland. These were s a t i r i c verses, w r i t t e n , not by C a t h o l i c s but by P r o t e s t a n t s , against Mary Queen of S c o t s , whose a d v i s e r s were 21  c a l l e d " f a l s e Machivllians"#  The C a t h o l i c supporters o f  the Queen r e p l i e d by charging that her Protestant opponents were M a c h i a v e l l i a n s . But the book which placed I n the hands of the reading p u b l i c the complete vocabulary of hatred and p r e j u d i c e against M a c h i a v e l l i was the Contre-Machiavel of pp  Innocent G e n t i l l e t .  Published i n Prance i n 1 5 7 6 and t r a n s -  l a t e d i n t o E n g l i s h i n 1 5 7 7 by Simon P a t r i c k e , t h i s Huguenot d i a t r i b e e s t a b l i s h e d M a c h i a v e l l i i n the mind o f those p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n the controversy as the equivalent of the d e v i l himself •  Today, commentators g e n e r a l l y agree that G e n t i l l e t ' s  work i s l i b e l l o u s , unjust and f a l s e i n i t s r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of the p r i n c i p l e s enunciated by M a c h i a v e l l i . 2 1 ) F e l l h e l m e r , o p . c i t . p. 1 8 3 2 2 ) Innocent G e n t i l l e t , A Discourse upon the meanes of w e l l governing and maintaining i n good peace, a kingdome, or other p r i n c i p a l i t i e s , Translated i n t o the E n g l i s h by Simon P a t r i c k e , London, P r i n t e d by Adam I s l i p , l 6 0 2 .  -7-7-  G e n t i l l e t was a French P r o t e s t a n t , a lawyer, who 1576 ing  was  e l e c t e d president of the Grenoble Parlement.  in Favor-?  the party of E v a n g e l i c a l reform,- he held that a l l the  ills  of France stemmed from the c o r r u p t i o n of French p o l i t i c s by mean u p s t a r t s , p a r t i c u l a r l y I t a l i a n s , whose l a c k of r e l i g i o n and whose admiration f o r M a c h i a v e l l i were destroying C h r i s t i a n government,  G e n t i l l e t , i n the most unrestrained terms declared  M a c h i a v e l l i to be the very d e v i l h i m s e l f ; and he c a l l e d on France to abandon h i s wicked doctrines and r e t u r n to the true French government, B e l i e v i n g I n kings as d i v i n e l y guided t  r u l e r s , and thoroughly medieval i n h i s views of monarchy, he was  outraged by the p r a c t i c a l and s c i e n t i f i c - a p p r o a c h of  M a c h i a v e l l i to problems of p o l i t i c a l power,. To him M a c h i a v e l l i mocked at a l l things holy i n h i s p u r s u i t of p e r f e c t v i l l a i n y ; t o him the r i g h t of the landed noble over both land and peoples was h o l y , and therefore any other order was vill^/a)iy.  He  therefore accused M a c h i a v e l l i of tyranny, atheism and immorali t y , and warned that h i s p o l i c i e s destroyed a l l good order honesty. writer",  23)  and  He c h a r a c t e r i z e d M a c h i a v e l l i as a "most p e r n i c i o u s 2 3  Innocent G e n t i l l e t , o p , c i t , p. 2  -78-  The d e d i c a t i o n to Queen E l i z a b e t h i n the E n g l i s h e d i t i o n of G e n t i l l e t ' s book reads i n p a r t : * "But 0 how happy are yee because you have so gratious a Queene, and also, f o r that the i n f e s t i o u s M a c h i a v e l l i a n d o c t r i n e , hath not breathed nor penetrated i n the i n t r a i l s of most happy England". 2lj. The w r i t e r of the d e d i c a t i o n was wrong, as has been seen, i n b e l i e v i n g that M a c h i a v e l l i ' s w r i t i n g s , or that M a c h i a v e l l i a n p o l i c y had not yet appeared i n England; but h i s work must have been a welcome handbook of v i t u p e r a t i o n t o the p o l i t i c a l and r e l i g i o u s p o l e m i c i s t s of the time, and of p a r t i c u l a r value to those whose minds leaned toward the medieval view of order and g ood government. A quotation or two from G e n t i l l e t may help to define the b i a s of h i s mind and the mood i n which he wrote: "...we see i t by the p r a c t i s e of the M a c h i a v e l l i s t e s , which never shoot at other marke, than t o r u i n a t e i n Prance a l l the N o b i l i t i e , the b e t t e r to e s t a b l i s h t h e i r t y r a n n i e , at ease without contradictions...*and f o r t h i s e f f e c t have cassed, v i o l a t e d and overthrowne a l l the good lawes of the kingdome, by the meanes of which i t has alwaies h i t h e r t o been maintained..." 25 " . . . a l l h i s ( M a c h i a v e l l i ' s ) doctrine shbotes at no other marke, but t o 2£j!) Innocent G e n t i l l e t , o p . c i t . p. 3 25) I b i d , p. 371  -79-  " i n s t r u c t a p r i n c e to governe hims e l f a f t e r h i s owne f a n c i e , not to d e l i v e r h i s eare t o such as would shew him the t r u t h , and to despbile h i m s e l f of a l l p i e t e , conscience, and r e l i g i o n . " 26 "For f a i t h and promise, or of r i g h t and reason, men may not speak i n Machiavels schoole, unless i t be to mock at them.." 27 " . . . t h i s wicked A t h e i s t hath no other purpose.... than to persuade a prince to become a t y r a n t , and most wicked, embracing a l l v i c e s , and chasing away a l l virtues...." 28 The d i s t o r t i o n Of M a c h i a v e l l i of which G e n t i l l e t was g u i l t y i s that of a person c a r r i e d beyong reason and j u s t i c e by moral i n d i g n a t i o n .  Undoubtedly M a c h i a v e l l i s proposals im1  p l i e d the overthrow of feudal forms and customs, and t o G e n t i l l e t , t h e r e f o r e , a champion of the p a s t , they were  G e n t i l l e t s concern was f o r t r a d i t i o n a l France; and h i s 1  c a l l was t o the French to r a l l y to the standards of t h e i r anc e s t o r s , and against the innovators i n t h e i r l a n d . it' . . . . l e t us not leave o f f , f o r a s o r t of  degenerate Frenchmen, adherents t o the p e r n i c i o u s purposes of that race ( I t a l i a n s ) to m a i n t a i n and conserve the honors...of  26) Innicent G e n t i l l e t , o p . c l t . 27) I b i d , p. 22ij. 28) I b i l . p.  p. lij.2  -80-  "our French n a t i o n , which these b a s t a r d l i e I t a l i a n s have contaminated and s o i l e d by t h e i r c r u e l t i e s , massacres and p e r f i d i e s " . 29 The violence and c o l o r of h i s language, which abounds i n terras such as "murderer", "bastard", " s t i n k i n g a t h e i s t " , "winders" and "deceivers", "murderers who c a l l themselves abbreviators of j u s t i c e " , and the l i k e , mark h i s work as the source book of the terminology f o r the stage M a c h i a v e l l i a n . To him M a c h i a v e l l i i s "a very A t h e i s t and contemner of God". His concern i s not w i t h meeting the maxims of M a c h i a v e l l i w i t h reason ( f o r he could not accept the premise of Machiavelli»s works even f o r d i s c u s s i o n :  that s t a b l e government r e s t s upon  the a b i l i t y of the r u l e r to win the favor of the people and to change w i t h the times).  His book, t h e r e f o r e , i s merely an  e x h o r t a t i o n t o the people t o remain l o y a l to the past, and t o uphold the good as i t had been known. The views expressed i n the works of M a c h i a v e l l i and G e n t i l l e t epitomized f o r the l i t e r a r y world of renaissance England the basic c o n f l i c t that was rocking the whole of western Europe; but the superior scope of the work of Machiav e l l i as that of the man who was l o o k i n g t o the f u t u r e , and  29) G e n t i l l e t , o p . c i t .  -81  whose t h i n k i n g l a y w i t h the movement of h i s time, made him not  only the o b j e c t o f a t t a c k of those who l a c k e d h i s i n s i g h t  or r e j e c t e d h i s c o n c l u s i o n s , but the p r e c e p t o r  o f both h i s  f r i e n d s and h i s enemies; f o r even those who d e s i r e d t o c l i n g to t h e past had t o f u n c t i o n i n the p r e s e n t , and grapple  with  r e a l i t y ; and no one i n s i x t e e n t h century B^jQope showed a g r e a t e r t a l e n t f o r r e c o g n i z i n g p o l i t i c a l r e a l i t y than d i d Mahhiavelli. M a c h i a v e l l i had warned t h a t the establishment  o f a wholly  new s t a t e was a most dangerous and d i f f i c u l t task; and he had a d v i s e d r u l e r s o f new p r i n c i p a l i t i e s  t h a t they must expect t o  be beset by snares and ambushes on every from the f u l l  f a v o r of a l l .  s i d e , and t o be e x i l e s  G e n t i l l e t s a t t a c k would not have 1  s u r p r i s e d him, s i n c e i t was he who had s a i d : "The d i f f i c u l t i e s which a r e i n c i d e n t s t o the keepinge and continewance of a newe g o t t e n p r i n c i p a l i t i e doe r i s e p a r t l i e from the Lawes S t a t u t e s and ordinances which the P r i n c e shalbe f o r c e d t o make f o r the s a f t i e o f h i s owne e s t a t e . P f o r e t h i s i s t o be noted that there i s nothinge soe harde t o e n t e r p r i s e nor soe d o w b t e f u l l t o ende, nor soe daungerous to prosecute as t o make a mans s e l f Author of newe lawes or customes. F o r he that i s the f i r s t b r i n g e r i n o f them shalbe  -82-  "sure to haue a l l those h i s Enamyes that reaped any commoditye by the olde and those but h i s colde frendes that hope f o r any p r o f f i t t e by the newe which coldnes dothe springe p a r t l l e f o r feare of t h e i r advers a r i e s to whom the olde lawes were b e n e f i c i a l l , and p a r t l l e throughe mens i n c r e d u l i t i e , which w i l l never c e r t e i n l y beleue any thinge to come unlesse they see i t confirmed by manifest experience", 3 0 The stage M a c h i a v e l l i a n , then, was the c r y s t a l l i z a t i o n of the spectre of d i s o r d e r and godlessness that haunted a people'changing  from one order.of s o c i e t y to another.  Inspired  by the conservative's dreadful warning against the breakdown of m o r a l i t y and human r e s t r a i n t under God's law, he  dramatized  a danger that was i l l u s o r y ; and he was i n h i s p e r v e r s i t y and excess fundamentally inhuman, a nightmare; f o r , i n f a c t , as M a c h i a v e l l i had noted, "Men wholly bad".  cannot be e i t h e r wholly good or  31  F u r t h e r , on the stage, he d e a l t h i s blows against the noble whose f e a r s had f i r s t evoked h i s image> and was  used,  as w i l l be seen i n an exmination of the drama, by progress against r e a c t i o n . 30) The P r i n c e p p . 22-23 31) The Discourses, I , x x v i , p. l8i+ and x x v i i , p.  186  -83-  Chapter IV  The Romantic  Interpretation.  When r e a l i t y i s so t r e a t e d that the t r u t h expressed i s only p a r t i a l ; when the a r t i s t leaves i l l - d e f i n e d or out of focus the r e l a t i o n s h i p of the p a r t t o the whole, then the hand of romance i s a t work.  The medieval romance, f o r example,  made an extravagance of l o v e , nature and adventure, and was i n essence f a n t a s t i c , that i s , b u i l t upon i l l u s i o n ,  Romance  i s often accepted by the u n i n i t i a t e d as t r u t h , and indulged i n by the ignorant as f a c t .  I t can be conscious, and designed  not t o convince but t o e n t e r t a i n ; or i t can be u n i n t e n t i o n a l , or evoked by a r e l u c t a n c e or i n c a p a c i t y t o face f a c t s .  A  quick o r passionate r e a c t i o n to something as e i t h e r good or bad, can produce a b i a s s e d , extravagant or romantic i n t e r p r e tation.  As the d e f i n i t i o n i n the Oxford D i c t i o n a r y i n d i c a t e s ,  1  1) Romance - prose or r a r e l y verse t a l e w i t h scene and i n c i d e n t s remote from everyday l i f e , c l a s s of l i t e r a t u r e c o n s i s t i n g of such t a l e s : set of f a c t s , episode, love a f f a i r , e t c . , suggesting such t a l e s by i t s strangeness or moving nature; atmosphere c h a r a c t e r i z i n g such t a l e s , mental tendency t o be i n f l u e n c e d by i t , symp a t h e t i c imaginativeness; an exaggeration, picturesque falsehood.  1  1  - &vthe core of the terra romance i s the idea of d e v i a t i o n from the norm, the conception of e f f e c t heightened by a b s t r a c t i o n from the f u l l or p r e c i s e t r u t h . I n the p o r t r a y a l of the character presented by c e r t a i n E l i z a b e t h a n dramatists as M a c h i a v e l l i a n , romance r u l e d the minds of the poets.  Whether or not the romancing was d e l i -  berate, the poets alone could say, and i t i s not necessary t o t h i s d i s c u s s i o n that t h i s be known; f o r the concern here i s t o d i s t i n g u i s h between the romantic and the r e a l Machiav e l l i a n on the E l i z a b e t h a n stage, not to attempt to analyze the i n t e n t of the w r i t e r s . Edward Meyer i n h i s work, M a c h i a v e l l i and the E l i z a b e t h an Drama, has 'discovered 39^- references to M a c h i a v e l l i , a l most a l l of which r e f l e c t b i a s i n the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the meaning of Machiavellianism.  Jeannette F e l l h e i m e r , i n her  t h e s i s , r e f e r r e d t o p r e v i o u s l y , devoted a chapter to a d i s cussion of the r e a c t i o n t o  Machiavelli  i n England i n the age  of Shakespeare, and noted that the Stage M a c h i a v e l l i a n t y p i f i e d a h o s t i l i t y that was i n s p i r e d c h i e f l y by a r e l i g i o u s prej u d i c e ^ having i t s root i n the c o n t r a d i c t i o n between the moral idea of medieval Christendom as an empire ordained and  -85-  guided by God and the pragmatic p r a c t i c e of the r u l e r s of the renaissance s t a t e s .  The present w r i t e r does not e n t i r e l y  agree w i t h Miss F e l l h e l m e r , f e e l i n g that the c o n f l i c t of the time was i n essence p o l i t i c a l , although i t expressed i t s e l f i n r e l i g i o u s terms. Miss F e l l h e l m e r s stage M a c h i a v e l l i a n i s d i s t i n g u i s h e d f  by c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s noted a l s o by Meyer.  They are: egotism;  a w i l l i n g n e s s to commit any crime; a d i s r e g a r d of the i n t e r e s t s of a l l but those whose a i d i s indispensable to the r e a l i z a t i o n of a d e s i r e d aim; a use of violence and c r a f t ; a s k i l l i n the a r t of deception; a readiness to v i c t i m i z e the innocent; a tendency to s o l i l o q u i z e upon h i s own v i n d i c t i v e n e s s and murderous thoughts; a h a b i t of t e l l i n g h i s bloddy thoughts to accomplices who are then s i l e n c e d ; a light-heartedness i n the performance of crime and a complacent acceptance of the e f f i cacy of wickedness; a p e r s i s t e n c e irjmisdeed and no repentance at death; an enmity to God and a consequent atheism; motivat i o n by expediency, and contempt f o r moral scruple; and a pleased a p p r e c i a t i o n of the advantage enjoyed by being f r e e of a l l p r i n c i p l e . This summing up by Miss F e l l h e i m e r of the stage Machia-  -86-  v e l l i a n ±.s; i n t h i s w r i t e r ' s o p i n i o n , e x c e l l e n t .  The  stage  M a c h i a v e l l i a n was, indeed, a l l the things she declared he  was,  and each c h a r a c t e r i s t i c she a t t r i b u t e s to him could be i n f e r r e d from the d i s c u s s i o n of the Prince by M a c h i a v e l l i ; but the stage character remains a f a l s i f i c a t i o n ,  a distortion, a  romanticized v e r s i o n of the p r i n c e approved by M a c h i a v e l l i because he i s presented both outside the context of h i s t o r y (Barabbas, Lightborn) and devoid of the c o n s t r u c t i v e s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l aims (Mortimer, Tamburlahe) without which he cannot be termed t r u l y M a c h i a v e l l i a n ; f o r the object of  Ma-  c h i a v e l l i 's d i s c u s s i o n of the p r i n c e was not i n s t r u c t i o n i n v i l l a i n y , i t was the r e s o l u t i o n i n t o order of s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l chaos.  The  stage. M a c h i a v e l l i a n i s i n o r i g i n , there-  f o r e , the product of observers whose imperfect v i s i o n saw i n the t h e s i s of M a c h i a v e l l i , not ultimate l i b e r a t i o n , peace and a new  ordeijbut r e p r e s s i o n and d i s a s t e r ; and not merely d i s -  a s t e r but a d e l i b e r a t e d i s r u p t i o n of order. Thus Tamburlane d e c l a r e s : I w i l l p e r s i s t a t e r r o r to the world. I I ( I V , i , 200) 2 Barabas screams I n f r e n z i e d hate: so I l i v e , p e r i s h may (V,v,10 ) 3  a l l the world.  2) Christopher Marlowe, Tamburlane the Great, London, Methuen & Co., 1930. 3) Marlowe, The Jew of Malta, London, Methuen & Co., 1931.  -87-  Dr. Pauatus voices the wish to defy u n i v e r s a l law: To do whatever Paustus s h a l l command, Be i t to make the moon drop from her sphere, Or the ocean to overwhelm the world. . ( I , i i i , 39 " Ip. ) * Macbeth invokes u n i v e r s a l d e s t r u c t i o n : Though you u n t i e the winds and l e t them f i g h t Against the churches; though yesty waves Confound and swallow n a v i g a t i o n up: Though bladed corn be lodg'd, and trees blown down, Though c a s t l e s topple on t h e i r warders* heads, Though palaces, and pyramids do slope Their heads to t h e i r foundations: though the treasure Of Nature's germen, tumble a l l together, Even t i l l d e s t r u c t i o n s i c k e n : answer me To what I ask you. ( IV, 1, Chief among the dramatisers  51  - 60  )  5  of the romantic M a c h i a v e l l -  i a n i s Christopher ^arlowe - the o r i g i n a t o r of the  notorious  stage M a c h i a v e l l i a n , Barabas - whose p l a y s , from Tamburlane t o Edward I I are coloured by the author's preoccupation the struggle f o r power.  with  I f i t i s c o r r e c t that Marlowe's  plays came out i n the order - Tamburlane, The Jew of Malta, Doctor Paustus, Edward I I - i t i s p o s s i b l e to trace i n the a t t i t u d e toward ambition a t r a n s i t i o n from y o u t h f u l enthusiasm f o r i t s spectacular achievements to a r e v u l s i o n from i t s excesses 4) Marlowe, The T r a g i c a l l H i s t o r y of Dr. Faustus, London, Methuen & Co,, 1932. 5) W i l l i a m Shakespeare, "Macbeth", the,Works of Shakespeare, Oxford, The Shakespeare Head Press, 1938.  -88-  and s i n i s t e r i m p l i c a t i o n s . I n the course of these p l a y s , Marlowe's approach s e t t l e s i n t o that o r i g i n a t e d by the A mat  [ecemto  opponents of the "new men"; more l i k e that of those who deA  nounced r e a l i s t s i n p o l i t i c s as " p o l i t i c k e a t h e i s t e s " . His a t t a c k i n h i s one p o l i t i c a l p l a y , Edward I I , i s d i r e c t e d , however, against the insurgent n o b i l i t y ; a g a i n s t , indeed, that s e c t i o n of s o c i e t y from which the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of M a c h i a v e l l i as a v i l l a i n f i r s t was heard. I n Tamburlane, h i s f i r s t p l a y , Marlowe created i n heroic proportions the man of war, unconquerable except by Fortune and Death.  I n h i s e x a l t a t i o n of Tamburlane*s force of character,  r e s o l u t i o n and s k i l l i n war, and h i s passionate devotion to n nothing but war, Marlowe seems to be i n sympathy w i t h M a c h i a v e l l i . Many of the scenes i n both parts of the p l a y p o r t r a y the k i n d of c o n f l i c t , demonstration 6f w i t and daring, cunning and shrewdness, w i t h which one meets i n the discussions of the prince i n the pages of M a c h i a v e l l i . At the conclusion of Part I I , however, Tamburlane has become merely an a r t i s t i n " bloodshed and conquest; h i s arrogance and impatience have i s o l a t e d him from h i s o f f i c e r s who formerly enjoyed a k i n d of intimacy with him as companions-in-arms; he r e j o i c e s i n nothing but conquest and d e s t r u c t i o n ; and measures the extent of h i s  -89-  greatness by the height of the heaps of s k u l l s h i s prowess creates.  The whole community, p r i n c e s , people and p r i e s t s ,  i s i n arms against him.  But he i s i n s a t i a b l e and unconquer-  able: Tamburlane: T e c h e l l e s , l e t us march, And weary death w i t h bearing souls to h e l l , II  ( V , i i i , 76 -  77)  This i s not the aim that M a c h i a v e l l i set h i s p r i n c e , e i t h e r e x p l i c i t l y or by i m p l i c a t i o n ; I t i s , r a t h e r , one of the e r r o r s i n t o which, M a c h i a v e l l i warned, a prince may Nevertheless,  fall.  the d e t a i l s of the s i t u a t i o n s Tamburlane faces,  and the working out of the c o n f l i c t s among the generals  and  n o b i l i t y suggest ah a p p r e c i a t i o n of event not u n l i k e that of M a c h i a v e l l i ; and, i t i s c l e a r , Marlowe never abandons h i s i n t e n t i o n to rouse sympathy f o r the v i g o r and the grand scale of Tamburlane's a c t i o n s . for  The q u a l i t i e s of Tamburlane, one might argue, are, except c r a f t i n e s s and r u t h l e s s n e s s , those ascribed to any romantic of  hero^legendary fame.  This hero i s the f o x , however, as w e l l  as the l i o n ; and he i s c e r t a i n l y no knight-errant pursuing honor accorded the good and the brave.  the  He has wit and e l o -  quence which he uses cunningly to h i s own advantage. laughs at a u t h o r i t y ; and commits p e r f i d y w i t h aplomb. he i s of lowly o r i g i n , and takes p r i d e i n i t .  He Further,  A mere shepherd,  -90-  he sets himself up against emperors and k i n g s , innocent any f e e l i n g of g u i l t i n doing so; f o r he sees i n h i s a b i l i t y the j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r h i s deeds.  of  own  He wins Theridamas  and T e s c h e l l e s , m i l i t a r y commanders of the P e r s i a n s , to h i s camp; and then forms an a l l i a n c e w i t h the unwary and  over-  confident Cosroe, against Cosroe's own brother, Mycetes, the k i n g of P e r s i a .  He then adds to h i s g l o r y i n the eyes of h i s  supporters by o u t w i t t i n g t h i s p r i n c e , h i s a l l y .  In a l l this  M a c h i a v e l l i s concept of the p r i n c e , h i s p r i n c i p l e s of r e a l 1  i s t i c p o l i t i c s and h i s a n a l y s i s of the processes of power are honored.  M  a r l o w e Indeed i n h i s p r e s e n t a t i o n of Tamburlane  seems to "...esteem rather those who are than those who can be generous; and those who would know how to govern s t a t e s , rather than those who have the r i g h t to govern, but l a c k the knowledge". 6 The d e l i b e r a t e c a l c u l a t i o n , r e s o l u t i o n and p r i d e , ambition and daring of the deception of Sosroe are t y p i c a l of the prince as M a c h i a v e l l i conceived him; and, defending h i s action, Tamburlane p o i n t s to nature as would the p r i n c e of M a c h i a v e l l i : Tamburlane: Nature, that framed us of four elements, Doth teach us a l l to have a s p i r i n g minds: Our s o u l s , whose f a c u l t i e s can comprehend The wondrous a r c h i t e c t u r e of the world, And measure every wandering planet's course,  6)  N i c c o l o M a c h i a v e l l i , The Discourses. I , Dedication, p.  102  -91-  S t i l l climbing a f t e r knowledge i n f i n i t e , And always moving as the r e s t l e s s spheres, W i l l us to wear ourselves, and never r e s t , U n t i l we reach the r i p e s t f r u i t of a l l , . That p e r f e c t b l i s s and sole f e l i c i t y , • The sweet f r u i t i o n of an e a r t h l y crown. ( I Tamburlane, I I , v i i , 18-29) M a c h i a v e l l i had s a i d : "For when men are no longer obliged to f i g h t from n e c e s s i t y , they f i g h t from ambition, which passion i s so powerful i n the hearts of men that i t never leaves them, no matter to what heights they may r i s e " . 7 Tamburlane, having r e a l i z e d "the sweet f r u i t i o n of ,an e a r t h l y crown" l a t e r , goes on to defy the gods and to aspire to a throne i n heaven. Ambition i s n a t u r a l , says Tamburlane, even as ^ a c h i a v e l l i ; but i n h i s l a c k of any c o n s t r u c t i v e p o l i t i c a l purpose, he to measure up to the true M a c h i a v e l l i a n prince who,  fails  the crea-  ture of sound, p r a c t i c a l thought, i s concerned r e a l i s t i c a l l y w i t h the founding of a stable s t a t e , based on popular favor as the guarantee of h i s own wealth and power. The tempo of the p l a y mounts throughout the f i r s t p a r t , w i t h g l o r y gathering about Tamburlane; but the t u r n away from admirable h e a l t h , v i g o r and appealing self-assurance, 7) Niccolo M a c h i a v e l l i , op. c i t . ,  I , x x x v i i , p.  the  208  -92-  growth of the perverse and therefore non-Machiavellian characteri s t i c s , begins to make i t s e l f f e l t even before the conclusion of part one. Tamburlane i s , from the beginning, q u i t e n a t u r a l l y , denounced by the kings he defeats; but c r i t i c i s m l a t e r i s heard o  from a c a p t a i n of h i s own f o r c e s , and Zenocrate, h i s lfflving w i f e , grows anxious, though she continues to defend him. The evidence of a growing and h a b i t u a l v i o l e n c e i n Tamburlane and the r e a c t i o n to i t w i t h i n h i s camp i s s i g n i f i c a n t of the non-Machiavellian i n h i s character; f o r the i n c r e a s i n g b r u t a l i t y of. h i s campaigns tends to j u s t i f y h i s enemies' denunc i a t i o n s and t o undermine the love and admiration of h i s own following;  The e p i t h e t s h u r l e d against him can no longer be  a t t r i b u t e d s o l e l y t o the p r e j u d i c e of the great by b i r t h .  He  encamps now only three days before a c i t y , which i s gaiaod t o the ground i f i t r e s i s t s ,  **e has become indeed a scourge and  terror. The o r i g i n a l b r i g h t ambition to advance himself and h i s f o l l o w e r s i s slimming.  Nothing can now s o f t e n Tamburlane, beset  by an insane~drive t o exceed the achievements of a l l conquerors. The pleas of Zenocrate/ f o r the l i v e s of her f a t h e r , her townsf o l k and countrymen f a i l , as Tamburlane f i g h t s down a l l "thougts effeminate and f a i n t " , f i e r c e l y s e t t i n g aside l o v e and beauty,  -93which torment him.  He i s unmoved by the appeal of the twenty  v i r g i n s of Demascus; and i s represented f o r execution "feo h i s s o l d i e r y .  as t u r n i n g women over  Now, l i k e a man possessed,  seized by a passion f o r war alone, he consecrates himself s o l e l y t o conquest: Tamburlane:  I thus conceiving, and subduing both (love and beauty) • ••••••••  S h a l l give the world t o note, f o r a l l my b i r t h , That v i r t u e s o l e l y i s . the sum o f g l o r y , And fashions men w i t h true n o b i l i t y . I ( V, i i ,  120; 125-127)  The use of v i r t u e here, as i n Taraburlane's assurance t o Techelles and others of h i s commanders whom he has made k i n g s — Tamburlane: Your b i r t h s s h a l l be no blemish t o your fame, Bor v i r t u e i s the fount whence honor springs. I (IV, i v , 130-131)  i s c e r t a i n l y that of M a c h i a v e l l i ; i t implies inherent power, h e a l t h and vigor of mind and body, exceptional c a p a c i t y , p a r t i c u l a r l y the a t t r i b u t e s o f the warrior i n extraordinary degree. The p l a y was tremendously popular with the I t apparently  Elizabethans.  struck a note t o which they were s i n g u l a r l y sen-  s i t i v e , s i n g u l a r l y responsive.  Undoubtedly that note was the  l i b e r a t i o n of the lowly from the oppressions of the great; the a s s e r t i o n of the r i g h t of the base-born t o the r i c h e s of the earth; the d e c l a r a t i o n of independence of the n a t i o n a l group from the c o n t r o l of i m p e r i a l and papal power, of the i n d i v i d u a l  -9k-  i n short from the r e s t r i c t i o n s of feudalism.  I t was the  trumpet b l a s t of the renaissance. Tamburlane was the de f a c t o prince h o l d i n g h i s p o s i t i o n by v i r t u e of h i s a b i l i t y , and r e l y i n g on h i s own counsel and s k i l l i n warfare, and the v o l \intary a l l e g i a n c e of the people.  He appears, c h a l l e n g i n g a  d i v i d e d and incompetent group of r u l e r s whose realm i s shot through w i t h discontent and i n s u b o r d i n a t i o n , and i s ravaged by invaders, even as I t a l y was when M a c h i a v e l l i wrote, and as England was when Henry V I I % landed at M u f o r d &aven. Tamburlane, however, holds out no p e r s p e c t i v e of a new and b e t t e r order; power alone i n t e r e s t s him, as i t does a l l the romantic M a c h i a v e l l i a n s .  Apparently i n d i f f e r e n t to the  growing o p p o s i t i o n , he p e r s i s t s i n h i s v i o l e n c e , and indulges more^/alid more i n s e l f - a d m i r a t i o n .  He rants about himself and  speaks of h i s d i v i n e essence; he i s made, he says, "arch monarch of the e a r t h . " b y  the hand of Jove", not f o r  "deeds of bounty and n o b i l i t y " , but to apply himself "In war, i n blood, i n death, i n c r u e l t y " .  He w i l l , he says -  ...plague such peasants as r e s i s t i n me The power of Heaven's e t e r n a l majesty. I I ( IV, 1, 157-158) His  determination t o spread h o r r o r : I w i l l , w i t h engines never e x e r c i s ' d , Conquer, sack, and u t t e r l y consume Your c i t i e s and your,golden palaces  -95-  I w i l l p e r s i s t a t e r r o r to the world* I I ( IV, i , 192-191).;  201)  He c a r r i e s t h i s program out w i t h dreadful thoroughness i n Babylon.  He double-crosses  the governor o f Babylon by o f f e r -  ing him l i f e i n r e t u r n f o r i n f o r m a t i o n , and when the informat i o n i s given he hangs the governor i n chains and has him shot. He h u r l s men, women and c h i l d r e n i n t o a lake of asphalt. taunts h i s v i c t i m s .  He p e r s i s t s i n v i o l e n c e ; a course f a t a l  to a ^ j i n c e , M e h i a v e l l i a  He  n a  d observed, and one which was cer-  t a i n l y a l i e n a t i n g the people, and u n i t i n g and i n c r e a s i n g h i s enemies.  C l e a r l y the elements of p e r v e r s i t y , extravagance and  destructiveness of the romantic M a c h i a v e l l i a n are becoming stronger* While i t can be argued that such scenes as those at Babylon <4*0*  were designed p o s s i b l y to t h r i l l and appeal the groundlings, or to r a i s e the p i t c h of unrestrained conquering a c t i o n to i t s extreme, they are c o n s i s t e n t w i t h the main argument presented here: that the development of Tamburlane appears as a l i m i t e d , imperfect r e f l e c t i o n of M a c h i a v e l l i a n thought, which reveals i n Marlowe an a p p r e c i a t i o n of the d a r i n g , self-assurance, courage and i n g e n u i t y of h i s prince (which M a c h i a v e l l i never f a i l e d t o accord men of a b i l i t y ) but f a i l s to r e v e a l any  advocacy of c o n s t r u c t i v e statemanship.  Tamburlane e x h i b i t s  the unbalanced excess that, M a c h i a v e l l i warned, takes h o l d of a r u l e r who permits himself to ignore law and get l o s t i n self-esteem.  Marlowe, however, one f e e l s , i s himself i n t o x i -  cated by the excesses he describes. Tamburlane, i n p a r t I of the p l a y , i s the prototype of M a c h i a v e l l i ' s man opportunity.  of v i r t u e , the new p r i n c e favored only by  He i s f e a r l e s s , confident, s k i l f u l i n war  and  diplomacy, open, f r e e and generous w i t h h i s f o l l o w e r s whose fortunes he advances w i t h h i s own.  He i s a u t h o r i t a t i v e and  commanding, i n bearing, and eloquent i n speech.  He i s capable,  however, of deception and treachery when they serve h i s i n t e r e s t s , and he i s r u t h l e s s i n the punishment and d e s t r u c t i o n of those who  oppose him.  He honors r e l i g i o n i n that he rep-  resents h i m s e l f as "the scourge of god" and regards himself as favored by heaven; but the god he serves i s never c l e a r l y defined, and i s r e f e r r e d to as Jove, Mahomet, Majesty of Heaven, the god of thunder and revenge, and the immortal  god.  Tamburlane i s out to conquer the world, to humble emperors, to map  c o n t i n e n t s , and to reorganize governments under the r u l e of  h i s f o l l o w e r s appointed by him as kings.  His triumphal pro-  gress and the r a p i d growth of h i s f o l l o w i n g t e s t i f y to h i s  -97-  a b i l i t y and the p o p u l a r i t y of h i s l e a d e r s h i p .  Part I of the  play concludes w i t h the sjmipathy f o r Tamburlane s t i l l i n the ascendant; and the truce w i t h which i t comes to an end  es-  t a b l i s h e s Tamburlane as the absolute p r i n c e , whose empire i s administered by kings deputized to r u l e under him; that i s , by a government which ^ a c h i a v e l l i describes as the most a  d i f f i c u l t to conquer. Tamburlane, as part I I shows, however, f a l l s a v i c t i m to that f a u l t which M a c h i a v e l l i notes so often brings about the downfall of otherwise capable men.  He p e r s i s t s i n c r u e l t y  and becomes i n d i f f e r e n t to the favor of the people.  He f u r t h e r  makes the e r r o r of f a i l i n g to exterminate a l l members of the f a m i l y of the p r i n c e he had overthrown, and makes p o s s i b l e the regrouping  of h i s enemies under t h e leadership of t h e i r  hereditary prince. A l l t h i s suggests the i n f l u e n c e of M a c h i a v e l l i .  There i s ,  however, about Tamburlane, an extravagance and bombast that i s not of t h i s world, and must have been excessive even to some E l i z a b e t h a n l o v e r s of the "high-astounding" i n language and life.  I t seems l i k e l y , t h e r e f o r e , that Marlowe knew and used  8) The P r i n c e , IV,  15-16  -98-  M a c h i a v e l l i ' s w r i t i n g s , but was f o r some reason impelled t o preoccupy himself w i t h the problems r a t h e r of excessive amb i t i o n than of mature statesmanship. The destructiveness that was strong i n Tamburlane becomes dominant i n Barabas, the c h i e f character of The Jew of Malta, Moved only by love of g o l d , Barabas^is prepared to r e s o r t t o every subterfuge and every crime t o save or recover h i s wealth. He e x h i b i t s i n d e t a i l the whole-hearted, headlong and unrepentant v i l l a i n y a t t r i b u t e d to the t y p i c a l remantic M a c h i a v e l l i a n of the E l i z a b e t h a n stage; and he i s presented  s p e c i f i c a l l y by  Marlowe as an exponent of M a c h i a v e l l i a n teaching. The prologue t o The Jew of Malta i s spoken by M a c h i a v e l l i , who introduces the play as the tragedy of a Jew, Who smiles to see how f u l l h i s bags are cramm'd; Which money was not got without my means. (Prologue, 30-32) The prologue rehearses  the a l l e g e d c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and  views of M a c h i a v e l l i . The soul of M a c h i a v e l l i , we are t o l d , went to Prance to r e s i d e i n the Duke of Guise, the m i l i t a n t and notorious leader of theCatholic f a c t i o n i n Prance.  Upon  the death of Guise, we l e a r n , M a c h i a v e l l i s soul crossed t o 1  England, " t o f r o l i c w i t h i t s f r i e n d s " , by obvious i n f e r e n c e , the E n g l i s h C a t h o l i c s .  The soul acknowledges that i t has  -99-  both f r i e n d s and enemies, but that i t disdains the opinion of a l l .  Those who c r i t i c i s e M a c h i a v e l l i , we are assured, *  s e c r e t l y r e l y on h«m t o guide them to the r e a l i z a t i o n of t h e i r ambition, p a r t i c u l a r l y i f they aim at pre-eminence i n the C a t h o l i c church.  ;Further, those who r e j e c t him are destroyed  by those who s t i l l f o l l o w h i s guidance. indispensable t o success.  He i s , t h e r e f o r e ,  He i s contemptuous of r e l i g i o n ,  laughs a t b e l i e f i n auguries, and holds that "there i s no s i n but ignorance".  He p o i n t e d l y challenges the p r i n c i p l e of  h e r e d i t a r y t i t l e t o power, arguing Might f i r s t made k i n g s , and laws were then most sure When, l i k e the Draco's, they were w r i t i n blood. (Prologue, 20-21)  M i l i t a r y strength triumphs over l e a r n i n g , he i n s i s t s . , Primed w i t h t h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of M a c h i a v e l l i a n d o c t r i n e , the audience views the career of the d i a b o l i c a l Barabas, whom they have been c a l l e d upon to grace......as he deserves, And l e t him not be entertained the worse Because he favors me ( M a c h i a v e l l i ) . (Prologue, 33-35) Anyone f a m i l i a r w i t h the works of M a c h i a v e l l i can apprec i a t e the d i s t o r t i o n and o v e r - s i m p l i f i c a t i o n of M a c h i a v e l l i ' s p r e s e n t a t i o n of the prince i n t h i s prologue.  Marlowe has d e l i -  b e r a t e l y selected the notorious representative of the enemies of Protestantism i n a neighbouring  state as the abode of the  -100  soul of M a c h i a v e l l i . was prominently  The Guise, i t should be remembered,  associated w i t h the Massacre of St. Bartholo-  mew's Day, a mass C a t h o l i c outrage against the French Protestant p a r t y , which was supported by England.  Marlowe, thus by  the f a m i l i a r technique of those who seek t o i n f l u e n c e thought without r e s o r t t o reason or demonstration, associates what he i s about t o discuss w i t h something' already abhorrent to the mind addressed, andjproceeds, by innuendo to ensnare everyone ?  i n the net of suspicion,- although the Catholics are selected f o r a s p e c i a l smear.  He then proceeds to the l i e d i r e c t ,  by saying ^ a c h i a v e l l i despised r e l i g i o n .  Having demoralized  h i s audience on the subject to be discussed, and ignored the broad general aims of M a c h i a v e l l i s t h e s i s ^ 1  Marlowe con-  cludes w i t h c i t i n g two fundamental points i n M a c h i a v e l l i ' s thought: that power r e s t s on force upon which law a l s o depends, and that force i s greater, or more e f f e c t i v e i n achievi n g one's aim, than i s l e a r n i n g , or the way of persuasion. The character he then s e l e c t s as the model of M a c h i a v e l l i a n thought and a c t i o n i s an outcast^  an un-Chrisfcian Jew, and  an a v a r i c i o u s merchant and money-lender.  Prejudice could not  be b e t t e r barbed and winged. Barabas, the o r i g i n a l , f u l l y developed and grossest of u t h e " M a c h i a v e l l i a n " v i l l a i n s i s a sti^dy of fiendishness.  He  i s a v a r i c i o u s , d i a b o l i c a l l y cunning and unscrupulous, l a c k i n g  -101-  i n any decent human f e e l i n g .  He i s devoted only to money t o  which he w i l l s a c r i f i c e everything, i n c l u d i n g h i s only and l o v e l y daughter, A b i g a i l . nificance.  He i s quite without p o l i t i c a l  sig-  Gold, not empire i s h i s object; contempt f o r C h r i s t i a n s  and triumph i n t h e i r discomfiture h i s pre-occupation; death i n a trap he s e t f o r others, h i s end., This p l a y , however, The JexJ of M a l t a , Marlowe announces as an e x p o s i t i o n of p r a c t i c e according to M a c h i a v e l l i ; and, indeed, many of the l i n e s of Barabas are b i t t e r and damning parodies of M a c h i a v e l l i a n maxims. Barabas:  For example -  No, Barabas i s born of b e t t e r chance And fram'd of f i n e r mould than common men, That measure naught but by the present time. A reaching thought w i l l search h i s deepest w i t s , And casts w i t h cunning f o r the time to come; For e v i l s are apt to happen every day. ( I , i i , 219 - 22li)  Barabas:  Be r u l ' d by me, f o r i n extremity We ought to make bar of no p o l i c y . (I, i i ,  Barabas:  272 - 273)  for r e l i g i o n Hides many m i s c h i e f s from s u s p i c i o n . ( I , i , 281 - 282)  Barabas:  And when we g r i n we b i t e ; yet are our looks As innocent and harmless as a lamb's. ( I I , i i i , 21 - 22)  Barabas:  (To Ithamore)...be thou v o i d of these a f f e c t i o n s Compassion, l o v e , v a i n hope, and h e a r t l e s s f e a r ; Be mov'd by n o t h i n g , see thou p i t y none, But to t h y s e l f smile when the C h r i s t i a n s moan. ( I I , i l l , 1 7 0 - 173)  -102-  Barabas:  No..Barabas.... ....since by wrong thou g o t t ' s t a u t h o r i t y Maintain i t bravely by f i r m p o l i c y ; At l e a s t u n p r o f i t a b l y lose i t not; For he that l i v e t h i n a u t h o r i t y , And n e i t h e r gets him f r i e n d s nor f i l l s h i s bags, L i v e s l i k e the ass that Aesop speaketh of.... (V, i i , 3k - k-0)  Barabas:  S l i p not thine opportunity, f o r f e a r too l a t e Thou seek'st f o r much, but canst not compass I t .  Barabas:  (V, i i , lj.5 - lj-6) Thus l o v i n g n e i t h e r , w i l l I l i v e w i t h both, Making a p r o f i t o f my p o l i c y ; And he from whom my most advantage comes, S h a l l be my f r i e n d . (V, i i ,  111  - 111).)  In these l i n e s a savage burlesque i s made of Machiavelli»s eulogy of f o r e s i g h t , p o l i t i c a l f l e x i b i l i t y and d i s s i m u l a t i o n . There i s a burlesque of h i s advice on the n e c e s s i t y to d i s c i p l i n e f e e l i n g i n the i n t e r e s t of r e a l i z i n g one's o b j e c t i v e , and on the t a c t i c s one must adopt t o r e t a i n a throne acquired by conquest; there i s a burlesque of M a c h i a v e l l i ' s warning that one must defend and preserve one's own i n t e r e s t s and advance.one•s own p o s i t i o n ; and on the arguments that merit r e q u i r e s opportunity, that one must choose one's a l l i e s or associates f o r the advantage they a f f o r d , and that f o r e s t a l l i n g i s the best means o f thwarting a conspiracy.  I n a l l , the  t r a v e s t y of M a c h i a v e l l i l i e s i n a t t r i b u t i n g t o the executor of the actions an e x c l u s i v e l y s e l f i s h , e v i l and d e s t r u c t i v e i n t e n t ,  -103-  As has already been noted, absolute egotism and e s s e n t i a l e v i l , so thoroughly represented i n Barabas are at the heart of the romantic M a c h i a v e l l i a n as he becomes known on the E l i z a b e t h a n stage.  With these goes atheism, symbolized i n  Barabas by h i s being a ^ew, committer of "unhallow'd deeds of Jews", by h i s frequent c u r s i n g of C h r i s t i a n s , and r e j o i c ing  i n t h e i r d i s c o m f i t u r e , and by the f r e n z i e d s o r t of hatred  that possesses him: Barabas:  so I l i v e , p e r i s h may a l l the world. (V, v, 10)  Marlowe, i n The Jew of Malta p i l l o r i e d M a c h i a v e l l i as a v i l l a i n and an a t h e i s t , through the most powerful propaganda medium o f the day, the stage.  I n doing so he moved a good d i s -  tance from h i s p o s i t i o n i n r e l a t i o n to the thought of M a c h i a v e l l i i n Tamburlane, i n which he chose to stress those aspects of the upstart prince —  h i s r e s o l u t i o n and d a r i n g — w i t h which one  could remain i n sympathy.  I n Doctor Paustus, he presented a  learned man s e l l i n g h i s soul to the d e v i l i n exchange f o r a l i f e of domination over nature, which to the medieval mind was governed by God's law. Here i n essence i s the same attack launched i n The ^ew of Malta:  the charge i s egotism and love  of Worldly m a t e r i a l i s t i c power; the demonstration i s d e s t r u c t iveness and s e l f - d e s t r u c t i o n ; and the pattern of the i n d i v i d u a l ' s  -io4development i s again that of Tamburlane and of Barabas. Paustus i s a man of humble o r i g i n who r i s e s t o eminence by sheer a b i l i t y .  He advances, however, not as a w a r r i o r or  a man of wealth, but as a s c h o l a r .  L i k e Tamburlane and Barabas  he becomes a v i c t i m of h i s own boundless love of h i s p a r t i c u l a r w o r l d l y object - l e a r n i n g - p a r t i c u l a r l y the black a r t - and becomes more and more r e c k l e s s and d e s t r u c t i v e as the i n e v i t a b l e ehd approaches. As i n the other two plays announcement i s made of the d e s t i n y of the c h i e f character.  The audience i s t o l d a t the  outset that Faustus, a man of humble o r i g i n , went to the u n i v e r s i t y of Wertenberg where he studied law, medicine and divinity.  Then, master of these a r t s , and "swoln w i t h cunning,  of a s e l f - c o n c e i t " , he " s u r f e i t s upon cursed necromancy", while the "heavens conspire h i s overthrow". Marlowe then o u t l i n e s the i l l u s i o n s that conceit and ambit i o n create: Faustus:  0, what a world o f p r o f i t and d e l i g h t , Of power, of honour, of omnipotence, Is promised to the studious a r t i s a n 1 A l l things that move between the quiet poles S h a l l be a t my command: ( I , i , Sk - 5 8 ) 5  ^kk Christopher a r l o w e , The T r a g i c a l H i s t o r y of Dr. London, Mathuen & Co., L t d . , 1 9 3 2 . M  Faustus,  -io5-  But h i s dominion that exceeds i n t h i s , S t r e t c h e t h as f a r as doth the mind of man; A sound magician- i s a might god: Here Paustus, t i r e Ibhy brains to g a i n a d e i t y . ( I , i , 6 l - 614.) This i s the temper of Tamburlane, whose aim soared beyond e a r t h l y bounds and reached i n t o heaven.  But Paustus, l i k e  Barabas, and u n l i k e Tamburlane, had a sense of e v i l - d o i n g , of desperation: Paustus:  This n i g h t I ' l l conjure, though I die t h e r e f o r e . ( I , i , 167)  His complacency returns and h i s p r i d e grows as h i s s p e l l s succeed and L u c i f e r appears, t o be h i s slave: Paustus:  How p l i a n t i s t h i s Mephistopholis, P u l l of obedience and. h u m i l i t y 1 Such i s the f o r c e of magic and my s p e l l s : (I,  i i i , 21 - 33)  and, l i k e Tamburlane, he becomes dangerous and meaningless i n h i s obsession wL t h power: Paustus:  To do whatever Paustus s h a l l command, Be i t to make the moon drop from her sphere, Or the ocean to overwhelm the world. ( I , i i i , 39-1+1)  With such an aim, Paustus dedicates h i m s e l f t o Beelzebub, "the c h i e f of H e l l " , and becomes through h i s p r i d e i n wordly l e a r n i n g , wholly devoted to power, s e l f - l o v e , appetite and money.  -106-  The moral of Faustus* f a t e i s stated s p e c i f i c a l l y by the chorus: Chorus:  Faustus i s gone: regard h i s h e l l i s h f a l l , Whose f i e n d f u l fortune may exhort the wise, Only to wonder at unlawful t h i n g s , Whose deepness doth entice such forward w i t s To p r a c t i s e more than heavely power permits. (Epilogue, if - 8 )  In a l l t h i s the denunciation of i r r e v e r e n t and unbridled ambition f i n d s expression;  and Marlowe thus u l t i m a t e l y i n -  t e r p r e t s M a c h i a v e l l i i n the terms voiced f i r s t by the C a t h o l i c R form Movement and l a t e r w i t h such abandon by G e n t i l l e t . e  In  Barabas he v i l i f i e d M a c h i a v e l l i through the drama as vehemently and i n as u n p r i n c i p l e d a fashion as had G e n t i l l e t i n h i s book, the Contre-Machiavel. In Edward I I he seized upon E n g l i s h h i s t o r y and i l l u s t r a t e d the a n t i - M a c h i a v e l l i a n i n a p o l i t i c a l play; but i n i t he turned the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n conceived by the champions of C a t h o l i c f e u d a l i s t s against themselves. In Edward I I Marlowe attempted t o deal w i t h p o l i t i c s and h i s t o r y s e r i o u s l y and r e a l i s t i c a l l y .  He took a theme from the  h i s t o r y of England, a segment of the r e a l i t y from which M a c h i a v e l l i s mind was never detached, and f o r the f i r s t time 1  d i s c i p l i n e d h i s genius t o cope w i t h experience and not w i t h fantasy.  He adapted the record of Edward I I ' s r e i g n as given  i n Hol/inshed, and i n s p i t e of the considerable  l i b e r t i e s he  -107-  took w i t h time he produced a p l a y that was r e l a t i v e l y accurate h i s t o r y and powerful drama.  P o e t i c bombast tended to be  re-  placed by the poetry of reason and r e a l i t y . The theme of the play i s the danger tohereditary monarchy— and consequently, i t i s inferred, to the common weal — i n s t r i f e between the king and the nobility.  inherent  In the struggle  of the feudal nobility to retain their control of Edward I I , the Younger Mortimer —  i n i t i a l l y one of the insurgent nobility  striving to recover the influence of the king from the "upstarts" and "batterers" —  Gaveston, the Spencers and Baldock — becomes  the victim of his own ambition, and turns the fight for the restoration of the feudal control of the monarch into what amounts to the usurpation of the throne by himself.  Mortimer's role as  a "Machiavellian" does not becoi® apparent until Act IV of the play, when the atmosphere of Intrigue and double-dealing becomes heavy whenever he appears, or the action of others i s provoked by him.  The play moves to i t s conclusion under the impetus of  the genius of evil that became traditionally associated with "Machiavellianism" on the stage. The sequence of events during the balance of the play illustrates the increasingly diabolical character of Mortimer.  108-  Escaping from the tower with the aid of Kent, brother to the king, he takes refuge i n France, joining the queen at Paris* There, aided by the hospitality of the Earl of Hainault, he and the queen recruit French and German military aid for their return to England end their attempt to depose the king and replace him by his son.  By these ambitious plans, however, he alienates  the young Prince Edward and Kent*  With the invasion of England,  he assumes leadership, though i n the queen's name; and Leicester acts i n Mortimer's name when he arrests the king at Neith. Mortimer now becomes anathema to the king. bloody man",  and the companion of h e l l *  He i s "That  Imprisoned under the  care of Leicester, the king complains against "the ambitious Mortimer" and later, tormented by the incessant moving about which Mortimer orders as a means of preventing his rescue, the king cries Edward: Will hateful Mortimer appoint no rest? (V, i i i , 5) When w i l l the fury of his mind assuage? When w i l l his heart be satisfied with blood? (V, i i i , 8 - 9 ) Although such epithets, as well as those of "tyrant" and  0LO9-  "traitor" had been bandied about by both sides during the scenes of struggle between the nobles and the king, from now on they accumulate around Mortimer, and are confirmed by his acts* The queen too develops as a dissembler and a would-be assassin at one with Mortimer i n his wilful ambition; and i t remains only for them to c a l l i n the fictional character, Lightborn  ;  created for the play by Marlowe to stamp Mortimer and Isabel as consciously developed romantic Machiavellians; for Lightborn announces himself as a v i l l a i n trained i n crime i n Italy, and cunning i n namelesssmurderous designs. If the features of the "Machiavellian" outlined by Miss Fellhelmer are recalled, i t will be seen that Mortimer, Isabel and Lightborn are drawn after the pattern she records*  The  opening words of Mortimer i n Act V, scene Iv, "The king must die, or Mortimer goes down", int^Qiuces i n f u l l the "Machiavellian", headstrong, ambitious, cunning, unscrupulous, egotistical, contemptuous of others and defiant to the last, consciously a wrong-doer* The significance of this t r i o to the tradition of  "Ma-  chavellian" v i l l a i n y l i e s i n the number of facets of this v i l l a i n y that they reflect.  Two of them are from the high-  ranking nobility, close to the monarch; they move i n their  -llC-  development from discontent to ambition, and from ambition to obsession with power. The orown has i n the end an Irresistible fascination for them. Seeking i t , they demonstrate increasing degrees of violence, cunning and cruelty. unrepentant.  Overcome, they are  Lightborn, the base-born one of the trio, i s  remarkable for the vulgarity of his pride i n his art of assassination, his insensibility and his credulity.  None of  them have any aim other than that of advancing themselves to the highest attainable peaks of greatness. For the woman this i s to be the companion and abettor, and sometimes the guide to a daring and cunning man; for the paid assassin i t i s s k i l l and novelty i n the art of murder. A l l are Indifferent to legitimate claims to what they seek, and to the damage their actions do to the lives of others. Together they make a composite "Machiavellian * • 1  The development of excessive ambition begins i n Isabella only after she abandons hope of winning back the king's affections, alienated from her by the king's infatuation with Gaveston.  Before she decides to seek foreign aid with which  to win power for her son i n England, she makes every effort to restore herself to the favor of the king. Alone and i n the king's presence she declares her love and loyalty to him, and gives no encouragement to Mortimer's advances.  Once she i s  -111-  in France, however, she appears to feel that she has made an Irrevocable break with the king.  She then becomes Mortimer's  whole-hearted accomplice, and involves Prince Edward as an unwilling and helpless tool of his ambition* The front of legitimacy which Prince Edward s t i t l e to 1  the throne affords only enhances the dishonesty of Isabella and Mortimer, who are concerned chiefly with their own domination and security*  In the campaign against King Edward, for  example, before the Spencers and Baldock have been seized and executed and, king transferred to Berkeley, Isabella and Mortimer keep up the pretense of seeking to right the wrongs the king has committed against their country and of freeing the court from unwise counsellors; but with the imprisonment of the king their pretense i s dropped* Mortimer:  Fair sabel, now have we our desire; The proud corrupters of the light-brain d king Have done their homage to the gallows. And he himself l i e s i n captivity* Be rul'd by me, and we w i l l rule the realm* x  1  (V, i i , 1 - 5 ) Isabel:  so that my son be safe, Whom I esteem as dear as these mine eyes, Conclude against his father what thou wilt, And I myself w i l l willingly subscribe* (V, I i , 17 - 20 )  112-  Mortimer:  F i r s t would I hear news he were depos'd, And then l e t me alone to handle him* (V, i i , 21 - 22 )  There i s a singular brutality and coarseness a bout that last line of ortImer's, like the snarl of a beastjgj fulljof M  unbridled savagery. but she does not.  The shield i s down. Isabel should r e c o i l ; On the contrary, interrupted by a messenger,  she inquires with apparent sincerity about the health of the king; but when the Bishop of Winchester appears bearing the crown everything fades before her ambition. Isabel:  (To the messenger) How fares my lord the king?  Messenger: Isabel:  In health, madam, but f u l l of pensiveness.  Alas, poor soul, would I could ease his grief.  (Enter the Bishop of Winchester with the crown) Thanks, gentle Winchester. (To the Messenger) Sirrah, be gone. ( V, i i , 21+ - 27) The appoarance of the crown, visible symbol of power, explodes pretense, and the messenger of Edward i s unceremoniously despatched.  Isabel bursts into energetic action, she  orders the young prince to be brought to her, and peremptorily demands a severer guard for the king.  Inspired by her example,  -113  Mortimer calls for Gurney and Mat^vis to take charge of the king, and prepare his assassination.  Before they arrive Isabel  asks pointedly: Isabel:  But, Mortimer, as long as he (the king) survives, What safety rests for us,or for my son?  Mortimer places i t to her bluntly: Speak, shall he presently be dispatch d and die? 1  Isabel:  I would he were, so i t were not by my means, (V, i i , 1|2 - kS  )  Mat^rWis and Gurney carry on their diabolical task of trying to break down the mind and morale of the king; and Kent f a i l s to free the king, i s himself captured and sent to Mortimer, Mortimer, meanwhile, i s aware that the prince also i s his enemy: Mortimer:  ¥et he that Is the cause of Edward*s death, Is sure to pay for i t when his son i s of age, ( V,  iv,  k)  That second prosaic and pedestrain line jars as much as the cowardly thought i t carries, Mortimer now resorts to cunning; and despatches the ambiguous Latin message to Gurney, inviting him to assassinate the king.  And so we are led to  Lightborn, called i n by Mortimer to make sure the king i s executed, and In a manner that w i l l not reveal the cause of  -Ilk"  death,  L i g h t b o r n i s ^ r e s o l u t e " , l a u g h t s a t the  suggestion  t h a t he might r e l e n t i n f a c e o f the k i n g , and boasts  reassur-  i n g l y t o Mortimer: You s h a l l not need to g i v e i n s t r u c t i o n s ; ' T i s not the f i r s t time I have k i l l e d a man, I l e a r n e d i n Naples how to p o i s o n f l o w e r s ; To s t r a n g l e w i t h a lawn t h r u s t through the throa<8; To p i e r c e the windpipe w i t h a needle's p o i n t ; Or w h i l s t one i s a s l e e p , t o take a q u i l l And blow a l i t t l e powder i n the e a r s : Or open h i s mouth and pour q u i c k s i l v e r down. But y e t I have a b r a v e r way  than  these.  ( V, i v , 29 - 37 ) L i g h t b o r n w i l l not r e v e a l h i s s e c r e t to the f a s c i n a t e d Mortimer,  He  i s as good as h i s word, however, i n the  o f the k i n g , which he c a r r i e s through w i t h a p e r v e r s e and p r o f e s s i o n a l p r i d e .  He i s , of course,  execution jauntiness  assassinated  by  Gurney and M a t r e v i s , upon orders from Mortimer, w r i t t e n i n L a t i n , and brought by L i g h t b o r n The vellian" —  himself.  c h a r a c t e r o f Mortimer i s t h a t o f the romantic "Machiathe i n d i v i d u a l s e i z e d and  d r i v e n by an  insatiable  demand f o r power, r e j o i c i n g w i c k e d l y  i n each tritamph, prepared  to r e s o r t t o any  and meeting h i s  crime o r d e c e p t i o n ,  c y n i c a l l y f l i n g i n g a t a u n t , a boast  or a c u r s e .  end,  He i s of the  k i n d , though not of the rank i n enormity, of Barabas, The  v i l l a i n thus c r e a t e d and l a b e l l e d M a c h i a v e l l i a n by  Marlowe became the p r o t o t y p e  f o r v i l l a i n y on the stage  of  -115Ellzabethan England.  He appears to be the reflection of the  fear and hatred of the excessively ambitious individual thathaunted the minds of many i n Elizabethan England, and particul a r l y of those who championed the Tudor absolutism.  Defined  originally by the protagonists of medieval forms of government i n their pamphlets and public denunciations of the new Tudor absolutism, he figured on the stage, when p o l i t i c a l l y defined, as the enemy of the new renaissance absolute monarchy, as the irreconcilably ambitious noble, whose aim was selfish and whose object was oppression.  Product of the disturbed  conditions of the time, he was an extravagance and his career was brief. Marlowe had certainly caught the essentially revolutionary quality of the conflict of his time, the desperation of the contenders and the Irrevocability of the outcome of the contention.  In the dramatic poems, Tamburlane, The Jew of  Malta, and Dr. Fanstus he depicted this essenee i n striking symbols from the f i e l d of war, of commerce and of learning, and In poetic and extravagantly dramatic terms had sown ambition gone wild. In Edward II i n more moderate .terms and with some regard for historical reality, he dramatized the triumph of monarchy over both the nobility as a class and over the  -116-  single man of ambition: the governing principle of the preeminence of the monarch was confirmed i n the triumph of Edward II over the nobility; and the villainy of the insurgent noble was stressed in the degeneration and downfall of Mortimer* Among the romantic Machiavellians of the Elizabethan stage, Shakespeare's Richard III holds a unique place. In the variety of ways In which he demonstrates ruthless selfassertion, he exceeds a l l other "Machiavellians" of the romantic school; while i n the demonstration of a soul i n the agony of self-knowledge and despair he does not f a l l short of Faustus i n his f i n a l hour; but Richard's agony i s rooted i n real human dilemna and not i n the conflict of the human soul torn between the powers of heaven and h e l l , or goaded by some driving passion.  Richard comes to his position l o g i -  cally, and i n freedom from infatuation; and i n his pitiless self-examination reveals a human conscience and modesty that Is absent from other "Machiavellians". Bowing to facts, not passions, Richard masters the art of unprincipled dissimulation and develops a nearly impervious self-assurance.  In his dealings with women, old  and young, i n affairs of the heart and i n affairs of state  -117'  he Is the master psychologist and cynic*  He can seduce a  young woman with shameless art, as he does ^ady Anne, break down with equally shameless equivocation the rooted hate of an outraged mother, as he does that of Queen Elizabeth, with exquisite aplomb outface every court schemer, triumphantly stage a transparently organized demonstration of public support, which fools no one and yet achieves i t s end, with finely tempered cynicism play so astute a politician as Buckingham u n t i l open contempt compels him to revolt*  But i n his  exacting appreciation of his own s k i l l , Richard reveals also an agonized disillusion* breaking his own heart*  In triumphing over humanity he i s He penetrates too deeply into the  human soul, including his own, for his own peace of mind; he i s too, too conscious of human f r a i l t y *  After he has won  Anne, he recoils upon his own achievement: Richard:  What I  I, that k i l l e d her husband and his father.  To take her i n her heart's Bxtreme hate; With curses i n her mouth,^-tearX i n her eyes, The bleeding witness of^her/hatred by; Having God, her conscience, and these bars V against me, And I no friends to back my suit withal But the plain devil and dissembling looks, And yet to win her, — a l l the world to nothing* Hal Hath she forgot already that brave prince, Edward, her lord, whom I, some three months since,  -118  Stabbed i n my angry mood at Tewksbury? A sweeter and a lovelier gentlemanFramed i n the prodigality of nature, Young, valiant, wise, and, no doubt, right fcoyal — The spacious world cannot again afford: And w i l l she yet abase her eyes on me, That cropt the golden prime of this sweet prince, And made her widow to a woful bed? Gn me, whose a l l not equals Edward's moiety? On me, that halt and am mis-shapen, thus? My dukedom to a beggarly denier, I do mistake my person a l l this while: Upon my l i f e , she finds, although I cannot. Myself to be a marvellous proper man* (  I, i i ,  230-25^)  The mockery of the Inveterate realist seizes him.  He w i l l get  a mirror; obviously he has failed to appreciate himself. He cries: Shine out, f a i r sun, t i l l I have bought a glass. That I may see my shadow as i t pass. ( I, i i ,  262  -  263)  He triumphs as cruelly i n his own discomfiture as he does i n the discomfiture of his victims.  As a close examination  of his career w i l l show, he stands apart from other romantic Machiavellians i n the logic of his being.  Other romantic  Machiavellians exemplify excessive, irrational ambition, love of power, greed, pride; a l l are the victims of i l l u s i o n , a l l are sealed up i n egotism.  Richard i s denied the comfort of  i l l u s i o n ; he i s the victim of too clear a vision of the facts.  -119-  He i s a man brimful of l i f e , yet condemned by monstrous physical deformities to isolation from a l l the delights of love and sweet companionship,  Hisshapen i n body, he i s yet  endowed with amazing physical and mental energy, • A warrior of such outstanding a b i l i t y that his father, the Duke of York, commends him above a l l his brothers for his prowess i n battle, he i s also Intellectually the superior of a l l those with whom he associates.  He i s shrewd, quick-witted,  sagacious,  and above a l l a lover of action, mental and physical. While war rages he has f u l l scope for his energies; but when peace spreads over the land he becomes a caged s p i r i t , alien and alone. Presented to us at f i r s t i n the second part of Henry VI as one of Richard, Duke of York's valiant sons, he appears, until the humiliating death of his father at the hand of Queen Margaret and her followers, a high-spirited, shrewd and courageous youth.  In the parliament scene, when the  Duke of York has Henry VI at his merey, Richard i s urgent i n his demand that York act to assert his advantage and claim^ the crown*  When,under Queen Margaret's influence, Henry VI  is moving to rescind his oath to recognize the Duke of York as heir to the throne, Richard i s the one that supplies the  -120  argument that would allow h i s father to enforce h i s t i t l e to the crown with a clear conscience.  F i n a l l y , i n the decisive  b a t t l e between the Yorkists and the Lancastrians, Richard i s the son who  i s represented as the f e a r l e s s , t i r e l e s s and  generous f i g h t e r , seeking out h i s father's c h i e f foes f o r b a t t l e , and coming again and again to the rescue of one or another of h i s father's leading a l l i e s .  In Act I, scene 1  of the t h i r d part of Henry VI, the Duke of York says of him, "Richard hath best deserved of a l l my  son!".  (I, i ,  17)«  Although he i s the youngest, Richard has displayed more spectacular courage and greater i n i t i a t i v e than have h i s elder brothers.  He appears, indeed, more as the p o t e n t i a l  true Machiavellian prince than as the romantic  villain.  While h i s father l i v e s , indeed, Richard does nothing that suggests either the c r i p p l e or the criminal; and h i s g r i e f at h i s father's death i s impressive f o r i t s depth and s i n c e r i t y , and f o r the determination he shows, above that of h i s brothers to take revenge upon those responsible f o r h i s father's humiliating end. The change i n Richard to inveterate self-seeking ambition, or romantic Machiavellianism, sets i n with the marriage of Edward to E l i z a b e t h Woodville, Lady Grey, and the pendency Edward immediately displays to favor the members of her family  •121-  before his brothers,  Edward endows his wife's brother with  one of the greatest estates i n the land, and makes the most advantageous marriages for her sons.  Further, Edward so af-  fronts Warwick, one of the most eminent and powerful lords of England, by his marriage, that sharp criticism i s evoked from both Clarence and Richard.  Underlying Richard's  turn away from loyalty to his family then, i s his brother/) Edward's own treason to his family, and the certainty that Edward's marriage renders irrational any hope Richard k  might harbor of ineriting the throne, or of long enjoying the advantages of his birth* The remarkably human penetration and realism of Richard's thinking, which distinguishes him from other Machiavellians of the romantic school, now appear.  Facing  the facts of Edward's marriage and his favoritism for the Rivers family, Richard considers the alternative ways of l i f e lying open to him.  Bereft of power, he sees himself  also, by the harsh hand of nature, bereft of a l l the a t t r i butes that make love and the pleasures of company attainable. He i s a cripple.  R u t h l e s s l y he catalogues his deformities:  a withered arm, a hunched back, unequal legs; and he laughs  122-  t o s c o r n dreams of, b e i n g b e l o v e d .  Nature, he notes mocking-  l y , had d i s p r o p o r t i o n e d him i n every p a r t . his  And he comes t o  conclusion: Then, s i n c e t h i s e a r t h a f f o r d s no #oy t o me, But t o command, to check, t o o'erbear such As a r e o f b e t t e r person than myself, I ' l l make my heaven t o dream upon the crown, And w h i l e s I l i v e t'account t h i s world but h e l l , U n t i l my misshaped trunk t h a t bears t h i s head, Be round impaled with a g l o r i o u s crown. ( I l l Henry V I , I I I , i i , Behind Richard's  165-171)  determined f i g h t f o r power, then,  l i e s d e s p a i r o f i n h e r i t i n g t h e crown, a j u s t i f i a b l e r e s e n t ment a g a i n s t Edward's b e t r a y a l o f h i s b r o t h e r s ' and  d e s p a i r o f p e r s o n a l happiness.  interests,  H i s misanthropy thus has  a k e e n l y f e l t and n a t u r a l e x p l a n a t i o n .  H i s i s o l a t i o n from  a l l human attachment eats i n t o him, u n t i l the triumph o f h i s a b i l i t i e s alone  seems to him to o f f e r c o n s o l a t i o n .  comes, as i t were, a s p e c t a t o r o f h i s own " p o l i c y " , c i a t i n g , i f n o t enjoying the success c r u e l t i e s and stratagems.  of h i s  He beappre-  subtleties,  H i s a r t o f d i s s i m u l a t i o n , as he -  h i m s e l f c l a i m s , i s supreme; f o r i t i s c l e a r t h a t he imposes h i m s e l f upon others as t h o u g h t f u l , g r a c i o u s , s o f t - h e a r t e d , ingenuous or p i o u s , as he chooses t o r e p r e s e n t  himself.  J u s t as h i s e x a c t i n g examination of h i m s e l f , which  -123-  drove him to the conclusion'that happiness was not f o r him, revealed i n him the presence of a n a t u r a l  hope of happiness,  so the existence i n him of the p o s s i b i l i t y of goodness i s suggested i n the confusion i n t o which he f a l l s a f t e r h i s g r u e l l i n g argument w i t h Queen E l i z a b e t h over h i s d e s i r e to make s u i t to her daughter.  E l i z a b e t h turns every shaft of  d e c e i t , hypocrisy or equivocation that he h u r l s , exposing his  dishonesty r e l e n t l e s s l y ; so that when she f i n a l l y agrees  to t r y t o i n f l u e n c e her daughter i n h i s f a v o r , she has  left  him s t r i p p e d of every pretense. Following upon t h i s i n t e r v i e w , Richard r e c e i v e s a succession of messengers a l l b r i n g i n g bad news.  Apparently  unnerved, he Issues c o n t r a d i c t o r y orders, or f a i l s to give necessary i n s t r u c t i o n s .  Although h i s recovery i s r a p i d ,  one f e e l s that h l a s h e l l of i n d i f f e r e n c e has been penetrated by E l i z a b e t h ' s sharp r e j o i n d e r s , f o r i t i s not c o n s i s t e n t w i t h h i s character that merely bad news should f r i g h t e n him.  Danger but threatens y e t , and up to t h i s point danger  has never dismayed him; nor does he I n the end allow even the t e r r o r s of h i s g h o ^ s t l y v i s i t a t i o n s to rob him of h i s readiness f o r b a t t l e .  On the c o n t r a r y , Richard argues w i t h  himself i n a very n a t u r a l though desperate manner, f o l l o w i n g  -12k"  the v i s i t a t i o n of th© ghosts.  Unlike other romantic  Machiavel-  l i a n s , he voices not the outcry o f a tormented s o u l f e a r i n g h e l l but t h a t o f the miserable and i s o l a t e d i n d i v i d u a l , conscious of complete f r i e n d l e s s n e s s . He c r i e s out, "Have mercy, Jesu I ", but t h i s i s an exclamation of h a b i t ; i t i s h i s behaviour among men t h a t bothers him. Richard:  0 coward conscience, how dost thou a f f l i c t me I  For a moment he allows the c o l o r o f the l i g h t t o f r i g h t e n him; i t i s b l u e , reputedly the s i g n o f the presence o f an e v i l spirit.  BulThe does not spend a moment on the supernatural.  "What do I f e a r ? " , he asks.  There i s no one by; no one but  h i m s e l f ; and he loves h i m s e l f .  But there i s a murderer by;  h i m s e l f ; there i s a p e r j u r e r by: h i m s e l f ; there i s a v i l l a i n g u i l t y o f a thousand s i n s ; h i m s e l f .  His r e l e n t l e s s l y r e a l -  i s t i c and r a t i o n a l mind w i l l not allow himself escape from a s i n g l e accusation; nor w i l l i t allow himself t o deny h i s c o n t i n u i n g s e l f - l o v e , even though he i s without p i t y f o r h i m s e l f i n h i s deep misery. There i s no creature loves me Is h i s l a s t desperate  conclusion.  -125'  When Ratcliff enters his tent to waken him, he leaps i n terror. Zounds 1 Who i s there? His f i r s t concern then i s to sound out the loyalty of his supporters.  Will they prove true?  He doubts i t , and sets out  therefore, with Ratcliff to eavesdrop on his army, and returning, wants corroboration from Ratcliff upon what they have overheard.  He allows himself to acquiesce, i n an almost simpl  minded fashion, i n the report that Richmond knows nothing of warfare; and then lets himself f a l l into wondering i f the dull weather i s ominous.  Norfolk's c a l l to arms, however, brings  him to action at once, as though he were relieved to be required to do something.  His orders are decisive and command-  ing; his self-assurance revives, and his address to his troops is" f u l l of scorn for the enemy. One feels, however, that he knows he i s doomed, but that he w i l l go down fighting, and enjoying the battle. No other Machiavellian of the romantic type gives so natural an explanation of his behaviour.  Each i s obsessed  with,the love of power; but no other i s so clearly denied by nature and circumstance a l l alternatives to despair.  Richard  -126  sees himself i n h e l l , i n a land of briars, lost, alone, cut off from a l l but the resources of his own being, and doomed to suffer torment i n hacking his way that alone promises reward — and weep, or he can fight.  to the object  the crown. He can s i t down  He chooses to fight; and to fight  when his own common sense t e l l s him he is irrational. His r e c i t a l of the attributes his role requires pictures the Machiavellian as Gentillet defined him, and as Barabas demonstrated him: Why, I can smile, and murder whiles I smile; And cry 'Content' to that which grieves my heart; And wet my cheeks with a r t i f i c i a l tears, And frame my face to a l l occasions: I ' l l drown more sailors than the mermaids shall; I ' l l slay more gazers than the basilisk; If11 play the orator as well as Nestor; Deceive more s l i l y than Ulysses could£ And, like a Slnon, take another Troy: I can add colours to the chameleon; Change places with Proteus for advantages; And set the murderous Machiavel to school* Can 1 do this and cannot get a crown? ( IIP Henry VI, III, i i , 182 - 19^)  10  Although;Richard f a l l s , i n his completely unregenerate character, into the pattern of the Machiavellian v i l l a i n set by Marlowe, he manages to remain convincingly human, and free  10) William Shakespeare, "Henry VI, Part III", Works, 1 9 3 8 .  -127from the d i a b o l i c a l gloating^Barabas  or even Tamburlane,  Perhaps t h i s i s because Shakespeare dealt so deeply i n the human heart as i t warmly beats and throbs, 'and because he was r e i n c a r n a t i n g an h i s t o r i c a l character apparently f o r a p r a c t i c a l reason — Yorkist kings.  the d i s c r e d i t i n g of the l a s t o f the  C e r t a i n i t i s that the character of Richard  I I I c o n v i n c i n g l y suggests the k i n d of mental t u r m o i l conc e i v a b l y accompanying the  career  of a r e a l t y r a n t who, l i k e  Agathocles, O l i v e r o t t o d a Permo, or Severus, a l l r e f e r r e d t o by M a c h i a v e l l i , commanded admiration f o r t h e i r courage and t h e i r c r a f t , but merited infamy only f o r the s t e r i l i t y of t h e i r object. R i c h a r d , l i k e a l l Machiavellians of the romantic school, f a l l s through the excess o f h i s own c r u e l t i e s and frauds. I n the completeness o f h i s c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n , he i s the counterp a r t , as i n h i s q u a l i t i e s as a r u l e r he i s the antitheses o f Henry V, Shakespeare's supreme r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of the true M a c h i a v e l l i a n . Both are i s o l a t e d , I r e s o l u t e i n d i v i d u a l s ; but the one i s i s o l a t e d and motivated by despair; the other by the greatness of h i s conception of the r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of the i n d i v i d u a l c a l l e d t o the exercise o f power.  •128-  Chapter  V  Real Machiavellianism —  Ben Jonson  I f our stage M a c h i a v e l l i a n v i l l a i n proves himself v i l l a i n t o the true M a c h i a v e l l i a n , must i t be concluded that the stage o f E l i z a b e t h a n England f a i l e d e n t i r e l y to  M a c h i a v e l l i intended them t o be understood?  I r v i n g Ribner,  w r i t i n g upon the i n f l u e n c e of M a c h i a v e l l i on Sidney , ex1  presses the opinion that "His ( M a c h i a v e l l i ' s ) ideas were a pervasive i n f l u e n c e i n E l i z a b e t h a n thought and w i l l , upon i n v e s t i g a t i o n , be no doubt found r e f l e c t e d i n the works of many o f the other w r i t e r s o f the age,......" 2 I t w i l l be the purpose of t h i s chapter to demonstrate that a genuine a p p r e c i a t i o n of the p o l i t i c a l  outlook  expressed  by M a c h i a v e l l i d i d indeed f i n d expression i n the plays contemporary w i t h those of Marlowe, or f o l l o w i n g c l o s e l y a f t e r  1) I r v i n g Ribner, " M a c h i a v e l l i and Sidney: The Arcadia of 1950," Studies i n P h i l o l o g y , the U n i v e r s i t y of North C a r o l i n a Press, 19^9 .  2)  I b i d . - p. 172  129  them* F i r s t of the great E l i z a b e t h a n dramatists, Marlowe^T) i n i t i a t e d the t r a d i t i o n of d i s t o r t e d Machiavellianism; l a s t of the great E l i z a b e t h a n dramatists, Ben Jonson dramatized the p o l i t i c a l i n t r i g u e s o f ancient Rome w i t h an eye that measured the p a r t i c i p a n t s w i t h an o b j e c t i v i t y almost as detached as that of M a c h i a v e l l i , and w i t h an a p p r e c i a t i o n f o r s k i l f u l manoeuvring on a par w i t h h i s . I n the two f r a n k l y p o l i t i c a l plays by Jonson, Sejanus (1603) and C a t i l i n e H i s Conspiracy  ( l 6 l l ) the l i n e s f r e -  quently are paraphrases of the statements o f M a c h i a v e l l i , and the passions and p e r s o n a l i t i e s r e v e a l themselves consistently i n p o l i t i c a l situations, Sejanus t e l l s the s t o r y of the p o l i t i c a l a s s o c i a t i o n and r i v a l r y of two powerful men i n the Roman s t a t e : T i b e r i u s , the emperor, and h i s f a v o u r i t e , Sejanus, a man of common b i r t h , but experienced i n the a f f a i r s o f Rome and r a i s e d by the emperor t o a p o s i t i o n of i n f l u e n c e i n the Roman s t a t e . The c h i e f protagonist i s Sejanus, whose ambition t o succeed T i b e r i u s i n i t i a t e s the a c t i o n of the p l a y and provokes Into motion the p o l i t i c a l t a l e n t of the emperor whose d e c l i n e i n t o i d l e n e s s and debauchery has not robbed him of h i s s t a t e -  -130-  craft. The a c t i o n of the p l a y takes place i n a p e r i o d of p o l i t i c a l corruption.  Popular discontent and d i s a p p r o v a l  of the emperor have produced adherents f o r the cause of the house of Germanicus, next i n l i n e f o r the i m p e r i a l crown. The p l a y , t h e r e f o r e , opens to the audience p o l i t i c a l Rome, seething w i t h i n t r i g u e and unrest, and f e s t e r i n g w i t h c o r r u p t i o n and debauchery. A group of c i t i z e n s innocent of acts against the emperor, but c r i t i c a l of him, and i n sympathy w i t h the claims of the house of Germanicus to the succession, i s the conscience  of  the p l a y ; and, appearing as p a r t of the crowd, or meeting i n the palace or on the s t r e e t s , p o i n t s the moral. I n Act I , scene I , one of these^Sabinus,  f o r e c a s t s the  outcome of events: Sabinus:  Tyrants a r t s Are to give f l a t t e r e r s grace; accusers power; That those may seem t o k i l l whom they devour. 1  ( I , I , 70 - 72)  3  This i s p r e c i s e l y the theme of the p l a y ; i t i s a l s o , i n  3) Ben Jonson, "Sejanus", Ben Jonson, Oxford, The Clarendon Press, V o l . 1+,.  1932,  -131-  b r i e f M a c h i a v e l l i s advice on conspiracies ^, and on the 1  p r i n c e ' s need f o r exeeutionars to take r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r acts of v i o l e n c e and r e p r e s s i o n i n the i n t e r e s t s of the state, ^  T i b e r i u s , the apparently unwary, and c e r t a i n l y  the d i s s o l u t e p r i n c e , plays w i t h the a s p i r i n g Sejanus as a cat p l a y s w i t h a mouse. He meets s u b t l e t y w i t h s u b l e t y , dissembling w i t h dissembling, c r u e l t y w i t h c r u e l t y , and proves himself i n the end the stronger, Jonson's character-drawing  and u n f o l d i n g of p l o t are  i n the r e a l i s t i c v e i n of M a c h i a v e l l i ,  Sejanus, the would-  be usurper, i n f u l l career toward the i m p e r i a l t i t l e ,  has  been appointed the emperor's deputy a t Rome during the absence of T i b e r i u s , He i s t a k i n g t h i s opportunity to s e l l o f f i c e s and f a v o r s , and b r i b e the guard as a means of b u i l d i n g aj personal f o l l o w i n g while he s e c r e t l y prepares to b r i n g about the death of the emperor's son and h e i r , Drusus, and to marry Drusus' w i f e . People, advanced from o b s c u r i t y , M a c h i a v e l l i and h i s t o r y had warned, and promoted to power by the favor of a p r i n c e , develop, not g r a t i t u d e , but ambition. ^  Such people must be  N i c c o l o M a c h i a v e l l i , The Discourses, I I I , v i , lj.3lj.-ij.35 5 ) R a l e i g h i s quoted by Strathmann, S i r Walter Raleigh,as r e f e r r ing t o t h i s maxim, p, lolj.; a l s o The P r i n c e , x i x , 82, 6) The Discourses, I I I , JLp.i|_—lp.5 k)  -132-  allowed t o imagine that t h e i r schemes are succeeding so long as he against whom the conspiracy i s d i r e c t e d cannot w i t h s a f e t y a c t against them.  While' appearing not t o know  of the conspiracy, the threatBndd prince must i n i t i a t e counter-measures s e c r e t l y ; and w^ en the time i s r i p e , a c t w i t h d i s p a t c h against i t ,  7  T h i s , T i b e r i u s does, feeding  Sejanus w i t h hopes and continued favors u n t i l the moment of h i s exposure and execution, Jonson, an i n t e l l e c t u a l e g o t i s t , as an a r t i s t s e l f c o n s c i o u s l y dramatizes h i s l e a r n i n g and h i s i d e a s .  He  p o i n t e d l y introduces T i b e r i u s t o the audience as a dissembler; T i b e r i u s f i r s t appears on the stage o s t e n t a t i o u s l y r e f u s i n g to be t r e a t e d as a god and p r o t e s t i n g that he i s the servant of the senate.  That h i s d u p l i c i t y may be f u l l y  appreciated  by the audience, Jonson has his, bystanders, Cordus and A r r u n t i u s remark: Cordus: Arruntius:  Rarely dissembled! P r i n c e - l i k e t o the l i f e , ( I , 395 )  I t i s thus made i n d i s p u t a b l y c l e a r t h a t i n T i b e r i u s one has the " p o l i t i c k e p r i n c e " , cautious, cunning and f u l l y aware of the dangers of h i s p o s i t i o n ; and the b a t t l e of w i t s proceeds  7)  The Discourses, I I I ,  -133  between Sejanus and the emperor with the audience keyed to appreciate the duel of wits# In the scene between Tiberius and Sejanus (Act II, Sc. I I ) in which Tiberius s k i l f u l l y uses Sejanus' own ambition to prompt him to recommend the extermination of the Germanici, the  house next i n line after Tiberius' son for the imperial  t i t l e , the arguments for ruthless action put so bluntly i n Chapter XVIII of The Prince, are reviewed: Tiberius: When the master prince Of a l l the world, Sejanus, saith he fears, Is i t not fatal? Sejanus:  Yes, to those are feared*  Tiberius: And not to him? Sejanus:  Not, i f he wisely turn That part of fate he holdeth, f i r s t on them*  Tiberius: Sejanus: Tiberius; Sejanus:  That, nature, blood, and laws of kind forbid. Do policy and state forbid i t ? No* The rest of poor respects, then l e t go by; State i s enough to make the act just, them guilty.  Tiberius: Long hate pursues such acts* Sejanus:  Whom hatred frights. Let him not dream on sovereiganty* Tiberius: Are rites Of faith, love, piety, to be trod down, Forgotten, and made vain? Sejanus: A l l for a crown* ( I I , 178 - 185)  -134-  This i s sound M a c h i a v e l l i a n sentiment up t o a p o i n t ; but the l i n e s immediately f o l l o w i n g show that Jonson, l i k e so many others, has overlooked  the q u a l i f y i n g r e s t r a i n t s t h a t  M a c h i a v e l l i urges upon the prince that would w i n s e c u r i t y and l a s t i n g fame i n s t e a d of the name of t y r a n t .  Jonson shows  that he i s d i s c u s s i n g tyranny and not p r i n c e l y r u l e o f a benef i c e n t type when he has Sejanus continue: The p r i n c e who shames a t y r a n t s name to bear S h a l l never dare do any t h i n g , but f e a r ; A l l the command o f sceptres q u i t e doth p e r i s h , I f i t hegins r e l i g i o u s thoughts t o c h e r i s h : Whole empires f a l l , swayM by those nice respects; I t i s the l i c e n s e o f dark deeds p r o t e c t s Ev»n s t a t e s most hated, when no laws r e s i s t The sword, but that i t a c t e t h what i t l i s t . 1  (II,  178 *  185)  Tyranny, M a c h i a v e l l i understood as the s a c r i f i c e o f p u b l i c welfare and state s e c u r i t y t o personal i n t e r e s t ; T i b e r i u s and Sejanus are obviously speaking as t y r a n t s who are i n d i f f erent t o the hatred of the people and r e s t , or propose t o rest t h e i r power e n t i r e l y on force and without regard t o law.  As  has been shown, M a c h i a v e l l i regarded tyranny as the e v i l side of p r i n c e l y r u l e , as p r i n c e l y r u l e i n a s t a t e of decadence and  8)  The P r i n c e , XVII, 7 i f .  -135-  doomed t o s u f f e r d i s a s t e r through the l o s s of the support of the people* The conversation of T i b e r i u s and Sejanus continues, cold-blooded, s e l f - i n t e r e s t e d and c a l c u l a t i n g on both s i d e s , T i b e r i u s l e a d i n g Sejanus on by a pretended mildness to demand ever more s t r i n g e n t measures against the Germanici*  He causes  Sejanus a t l e n g t h t o expose h i s own ambition t o do away w i t h possible r i v a l s * Using the arguments approved by M a c h i a v e l l i Sejanus p o i n t s out that to compass the downfall o f the r i v a l Germanici, T i b e r i u s must advance them, make them b e l i e v e that they are more favored and secure than ever*  Then, having won over one  or two o f t h e i r supporters t o a c t as witnesses against them, he should expose them and execute them*  T i b e r i u s pretends t o  be h e s i t a n t and asks i f people cannot be won by h e n e f i t s *  Sejanus,  as would M a c h i a v e l l i , remarks that the wolf cannot be won away from h i s nature and that b e n e f i t s do not make people l o y a l * Pursuing the p o l i c y , advocated by Sejanus h i m s e l f , o f g i v i n g h i s secret enemy enough rope t o hang h i m s e l f , T i b e r i u s accepts the proposal that he go on a journey from Rome*  Be-  f o r e l e a v i n g , however, he c a r e f u l l y takes stock of h i s p o s i t i o n , and appoints Macro, a n o t o r i o u s l y unscrupulous schemer and  -136c r i m i n a l to remain i n Rome as h i s spy, to watch the movements of Sejanus,  T i b e r i u s ' r e f l e c t i o n s here are f r e q u e n t l y  those expressed i n M a c h i a v e l l i . Thus M a c h i a v e l l i notes; "A p r i n c e , therefore should never bestow so much a u t h o r i t y upon h i s f r i e n d s but that there should always be a c e r t a i n distance between them and h i m s e l f , and that there should always be something l e f t f o r them t o d e s i r e ; otherwise they w i l l almost i n v a r i a b l y become v i c t i m s of t h e i r • own imprudence,...." 9 Compare t h i s statement w i t h T i b e r i u s ' r e f l e c t i o n : Tiberius:  *Tis then a part of supreme s k i l l t o grace -No man too much; but h o l d a c e r t a i n space Between the ascender's r i s e , and thine own f l a t , Lest when a l l round be reach'd, h i s aim be t h a t . ( III,  6^3 -646)  M a c h i a v e l l i says: "These ( c o n s p i r a c i e s ) I say, have g e n e r a l l y f o r t h e i r o r i g i n a t o r s the great men of the s t a t e , or those on terms of f a m i l i a r i n t e r course w i t h the p r i n c e . None other, unless they are madmen, can engage I n c o n s p i r a c i e s ; f o r men of low c o n d i t i o n , who are not i n t i mate w i t h the prince have no chance of success, not having the necessary convenience for the execution of t h e i r p l o t s " . 10 Comments T i b e r i u s : Tiberius:  9) 10)  Those are the dreadful enemies we r a i s e With favours, and make dangerous w i t h p r a i s e ;  The Discourses, I I I , v i , The Discourses, I I I , v i , 413-441*  -137-  The i n j u r e d by us may have w i l l a l i k e , But ' t i s the f a v o u r i t e hath the power to s t r i k e ; (III,  637 - 6I4.O)  The P a r a l l e l here i s so c l o s e as to make one  suspect  Jonson had r e c e n t l y read M a c h i a v e l l i . The duel of w i t and i n t r i g u e between T i b e r i u s and Sejanus moves to. i t s climax i n a w e l t e r of t r i c k e r y and double-dealing. Sejanus, through h i s agent, L a t i a r i s , t r i c k s Sabinus, a supporter of the Germanic!, i n t o a treasonable utterance against T i b e r i u s , and has him a r r e s t e d .  He f u r t h e r i n c i t e s  the ambition of Agrippina's sons, Nero and Drusus, s t i r r i n g them to mutual s u s p i c i o n , and to impatience w i t h the emperor. C a l i g u l a , the t h i r d son of Agrippina alone escapes capture by Sejanus' agents by throwing himself on the mercy of the emperor. Meanwhile the emperor, Tiberius> has been demonstrating 11  h i s s k i l l i n confusing the minds of men.  He issues contra-  d i c t o r y orders, promotes both f r i e n d s and enemies of Sejanus, i s s u e s and cancels i n s t r u c t i o n s i n r a p i d succession, and creates amongst the people g e n e r a l l y and those who serve him the greatest consternation and u n c e r t a i n t y . appears to continue a triumphal advance. 11) The P r i n c e , x v i i i , 71+.  Sejanus, however,  Lepidus sees i n  -138-  the confusion " T i b e r i u s ' a r t " . Lepidus:  For having found h i s f a v o u r i t e grown too great, And w i t h h i s greatness strong; that a l l the soldiers Are, w i t h t h e i r l e a d e r s , made a l l h i s devotion; That almost a l l the senate are h i s creatures, Or hold on him t h e i r main dependencies, E i t h e r f o r b e n e f i t , or hope, or f e a r ; And that himself hath l o s t much of h i s own, By p a r t i n g unto him; and, by t h ' increase Of h i s rank l u s t s and rages, q u i t e disarmed Himself of l o v e , or other p u b l i c means, To dare*an open c o n t e s t a t i o n ; His s u b t l e t y hath chose t h i s doubling l i n e , To h o l d him even i n : not so to f e a r him, As wholly put him out, and yet give check Unto h i s f u r t h e r boldness. I n mean time, By h i s employments, make hira, odious Unto the staggering r o u t , whose, a i d , i n f i n e , He hopes to use, as sure, who, when they sway Bear down, o'ertunn a l l objects i n t h e i r way. (IV, ~ 472) I n t h i s a n a l y s i s of T i b e r i u s ' motives, Lepidus* reasoning  c l o s e l y p a r a l l e l s that of M a c h i a v e l l i . has discovered that "The n  owne deeaye";  12  T i b e r i u s , Lepidus f e e l s ,  Author of an others greatnes i s h i s  f u r t h e r , that the l i c e n t i o u s l i f e of T i b e r i u s  has l o s t him the support of the people, ^  3  weak i n the face of the threat of Sejanus.  and rendered him Machiavelli, i n -  deed, had warned that " . . . . i t behooves a p r i n c e to use-that d i s c r e t i o n whereby he may avoyde the i n famie e s p e c i a l l l e of such v i c e s as may weken h i s power, or hazarde the l o s s e of h i s p r i n c i p a l i t i e . . . . " l l j . 1&)  13) 14)  The P r i n c e , I I I , llj-15 Ibid, xix,' 78 - 79. XhTd*. xv, 67.  -139-  As T i b e r i u s had f a i l e d t o act w i t h t h i s d i s c r e t i o n , and had l o s t the hearts of the common people, he had j u s t cause t o f e a r c o n s p i r a c i e s  and was f o r c e d t o r e s o r t t o  delay, s u b t l e t i e s and manoeuvring t o ready himself t o break the a s s a u l t o f Sejanus,• He a l s o undertook, according t o Lepidus, t o b r i n g hatred upon Sejanus by g i v i n g him unpopu l a r tasks t o f u l f i l , honoring the p r i n c i p l e that "...princes should d i s p a t c h those things by , t h e i r deputyes which w i l l move envie..." l b  ..The  success of the a r t of T i b e r i u s appears i n Sejanus'  ool^loquy w i t h which Act V begins.  Sejanus i s q u i t e over-  powered w i t h e l a t i o n : at each step, I f e e l my advanced head Knock out a s t a r i n heaven. ' ( V, 8 - 9 ) Sejanus i s now impatient f o r more obstacles to overcome, so t h a t h i s c a p a c i t i e s may be w o r t h i l y t r i e d and proven, f o r even the attainment enough.  of the i m p e r i a l crown now seems h a r d l y  Touched now w i t h extravagance, he i s the f a m i l i a r  vaunting h e r o - v i l l a i n of the p l a y s of Marlowe; and the audience i s prepared f o r h i s d e s t r u c t i o n . 15) 16)  The P r i n c e , x i x , 8 0 . I b i d , xix," 82  He i s , one should note,  -340-  built upon but one of the types of men seeking power, and not the one that Machiavelli held up as the model prince. The unrolling of the plot exposes Sejanus as an atheist, who scoffs at auguries and questions the power of a l l the gods save Fortune; and when Fortune averts her face, scorns even her.  He prepares to advance to his object by his own  powers alone* conceit*  His credulity, however, i s as great as his  When, for example, he learns that a special senate<  has been called without his knowledge, fear stabs him to the heart; but he recovers self-assurance instantly upon being informed by his enemy, Macro, that the emperor's purpose Is to raise him to s t i l l higher office* The depth of the corruption of the state i n Which Sejanus and Tiberius flourish, Is exposed by Macro's midnight missions throughout Rome on the eve of the special senate meeting*  Now  i t i s shown that the o f f i c i a l s , soldiers and common lackeys that could be bought by Sejanus are equally open to the appeal of Macro's bribery and the terror of imperial reprisal. Scenes i i , i i i , v, v i , v i i , and v l i i of Act V usher before the audience a milling, swift-moving throng of servants and messengers, consuls and other agents of the government, mostly under the direction of Macro, bearing letters or whispered  -i4imessages about to supporters of both sides i n the contest f o r power.  They appear as the very embodiment of Jonson s i n 1  c r e d i b l e a b i l i t y to c o n t r i v e the most complex network of rivalries.  T h e i r work leaves the stage set f o r the climax  of SeJanus' career, as duped, trapped and deprived of a l l support he stands h e l p l e s s and exposed before the senate. The l e t t e r which the praetor reads out t o the senate i n the l a s t act of the p l a y would do honour t o M a c h i a v e l l i himself.  Reeking of f a l s e modesty, f l a t t e r y and i n s i n c e r e con-  cern f o r the people, the l e t t e r s u c c e s s f u l l y guides the corrupt senators i n t o assuming r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the dest r u c t i o n of Sejanus.  S k i l f u l l y i t e n l i s t s the senators'  sympathy and p i t y f o r the absent emperor, and promotes i n them s a t i s f a c t i o n w i t h themselves as guardians of the state.  T i b e r i u s ' professed l e n i e n c y towards those who  slander him r e l i e v e s from f e a r each one who has thought c r i t i c a l l y of him],: w h i l e h i s promise of s e v e r i t y towards serious offenders u n i t e s a l l who are innocent of conspiracy i n h i s support. Having thus prepared the senators, the l e t t e r r a i s e s the name of Sejanus, reminds the senators o f the honor and power t o which he has been advanced, apologises f o r the p o s s i b i l i t y that the emperor has been too generous.  -U|2-  and expresses the hope that Sejanus may have proved deserving* I t then admits that the emperor has p o s s i b l y endangered hims e l f and even offended some by so p r e f e r r i n g Sejanus. I t then expresses the emperor's r e g r e t that Sejanus has been so r u t h l e s s toward the house of Germanicus, n o t i n g t h a t t h i s c r u e l t y makes i t impossible f o r the emperor now t o exercise clemency, except by appearing weary of v i o l e n c e .  The l e t t e r  then suggests that some people might think Sejanus was seeking h i s own ends i n  v  "...the strengths he hath made t o h i m s e l f , by the p r a e t o r i a n s o l d i e r s , by h i s f a c t i o n i n court and senate, by the o f f i c e s he holds h i m s e l f , and confers on others, h i s populari t y and dependents, h i s urging and almost d r i v i n g us to t h i s our u n w i l l i n g retirement, and l a s t l y , h i s a s p i r i n g to be our son-inlaw". (  V,  590  -  595  )  Thus smoothly but i n d i s p u t a b l y are the damning charges l a i d , and the i l l u s i o n of f u r t h e r promotion torn from Sejanus' eyes. The l e t t e r then declares i t leaves the matter t o the judgment of the senators, but remarks that t o the emperor i t appears "most m a l i c i o u s " .  ( v  6oo )  T i b e r i u s then, through the l e t t e r , e l e c t r i f i e s the senate w i t h the news of Sejanus' audacious demand f o r marriage w i t h  -H+3-  L i v i a , and announces that he has witnesses to prove h i s charge.  The l e t t e r ends on a note of weariness and doubt and  disappointment, d e c l a r i n g t h a t , while the emperor i s not anxious t o change h i s favor,he must be guided by the i n t e r e s t of  the s t a t e , and the knowledge that p r i n c e s must beware f o r  t h e i r s a f e t y , not so much of humble people but of the g r e a t . The l e t t e r then demands the removal of Sejanus from a l l o f f i c e s , and the suspension of h i s powers u n t i l a t r i a l i s held.  I t emphasizes, however, that the emperor does not wish  to l i m i t the a u t h o r i t y of the senate should they t h i n k that the property of Sejanus should be c o n f i s c a t e d , and then i t hardens the hearts of the senators against Sejanus by exp l a i n i n g t h a t the emperor dare not be present w i t h them a t the t r i a l both because he does not wish to sway t h e i r minds, and because, i f a powerful f a c t i o n does, i n f a c t , e x i s t , he would be g r e a t l y endangered by Coming from h i s r e t i r e m e n t . The l e t t e r concludes by urging the senators not to h u r t the innocent by sparing the g u i l t y , and remarks, "how g r a t e f u l a s a c r i f i c e to the gods i s the l i f e of an i n g r a t e f u l person", ( V, 61+3  -  61+4  )  This l e t t e r r e s t s upon a l l the basic assumptions men voiced by M a c h i a v e l l i ,  about  I t assumes men t o be i n c o n s t a n t ,  -11*4-  dishonest, self-seeking, fearful and easily flattered and eager for revenge.  It invokes the principle of enlisting  others to execute the harsh measures one proposes, and plays upon their envy.  It demonstrates how s k i l f u l l y Tiberius has  acted upon the principle of decoying an enemy before springing the trap on him.  It appears indeed that Tiberius knows  well that " . . . s t i l l he had beste successe i n his affayres that had best s k i l l to playe the foxe, and by fayninge and dissemblinge to sett a fayre varnishe on his fowls vice, for men generallie are soe simple, and soe much geeven to their present affairs, that a deceaver that can cunninglie counterfeite his purpose*: shall never wante subjectes on whom he may practise his s k i l l " . 17 He further i s aware that "A prince shouldge observe with a l l dilligence and care that noe woorde sholde passe his mouthe that did not savour of one of these five quailIties before mencioned, and wheresoever he were seene or hearde, he should seerae with greate reverence to extoll and Imbrase P i t t i e , Payth Honestie Courtesie & Religion...." 18 The l e t t e r i s Machiavellianism: a technique of persuasion that by flattery, Insinuation, open promises and veiled threats 17) The Prince, x v i i i , 76 18) Ibid, x v i f i , 77  -145compels acquiescence i n an event or a proposal,  Jonson's  mind l i k e that of M a c h i a v e l l i saw things o b j e c t i v e l y and c o o l l y ; i t estimated men by t h e i r acts and t h e i r acts by their  circumstances. The m a t e r i a l i s t approach to events i s i l l u s t r a t e d i n  the f a t e of the various characters of the p l a y .  The  Germanici f a i l because they seek to honor an i d e a l of r e s pect f o r t h e . r u l i n g p r i n c e ; T i b e r i u s * success stems from h i s c o r r e c t e s t i m a t i o n of the needs f o r r e t a i n i n g s t a t e power i n a corrupt s o e i e t y , and h i s a b i l i t y to manipulate peoplei Sejanus e r r s when he f a i l s to perceive that  circumstances  and p o l i t i c a l convenience, not a b i l i t y on h i s p a r t , are b a s i c a l l y r e s p o n s i b l e f o r h i s triumphs.  When he becomes a  v i c t i m of s e l f - l o v e and of a b e l i e f i n f a t e , he i s doomed, T i b e r i u s never l o s e s h i s o b j e c t i v i t y , even when he cannot be c e r t a i n that Sejanus i s not aiming at h i s l i f e , C a t i l i n e His Conspiracy ^-9 (l6ll) dramatizes the conf l i c t t h a t arose when a r e p u b l i c was f a l l i n g i n t o d e c l i n e . I t s two c h i e f characters are C a t i l i n e and C i c e r o , the leader on the one hand of the Insurgent, dispossessed  nobil-  19) Ben Jonson, " C a t i l i n e His Conspiracy", Ben Jonson, Oxford Clarendon Press, 1932, V o l . V,  -llj.6-  i t y , adventurers and malcontents  o f various s t a t u s , and,  on the other hand the champion o f r e p u b l i c a n p r i n c i p l e s o f government. C a t i l i n e himself seems t o be a composite f i g u r e , p a r t Senecan revenger, and^part the man of excessive ambition and unlicensed p a s s i o n so o f t e n appearing as the romantic Machiavellian,  The object o f h i s u p r i s i n g i s purely destruc-  t i v e ; i t i s the burning and the sack o f Rome f o r the p r i v a t e enrichment of C a t i l i n e and those who adhere t o him; i t i s l o o t and personal revenge f o r l o s s o f property, p r e s t i g e and p u b l i c power.  When, i n s p i t e of t h e backing of Caesar,  Crassus, C a t u l l u s and the n o b i l i t y i n general, C a t i l i n e i s defeated i n the contest f o r the c o n s u l s h i p , the s p i r i t of f u r y and d e s t r u c t i o n , breathed i n t o him i n the opening of the p l a y by the ghost o f S y l l a , takes command o f him, and he f i n d s himself incapable of accepting the popular v o t e , Irrexpressible ambition to conquer and take revenge consumes him.  He w i l l burn a l l , reduee h i s c i t y , Rome, t o ashes, k i l l  without cease before he w i l l bend h i s w i l l t o the common^ sort. Speaking of C a t i l i n e , whose p l o t i s reported t o him by  -147-  F u l v i a , Cicero says; Cicero:  Ambition, l i k e a t o r r e n t , ne'er looks back; And i s a s w e l l i n g and a l a s t a f f e c t i o n A h i g h mind can put o f f ; being both a r e b e l Unto the s o u l and reason, and enforceth A l l laws, a l l conscience, treads upon religion, And o f f e r e t h v i o l e n c e t o nature's s e l f . But here i s that transcends i t I A b l a c k purpose To confound nature; and to r u i n t h a t , Which never age nor mankind can r e p a i r 1 — ( III,  247  -  255  )  C a t i l i n e i s c e r t a i n l y introduced by Jonson as the man seized by that•demoniac s p i r i t w i t h which the E l i z a b e t h a n dramatists endowed so many o f t h e i r prototypes of ambition; but he i s compelled by Jonson's adherence t o history^) and sound p o l i t i c a l reasoning t o f u n c t i o n r e a l i s t i c a l l y , and h i s u l t i m a t e downfall I s understandable  i n terms of the  p o l i t i c a l e r r o r s he made, and the l o g i c a l , consequences o f the events he sets i n motion, C i c e r o , C a t i l i n e ' s antagonist, i s a man of common o r i g i n * i n whom the people of Rome place t h e i r t r u s t by e l e c t i n g him c o n s u l .  This popular approval i s voiced i n the  p l a y i n the words of a chorus, and i n the support given to Cicero's candidature by a t o , "the voice o f Rome", who sees c  i n Cicero the man the hour demands, Cato:  Our need made thee c o n s u l , and thy v i r t u e , ( I I I , 57  )  -348-  Thls i s M a c h i a v e l l i ^ argument o f the time and the man meeting t o r e s o l v e chaos; the idea that opportunity must e x i s t f o r t a l e n t t o r e a l i s e i t s e l f i n the promotion o f the welfare o f the i n d i v i d u a l and the advancement of the country* That the term v i r t u e i s used i n the sense i n which Machiav e l l i employed i t i s f u r t h e r shown i n another passage. Sempronia:  ...the p a t r i c i a n s should do very i l l To l e t the consulship be d e f i l e d As»t would be, i f he (Cicero) obtained i t ! a mere u p s t a r t That has no pedigree, no house, no coat, No ensign of a f a m i l y I  Pulvia:  He has v i r t u e .  Sempronia:  Hang v i r t u e I  Pulvia:  (Twas v i r t u e only, a t f i r s t , made a l l men noble.  Sempronia:  I y i e l d you... .... .... .but now we have no need To d i g , or l o s e our sweat f o r I t . We have wealthPortune, and ease: and then t h e i r stock t o spend on, •Gainst a l l new comers, and can never f a i l us , While the succession s t a y s .  Where there i s no blood, 'tins v i c e , And i n him sauciness...  ( II,  117 -  135 )  Obviously v i r t u e here i s t h a t i n i t i a t i v e , energy, aggressiveness and resourcefulness that accumulate^ wealth and power owd }  U>e-re  that t o M a c h i a v e l l i wa>e the marks of the great.  -149Immediately upon h i s e l e c t i o n Cicero places before people h i s understanding of the s i t u a t i o n i n Rome.  He  the tells  them that he b e l i e v e s the proud and envious nobles have allowed h i s e l e c t i o n >to take place because of the vexing and  perplex-  i n g problems that face Rome,;and he c a l l s upon the people t o be v i g i l a n t against  —  some turbulent p r a c t i c e s Already on f o o t , and rumours of more dangers» ( III,  51 -  52)  He then sets about to demonstrate h i s own and capacity f o r a c t i o n as the competent r u l e r .  resourcefulness He e n l i s t s  supporters from the ranks of the conspirators to act as spies for|him.  He moves slowly and w i t h c a u t i o n , m o b i l i z i n g h i s  own f o r c e s before he p u b l i c l y exposes a t i l l n e at a senate G  meeting, where he f o r c e s him i n t o voluntary e x i l e .  He d i v i d e s  the ranks of the c o n s p i r a t o r s , by showing clemency t o the l e s s e r offenders, and by j u d i c i o u s l y f a i l i n g to force the secret backers of C a t i l i n e amongst the nobles i n t o the open, thus a f f o r d i n g them opportunity,, as the p l o t i s p r o g r e s s i v e l y exposed, to s a f e l y withdraw themselves from a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h it.  S k i l f u l l y he r e t a i n s h i s popular support, and i n the  end sends the heads of the conspiracy to death with the approval of the senate and the consent of the other  consul  -150-  who  at no time i s an adherent of C i c e r o , and who i n the  presence of a l e s s accomplished,  or " p o l i t i c " man,  become the agent of the c o n s p i r a t o r s . o b j e c t i v i t y to  might have  Not once does he  surrender  sentiment.  C i c e r o , f u r t h e r , i s aided i n h i s manoeuvring by d i f f erences among the c o n s p i r a t o r s .  Cethegus, the m i l i t a r y  man,  i s f o r headlong a c t i o n ; C a t i l i n e , Lentulus and others favor more considered development of the p l o t . Cicero's " p o l i t i c " approach i s i l l u s t r a t e d i n the manner i n which he handles the consul, Antonius, h i s colleague. Although Antonius i s not p a r t of the conspiracy, Cicero knows that he i s not h o s t i l e to i t . He, t h e r e f o r e , c a l l s him i n , a f t e r Curius, one of the c o n s p i r a t o r s , has reported d e t a i l s of C a t i l i n e ' s plans.  With the object of f o r e s t a l l i n g the  p o s s i b i l i t y of Antonius becoming p a r t of the p l o t , Cicero decides to show him s p e c i a l favor and bestow b e n e f i t s upon him. Cicero:  He (Antonius) i s a man  'gainst whom I must profide That, as h e ' l l do no good h e ' l l do no harm. He, though he be not of the p l o t , w i l l l i k e i t , And wish i t should proceed; f o r , unto men Prest w i t h t h e i r wants, a l l change i s ever welcome, I must w i t h o f f i c e s and patience win him, Make him by a r t that which he i s not born,  -151-  A f r i e n d unto the p u b l i c , and bestow The province on him, which i s by the senate Decreed to me; that b e n e f i t w i l l bind him: UTis W e l l , i f some men w i l l do w e l l f o r p r i c e ; So few are v i r t u o u s when the reward's away. ( III,  469  - i|£0  )  The reasoning of Cicero here f o l l o w s that of Machiav e l l i , both i n i t s general tone, and i n the s p e c i f i c arguments i t ^ pursues, as, f o r example, that men welcome change as a p o s s i b l e means of improving t h e i r fortunes, and  that  they may he bought by f a v o r s . Enough has been s a i d of M a c h i a v e l l i ' s philosophy  and  of h i s a n a l y s i s of p o l i t i c s and the problems and dangers of c o n s p i r a c i e s to enable a reader t o appreciate the s i m i l a r i t y of the thought i n the f o l l o w i n g passage: Caesar:  (To C a t i l i n e ) Be r e s o l u t e , And put your e n t e r p r i s e i n a c t . The more Actions of depth and danger are consider'd, The l e s s assuredly they are perform'd; And thence I t happeneth, that the bravest p l o t s , Not executed s t r a i g h t , have been discover'd. Say, you are constant, another, a t h i r d , Or more; there may be yet one wretched s p i r i t With whom the f e a r of punishment s h a l l work •Bove a l l the thoughts of honour and revenge. You are not now to think what's best to do, As i n the beginnings, but what must be done, Being thus enter'd: and s l i p no advantage That may secure you. Let them c a l l I t m i s c h i e f ; When i t i s past, and prosper'd, ' t w i l l be v i r t u e . They're petty crimes are punish'd, great rewarded. Nor must you t h i n k of p e r i l y since attempts Begun i n danger, s t i l l do end w i t h g l o r y ;  -152-  And, when need spurs, despair w i l l be c a l l ' d wisdom. Less ought the oare of men, or fame to f r i g h t you; For they that win, do seldom r e c e i v e shame Of v i c t o r y , howe'er i t be achieved; And vengeance, l e a s t : f o r who, besieged w i t h wants, Would stop at death, or anything beyond i t ? Come, there was never any great t h i n g yet A s p i r e d , but by v i o l e n c e or f r a u d : And he t h a t s t i c k s f o r f o l l y of a conscience To reach i t — (III,  491 - 518 )  C a t i l i n e , however he may have r e c e i v e d Caesar's a d v i c e , does not act on I t ; f o r the dangers,of which M a c h i a v e l l i warned, do not escape the p l o t t e r s .  The c o n s p i r a t o r s f i g h t  among themselves over the time to a c t , the method they should pursue, and over who  should k i l l C i c e r o .  They are informed  upon by turncoats (Curius, Crassus, Caesar); they i n c l u d e too many i n t h e i r confidence, and are betrayed by those not sworn to the p l o t (the A l l o b g r o g e s ) ; t h e i r plans are revealed through the confidences of l o v e r s (Curius and F u l v i a ) ; t h e i r a c t i o n i s delayed by endless conferences; they expose themselves  by  committing t h e i r scheme to paper (the l e t t e r to the Allobroges and the l e t t e r from Lentulus t o Crassus) and t h e i r  sympathisers  i n high places are won away from them by b r i b e r y (the c o n s u l , Antonius).  Their f i n a l f o l l y , according to M a c h i a v e l l i , i s  t h a t t h e i r a c t i o n i s d i r e c t e d against a man and a government t h a t has the f u l l support of the people*  -153When the complete p i c t u r e of the conspiracy has been gathered i n t o h i s hands, Cicero a c t s . his  He takes measures f o r  own personal s e c u r i t y as w e l l as f o r that o f the r e p u b l i c .  He c a l l s i n h i s kinsmen as guards t o h i s house, and closes the house t o a l l v i s i t o r s ; by doing so, he outwits the c o n s p i r a t o r s who send Vargunteius  and C o r n e l i u s , w i t h others, t o h i s home  w i t h the purpose, under pretext of a v i s i t on business, o f a s s a s s i n a t i n g him.  Keeping himself securely under guard,  Cicero goes about t o arrange a senate meeting, where he presents the evidence he has against  flatiline  and h i s asso-  c i a t e s , and proposes banishment as t h e i r sentence.  Supported  by a l l , he forces C a t i l i n e i n t o voluntary e x i l e , while the alarmed and g r a t e f u l people vote Cicero sole consul o f Rome f o r the p e r i o d of danger t h a t faces them. The b a t t l e i s hot yet over, however. not yet secure.  The r e p u b l i c i s  C a t i l i n e , as r e s o l u t e as ever, leaves Rome  to m o b i l i z e ah army while h i s f o l l o w e r s w i t h i n Rome continue t h e i r work of propaganda and subversion.  The blow that Cicero  has d e a l t the c o n s p i r a t o r s , however, proves c r i p p l i n g .  Enthusiasm  f l a g s , mistakes i n c r e a s e , defections grow. The p l a y concludes w i t h Cicero's able o r g a n i z a t i o n of the s e i z u r e of the conspirators l e f t i n Rome, and the despatch of  -154-  two armies against C a t i l i n e ' s f o r c e s . I n both of these plays'Jonson pursues an i n t e r e s t and a l i n e of a c t i o n that c l o s e l y p a r a l l e l s those that pre-oceup i e d M a c h i a v e l l i . He i s i n each play concerned w i t h p o l i t i c s i n a corrupt s t a t e y a t o p i c w i t h which M a c h i a v e l l i ' d e a l t as a s p e c i f i c aspect of power.  In,Sejanus, Jonson exposes the  e f f o r t of a commoner r a i s e d to prominence by the favor of the p r i n c e to s e i z e the Imperial crown from h i s patron; and i n C a t i l i n e His Conspiracy, h i s t o p i c i s the  desperate  attempt of a noble to overturn! the state f o r the personal g a i n and freedom from r e s t r a i n t of h i m s e l f and a crowd of d i s s o l u t e r e t a i n e r s and hangers-on.  His c h i e f c h a r a c t e r s ,  S e j a n u s a n d T i b e r i u s , and C a t i l i n e and Cicero are drawn w i t h a p o l i t i c a l emphasis and understanding reminiscent of the approach of M a c h i a v e l l i , many passages of the p l a y are so close I n thought and form to passages i n M a c h i a v e l l i as to suggest a recent reading of the works of the I t a l i a n w r i t e r , and the l o g i c of the a c t i o n of the plays conforms to that which u n d e r l i e s the careers of the p r i n c e s considered by Machiavelli.  The p a r a l l e l between the p o l i t i c a l plays of  Jonson and the philosophy of M a c h i a v e l l i , indeed, seems founded upon a s i m i l a r i t y of outlook - a w o r l d l y , indulgent  -155-  and c y n i c a l view of men i n t h e i r p u b l i c a c t i v i t i e s — and a common s c h o l a r l y i n t e r e s t i n and admiration f o r the achievements of ancient Rome, This' lends t o Jonson's plays an overa l l mood and tone that i s t r u l y M a c h i a v e l l i a n , and a f r e quent appearance i n h i s dialogue of what amounts to paraphrasing of M a c h i a v e l l i a n sentiment.  I n t h i s Jonson's work  i s d i s t i n c t from that o f Marlowe whose understanding of M a c h i a v e l l i a s s e r t s i t s e l f only spasmodically against the pre-eminently romantic trend of h i s thought and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of l i f e , and from that of Shakespeare who s e l e c t s w i t h e x q u i s i t e p r e c i s i o n the essence of the key f i g u r e Machiav e l l i sought t o elaborate —  the c o n s t r u c t i v e , forward-  l o o k i n g , and u n f a i l i n g l y r e a l i s t i c p r i n c e .  -156-  Chapter V - Part I I Real Machiavellianism - W i l l i a m Shakespeare. One can discuss the influence of ideas on a r t pedanti c a l l y , i n s i s t i n g that words are the o r i g i n o f ideas, and that the i n f l u e n c e of i d e a on an a r t i s t can be shown only by r e ference t o chapter and verse.  The substance of thought, how-  ever, i s experience; and whether one evolves thought through communication o r through d i r e c t experience, i t i s l i f e that confirms and quickens one s conclusion. f  I n every age,  scholars have discussed the philosophies o f the time as i f they derived from the w r i t i n g s o r pronouncements of t h i s , t h a t or the other i n d i v i d u a l .  Looking a l i t t l e deeper, how-  ever, one can d i s c e r n that the thoughts o f i n d i v i d u a l s are the products of a s s o c i a t i o n i n the common l i f e of s o c i e t y ; that ideas are a r e f l e c t i o n of s o c i a l a c t i v i t y , and that l a b e l l i n g philosophies a f t e r i n d i v i d u a l s i s not u n l i k e naming diseases and processes a f t e r the s c i e n t i s t s who made the f i r s t u s e f u l diagnosis of them.  Philosophies are as much the c r e a t i o n  -157-  of i n d i v i d u a l s as are the diseases; they had t h e i r being among men before the t h i n k e r conceived h i s t h e s i s .  Naming  p h i l o s o p h i e s a f t e r i n d i v i d u a l s i s j u s t i f i e d to the extent t h a t the p a r t i c u l a r i n d i v i d u a l so honored more p r e c i s e l y , more s u c c i n c t l y , more u s e f u l l y summarized and expounded the experience represented i n the thought than d i d others: t h i s i s h i s c o n t r i b u t i o n , that he formulated experience i n words that made a v a i l a b l e to workers i n the f i e l d discussed a ready-made t o o l , even as the medical s c i e n t i s t by h i s diagnosis a f f o r d s medical i n v e s t i g a t o r s and p r a c t i t i o n e r s an instrument which s i m p l i f i e s t h e i r task of research and of h e a l i n g . I n h i s works M a c h i a v e l l i r e f l e c t e d w i t h c r y s t a l c l a r i t y the p o l i t i c s of h i s time, and gave t o p o l i t i c i a n s an exact text-book of t h e i r c r a f t .  I n M a c h i a v e l l i I s expressed the  p o l i t i c a l consequences of the d i f f u s i o n of i n i t i a t i v e that accompanied the d i s i n t e g r a t i o n of feudal corporate s o c i e t y and that Imposed upon the i n d i v i d u a l the n e c e s s i t y t o grapple d i r e c t l y and alone w i t h the problems of s u r v i v a l , M a c h i a v e l l i defined what h i s contemporaries were being comp e l l e d by circumstances to p r a c t i c e ; and he r a i s e d to the sphere of conscious controversy the p r i n c i p l e s upon which  -158-  the p o l i t i c a l p r a c t i s e of h i s . e r a r e s t e d .  The r e f l e c t i o n of  those p r i n c i p l e s i n works of a r t might derive e i t h e r d i r e c t l y from the a r t i s t ' s experience or from acquaintance w i t h c h i a v e l l i 's w r i t i n g s , or from both. were of a k i n d and as penetrating  Ma-  I f the a r t i s t ' s glance  as that of M a c h i a v e l l i h i s  work would reincarnate the world as M a c h i a v e l l i saw i t . Machiavellianism  was  the r e f l e c t i o n of the m a t e r i a l i s t and  n a t u r a l i s t a t t i t u d e to power that underlay the p o l i t i c s of the renaissance. A r t i s t i c r e a c t i o n to the p o l i t i c a l - r e l i g i o u s polemics i n which the name of M a c h i a v e l l i f i g u r e d emerged, n a t u r a l l y enough, at the peak of E l i z a b e t h ' s r e i g n , when the l o g i c a l consequences of the Tudor renaissance p o l i c y threatened f i n a l l y to subordinate the feudal to the modern world, and  thejprince,  as the embodiment of a u t h o r i t y , became v i t a l as the agent of r e c o n c i l i a t i o n and c o n t i n u i t y between the passing and r i s i n g society.  the  As has been shown, Marlowe endowed the  usurping prince and the unrestrained part among common men  s e l f - s e e k e r as h i s counter-  w i t h d i a b o l i c a l q u a l i t i e s . More r e a l -  i s t i c a l l y , Jonson portrayed the conniving p r i n c e , both i n power and i n the ascent to power, r a t i o n a l l y , w i t h  the  scholar's j u d i c i o u s and detached a p p r e c i a t i o n of the deceptions, i l l u s i o n s and a f f e c t a t i o n s of ambitious people; while  he  -159-  showed i n h i s treatment of Cicero that he understood the r e p u b l i c a n p o t e n t i a l i t i e s of the strong, wise and popular prince*  Shakespeare placed upon the stage as i n l i f e  the  true renaissance p r i n c e as M a c h i a v e l l i analysed him; and i n t r e a t i n g of the usurper whose aim was  tyranny, he couched  h i s a n a l y s i s i n terms of the r e a l , the c r e d i b l e , the human, i  the n a t u r a l ; and confessed r e c o g n i t i o n of the enescapable ^ j t j 0Y)  dilemma of the t r a d i t i o n a l i s t i n an era of r e v o l u t i o n a r y change* I n the Henry VI plays Richard Plantagenet, Duke of Y o r k j i s p i c t u r e d by Shakespeare as a great p r i n c e , the l i k e n e s s of whom to the hero of M a c h i a v e l l i i s s t r i k i n g * The Duke of York not only sees himself as the man  born w i t h  a b i l i t y to r u l e , but he demonstrates i n a l l h i s acts a shrewdness and resourcefulness  that places him always i n  the p o s i t i o n of command* I n s p i r e d by the tumult and chaos of England under Henry VI^Richard puts forward h i s claim to the throne o f England*  He i s introduced to the audience challenging h i s  companions t o question the l e g i t i m a c y of h i s claim to power* He speaks d e c i s i v e l y , demandingly, as one who, 3  convinced of  the n e c e s s i t y to a c t , r e q u i r e ^ a d e c l a r a t i o n from h i s asso-  -i6o-  ciates.  F o r t h r i g h t and imperative, he i s nevertheless  ready to  t o l i s t e n to others, to keep s i l e n t when necessary and/remain^| lag-patient.  He knows when t o demand and when to ask, and how  to be soft-spoken and m i l d .  He has respect f o r the law and  f o r h i s supporters both o f gentle and of common b i r t h , as w e l l as f o r the great nobles who support him. general.  He i s a good  He i s v a l i a n t , p a s s i o n a t e l y fond o f h i s country and  tender of her p r e s t i g e abroad; he i s s k i l f u l i n h i s r e s o r t t o s t r a t e g y and d u p l i c i t y ; he has a sharp w i t .  He i s capable  of tremendous passions, but he can exercise s e l f - c o n t r o l . He i s r u t h l e s s l y r e a l i s t i c , can be suave and p o l i t i c , and i s u n f l i n c h i n g i n dangerous s i t u a t i o n s i n which d i g n i t y , daring  :  and eloquence can be as d e c i s i v e f o r s e c u r i t y as the sword. He i s feared and respected by the people, w i t h whom he i s popular; and he sees himself as the r e s t o r e r of order and good government i n England. This M a c h i a v e l l i a n of Shakespeare's honors M a c h i a v e l l i • s p r i n c i p l e t h a t the new p r i n c e , i f he has widsom, " s h a l l seeme 1 as though he came by the estate by anciente inheritaunce.. n  1)  The P r i n c e , XXIV, pp. 108 - 1 0 9 .  -l6l-  and i s concerned t o e s t a b l i s h h i s r i g h t t o r u l e by b i r t h , although he, l i k e M a c h i a v e l l i ^ f e e l s that^and h i s " w i l l t o i d e n t i f y h i m s e l f and h i s personal aims w i t h the welfare of the populace, ^aad h i s provon^afbilitiea are proof enough of h i s greatness and of h i s r i g h t to r u l e .  I n only one i n -  stance does Richard, Duke of Y o r k , f a i l t o l i v e up t o the requirements of the M a c h i a v e l l i a n p r i n c e .  I n Act I of P a r t  I I I of Henry VI,when w i t h Warwick and h i s armed f o r c e s he occupies the Parliament House ahead of Henry VI and h i s queen, and i s i n a p o s i t i o n to enforce h i s right t o the throne, he swears t o recognise Henry VI as k i n g during Henry's l i f e .  I f Henry w i l l acknowledge hlra and h i s sons  as h e i r s to the.throne, he d e c l a r e s , he w i l l r e t i r e  to h i s  estate and l i v e as a duke under Henry V I . This a c t costs him h i s throne and h i s l i f e , and England?^ the peace and order which he was f i g h t i n g t o r e s t o r e to her. At one stroke he thus abandons the advantage of p o p u l a r i t y and armed s u p e r i o r i t y , ignores h i s pledge to have the heart's blood of the L a n c a s t r i a n s , puts h i m s e l f a t the mercy of a r i v a l power, and places f a i t h i n the contract of an enemy.  The r e s u l t i s  renewed wars; f u r t h e r chaos and d i s o r d e r and l o s s of l i f e . The s i t u a t i o n i n which York appears i s one t h a t was  -162-  common i n any feudal country and was remaned upon by M a c h i a v e l l i , who  noted that p r i n c i p a l i t i e s r u l e d  ".••by a prynce and c e r t e i n e Peeres whoe haue been raysed to that honour not by the favour or permission of t h e i r prynce, but by the _ discente and a n t i q u l t i e of t h e i r owne b l u d " , are c o n t r o l l e d w i t h i n f i n i t e d i f f i c u l t y and are seldom t r a n quil. Act I of I Henry VI  pursues the i n t e r n a l c o n f l i c t at  home and the debacles of the E n g l i s h forces i n Prance. - York enters upon the stage i n scene i v of act i i , when he appears i n d i s c u s s i o n w i t h a lawyer, the e a r l s of Somerset, S u f f o l k and Warwick, and one, Vernon.  He i s m a n i f e s t l y the leader i n  the group, and i s pressing f o r a statement from the others; York:  Great) l o r d s and gentlemen, what means t h i s s i l e n c e ? Dare no man answer i n a case of t r u t h ?  ( II, iv, 1 - 2 )  3  The l o r d s h e s i t a t e and p r e v a r i c a t e ; but Richard w i l l not allow them to esbape a d e c l a r a t i o n of t h e i r stand on h i s c l a i m to the throne.  F i n a l l y , he challenges those who  2) The P r i n c e , IV,  support him to  15.  3) W i l l i a m Shakespeare, "Henry V I , Part I " , The Works of W i l l i a m Shakespeare, Oxford, Shakespeare Head Press,  1938  -163-  p i c k a white rose.  Somerset, York's r i v a l , p i c k s a r e d rose;  and so the i s s u e i s f o r c e d .  A l l declare themselves.  Here i s  a man who appears t o know how "to rayse and continewe that opinion of him . i n the hartes o f h i s s u i e c t s , that they maie imagine he can n e i t h e r be abused by frawde, nor a l t e r e d by f l a t t e r i e " . If, Thejslur cast on York's s o c i a l o r i g i n by h i s r i v a l , Somerset, i s the subject of the f i n a l scene of act one. Prom the E n g l i s h p o i n t of view, York must make c l e a r h i s claim t o the throne by b i r t h , i f he i s n o t t o expose himself t o the charge of usurper. I n t h i s scene, t h e r e f o r e , the descent o f York as l e g i t i m a t e h e i r t o the crown i s c a r e f u l l y rehearsed by h i s dying Edmund Mortimer.  uncle,  Mortimer declares that York's f a t h e r , the  E a r l of Cambridge, died t r y i n g to r e s t o r e the r i g h t f u l kings to the throne, and he urges York t o c l a i m the crown.  When,  however, York betrays impatience and bursts out p a s s i o n a t e l y that h i s f a t h e r ' s death was bloody tyranny, Mortimer cautions him: Mortimer:  With s i l e n c e , nephew, be thou p o l i t i c : ( I I , i , 101 )  k-) The P r i n c e , x i x , 79.  -164  York takes h i s uncle's counsel} and r e s o l v e s to a c t w i t h d i s c r e t i o n and cunning.  He decides f i r s t to seek r e -  c o g n i t i o n of h i s r i g h t through parliament, and to Make ray i l l t h ' advantage of my good, ( I I , i , 29 ) or show t h a t he ^can reape some commodity owt of anyie i n convenience". Before Parliament, where the dispute between the Bishop of Winchester and the Duke of Gloucester i s a i r e d , York holds h i s peace, deeming i t not t i m e l y t o i n t e r v e n e :  --  York: (aside) Plantagenet, I see must h o l d h i s tongue, L e s t i t be s a i d , "Speak, s i r r a h , when you should; Must your b o l d v e r d i c t enter t a l k w i t h l o r d s " , ( I I I , i i , 6 l - 63) He i s then a l l h u m i l i t y when Henry V I , i n response to Warwick's r e p r e s e n t a t i o n , grants the r e s t o r a t i o n of h i s t i t l e and h i s l a n d s : York: Thy humble servant vows obedience And humble s e r v i c e t i l l the p o i n t of death. And so t h r i v e Richard as thy foes may f a l l . And as my duty s p r i n g s , so p e r i s h they That grudge one -thought against your majesty I ( I I I , 1, I67-168; 174-  176)  A f t e r varying f o r t u n e s , the E n g l i s h are v i c t o r i o u s again  5)  The * r i n c e ,  x x i , 102  -165-  i n France and Henry VI goes t o ^ a r i s t o be crowned.  York  i s present, but remains s i l e n t u n t i l the court i s invaded by two persons i n c o n f l i c t over the roses they wear*  While King  Henry addresses the two d i s p u t a n t s , and makes a p l a y of t r e a t i n g t h e i r d i f f e r e n c e s l i g h t l y by t a k i n g the r e d rose and a i r i l y pinning i t on h i m s e l f , d e c l a r i n g i t means nothing, York r e mains c a u t i o u s l y q u i e t *  But, when the k i n g has gone, he shows  by h i s exchange w i t h Warwick  over the favor shown t o Somerset  that h i s challenge t o the throne i s indeed l i v i n g and ardentt. He remains quiet again, however, i n the i n t e r e s t , as i t l a t e r appears, of England's f i g h t f o r France* In France, York, i n command of f o r c e s f o r the r e l i e f of Talbot at Bordeaux, i s prevented from taking a c t i o n by the f a i l u r e of Somerset t o send the promised reinforcements* York fumes and rages, but remains at h i s post, and i n the end has the honour of conquering Joan of Arc and sending her to execution*  York thus f a r appears as the p a t r i o t i c and magnani-  mous prince and competent army l e a d e r ; a man of passionate f e e l i n g , who, however, knows how t o keep h i m s e l f w e l l i n hand* S t i l l b i d i n g h i s time, York f u r t h e r r e s t r a i n s h i m s e l f w h i l e the marriage of Henry VI t o Margaret, daughter of King 6)  IV, i , 1 7 4 "  181  -166-  R e i g n i e r , I s solemnized and the h u m i l i a t i n g peace w i t h Prance i s read.  He remains s i l e n t even a f t e r the k i n g has  l e f t the court with a l l but Hork, S a l i s b u r y and Warwick* S a l i s b u r y speaks out, however, denouncing the corrupt s e l f seeking o f Somerset and h i s a s s o c i a t e s , and appealing t o York and Warwick to j o i n together i n an e f f o r t to save England.  S a l i s b u r y argues that ^ork by h i s m i l i t a r y ex-  p l o i t s I n I r e l a n d and Prance, has won the f e a r and respect of the people.  York i s thus appealed t o as the man of  v i r t u e who can save the n a t i o n from the d i s a s t e r s i n t o which the s e l f - s e e k i n g f a c t i o n ofjmobles under Somerset have l e a d it* Salisbury:; While these (Somerset and h i s a s s o c i a t e s ) do labour f o r t h e i r own preferment, Behoves i t us t o labour f o r the realm* II ( I,  1, 181 - 182)  7  L a t e r i n the same speech, addressing h i m s e l f t o York, he adds; Salisbury:  And, brother York, thy acts i n I r e l a n d , In b r i n g i n g them t o c i v i l d i s c i p l i n e ; Thy l a t e e x p l o i t s done i n the heart of Prance, When thou wert regent f o r our sovereign, Have made thee f e a r ' d and honour'd of the people:J o i n we together, f o r the p u b l i c good, In what we can, t o b r i d l e and suppress  7) Shakespeare,  "Henry V I , P a r t I I " , Works, 1938*  -167-  The p r i d e of S u f f o l k and the c a r d i n a l , With Somerset's and Buckingham's ambition; And, as we may, c h e r i s h Duke Humphrey's deeds, While they do tend the p r o f i t of the land* To t h i s Warwick and York comment: Warwick: So God help Warwick, as he loves the l a n d , And common p r o f i t of h i s country. York:  (aside) And so says York, f o r he hath greatest cujsise. I I ( I , i , 194 - 207 )  A f t e r Warwick and S a l i s b u r y go, York breaks out i n t o a s o l i l o q u y that r e v e a l s h i s whole heart:  He sees i n the  l o s s of the French provinces and the Sxtravaganst concessions made f o r Margaret's consent t o marry H n r y , the squandering e  of h i s own patrimony.  He can w a i t , however, f o r the favorable  moment to a c t , A day w i l l come when York s h a l l c l a i m h i s own; ( I , 1, 239 ) and, as h i s s t r a t e g y , he plans t o go along f o r a time a t l e a s t , w i t h Warwick and S a l i s b u r y , i n support of the Duke of Gloucester and against the Somerset and S u f f o l k c l i q u e * His o b j e c t , he s t a t e s now,, i s to become k i n g : York:  And, when I spy advantage, c l a i m the crown, For that's the golden mark I seek t o h i t : ( I, i ,  21+.2 - 21+3 )  He despises Henry's " c h u r h - l i k e humours" as u n f i t f o r a k i n g ;  -168-  and, indeed, the p r i n c e of M a c h i a v e l l i would never be a v i c tim  of a e l i g i o n as Henry i s *  York:  York's t a c t i c i s w a i t i n g :  Then, York, be s t i l l awhile, t i l l time do serve: Watch thou and wake, when others be asleep, To pry i n t o the secrets of the s t a t e ; ( I , i , ILI - ks )  When the time a r r i v e s he w i l l grapple w i t h the house of Lancaster and f o r c e the crown from i t .  Meanwhile, the  machinations progress against the Duke of Gloucester and h i s w i f e Eleanor, S u f f o l k and Beaufort conducting them, and York q u i e t l y supporting them.  When Buckingham and York together  d i s c o v e r and expose the Duchess Elanor c o n s u l t i n g w i t h d e v i l s , York d i s c r e e t l y leaves Buckingham t o r e p o r t the event to the king. S a t i s f i e d that the downfall of the P r o t e c t o r , Duke Humphrey, I s imminent, York c a l l s together S a l i s b u r y and Warwick, and places before them h i s request f o r t h e i r support of him as claimant to the crown.  He persuades them t o agree,  a f t e r he has again reviewed h i s l i n e a g e ; and he then l a y s before them h i s p l a n t o act against the k i n g when the  split  of the Somerset f a c t i o n agairs t the Lord P r o t e c t o r and h i s wife i s completed. Encouraged by the promise of support, York j o i n s i n the  -169  accusations against Bloucester, and conspires w i t h Margaret, Beaufort and S u f f o l k to b r i n g about the death of the P r o t e c tor.  The f i r s t obstacle to the throne he claims he thus  dooms by conspiracy w i t h h i s own r i v a l s . When the news a r r i v e s that -4 eland i s i n r e v o l t and ,  that an armed f o r c e i s needed to suppress the r e b e l s , York f u r t h e r reveals h i s c r a f t i n e s s .  He sneeringly suggests the  appointment of Somerset, who has j u s t returned from Prance a f t e r having l o s t a l l the E n g l i s h provinces there.  Somerset  b r i d l e s , and Beaufort comes forward to suggest that York, perhaps, would l i k e to take the -*-rish post. York agrees, and they a l l consent, t h i n k i n g they are r i d of him.  After  they have l e f t , however, York, again i n s o l i l o q u y , reveals his p o l i c y .  I t i s the c a r e f u l and c a l c u l a t e d p l a n of a  true M a c h i a v e l l i a n : York:  Now, York, or never, s t e e l they fearful® thoughts, And change misdoubt to r e s o l u t i o n ; Be that thou hopest t o be; or what thou a r t Resign to death, — i t i s not worth t h enjoying: Let pale-faced f e a r keep w i t h the mean-born man, And f i n d no harbour i n a r o y a l h e a r t . Paster than spring-time showers comes thought on thought; And not a thought but t h i n k s on d i g n i t y . My b r a i n , more busy than the l a b o u r i n g s p i d e r , 1  8) f e a r f u l here undoubtedly means f u l l of f e a r , York i s t r y i n g t o work h i s courage up and cast out f e a r .  -170-  Weaves tedious snares to trap mine enemies* W e l l , nobles, w e l l , ' t i s p o l i t i c l y done, To send me packing w i t h an host of men: I f e a r me you but warm the starved snake, Who, c h e r i s h t i n your b r e a s t s , w i l l s t i n g your hearts* 'Twas men I l a c k t , and you w i l l give them me: I take i t k i n d l y ; yet be w l l assured You put sharp weapons i n amadman's hands. Whiles I i n I r e l a n d nourish a might*) band, I w i l l s t i r up i n England some black storm, S h a l l How ten thousand souls to heaven or h e l l ; And t h i s f e l l tempest s h a l l not cease t o rage U n t i l the golden c i r c u i t on ray head, L i k e to the g l o r i o u s sun's transparent beams, Do calm the f u r y of this-mad-bred flaw* ( I I I , I,  331  "  35k)  Although some of the i d i o h here i s p e r i l o u s l y close to that of the "romantic M a c h i a v e l l i a n " , there i s a greater s i g n i f i c a n c e to the passage.  York here i s the man  of r e s o l u -  t i o n , consciously nerving himself to a great task.  He r e j o i c e s  i n the mental e x e r c i s e of p l o t t i n g and c o n t r i v i n g the means of a t t a i n i n g h i s noble o b j e c t .  He r e a l i z e s t h a t not f o r c e  alone, but f r a u d , deception and cunning are r e q u i r e d f o r success.  His a t t i t u d e toward the nobles who have been t r i c k e d  i n t o making him the head of an army i s not malevolent or v i n d i c t i v e , but rather l o f t i l y contemptuous; h i s s u p e r i o r i t y to them pleases and at the same time e n t e r t a i n s him.  He"  knows t h e i r f a i l u r e to measure up to him w i l l prove t h e i r downfall and h i s success; and, although the i n t e n s i t y of  -171  h i s f e e l i n g s , now that he i s committed t o a c t i o n from which there i s no t u r n i n g back, s t a r t l e s and a l i t t l e dismays him, h i s confidence  r i s e s and h i s plans  crystallize.  With an army a t h i s command,he f e e l s he can go forward w i t h h i s preparations to foment an u p r i s i n g w i t h i n England under the leadership of Jack Cade, "A headstrong Kentishman", who resembles John Mortimer, now dead.  This r i s i n g , he f e e l s  can be used to h i s advantage; and we f i n d him d e c l a r i n g that by the r e v o l t I s h a l l perceive the common's mind, How they a f f e c t the house and c l a i m of York. ( III,  1,  374 -  375)  In t h i s York honours M a c h i a v e l l i ' s argument: " . . . f o r noe man w i l l venter t o take i n hande a conspiracie unles he make t h i s reconinge w i t h h i m s e l f , that the death of the p r i n c e wilbe acceptable t o the people"• 9 York i s the shrewd tfildge of the circumstances he r e q u i r e s to make h i s c l a i m e f f e c t i v e ; he must know the popular w i l l , he must have an army a t h i s command, and he must be s a t i s f i e d that the main persons standing between himself and the crown are disposed of.  I t i s c l e a r from h i s argument that  he r e s t s h i s a b i l i t y t o achieve h i s object i n the favor of  9) The r i n c e , x i x , 80 f  -172-  the people, armed f o r c e and h i s own cunning.  His  ruthlessness  i s evident; Jack Cade i s a pawn i n h i s game, u s e f u l , but  ex-  pendable; so were S u f f o l k and Buckingham, f o r a time. While York i s busy w i t h h i s , I r i s h e x p e d i t i o n , Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, Lord P r o t e c t o r of England, i s murdered by an a s s a s s i n h i r e d by S u f f o l k .  Upon h i s death, Warwick and  S a l i s b u r y , aware i n advance that the crime was  to be committed,  a r r i v e at the head of a crowd of common people at Bury St. Edmunds, where the murder took place. and demand an explanation.  They invade the palace  Warwick charges S u f f o l k w i t h  murder, and the commons demand h i s banishment.  The k i n g con-  sents. Thus the events i n s p i r e d by York and h i s Warwick and S a l i s b u r y , who  supporters,  q u i e t l y abetted Somerset and  S u f f o l k i n t h e i r p l o t s against the Gloucesters and who  gave  consent to the death of Humphrey, l e a d to the d i s i n t e g r a t i o n of the second group of nobles that stand between York and the throne.  S u f f o l k ' s banishment deprives the group of i t s  most daring and r e s o u r c e f u l member; and the f o l l y of the a s s a s s i n a t i o n strengthens the commons' hatred of the S u f f o l k group, and enhances the popular favor of those who  exposed  the crime, Warwick and S a l i s b u r y , the a l l i e s of York.  Surely  -173-  the manoeuvring of these developments i s the work of the M a c h i a v e l l i a n prince who knows how to s u i t a c t i o n t o the times, to w a i t , to i n f l u e n c e men's minds, to win popular support, and to b u i l d armed strength. Pate lends a hand to help on York when C a r d i n a l Beauf o r t dies w i t h i n hours of the discovery of the death of Gloucester, and when S u f f o l k i s beheaded by a seaman, Walter Whitmore,' who i s represented as destined to execute S u f f o l k , Whitmore i s one of a ship's crew who seem united behind a remarkable c a p t a i n who knows the whole h i s t o r y ' o f S u f f o l k and who i s confident that England i s r i s i n g up under the N e v i l s i n support of York* Cade's u p r i s i n g proves the t r u t h of the cap-tain's prophecy that an a c t i o n f a v o r i n g York would soon develop.  The  f o l l o w e r s of Cade are moved, l i k e York, by the l o s s of the French provinces and Henry's inept r u l e at home. They accept Cade's c l a i m to become p r o t e c t o r over Henry VI so that England's p r e s t i g e can be r e s t o r e d .  I n the end the r i s i n g i s broken up  by C l i f f o r d ' s c l e v e r appeal to the people's f e e l i n g f o r the w a r r i o r k i n g , Henry V, whose memory the people revere, and by the doubt he rouses i n them that Cade can l e a d them to triumph over t h e i r f o r e i g n enemies the French, or even help  -174-  them p r o t e c t England against a French i n v a s i o n .  This  i d e n t i t y of the people's and York's f e e l i n g about England's p o s i t i o n , and the proof of the people's admiration f o r a w a r r i o r k i n g , strengthen the prospects f o r York's r e t u r n . Scarcely i s Cade's r e b e l l i o n dispersed than news a r r i v e s that York i s back i n England w i t h h i s army, d e c l a r i n g h i s r e t u r n i s to save the k i n g from the t r a i t o r , Somerset.  This  i excuse i s p l a u s i b l e , and f r e e s York from being charged with; sedition.  As M a c h i a v e l l i remarks, "a p r i n c e can never wante  occasions to c o l l o u r the breache of h i s promise".  ^  Encamped between D a r t f o r d and Blackheath, York prepares f o r h i s seizure of the crown.  He sees himself now as not  only the l a w f u l k i n g , but the man w i t h the a b i l i t y t o r u l e ; York: Let them obey that know not how to r u l e ; This hand was made t o handle naught but gold. I cannot give due a c t i o n t o my words, Except a sword or sceptre balance i t : A sceptre s h a l l i t have, — have I a s o u l , — On which I ' l l toss the flower-de-luce of France. ( V, 1, 6 - 11 ) He i s the M a c h i a v e l l i a n man who by h i s own v i r t u e and c a p a c i t y has the r i g h t , because he knows how, to r u l e , and 10) The P r i n c e , x v i i i ,  75  -175becauae he has a v i s i o n f o r h i s country's greatness. He i s i n t e r r u p t e d i n h i s musings by the sudden a r r i v a l of the king's envoy, Buckingham, who has been warned, not out of p i t y but out of f e a r , not t o deal roughly w i t h York, York, immediately cautious and wary, gathers h i s f a c u l t i e s ; York:  Whom have we here? Buckingham, to d i s t u r b me? The k i n g hath sent him, a i r e : I must dissemble, (  V,  1,  12  -  13  )  Prepared f o r defence, York y e t gives the appearance of being completely duped when Buckingham assures him that the k i n g has a r r e s t e d and imprisoned Somerset.  On the unconfirmed  word of Buckingham, he dismisses h i s s o l d i e r s and i s preparing  to go to the palace when the k i n g enters w i t h a number of  attendants, and i s soon followed by the queen accompanied by Somerset,  The apparent f a l l i b i l i t y o f an otherwise most  astute p r i n c e may be an example o f the b u l l i b i l i t y t o which people become v i c t i m s by the pressure of t h e i r needs and desires.  The convenient entrances of Warwick, Sals bury, and  York's sons l a t e r , however, when York i s threatened w i t h a r r e s t , suggest that York knew h i s s t r e n g t h , and was indeed 11)  The Discourses, I , 1 0 2  -176^-  dissembling when he exposed himself t o capture. York, apparently trapped,reveals h i s mettle.  He  b o l d l y challenges the k i n g , demanding an explanation f o r Somerset's beHng a t l a r g e , and he denounces the k i n g f o r h i s bad f a i t h , h i s weakness, and h i s i n e p t i t u d e : York:  thou a r t not k i n g ; Not f i t to govern and r u l e m u l t i t u d e s , Which darest not, no, nor canst not r u l e a t r a i t o r . That head of t h i n e doth not become a crown; Thy hand i s made to grasp a palmer's s t a f f , And not to grace the awful p r i n c e l y sceptre. That gold must round e n g i r t these brows of mine; Whose smile and frown, l i k e t o A c h i l l e s ' spear, Is able w i t h the change t o k i l l and cure. Here i s a hand to hold a sceptre up, And w i t h the same t o act c o n t r o l l i n g laws. Give p l a c e : by heaven, thou s h a l t r u l e no more O'er him whom heaven created f o r they r u l e r . ( V, i , 92 - 105 )  York i s here the magnanimous p r i n c e , b o m to r u l e by a b i l i t y not by h e r e d i t y .  The bases of h i s claims t o the  crown are those endorsed by M a c h i a v e l l i , as the weaknesses of Henry are those M a c h i a v e l l i censured i n a p r i n c e . scene develops, York's' boldness i s commanding.  As the  Ordered  a r r e s t e d , he r e f u s e s t o go w i t h the guards, and has h i s sons c a l l e d i n t o go surety f o r him.  When Old C l i f f o r d and h i s  son enter, f o l l o w i n g York's sons, and do obeisance t o Henry as King, York d e l i b e r a t e l y assumes they are recognizing him,  -177-  and thanks them. Their denunciation and demand f o r York's arrest, i s cut short by the entry of Warwick and Salsbury. The f o r c e s are drawn; York's challenge i s i n the open; the court and a l l England s t a n d i d i v i d e d ; a l l leave t o prepare for battle. This i s the k i n d of b r i l l i a n t and p r i n c i p l e d challenge f o r power that M a c h i a v e l l i hoped the Medici would make i n Italy. The Duke of York and h i s supporters c a r r y the v i c t o r y i n b a t t l e , and Immediately occupy the House of Parliament. They there conceal s o l d i e r s and await the a r r i v a l of the k i n g and queen, who, they know, had planned to meet there, f o l l o w i n g the f i g h t .  Encouraged by Warwick and by h i s sons,  York i s persuaded t o occupy the r e g a l c h a i r .  The dethroning  of Henry now seems imminent. York f a i l s , however, i n p o l i c y , when he t r u s t s the k i n g , whom he already had found wanting i n f a i t h , and accepts h i s promise t o recognize York and h i s h e i r s as r u l e r s of England a f t e r Henry's death.  Although t h i s a c t i o n f r e e s York  of any charge of excessive ambition, i t makes nonsense of h i s f r e q u e n t l y voiced concern f o r the p l i g h t of England under the i n e p t Henry; and i t abandons the people, f o r whose cause he  -178-  claimed to f i g h t . York's a b d i c a t i o n of h i s claim to the crown during the l i f e of Henry V I , nevertheless i s h i s t o r y ; as was h i s character g e n e r a l l y as Shakespeare depicted him.  Had M a c h i a v e l l i been  t a k i n g h i s examples from the h i s t o r y of England he might have s e l e c t e d York, as Shakespeare draws him, as an example of the great p r i n c e whose v i r t u e was marred by an excessive respect for tradition.  But i n every instance but t h i s he i s the  true M a c h i a v e l l i a n p r i n c e .  Chapter V —  Part I I  Subdivision 2 The p r i n c e who  comes to power and r e t a i n s a u t h o r i t y i n  the most d i f f i c u l t circumstances, according to M a c h i a v e l l i , i s he who achieves h i s aim p r i n c i p a l l y through the a s s i s t a n c e of other great men,  and who  then s u c c e s s f u l l y secures him-  s e l f against the jealousy and r e v o l t of those who f i r s t abetted him.  Such a p r i n c e i s Henry Bolingbroke, l a t e r Henry IV,  successor to Richard I I . I n R i c h a r d , Duke of York, Shakespeare had depicted the p r i n c e who demonstrated true M a c h i a v e l l i a n resourcefulness i n the attempt t o achieve power against great odds, and who,  i n p u r s u i t of t h i s aim made use of every ad-  vantage of s u p e r i o r courage, cunning and c l a r i t y of aim  and  -179-  every weakness i n the f r o n t of h i s opponents to compel recogn i t i o n of and advancement f o r h i m s e l f .  I n Henry Bollnbroke,  he presents the man whom personal q u a l i t i e s , fortune, the v o l u n t a r y help of the great and the favor of the people r a i s e s to power, and who,  placed I n command of a n a t i o n by these a i d s ,  s u c c e s s f u l l y c o n s o l i d a t e s and maintains h i s power against cons p i r a c y and r e v o l t . When Henry Bolingbroke landed at Ravenspurgh, h i s c l a i m was merely h i s dukedom; but the access of power which came to him from the welcome of Northpnberland,  Westmoreland, Hotspur,  Willoughby, Ross and others, from the favor shown him by the common people, the l o r d s of the n o r t h , and the gentlemen of the south, the young and the o l d , and from the p u s i l l a n i m i t y and perverseness crown.  of Richard I I encouraged him to c l a i m the  Bolingbroke, t h e r e f o r e , d i d not r i s e up i n r e v o l t ,  conspire or connive h i s way t o power; he came to a s s e r t a r i g h t under the law; he d i d not s e i z e opportunity, occasion used him; he d i d not c r e a t e , he accepted a s i t u a t i o n .  His  r i s e to power t h e r e f o r e , l a y e s s e n t i a l l y w i t h the arms and I n fluence of those nobles who abandoned Richard I I i n the hope of a b e t t e r government, a government more to t h e i r l i k i n g .  180  As M a c h i a v e l l i warned, a r u l e r such as Henry l i v e s under the constant t h r e a t of r e b e l l i o n from those nobles who a i d him t o power, because i t i s most u n l i k e l y that t h e i r expectations w i l l be r e a l i z e d under h i s r u l e , and because h i s power r e s t s not i n support of h i s own making, but i n the continued a l l e g i a n c e of those who  chose to a l i g n themselves w i t h him f o r t h e i r  own  12  advantage* At the c o n c l u s i o n o^Rjchard I I , Bolingbroke, now Henry IV, i s already c a l l e d upon to deal w i t h conspiracy against him, and to grant clemency to Aumerle, h i s cousin, one of the c o n s p i r a t o r s , and to mete out death sentences to the r e s t .  He  i s l e d a l s o , by the danger to which Richard's l i f e exposes him, to i n c i t e assassins t o k i l l  him.  Bolingbroke, however, proves himself equal t o the tasks imposed by power.  I n Henry IV, Part I , the means by which he  consolidates h i s c o n t r o l of England i s r e c i t e d i n the grievance placed before Blunt by the r e b e l s under Hqspur.  After r e l a t -  i n g how Henry a r r i v e d at Ravenspurgh and enjoyed i n c r e a s i n g i-.support —  i n s p i r e d , according to Hotspur, c h i e f l y by Northum-  berland' s welcome —  Hotspur reminds Blunt that Bolingbroke  had deposed and l a t e r k i l l e d the k i n g , and then had subdued _  -  if) The P r i n c e , I I I , 5  '  '  '•  '  ~  '  -181-  the whole s t a t e ? t o h i s a u t h o r i t y : that he had allowed h i s kinsman, M o r t i m e r , — who had a more d i r e c t t i t l e to the crown — io remain, unransomed, a p r i s o n e r i n Wales: that he had deprived Hotspur of the p r i s o n e r s he had captured  by  h i s own prowess; and that he had set spies upon Hotspiur to trap him: t h a t he had d r i v e n Hotspur's u n c l e , Worcester, from the king's c o u n c i l ; and i n a rage had dismissed Northumberl a n d from c o u r t : that he had indeed broken one oath a f t e r another given to those who aided him; and that he had committed one wrong a f t e r another u n t i l he had d r i v e n the l o r d s i n s e l f defence to r e b e l .  He had, indeed, as Hotspur put i t " f o o l ' d , 13  discarded, and shook o f f "  J  those who had helped him to power.  T h i s " v i l e p o l i t i c i a n , Bolingbroke", however, when faced w i t h the u p r i s i n g under the P e r c i e s , shows that he can muster a greater force and wider popular support than can the r e v o l t i n g l o r d s ; and h i s strength persuades the supreme opportunist, Northumberland, f a t h e r of Hotspur, not to commit h i s f o l l o w ing to the u p r i s i n g , although h i s own son leads I t . A f t e r the f i r s t encounter ends i n Hotspur's death and the rout of the r e b e l s , a second muster of the r e b e l s i s persuaded to p a r l e y about terms. 13)  Now,  Henry IV accomplishes h i s second v i c t o r y  I Henry IV, I , i i i ,  178  -182-  by s t r a t e g y and d e c e i t .  Making an agreement through h i s S  son John of Lancaster  t o grant the r e b e l l o r d s redress of t h e i r  grievances, he persuades them t o disband t h e i r f o r c e s , and then has them a r r e s t e d , e x p l a i n i n g suavely that he made no promise not t o seize t h e i r persons. Thus by demonstrating m i l i t a r y strength, popular support and a capacity f o r s u b t l e t y and f r a u d , Henry IV secures the throne won by f a v o r i n g fortune and the help o f others.  Of  h i s possession of the crown H nry IV t e l l s h i s son, H a l : Q  . . . . I had many l i v i n g to upbraid My gain of i t by t h e i r a s s i s t a n c e ; Which d a i l y grew to q u a r r e l and t o bloodshed, Wounding supposed peace: a l l these bold f e a r s Thou see'st with p e r i l I have answered; For a l l my r e i g n hath been but as a scene A c t i n g that argument: ( V, i , 323 - 329 ) • • • . a l l my foes, which thou must make thy f r i e n d s , • Have b u t t h e i r s t i n g s and t e e t h newly ta'en out; By Whose f e l l working I was f i r s t advanced, And by Whose power I w e l l might lodge a f e a r To be again d i s p l a c e d : which t o avoid, I c u t some o f f , and had a purpose now To l e a d out many to the Holy Land, Lest r e s t and l y i n g s t i l l might make them look Too near unto my s t a t e . Therefore, ray Harry, Be i t thy course to busy giddy minds With f o r e i g n q u a r r e l s ; that a c t i o n , hence borne out, May waste the memory of the .'former days, ( V, i , 335 - 3^6 ) The troubles of Henry are e x a c t l y those of a c h i a v e l l i s M  prince who comes t o power c h i e f l y by the a i d o f others, and  1  -183-  whose success i n r e t a i n i n g the throne i s a t t r i b u t a b l e to the q u a l i t i e s urged by M a c h i a v e l l i as those e s s e n t i a l to the true p r i n c e : capacity i n war, s u b t l e t y and f r a u d .  His pro-  posal to "busy giddy minds w i t h f o r e i g n q u a r r e l s " expresses the t a c t i c popular w i t h the astute ..King of Spain, so much admired by M a c h i a v e l l i , ^  The essence of Henry's p o s i t i o n  i s contained i n the opening paragraph of Chapter' I I of The P r i n c e ; and, although i t should be stressed that no  suggestion  i s made that Shakespeare wrote the p l a y t o demonstrate the p r i n c i p l e s , e n u n c i a t e d by M a c h i a v e l l i , the treatment  of the  subject i s that of a person thoroughly imbued w i t h the values and o b j e c t i v e s p i r i t and understanding  of p o l i t i c a l  event that marked the t h i n k i n g of M a c h i a v e l l i , The character and career of Henry V i s f o r e c a s t i n the e a r l y scenes of Henry IV, P a r t I , i d e a l p r i n c e , wise j u s t and strong.  They are to be those of the I n Scene i i of Act I of  the f i r s t p a r t o f Henry IV, the f u t u r e ' K i n g Henry V, hero of Agincourt, carouses and jokes w i t h h i s boon.companions of the taverns and the highways, P a l s t a f f and Poins.  14)  The P r i n c e , XXI, 98 -  99*  At the conclusion  -184-  of the scene, however, i n a s o l i l o q u y obviously addressed d i r e c t l y to the audience, he prepares the minds of h i s l i s t e n e r s f o r the transformation t h a t i s t o take p l a c e . Prince Henry: I know you a l l ( P a l s t a f f & Poins) and w i l l awhile uphold The unyoked humour of your i d l e n e s s : Yet h e r e i n w i l l I i m i t a t e the sun, Who doth permit the base contagious clouds, To smother up h i s beauty from the world, That, when he please again to be h i m s e l f , Being wanted, he may be more wonder'd a t , By breaking through the f o u l and ugly mists Of vapours that d i d seem to s t r a n g l e him. I f a l l the year were p l a y i n g h o l i d a y s , To sport would be as tedious as to work; But when they seldom come, they wisht f o r come, And nothing p l e a s e t h but rare a c c i d e n t s . So, when t h i s loose behavious I throw o f f , And pay the debt I never promised, By how much b e t t e r than my word I am, By so much w i l l I f a l s i f y men's hopes: And, l i k e b r i g h t metal on a s u l l e n ground, My reformation, g l i t t e r i n g o'er my f a u l t , S h a l l show more goodly and a t t r a c t more eyes Than that which hath no f o i l t o set i t o f f • . I ' l l so offend, to make offence a s k i l l ; Redeeming time, when men t h i n k l e a s t I w i l l , ( I , i i , 199 - 219)  l  *  The c o o l and c a l c u l a t i n g detachment o f t h i s y o u t h f u l prince's observation i s r e v o l t i n g to anyone w i t h a human r a t h e r than a s t a t e approach; so d e l i b e r a t e a manipulating of human l i f e , i n c l u d i n g one's own, f o r f u t u r e , u l t e r i o r ends seems 15) W i l l i a m Shakespeare, "Henry IV, Part I " , Works, 1938  -185-  h a r d l y n a t u r a l and c e r t a i n l y i s not common, for a l l men i s subordinated as a k i n g .  Hal's f e e l i n g  to h i s determination  to shine  H i s a t t i t u d e toward h i s common companions i s  easy, i n d u l g e n t , not unkind contempt; that toward the n o b i l i t y , studied caution: toward both h i s a c t i o n s are f o r effect.  H i s i n t e n t i o n i s to impress by h i s reform those o f  both classes whom h i s present behaviour has m i s l e d , and by t h i s demonstration of w i l l and self-command to r e i n f o r c e h i s h o l d upon h i s s u b j e c t s , high and low; make offence a s k i l l " .  " I ' l l so offend, t o  He i s offending h i s f a t h e r and the  n o b i l i t y now; he w i l l offend P a l s t a f f and Poins l a t e r ; but he w i l l r i s e superior t o both.  This capacity f o r studied  a c t i o n c a l c u l a t e d t o b a f f l e and Impress i s a t the core o f the M a c h i a v e l l i a n p r i n c e —  i s the essence of the Machia-  v e l l i a n use of the word p o l i c y ; i t assumes an absolute I n dependence o f mind, a complete self-assurance, shrewd judgment and a detachment from t i e s of a f f e c t i o n that  together  make p o s s i b l e the devotion of a l l e f f o r t t o a predetermined end.  Nor i s i t n e c e s s a r i l y associated with c o r r u p t i o n or  e v i l intent. The suggestion that H a l i s not as abandoned as h i s behaviour would l e a d one to b e l i e v e was expressed f i r s t by  -186-  Henry Bolingbroke a t the conclusion of the p l a y , Richard I I . I n scene i i i of act V Bolingbroke, accompanied by Hotspur, came t o Windsor C a s t l e , as k i n g of England,  The presence of  Hotspur, and the absence of h i s own son, Prince Hal, i n t h i s hour of triumph stung him t o outcry: Can no one t e l l me of my u n t h r i f t y son? ( V, i i i , 1 ) He was t o l d , and by Hotspur, that Hal was among h i s low companions; and t h a t , upon being informed of the triumphs t o be h e l d at Oxford honoring the new k i n g , h i s f a t h e r , he had s a i d he would come wearing the glove of the commonest creature from the stews.  This i s the f i r s t reference to Prince Hal i n  the plays i n which h i s career f i g u r e s .  His f a t h e r ' s r e p l y t o  Hotspur i s i n t e r e s t i n g from the p o i n t o f view being  discussed  here, Henry Bolingbroke:  As d i s s o l u t e as desperate; yet through both I see some sparkles of a b e t t e r hope, Which e l d e r days may h a p p i l y b r i n g forth,— ( V, i i i , 20 - 22)  There f o l l o w s i n the f i r s t a c t of Henry IV, P a r t 1 the e x p l i c i t statement of H a l h i m s e l f , already quoted, i n which he confirms the hope expressed by the k i n g that he would not  -187-  always continue t o be a ne'er-do-well.  And f i n a l l y , i n  Scene i v of Act i v of the second p a r t of Henry IV, when Henry IV, againafc triumphant, l a c k s the presence of h i s son and h e i r , and breaks out i n despair, Warwick r e p l i e s : Warwick: My gracious l o r d , you look beyond hlra q u i t e : The p r i n c e but studies h i s companions, L i k e a strange tongue; wherein, to g a i n the language, 'Tis needful that the most immodest word Be l o o k t upon and l e a r n ' d ; which once a t t a i n ' d Your highness knows, comes to no f u r t h e r use But to be known and hated. So, l i k e gross t e r n s , The prince w i l l , i n the perfectness of time, Cast o f f h i s f o l l o w e r s ; and t h e i r memory S h a l l as a p a t t e r n or a measure l i v e , By which h i s grace must mete the l i v e s of others, Turning past e v i l s to advantages, ( I I Henry IV, IV, i v , 67 - 78 ) With the audience prepared by the prince's s o l i l o q u y to see him u l t i m a t e l y emerge as a great r u l e r , the p l a y , Henry, IV, p a r t 1,  proceeds f i r s t t o b r i n g out h i s q u a l i t i e s as  a w i t , and a man  of resourcefulness and command, welcome among  and at ease w i t h common people.  The s e r i e s of episodes with  P a l s t a f f , Bardolph, P i s t o l , Dame Quickly and the r e s t does t h i s admirably,  Hal i s a match f o r P a l s t a f f i n repartee,  and h i s equal i n daring and i r r e v e r e n t c r i t i c i s m of the world, i n c l u d i n g the world of the court; he i s as ready f o r and as able to c a r r y out a p r a c t i c a l joke as i s P a l s t a f f ;  -188—  and h i s a t t i t u d e t o authority- i s - a s c r i t i c a l , and i s much more d i g n i f i e d .  He can a s s e r t h i s p r i n c e l y r i g h t s promptly  and e f f e c t i v e l y whenever the event c a l l s f o r i t and without 6 embarrassment or apology f o r the circumstances i n which he i s found; and the impression i s maintained that he never a t any time i s a v i c t i m of the v i c e s he chooses t o indulge i n h i s companions.  I f the c r i t i c i s m i s r a i s e d that he marred h i s  r e p u t a t i o n by the wildness  of h i s youth, the answer i s , of  course, given by h i s own d e c l a r a t i o n t h a t i t i s a l l p a r t of p o l i c y , a demonstration of h i s v i t a l i n t e r e s t i n l i f e , his  self-command, and an exercise i n free w i l l .  stop when he chooses.  And so i t proves.  He can  Thus the whole,  famous and e n t e r t a i n i n g s e c t i o n of the Henry IV plays which i s devoted to the l i f e of the young prince among P a l s t a f f and h i s a s s o c i a t e s , i s a b r i l l i a n t dramatization of a deep understanding of the components of the popular p r i n c e , who knows people, and who uses t h i s knowledge and h i s command over v i c e s and v i r t u e s t o e f f e c t h i s own s e c u r i t y and the s e c u r i t y of the s t a t e .  As M a c h i a v e l l i says i n h i s  chapter,  headed "Of those thinges which cause men and e s p e c i a l l i e princes to be e i t h e r p r a i s e d or blamed": " . . . i t behooves a prince to use t h a t . d i s c r e t i o n whereby he maye avoyde the  -189-  infamie e s p e c i a l l i e of such v i c e s as maye weken h i s power, or hazarde the l o s s e of his p r i n c i p a l i t i e , he should alsoe indeavour to shunn the reat thoughe they threaten noe such daynger, but y f he ceuUe douldo not, he might l e t t them passe w i t h l y g h t regarde, n e i t h e r must he be s c r i p u lous to s t r a i n e c o u r t e s i e s to i n c u r r the infamie of such v i c e s as preserve the s a f e t i e of h i s owne e s t a t e , f o r y f matters be weyed i n i n d i f f e r e n t b a l l a n c e s , and considered of r i g h t l i e as they are indeede, yow s h a l l f i n d e that by p r a c t i s i n g of some thinges that, c a r r i e the face and shewe of vertue yow s h a l l purchase your owne ruyne and overthrowe, and that by f o l l o w i n g some other that a t t the f i r s t s i g h t seeme v i t i o u s , yow s h a l l f i n d e most sure defence for your owne s a f e t i e and quietnesse." l 6 By v i r t u e of these scenes, Prince H a l i s shown to be b a s i c a l l y r o y a l and completely master of h i s passions and n a t u r a l human i n c l i n a t i o n s and weaknesses; he does not suppress or i n h i b i t them, he uses them, and he uses them X 17 to h i s own and the s a t e s advantage* 1  16) The P r i n c e , XV, 67 - 6 8 . 17) J« Dover Wilson takes issue w i t h t h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of Prince H a l i n h i s work, The Fortunes of F a l s t a f f . Under the heading, R i o t and the P r o d i g a l P r i n c e , Mr. Wilson has t h i s t o say: " F a l s t a f f may be the most conspicuous, he - i s c e r t a i n l y the most f a s c i n a t i n g character i n Henry IV, but a l l c r i t i c s are agreed, I b e l i e v e , that the t e c h n i c a l centre of the p l a y i s not the f a t knight but the l e a n p r i n c e . Hal l i n k s the low l i f e w i t h the high l i f e , the scenes of Eastcheap w i t h those a t Westminster, the tavern w i t h the b a t t l e f i e l d ; h i s doings provided most o f  -190-  Long before Agincourt, indeed, and while he i s s t i l l l i v i n g under the cloud of h i s f a t h e r ' s doubt, our young scapegrace demonstrates the v i r t u e that i s h i s .  As a  w a r r i o r he proves himself t o be superior t o the most r e nowned champion of the time. Henry Percy, Hotspur,- whom he k i l l s at h i s f i r s t encounter w i t h him. The depth o f Shakespeare's p e n e t r a t i o n of the psychol o g i c a l problems t h a t beset the true M a c h i a v e l l i a n p r i n e e , the p r i n c e s t r i v i n g f o r absolute power and popular f a v o r , i s revealed f u r t h e r i n that remarkable scene w i t h Poins  the m a t e r i a l f o r both P a r t s , and w i t h him too l i e s the f u t u r e , since he i s t o become Henry V, the i d e a l k i n g , i n the p l a y that bears h i s name; f i n a l l y , the mainspring o f the dramatic a c t i o n i s the choice I have already spoken of, the choice he i s c a l l e d upon to make between Vanity and Government, t a k i n g the l a t t e r i n i t s accepted Tudor meani n g , which includes C h i v a l r y or prowess i n the f i e l d , the theme of Part I , and J u s t i c e , which i s the theme o f Part I I . Shakespeare, moreover, breathes l i f e i n t o these abstract i o n s by embodying them, or aspects of them, i n prominent characters, who stand, as i t - were, about the P r i n c e , l i k e attendant s p i r i t s : Pal s t a f f t y p i f y i n g Vanity i n every sense of the word, Hotspur C h i v a l r y , of the o l d anarchic k i n d , and the Lord Chief J u s t i c e the Rule o f Law or the new i d e a l of s e r v i c e t o the s t a t e " . (Prom J. Dover Wilson, The Fortunes o f F a l s t a f f Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press, I9Z+3, p. 1 7 ) In t h i s Mr. Wilson I s arguing, that the essence o f the problem of Henry IV i s the o l d medieva]jone of youth tempted by v i c e and invoked by v i r t u e or good deeds. I f t h i s were so, the appeal of  -191-  f o l l o w i n g the f i r s t defeat of the r e b e l nobles and Hal's v i c t o r y over Hotspur.  H a l , wandering i n the s t r e e t s of  London w i t h Poins, suddenly complains of deep weariness, and remarks t h a t h i s thoughts are t u r n i n g to small beer. T h i s , he f e e l s i s unworthy of him as a p r i n c e , even as h i s a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h Poins and f a m i l i a r i t y w i t h h i s personal problems disgrace him.  Hal's depression i s r e a l , but he h e s i t a t e s  to s t a t e i f f r a n k l y to Poins because he knows he w i l l not be  Henry IV to modern readers Would be p a r a l l e l l e d by that of the o l d medieval m o r a l i t i e s . But t h i s i s not so. The essence of the i n t e r e s t roused by Henry IV i s not, t h e r e f o r e , i t s r e f l e c t i o n of medieval concepts but i t s demonstration of concepts that d i s t i n g u i s h i t from the medieval. I t i s the break w i t h the o l d p i c t u r e of youth tempted by r i o t i n Henry IV and the demonstration of the modern concept of independent judgment, self-mastery and f r e e w i l l , of c o n s c i o u s l y d i r e c t e d d e s t i n y , that marks Henry IV as a modern p l a y . Nowhere i n the p l a y s d e a l i n g w i t h P r i n c e Hal and P a l s t a f f i s there ever the suggest i o n that Prince Hal i s not master of the s i t u a t i o n ; that he i s t o r n between r i o t and good government; that he i s i n danger of becoming"the v i c t i m of h i s tavern companions, that he does not f u l l y appreciate them f o r what they are; t h a t he i s not c o n s c i o u s l y the h e i r to the* throne and prepared t o f u l f i l that d e s t i n y , not competently, but b r i l l i a n t l y . Everyone of Hal's remarks about h i s companions— from those made of the t a p s t e r s who have accepted him as a good f e l l o w , "a very C o r i n t h i a n " , to those addressed to Poins i n the conversation on Hal's concern f o r h i s f a t h e r — are edged w i t h contempt, weighted w i t h understanding and r e j e c t i o n . That i s why Henry V's c o l d , " I know thee not o l d man" has roused the controversey i t has; f o r P a l s t a f f , whatever h i s moral q u a l i f i c a t i o n s , has been deceived, i s f r u s t r a t e d i n h i s hopes, recognizes h i m s e l f f o r a dupe. /  -192-  b e l l e v e d ; and he knows that he w i l l be mocked at as a hypocrite i f he confesses that the cause i s h i s concern for  h i s f a t h e r , the k i n g .  What Hal sees coming up, as h i s  f a t h e r ' s i l l n e s s continues, i s the n e c e s s i t y to assume power; and h i s i s o l a t i o n i s oppressing him.  Who would be-  l i e v e him i f he s a i d he was concerned f o r h i s father? Poins confirms Hal's c o n v i c t i o n t h a t any expression of f e e l e  ing  f o r the k i n g would be met w i t h i n c r e d u l i t y : Prince Henry: Marry, I t e l l thee, -- i t i s not meet that I should be sad, now my f a t h e r i s s i c k : a l b e i t , I could t e l l thee,-- as to one i t pleases me, f o r f a u l t of a b e t t e r , t o c a l l my f r i e n d , — I could be sad, and sad indeed,,too. Poins:  Very hardly upon such a subject. ( I I , i i , k.0 -  i|4 )  Hal knows that Poins and h i 3 associates are as much deluded i n him as a true companion of t h i e v e s , hardened and i n d i f f e r e i i t to h i s f a t h e r , as the n o b i l i t y are deluded i n him as a hopelessly wayward youth.  The mutual contempt and r i v a l r y of the thieves  and t h e i r acceptance of him as one of them momentarily n e t t l e s him; but he presses h i s p o i n t : Prince Henry:  By t h i s hand, thou t h i n k * s t me as f a r i n the d e v i l ' s book as thou and P a l s t a f f for obduracy and p e r s i s t e n c y : l e t the end t r y the man. But I t e l l thee my heart bleeds inwardly that my f a t h e r i s so sick;and keeping such v i l e company as thou a r t hath i n reason taken from me a l l o s t e n t a t i o n of sorrow".  -193-  Polns:  The reason?  Prince Henry:  What wouldst thou t h i n k of me, i f I should weep?  PoinsI  I would t h i n k thee a most p r i n c e l y h y p o c r i t e . ( I I , i i , 45 - 53 )  Poins has no h e s i t a t i o n : he has judged the p r i n c e by appearances as everyone had, and Hal i s pleased t o f i n d him so t y p i c a l . He applauds Poins: Prince Henry: I t (that the p r i n c e i s a hypocrite) would.be every man's thought; and thou are a blessed f e l l o w to t h i n k as every man t h i n k s ; never a man's thought I n the world keeps the road-way b e t t e r than t h i n e ; every man would t h i n k me an hypocrite indeed"• ( I I , i i , 54 - 59) Here Hal i s proving that he i s aware o f the t r u t h t h a t , as M a c h i a v e l l i a f f i r m e d , the vulgar judge by appearance and are misled i n judgment because they do not know the inner 1  Q  problems of power. • This scene continues w i t h a v i s i t to the i n n i n Eastcheap, agreed upon d e l i b e r a t e l y as a means of spying upon P a l s t a f f , and of d r i v i n g him t o more of h i s ingenious excuses f o r h i s 18)  The P r i n o e , X V I I I , 77.  -194v i l i f i c a t i o n s of the p r i n c e .  Episodes such as these are  the embodiment i n drama of the a c t i v i t y of a s i n g u l a r l y o b j e c t i v e , balanced c r i t i c a l and curious mind, such as the astute p r i n c e of M a c h i a v e l l i must be assumed to possess.  These London s t r e e t and tavern scenes place i n  f l e s h upon the boards the maturing of a w o r l d l y  wise^  i n t e l l i g e n c e , the growth of a man of exceptional mental capacity.  Throughout these scenes the prince appears as  the y o u t h f u l i n t e l l e c t bent upon understanding i t s self-esteem unaffected by the mistaken  everything,  impressions  that others derive from the rare independence o f i t s a c t i vity.  Thejprince, indeed, i s evolving i n t o one of those  unusual p e r s o n a l i t i e s that can be a t home i n a l l company, and i n command i n a l l assemblies, and that can keep people guessing by the n o v e l t y and daring of t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s . He i s , indeed, the p e r s o n i f i c a t i o n of the i n d i v i d u a l i s t making h i s entrance i n the s i x t e e n t h century to a place of prominence i n p u b l i c l i f e , of whom the despotic prince was  the pre-eminent example. These scenes are remarkable f o r the e f f e c t they must  have had on Elizabethans as pleas f o r indulgence  for their  r u l e r who, by h i s p o s i t i o n was doomed t o be misunderstood  0  -195-  and misrepresented i n the minds of a l l be.causet.his h i g h purpose could be known only ' to h i m s e l f . A l l would think him a h y p o c r i t e i f he confessed h i m s e l f . D i s c u s s i o n of episodes such as these i s p e r t i n e n t to the subject of t h i s t h e s i s as they i l l u s t r a t e the imaginat i v e i n s i g h t of Shakespeare  i n t o the probable workings of  the mind of a p r i n c e such as M a c h i a v e l l i admired the age of Shakespeare  and'  r e q u i r e d . These scenes express  d r a m a t i c a l l y the l i k e l y emotional r e a c t i o n s and r e f l e c t i o n s of a nobleman c o n s c i o u s l y preparing f o r power r e s t i n g upon popular support and s t r i v i n g to organize both hims e l f and h i s necessary a s s o c i a t e s to encompass the power and a u t h o r i t y he aims a t .  Hal's a s s o c i a t i o n with P a l s t a f f  and h i s companions i s not i r r e s p o n s i b l e s e l f - i n d u l g e n c e • but a h i g h l y conscious adventure i n a s s o c i a t i o n , motivated c h i e f l y by h i s sense of d e s t i n y as h e i r to the throne, and designed to equip him w i t h a c a p a c i t y to know, judge and use men —  even those whom i n h i s heart he despises —  as  Warwick, i n the remarks quoted, surmised. So f a r the p r i n c e appears as sanguine, y o u t h f u l , w i t t y , w a r l i k e , a master of h i s passions, deeply observant and astute.  He has a l s o a profound sense of h i s d i g n i t y and  -196-  destiny as a r u l e r , and as the h e i r o f h i s f a t h e r . The p r i n c e ' s v a l o r and Henry I V s d u p l i c i t y combine to defeat the insurgent nobles and,.to b r i n g about the capture and execution  of the leaders.  There f o l l o w s  then King Henry's p l a n to l e a d the m i l i t a n t s p i r i t s abroad i n a crusade, before peace can breed new discontents.  Death, however, cuts o f f the k i n g ; and a t once,  the apparently r i o t o u s p r i n c e i s King Henry V. The wise p r i n c e , according  t o M a c h i a v e l l i , respects  the law; governs as much as p o s s i b l e by means of e s t a 19  blished institutions; and demonstrates h i s wisdom by h i s choice of counsellors and the r e l a t i o n s h i p he es20  t a b l i s h e s between himself and them.  With h i s f i r s t  appearance among the o f f i c i a l s and nobles o f . h i s court, Henry V a l l a y s a l l f e a r s that had grown up among them as a r e s u l t o f h i s apparently  ungovernable youth. H i s  entrance t o them I n the palace i n h i s r e g a l robes i s easy and ..majestic. King Henry V: This new and gorgeous garment, majesty, S i t s not so easy on me as you t h i n k . - ( V, i i , i|4 - 45 ) 19) 20)  Discourses, I , x, lij.3 - l44i 1* P r i n c e , x x i i , 1 0 3 , ltilj. - 1 0 5 .  x x v  »  1^2.  - 1 9 7 -  he remarks, w e l l knowing that they think him most u n f i t for i t .  He pauses; and then he immediately takes on the  manner and voice of a u t h o r i t y . Most f e a r f u l of h i s ascent to power i s the Lord Chief J u s t i c e , l o y a l and severe enforcer of the laws of the realm under Henry IV, and more than once the agent of the young prince's d i s c o m f i t u r e .  The Chief J u s t i c e , however,  i s not only r e t a i n e d i n o f f i c e by the new k i n g , but i s p r a i s e d f o r the d i l i g e n c e w i t h which he administered law of the land even upon the king's son.  the  He does not  receive the clemency and approval of the new k i n g , though, before he has been subjected b r i e f l y to the t e r r o r of the k i n g and compelled t o make an open d e c l a r a t i o n of what he b e l i e v e s to be the r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of h i s o f f i c e . Then he i s assured by Henry V, quoting the o l d k i n g : Henry V:  (quoting Henry IV) "Happy am I , t h a t have a man so b o l d That dares do j u s t i c e on my proper son". ( V, i i ,  108  -  109)  The Chief J u s t i c e has proven himself to be the i d e a l agent of the p r i n c e , ai man prepared to take upon himself respons i b i l i t y f o r the most unpopular acts i n the enforcement of the  law.  In t h i s scene Henry V demonstrates h i s respect f o r  -198-  law, h i s readiness t o perpetuate the o f f i c e of e f f e c t i v e o f f i c i a l s , and h i s c a p a c i t y to make himself both feared and l o v e d . Henry V:  H i s o b j e c t , he declares i s t o be a good r u l e r  —  To mock the expectation of the world, To f r u s t r a t e prophecies, and t o raze out Rotten o p i n i o n , who hath w r i t me down A f t e r my seeming, ( V, i i , 92 - 95 )  He continues:  , ... _,_ ,. The txde of blood i n me Hath proudly flow'd i n v a n i t y t i l l now; Mow doth i t t u r n and ebb back t o the sea, Where i t s h a l l mingle with the s t a t e of f l o o d s , And flow henceforth i n formal majesty. Now c a l l we our h i g h court of parliament: And l e t us choose such limbs of noble counsel, That the great body of our s t a t e may go In equal rank w i t h the best-govern'd n a t i o n ; That war, or peace, or both at once, may be As things acquainted and f a m i l i a r to us; m  (V, i i , 95 - 105 ) a.  He i s ^ p r i n c e , s e l f - w i l l e d , independent and s e l f - r e l i a n t , but prepared by v i r t u e of understanding and a v i s i o n o f state power to l e a r n from experience, conform t o law and admit counsel. The p r i n c e , before h i s ascent t o the throne, had proven himself a man capable of hoodwinking and managing to h i s own ends both the common people and the n o b i l i t y . The r u t h l e s s n e s s of which he i s capable i n the i n t e r e s t s  -199i"  of h i s s t a t e power i s then-, shown In h i s r e j e c t i o n of Falstaff.  " I know thee not o l d man",  h i s i c y and death-  d e a l i n g r e p l y to the o l d s o l d i e r ' s ardent greeting to him as he, r i d e s from the coronation, i s the essence of c a l c u 21  l a t i n g state p o l i c y .  Inhuman to the u t t e r degree, t r e a -  cherous t o n a t u r a l human f e e l i n g , g i v i n g the l i e to everyt h i n g he had appeared to be to the improvident k n i g h t , t h i s r e p l y i s a l l the proof that i s needed that King Henry V i s the calmly o b j e c t i v e , c a l c u l a t i n g and astute prince  who  w i l l allow nothing to stem h i s drive to what he conceives to be the well-ordered  state.  He has been a spy among the  common people to l e a r n the a r t of managing them to h i s own advantage, which he i d e n t i f i e s w i t h that of the commonwealth.  His measures to ensure that F a l s t a f f and h i s asso-  c i a t e s are provided f o r show j u s t i c e ^ but the p u n i t i v e a c t i o n that accompanies 'this j u s t i c e i s k i l l i n g .  Falstaff  dies. The opening scenes of Act I of Henry V advance the k i n g from the ranks of the commons amongst whom i n Henry IV 21) The P r i n c e , XVII, 71: "Let therefore a prince esteeme yt l i g h t e to be accompted c r u e l l soe he maye haue h i s subiectes i n f a y t h by f e a r e . For he shalbe thought more gentle by shewinge a fewe examples of s e v e r i t i e , then through f o o l i s h e p i t t y e nowrishe d i s o r d e r s , . . . . "  -200-  he c h i e f l y demonstrated h i s capacity f o r l e a d e r s h i p , to the r u l i n g ' r a n k s of the n o b i l i t y .  He has adopted h i s  f a t h e r ' s plan f o r a m i l i t a r y adventure abroad; but instead of a crusade, he proposes an attempt to extend h i s empire i n Prance; not penance but g l o r y and p r e s t i g e are h i s aim.  I t i s an undertaking  of the k i n d that M a c h i a v e l l i  advocated f o r a prince newly come to power. ^  Henry takes  great pains t o get the consent of h i s church and l a y suppo r t e r s , and to f i n d just cause i n law f o r h i s proposed campaign, honoring i n t h i s the M a c h i a v e l l i a n  observation  that the wise prince should give cause f o r h i s a c t i o n s , c o l o r a l l e n t e r p r i s e s w i t h r e l i g i o u s - pomp, and act as f a r as p o s s i b l e i n accordance with the laws and customs of the country. Without f u l l y d e c l a r i n g h i m s e l f , Henry has allowed  the  Archbishop of Canterbury to understand that he i s i n d i f f e r e n t to a law being proposed i n parliament  to deprive the church  of considerable l a n d and to subject the church to heavy t a x a t i o n ^ i n order to provide the k i n g w i t h a f i t t i n g court 23  and to give him an annual income of one thousand pounds. '22) The P r i n c e , xx, 9 5 . 2 3 ) W i l l i a m Shakespeare,"Henry V", The Works of W i l l i a m Shakespeare, Oxford, Shakespeare Head Press, 1936", I , i , 1 and I , i , b& -  23  -201-  He has i n s i n u a t e d that he might be open t o a proposal of some compromise that would give him a i d i n h i s i n v a s i o n of France.  The d i s c u s s i o n of t h i s w i t h the Archbishop, how-  ever, he has put o f f u n t i l the French ambassador i s heard, and the matter of h i s r i g h t to the French crown by descent has,been s e t t l e d .  Henry has thus made the s a t i s f a c t i o n of  h i s desire t o prove a r i g h t t o the French throne a matter of most immediate concern t o the p r e l a t e s ; and scene two of the p l a y i s devoted to the marvellous and i n t r i c a t e argument of the archbishop i n support of Henry's c l a i m .  Henry's  a p p r e c i a t i o n o f the e f f o r t i s p i t h i l y expressed i n h i s dry i n q u i r y , f o l l o w i n g the long and i n v o l v e d argument: Henry:  May I w i t h r i g h t and conscience make t h i s claim? ( I , i i , 96 )  Nobles and churchmen hasten to take f u l l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r urging the a c t i o n ; and Henry proclaims a p o l i c y as that of the counsel of h i s countrymen which he had conceived and decided upon before h i s f a t h e r ' s death. Henry demonstrates  In this  scene  the absolute p r i n c e , as M a c h i a v e l l i con-  ceived him, s k i l f u l l y p l a y i n g o f f the c o n f l i c t i n g c l a s s e s i n h i s kingdom to h i s own advantage. The v i r t u e s of Henry had already been sung by the  -202-  &rchbishop of Canterbury: Canterbury:  Hear him but reason i n d i v i n i t y , And, a l l - a d m i r i n g , w i t h an inward wish You would d e s i r e the kind* were made a p r e l a t e ; Hear him debate of commonwealth a f f a i r s , You would say i t hath been a l l - i n - a l l h i s study: L i s t h i s discourse of war, and you s h a l l hear A f e a r f u l b a t t l e rendered you i n music: Turn him t o any cause of p o l i c y , The Gordian knot of i t he w i l l unloose, F a m i l i a r as h i s g a r t e r : — ( I , i , 39 "  48)  And the admiring Archbishop f u r t h e r remarks that the new k i n g bears himself So that the a r t and p r a c t i c p a r t of l i f e Must be the m i s t r e s s to t h i s t h e o r i c : ( I , i , 52 - 53  )  Henry V, the m a r t i a l p r i n c e , champion of an expanding empire, noble s e r v i t o r of the church and observer of the laws, but i n h i m s e l f law-giver and c h i e f c o u n s e l l o r , i s v i g i l a n t f o r the s a f e t y of h i m s e l f and f o r the defence of his  kingdom while he i s away at war.  Act I I , scene i i ,  presents l a y nobles marvelling at the b r i l l i a n c e of the k i n g , as the two churchmen d i d i n Act I .  Now the Dukes of  Bedford and Exeter, and the E a r l of Westmoreland d i s c u s s the king's apparent unconcern about-the conspiracy of Lord Scroop, the E a r l of Cambridge and S i r Thomas Grey to k i l l the k i n g at Hampton i n the i n t e r e s t of the French.  -203-  They are wondering what the k i n g intends by going  forward  w i t h h i s preparations to leave f o r Prance, when, asj]3edford remarks Bedford:  The k i n g hath note'of a l l they (theconspirators) i n t e n d , By i n t e r c e p t i o n which they dream not o f . ( I I , 11,  6 - 7 )  King Henry, l i k e the astute M a c h i a v e l l i a n prince he i s , has the s i t u a t i o n w e l l i n hand; and i n the council-chamber i n Southampton he stages h i s exposure of the g u i l t y noblemen.  His technique  i s to dissemble w i t h them and l e a d  them on w i t h appearances of favor and t r u s t to grow too confident and to condemn themselves out of t h e i r  own  mouths i n t h e i r indictment of others, and i n ' t h e i r a n t i c i p a t i o n of f u r t h e r promotions; and then to expose them i n the very r e c e i p t of t h e i r new  commissions.  them over to the law f o r punishment.  He then hands  This i s the method  of f o r e s t a l l i n g conspirators observed and recommended by M a c h i a v e l l i , and the r e c o g n i t i o n of the law as the i n s t r u ment of s t a t e s e c u r i t y a l s o honors the advice of M a c h i a v e l l i . Henry says: King Henry: ....we our kingdom's safety must so tender Whose r u i n you have sought, t h a t t o her laws We do d e l i v e r you..• ( I I , i i , 174 - 176 ) Henry V here acts as the c h i e f magistrate of the s t a t e ,  -204i n i t i a t i n g and d i r e c t i n g the exposure of the p l o t , l a y i n g the charge and proposing sentence, but honoring the law of the land as the instrument of punishment, as Machiav e l l i would have advocated. As a s o l d i e r , which, he confesses, i s "A name t h a t , i n my thoughts becomes me b e s t " , Henry V f u l l y accepts a l l the i m p l i c a t i o n s of t e r r o r , b r u t a l i t y and violence that war i m p l i e s ; and, d e f i e d , he i s as ready as Tamburlane to threaten p i l l a g e and v i o l e n c e . He i s , however, the general who i s notable f o r j u s t i ce rather than f o r s e v e r i t y , combining a c a p a c i t y f o r ruthlessness w i t h a p o l i t i c preference f o r r e s t r a i n t , as h i s readiness t o preserve H a r f l e u r from the l o o t i n g he threatened, and h i s severe measures against freebobting by h i s s o l d i e r s show.  He  orders d i s c i p l i n e and mercy toward the c i t i z e n s when H a r f l e u r f i n a l l y surrenders; and under h i s general order against robbing and l o o t i n g , he has Bardolph hanged f o r robbing a church.  He i s the v a l i a n t and sober general ex-  t o l l e d by M a c h i a v e l l i . George Ian Duthie sees i n the d r a s t i c punishment of Bardolph evidence of the p o l i t i c reasoning of Henry V: "Shakespeare seems to s a y t h a t ' p o l i c y ' i s necessary i n a k i n g ; but the i d e a l k i n g ,  -205-  while using ' p o l i c y when necessary, i s , nevertheless, i n general c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a f r a n k e r , a more open, a more warm-hearted d i s p o s i t i o n than Henry IV had". 2l\. 1  Scenes i i i , i v , v i , v i i and v i i i of Act IV are designed to implant Henry V i n the minds of the Elizabethans as the v a l i a n t and popular leader of the E n g l i s h , who i s profoundly aware of the p e r s o n a l i t y of h i s men, and who respects t h e i r s i m p l i c i t y and t h e i r courage.  His intimate  companionship w i t h men of the ranks and of the l e s s e r o f f i c e r c l a s s .— L l u e l l a n , Gower, Michael Williams -- i s shown i n scenes cut with the sharpness and b r i l l i a n c e of gems; and scenes w i t h Exeter, Bedford, Warwiick and Gloucester show the respect and warm f r i e n d s h i p he enjoys among the nobles• Henry V i s indeed that p r i n c e sought by M a c h i a v e l l i , who combined v a l o r w i t h i n g e n u i t y , and by example and s k i l l won the r e s p e c t f u l adherence of the n o b i l i t y and the e n t h u s i a s t i c l o y a l t y of the commons, s e a l i n g i n h i s person and the i n s t i t u t i o n s he favored the u n i t y o f the commonwealth.  Although t h i s study of true Machiavellianism makes no  2lj.) George Ian Duthie, Shakespeare, London, Hutchinson's U n i v e r s i t y L i b r a r y , 1 9 5 l » p. llp»  206  fcUl-ni JO ^be e x h a u s t i v e , i t may  be not without i n t e r e s t to examine f o r  evidence of Shakespeare's a p p r e c i a t i o n of M a c h i a v e l l i a n character one of h i s plays that l i e s outside those dealing w i t h E n g l i s h h i s t o r y - Coriplanus. Coriolanus dramatizes the l e s s o n of p o l i c y relevant to t h i s study i n scene two of act three.  Coriolanus i n  h i s home, surrounded by the p a t r i c i a n s and attended by h i s mother, stubbornly refuses to change h i s a t t i t u d e of open contempt f o r the people of Rome c r to appear humbly before them asking them f o r t h e i r vote.  He i s f r a n k l y  and n a i v e l y astounded that h i s mother does not agree w i t h him; and he alone, of a l l the p a t r i c i a n s , f a i l s to see her wisdom.  Although h i s mother, Volumnia, i s no l e s s contem-  ptuous of the populace than he i s , she has a M a c h i a v e l l i a n i n t e l l i g e n c e as w e l l as courage; she has, that i s , an acute understanding of the r e a l i t i e s of l i f e , as w e l l as pride i n her p o s i t i o n as a p a t r i c i a n .  Her opening words  i n t h i s scene revealjher p o l i t i c a l i n s i g h t .  In r e p l y to  Coriolanus' reproach of her f o r disapproving of h i s behaviour, she c r i e s : Voluijuiia:  0, s i r , s i r , s i r , I would have you put your power w e l l on, Before you had worn i t out. ( I I I , i i , 17 - 19 ) ^ 2  25)  Shakespeare, Works, Oxford,  1938  -207-  She argues f o r p o l i c y as defended by M a c h i a v e l l i , Coriolanus should have r e s t r a i n e d h i s nature, she says, when he was i n no p o s i t i o n to impose h i s w i l l ; and he should have awaited the moment when the power of the consulship had been f u l l y confirmed to enforce h i s p o l i c y . As Coriolanus remains s u r l y , she gives him as good as he o f f e r s i n sharpness, the p a t r i c i a n s supporting her: Volumnia:  Pray, be c o u n s e l l ' d : I have a heart as l i t t l e apt as yours, But yet a b r a i n that leads:: my use of anger To b e t t e r vantage. ( I I I , i i , 28 - 30 )  Coriolanus, outnumbered, and faced w i t h h i s mother's disapproval, i s cowed, and asks what he should do. He i s t o l d he must apologise to the tribunes and the people.  He  s h r i n k s , and Volumnia reminds him: Volumnia:  You are too absolute; Though t h s r e i n you can never be too noble, But when extrerrffities speak. I have heard you say, Honour and p o l i c y , l i k e unsever'd f r i e n d s , I the war do grow together; grant t h a t , and t e l l me In peace what each of them by t h other l o s e , That they combine not there. ( I I I , i i , 39 - 4 5 ) 1  1  She continues the argument of p o l i c y : Volumnia.: I f i t be honour i n your wars to seem The same you are not, — which, f o r your best ends, You adopt your p o l i c y , —how i s i t l e s s or wdrse, That i t s h a l l hold companionship i n peace With honour, as i n war; since that to both I t stands i n l i k e request? ( I I I , i i , 52 - 57 )  -208-  Coriolanus f a i l s to see the connection, and Volumnia p a t i e n t l y t e l l s him why he must dissemble: Volumnia:  Because that now i t l i e s you on to speak To the people; not by your own i n s t r u c t i o n , Nor by the matter which your heart prompts you, But w i t h such words that are but roted i n Your tongue, though but bastards, and s y l l a b l e s Of no allowance to your bosom's t r u t h . Now, t h i s no more dishonours you at a l l Than to take i n a town w i t h gentle words, What e l s e w o u l d p u t  you  to  your f o r t u n e ,  and  The hazards of much bloodo I would dissemble w i t h my nature, where My fortunes and my f r i e n d s at stake required I should do so i n honour: I am i n t h i s , Your w i f e , your son, these senators, the nobles; And you w i l l r a t h e r show our general l o u t s How you can frown than spend a fawn upon 'em, For the inheritance of t h e i r l o v e s , and safeguard Of what that want might r u i n . ( I I I , i i , 51  - 68  )  No c l e a r e r , more l o g i c a l or more succinct summary of the argument of M a c h i a v e l l i a n p o l i c y could be made. Coriolanus, Volumnia remihds.hlm,, i s a noble, one of the c l a s s that commands, or w i l l s to command. whose subservience,  He i s now  dealing w i t h those  i f not l o v e , must at a l l cost be r e t a i n e d .  The moment i s not one when Coriolanus  can a f f o r d to be him-  s e l f , because the cost of d i s p l a y i n g himself i n a l l h i s pride and scorn of the populace i s d i s a s t e r to himself, his f a m i l y and a l l h i s f r i e n d s ; therefore, he must use strategy, as he does before a beleaguered town, the  -209strength of which would compel him t o r e s o r t t o s t r a t a gem rather than f r o n t a l a t t a c k , i f he would master i t . The moment i s one i n which dissembling does honour t o oneself because i t wins safety and s e c u r i t y f o r oneself and a l l one cherishes.  F i n a l l y , Volumnia makes c l e a r  with some scorn that she would r a t h e r not b e l i e v e that c s her son i s so S h i l d i s h as to wi$h t o domineer b r i e f l y over l o u t s by frowning, than t o save a l l he loves from r u i n by pretending h u m i l i t y f o r a moment. Menenius' exclamation, "Noble lady l" -voices the h e a r t f e l t a p p r e c i a t i o n and r e l i e f of the n o b i l i t y upon hearing so c l e a r a statement of t h e i r p o s i t i o n . of her son's understanding,  Doubtful  Volumnia goes on to i n t e r p r e t  her advice i n a v i v i d word p i c t u r e of the prince dissemb l i n g before the commons i n order t o r e t a i n h i s powers and p r i v i l e g e s : Volumnia: I p r i t h e e now, my son, Go t o them, w i t h t h i s bonnet i n they hand; And thus f a r having s t r e t c h t i t , — here be w i t h them,— Thy knee bussing the stones, — f o r i n such business A c t i o n i s eloquence, and the eyes of t h ' ignorant More learned than the ears, — waving thy K'Sead, Which o f t e n , thus, c o r r e c t i n g thy stout heart, Now humble as the r i p e s t mulberry That w i l l not h o l d the handling, — or say t o them,  -210-  Thou are t h e i r s o l d i e r , and, being bred i n broils, Hast not the s o f t way which, thou dost confess, Were f i t f o r thee to use, as they to c l a i m , I n asking t h e i r good l o v e s ; but thou w i l t frame Thyself, f o r s o o t h , h e r e a f t e r t h e i r s , so f a r As thou hast power and person* ( I I I , i i , 72 - 86 ) Chapter eighteen of The Prince does not place the case more p l a i n l y .  -211-  Conclusion  When one compares the expression of p o l i t i c a l t r u t h through the medium of the drama and through s c i e n t i f i c a n a l y s i s , one must estimate  the use of language w i t h care.  The s c i e n t i f i c analyst examines the events and the persons as an outside observer, and explains what he sees i n terms of o b j e c t i v e , i f not i m p a r t i a l , c r i t i c i s m .  He  describes and analyses the e x t e r n a l s o c i a l e f f e c t s of the actions of h i s heroes.  His language i s f r e e of the  expressions native to m o r a l i t y and sentiment, which voice the s u b j e c t i v e reactions of people, w i t h which he i s not concerned.  Nevertheless,  i t need not be assumed that the  analyst Is incapable of a p p r e c i a t i n g these aspects of human experience.  His theme, however, i s not f e e l i n g s ,  subjective motive or a s p i r a t i o n , but o b j e c t i v e purpose and observed a c t i v i t y w i t h t h e i r consequences upon the m a t e r i a l status of a l l a f f e c t e d by those a c t i o n s , i n c l u ding the status of the i n i t i a t o r of the actions.. M a c h i a v e l l i d i d not ponder the inner c o n f l i c t or secret hopes of Cesare Borgia, O l i v e r o t t o da Permo, Alexander,  -212-  Perdinand of Aragon, Moses, Romulus, Agathocles,  or the  f e e l i n g s of the many others whose p o l i t i c a l actions he weighs, because h i s object i n d i s c u s s i n g them was not the deeper understanding of the human heart, but the s o l u t i o n of the problem of n a t i o n a l u n i t y and s e c u r i t y i n I t a l y . That h i s a p p r e c i a t i o n of l i f e was not e x c l u s i v e l y that revealed i n The Prince and The Discourses  i s t e s t i f i e d to  by the v a r i e t y of other l i t e r a r y forms t o which he turned h i s hand not without proof of s u b t l e t y and i n s i g h t of a different kind.  H i s great achievement, however, was' i n  the f i e l d of p o l i t i c a l thought, probably because i t was i n p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y that he spent the best years of h i s l i f e , and because the subject which dominated h i s heart and mind was the p l i g h t of d i v i d e d and invaded I t a l y , h i s concern f o r the r e t u r n to h i s country o f something o f the greatness of ancient Rome. The dramatist, u n l i k e the a n a l y s t , i s caught up i n a surging preoccupation the self-consciousness  w i t h the human p e r s o n a l i t y , w i t h and i n d i v i d u a l i t y of the a c t o r ,  the doer, and the r e l a t i o n s h i p between h i s d e l i b e r a t e and h i s i n v o l u n t a r y , or socially-imposed, a c t i v i t y .  What image  does the doer have of himself as he performs h i s part i n  -213-  l i f e , what f e e l i n g s does he -undergo, the dramatist  asks.  The success o f the dramatist i s seen i n the s u b t l e t y and completeness w i t h which he exposes the i n t e r a c t i o n of p e r s o n a l i t y and environment i n promoting a c t i o n , and i n b r i n g i n g about a l t e r a t i o n i n p e r s o n a l i t i e s and relationships. native  to  social  The language of the dramatist i s that  m o r a l i t y and  sentiment,  to the  of  expression  hopes and fears and aims p e c u l i a r to the i n d i v i d u a l ; and the a c t i o n of the players and r e s o l u t i o n of the p l o t e s t a b l i s h e s the r e l a t i o n s h i p of the ideas of I n d i v i d u a l s expressed i n the dialogue to s o c i a l and objective t r u t h . Drama, considered  i n r e l a t i o n to i d e a , then, f l e s h e s  thought, re-incarnates, as i t were, the abstract g e n e r a l i z a t i o n i n the m a t e r i a l form from which i t derived.  Drama  i s impossible without the c r e a t i o n of l i f e - l i k e people, without c r e d i b l e human a c t i o n , and i s empty without thought. In the study of drama f o r the purpose of  searching  out the l i n e of thought that dominates i t , or which i t betrays, dialogue and a c t i o n must be considered  jointly,  f o r the r e a l character of the actor i s not n e c e s s a r i l y •that of the sentiment he expresses; and the point of view  -21k-  that dominates the p l a y may be revealed i n the r e s o l u t i o n of the a c t i o n as much as, or even more than i t i s i n the dialogue, the point of view of which may  express  self-  delusion or deception, M a c h i a v e l l i s t r i p p e d p o l i t i c a l f i g u r e s of t h e i r prof e s s i o n s of f a i t h , moral sentiments and personal p r e d i l e c t i o n s to discuss t h e i r  success  or f a i l u r e , a s  n a t i o n a l s t a t e power.  The conclusions he came t o , i t  w i l l be seen by earnest examination  builders  of  of h i s work, express  the essence of the p o l i t i c a l p r a c t i c e of the era i n which he l i v e d ; and the dramatists who most a c c u r a t e l y r e i n c a r n ated the p o l i t i c s of t h e i r time demonstrated i n e v i t a b l y i n t h e i r p o l i t i c a l characters .and the r e s o l u t i o n of the a c t i o n of t h e i r h i s t o r i c a l plays the sway of the p o l i t i c a l p r i n c i p l e s he expounded. The M a c h i a v e l l i a n of the Marlovian romantic  tradition^  tends to be stereotyped and s t a t i c , because he i s a symbol r a t h e r than a r e a l being.  He i s the bogey who  haunted  the r u l e r of every feudal p r i n c i p a l i t y , each of whom had f o r h i s d e v i l the prince who based h i s strength on the people rather than on the n o b i l i t y , on a b i l i t y rather than on blood.  Fear d i s t o r t e d t h i s " M a c h i a v e l l i a n " and endowed  -215-  him w i t h d i a b o l i c a l powers and i n t e n t i o n s . Although he became the symbol of d i s r u p t i v e and d e s t r u c t i v e ambition to supporters of both feudal monarchists and renaissance a b s o l u t i s t s i n England, h i s o u t l i n e was o r i g i n a l l y framed by the pamphleteers and spokesmen f o r medieval C a t h o l i c r e a c t i o n and i n o p p o s i t i o n to the trends toward n a t i o n a l ism. The true prince of the renaissance, the b u i l d e r of the n a t i o n a l state that was destined t o supersede the feudal p r i n c i p a l i t y —  the prince sought by M a c h i a v e l l i  and r e a l i z e d in'the Tudors of England -- was dramatized pre-eminently  by Shakespeare i n h i s h i s t o r i c a l p l a y s .  Richard, Duke of York, i s the courageous, subtle and scheming prince who by perseverence and a b i l i t y i n war and i n t r i g u e wins support and creates occasion whereby he may a t t a i n power.  Henry Bolingbroke  of Hereford and  Lancaster, afterward Henry IV, demonstrates i n h i s career the combination of opportunity and shrewd capacity to take advantage of opportunity that makes p o s s i b l e the r e a l i z a t i o n of a new dynasty.  I n Henry V Shakespeare  presents the p o l i t i c p r i n c e i n h e r o i c proportions.  -216-  Drawn i n e s s e n t i a l conformity t o the p r i n c i p l e s that guided M a c h i a v e l l i i n h i s d e l i n e a t i o n of the p r i n c e , Henry V i s the absolute r u l e r through whose v i s i o n and energy the feudal p r i n c i p a l i t i e s were to be subjected and fused i n t o the n a t i o n a l state and the l e g i s l a t i v e and i n s t i t u t i o n a l groundwork l a i d upon which empire and d e m o c r a c y were d e s t i n e d  to  flourish.  Machiavellian.'  oOOOo  He  is  the true  WORKS CONSULTED  B i h d o f f , S.T., Tudor England, HammondsworthMiddlesex, C. N i c h o l l s and Company, L t d . , 1950 (A P e l i c a n Book). D208 C l 6  Burd, L.A., "Florence ( I I ) : M a c h i a v e l l i " , C.M.H., Cambridge-University Press, 190ij., V o l . 1 , Ch. V I , 190 - 2 1 8 .  JClp.9 B8  B u t t e r f i e l d , H. The S t a t e c r a f t of Machiavel, London, G. B e l l and Sons, I9I4.O.  DA25 J6  Calendar o f the Carew MMS. preserved i n the A r c h i e p i s c o p a l L i b r a r y a t Lambeth, 1589 - l 6 0 0 , ed. J.S. Brewer, M.A. and Wm. B u l l e n , London, Longmans, Green & Co., 1 8 6 9 .  PR2982 C3 Campbell, L i l y B., Shakespeare's " H i s t o r i e s " , San Marino, C a l i f o r n i a , Oxford, The Clarendon Press, 1 9 3 3 . PR2l|i]7 P3  Chapman, George, "Bussy D'Ambois", The Plays and Poems of George Chapman, ed. T.M. P a r r o t t , London, George Routledge & Sons, L i m i t e d , 1 9 1 0 .  JCll|.3 M325 C r a i g , Hardin, M a c h i a v e l l i ' s The P r i n c e , Chapel H i l l , The U n i v e r s i t y of-North C a r o l i n a Press,  1944.  D208 C l 6  Cunningham, Rev. Wm., "Economic Change", CMH, Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press, 190lf, V o l . I , c h . x v , 493  - 531.  P25 S8  Dick, Hugh G., "Tamburlane Sources Once More", Studies i n P h i l o l o g y , The U n i v e r s i t y of North C a r o l i n a .Tress, 19ZJ-9*  DA28  D i c t i o n a r y of National Biography, ed. L e s l i e Stephen and Sidney Lee, London, Smith, E l d e r & Co., 1908 - 0 9 .  PR2989 D8  Duthie, George I a n , Shakespeare, London, Hutchinson's U n i v e r s i t y L i b r a r y , 195l«  Microfilm  Fellheimer, Jeannette, The Englishman's Concept i o n of the I t a l i a n i n the Age of Shakespeare, U n i v e r s i t y of London, M.A. T h e s i s , 1935«  Works Consulted  JA81  P6  Page 2  F i g g i s , J . N., Studies of P o l i t i c a l Thought from Gerson to G r o t i u s , LIj.lii-lb25 Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1931. f  D208  F i g g i s , J.N., " P o l i t i c a l Thought i n the S i x t e e n t h Century" CMH, Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press, 190)4., Vol. III,~CnT, XXII, 736-769.  Cl6  D 2 0 8 Cl6  Gairdner, James, "The E a r l y Tudors", CMH, Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press, V o l . I , Ch. XIV,~l{!§3-i|.92.  DA330 Glij.  1892.  Henry V I I.  London, MacMillan & Co  Microfilm  G e n t i l l e t , Innocent, A Discourse upon the meanes o f w e l l governing and maintaining i n good peace a kingdome, or other p r i n c i p a l i t i e s , Translated i n t o the -^nglishe by Simon P a t r i c k e , London, Printed, by Adam I s l i p , l 6 0 2 .  CB369 H35  Haydn, Hiram, The Counter-Renaissance, New York, Charles Scribner's Sons, 1950, i4.27-i4.52.  DA358 E8 H3  PR2673 HJ4. DA317.2  15  H a r r i s o n , G.B., The i f e and Death of Robert Devereux, E a r l of Essex, New York, Henry Holt and Company, 1937• L  Henderson, P h i l i p , Christopher Marlowe, Longmans, Green & Co., 1952"! Innes, Arthur D., Ten Tudor Statesmen, London, Grayson & ^rayson, 193^» ~~  PR2601 H3  Jonson, Ben, Ben Jonson, ed. C.Hi Herford & Percy Simpson, Oxford, The Clarendon Press, 1925-  PR2601 Gb  Jonson Benjamin, The Works of Ben Jonson, London, Chatto & Windus, 1903, 3 V o l s . , V o l . I I I .  PR2989  i i ^ a Lewis, Wyndham, The L i o n and the Fox, The Role of the Hero i n the Plays of Shakespeare, New York, Harper & Brothers.  DG737 A2 M5  M a c h i a v e l l i , N i c c o l o , H i s t o r y of Florence, London, G. B e l l & Sons, 1900.  t  Works  Consulted  JCllj.3 M38 Discourses,  JClij.3 M325  PR2661 B6 PR2661 B6  Page  3  , The P r i n c e a n d The New""York, The M o d e r n L i b r a r y ,  I94O.  , The P r i n c e , A n E l i z a b e t h a n T r a n s l a t i o n , edT f r o m J u l e s P u r t h m a n M a n u s c r i p t b y H a r d i n C r a i g , C h a p e l H i l l , The University of North Carolina Press, l^kkMarlowe, C h r i s t o p h e r , Edward I I , M e t h u e n & C o . , L t d . , 1933. ~  London,  , The Works o f Christopher Marlowe, ed. R . H . Case, London, Methuen & C o . , L t d . , 1930 1933.  PR2691 B8  M a r s t o n , J o h n , " A n t o n i o & M e l l i d a " and "The Malcontent",.The English Dramatists,.London, J o h n C . Nimmo, l k K i n g W i l l i a m S t r e e t , S t r a n d , W.W., 1867.  Microfilm  Meyer, Edward, M a e h i a v e l l i and the Drama, Weimar, V e r l a g von Erail  Z2002  AS122  P77  L$  Elizabethan  FelbTF^fft  P o l l a r d & R e d g r a v e , The S h o r t - T i t l e Catalogue, L o n d o n , The B i b l i o g r a p h i c a l S o c i e t y , 1940. P r a z , M a r l o , M a c h i a v e l l i and the London, H. M i l f o r d , 1920.  Elizabethans',  P25 S8  R i b n e r , I r v i n g , " M a c h i a v e l l i and Sidney: »The A r c a d i a o f 1590» ", Studies i n P h i l o l o g y , The U n i v e r s i t y o f N o r t h C a r o l i n a Press, 1949.  PR2895 S3  Sanders, G e r a l d DeW., New Y o r k , R i n e h a r t  PR2753 C8  Shakespeare, W i l l i a m , "Coriolanus", "HenrylV," "Henry V , " "Henry V I , " " R i c h a r d . I I , " "R " R i c h a r d I I I , " The Works o f Shakespeare,London, M e t h u e n & C o . , L t d . , 1090 -  A Shakespeare Primer, & Company I n c . , 1950.  , The Works o f W i l l i a m S h a k e s p e a r e , O x f o r d , Shakespeare Head Press, 1939, Shakespeare's Hollnshed,W.G. London, Chatto and Windus  Boswell-Stone, ed., Publishers, 1907.  Works Consulted  DA332 S5  Page if.  Simpson, Helen, Henry V I I I , London, P. Davies Ltdt., 1934.  DA86.22 R2 S 8 6  ~  ^  .  Strathmann, E r n e s t A., S i r Walter R a l e i g h , A Study i n E l i z a b e t h a n Skepticism,New York, Columbia u University Press, 1 9 5 1 *  Ulj.3 1 8 T 3  T a y l o r , F.L., The A r t o f War i n I t a l y , l k 9 k 1 5 2 9 , Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 2 1 .  DA32 T7  T r e v e l y a n , G.M., H i s t o r y o f England, Longmans, Green and C O L , 1 9 2 9 .  DG38.li|. M2 V7  DA 3 0 C3  London  V i l l a r i , Pasquale, The L i f e and Times o f M a c h i a v e l l i , New York, C h a r l e s S c r i b n e r s Sons, 1 9 2 9 .  W i l l i a m , J.A., "England and t h e Opening o f the A t l a n t i c , " CHBE, V o l . I , 22 - 5 1 .  PR2993 P 2 W5 J C 8 5 W5  -  W i l s o n , J . Dover, The Fortunes o f F a l s t a f f , Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 4 3 . ~~  W i r s z u b s k i , C , L i b e r t a s as a P o l i t i c a l Idea a t Rome duringHbhe L a t e R e p u b l i c and E a r l y P r i n c l p a t e , Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s . 1 Q 5 0 .  /  

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