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The planned non-permanent community: an approach to development of new towns based on mining activity Parker, Victor John 1960

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THE PLANNED NON-PERMANENT COMMUNITY: AN APPROACH TO DEVELOPMENT OP NEW TOWNS BASED ON MINING ACTIVITY VICTOR JOHN PARKER B. Sc., Queen's University, 1957 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OP THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OP MASTER OP SCIENCE in the Department of COMMUNITY AND REGIONAL PLANNING We accept this thesis as conforming to the standard required from candidates for the degree of MASTER OP SCIENCE Members of the Department of Community and Regional Planning THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA A p r i l , I960 I n p r e s e n t i n g t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t o f t h e r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r an advanced degree a t the U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h C o l u m b i a , I agree t h a t t h e L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and s t u d y . I f u r t h e r a gree that- p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be g r a n t e d by t h e Head o f my Department o r by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t c o p y i n g o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n . Department The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver 8, Canada. Date ^ g ^ Z /9, /96& ABSTRACT It i s the purpose of this thesis to investigate the approach of planning for non-permanent mining com-munities, where, "because of the volatile nature of the basic mining activity, and because of the diff icul t ies in achieving diversification of the economic base, permanent settlement is not possible. A preliminary discussion of the mining industry reveals the fundamental considerations in planning, for mining communities. The mining community is examined as to i ts characteristics, problems and l e g i -slation to provide a basis for the formulation of principles and policies for new town development. The case for planning for non-permanence in mining settlement is presented in a discussion of the value of planning, the previous planning approaches, and case studies of relocated communities. The techniques for planning and establishing non-permanent mining communities are drawn from a study of the mobile home community and the demountable house com-munity where mobility has been a major consideration in community design. The concept of the non-permanent single-enterprise mining community is outlined to show the integral components of physical mobility and f l e x i b i l i t y . Conclusions are drawn that a limited degree of physical mobility in settlement can be achieved, and this is through the technique of prefabrication in the con-struction of the buildings in the community. U t i l i t i e s and services must remain permanent with present-day techniques. The principles and policies of: pre-planning and continuous planning and control, land leasehold, private home ownership under civic administration, transitional development govern-ment, and provincial finance of the new town with annual payments by the mining company to cover both the i n i t i a l development cost and the municipal operating expenses, are suggested to achieve the non-permanent community. The thesis concludes with a summary of the material and proposals presented in the study, and with a discussion of the limitations and value of the proposed approach of planning for non-permanent single-enterprise mining communities. Approved: Members of the Department of Community and Regional Planning ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The study of the non-permanent community was proposed in November, 1959* Professor Ira M. Robinson of the Department of Community and Regional Planning at the University of British Columbia agreed that an investigation of non-permanent mining communities could make a significant contribution to planning knowledge. In making the study of the mining community, the author received the co-operation of the Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation and the Department of Northern Affairs and National Resources. Their valuable assistance is acknowledged. Appreciation is expressed to the Mobile Home Manufacturers Association and to the Canadian Mobile Home Association for their interest and assistance in the study of the mobile home community. The writer is also indebted to the Tennessee Valley Authority for the assistance received in the study of the TVA demountable house and the TVA construction villages. Acknowledgement is made to Professor Ira M. Robinson for his active interest and invaluable counsel, without which this project could not have been completed. Appreciation is expressed to Professor H. Peter Oberlander for reading the whole manuscript and for his invaluable suggestions. The author is indebted to Professor L. G. R. Crouch of the Department of Mining and Metallurgy for his advice concerning the mining industry. Appreciation is also expressed to Miss M. Dwyer of the Fine Arts Library for her interest and assistance in the i n i t i a l research for the project, and for advice in the editing of the completed study. The author acknowledges, the help received from group discussion with his colleagues in Planning at the University of British Columbia. TABLE OP CONTENTS Chapter Page INTRODUCTION 1 I PRELIMINARY CONSIDERATIONS . . . . 7 The Mining Industry 7 Basic Definitions . 11 II THE MINING COMMUNITY 18 The Changing Community 19 Characteristics Of Mining Communities . . . . 22 Problems Of Mining Communities 26 Legislation For Mining Communities 39 III THE CASE FOR THE PLANNED NON-PERMANENT COMMUNITY 51 Planning And The Mining Community 51 Approaches To Planning Mining Communities . . 56 Previous Applications Of Non-Permanence In Communities ' . . > 64 Summary 71 17 THE MOBILE HOME TRAILER PARK AND THE CONSTRUCTION VILLAGE - EXAMPLES OF PHYSICALLY MOBILE COMMUNITIES 75 The Mobile Home 77 The Demountable House 89 Summary 97 V THE NON-PERMANENT SINGLE-ENTERPRISE MINING COMMUNITY 103 The Concept 104 The Physical Community 108 Achieving The Non-Permanent Community . . . . 114 VI CONCLUSION 129 Summary 129 Appraisal Of The Approach 134 BIBLIOGRAPHY 142 INTRODUCTION This study investigates the concept of "planned non-permanent mining communities" as an approach to the planning and development of new single-enterprise mining towns in Canada. The anticipated accelerated development of Canadian mineral resources wi l l give rise to new communities, located in previously isolated areas, to house and service the labour force of the resource development companies. The early mining activity in Canada was characterized by unregulated shabby communities, abandoned communities, and spoiled countryside. This undesirable development was partly the result of the volatile nature of the mineral resource, and partly the result of the uncertainties in the mineral industry i t s e l f . The more recent Canadian mining developments have given rise to planned model towns and planned regional mining centres. The concept of the planned non-permanent mining community proposed in this thesis holds that future mining towns, which are to be dependent for their existence solely upon the exploitation of a non-renewable mineral deposit, should be planned for physical mobility and f l e x i b i l i t y 1 2 to minimize the social and private costs that are incurred by uncontrolled development and abandoned communities. This study draws on Canadian experience i n the f i e l d of mining towns and new town development. The mining community is a relatively untouched f i e l d of planning research. No comprehensive study has been made of the mining community. However, four major relevant studies have been carried out in the fields of geography and public admini-stration, and the findings of these studies are referred to in the appropriate chapters of this thesis. The f i r s t study, General Principles for the  Planning of Sub-Arctic Settlements, prepared in 1953 by G. F. Ridge of McGill University, is a documentation of the major existing settlements in the Canadian western sub-Arctic. The study was made for the purpose of formulating principles for the site selection and the physical development of both new and existing settlements i n the Yukon and Northwest Territories. The focus of the study is physical planning and l i t t l e attention is paid to the socio-economic features of these communities. The proposed general physical planning principles apply to a l l types of settlement. The study and the proposed planning principles are of value to the present study of planning for mining communities. The second work, Single-Enterprise Coj"™nr>ities in 3 Canada, prepared by the Institute of Local Government at Queen's University i n 1953* is a lengthy study of company towns and the employer-employee and landlord-tenant relation-ships in these communities. The study covers a l l types of single-enterprise towns i n a l l the Canadian physiographic regions. The physical planning problems of these towns are covered l ightly , whereas the socio-political problems are dealt with comprehensively. A high percentage of the com-munities studied in this work were based on mining activity, and hence, some of the findings have been used in the present study. The third work. L'Amenagement Pes Villes A Industrie  Extractive Du Subarctique', prepared in 1957 "by Claude Langlois of McGill University, deals with communities which are based on the exploitation of natural resources in the Canadian eastern sub-Arctic. The study is a comprehensive survey of the characteristics, the regional and local geographical setting, and the planning of extractive industry towns. This study provides valuable data for the present study on the organization, administration, and financing of mining communities. The fourth work, Single-Enterprise Community of  Settlement, prepared in 1958 by E. T. Clegg of the University of British Columbia, treats the problem of unplanned, dispersed extractive industry towns. The study 4-investigates the historical development of ghost towns in southern British Columbia, and explores the possibility of planning for regional centres of settlement as opposed to the dispersed single-enterprise towns. The study is of value to the present study in providing historical data on the early mining activity in British Columbia. In addition to these studies, much descriptive literature has been published concerning particular mining communities and new town developments in Canada, and this material i s a valuable source of data for this present study. In the study of physical mobility and f l e x i b i l i t y in community development, the thesis draws heavily upon experience in Canada and in the United States in the mobile home trai ler park and the Tennessee Valley Authority's construction vil lage. The material for this was obtained from government research reports, studies and reports prepared by planning agencies, universities, and mobile home associations, and descriptive published literature. The facts that are presented in this thesis are therefore not in themselves particularly new. However, i t i s hoped to achieve a new perspective of the facts in their application to new situations. Briefly, the study is organized as follows: f i r s t , some preliminary considerations of the mining industry are discussed, and certain terms basic to the thesis are 5 defined. Second, the characteristic features and the problems of and the legislation for Canadian mining com-munities, in particular, the single-enterprise mining communities, are reviewed as a basis for the formulation of principles and policies for new mining town development. The case for an alternative approach to the planning of mining communities is presented in a discussion of the value of planning, previous approaches, and case studies of relocated communities. The techniques for planning and establishing non-permanent mining communities are drawn from a study of the mobile home community and the Tennessee Valley demountable house construction village where physical mobility has been a major consideration in community design. A solution is proposed in terms of general principles and policies for achieving the non-permanent single-enterprise mining community. The thesis concludes with a summary of the material and proposals presented in the study, and with a discussion of the limitations and value of the proposed approach of planning for non-permanent single-enterprise mining communities. To orient the reader, the communities referred to in the text of this study are shown on a general reference map. 120 P A C I F I C O C E A N B E A U F O R T S E A REFERENCE MhPj\\ L O C A T I O N O F C O M M U N I T I E S ( ) B A F F I N B A Y ^7 D A V I S S T R A P 0' 'r, / # \ ' . ° * • i . 9 / I / H U D S O N B A Y •13 5 / '••X «28 / / 0 A / T 4 ft/O 19 ' 2 7 K E Y T O N U M B E R S 1 Tok, Alaska. 2 Aklavik, N.W.T. Yellowknife, N.W.T, Tulsequah, B.C. Kitimat, B.C. Holberg, B.C. T r a i l , B.C. Kimberley, B.C. Nordegg, Alta. \ Mountain Park, Alta. Goldfields, Sask. I Uranium City, Sask, > Lynn Lake, Man. Sherridon, Man. Snow Lake, Man. Thompson, Man. Atikokan, Ont. Manitouwadge, Ont. Tinanins, Ont. E l l i o t Lake, Ont, Blind River, Ont. Sudbury, Ont. Falconbridge, Ont. La Cave, Ont. Val D'Or, Que. Pascalis, Que. Chibougamau, Que. Burnt Creek, Que. Sc h e f f e r v i l l e , Que. Red Harbour, Nfld. r 3b 17 •18 \ » 2 5 2 2 % 2 3 ^ 24> r S c a l e 2 0 Q 4 0 0 M i l e s A T L A N T I C O C E A N too eo to C A N A D A A S T U D Y O F T H E N O N - P E R M A N E N T S I N G L E - E N T E R P R I S E M I N I N G C O M M U N I T Y V . J . P A R K E R A P R I L - I 9 6 0 CHAPTER I PRELIMINARY CONSIDERATIONS In order to orient the reader with reference to the general subject of the mining community, the main body of this study is prefaced by a discussion of a general and introductory nature. The discussion which follows considers the nature of the mining industry, and includes the definition of some key terms. The Mining Industry The nature of the economic activity on which human settlement is based greatly influences and shapes that settlement. A review of the main features of the mining industry is therefore fundamental to the study of the mining community and for the planning of mining communities. Mining in Canada has developed from a sporadic small-scale activity in the mid 1800's to an established mineral industry that today contributes 4 per cent of the gross national product and 25 per cent of Canadian commodity exports."1' Mining has influenced the character and extent of Canadian economic development by attracting foreign capital, opening up remote areas, stimulating capital 8 investment, providing employment, and contributing to export trade. The mining industry differs from other industries in two important aspects, which should be formative con-siderations in the planning of mining communities. Firs t , the mining industry is an extractive industry based on the exploitation of non-renewable mineral deposits. Mineral deposits are definitely limited in size; they are not regenerative, and the total amount of ore, or economic mineral, in a deposit may be expanded or contracted by economic factors. The l i f e of a mining operation is deter-mined by the quantity of the ore reserves in the deposit and the rate of production from the deposit. The volatile nature of the raw material of the industry is a most important consideration for the planning of mining communities. Second, the mining industry differs from the majority of other industries in the amount of uncertainty and risk associated with the productive process. Market risks are common to a l l industries; indeed, they may even be smaller in mining because of strong commercial ties with fabricators, and because of frequent use of production con-tracts. However, there are great uncertainties i n the discovery and the estimation of the quality and extent of an unseen mineral resource deposit, and there are great p physical risks in ore production. These risks are unique to the mining industry. In addition, the capital invested 9 in the physical plant is large and fixed, the plant often "being in a remote area necessitating total write-off of a l l assets since there may be no alternative use or salvage value. ' Associated with mining activity, there are the mineral processing activities of concentration, bene-fication, reduction of ores (smelting and refining), and 4 fabrication. Concentration and benefication are classified by the Canadian Dominion Bureau of Statistics with the extractive mining activity, whereas, reduction of ores and fabrication are included in the D.B.S. category of "manufacturing". Smelting and refining activities have been included by the Gordon Commission in a classification "primary manufacturing industries" which includes those highly capital intensive and extremely complex industries which produce industrial materials from basic natural 5 resources for sale chiefly in the export market.y In mineral processing, the f i r s t stage of treat-ment of the broken ore from the mine is crushing and concentration in what is commonly called a m i l l . Usually the mil l building is located in close proximity to the mine workings. The mineral dressing technique in the mi l l is designed to accommodate an ore supply from a particular ore deposit, but where several mines are exploiting the same ore deposit, or ore deposits, which possess similar geological and mineralogical properties, a single mil l may 10 treat the ores from these mines. In any case, the mine plant and the mill building are wasting assets and i t is common practice in the industry to write-off the mil l plant within three to ten years. The second stage of mineral processing may be smelting and refining. The concentrate from the mil l may be transported directly to the market for further processing elsewhere or to local or regional smelting and refining plants. Smelting and refining f a c i l i t i e s require large capital investment i n the physical plant, and consequently, such a plant is planned for a minimum productive l i f e of twenty to thirty years. Raw materials may be transported from distant mining regions to a smelter plant. The location factors for a smelter include such items as transportation f a c i l i t i e s , availability of suitable forms of abundant energy, and the location of markets. The smelter operation may be independent of any one mineral deposit, and may be supplied from several mines exploiting separate ore bodies. The third stage of mineral processing.of interest here, is fabrication. The fabrication industries which ut i l ize refined metals generally locate near the markets for the finished goods. However, there are raw material oriented industries which uti l ize the by-products of the primary manufacturing industries, such as chemicals and energy, and these industries generally locate in conjunction 11 with, the mineral processing industries. These industries, similar to the reduction industries, may be independent of any one mineral deposit. Normally, the processing operations are integrated locally with mining activity. However, there are factors which inhibit this "normal" process in favour of integration of mining activity with "foreign" processing. Some of these factors are: limited Canadian markets for most of Canadian minerals; tar iffs and trade restrictions in other countries which effectively exclude shipment of many minerals i n processed form; economics sometimes dictate that minerals be transported i n ore and concentrate form to the areas of ultimate consumption; and the availability of energy in adequate quantities at low prices. The foregoing sketch of the dominant characteristics of the mining industry and the associated mineral processing industries provides the necessary background for this study of the mining community. Basic Definitions The preceding review of the features of the mining industry enables certain key terms that are used in this thesis, and that are basic to the concept of non-permanent single-enterprise communities, to be defined and c lar i f ied . It must be understood that these definitions 12 are not universally acceptable but that they have been developed for use in this study. The term community is defined here as an assemblage of humans l iv ing together in a cohesive social, physical, and economic environment. The term town, normally used in the sense of status of the community as in the hierarchy of village, town, city and metropolis, i s used here interchangeably with the term community. The term settlement is used in the broader sense of many communities as in "settlement pattern" and "types of settlement". The term townsite refers largely to the physical community and includes the site, structures, and amenities, apart from the industrial plant. Three main types of communities are discussed in this study. The f i r s t is the single-enterprise community. Single-enterprise communities, in the broadest sense, are communities that have been built around a single economic enterprise. In Canada, the most common type of single-enterprise community is that resulting from man's exploit-ation of a natural resource. Generally, the natural resource is located in a remote and sparsely populated region, and hence, an industrial enterprise must provide a community to house and service i ts labour force. Townsites that have been developed and that are administered by an industrial enterprise have been labelled "closed company towns". 13 The single-enterprise community is essentially a product of the private enterprise system, and i s not the result of natural socio-economic forces in community formation and growth. It violates the traditional urban development process of gradual growth from hamlet to town and city status. It i s not uncommon for this type of community to "boom" into existence in a matter of a few months, nor has i t been uncommon for such a community to die out equally as fast resulting in what i s termed a "ghost town". Therefore, a single-enterprise mining community is a mining community centred on a single mining operation. Some of the single-enterprise communities may provide limited services for the local rural region, but they are primarily dependent for their existence on a single mining enterprise. The second type of community is the mining- centre. This is a community serving several mining operations. The term multi-enterprise community is used interchangeably with mining centre since the labour force of several mining enterprises are housed and serviced in the community. The third type of community is the regional centre. The regional centre is a community which has a broad base of economic activity. It performs diversified commercial and industrial functions.. It may provide goods and services 14 for a rural tributary area, and i t may house and service the labour force engaged in mining activity in addition to other functions. Consequently, i t i s also known as a multi-function community. A term of major importance i n this study is that of permanence. Permanence refers to the continuity of a community, and this is determined by the nature of the economic activity which provides employment for the labour force of the community. A l l economic activities have market risks for the goods and/or services produced, but given the vagaries of the market, not a l l economic activity can continue through time because of limited supplies of the raw material for production. By definition, then, a permanent community is a community which is based upon economic activities which are continuous through time. Where the economic activity has a foreseeable limited l i f e , the labour force must eventually seek employment elsewhere. Where no alternative employment opportunities are available, a community w i l l reduce in size, and may be abandoned. In the f i e l d of natural resource industries, any economic activity based on a resource that can be "farmed" or worked on a sustained basis is by definition a generator 7 of permanent communities.1 Mineral resources are not regenerative, and hence, mining activity is not a generator of permanent communities, unless of course the mineral 15 deposit is infinite in size. Therefore, mining communities which are based solely upon the exploitation of a non-renewable mineral resource are not permanent, and may be abandoned when mining operations cease. It is important to make a distinction between communities based on mining activity and communities based on the primary manufacturing industries of smelting and refining (with or without the basic mining activity) . As was stated above, the mining community is non-permanent. Mining communities based on smelting and refining activities by definition are permanent. The reason for this dis t in-ction is that the mineral processing industries may not be tied to any one particular mine or mineral deposit, but may receive their raw materials from many mines or deposits. Hence, the mineral processing activities may be continuous through time. Further, other manufacturing industries may be attracted to the community to ut i l ize mineral by-products and surplus energy from the primary manufacturing industries, as for example at Trai l and Kitimat in British Columbia. Closely related to permanence in a community is s tabil i ty . Stability refers to the abili ty of the economic activity of a community to provide continuity in employment. Cyclical variations in markets for goods produced by an economic activity result in periodic unemployment. Instability results from over specialization in one industry or one type of industry with dependent industries, a l l of ! 6 which are affected by a downswing in demand for the major goods produced. Stability may be introduced in a com-munity through establishing industries which w i l l balance the unfavourable depressed state of other industries i n the community. As a rule, stability i s not a major factor in determining the permanency of a community, but is more of a short-term condition in the basic economic activity. However, a change in markets for goods produced may result in the termination of an economic activity, and i f the community is entirely dependent on this activity, the result may be an abandoned community. The question of stability in communities is not taken up in this study. The term, temporary is to be distinguished from non-permanent. Temporary, meaning having a short period of l i f e , has the connotation of an emergency situation, that i s , "temporary" housing accommodations are provided with the intention that they wil l be razed at the end of a specified period of usefulness. Non-permanent, however, has the connotation of discontinuity i n location and implies mobility and f l e x i b i l i t y , that i s , permanent features but temporary in location. 17 FOOTNOTES 1 E. R. E. Carter, "Canada's Position In The Mining Industry," Canadian Mining Journal (December 1 9 5 9 ) , p. 7 4 . 2 According to P. M. Taylor, From The Ground Up, Toronto, McGraw-Hill, 1 ° A 8 , p. 1 9 0 , "perhaps 1 out of 1 0 mines that come into production is successful, and probably not more than 1 out of 1 0 0 ever grows into a mine." 3 Donald Carlisle* "Maximum Total Recovery Through Mining High-Grade and Low-Grade Ore Together Is Economically Sound," The Canadian Mining and Metallurgical Bulletin (January 1 9 5 5 ) , p. 24-. 4- A brief review of what i s involved in mineral pro-cessing is presented in the pamphlet published by the British Columbia Department of Mines, The Mineral Industry  of British Columbia, 1 9 5 8 » P» 6.. "The ores of metals are of no use in their natural state. A few yield their valuable content by direct treatment at the mine, such as by cyanidation of gold and silver ores to produce bullion, or by d i s t i l l i n g mercury ores to produce mercury (quick-silver) • Most metallic ores are concentrated at the mine by a process that involves separating the ore minerals from the finely ground ore and discarding the waste. Concentrates of gold, silver, lead, and zinc ores may be treated at the Trai l smelter. Copper concentrates are exported, as are the concentrated ores of iron, t i n , and other metals, because smelting f a c i l i t i e s for them do not at present exist in the Province. . . . Beneficiation is a broad term. It may mean sorting to eliminate waste rock, as rock is removed from the coal at coal preparation plants. It may mean washing or sizing or up-grading, or a combination or a l l three. It includes the burning of limestone. The making of cement from rock and the fabrication of brick and t i l e shapes from clay and shale are included under processing, as part of the mineral industry. Crude petroleum is refined. Natural gas is scrubbed or cleaned to remove sulphur and certain hydro-carbons before use or transmission." 5 Canada, Royal Commission on Canada's Economic Prospects, Canadian Secondary Manufacturing Industry, by D. H. Fullerton and H. A. Hampson, Ottawa, Queen's Printer, 1 9 5 7 > P» 5 * 6 "Ghost town," Encyclopedia Canadiana, 1 9 5 8 , vo l . 6 , p. 5 6 5 . 7 Fishing, forestry, agriculture, hydro-electric power generation are industries capable of sustained production since the basic resources are renewable or regenerative. CHAPTER II THE MINING COMMUNITY The creation of single-industry towns or suburbs has serious defects and as a rule, either leads to paternalistic control in order to secure health and efficiency, or alternatively, to the kind of disorder and haphazard development which follows from unhampered speculation. Many new towns with adequate capital behind them have been a complete or partial failure because of one of these weaknesses. Thomas Adams 1917 The mining community is an established type of Canadian settlement. Basically, i t is a single-enterprise community which has evolved from the temporary camps and shacktowns of the gold rush days through a long history of development to the model towns of today. This chapter deals with the historical development, the major characteristics, the chief problems, and the present legislation for the establishment, organization and financing of mining com-munities, particularly the single-enterprise mining com-munities. Much of what follows in this chapter is either substantially derived from or else supported by the work of previous investigators of single-enterprise communities in Canada. 18 19 The Changing Community The present day mining community has advanced from the crude rural beginnings of a century ago to the status of a modern urban town. The f i r s t mining com-munities were temporary camps^ located at the site of the mineral workings. The mineral industry in the 1800*s was not an established industry, and mining activity had l i t t l e sophistication in resource development. Consequently, mining operations were haphazard and discontinuous, and p the dependent communities were short-lived. The majority of the early mineral workings were for the exploitation of gold and silver ores since these ores had high values and were worth finding in remote areas. Early coal mining operations were developed in connection with the transportation routes to supply the fuel needs of shipping and railway companies, and also the early smelter operations. There was l i t t l e demand for the heavier and bulkier base"metal and industrial mineral ores. The early mining activity did not generate permanent communities because of the exhaustible resource, the limited technology of resource discovery and exploit-ation, and the narrow unstable mineral market. The industry i t se l f was reluctant to invest in a permanent type of com-munity, and hence, company structures were limited to cookhouses and bunkhouses for male employees. Consequently, 20 the population of these early communities was composed of men with no ties or with families l iving in established centres elsewhere in Canada. In general, the camp l i f e was too insecure to permit the development of service industries in the mining areas. Towards the end of the century, beginning in the 1880*s, mining activity was extended to the exploitation of lead, zinc, and copper ore deposits. The mining camps persisted, but more urban-type communities sprang up in the mining areas, and in conjunction with the associated smelting operations. Very l i t t l e regard was paid to the standard of comfort and l iving conditions in these new communities. Public welfare was a l i t t l e known concept; the emphasis was on private enterprise in the extraction and processing of raw materials rather than on the develop-ment of communities as l iving places. Thomas Adams wrote of the poor housing conditions of the early 1900's in the Cobalt and Sudbury mining areas of Ontario, and in the coal minxng areas of the western provinces. In the early 1900's , the mining companies were faced with competition in recruiting a labour force. The problems that confronted them were how to obtain labour, and after obtaining i t , how to make i t contented and efficient . Because the mining operations and communities were usually located in remote areas, several of the mining corporations saw the need to provide better housing 21 conditions in model towns with a f u l l complement of urban f a c i l i t i e s , close to their mining operations, to attract a permanent stable labour force with families. In 1917» W. J . Dick realized that an inducement to labour was necessary: "as the l i f e of the mine is limited, there is l i t t l e or nothing to encourage the labouring man to settle down and establish a home." In the 1920's and 1930' s , with the general awakening of interest in public welfare and community planning, i n i t -iated by the early planning education work of the Commission of Conservation, provincial and federal legislation was enacted concerning housing and the regulation of mining communities to safeguard the public good. At the same time, the mineral industry was developing and assuming an increasingly important role in the economic development of Canada. New mineral developments led to the creation of new mining communities and many of these communities were planned as 'model' towns, completely financed, constructed and operated by the resource development companies. Since the 1940' s , the trend in new town develop-ment in mining areas has been away from company towns and toward planned multi-enterprise communities. Where pos-sible, the new towns in extractive industry areas have been planned with a view to creating permanent communities. Where coincident mine development has occurred, mining 22 towns have "been built to serve several mining companies such as Uranium City, E l l i o t Lake and Yellowknife. Instead of a pattern of dispersed company towns, a more populous community has been created with the attendant social and cultural benefits as well as being able to support a higher level of community services. In concluding this brief account of the historical development of the mining community, i t is important to point out that the recent trend of planning for mining centres is in response to the need for: (a) reducing, i f not eliminating, paternalistic control in single-enterprise communities, and (b) introducing permanence to the community to obviate the dependence of the community on a non-renewable resource activity. It should now be apparent that the single-enterprise mining community possesses singular characteristics and poses many problems in community planning and development. Characteristics Of Mining Communities The single-enterprise mining community has developed with the growth of the Canadian mineral industry. The mining community, because of i ts industrial base and i ts manner of development, possesses several major characteristics which distinguish i t from other types of communities. It is the intention to deal briefly in this section with these major characteristics. 23 Industrial Base The primary characteristic of the single-enterprise mining community is the dependence on an industry engaged in the exploitation of a volatile mineral resource. Further, the basic mining activity is carried on apart from the mining community proper. In the history of mining activity, the result of this dependence of com-munities upon exhaustible natural resources has been "boom" towns and "ghost" towns, and ravaged countryside with depressed local economies. Location A second characteristic of single-enterprise mining communities is their frequent location in remote areas. Canadian mineral resources l i e , for the most part, in sparsely populated and municipally unorganized areas. The nature of mining activity requires that a population be concentrated at or near the site of the mineral resource. The erratic occurrence of mineral deposits has been the primary cause of the pattern of dispersed, discontinuous mining communities. Generally, the Canadian mineral resources l i e beyond the continuously settled areas of the provinces, which geographically, places them north of a 250 mile-wide band along the southern boundary of Canada. The terrain 24 of this area varies regionally from rugged mountains and barren rock to bushland, muskeg, and icy wastes. The climate is similarly varied from the temperate climates of the southern and coastal areas to the severe and unfavourable climate of the Arctic regions. Compared to the southern agricultural areas, the country which is host to mining activity possesses a d i f f i c u l t terrain and an adverse climate. Impetus A third characteristic of mining communities is the deliberate creation of these communities to serve a single industrial enterprise. The lack of settlement and the shortage of labour at or near the site makes i t necessary for the resource development company or government agency to establish a townsite to house and service the industrial employees and their families. The single-enterprise mining community comes into existence as a result of a decision of a resource develop-ment company to open a new mine. An existing community, i f suitably located, may serve the needs of the labour force. In either case, the community must be developed within a few months to accommodate the sudden, but necessary, influx of population. Role of the Company A fourth characteristic is the pre-eminence of 2 5 the mining company. The lack of population in the region of the resource activity makes i t necessary i n some instances for the company to "become creator, owner, and administrator of a new community. In such a company town, the patern-a l i s t i c control of the company poses major problems in the everyday l i f e of the community since the company may be landlord, employer, merchant, policeman, fireman and administrator. In a number of communities, the role of the company is limited to the ini t iat ion of the town and the provision of some housing. It appears inevitable that the l i f e and activity of a community which is dependent upon a single industrial enterprise wi l l be dominated by that enterprise. Recent trends in the development of new communities favour the elimination of this.element of company pre-eminence through the promotion of private home-ownership and the incorpor-ation of the community at an early stage of i ts development. Character of the Community A f i f t h characteristic of the mining community is the urban character of the townsite in contrast to the rural wilderness setting. The majority of existing mining townsites possess none of the early camp features. Rather, they have been built as permanent communities, and they possess urban features which are more frequently associated with the metropolitan suburbs in the temperate zones. 2 6 In the controlled company sponsored townsite, the housing and community fac i l i t ies and services may be on a par, i f not of a higher level , with those found in southern communities of comparable size. They have been deliberately planned and developed as permanent townsites in spite of the dependence of the communities upon exhaustible natural resources. In the unregulated mining communities which are a carry-over from early mining activit ies , the housing and community fac i l i t ies retain much of their frontier character, well i l lustrating the early concept of the secondary importance of the community 5 with respect to the mining activity. Problems Of Mining Communities The preceding primary characteristics of single-enterprise mining communities reveal upon close examination several important problem areas, and these are dealt with below. Economic Base Perhaps the greatest problem of the single-enterprise mining community is the dependence on a non-renewable resource. The volatile nature of the basic mineral resource has resulted in several instances in the growth of "ghost towns". These abandoned communities remain as mute evidence of mining activity long after the mines 2? have closed. Even in Mark Twain's day, he could write of ghost towns: You wil l find i t hard to believe that here stood at one time a fiercely flourishing c i t y . . . . In no other land, in modern times, have towns so absolutely died and disappeared as in the old mining regions of California.^ Mining activity in Canada has not been spared the evils of ghost town developments. At the turn of the 20th century, south-eastern British Columbia saw the abandonment of many mining communities when the early mineral discoveries expired. The Lardeau gold mining area, active around 1900, now displays an abandoned railway grade and "rusty junk l ies where mine and sawmill buildings once throbbed with industry." 8 E . T. Clegg in his study, describes the ghost towns of the Boundary Mining Region, the Rossland-Trail District , the Moyie District , and the Cranbrook Distr ic t . Ghost towns are by no means a thing of the past, though they are not as common today as half a century ago. Since 1950, the recession in the coal-mining industry, caused by inroads into the coal markets by the competing o i l and gas fuels, resulted in the closing of such mining 9 communities as Nordegg and Mountain Park i n Alberta . ' During 1957, Tne Consolidated Mining and Smelting Company closed i ts Tulsequah properties which came into production in 1 9 5 2 . 1 0 28 The town of Snow Lake in Manitoba is a good example of a 'near' ghost town. The gold mine operated by Howe Sound Explorations Company Ltd. was scheduled to shut down in July 1958. Had the Hudson Bay Mining and Smelting Company not discovered two new zinc and copper deposits just south of Snow Lake, the town would most certainly have been abandoned. The development of the new ore deposits has since given a new l i f e to the town. The abandonment of a community can be argued to be an economically justifiable action on the part of a mining company. With the exhaustion of the orebody, either physically or economically, a mining company has no alter-native but to terminate i ts operations. However, while a company is able to write-off i ts wasting assets in antici-pation of ore exhaustion, the residents of the mining community may not be able to write-off their investments. The residents may hold expectations of the community which exceed those of the mining community. Where the residents have invested in private housing, commercial enterprises, and community f a c i l i t i e s , the desertion of the community places large capital losses on the individual. The resultant vacant homes and buildings, unused streets and u t i l i t i e s represent an investment worth many thousands of d o l l a r s . 1 1 29 Population The mining community is essentially an industrial town. However, because of the remote location of the town and the necessity for extensive development and construction work before actual mining operations commence, the mining town is faced with population problems that are not shared by other types of communities. Ini t ia l ly , a large labour force is required on the site to develop the mine and to construct the surface plant, usually consisting of a m i l l , offices, and a change-house but may include a smelter and a refinery. This labour force consists almost entirely of male workers, these being recent immigrant labourers, transient construction workers, and part-time construction workers supplementing farm incomes. The housing of this labour force in the townsite area in temporary buildings may prejudice the future townsite development. Several companies have avoided this problem by restricting a l l temporary structures to a campsite adjacent to the construction project and by providing for the removal of the camp at the end of the construction period. The labour turnover during this development stage is usually high, and this is due in part to the remote location of the project, and in part to the lack of accommodation for 13 married personnel. ' At the start of the mine production stage, there 30 is a period of population adjustment as permanent employees move in and occupy the townsite. The labour turnover is s t i l l high, but as the single men are replaced by married men with families, the population becomes more stable and begins to resemble that of an urban community. When a new mining operation comes into production, there is a demand for technical and hourly-paid non-skilled labour. Hence, an entirely new population is brought together in the mining community. The source and composition of this population is an important consideration in planning the new town. The majority of the employees and their families come from other single-enterprise communities and from foreign countries as emigrant labour. This fact has not been entirely acknowledged since recent Canadian new towns have been planned for North American urban popu-14 lations. As far back as 1917» i t was pointed out that only 46 per cent of the miners were born in Canada, whereas 72 per cent of the workers in agriculture were born in Canada.1^ Because of the remote locations in which the majority of mining operations are carried on, there is a problem of obtaining and holding a permanent stable popu-lation in the mining community. In some areas, high wages provide the incentive, whereas in others, a model community with a l l urban conveniences has to be created to attract the desired labour force. These measures have been 31 successful to a limited degree since the small single-enterprise community must compete for labour with the established southern cities and towns situated in more pleasant climatic zones. Planning The planning of mining communities goes back historically to the model company towns of the early 1900's . This type of planning was, in the main, physical planning, involving the laying out<of roads, lots, use areas, and public services. This planning was not community planning as we know i t today. Planning was carried out by the company and a l l decisions were made for the community by the company; the community played no part in the planning process. The result was a "grand" physical plan. Since a community must be created, i t is obvious that there is no existing population to participate in democratically achieving a community development plan. The i n i t i a l planning must of necessity be carried out by an agency for the future community. In company towns, the resource development company prepares the plan with or without the aid of planning consultants. In towns esta-blished by the provincial government, a government planning staff prepares the community development plan. Every new community has i ts own individual problems, but in planning new mining towns, there is much 32 to be gained from the experience and problems of other mining towns. This has not been the case in the new mining towns and single-enterprise towns in Canada since planning concepts and principles which are more suited to southern urban communities have been applied to the designs of northern new towns. The new community of Kitimat has 1 6 been described as a "suburb without Metropolis." It appears that a universal pattern of town design, which does not recognize differences in the physical and human environ-ment of communities, is developing. New town developments to date indicate that "the northern town has yet to find i ts s o u l . " 1 7 It i s a comparatively easy matter to design a mining community when the ultimate population is known within l imits . However, an unexpected influx of population by unforeseen developments may pose a major problem for the community. This has occurred in several mining communities which were built on restricted sites in the vicinity of -1 Q the mining operations. In the more recent mining towns and other new towns in Canada, the design of the townsite has incorporated the element of f l e x i b i l i t y to accommodate future expansion i f i t should occur. The problem of anticipating and planning for an unknown community population has been discussed previously in the population problems. 33 The nature of the economic activity on which the community is "based poses great problems for the planning of mining communities. Essentially, the l i f e expectancy of the mining community is limited to that of the resource. The uncertainties of the industry have not 19 been conducive to long range planning for the community. ' The uncertainty as to the permanency of the community has been a problem, and this in part, has fostered the concept of planned multi-enterprise towns to ensure more permanent resource-based communities. Housing The policies for the provision of housing have greatly influenced the character of the mining community. In the early closed company towns, the company provided the entire stock of housing accommodation. Employees rented company housing allocated to them by the company. Even in the towns open to the public, the company provided a large part of the housing accommodation. However, the employers recognized that being a landlord made for poor labour relations. Today, many mining companies are following policies which advocate the sale of company houses and the 20 construction of new housing by private individuals. Further, with rising building costs, the mining companies found company housing requiring increasingly greater non-productive investment, in many cases producing a loss, and 3 4 have given up the role of housing authority. To encourage employees to construct private homes and to purchase company housing i n the townsite, several companies have made loans available and instituted re-purchase plans. In some cases, subsidiary companies have been set up by the company to administer the house-financing schemes. These plans for employees to build and to own their own dwellings have not only been prompted to relieve the company of the role of landlord, but also by the consideration that private home ownership would tend to stabilize the working force, cutting down on labour turnover and inducing employees to remain with the company. In some communities, a re-purchase guarantee may be necessary on a l l housing in the townsite to stimulate the construction of 2 1 buildings of a standard better than temporary shacks. There are three sections in the National Housing Act of 1 9 5 4 which can be applied to financing housing in mining communities. Section 16 enables Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation to make loans to limited dividend companies to construct low-rental housing. Section 1 7 provides for loans to a company "engaged in the mining, lumbering, logging or fishing industry to assist in the construction of low or moderate cost housing projects in areas or localit ies that are adjacent to or connected with 2 2 the operations of the borrower." Section 40 enables 35 Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation to make loans to persons building houses in localit ies where the f a c i l i t i e s of private lending institutions are not available. In spite of the preceding National Housing Act provisions for house construction loans, mining companies have tended to finance the housing in their own dependent townsites. Outside, i n the sense of outside the company and the community, private financing has not been encouraged. However, even among the company house-financing schemes, there does not appear to be one generally acceptable scheme. The concept of the house in the mining community has remained unchanged from that in established southern cities and towns. Housing is generally of the conventional permanent type in the controlled residential areas. Temporary substandard dwellings have been common in early mining communities, and are s t i l l common today in the older mining centres and in the unregulated fringe areas. The single-family residence is the most common dwelling type. In spite of economies in construction and site area, multiple housing units have not been popular in these communities. The semi-detached house has been used in townsites with restricted building space, but preference has been for the detached one-family dwelling wherever possible. Two-family houses have been dif f i cul t to s e l l , and in addition, lack the privacy of the one-family dwellings. 36 The mining communities generally have one or two bunkhouses or dormitories for single men and women employees. The type of building varies from one community to another and may have several stories or he a single-story barrack building. Some variation in dormitory accommodation has been achieved in some towns through the use of small buildings to avoid the military-barrack appearance. House construction in mining communities has followed conventional house framing techniques practised elsewhere in Canada. On-the-site construction has been common in the established as well as in the newer com-munities. Building materials are shipped in to the townsite from outside manufacturing centres. There has been some speed-up in construction where entire panels and trusses are constructed on the ground and then hoisted into position by mobile cranes. Prefabrication has been employed only in limited amounts m mining communities. ^ Prefabricated dwellings have been shipped in component form to the townsite and assembled on the building site. However, the mining community has benefited very l i t t l e from the techniques of prefabrication to date. Fringe Communities A major problem in the development of single-enterprise mining communities is extra-territorial control 57 over the haphazard growth that takes place "beyond the municipal boundaries. The fringe settlements develop without any plan or provision of "basic community f a c i l i t i e s and services. They have sometimes been referred to as 24 "parasite communities." They provide a marked contrast to the well ordered company townsite. The shabby fringe communities spring up for any of several basic reasons. The amount of housing provided in the townsite may be insufficient to accommodate a l l the employees of the company, and hence, supplementary accom-modation must be found outside of the townsite. The company or municipality may enforce too stringent building standards for new housing in the townsite, and hence, those wishing to build low-cost housing must build in the adjacent unregulated territory. The inhabitants of the fringe areas may wish to avoid municipal taxes, and may be satisfied to live with a lower standard of services and f a c i l i t i e s . The fringe settlements may develop to such pro-portions as to become incorporated communities. They may also demand annexation with the original townsite. In either case, the fringe community has not been a desirable type of development since unhealthy r ivalr ies , snobberies, and host i l i t ies frequently emerge between the communities. In the more recent mining communities, efforts have been made to avoid the peripheral shack developments. 38 The most effective control has been the regulation of the surrounding unorganized territory either by the province or by a local authority when authorized. Services and Facil i t ies The mining community, similar to other communities, must provide urban services and f a c i l i t i e s for the resident population. This must be done in the face of the remote location, the adverse climate, and the rapid construction of the townsite. When a new mining town is established, i t must be developed as a whole in a very short period of time. This means that unlike ordinary communities which develop by gradual growth over long intervals, the mining community must be provided with public u t i l i t i e s and services within a few months. Hence, large outlays of capital are required to finance the programme of public works before the townsite is occupied. Further, the geographical location of the mining community in the northern or mountainous areas presents problems in the installation and maintenance of services and u t i l i t i e s . Areas of shallow s o i l , rock outcrops, or permafrost render services both d i f f i c u l t and expensive to i n s t a l l . The climate frequently necessitates insulation precautions quite different than in the temperate zones. 39 Land Use Controls The mining community has several problems in the control of urban development which are peculiar to this type of community. The remote location and the uncertainties connected with the mining activity necessitate strict regulation of the townsite development to avoid substandard, unhealthy l iving conditions. The development may be con-trolled by a resource development company or by a govern-ment authority through retaining ownership of the land in the townsite, and through the enforcement of building codes and zoning by-laws. In a company administered townsite, the company has absolute control over development on company property. Where the townsite is publicly owned and operated, the dangers of shabby substandard residential development are greater than in the single-authority administered town. Strong zoning and building control are essential; the result of uncontrolled town development is the shacktown, a singular example being the new town of Chibougamau, Quebe c•^ Legislation For Mining Communities Canadian legislation for the single-enterprise mining community has been prompted by the historical record of indiseriminant establishment of mining communities, the uncontrolled townsite development, and the inherent dis-advantages of the company town. The following is a brief 40 review of the legislation enacted in the Canadian pro-vinces and territories for the establishment, development, and organization of new mining conuaunities. Newfoundland There is no legislation which deals specifically with new mining communities. New mining towns are incor-porated under the Local Improvement District legislation. The Lieutenant-Governor in Council is empowered to create a local improvement district i n uninhabited areas. The government and administration of the district l ies in the hands of a three man board of trustees, the members of which are appointed by the provincial government. The board, after three years, may be replaced upon a majority petition of the inhabitants of the distr ict to elect a council, thereby becoming a self-governing municipality. Quebec In Quebec, "No holder of a mining licence can develop a mining town or even a semblance of a few buildings as a mining town without the control of the Government. The Minister of Mines in co-operation with that of Municipal 26 Affairs decides what is to be done." The three major laws which deal with mining communities are the Mining act, the Law of Mining Villages, and the Law of Mining Towns. Under the Quebec Mining Act, Section 37 states 41 that the Lieutenant-Governor in Council shall have f u l l power and authority "to provide for the establishing of mining villages and towns on Crown lands, including those under mining claim or under development licence, without 27 being obliged to pay any indemnity, in mining regions . . . . " ' The sale of the land in the designated townsite area is to help finance the provision of community services. The Mining Villages Act states that the Lieutenant-Governor in Council upon recommendation of the cabinet can 28 establish a "village municipal corporation". The powers of government and administration are invested in a manager appointed by the Lieutenant-Governor in Council. The powers of the village manager are those of a municipal council and these are spelled out in the Act. The manager has a term of office of five years, at the end of which, a municipal council is to be elected. The Act states that the surface mine buildings are not exempt from village taxation. Also, the provincial government is to be reimbursed by the village corporation for expenditures incurred by the province in establishing the townsite. The Mining Towns Act states that the Lieutenant-Governor in Council may incorporate any area, which is deemed advisable, as a town municipality. A five-man council consisting of a mayor and four aldermen are to be appointed by the Lieutenant-Governor in Council for a term 42 of office of five years. The term may he extended on request for an additional year, to he followed by a municipally elected council. As in the Mining Villages Act, provision is made for the reimbursement of the pro-vince for expenses incurred in the establishment of the townsite. Ontario Mining communities in Ontario, as in Newfoundland, come under the Improvement District legislation. New towns are incorporated as Improvement Districts and are subject to the Department of Municipal Affairs Act. The power to create a district l ies with the Ontario Municipal Board, but the three man board of trustees is appointed by the Lieutenant-Governor in Council. The boundaries of the distr ict are established by the Municipal Board, and as a rule, these are larger than the minimum townsite area 29 required. J The Mining Act of Ontario was amended in 1954 and provides that the surface rights of mining claims may be reserved by the government through Order-in-Council for the purpose of developing townsites. It is mandatory for new mining communities to be established as to design and municipal administration under the guidance of the Province. For the development of the 43 new town of Manitouwadge, the Province advanced a sum of $600,000 to the improvement d i s t r i c t . ^ Manitoba In Manitoba, the Lieutenant-Governor in Council has the power to incorporate as a "Local Improvement District" communities in unorganized territories adjacent to a place where mining (or other industrial operation) is carried on. The governmental and administrative power for the district is invested in a resident administrator appointed by the Minister of Municipal Affairs upon approval by the mining company. The resident administrator performs the functions of a municipal council as well as other powers set out in the particular act creating the dis tr ic t . The act gives the resident administrator authority to make a contract with the resource development company to establish a distr ict with three parts: the proposed townsite area, the company's industrial site, and the surrounding undeveloped territory. The land in the townsite is sold to the district by the province for $1.00 In the particular contract with the resource development company, the company assumes the responsibility for preparing a community development plan, a zoning plan and a building code, and these must be approved by the 31 provincial government. The company is also responsible for financing the construction of a l l the services and 32 f a c i l i t i e s , satisfying provincial standards, and these 44 become the property of the dis t r i c t . The company's plant site is outside the townsite, and is exempted from taxation. However, the company is required to make a payment to the municipality in l ieu of taxes. Alberta In Alberta, the New Towns Act of 1956 provides that the Lieutenant-Governor in Council, upon recommendation of the Provincial Planning Advisory Board may establish an area as a new town and may appoint a Board of Administrators as the governing body. ^ Provision is made that the Board of Administrators is to present proposals for the planning and orderly development of the new town to the Provincial Planning Advisory Board for i ts approval. The comprehensive development plan may be prepared for the Board of Admini-stration by the planning staff of the Provincial Planning Advisory Board or by a District Planning Commission. The Act provides that the government may grant or loan up to $1,000,000 to aid in establishing the new town. The provincial loan or any expenses incurred by the province in establishing the new town are to be repaid from the revenues of land sales and annual taxation over a 20 year period. British Columbia A number of successful company towns have been built in British Columbia under the Company Towns 34-Regulation Act of 1919. This Act was enacted to make provision for access by the public to company towns. The Act provides for the declaration of a "company town" by the Lieutenant-Governor in Council, and requires that upon request, a company must f i l e a road plan of the town with the Minister of Lands and Forests, and ensures the right of public "ingress, egress and regress" in the town. The present policy in British Columbia is to incorporate new communities as municipalities at a very early stage in their development rather than the promotion of company controlled towns. New towns are incorporated by special acts of the Legislature and the new municipality comes under the Municipal Act of British Columbia. Northwest Territories The municipal form of government and admini-stration in the Territories is the Local Administrative Distr ict . The governing body is a ' local trustee board' which has powers quite similar to those of town councils in the provinces. The members of the board are in part elected and in part appointed by the Commissioner in Council. Summary The Canadian legislation for new mining com-munities deals largely with municipal organization and 46 very l i t t l e with, the problem of setting up and developing new towns. The preceding survey does show the trend to avoid the development of company towns, and that incor-porated municipal units are favoured. There is a common feature in the legislation in the provision of a transitional type of administration for the i n i t i a l stages of town development. Concerning the development of the new town, the legislation is considered too inadequate to cope with comprehensive townsite development since i t leaves too much 35 to the discretion of the b u i l d e r . " A more comprehensive study of the special and private acts and agreements for new town development would possibly reveal the additional provisions required for townsite establishment. Some of the legislation provides for the reser-vation of land for a new town and for the sale of Crown land to the municipal unit, which in turn may sel l or lease the land. Two provinces, Ontario and Alberta have established a policy of making capital advances to new towns to assist in the basic development work of the townsites. It i s sufficient here to note the general frame-work within which new towns are established. The legislation provides for a flexible local authority to ensure orderly development "to prevent shacktowns from arising, to prevent land speculation, to protect the financial interests of 4? the major investor, and to provide a period of training and experience in preparation for the ultimate assumption of f u l l local self-governing powers by the local residents. 48 FOOTNOTES 1 Camp is used here in reference to temporary l iving accommodations. This usage is to he distinguished from that meaning a mining region, such as the Porcupine gold camp and the Blind River uranium camp. 2 The vanished nineteenth century mining camp: "The hurly-burly of gold discoveries, the fever of quick exploitation, the disregard of personal comfort in the gambler's plunge for his Eldorado, the mud-rutted streets, the wild untamed natural environment menacing the crazy-angled shacks of mining pioneers, the long, tough journeys by canoe, horse or on foot into new settlements a l l these are now, for the gold-mining communities of Canada, the forgotten echoes of a vanished era." William Lougheed Associates, The Gold-Mining Community: A Study of the  Problems of Economic Growth, Timmins, The Industrial Commission of the Town of Timmins, A p r i l , 1 9 5 8 , P« 3 2 . 3 Thomas Adams, Rural Planning and Development, Ottawa, The Commission of Conservation, 1 9 1 7 , p. 3 8 . 4 Quoted i n : Ibid . , p. 3 9 . 5 In a discussion of the types of townsites for extra-ctive industries, the statement was made: "There is some truth in saying that some towns need a good fire so that they can be built properly. New towns are fortunate i n that the f i re is not required. Foresight, however, is needed." P. G. Gauthier, "New Industrial Townsites," The Canadian Mining Journal, vo l . 7 0 , No. 7 (July 1 9 4 9 ) , p. 7 8 . 6 V. S. Swaminathan, "Gold Made California," Canadian  Mining Journal, vol . 7 0 , No. 7 (July 1 9 4 9 ) , p. 7 5 ^ 7 "Mine Hunting In The Lardeau," The Cominco Magazine, vol . 1 9 , No. 1 1 (November 1 9 5 8 ) , p. 1 . 8 E. T. Clegg, Single Enterprise Community of Settlements, M. Sc. Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1 9 5 8 , pp. 5 - 3 7 . 9 "Death In The Rockies," Time, vol . 5 6 , No. 7 (August 14, 1 9 5 0 ) , p. 3 2 . 1 0 Consolidated Mining and Smelting Company of Canada Limited, Fifty-Second Annual Report for the Year Ended  Dec. 31, 1957, Montreal, The Company, March 13, 1958. 4 9 1 1 "The one hundred and f i f t y thousand residents of Canada's gold-mining communities have invested in homes, land and business establishments now worth well over $250 m i l l i o n . . . . " William Lougheed Associates, The Gold-Mining  Community: A Study of the Problems of Economic Growth, Timmins, The Industrial Commission, A p r i l , 1 9 5 8 , p. 1 . 1 2 A procedure carried out at Thompson, Manitoba. 13 The estimated turnover at Schefferville was 1 2 0 per cent per year. Graham Humphreys, "Schefferville, Quebec: A New Pioneering Town," The Geographical Review, vol . 48 (April 1 9 5 8 ) , p. 162. The labour turnover in Blind River, Ontario, was 4 : 1 . Alan Phi l l ips , "Our Wild Atomic Ci ty , " Macleans Magazine, vol . 70, No. 1 1 (May 25, 1957), P. 6 8 . 14 Contemporary North American planning principles have been employed in the new towns of Kitimat, B. C. (Claude Langlois, L'Amenagement Pes Vil les A Industrie Extractive  Du Subarctique, Doctoral Thesis, McGill University, 1957, p. 292) , Thompson, Manitoba (letter dated January 25, I 9 6 0 , from David G. Henderson, Associate Planner, Province of Manitoba Planning Service, Winnipeg, Manitoba), and E l l i o t Lake, Ontario (Norman Pearson, "El l iot Lake: Experiment In Conformity," Town and Country Planning, vo l . 2 ? (May 1959), p. 2 0 2 ) . 15 Adams, op. c i t . , p. 3 8 . 16 Claude Langlois, L'Amenagement Pes Vil les A Industrie  Extractive Du Subarctique, Doctoral Thesis, McGill University, 1 9 5 7 , P. 282. 17 S. D. Lash, "Planning of Recent New Towns In Canada," The Engineering Journal, March 1 9 5 8 , p. 4 9 . 18 The new town of Schefferville, Quebec, l ies in a restricted area between two lakes. Its new role as a transportation, mining and service centre has brought about unexpected development. Future growth wil l be accommodated with diff icul ty because of the terrain. At Yellowknife, N.W.T., the original town was established on a restricted rocky peninsula. New development has been accommodated in a new townsite on a more favourable site nearby. 19 "Even when the industry i s expanding, however, the gold mining communities have some special problems. Both individual and municipal planning are handicapped by uncertainty over the future. No one can forecast how long housing or municipal f a c i l i t i e s may be required. No one can say how long the towns wil l last , how long the people w i l l stay." William Lougheed Associates, op. c i t . , p. 84. 50 20 Queen's University, Institute of Local Government, Singles-Enterprise Communities In Canada, by H. W. Walker, Ottawa, Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation, 1953, p. 134. 21 Ibid . , p. 139. 22 Ottawa, Parliament, House of Commons, National Housing  Act 1954, 1959, (2-3 Elizabeth II, Chapter 2 3 ) , Section 17. 23 Gord. Perkins, "Tulsequah Progress Report," The  Cominco Magazine, vol . 13, No. 12 (December 1952), p. 21. Three prefabricated apartments were built at the Tulsequah M i l l Camp. 24 W. C. Wonders, "Parasite Communities in Newfoundland," Community Planning Review, vol . 3, No. 1, 1953, P« 27. 25 Claude Langlois, "Our Mining Towns: A Failure?" Community Planning Review, vol . 7, No. 1 (March 1957), p. 54. 26 Lash, op. c i t . , p.. 44. 27 Revised Statutes of the Province of Quebec, 1941, Chapter 246. 28 Statutes of Quebec, 1-2 Elizabeth II (1952-53), Chapter 24. 29 E l l i o t Lake Improvement District has an area of 396 square miles. R. N. Percival, "New Towns for Ontario," Town and Country Planning (Feb. 1957), P« 82. 30 Lash, op. c i t . , p. 45. 31 At the new town of Thompson, Man., the International Nickel Co. of Canada, L td . , requested the Metropolitan Winnipeg Planning Commission to prepare the town planning scheme and zoning by-law. 32 Services: roads, water, sewer, street lighting, power distribution; f a c i l i t i e s : schools, townsite.offices, f i re stations, community h a l l , and private hospital. 33 Statutes of Alberta, 1956, Chapter 39. 34 Statutes of British Columbia, Company Towns Regulation Act, Chapter 14, 1919. 35 Langlois, "Our Mining Towns A Failure?" op. c i t . , p. 53* 36 Queen's University, op. c i t . , p. 73* CHAPTER III THE CASE FOR THE PLANNED NON-PERMANENT COMMUNITY The history of mining areas is spoiled countryside and shacktowns, and to have avoided that is a remarkable success. Norman Pearson Government authorities, and to a large extent, the resource development companies, have come to recognize the deficiencies of the "boom" town and the company town. The discussion in the preceding chapters has shown that the mining community is a product of private enterprise activity, is dependent upon a non-renewable resource activity, and has been, and is being planned, as a permanent urban com-munity. It is the purpose of this chapter to set out the case for a new approach to the planning of mining com-munities. The chapter deals with: (a) community planning for new towns, (b) previous and current approaches to new town development, and (c) examples of relocation of communities. Planning And The Mining Community Ini t ia l ly , planning for single-enterprise mining towns was carried out by resource development companies to 51 52 realize the benefit of greater plant efficiency through improved work habits of the labour force, the benefit of skilled labour attracted to the town, and in some cases, the benefits in public relations where the model town becomes a company "show place". These benefits are the objectives of a company-prepared plan, whereas, i n community planning, they would be benefits derived from broader objectives. Hence, before assessing the planning approaches to new town development, i t is essential to understand the nature of the planning process. The Planning Process Planning has been described as "the closest approximation we can reach for collective rationalization." 1 Community planning is an activity whereby man acting col-lectively seeks to achieve a desirable physical environment in a community through the conscious guidance and control of the use of land and f a c i l i t i e s . Truly democratic planning would be guided by citizen participation in the setting of goals for community growth and development. However, i t was pointed out in Chapter II that no previous population exists to participate in planning, and hence, a plan must be prepared for the community. In planning for the new town, the social and economic forces must be anticipated and value judgements must be made, more so for the new town than for established 53 communities. However, when these value judgements are made in the light of a l l available knowledge, these value judge-ments cannot be condemned. The new community is looked upon as a collection of individuals who require a healthy and pleasant environ-ment in and around their homes. The needs of this community are assessed, and in the light of these needs, objectives are established for the development of the community. Alternative proposals for development are studied, and from these, a community development scheme is prepared to guide the growth of the new town. For successful town development, i t is essential that these planning schemes be independent of developments which the community builders can neither initiate nor control. Planning Administration The community development scheme is a statement of policy to guide the development in the new town. For the plan to be effective, administrative techniques are necessary to implement the policies. There are three major administrative tools for achieving the desired community development. Firs t , zoning regulations provide a means of control over private pro-perty to protect the community against harmful Invasions of buildings and structures and thereby encourages the most appropriate use of land in the new town. Second, 54 subdivision control is very closely related to zoning, and is concerned with the dedication of land for public use and access, the provision of u t i l i t i e s , the regulation of building lines, block design, lot sizes, and street layout with a view to providing the maximum degree of health, safety, comfort and convenience. Third, building regulations are concerned with the standards for the construction of buildings in the new town with regard to public health, safety, and the suitability of buildings for use. The Value of Planning Perhaps the best way to illustrate the value of planning and regulation of mining communities is to consider the results of unhampered community development by the •laissez-faire* approach. The opening quotation of this chapter refers to the prevalence of shack towns and unregulated community growth throughout the history of mining activity. The discussion in Chapter II verifies this opinion since the nature of mining activity has not been conducive to permanent and stable community development. Because of the uncertainties of mining activity and because of the limited and often unknown l i f e of the activity, the resident population may be unwilling to invest i n permanent housing and community f a c i l i t i e s because the community may not persist beyond one or two decades. The squatter community, or shack town, consisting 55 of temporary structures with few u t i l i t i e s and services, has teen a common type of settlement in mining areas. The present cities of Rouyn and Val D'Or in Quebec, came into p being without supervision and control. They consisted in the beginning of mean squatter camps. However, as the population of these communities increased, i t became imperative to organize them, and to adopt a definite plan of development. Partial planning and regulation of new town development can be equally as conducive to haphazard develop-ment as the "laissez-faire" approach. The new town of Chibougamau, established under the Quebec Law of Mining Villages, is a good example of the tendency of unrestricted growth toward substandard development. The provincial government created the Village of Chibougamau and proceeded to lay out a grid street plan, to instal l services, and to se l l residential lots . There were no other plans or regulations to guide and control the development of the new town. Consequently, the most common type of structure in the new town is the 'shack'. Hence, community planning for the mining town places emphasis on the creation of a community for pleasant l iv ing , for the health, safety and convenience of the residents. It is concerned with the orderly physical development of land, buildings, services and fac i l i t ies to 56 achieve desired economic and social objectives. Approaches To Planning Mining Communities To plan for a model community that embodies the developmental objectives previously outlined without con-cern for the economic base of the community is to plan in a vacuum. Planning for, and control of physical development are essential but only when consequent to the consideration of the basic economic activity of the community. In this section, the established approaches for the planning of mining communities are discussed to illustrate the need for a new approach — "the planned non-permanent community". Permanent Single-Enterprise Communities Most of the single-enterprise mining towns in Canada have been planned as permanent communities, that i s , the physical development in the community has been of a permanent nature. It was shown in the preceding chapters that many single-enterprise communities which have been provided with modern urban f a c i l i t i e s and services and have been "planned" according to the most up-to-date planning principles, nevertheless have ended up as "ghost towns". The abandonment of communities i s not a rational human action. However, i t is forced upon the residents of communities when the basic economic activity is terminated. There are community losses in social capital, in housing, 57 f a c i l i t i e s , and amenities. Further, there are social costs incurred in the disruption of community l i f e , the loss of friendships, and possibly, changes in human values. It was pointed out earlier that a resource development company is able to write off the capital invest-ment in the industrial plant. However, the residents may not be able to write off their investments. Further, the residents may have expectations of the community which exceed those of the mining company. Some writers do not uphold permanent mining com-munities but favour unplanned single-enterprise communities. St. Georges, in a discussion of the problem of a "village-per-mine", proposes that in view of the uncertainties in mine development, i t would not be necessary to provide any services and fac i l i t ies for the town in the beginning. If the mining company suspended i t s operations, the few houses and shacks erected in the townsite would be the only losses. If the company were successful, the village could then be organized and developed. This proposal does recognize the risks involved in the mining industry, but i t has the disadvantages of the "laissez-faire" approach pro-moting shack towns and prejudicing future community development. It was shown earlier that the development of new, towns is under strict control by the provincial and federal 58 governments. The approach of uncontrolled community development is not possible, nor is i t desirable. Rather, permanent mining towns have been and are being developed by resource development companies. This is a rational approach on the part of these companies to realize benefits which, to the companies, outweigh the disadvantages of eventual abandonment of the communities. Diversification: Regional Centres One general solution put forward for the planning of new mining communities is to diversify the economic activity on which the community is based. The panacea for a l l community problems has been diversification of industry to broaden the employment base of the community and thereby to introduce permanence and stability to the community. The strength of the metropolis l ies in i ts broad industrial base and i ts many opportunities for employment; the strength of the service centre l ies in the diversity of functions carried out in the community for i t se l f and for the sur-rounding rural area. Thomas Adams wrote in 1917 of the i l l features of single industry towns and of the need of "establishing new industries near water-powers and raw materials. . . . Where mining is carried on in the neighbourhood of fert i le land, such as in the valleys of British Columbia, there are 4 opportunities for creating healthy and permanent towns." 59 E. T. Clegg, in the study of dispersed single-enterprise extractive industry towns in southern British Columbia, advocated regional planning of the economic base of these communities to develop permanent communities with 5 a broad industrial base. In an agricultural region, settlement consists of rural service centres set in a pattern of tributary rural farming areas. These service centres may be located in a pattern dictated by particular topographic features, types of farming, and transportation f a c i l i t i e s . But agriculture is a renewable resource activity, and with a given market structure, agriculture w i l l generate permanent and stable communities. The concept of regional centres, then, is one of permanent settlement. That i s , i f settlement is to take place, i t should develop in locations which wil l permit permanent community development. But planning for new regions has many di f f i cul t ies ; the element of change was seen to merit special attention by W. E . Hobbs: Planners are apt to view their work as permanent and this is more or less true in old established and well developed areas, subject always to the general adoption of new inventions, changes in modes of trans-portation and habits of l iv ing ; but in a new area, the complexion of things may change very rapidly. The much frequented canoe route of today, with i ts settlements here and there, may be deserted tomorrow because a railway is buil t ; villages and 60 towns may spring up along a new railway, but the flourishing town at the terminus may be abandoned tomorrow when the railway is extended; the mining town wil l probably lose i ts inhabitants overnight when the mine is worked out; while at another point, the village to today wil l be the town of tomorrow, and the city of the day after.^ Planning for regional centres means planning for the diversification of the economic base of the new com-munities, to create stable and permanent employment. This approach implies that diversification is possible, and that additional enterprises other than the resource development company w i l l locate in or near the community. It i s possible that additional mining and primary manufacturing activities may develop in the local area and come to use the community. However, as experience elsewhere has shown, the diversification of one-industry communities is d i f f i c u l t . One has only to look at the Canadian gold-mining centres to appreciate the problem. A saw mil l locating in a gold-mining community may not be sufficient to maintain the community when the mining activity terminates. Further, the location of markets, the economics of transportation, and the geo-graphic factors of adverse climate and topography are some of the elements against natural diversification. Consider-ation of a r t i f i c i a l stimulation of diversification raises the problem of the role of government in economic development, which, as yet, has not been clar if ied in Canada. There is also the diff icul ty that seldom is the 61 direction and extent of regional development foreseeable in advance in order to plan for diversified economic activity in a new mining community. In partially developed regions, the problem wil l not be as d i f f i c u l t as in new areas. In regions which offer possibilit ies for the development of renewable resources, the future regional settlement pattern and economic base may be anticipated. In regions which offer possibilities for mineral resource exploitation, the very nature of the unseen natural resource 7 renders regional planning d i f f i c u l t , i f not impossible.' However, i f there were a regional entrepreneur similar to the Wenner Gren interests i n the Peace River area of Northern British Columbia, the resource potentialities of an entire region could be assessed, and the development of different resources could be scheduled over time according to a regional development plan. Multi-Enterprise Communities; Mining Centres A third solution to the planning of mining com-munities has been that of the mining centre to serve several mining operations. Central towns, by grouping the popu-lation, have the advantages of creating more populous centres, of assuring a longer community l i f e , of developing commerce, and perhaps occasionally gaining new industries when the regional population increases. In spite of the advantages of a mining centre over 62 dispersed single-enterprise communities, this approach does not overcome the fact that the basic source of livelihood is limited by the non-renewable resource. A case in point is the new mining centre of E l l i o t Lake. With the cancellation of contracts for uranium with the Government of the United States, the "boom" period turned to depression. Already, production has been curtailed i n the E l l i o t Lake area. The economic l i f e of many of the mines has been considerably shortened by the failure of the supporting market. The Alternative: Non-Permanent Mining Communities The permanent single-enterprise mining community is not considered as a rational approach to establishing new mining communities. Planning for regional centres is the most rational approach where co-ordinated regional development is possible. Planning for multi-enterprise mining communities does induce greater permanency in the communities established, however, the basic problem of the volatile nature of the mineral resource has not been solved. Since these approaches are not universally applicable to mining community development, an alternative planning approach must be available. The problem of town development in mining regions is focussed in the following quotations from the 194-4 report of the Royal Ontario Mining Commission: 63 It is recognized that mining municipalities are generally established and developed under conditions not found in other than mineral areas, and that the stable economic l i f e of such municipalities depends largely on the success of an industry which in turn, is definitely dependent upon exhaustible natural resources.Q It must be remembered that construction work in mining communities must have regard to the fact that such municipalities are, of necessity, temporary, and largely dependent on the pro-ductive l i f e of the mines. Consequently, construction programmes must be considered in a manner differing from that of more permanent communities.,-! Although the remarks of the Commission refer chiefly to the established single-enterprise mining towns, they apply equally as well to proposed new communities that cannot be planned as regional centres. The solution proposed i n this study is to recognize the limited l i f e of the resource activity and to plan the new mining community in such a way as to enable the community to adjust to both growth, should permanent settlement become possible, and recession, should the basic mining activities terminate. The alternative approach, then, is to plan for non-permanent settlement, to plan for communities that possess permanent urban features but also possess the features of physical mobility and f l e x i b i l i t y . The proposed approach of non-permanent mining settlement would facili tate a flexible pattern of regional settlement. Single-resource development could be undertaken 64 without the results of abandoned communities. If a mining operation should terminate, the community could be trans-ferred in part, or as a whole, to a new site where employ-ment is available. If the economic base of the community should become diversified, the community could continue as a permanent town. Previous Applications Of Non-Permanence In Communities The proposed concept of the non-permanent com-munity is a rational approach to the problem of planning for single-enterprise mining communities. However, the concept of mobility and f l e x i b i l i t y in communities is not new. It has been employed at one time or another, directly or indirectly, in the structure and siting of North American communities. It is the purpose of this section to present historical cases of the use of mobility and f l e x i b i l i t y . The discussion wil l consist of a brief sketch of the early communities, examples of resettlement, and examples of relocation of basic industry where physical mobility and f l e x i b i l i t y in settlement have been of value. Early Communities The earliest instance of mobility and f l e x i b i l i t y in communities in North America is the nomadic Indian com-munity of the western plains region prior to the coming of the whiteman. The seasonal migration of the animal herds necessitated a certain amount of migration by the Indians. 65 The shelters in the Indian communities were mean structures of skins and vegetation stretched over a pole framework. These dwellings could be dismantled easily and re-erected on a new site. The whiteman in his movement across the continent also resorted to a mobile type of community. The covered wagon acted as a portable home for settlers as they advanced West. The covered wagon is the forerunner of the present day house t ra i ler . These early types of non-permanent communities were developed in response to particular cultural and economic needs. The Indian camp was required by the r i tual of the hunt; the covered wagon was necessary to move people and their belongings from one region to another. Primitive as these communities were, they do illustrate the early presence of mobility and f l e x i b i l i t y in settlement on this continent. Resettlement There are also examples of communities which have been relocated, that i s , transferred to a new site. The term "resettlement" applies to those communities that have been moved for reasons other than the relocation of their basic industries. In the examples cited below, the relocation of a community has been necessitated by the exigencies of the original site, the termination of the basic 66 industry of the settlement, and the implementation of a government policy of resettlement. The town of Aklavik, aptly named the "Mud-tropolis of the N o r t h " , w a s relocated because of the unfavourable features of the original site. Aklavik was established as a trading post on the banks of the West Channel at the mouth of the Mackenzie River, some sixty miles from the Arctic Ocean. The nature of the land, "a combination of 11 permafrost and s i l t " , and the river floods seriously affected building and road construction, sewer and water mains, created a health hazard and restricted the expansion of the community. Between 1954- and 1958, the federal government transferred the community some 1 0 0 miles by land and water from the old site to a new site on the East Channel. The new townsite is one and a half times the area of the old site, and hence, has ample room for expansion. In the new townsite, new buildings were constructed in addition to those transferred from old Aklavik; the worst 1 2 of the old buildings were lef t behind. The former community of Goldfields, a village in Northern Saskatchewan on the North Shore of Lake Athabasca, was relocated when the local mining operations terminated. The village developed originally as a result of gold mining ventures in the area in 1954. It was incorporated in 1 9 3 7 » and in 1941, Goldfields had a population of 276. ^ Labour shortages in 1942 forced the closing of the mining operation, 67 and increased costs after the Second World War along with the low grade of the ore led to the closure of the mining properties. The village was disbanded in 1950, and by the winter of 1952-53, a l l the buildings were transferred to Uranium City. The buildings were skidded over the ice and 14 frozen ground by tractor t ram. The community of Burnt Greek, Quebec, was once the centre of prospecting and development work on the iron-ore deposits at Knob Lake. However, a chance d r i l l i n g operation revealed that directly underneath the townsite, 15 there were more than ten million tons of high-grade ore. Consequently, a new site for the community was sought. The problem was to find a location that was well-drained, reasonably close to the ore bodies and close to a good a i r f ie ld si te . The site selected was some five miles from Burnt Creek on the neck of fluvio-glacial sands separating Knob and Pearce Lakes, the present Schefferville townsite. The Iron Ore Company of Canada transferred i ts camp buildings to the new site. In Newfoundland, a government policy of resettle-ment has led to the relocation of entire fishing villages. Beginning in 1950, the Province embarked on a programme of population relocation from 1000 small communities to 300 large centres. This present day movement is for central-ization of settlement. But house hauling has been a 68 traditional moving operation in the fishing villages. "House-hauling is old hat to the people of Newfoundland. In the old days, i t became a festive occasion. In winter, the men pulled the homes over the ice, heaving on the long 1 6 lines and chanting native folk songs as they pulled." In the article , "A House Goes To Sea", a recent Newfound-land house-moving operation is described. Usually the buildings are moved across the bays and inlets over the ice or floated on rafts of empty o i l drums which keep the entire structure above water. "But in this case the owner figured the sea water would not seriously damage the house which had no plaster work. Within 20 minutes the house was half submerged and from then on i t was a slow drag to Red Harbour." 1 7 Relocation of Industrial Activity Finally, there have been cases of communities which have been moved in consequence to the relocation of their basic economic activit ies . The examples presented are from the fields of construction, logging and mining communities. Perhaps the most common type of mobile community is that associated with the construction industry. The particular type of settlement which is developed to house the labour force varies as to the nature of the construction work and the expected length of the construction period. 69 For preliminary f i e l d work, such as exploration and f i e l d survey, temporary tent camps provide adequate shelter and can he readily transferred to a new location. For railway construction projects, the work crews may be housed in railway camp-cars, or in skid shacks which can be easily moved from one work site to another. For large construction projects, such as dam projects, which require several years for completion, temporary communities with urban f a c i l i t i e s have been established. In 1918, model temporary towns were planned for each of the five dam projects in the Miami River Valley 18 in Ohio. More recently, the Tennessee Valley Authority planned and established several temporary construction towns for the dam projects on the Tennessee River and its t r i -butaries. The TVA went as far as designing and constructing demountable and portable housing for use in i ts construction 19 towns. ' At La Cave on the Ottawa River, the Hydro-Electric Power Commission of Ontario built an elaborate construction camp complete with school house, movies, pool room and 20 four bowling alleys, among other amenities. Temporary accommodation has often been provided by the construction workers for themselves. Separate trai ler and shack communities, built by construction employees, develop outside the main company camp. At La Cave, a t rai ler camp rapidly grew outside the gate of the 70 21 H.E.P.C. camp. Complete trai ler construction camps have "been built at some of the large dam projects in the Western 22 United States. In the logging industry, the early logging camps were essentially 'sleep camps' and were located near the woodcutting operations. With the advent of modern forest management policies the logging camp has become a more permanent urban community. British Columbia once displayed a unique type of mobile logging community. This was the traditional 'floating company-town'. The floating towns are now becoming rare. At one time, timber operators would log a section of the slope of an island or mainland coast by cutting, trimming, and hauling the logs down the slope and forming them into rafts. The bunkhouses, family houses, cookhouse and community f a c i l i t i e s were a l l built on log floats to facil i tate movement of the community to the next area, to be cut. However, the floating villages are now moving onto land and becoming permanent communities. Holberg, on Quatsino Sound, Vancouver Island, was once the 23 "world's largest floating vi l lage . " ^ In 1953, Holberg 24 had twelve 'land houses' and fourteen 'float houses'. A classic example of townsite relocation accompanying the relocation of the basic industry is the former mining community of Sherridon, Manitoba. The town of Sherridon was located on the Canadian National Railway 71 some 98 miles north of The Pas. The townsite was developed by Sherritt Gordon Mines in 1931. In 1951» the copper zinc orebody was exhausted and the mine was closed. However, the mining company was simultaneously developing a new nickel-copper mine 164 miles north of Sherridon. Instead of letting the houses and other buildings rot and crumble at Sherridon, the company arranged to move "just about 25 everything but the name" y to the new townsite at Lynn Lake. The plant buildings and homes were mounted on sleds and towed over frozen rivers and lakes by caterpillar tractor trains. Stores, banks, schools, and church buildings were included in the move. Today, of the original population of 2000 in Sherridon, only a few railway servicing men, trappers, and fishermen remain.^ Summary This chapter has endeavoured to present the case for an alternative approach to the planning of mining communities. The accepted approach has been to plan for permanent regional centres. The limitations of the approach have been discussed to show that the approach is not universally applicable, in particular, to single-enterprise mining communities. The proposed alternative approach of the non-permanent community would permit the development of single-enterprise mining towns which could be relocated should the mineral resource expire. 72 Previous applications of physical mobility and f l e x i b i l i t y in communities were reviewed to give support to the concept of the non-permanent community. In the cases cited, the concept has been employed on an ad hoc basis where the economic and cultural environment has neces-sitated relocation. 7 3 FOOTNOTES 1 Louis Wirth, "Planning Means Freedom," Proceedings of  the Annual Meeting of the American Society of Planning  Off ic ia ls , May, 1947, Chicago. ASPO, 1947. p. 1 0 . 2 Julien St. Georges, "The Question of Mining Villages," Canadian Mining Journal, vol . 6 7 , No. 1 (January 1 9 4 6 ) , p. 24. 3 Loc. c i t . 4 Thomas Adams, Rural Planning and Development. Ottawa, The Commission of Conservation, 1 9 1 7 , P« 3 8 . 5 Clegg, op. c i t . 6 W. E. Hobbs, "Planning New Towns In Northern Manitoba," Journal of Town Planning Institute, vo l . 8 (August-October 1 9 2 9 ) , p. 7 8 . 7 A practical example of the problem of development in a mining area is the relocation of the mining village of Pascalis, Quebec, cited in St. Georges, op. c i t . 8 Ontario, Royal Ontario Mining Commission, Report, Toronto, King's Printer, 1944, Part IV, p. 2 2 . 9 Ibid . , p. 24. 1 0 Gerald F. Ridge, General Principles for the P l a n n i n p ; of Sub-Arctic Settlements, Doctoral Thesis. McGill University. 1 1 "Aklavik," Encyclopedia Canadiana, 1 9 5 8 , vol . 1 , p. 6 3 . 1 2 Gordon Robertson, "Aklavik - A Problem and Its Solution," Canadian Geographical Journal, vol . 5 0 , No. 6 (June 1 9 5 5 ) , p. 2 0 5 . 1 3 "Goldfields," Encyclopedia Canadiana. 1 9 5 8 , vol . 4 , p. 3 8 4 . 14 Frank Underbill, ed. , The Canadian Northwest: Its  Potentialities, Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 1 9 5 8 , p. 2 1 . 1 5 ¥ . Gil l ies Ross, "Knob Lake on Canada's New Frontier," Canadian Geographical Journal, vol . 5 4 , No. 6 (June 1 9 5 7 ) , p. 241. 7 4 16 Cyri l Robinson and Bert Beaver, "A House Goes To Sea," Weekend Magazine, vol . 1 0 , No. 5 (January JO, I 9 6 0 ) , p. 14. -1 7 Loc. c i t . 18 "Construction Camps Model Towns On Miami Flood Works," Engineering News-Record, vol . 81, No. 13 (September 26, 1918), p. 5 7 5 . 1 9 Tennessee Valley Authority, Department of Regional Studies, "The Trailer House: TVA's New Approach To Mobile Shelter," Architectural Record, vol . 9 3 , No. 2 (February 1 9 4 3 ) , p. 4 3 . 2 0 Queen's University, Institute of Local Government, Single-Enterprise Communities In Canada, by H. W. Walker, Ottawa, Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation, 1 9 5 3 , p. 28. 2 1 Ibid . , p. 2 9 . 2 2 Ruth C. Kaseman, "Home Means Take-Along Home To Construction Workers," Mobile L i fe , 1 9 5 9 , p. 8 . 2 3 Queen's University, op. c i t . , p. 3 1 . 24 Loc. c i t . 2 5 Ibid . , p. 9. 26 "Sherridon," Encyclopedia Canadiana, 1 9 5 8 , vol . 9, p. 2 9 7 . CHAPTER IV THE MOBILE HOME TRAILER PARK AND THE CONSTRUCTION VILLAGE - EXAMPLES OP PHYSICALLY MOBILE COMMUNITIES Permanence comes in the structures of the city, hut death comes with i t . . . . The permanence of stone and brick, which enables them to defy time, causes them also u l t i -mately to defy l i f e . Lewis Mumford If the concept of the non-permanent community is a solution for the development of communities based on a volatile mineral resource, then the problem is how to plan for non-permanence in new towns. Techniques must be dis-covered to enable town planners and community builders to achieve the non-permanent community. Communities have traditionally developed in accordance with the physiographic features of the site and situation, the economic functions carried on in the com-munity, and the living-habits of the people. Each community through i ts characteristic features contributes to the store of knowledge and experience for the development of other communities. Hence, a logical approach to discover techniques for the planning of non-permanent settlement is to study the established types of communities which possess 75 76 the features of physical mobility and f l e x i b i l i t y . Two types of physically mobile communities are common to North America: the mobile home community, and the Tennessee Valley Authority's construction village. These communities were established in response to distinct economic and social needs. The mobile home community, now becoming part of the residential fabric of metropolitan areas, was originally established to house and service a mobile labour population. The Tennessee Valley Authority's construction village was designed to facilitate relocation of the community to serve new dam construction projects. Essentially, the physical mobility of these communities l ies in the mobility of the structures of the community. Through the technique of prefabrication, the feature of portability has been embodied in buildings. This feature enables the structures to be readily relocated, and permits great f l e x i b i l i t y in the siting of the structures. This chapter is concerned with these prefabricated portable buildings and the communities in which they have been used. It deals f i r s t with the mobile home and the mobile home community, and second, with demountable housing and the Tennessee Valley Authority's construction vil lage. A brief outline of a recent innovation in panel design is included in the section on demountable housing. 77 The Mobile Home The term 'mobile home' is the modern designation for the house trai ler , t rai ler coach, or just, t ra i ler . These terms w i l l be used interchangeably in this chapter. Community planners are generally concerned with the problems posed by trai ler l iving and the large unregulated trai ler camps near the fringes of cities and towns. However, this study deals with the trailer as a unique housing unit which in i ts use in trai ler parks and trai ler towns may offer techniques of value in the planning of non-permanent mining communities. The use of house trailers in Canada is not as widespread as in the United States. Consequently, much of the material for this investigation was gained from United States national research reports, studies made by trai ler manufacturers associations, and state and municipal t rai ler studies and zoning ordinances. The study is limited to trai ler units which are used as year-round residences, and hence, excludes vacation models. The Mobile Home and Its Development The mobile home is a type of prefabricated dwelling; i t is a completely furnished housing unit as i t leaves the assembly l ine . However, the presence of wheels differentiates this prefabricated dwelling from a l l other 78 homes. These wheels enable the home owner to move his entire dwelling when his work requires i t or his interests prompt i t . The historic covered wagons of the great west--ward migration represent the f i r s t mobile homes used in North America. These stout but cumbersome vehicles were called Conestoga wagons and prairie schooners, and were pulled by horse or oxen teams.1 The covered wagon served the pioneers in a dual capacity; as temporary dwellings while travelling, and as a means of transporting personal effects to a resettlement destination. Thirty years ago, house trailers were used largely as temporary l iving quarters for vacationers. As early as 1921, tent trailers with collapsible canvas tents per-manently mounted on two-wheeled trai ler beds, were being p produced commercially. However, the early movable dwellings tents, covered wagons, lean-to-shelters and the l ike , were used primarily by transients. These dwellings were plain and harsh, and neither regarded nor intended by their occupants as a permanent type of dwelling. The function of the trailer has gradually changed from a temporary dwelling in the 1930's to a permanent or semi-permanent home in the 1950's . During the depression years of the thirties , many of the earlier house trailers served as low-cost housing for numerous families. The trai ler 79 population for 1936 in the United States is estimated at 100,000 people. During the war years of the forties, the house trailer served as emergency housing for armed services personnel. It was not until the post-war period that the house trai ler hecame an important part of the total housing stock in Canada and the United States. Trailer housing provided a ready means of housing a. migrant army of workers (with their families) needed to build dams, highways, pipelines, and to develop new mineral deposits and o i l f ie lds . In 1951» several large atomic energy plants were built by the United States Government. At the Atomic Energy Commission project sites, as many as 10,000 trailers were moved in to provide immediate housing for the construction and defence workers with their 4 families. It was at this time that the trailer industry described the use and value of the house trai ler as follows: Use of trailer coaches to mobilize defence plant forces is proving a boon i n many ways. It reduces the incidence of exorbitant rent and l iving squalor; i t eliminates needless waste of taxpayers' dollars in the erection of shoddy temporary dwellings at inflated prices; i t provides for speedier housing of workers and their families; i t boosts morale of workers who may keep their families with them in pleasant surroundings; i t reduces absenteeism and work-force turnover; i t reduces the severe drain on local economies that result from over-rapid development, of poorly built homes requiring water, sanitary systems, roads and sidewalks; i t prevents the eventual appearance of ghost-towns or slum areas of crumbling structures for when the defence work is done, the mobile home moves away.^ 80 The mobile home of today is a comparatively recent innovation, and is a compact, completely urban apartment on wheels. The trend to the permanent use of trailers as residences is shown in the definition of 'mobile home' by the Federal Housing Administration of the United States: Mobile Home: a movable l iving unit designed for year-round occupancy, sometimes termed a trailer house. 6 In 1951» less than one per cent of the completely equipped mobile homes in the United States were used for vacationing. 7 In 1958, in Canada, the Financial Post reported that 75 per cent of a l l trailers in use were of the permanent mobile home type, and that more and more trailers were coming off wheels and settling permanently g on solid foundations. Although much of the discussion in this chapter deals with the mobile home as a residential unit, the mobile home is not limited to this use. It is capable of adaption to a great number of uses. In both Canada and the United States, the mobile home has been used for such things as classrooms, branch banks, investment offices, health 9 c l inics , bunkhouses, cafeterias, and travelling l ibraries . Mobile Home Population In 1959, the estimated population of mobile home 81 dwellers in Canada was 200,000, and in the United States was over 3 m i l l i o n . 1 ^ In the United States, the principal occupational groups which have adopted mobile home l iving are: craftsmen, construction trades, and other workers (63%), military personnel (20%), retired people (10%), and business men, professionals and others ( 7 % ) « ^ In Canada, the three largest groups of users of mobile homes are con-struction workers, miners, and o i l workers. Construction 12 workers account for 60 per cent of the users in Canada. At E l l i o t Lake in Ontario, there were some 1500 mobile homes housing miners and construction workers and their families 13 in 1958. At Atikokan, Ontario, near the iron mines at Steep Rock Lake, more than 100 trai ler units are in use to 14-accommodate mining personnel. It can be readily appreciated that many of the users of mobile homes have highly specialized s k i l l s , the demand for which requires the worker to move from one jobsite to another. Recent studies in the United States have shown that the average trai ler dweller is not a transient. An eleven man study group from Harvard and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology reported that "the average trai ler 15 never moves 100 miles from where i t was bought." Other studies made of the American trailer dweller have shown that the average mobile home family consists of 2.9 persons; that average purchases by mobile home residents total more than 1200 per month, and that the average income 82 of the mobile home family exceeds the U. S. national average by $1000.1 6 The Mobile Home Unit The mobile home or house trailer was previously described as a unique housing type which combines a dwelling unit with wheels for mobility. The trai ler housing industry has had to work with r igid space limitations, and has developed a compact, quality-built type of housing.' The size of the mobile home is regulated by provincial or state statutory limits for sizes of towed vehicles. The largest units being built today are 10 feet in width and 50 feet or more in length. Some manufacturers are producing models with more than one story, and with 17 devices for expanding the l iving area of the unit. ' The basic shape of the mobile home is a rect-angle. The general layout in the conventional model places the rooms in series with connecting doors or a side corridor. 1 ^ The mobile home is complete in every respect as i t leaves the assembly line at the factory. A l l furnishings, including the major appliances are provided. Much of the furniture is b u i l t - i n or especially designed for mobile 19 home use. The mobile home contains high performance plumbing 83 and heating systems. Generally, mobile homes do not have self-contained water systems but must be connected to municipal or other auxilliary water and sewer systems. Some units have been manufactured with internal septic tanks. Heating is by o i l or gas-burning furnaces controlled by house-type thermostats; some units boast forced air underfloor heating systems. It was reported that at a large mobile home colony in Tok, Alaska, where temperatures drop to sixty-below, heating in the mobile homes is by thermostatically-controlled o i l heaters and that fuel b i l l s 20 rarely exceed ninety dollars a year. In general then, i t may be stated that the mobile 21 home is an acceptable dwelling unit . It is smaller in size than conventional housing, but compares favourably with most small-apartments. It is a quality-built structure, and i t possesses many features of conventional housing. Mobile Home Communities The mobile home community is known by several names: t rai ler court, t rai ler park, mobile home court, and mobile home park. The trailer community w i l l be referred to as a mobile home park in this study in keeping with the modern designation of mobile home. Function of the Mobile Home Park: In the recent past, the mobile home park was permitted in only the 84 commercial and industrial districts of cities and towns in North America, or else they were not permitted at a l l within the municipal l imits . The increased size and the change in function of the mobile home from that of a temporary dwelling to a permanent or semi-permanent home have changed the function of the mobile home park. The mobile home park has become increasingly residential in character to the point that some parks are now located in high density residential areas and are referred to as "horizontal apart-22 ment houses." The basic function of the mobile home park is to provide a site with sewer, water, and electrical service connections in a pleasant residential environment. In addition, the mobile home park may offer recreational f a c i l i t i e s , laundries, shopping centres, and other urban services and f a c i l i t i e s . Site Planning: The planning principles employed in the design of mobile home parks combine those in single-family subdivisions and those for multi-family projects with common fac i l i t ies and managements. However, because the mobile home is a portable structure requiring adequate space for maneuvering, the interior circulation, sanitation f a c i l i t i e s , and site requirements differ from those in other residential areas. ~ 85 In Canada and the United States, provincial, state, and municipal regulations for mobile home parks establish the maximum density of mobile homes per acre of approved site. They also establish rules for their spacing, access and driveways, f i t t ings , hardstandings, ancilliary buildings, water supply and sewerage, the scale of pro-vision of sanitary laundry drying and refuse collection. In addition to these regulations, the Federal Housing Administration in the United States prescribes minimum standards for the construction of mobile home parks which must be satisfied in order for a park management to qualify for guaranteed loans for park development. Both the Canadian Mobile Home Association and the U. S. Mobile Home Manufacturers Association are encouraging the development of mobile home parks with high standards of design and services by making available to prospective park owners design details and park plans. In general, the modern mobile home park is well located, close to a good shopping centre, fronts onto a highway or hard-surfaced road, and is served by local bus l ines. The park is well laid out in individual lots having an average area of 2420 square feet. ^ Each mobile home is parked on i ts lot in such a manner as to facilitate movement into or out of the site. In many cases, paved roads and sidewalks provide access to the individual lots . Concrete patios, street lighting, sewer and water services 86 and outlets for electricity, and possibly for telephone and television, are provided in the park. The major characteristic of the mobile home park are as follows: (a) A l l the f a c i l i t i e s are planned for development in single ownership. The streets, sewer and water systems are constructed and maintained by the park management. Street lighting, garbage collection, and provision for fire protection are normally handled by the park management. Since the land is in single ownership, lot lines, street allowances and u t i l i t y easements are theoretically not necessary. However, i t is normal practice, and is prescribed by the F .H.A. , that the mobile home park is designed along similar lines to the traditional land subdivision, and that a l l lot lines, street allowances and u t i l i t y easements are shown on detailed site plans and are located on the ground, (b) The lot area for each mobile home is typically much smaller than for a conventional single-family dwelling. The minimum lot size of 1500 square feet is prescribed by the F.H.A. regulations. The Mobile Home Manufacturers Association believes that a minimum lot size of 3000 square feet is necessary to accommodate the 24 large mobile homes being manufactured today. The result is more compact development at higher densities than conventional single-family residential development, (c) The extensive use of landscaping achieves l i v a b i l i t y in the mobile home park. Lawn areas provide attractive and 8? efficient dust and erosion-deterrent surfaces. Trees provided shade, and this is an important consideration since mobile homes have metal roofs and siding. Hedges and fence planting provide privacy for the individual mobile home owner. In addition, hedges and buffer strips screen u t i l i t y areas, and act as physical and visual barriers between the mobile home park and the adjoining land uses, (d) The super-block pattern of park layout with mobile home lots arranged in courts and double tiers along streets provides a cohesive residential unit. In addition, i t reduces the paved areas and hence, street costs. It reduces the amount of grading, destruction of existing trees, and avoids blemish of other natural site features. The F.H.A. regulations state that for a site plan, "a grid-iron layout or other regimented, unimaginative type of site planning is not acceptable where i t would result in a monotonous, unattractive development, such as on a level 25 unwooded site or on a large project." v Park Administration and Development: The mobile home park is a residential district under single management and development. It may be considered to be analogous to an apartment house, the park management acting as landlord renting to tenants. However, the analogy is limited in that the tenants are mobile home owners who may remove their dwellings, whereas the apartment dweller rents a dwelling unit which remains on the land when he moves. 88 The park management may act in several roles besides that of landowner. The management may act as post-master, or may provide commercial goods and services for sale to the park residents. These activities are in addition to the role of civic administrators in providing services, u t i l i t i e s , landscaping, and community f a c i l i t i e s . In the history of park development, private entrepreneurs have provided the bulk of the mobile home parks since i t has been a profitable enterprise. More recently, municipalities have entered the f i e l d of mobile home parks. Municipalities are going into business for themselves and are establishing mobile home parks run by 26 civic authorities. The uniqueness of the mobile home, that i s , i ts being a dwelling unit on wheels sited on rented land, has posed problems for park operators in municipal taxation. The problem stems from the time when the mobile home was not considered a home and was not taxed as such. The mobile home has only recently become occupied on a year-round basis. Consequently, in some areas, the park manager is taxed for the park as a whole, and he in turn recovers part of the tax through the monthly rentals in the park. In other areas, the municipality levies a monthly fee on each mobile home owner. However, this is incompatible with the existing forms of taxation applied to the other dwellings in the 89 27 municipality. ' The Mobile Home Manufacturers Association supports the principle that: . . . the mobile home owner and the mobile home park operator should pay their fair share of the cost of local police and fire protection, schooling and other community services. . . . this reasonable share of governmental costs should be determined for mobile home residents on the same basis as for other residents of the community.... 2g The mobile home parks that are being developed today range in size from the minimum economic number of 40 mobile home units to upwards of 150 units. Quirke Lake near E l l i o t Lake, Ontario, has a mobile home park accom-29 modating 300 mobile home units. 7 In Sarasota Bay, Florida, approximately 160 acres have been divided into 1500 mobile home sites, each of 40 feet by 60 feet .^ 0 The cost of developing these mobile home parks ranges from $1000 to 31 $1700 per trailer space. It can be readily appreciated that a large capital investment is involved in the develop-ment of a mobile home park. The Demountable House The demountable house is a prefabricated building, which, as the name implies, can be removed from its found-ations. Like a l l prefabricated structures, i t is a rationalized approach to the construction of buildings. However, i t does not differ as greatly as the mobile home in both functional design and use in residential distr ic ts . 90 The demountable house does possess the feature of port-abil i ty but to a lesser degree than the previously discussed mobile home. It i s important to distinguish the term 'temporary housing' from 'demountable housing'. The former refers to substandard or minimal standard structures which are erected for short-term use. The latter refers to housing units which can be removed at the end of use on one site, either for transfer to other more permanent sites, or for breaking up into a number of parts with some salvage value. It is inherent in the concept of a demountable structure that i t be made to a high standard of performance, that i t be constructed of inter-locking sectional panels, or panels fixed to a light structural frame. In the f i e l d of demountable housing,the United States has made several valuable contributions. An investigation was made of the technical literature and periodicals concerning the technique of demountable con-struction and its use in community development. However, the study is by no means as comprehensive as that of the mobile home. Consequently, the section which follows is limited to the work of the Tennessee Valley Authority in the development of 'sectional housing' and ' t rai ler housing' for the TVA dam construction villages, and to the more recent work of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in 91 the d e s i g n o f s t r u c t u r e s u s i n g p l a s t i c s t r u c t u r a l p a n e l s . The TVA S e c t i o n a l House The Tennessee V a l l e y A u t h o r i t y , TVA, r e q u i r e d e x t e n s i v e h o u s i n g f o r the c o n s t r u c t i o n workers on i t s many h y d r o - e l e c t r i c dam p r o j e c t s i n the Tennessee V a l l e y . The TVA c o n s i d e r e d making good p o r t a b l e houses f o r i t s c o n -s t r u c t i o n v i l l a g e s as an a l t e r n a t i v e to b u i l d i n g mere s h a c k s . I n 1934-* the TVA a r c h i t e c t u r a l s e c t i o n proposed a scheme f o r the b u i l d i n g o f a house w h i c h c o u l d be s e p a r a t e d i n t o f o u r o r f i v e s e c t i o n s each o f such dimensions t h a t i t c o u l d t r a v e l s a f e l y by t r u c k and t r a i l e r over highways f rom the f a c t o r y t o the s i t e , and f rom one s i t e t o a n o t h e r . A f t e r c o n s i d e r a b l e e x p e r i e n c e i n t r a n s p o r t i n g c o n v e n t i o n a l h o u s i n g by barge on the Tennessee R i v e r , the TVA s t a f f deve loped what i s known as the s e c t i o n a l house . The s e c t i o n a l house was d e s i g n e d i n s e c t i o n s t h a t b o l t e d t o g e t h e r l i k e the s l i c e s of a l o a f o f b r e a d , each s e c t i o n b e i n g of such w i d t h t h a t i t c o u l d be t r a n s p o r t e d over the highway w i t h o u t a s p e c i a l p e r m i t . The s e c t i o n a l house t e c h n i q u e was f i r s t used e x p e r i m e n t a l l y i n 1939 on 32 t o u r i s t c a b i n s . ^ I n 1940, s e c t i o n a l u n i t s were o r d e r e d i n q u a n t i t y and t r a n s p o r t e d by t r u c k t o the TVA dam s i t e s . The house s e c t i o n s measured 7-1/2 f t . by 22 f t . by 9 -1 /2 f t . , were o f wood frame c o n s t r u c t i o n , and weighed some t h r e e 92 33 tons. ^ The sections were built on assembly lines, and lef t the factory complete with a l l electric , heating, and plumbing equipment installed, and arrived on the site even with light bulbs and screens. During the early 1940's, several variations of the sectional house were made for war and construction workers' housing. Dormitories, recreational and other accessory buildings were constructed as sectional units. In placing the sectional units together on the site, originally ra i ls and jacks were employed to shift the section from the truck to a foundation prepared in advance. Later, the housing sections were assembled with the aid of a boom crane which l i f t e d the sections into position on the foundation. The sections were then bolted together, u t i l i t y connections made, the furniture unpacked, and within a few hours of the arrival of the sections, the house was ready for occupancy. It is significant to note that through the use of sectional housing units, on-the-site labour in house building was reduced to as l i t t l e as 5 to 10 per cent 34-of the total direct labour. The sectional house was one answer to TVA's need for shelter for construction personnel which could be removed to subsequent projects with minimum inconvenience and waste and yet with speed, and which would avoid 93 aggravating the original housing shortage at remote project sites by additional crews engaged in shelter construction. The TVA Trailer House The sections of the earlier demountable units designed by the TVA while towed behind trucks in transit bore a striking resemblance to the mobile home. In 1942, TVA began experimenting with sectional house designs which recognized the house section as a trailer and used certain aspects of t rai ler construction. Consequently, TVA turned to the trai ler manufacturing industry for construction and transportation methods to develop the TVA ' t rai ler house'. The trailer manufacturers supplied TVA with information concerning typical chassis, structural and equipment features. After some experimental designs, the undercarriage was definitely separated from the structure i t se l f and became merely a means of transport. The most c r i t i ca l deviation of the TVA trailer house from traditional trailer construction methods was that whereas the trai ler is a structurally complete unit, the t rai ler house is made of slices which become complete only when assembled with their mates. The shell of the conventional trailer possesses great r igidity due to i ts shape and all-round continuity. The structural shell of the trai ler house had to be made r ig id through the use of stressed-skin principles of plywood panel construction. 94 During transit, the matching sides of the house sections were closed up with tarpaper and battens. In the design of the trai ler house, TVA made an effort to maintain the characteristics of traditional houses. Only such deviations were permitted as were absolutely required for mobility. It is a significant fact that many of these trai ler houses were trucked as far 35 as 600 miles.^^ The TVA Construction Village Since there was no possible conversion or re-use value for many of the villages that TVA was to build for i ts construction workers, and since TVA did not wish to encourage shack towns with their attendant disadvantages, TVA planned i ts construction villages for physical mobility. In order to build mobility into these villages, TVA employed the demountable sectional and trailer house. The traditional procedure in construction camps is to scrap the villages at the end of their period of usefulness. The structures are either sold for their salvage value, or else lef t to rot and disintegrate. The TVA decision was to build planned portable communities. It was reasoned that benefits not only to the workers but also to TVA (in the increased efficiency of the labour force) could be obtained from an orderly construction 95 community with, urban f a c i l i t i e s , constructive outlets for leisure time, and the presence of families. Through the use of the demountable housing technique, TVA saw advantages in the abi l i ty to transport houses just as construction equipment was transferred, from project to project. The TVA villages, although not as elaborate as the planned permanent town of Norris that was built by TVA, possessed a l l the features of urban communities. However, they were essentially company towns. TVA owned the land on which the communities were buil t ; TVA owned and rented a l l the buildings; TVA administered the community, and TVA provided the employment for the resident labour force. Such a situation was unavoidable in view of the non-permanence of the construction villages. TVA accepted the challenge offered by the construction village, and through the use of portable housing and s k i l l f u l site planning, TVA achieved l i v a b i l i t y and an urban environment. The Sandwich Panel Design Since 1954-• the Department of Architecture of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology has been investigating plastics in an effort to help develop the unique potentials of this versatile material for use in building construction. The concept developed at M.I.T. was to design a building with prefabricated panels made of a core of relatively low density material laminated between and reinforcing two thin, 96 s t i f f skins, a sandwich panel. Made of plastics, these panels would he light in weight, easy to ship, and easy to handle and erect. An experimental design of a school structure employing this concept was undertaken at M.I.T. in 1958. The resultant plastic school house design was tailored to the standard manufacturing methods currently available, and hence, was not a school for the future. The school house was so designed as to be easily expanded, readily converted to new needs, and can be taken apart, moved to a different 36 site, and quickly re-assembled. Should this new plastic sandwich panel be suc-cessful and economic to mass-produce, the M.I.T. design wil l in essence be a fulfillment of one of the approaches suggested by Hugh Antony in 1945 to provide new housing in Britain:. To do this, f u l l advantage must be taken of mass-production methods to reduce costs. Such a plan can only be successful i f the construction is based upon a system of high performance house-sections which are erected 'meccano-wise' on site and are capable of being dismantled, renovated and re-erected either as a new house of the same shape or a different shape (the need of this f l e x i b i l i t y is important), or for use in other types of building such as farms or schools. By achieving this high salvage value in re-use, i t might be possible to combine high efficiency and good quality with a reasonable financial background.-,n 97 Summary The chief points of value derived from the previous investigation may he stated as follows: (a) The feature of physical mobility in com-munities, and conversely, physical permanence, l ies in the structures of communities. The mobile home possesses unique mobility in having wheels as an integral part of the structural design. The demountable house possesses less mobility than the mobile home in that partial-to-complete dismantlement of the structure is required prior to being loaded onto a truck for transport. (b) Both the mobile home and the demountable house are quality-built structures and form part of the stock of permanent housing in North America. The mobility of the structure i tself is looked upon as a reserve factor. These structures demonstrate that through employing new light materials and new con-struction techniques i t is possible to build mobility into the structures of the community. (c) Physical mobility is limited to the structures erected in the community. The residential 98 lots in the communities studies were serviced with sewer, water and electricity in the conventional manner. As such, the u t i l i t i e s are fixed; the structures were mobile. In the mobile home park, the u t i l i t i e s are uti l ized by subsequent mobile homes. In the TVA village, when the village was relocated, the u t i l i t i e s had to be either taken up or lef t behind. Physical planning for the mobile home com-munity and the TVA village differed l i t t l e from contemporary planning for conventional housing distr icts . The goal of creating a pleasant, healthy urban environment is common. Although the mobile home park is of high residential density, l i v a b i l i t y is achieved through the judicious use of space and the extensive use of landscaping. Site planning is of v i ta l importance in these communities where new housing designs are employed. The land in the communities studied was improved and held in single ownership. In the mobile home park, the home owner rented the land but was responsible for the relocation of his mobile home. In the TVA village, the land and buildings were owned by the Authority. The houses were rented to the TVA employees, but TVA was responsible for the relocation of the structures in the community. 100 FOOTNOTES 1 Donald 0 . Cowgill, Mobile Homes: A Study of Trailer L i fe , Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania, 1941, p. 2. 2 Elon Jessup, Motor Camping Book, New York, G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1921, pp. 137-146. 3 "Old Timers To Be Honoured At Florida Show Nov. 24-28," Trailer Topics Magazine, vol . 18, No. 11 (November 1954), p. 78. 4 C. Borth, "Rolling Homes Gather No Mortgages," Readers  Digest, vol . 61, No. 336 (October 1952), p. 62. 5 Mobile Home Manufacturers Association, Homes For The  Mobile Population, Chicago, The Association, October, 1951» p. 10. 6 United States, Federal Housing Administration, Minimum Property Requirements For Mobile Home Courts, Washington, D. C , G.P.O., January, 1957, Section 2102. 7 Mobile Home Manufacturers Association, op. c i t . , p. 11. 8 V. Lunny, "Branch Office On Wheels: New Mobility In Business," Financial Post, vo l . 52, No. 25 (June 21, 1958), p. 25. 9 Larry McKittrick, "Uses Galore For Today's Modern Mobile Homes," Mobile L i f e . 1959, pp. 30-31. 10 Canadian Mobile Home Association, News Release, Toronto, The Association, July, 1959} Mobile Home Manu-facturers Association, 1959 Mobile Home Fact Sheet, Chicago, The Association, 1959. 11 Canadian Mobile Home Association, op. c i t . 12 Lunny, op. c i t . 13 Loc. c i t . 14 Loc. c i t . 15 Quoted i n : Robert J . Stinson, "Mobile Homes - Low Cost Family Shelter," Engineering News-Record, vol . 160, No. 3 (January 16, 1958), p. 45. 16 Mobile Home Manufacturers Association, 1959 Mobile  Home Fact Sheet, pp. 1-2. 101 17 Taylor W. Meloan, Mobile Homes, Homewood, I l l i n o i s , Richard D. Irwin, Inc., 1954, p. 47, (Indiana University School of Business Study No. 37) . 18 For additional information, see: C l i f f Wilmath, "The Inside Story," Mobile Li fe , 1959, pp. 26-29. 19 Loc. c i t . 20 Canadian Mobile Home Association, op. c i t . 21 "The mobile home is a bona fide l iving unit. Although there is a great range of quality, by far the majority of modern mobile homes meet or exceed the applicable standards of minimum housing codes." This quotation is taken from the extensive study of the mobile home by Ernest R. Bartley and Frederick H. Blair , Mobile Home Parks And Comprehensive  Community Planning, University of Florida, Public Admini-stration Clearing Service, March 1, I960, (Studies in Public Administration, No. 19). 22 Mobile Homes Research Foundation, Today1s Mobile Home  Park Important To Your .Community, Chicago, The Foundation, 1959. 23 Quoted i n : M. K. Powers, Suggested Procedures For The  Establishment Of A Mobile Home Park, Chicago, Mobile Home Manufacturers Association, 1959* 24 Loc. c i t . 25 United States Federal Housing Administration, op. c i t . , Section 2401-05. 26 The municipalities of E l l i o t Lake and Atikokan, Ontario, Grande Prairie, Alberta, and Kimberley, B. C , are reported to have established municipal mobile home parks. "Industry and Association News," Mobilehomes and Trailers, vo l . 5, No. 7 (July 1959), p. 33. 27 R. D. Duke, The Taxation of Mobile Homes, (Bureau of Business Research Report No. 12), East LansTng, Michigan State University, School of Business and Public Service, 1955, P. 2. 28 ASPO, The Changing Function of Trailer Parks. (Information Report No. 84), Chicago, The Society, March, 1956, p. 15. 29 Canadian Mobile Home Association, News Release, p. 2. 30 Stinson, op. c i t . , p. 49. 102 31 Canadian Mobile Home Association, op. c i t . 32 Tennessee Valley Authority, Department of Regional Studies, "The House Trailer : TVA's New Approach to Mobile Shelter," Architectural Record, vol . 93, No. 2 (February 1943), p. 49. 33 Burnham Kelly, The Prefabrication of Houses, New York, John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1957, p. 37• 34 Loc. c i t . 35 Kelly, op. c i t . , p. 37* 36 Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Architecture, Plastic Structural Sandwich Panels In An  Elementary School, Cambridge, Massachusetts, The Institute, September, 1959» 37 Hugh Antony, Houses: Permanence and Prefabrication, London, Pleiades Books, L td . , 194-5, P» 64.' CHAPTER V THE NON-PERMANENT SINGLE-ENTERPRISE MINING COMMUNITY The solutions we seek for our cities must he based upon economic real i t ies . They must also be infiltrated with a new spi r i t . Hilberseimer In the preceding chapters, a picture was pre-sented of the mining community with- i ts major character-istics, and problems; a case was presented for a new approach to planning new mining communities, and a study was made of communities where portable housing has been employed. In this chapter, i t i s the intention to draw on these chapters to set out a solution, in terms of general principles, for the non-permanent single-enterprise mining community. Some specific experiences in the planning and administration of new towns in certain Canadian provinces form part of the proposed solution. The task of new town development is more than a mere residential development; i t is more than a method of housing the employees of a mining company. It is not the objective here, however, to set out a complete and detailed solution for the problem of establishing and developing 103 104 non-permanent new towns. Previous investigators of extractive industry communities have tackled the principles for planning new towns. Rather, i t is the objective here to set out some principles which can he used in conjunction with these previous planning principles to apply in the special cases where permanent mining towns cannot "be established. This chapter deals with the concept of the non-permanent single-enterprise mining community, the features of the physical community, and the general principles and policies for achieving the non-permanent community. The Concept The approach of planning for non-permanent mining communities was introduced in Chapter III. The concept of the non-permanent mining community is one of single-enterprise mining communities planned for physical mobility and f l e x i b i l i t y . New mining communities would be established as single-enterprise communities but would be planned to accommodate several mining enterprises should the need arise. The single-enterprise community necessarily brings to mind the attendant disadvantages of the one-industry town. These disadvantages may be reduced, i f not eliminated, through the application of principles and policies for achieving non-permanence in the community, proposed in this and in later sections of this chapter. 105 The fundamental principles of the concept of non-permanent settlement are physical mobility and f l e x i b i l i t y . These principles are discussed below in the light of the study of mobile communities in Chapter IV. Physical Mobility In theory, a non-permanent community would be a completely portable community which could be established on one site, picked up, and moved to a new site as conditions dictate. The community would contain modern urban f a c i l i t i e s and services, and would provide a desirable l iving environment. Physical relocation of the town would be speedily accomplished with a minimum of inconvenience and expense to the residents of the town. The buildings would be mobile or capable of being readily made so; the services and u t i l i t i e s would be capable of reclamation and re-use in a new townsite. It is obvious that such a community is not possible. Even i f complete physical mobility were technically possible, the concept would find l i t t l e acceptance i f i t were not based on economic reali ty . The time, labour, and capital investment necessary to relocate a community must be a major consideration. With present day conventional construction materials and techniques, i t i s almost certain that the costs of town relocation, both in dollar value and in inconvenience, would exceed the cost of establishing 106 a completely new townsite. The study of physical mobility in settlement in Chapter IV indicates that i t is possible, however, to build physical mobility into the structures of a community. Through the technique of prefabrication, a structure can be made completely mobile as in the case of the mobile home, or portable as in the case of the demountable house. Mobility did not appear to adversely affect the function of these structures. The feature of physical mobility was found to be a valuable reserve factor in permitting the structure to remain permanently on one site or to be readily relocated. The study also showed that physical mobility was limited to the structures in the communities examined. Community services and fac i l i t ies were fixed to the site, and remained behind when the community was relocated. However, the study indicated that an administrative sub-structure of single land ownership and development, and of land leasehold was basic to the physical mobility that was achieved in these communities. The foregoing techniques indicate what is pos-sible in physical mobility to achieve non-permanence in settlement. Only a limited degree of physical mobility is possible, and this is chiefly through the use of mobile or portable structures. Community u t i l i t i e s and fac i l i t ies 107 are relatively fixed. And basic to this revised concept of physical mobility are the principles of unified develop-ment and control of development to facili tate and preserve the non-permanence of the community. F lexibi l i ty The principle of f l e x i b i l i t y is an integral part of the concept of non-permanence in settlement. The feature of f l e x i b i l i t y is essential to enable the physical com-munity to adjust to the changing economic, social and physical environment. The non-permanent community wi l l be no exception to the fact that few communities remain stable or static in size and composition. The principle of f l e x i b i l i t y must therefore be built into the community through the use of a flexible development scheme. The scheme must provide space and a program for orderly expansion, contraction, or shift in character of the community, while maintaining balance in a l l the basic f a c i l i t i e s . The mining community w i l l expand to the extent that the basic resources wil l permit development. Although planned as a single-enterprise community, the non-permanent community must be capable of expansion to accommodate such functions as transportation and storage, minerals explor-ation, and additional mining activity. However, should the 108 basic mining activity terminate, the community must be able to adjust to a decrease in population and/or complete relocation; should the economic base of the community become permanent, the community be able to remain as a permanent community. This f l e x i b i l i t y in community size, structure and location necessitates physical mobility in the com-munity. In fact, physical mobility is a pre-condition for f l e x i b i l i t y . F lexibi l i ty in the siting of structures both within the same community and in a new townsite, f l e x i b i l i t y in the grouping of the structures, and flex-i b i l i t y in the type of housing accommodation to suit the family l i f e cycle — these are a l l necessary and can be achieved through the feature of mobility in the buildings of the community. The Physical Community The preceding discussion has brought into focus the concept of the non-permanent single-enterprise community. This section deals with the features of the physical com-munity which were implied in the earlier discussion. Structures It i s essential that a l l structures in the community be of a mobile nature. Temporary structures have no place in the non-permanent community. By definition, 109 they are substandard structures; they are also immobile. Experience in Canadian town development has shown that temporary structures have a way of becoming permanent. The temporary structure is therefore undesirable and incompatible with the concept of non-permanence i n settlement. Unless mobility is i n i t i a l l y built into a structure, the structure is essentially permanent. The technique of prefabrication was shown to be a method of introducing mobility and portability. The mobile home was shown to possess unique mobility; the demountable house was shown to be portable but considerably less mobile than the mobile home, with some designs requiring complete dismantle-ment. Further, these structures offered great f l e x i b i l i t y in site location. They were shown to be quality-built , to have a high performance level , and to serve year-round use as dwellings, dormitories, shops and community buildings. The use of these particular prefabricated units is not directly prescribed here. Rather, they serve to illustrate what is possible and desirable in the structures of the non-permanent community. The mobile home, andthe demountable unit embody the desired principle; the actual design employed wil l depend upon the technique and the materials used. It is well to recognize that a portable structure by i ts very nature must be smaller than buildings constructed 110 in the southern urban areas with conventional methods. In reality, this poses no problem since housing in northern areas have tended to be smaller in size, primarily for economy in heating during the winter months. Further, according to Hilberseimer, size is not wholly dependent on area, but also a matter of proportion. 1 Granted this principle and the attendant economies, smaller housing can indeed be made acceptable. U t i l i t i e s The moment that the standard of housing is raised, no matter how slightly, above the temporary accommodation provided in a camp, there are services and u t i l i t i e s that must be provided and the cost carried by the community. It was shown in Chapter IV that even in communities where portable housing was employed, reliance was s t i l l placed on u t i l i t i e s provided in the conventional manner. Sewage disposal, a supply of potable water, and provision of electrical power are of v i t a l importance to any urban community. They are demanded by city dwellers. Single-enterprise communities in the past have been endowed with a high level of services and u t i l i t i e s . These must be provided in the non-permanent community as well. Water, unless piped to the housing site, must be carried and stored in household reservoirs or obtained from I l l a household well. Sewage disposal, unless effected by a collection and disposal plant, must be by privy and cess-pool or septic tank and f i e l d t i l e . Lighting, unless by electricity, must be by lantern or gas lamp. Therefore, unless a community system of services and u t i l i t i e s is provided, the community is similar to a temporary camp without benefit of modern urban conveniences. However, the provision of modern conveniences brings immobility to the community. Fixed pipelines, pole lines, and u t i l i t y plants a l l spell permanence when con-ventional methods are employed. Technological advances may be made in sewage disposal. For instance, such devices as the AST (Atomized Suspension Technique) sewage treatment process offers some 2 interesting potentialities. It was reported that an AST reactor is being developed to handle wastes from a single household. However, household units, whether they be the AST type or a portable septic tank, wi l l require disposal of fluids to either a f i e l d drainage system, or to a sewage, collection system. Buried u t i l i t i e s are definitely less accessible than boxed surface u t i l i t i e s . The latter method of installation of u t i l i t i e s is common in northern communities where the presence of bedrock or permafrost prohibits burial of service lines. In these cases, the u t i l i t i e s may 112 "be considered to be amenable to the concept of mobility. However, with conventional materials, the re-use of these u t i l i t i e s is greatly dependent upon the capital expense required to recover the materials, and the length of useful l i f e remaining in the materials. It is possible that technological advances in materials and techniques w i l l permit greater mobility and f l e x i b i l i t y in u t i l i t y systems than is presently attainable. In accordance with the principle of f l e x i b i l i t y , the u t i l i t i e s provided in the non-permanent community must be designed to accommodate expansion, contraction or even permanence in the community. This latter requirement, in addition to the preceding limitations, indicates that the provision of u t i l i t i e s in the non-permanent community can differ l i t t l e , i f any, from the present methods of servicing communities. Site Plan The major feature of the physical design of the non-permanent single-enterprise community w i l l be i ts compact framework. The proposed use of smaller, portable structures should permit the provision of smaller residential lots in the community. This means a higher residential density and a more compact development than presently found in Canadian communities. This, in i t s e l f , may be desirable, for as various persons have noted, the new northern 113 communities have been built on the wrong concept. In particular, this criticism has been made of Kitimat^ and E l l i o t Lake. Town development at higher densities is considered desirable in areas of rugged terrain and adverse climate, and in isolated communities. An important consideration in the community design is the successful integration of physical mobility in the buildings with the physical site, without the loss of an urban environment. Much depends, of course, on the design of the structures in the community. There must be, however, a sensitivity for the physical features of the site, and a knowledge of how they may be used to advantage in community design. The road plan should take a form that is suited to the topography. Desirable site features should be pre-served, and util ized to create a unity of building and site, and community and setting. Landscaping and grouping of buildings should be employed to create l i v a b i l i t y , as was achieved in the mobile home community. In general, the new communities should not be mere subdivision transplants from the southern more temperate zones to northern wilderness settings. It is possible that the non-permanent community may find i ts greatest use in northern mining regions where natural vegetation may be lacking. In these cases, much 114 w i l l depend on the actual building designs and the grouping of buildings in order to achieve l i v a b i l i t y . In order to build f l e x i b i l i t y into the framework of the community, the site plan should permit staged develop-ment. Such a plan would facil i tate expansion through orderly extension of community services and u t i l i t i e s . Conversely, i t would ensure orderly contraction through staged relocation of the structures, while maintaining a balanced, compact community. This process may be achieved through the use of subcommunity units grouped around a town centre. The actual size of these units wi l l vary with site conditions and the anticipated community population. Such units should be of an intimate scale, with a possible size range of 20 to 50 single-family dwellings per unit. Achieving the Non-Permanent Community The preceding discussion of the physical com-munity presented several proposals for the components and structure of the non-permanent community. However, there remains the question as to how to achieve the desired development. In this section, principles and policies are proposed for the establishment, development and operation of the non-permanent community. The objective of reduction, i f not elimination, of the disadvantages of company dominance and paternalism in the single-enterprise community is 115 inherent in these proposals. •r Planning Planning must precede and continue through the developmental and operational l i f e of the non-permanent community. This is essential to the creation and preser-vation of desirable, orderly development, and to the con-tinuity of non-permanence in the community. Studies of population size, the possible functions and the spatial needs of the community are basic in planning for a new town and hardly need mention here. These studies precede the selection of the site and the preparation of a community development scheme. Planning should not be left to the resource development company as is the practice in most single-enterprise towns. In order to ensure a high standard of community planning and development, with as l i t t l e stigma of the "company town" as possible, and to ensure proper provision for and continuity of non-permanence in the com-munity, planning for the new town should be carried out by a competent planning staff. It is suggested here that the planning of new non-permanent mining communities could best be carried out by a regional planning agency. Since the non-permanent community is based on resource development — one aspect 116 of regional planning and development, the regional plan-ning agency is the best suited agency for this task. However, in the absence of regional planning agencies, the provincial planning staff should perform this function. The agency must be well-familiar with the place, the people, the problems, the nature of the economic activity, and the regional patterns of development. In order to make planning truly a part of the community as a continuing function, a resident planner should be assigned'to the community. The resident planner would act as a development officer and be concerned with the implementation of the planning scheme as well as with the revision of the scheme when necessary. The resident planner would also act as chairman of a Board of Admini-strators, the authority responsible for governing and developing the new community. The Board wil l be discussed in a later section on organization in the non-permanent community. Land Ownership Land ownership is a key tool, in conjunction with mobile structures, for achieving non-permanence in settle-ment. In the concept of non-permanent settlement, land can merely serve as a platform on which the community is developed and community l i f e takes place. The land cannot be sold, nor can i t acquire value. The basic function of 117 land is to assist capital to develop resources. Land values under private ownership represent large capital investment. They also represent unearned returns as benefits from improvements to adjacent parcels of land. Where land is i n private ownership and has acquired this value, the physical mobility and f l e x i b i l i t y in town development are reduced, i f not made impossible. Not only do inflated land values act as a deterrent to desirable physical development at the desired time, but also, Inflated values have the connotation of permanence and continuity of the same or a higher use. The principle of land leasehold must therefore be an integral part of the non-permanent community. In the mobile home community and the TVA construction villages, single land ownership and land rentals facili tated physical mobility. A policy of land leasehold is therefore proposed for the non-permanent community. Such a policy would permit town relocation by eliminating the conflict with private land interests, and i t would facil i tate community adjustments, those including expansion and contraction. Leases would in effect be for an indefinite time; however, they would include provisions for an upward renegotiation of the contract to be made by the Board of Administrators at certain intervals. Leases would terminate in the event 118 of town relocation and the land would revert to the Grown. In a l l probability, new mining communities in Canada wil l be developed on Crown land. As was stated above, in the relocation of these communities, the land in the townsites would revert to the Crown. Hence, i t is proposed that the ownership of land in the non-permanent community should remain under the Crown. The non-permanent community should be incor-porated under special provincial or federal legislation as a "leasehold corporation" with jurisdiction over a specified land area. The corporation would be empowered to sub-5 sequently lease land in the community. Home Ownership The principle of individual home ownership is proposed for the non-permanent community. In Chapter II, i t was pointed out that the role of the resource development company as landlord makes for poor labour relations, and that many mining companies are following policies of pro-moting individual home ownership. This policy should be uti l ized in the non-permanent single-enterprise mining community. The role of the mining company is properly that of mineral exploitation. The pre-eminence of the mining company may be reduced in the community through private home ownership, a policy which in a l l probability would be accompanied by community pride on the part of the residents 119 of the community. To relieve the mining company of the need to provide new housing in the community, housing should he provided and administered hy the Board of Administrators. The Board would he responsible to contract for delivery of homes to the townsite, their sale, rental and/or repurchase within the new town. A repurchase scheme is essential to permit population mobility in isolated mining communities. Housing could serve as an effective device in achieving the desired community development scheme. The placing of housing under some form of municipal control would ensure a continuity in the provision of housing, as well as maintain a high standard of performance in the type of structure permitted in the community. Housing, therefore, should be one of the administrative functions of the Board of Administrators. Organization Continuity of administration and control are essential to the success of the non-permanent community. The organization of the government and administration of the new town is therefore an important consideration. The incorporation of the community as a leasehold corporation was discussed under a preceding discussion of land ownership. The corporation should be established 120 upon application by a mining enterprise, followed by a recommendation of the provincial planning agency. The i n i t i a l organization for establishing and developing the non-permanent community should be a Board of Administrators. This Board would supplant the mining company as town builder in most mining towns built in the past. The Board should be composed of appointed representatives of the Provincial Government and the mining company concerned. A resident planning officer from the regional or provincial planning agency should act as chairman of the Board. The Board should have five members, two being representatives of the Province, two from the mining company, and the resident planning officer. The Board would not necessarily undertake town development i t se l f , but rather make contracts for the installation of services and u t i l i t i e s , and pro-vide for and administer the construction of buildings in the community. This appointed Board would serve only as a transitional form of organization during the development period of the new community. Once the townsite is established, the appointed board should be replaced by an elected council. The planning function and the housing function of the Board of Administrators would be absorbed into the administrative structure of the permanent organization. Hence, these would continue through the operational l i f e of the community. 121 Rather than replace the appointed Board of Administrators in one stage, i t i s proposed that half of the members be replaced in two consecutive years by elected members. In this manner, the impact of transition would be reduced, and the experience of the appointed members would be passed on to the newly elected Board members. This procedure was carried out successfully in the Local Admini-strative District of Yellowknife in the Northwest Ter-r i tor ies .^ The incorporated municipal area should include more than the townsite proper in order to provide room for growth and to permit control over development in the sur-rounding territory. Effective extra-territorial control is essential to prevent undesirable squatter communities and to preserve the non-permanence of the community. To control sporadic development in the new town of E l l i o t Lake, an area of some 396 square miles was set aside as the Improve-ment District of E l l i o t Lake. The E l l i o t Lake townsite proper covers an area of only 8 square miles . 7 The powers of municipal taxation in the extra-territory w i l l be dis-cussed in the following section on finance in the non-permanent community. The general principles of organizational structure in the non-permanent community have been outlined. The actual form and scale of the administrative structure w i l l 122 necessarily vary from province to province and town to town. The powers of the incorporated non-permanent town should he set out in either a mining communities' act of the legislature, a section of the Municipal Act, or the particular acts of incorporation. The provision of a mining communities' act would provide a common basis for establish-ment of non-permanent communities. A clause should be included in such legislation whereby the status of the community could be changed to that of a permanent community, subject to the approval of the regional and provincial planning agencies. Finance At the outset, i t is important to recognize that the single-enterprise mining community exists to serve the resource development company. It is therefore reasonable that the mining company should provide the major financial support for the new community. In the following discussion of financing for the non-permanent community, financial policies are set out separately for the two stages of i n i t i a l development and continuing operation. Development Stage: In establishing a new town, there are two main groups of necessary investment, these being improvements and housing. In the new town, the entire sewer, water, 123 electrical , transportation and recreational fac i l i t ies must be provided within a short period of time. It is a good policy to have these fac i l i t ies developed prior to the actual occupancy of the townsite. However, considerable capital is needed for this development. For instance, the cost of municipal fac i l i t ies for 3000 housing units in the o new town of E l l i o t Lake was reported to be $23 mill ion. Based on these costs, a community of 300 houses would require $2.3 million for municipal f a c i l i t i e s , assuming the same density of development and level of services. In the Province of Manitoba, the resource development company is required to supply the i n i t i a l capital and to undertake the installation of community 9 u t i l i t i e s . This principle can be applied in the non-permanent town and modified as follows: (a) Municipal improvements should be installed by a separate agency experienced in town development. The Board of Administrators should make the necessary contract for the townsite improvements with either private contractors or with the Provincial Department of Public Works. In the Province of Quebec, the provincial government has under-taken development work in the new town of Chibougamau.1^ (b) The i n i t i a l capital outlay for the development of the townsite should be made by the Province. This capital would be paid back, both principal and interest, 124 by the mining company over a period of five years, or a period of 50 per cent of the economic l i f e of the proven resource, whichever is the shorter. The capital can then come from the returns of the mining operation rather than pose as a prerequisite to mine and townsite development. A similar policy was proposed for the financing of new mining townsites in the Province of Manitoba. 1 1 The financing of housing in the non-permanent community poses a slight problem. The element of physical mobility provides for the re-use of the buildings, and hence a high salvage value is placed on the housing. However, the absence of land as collateral under a system of lease-hold prevents normal financing under the provisions of the National Housing Act. Section 40 of the Act does provide for direct loans to such persons as are not able to obtain loans from private lending institutions. It would appear that the financing of housing in the non-permanent mining community would be done under this section of the Act. To avoid the company-town environment, the mining company should not provide housing in the non-permanent community, other than a few necessary units for company use. Rather, i t is proposed that the Board of Administrators provide housing in the community. The Board of Admini-strators would contract for the housing under specifications in agreement with the Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation and the requirements for physical mobility. These units 125 would then be sold to private owners who would either relocate their own houses, or be merely leased to the residents should the residents so desire. Operation: Once the townsite is established, there wi l l be annual operating expenses in the town. In more permanent communities, the revenue to pay for these expenses comes from: land sales, land taxes, licences and fees, provincial grants, and possibly, municipal enter-prises. However, in the non-permanent community, the revenue wil l in the main be restricted to leases and pro-vincial grants. In addition, the municipality wil l also receive payment from the mining company in l ieu of taxes, should the mine plant l ie outside of the incorporated area. The non-permanent community would qualify for the provincial grants-in-aid for schools and social welfare. It w i l l also obtain some revenue from the sale of u t i l i t i e s and services. The community wi l l receive a contribution from the mining company under one of the following suggested methods: (a) By extending the powers of taxation of the municipality to cover the physical plant of the mining company. (b) By charging the mining company a f lat annual 12 rate per company employee l iving in the community. 126 (c) By setting up a formula for annual payments to the community as a percentage of the town's operating expenses, after the costs of schools and operation of 13 u t i l i t i e s are deducted. It is not the purpose here to discuss in detail the merits of each of these methods, hut rather to point out that there are methods by which the single-enterprise community may obtain revenue to defray the annual operating costs. 1 2 7 FOOTNOTES 1 Hilberseimer states that: "If we want to create spaciousness in a comparatively small room, we must think of the size, shape, and arrangement of the windows; of the size and particularly the height of the furniture and i ts arrangement. Light colours make small rooms seem larger; dark colours make them look smaller. A competent architect can make relatively small rooms look larger." L. Hilberseimer, The New City:-Principles of Planning, Chicago, Paul Theobald, 1944, p. 76. 2 "Sewage Atomizer For Every Home?" Financial Post, vol . 54, No. 2 (January 9, I 9 6 0 ) , p. 28. 3 Claude Langlois, L'Amenagement Pes Vil les A Industrie  Extractive Du Subarctique, Poctoral Thesis, McGill University, 1 9 5 7 » pp. 284-285. 4 Norman Pearson, "El l iot Lake: Experiment In Conformity," Town and Country Planning (May 1959), p. 2 0 2 . 5 It i s important to note that there is a problem in the leasing of Crown land, namely, that the Crown cannot be bound by its subjects. Therefore, i t must be clearly spelled out in the enabling legislation that leases and community development schemes and regulations shall apply only to Corporate and private interests, and not to the Crown. 6 Queen's University, Institute of Local Government, Single-Enterprise Communities In Canada, by H. W. Walker, Ottawa, Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation, 1 9 5 3 , P. 73. 7 Henry Sears, "Report On E l l i o t Lake," Journal of the  Royal Architectural Institute of Canada, vol . 35 (October 1 9 5 8 ) , p. 391. : 8 Robert J . Stinson, "Mobile Homes - Low Cost Family Shelter," Engineering News-Record, vol . 160, No. 3 (January 16, 1 9 5 8 ) , p. 4 7 . 9 Manitoba, Pepartment of Industry and Commerce, Economic  Survey of Northern Manitoba, by Arthur P. L i t t l e , Inc., Cambridge, Mass., 1 9 5 8 , p. 148. 1 0 Claude Langlois, "Out Mining Towns: A Failure?" Community Planning Review, vol . 7, No. 1 (March 1 9 5 7 ) , p. 5 4 . 128 11 Manitoba, op. c i t . , p. 153. 12 A current policy in the Province of Manitoba. See: Manitoba, op. c i t . , p. 150. 13 Loc. c i t . CHAPTER VI CONCLUSION This concluding chapter serves a twofold purpose. It deals f i r s t with a summary of the material and proposals presented in this study, and second, with an appraisal of the proposed approach of non-permanent communities — in particular, i ts limitations and value. Summary The major purpose of this study was to investigate the concept of "planned non-permanent single-enterprise mining communities" as an approach to the planning of new mining townsites in Canada. This approach was examined because of the basic problems facing mining communities, namely the volatile nature of the basic mineral resource, and the uncertainties in the mineral industry i t s e l f . In the past, the lack of recognition of these problems in town-site development has produced "shack towns" and "ghost towns". The approach of the non-permanent community is proposed as an alternative to other planning approaches that have been tried or suggested — permanent single-enterprise towns, regional centres, and mining centres. 129 130 The concept advanced in this study was developed from the findings of surveys of established mining communities, and communities where physical mobility has been an integral consideration in community design. It is the purpose of this section to review in summary the development of the proposed approach of non-permanent communities. A preliminary discussion of the mining industry in Chapter I presented the features of the basic economic activity of the mining community. The mining industry was shown to be based on a non-renewable resource, a condition which limits the l i f e of a wholly dependent community. Further, the mining industry was shown to be characterized by risk and uncertainty. These characteristics necessarily condition the development of the mining community. This preliminary picture of the mining industry provided a basis for an appreciation of the characteristics and problems of mining communities, in particular the single-enterprise community, that were presented in Chapter II . The chief characteristics of the single-enterprise mining com-munity were found to be: a volatile economic base, remote location, company dominance in community l i f e , a permanent urban character, and a high level of modern community f a c i l i t i e s . The major problems of the community were found to be: the prevention of waste in abandoned communities, the need for permanence and stability in the population, the 131 need for pre-planning and control of town development, as well as control of development in the region surrounding the community, and the need for adequate provision and control of housing in the. community. To complete the picture of the mining community, the Canadian legislation concerning new towns and mining communities was reviewed. The common features of the legislation were: the trend away from the Company town, the trend to planning and control i n mining town development, and the trend to an i n i t i a l appointed government to establish and develop the new com-munity with provision for a later elected town-council form of government. In Chapter III, the case for an alternative approach to the planning of new mining communities was presented. The objectives of planning for new towns were discussed as a basis for an assessment of the planning approaches for new town development. The approaches of permanent regional service centres and multi-enterprise towns were shown to be rational solutions for town develop-ment where conditions favoured permanent settlement. In mining areas where diversified permanent settlement is not possible, the approach of non-permanent settlement was pro-posed as an alternative. Such an approach would permit the development of a desirable urban community without the legacy of a deserted community when the mine expires. To give support to such a concept, case studies were cited 132 where physical mobility and f l e x i b i l i t y have been employed in the relocation of established communities. In order to discover techniques and principles which could be adopted and/or modified and applied to non-permanent mining communities, an investigation was made in Chapter IV of the mobile home and the demountable house and their use in community development. The study of the mobile home-trailer park and the TVA construction village yielded several techniques and principles which were sub-sequently modified and incorporated in the concept of the non-permanent community. It was found that a basic administrative structure was essential to achieving physical mobility and f l e x i b i l i t y in these communities. In Chapter V, the concept, physical components, and basic principles and policies for planning and admini-stering the non-permanent single-enterprise mining com-munity were presented. The new town would serve one or more mining operations, would be located near the mining activity, and would possess the feature of physical mobility and f l e x i b i l i t y to facili tate the relocation of the town should the mining operation terminate. Should the basic economy sustain permanent settlement, the community could remain as a permanent town on the original site. The two principles of physical mobility and f l e x i b i l i t y were shown to be part and parcel of the concept of non-permanence in 133 settlement. The proposed non-permanent community is a compact urban community in which the structures possess the feature of mobility but the u t i l i t i e s and eonimunity services are essentially fixed and immobile. This latter condition is necessary to satisfy the desired principle of f l e x i b i l i t y in community development, given present-day construction materials and techniques. It is possible that future technological advances may permit complete mobility and f l e x i b i l i t y in town development. The principles and policies proposed to achieve the non-permanent community are summarized below: (a) Pre-planning of the new town and a continuing planning function throughout community development and operation to achieve the desired community development and to ensure the continuity of non-permanence in the community. (b) The ownership of land in the community retained by the Crown. The community would be incorporated as a leasehold corporation. The use of land leasehold would facili tate and preserve the non-permanence of the community. (c) The administration and provision of housing by the Board of Administrators of the community rather than by the mining company, and houses would be sold, rented, and repurchased by the Board to community residents. The Board would control the type and quantity of housing in the 134 community, and hence, ensure the feature of mobility in the structures of the community. (d) A transitional form of community organization to facil i tate the establishment and development of the new town, consisting of five appointed members, representing the Province and the mining company as. the Board of Admini-strators. The appointed Board would be replaced by an elected town council once the town is established and incorporated. A resident planner from the Provincial or regional planning agency would chair the appointed Board of Administrators during the development period. (e) The community development can be financed i n i t i a l l y by the Province, which in turn w i l l be repayed by the mining company during the operational l i f e of the mine. Housing provided by the Board of Administrators can be financed through direct N.H.A. loans, under Section 40 of the N.H.A. Act, administered by the Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation. The annual operating expenses of the community wi l l largely come from provincial grants and annual payments from the mining company. Appraisal of the Approach A study of this nature is incomplete without an assessment of the shortcomings as well as the benefits of the proposed concept and general approach; Further, since 135 the study has dealt heavily with the physical community, there are obvious weaknesses, primarily in the need for supporting studies in the social implications of physical non-permanence in communities. The limitations and the value of the proposed approach of non-permanent mining communities are therefore briefly discussed in the following sections. Limitations In the short space of this study, i t is impossible to cover in detail a l l the questions which would arise in the course of non-permanent community development. Some of these* however, are discussed below. The f i r s t limitation is concerned with the physical mobility in the structures of a community. Essentially, the concept hinges on the re-use value of the structures, that i s , relocation as opposed to desertion and eventual disintegration of the structures in the form of a ghost town. Technically, a completely mobile town is not possible. There may be population mobility, and there may be structural mobility. However, the population of the community require services and u t i l i t i e s and these are essentially fixed to the land on which the community is established. Hence, the non-permanent community i s a 136 community of limited mobility. At present in Canada, there are no standards for the construction and design of mobile or t rai ler homes. Although the use of the mobile home is not precisely prescribed in this study, this fact is of importance. This w i l l necessarily be the case for any innovation in con-struction and design. Therefore, there must be an established building code which employs performance standards that wi l l permit the use of new materials and construction techniques. This is a necessary precondition for 'mobile' home con-struction, as well as for widespread acceptance and use of these structures. Further, there is no production of 'mobile' homes in Canada except for trailers and various types of pre-fabricated structures. The 'mobile' home would be a factory-produced structure, and for economy, would be mass produced. Hence, a 'mobile' home industry must be developed prior to the establishment of the non-permanent community, a situation which may ca l l for government participation to initiate the industry. A second limitation is that the approach of non-permanent communities is valid only where there is staged and co-ordinated regional development. The non-permanence of the community enables i t to be relocated to serve new mining activities when previous ones terminate. This demands 137 that there be long range planning for mineral resources such that new mines are brought into production when others expire and thereby requiring the provision of the original town. This i s also a pre-condition for the approach, and demands much more co-ordination and co-operation of the mining companies with the provincial governments and the regional planning agencies than exists at present. Also on the regional level , there is need for a developed ground transportation system. A regional r a i l and road system is essential for the movement of structures into the region, and over long distances within the region. However, the structures may be moved from one townsite to another by means of skids and tractor train over frozen ground in the winter. A regional road pattern would permit relocation at any time during the year. A third limitation to the approach is that new mining operations are not necessarily undertaken by the original mining enterprise. There are possible conflicts here in that the employees of one company would not neces-sarily be hired by a subsequent company, primarily because of: age and health requirements for pension schemes, the scale of mining operation, and differing union membership. However, with the provision of a civic housing agency, the residents would be able to sel l their houses and be free to seek employment elsewhere. The new employees would then rent 138 or purchase the house from the agency. The fourth limitation of the approach is in the sociological area. No account has been taken of the social acceptance of physical mobility in community development. There may be a great problem in successfully integrating physical mobility and f l e x i b i l i t y with a socially acceptable l iving environment. The social implications of such an approach must therefore be carefully gauged before embarking on a programme.of non-permanence. It is known that there is considerable residential mobility today that is popu-lation movement within and between communities, especially in single-enterprise communities. Since, the object is not to promote residential mobility or unstable households, i t is essential that further study be made of the social implications of the approach. The needs, attitudes, and l iv ing habits of the population l iving and l ikely to live in mining communities w i l l condition the degree of mobility that can be built into new mining communities. A further social element that must be considered in applying the concept of non-permanence to settlement, is the abil i ty of a non-permanent community to retain a retired population. Elderly residents may not be able to stay in. -the community in view of the need for mobility and the relocation of the community. If these people depart from the community, there w i l l not be a normal population 139 cross-section in the community. However, i t may be pos-sible for retired residents to own homes in the community and to take active part in the affairs of the community, and to move with the town when i t is relocated. Value The value of the proposed approach of non-permanent communities is discussed in this section in terms of the benefits to be gained in the fields of economic development, regional planning, and community planning. One of the major objectives of economic develop-ment is to increase production with a resultant increase in opportunities for employment and consumption by the popu-lation. The economist would view town development and the provision of housing as contributing directly to income through faci l i tat ing development. The provision of good l iving conditions in a community does not necessarily increase production, and in fact, may absorb capital which could be applied more productively elsewhere. However, the approach of providing non-permanent mining communities does have value in both the long run and short run in economic development. The provision of a townsite is an essential co-operant resource in making a natural mineral resource an economic resource. In the long-run picture, the approach 140 provides continuity in employment in the mining industry when used in conjunction with staged mineral exploitation. The approach would permit the maximum util ization of the mineral resources of a region through this staged develop-ment of resources. The approach also would permit the entry of mining companies into production without the high i n i t i a l capital investment required in townsite development, a short-run benefit; and without the waste or loss of capital through the abandonment of the structures of the mining community, a long-run benefit. A community having a high re-use value would free capital that would have been required to build a new community for use in the development of additional mining activity. The chief value of the approach in regional planning is the provision of a flexible regional settlement pattern. The settlement pattern arising from pure resource develop-ment may not be the best pattern for permanent regional development. In mining areas, the unseen resource makes d i f f i c u l t the prediction of trends and location of develop-ment, and to plan a permanent town where there is l i t t l e possibility for a long community l i f e i s , by definition, not good regional planning. The approach of non-permanent communities provides a tool for coping with situations where permanent regional centres may not be possible. A non-permanent community would be established to accommodate the personnel of a resource development company. Upon 141 termination of the resource activity, the town would be moved to a new location and re-established or absorbed into a permanent community more favourably situated. Such a tool would avoid the development of a regional pattern of shack towns and eventual ghost towns which has been a common feature of development to date. At the same time, i t would permit the development of a desirable settlement pattern. In this way, the extractive industry community need not prejudice the pattern of permanent settlement. The value in community planning is chiefly that planning would be extended to a l l mining communities, and that planning would be a continuing function in townsite administration. Planning would provide the best possible l iving environment with the elimination of the disadvantages of the Company town. Community planning would be carried out by professional planners experienced in new town develop-ment. Through the implementation of a community development scheme, there would be orderly development with the pre-vention of undesirable townsite and extra-territorial development. Further, the approach of non-permanent communities would permit the development of social contacts within the community which need not be lost when the mine expires since the community as a whole would be transferred to a new site. The approach would permit the preservation and continuity of these social values and community friend-ships which would normally be broken and lost with the termination of the mining activity. BIBLIOGRAPHY Books Antony, Hugh. Houses: Permanence and Prefabrication. London, Pleiades Books L t d . , 1945. Cowgill, Donald 0. Mobile Homes: A Study of Trailer L i f e . Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania, 1941. Hilberseimer, L. The New City: Principles of Planning. Chicago, Paul Theobald, 1944. Jessup, Elon. Motor Camping Book. New York, G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1921. Kelly, Burnham. The Prefabrication of Houses. New York, John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1957• Meloan, Taylor, W. Mobile Homes. Homewood, 111., Richard D. Irwin, Inc., 1954. (Indiana University School of Business, Study No. 37). Michelon, L. C. How to Build and Operate A Mobile-Home Park. Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1959 (copyright 1955). Taylor, P. M. Prom The Ground Up. Toronto, McGraw-Hill, 1948. 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Encyclopedia Canadiana, 1958, vol . 10, P. 391. Theses Clegg, E. T. Single Enterprise Community of Settlements. M. Sc. Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1958. Langlois, Claude. L'Amenagement Des Vil les A Industrie  Extractive Du Subarctique. Doctoral Thesis, McGill University, 1957. Ridge, F. Gerald. General Principles for the Planning of  Sub-Arctic Settlements. Doctoral Thesis, McGill University, 1953. Correspondence Campbell, J . Ed . , Director, Division of Reservoir Pro-perties, Tennessee Valley Authority, Knoxville, Tennessee, January 15, I960. Connelly, A. B. , Chief, Engineering Division, Northern Administration Branch, Canada, Department of Northern Affairs and National Resources, Ottawa, February 18, I960. Goody, Marvin E . , Assistant Professor of Architecture, Department of Architecture, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Cambridge, Massachusetts, January 26, I960. Henderson, David G. , Associate Planner, Province of Manitoba Planning Service, Winnipeg, Manitoba, January .25, I960. Hunt, Geo., Chief Information Officer, Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation, Ottawa, January 19, I960. Marchant, Renee, Canadian Mobile Home Association, Toronto, September 24, 1959. Ortner, G. S., Assistant Manager, Personnel Division, The Consolidated Mining and Smelting Company of Canada Limited, T r a i l , January 15, I960. Powers, Marshall K. , Director, Park Division, Mobile Home Manufacturers Association, Chicago, September 15, 1959. 


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