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UBC Theses and Dissertations

A study of the German Lutheran and Catholic immigrants in Canada, formerly residing in Tzarist and Soviet… Heier, Edmund 1955

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A S T U D Y O P T H E G E R M A N L U T H E R A N A N D C A T H O L I C I M M I G R A N T S I N C A N A D A , F O R M E R L Y R E S I D I N G I N T Z A R I S T A N D S O V I E T R U S S I A b y E D M U N D H E I E R A T H E S I S S U B M I T T E D I N P A R T I A L F U L F I L M E N T O F T H E R E Q U I R E M E N T S F O R T H E D E G R E E O F M A S T E R O F A R T S i n t h e D e p a r t m e n t o f S l a v o n i c S t u d i e s W e a c c e p t t h i s t h e s i s a s c o n f o r m i n g t o t h e s t a n d a r d r e q u i r e d f r o m c a n d i d a t e s f o r t h e d e g r e e o f M A S T E R O F A R T S • M e m b e r s o f t h e D e p a r t m e n t o f S l a v o n i c S t u d i e s . T H E U N I V E R S I T Y O F B R I T I S H C O L U M B I A A p r i l , 1955 A STUDY OF THE GERMAN LUTHERAN AND CATHOLIC IMMIGRANTS IN CANADA, FORMERLY RESIDING IN TZARIST AND SOVIET RUSSIA ABSTRACT After Empress Katherine II of Russia issued a Mani-festo i n 1763, inviting European settlers to Russia, a sub-stantial number of Germans immigrated and settled, with special privileges, on the l e f t and right hand banks of the lower Volga River. The Napoleonic wars temporarily stopped this f i r s t influx of Germans into Russia. With the beginning of the 19th century, a second immigration of Germans started to Russia, which resulted in the foundation of numerous Ger-man settlements i n the Black Sea region. The high birth rate amongst the German settlers soon made a land shortage appar-ent with the result that sister colonies were founded i n Siberia and Central Asia. Although the German settlers were on a low level "culturally, they progressed economically and when compared to their Russian neighbors, the Germans were a prosperous group. The Revolution of 1917 i n Russia brought about tremendous changes i n the German colonies, nevertheless the colonists remained residing in their original settlements u n t i l World 2 War I I . With the outbreak of the Second World War, the Volga Germans were termed "unreliables" and were resettled to Siber-i a . The Black Sea Germans, since that area was occupied by-German forces,, were repatriated to Germany. As early as 1#74, when the German colonists* p r i v i -leges were curtailed i n Russia, an immigration to overseas countries had. started. The period from 1874 to World War I, marked their f i r s t immigration to Canada. As the Russian-Germans were a rural people, they settled exclusively i n the three prairie provinces of Canada. They settled according to their religious faith although their settlements i n Canada were sporadic when compared to the close, dense settlements in Russia. The period between World War I and World War II marked the second immigration of Russian-Germans to Canada. Very few of these immigrants became farmers, the majority of them settled in the c i t i e s . After World War II the third im-migration period started. These Russian-German immigrants were o'f the group who were resettled to Germany during the Second World War. The economic success i n Canada culturally elevated the entire Russian-German group. They were leaderless and lacked a national feeling. These two factors caused the ra-pid adoption of Canadian culture by the Russian-Germans. While the adult immigrants have only reached a level of 3 adjustment, their children, who are Canadian born and edu-cated, no longer differ from any of their fellow Canadians. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I wish to express my sincere thanks to the members of the Slavonic Studies Department at the University of British Columbia, for their numerous suggestions and advice. I am also indebted to the British Columbia Youth Foundation who by t'heir generosity have made the completion of this thesis possible. I owe much to those who have so willingly furnished me with valuable information for this work. TABLE OP CONTENTS PART I THE GERMANS IN RUSSIA PAGE Chapter I. German Settlements In Russia . .1 I. Statistics and Distribution of German Settlements II. Settlement of the Volga Region III. Settlements near Petersburg-Leningrad IV. Settlement of the Black Sea Region Chapter II. General Development U n t i l World War 1 21 I. Land Question and Economic Development II. State Administration III. Self-Government i n the Colonies IV. Educational System V. Religion in the Colonies VI. Characteristics and Cultural Aspects VII. Internal Migration and Sister Colonies Chapter III. The Colonists Between the World Wars... 62 I. World War I and the Imperial Ukas of 1915 II. The March Revolution of 1917 III. October Revolution and Self-Determination IV. Economic Aspects V. Religion i n the Colonies VI. German National Schools and Culture Chapter IV. Resettlement and Repatriation During World War II 84 I. The Eve of World War II I I . Liquidation of the Volga German Republic III. Black Sea Colonies Under German Occupation IV. Repatriation from the German Occupied Territory PART.II RUSSIAN-GERMANS IN CANADA Chapter V. Immigration into Canada. I. - - - • -I I . III. IV. Canadian Immigration Policy i n Brief Immigration into Canada 187^-191^ Second Immigration 1920-193^ Third Immigration into Canada -After World War II PAGE Chapter VI. Statistics and Distribution of Russian-Germans In Canada 129 I. Statistics of Russian-Germans i n Canada II. Distribution of the Russian-Germans in Canada Chapter VII. Economic, Social, and Cultural Development.155 I. Economic Development II . Religion III. Education IV. Press and Literary Publications V. German Societies in Western Canada Chapter VIII. Adjustment and Assimilation i n Canada......182' Bibliography ,187 TABLES Table I. Table I I . Table III. Table IV. Table V. Table VI. The Original Volga Colonies General Statistics of the Black Sea Area Distribution of Religious Denominations i n the Black Sea Area Colonies Pounded by Russian-Germans in I896 Immigration from Russia for the Years 1920-1929 Total Immigration from Russia according to Country of Birth and Racial Origin Table VII• Odessa Village School Attendance MAPS Map I. A.S.S.R. of the Volga Germans Map II. Colonies i n the Black Sea Area Map III. Russian-German Colonies i n Western Canada INTRODUCTION This dissertation i s an attempt to present the his-tory of the German Lutheran and Catholic immigrants in Cana-da who had formerly resided i n Tzarist and Soviet Russia. The Immediate purpose of this work, however, i s to determine the present extent of adjustment or assimilation of these Russian-Germans in Canada. Religious groups such as the Mennonltes, Hutterites, and other reformed sects, although they are Russian-Germans, have not been discussed i n this work. Extensive written research has already been executed i n regard to the mentioned religious groups. References have been made to these groups only inasmuch as they had an imme-diate bearing on the main theme of this study. The thesis consists of two Parts; Part I deals with the group i n Russia, Part II deals with the group i n Canada. Part I contains the his t o r i c a l background of the Russian-Ger-mans, with which knowledge we are enabled to have a greater insight into their present behavior. Part II contains the immigration of the Russian-Germans to Canada, their develop-ment In Canada, and their present status as Canadians. Throughout my work and research, I have been guided by Walter Kuhn's "theory of a language island" (a minority; i i group i n the midst of other nationals). The theory is a pro-duct of a study of a l l the German minority groups i n the world and expounded i n his book entitled, Deutsche Sprachlnsel- forschung. Geschichte, Aufgaben. Verfahren. The theory presents a pattern according to which a minority group develops. As a substantial number of the same ethnic group settle i n one area, they form a language island. Economic success or failure causes class differentiations, i.e. r i c h and poor farmers. A class of workers and craftsmen also emerges. Later the group develops a class of i n t e l l i -gentsia, consisting of teachers, pastors, doctors, etc. Last-ly a city group is founded. The foundation of a city group marks the cultural advancement which is obtained while draw-ing from the non-nationals. It is this f i n a l state which starts the process of assimilation within the Isolated lang-uage Island. The material used i n this study has been manifold. The hi s t o r i c a l background of the Russian-Germans has been ob-tained from literature. Further history and development of the group has been obtained by f i e l d work and personal con-tact with Russian-Germans who have recounted their past from Russia and their pioneering days i n Canada. An exclusive work about the Russian-Germans i n Canada has never been pub-lished i n Canada or abroad. Historical sketches of individ-ual colonies in Canada were of extreme value. The most i l l outstanding work in which the Russian-Germans were extensive-ly treated was Heinz Lehmann's Das Deutschtum In Westkanada. C. H. Dawson's book entitled Group Settlement» Ethnic Commun- it i e s i n Western Canada, was also of great value although he shows no differentiation as to the origin of the Germans i n Canada. PART I THE GERMANS IN RUSSIA CHAPTER I GERMAN SETTLEMENTS IN RUSSIA I . STATISTICS AND DISTRIBUTION OF GERMAN SETTLEMENTS The Germans i n Russia did not belong to the numerous national groups which were subjugated by force to the Tzarist regime, as were the peoples of the Caucasus, those of Central Asia, and many others. As settlers with tolerable rights, they were invited by the Imperial government for reasons of 18th and 19th century state policy, to settle in the wild or partially cultivated regions of Russia. This led to numerous closed German farm settlements. In addition to the German farmers, there was an ex-tensive group of Germans who lived in the c i t i e s , especially the main cities of European Russia during the 19th century. These people migrated to Russia individually where sk i l l e d services were In great demand, and most of them were to a greater or lesser degree absorbed by the Russian population. Before World War I almost two and a half million Germans were resident in the Russian Empire. The separation of the Western areas from Russia, i.e. the Baltic States, Gallcia, Bukovina and Bessarabia, a l l strongly German, re-duced the number according to the Soviet census in 1926 to 2 1.,238,1*86. The Germans were thus c l a s s i f i e d as the t h i r t e e n t h l a r g e s t n a t i o n a l group i n the S o v i e t Union. Of these 1,-053,486 were c l a s s e d as r u r a l and 184,769 as urban. From 1763 t o about I850, German c o l o n i s t s migrated a t d i f f e r e n t times and from v a r i o u s areas o f Germany and had e s t a b l i s h e d the s o - c a l l e d 'Mutterkolonlen' or main c o l o n i e s . . These main c o l o n i e s were founded by s e t t l e r s who came d i r e c t -l y from Germany. Only l a t e r i n the n i n e t e e n t h century were numerous s i s t e r c o l o n i e s founded. The S o v i e t census of 1926 shows the f o l l o w i n g numbers of c o l o n i s t s f o r the v a r i o u s r e -gions '.^  1. V o l g a German R e p u b l i c - 379,000. 2. Germans i n the adjacent p r o v i n c e s of Ast r a c h a n , Saratov, S t a l i n g r a d , Samara - 69,000. 3. B l a c k Sea r e g i o n and Crimea - 437,000. 4. Transcaucasus - 25,000. 5. Orenburg - 10,500.^ 6. North Caucasus - 69,000,** 7. S i b e r i a (Omsk) - 36,000.^ 8. Kazakhstan - 51,000.i!-1 Mende von, Gerhard, Die V o e l k e r d e r Sowjetunion, Rudolf Sc h n e i d e r V e r l a g , Reichenau, 1939, P.. 97 • 2 " C o l o n i s t s " was the common term i n R u s s i a f o r the German s e t t l e r s . 3 Mende von, op. c i t . , p. 100. 4 These were s i s t e r c o l o n i e s founded by Germans coming from the main c o l o n i e s . 3 Perhaps a more u s e f u l d i v i s i o n of the Germans i n Rus s i a i s one made a c c o r d i n g to t h e i r r e l i g i o u s denomination. Although K a r l Stumpp's t a b l e ^ i s incomplete, i t g i v e s us a f a i r p i c t u r e of the r e l i g i o u s groups i n the B l a c k Sea r e g i o n . Before World War I , the number of c o l o n i s t s i n t h i s area was about 600,000 - t w o - f i f t h s C a t h o l i c , t w o - f i f t h s Lutheran and o n e - f i f t h Mennonite.^ To these three we have t o add the H u t t e r l t e s and.other reformed s e c t s , which amounted to o n l y a few thousand. The Vo l g a Germans, w i t h an aggregate p o p u l -a t i o n of about 554,818 i n 1910, had a more uneven d i s t r i b u -t i o n ; about f o u r - f i f t h s were Lutheran and o n e - f i f t h C a t h o l i c . A few thousand o f the reformed group are i n c l u d e d w i t h the Lutherans J I I . SETTLEMENT OF THE VOLGA REGION I n the 16th century a f t e r the Tatars on the V o l g a were d e s t r o y e d as a power, a constant e f f o r t was maintained by the Rus s i a n government t o s e t t l e . t h i s area w i t h t h e i r own pe o p l e . Thus we f i n d a c o n s i d e r a b l e group of Ukranians s e t -t l i n g i n the lower V o l g a a r e a . K a t h e r i n e I I , Empress of Russi a , made the on l y attempt to s e t t l e these v a s t r e g i o n s 5 See Table I I I . 6 Stumpp, K a r l , Die deutschen K o l o n l e n im Schwarzmeergeblet. Ausland und Heimat V e r l a g s A k t i e n g e s e l l s c h a f t , S t u t t g a r t , 1922, p. 36. 7 Verband deutscher Vereine lm Auslande e. V., Wir Deutsche  i n d e r Welt, Kommissionsverlag V e r l a g s a n s t a l t Otto S t o l l b e r g , B e r l i n g , 1940, p. 106. 4 with a non-Russian population. Conscious of the advantages of having Russia's unpopulated areas .cultivated and develop-ed, she issued an Imperial Manifesto on the 4th of December, 1762. In i t she invited West European settlement of these arable steppes along the Volga River. The Manifesto wag looked upon as an unreliable document by those who might, have desired to migrate to Russia. Since the document did not se-cure the Immigrants* rights, they were fearful of becoming subjugated to the system of serfdom, which was at i t s peak at that time in Russia. The result was that the Empress i s -sued on the 22nd of July, 1763, a second Manifesto in which she promised the immigrants f u l l freedom to settle, either in the city or in the country. A number of privileges were also secured for the generations to come. The prospective settlers were promised the follow-ing privileges: 1. F u l l religious freedom. 2. Exemption from taxes and other burdens for ten . years. 3. Exemption from any kind of military and c i v i l i a n services; however, the settlers were welcome In the services. 4. A loan for building houses and other Instalments repayable free of interest after ten years. 5. A grant of land of thirty, desjatins 0" per each family. 8 1 des.jatln equals I.09252 hectares or O.370 desjatins equals 1 acre. 5 6. Every family was permitted to bring Its movable possessions as well as goods for market to the sum of three hundred rubles. 7. Those who desired to return to their native land had to repay f i r s t their debts to the government as well as taxes for three years. 9 (Only main points are mentioned from the Manifesto of 1763.) After the proclamation of the Manifesto a general agitation.was started by the diplomats and private agents of Katherlne. Western Europe, and especially Germany, became the recruiting f i e l d . Especially successful In this.project; were the agents of Regensburg, Ulm and Frankfurt on the river Main. There were different reasons for the success of the emigrant agents: 1. The Seven Years' War devastated most of Western Germany, notably the palatinate and the Province of Hessen. 2. The despotic rule of the Dukes in the century of absolution. 3. Religious intolerance. 4. The introduction of new taxes and increase of prices i n general. 5. The severity with which minor crimes were pun-ished. 6. The general exhaustion of the citizens. 10 9 Langhans-Ratzeburg, Manfred, Die Wolgadeutschen. im Ost-Europa: Verlag, Berlin W.35 und Koenigsberg, 1929, pp. 153r-157. 10 Brendel, Johannes, Aus deutschen Koloriien im Kutcherganer Geblet, Ausland und Heimat Verlags Aktiengesellschaft, Stutt-gart, 1930, pp. 5-15. The desire to emigrate became so strong that the governments often issued prohibitions from, leaving, the Duch-ies, or were forced to create settlements for the dissatis-fied inside Germany. There were 8,000 families with a total of 27,000 persons, who answered the c a l l of {Catherine and migrated to the Volga region within a period of four years, from 1763 to 1767. 1 1 The year 1?67, however, does not mark the end of German migration into Russia; It continued u n t i l the second half of the 18th century into the Black Sea region. Who were these people who l e f t Germany with the hope of finding a better future i n the far-off land? Histor-ians and descendants of.the Volga group have described the majority of "Katharine's pioneers" ..as the lowest class of the German people. There were former convicts, ruined merchants and craftsmen, officers and a r t i s t s , etc. - a i l people who had failed in l i f e . The least in numbers among them were those who were professional farmers. Bonwetsch, however, dis putes this point and maintained that the majority were farm-ers. His arguments were based on the S t a t i s t i c a l Report of Count Orlov in 1769 to the Empress. 1 2 11 Langhans-Ratzeburg, op. c i t . , p. 1. 12 Bonwetsch, Gerhard, Geschichte der deutschen Kolonlen an der Wolga. Verlag von I. Engelhorns Nachf, Stuttgart, 1919, p. 37-7 We have only a very general knowledge of the origin of the Volga Germane, since available data f a i l s to give the exact points from which they emigrated. It is established, however, that most of the Duchies of Germany were represent-ed and that they came preponderantly from the Hessen mountain side, Palatinate, Vogelsberg, Wetterau, Spesart and Rhoen, also from Wuerzburg, Bamberg and Bayreuth. Larger emigra-tions were also recorded from the provinces of Thuringla, Weimar-Eisenach and Melningen.^ The route of migration of these people leads f i r s t to the so-called "meeting places" at Luebeck and Danzig, from there by sea to Orienbann near Petersburg and f i n a l l y by two different routes to the Volga: 1. By land - Novgorod, Twer, Moscow, RJazan, Pensa to Petrovsk i n the Province of Saratov 2 . By water - Neva, Ladoga, Volga to-Saratov.-M* As almost a l l pioneers, they too had to experience deep disappointment because a l l they found was a vast area of uncultivated land with neither houses, huts, nor imple-ments to start the pioneer l i f e . Many of the settlers were i l l and weak, thus they were unfit for hard labor such as i s demanded from the colonist. After having been convinced that 13 Important evidences to determine original places of immi-grants are language, place names, family names, and partly, also, the style of villages and houses. 14 Bonwetsch, op_. c i t . , pp. 2 9 - 3 1 . 8 here, too, prevailed the now proverbial saying, "By the sweat of thy brow shalt thou earn thy dally bread", many returned to their land of origin; others remained i n Russia only because they could not defray their travelling expenses. The promised capital of the Manifesto to be used for building their houses was not at hand, they had to contrive implements and other instruments for themselves. The severe winter and surrounding nomadic people provided serious d i f f i -culties for the colonists; worse, however, were the various epidemic diseases. The Pugachev Rebellion of 1774 also l e f t i t s traces of devastation i n the newly founded settlements. 1^ In spite of a l l these, they were not completely discouraged. They erected huts, which were soon transformed into wooden, houses. Lumber was the best construction material on the Volga, i n contrast with the South Russian custom of using clay for building peasant houses. Later immigrants from Ger-many found conditions much better. In a letter dated Jan. 13, 1774, written by a colonist in Russia to his homeland, we read: We received everything....houses to live in, barns for' the crop, horses and wagons and everything which is necessary for farming.1° 15 According to A.S .S .R. der Wolgadeutschen. Deutscher Staatsverlag, Engels, 1938, the colonists participated in the Rebellion. Pushkin also mentions i n his Pugachevska.la Vos-tanlja that the colonists joined Pugachev and formed a regi-ment of Hussars. 16 Bier, P. and Schick, A., Aus den Leidenstagen der deutsch-en Wolgakolonien. Druck der L.G. Wlttiehschen Hofbuchdruckerei, Darmstadt, 1922, pp. 2-10. 9 The colonies were established on both sides of the lower Volga River, k k colonies on the "Bergseite", Province of Saratov, and 59 colonies on the "Wiesenseite", Province of 17 Samara. One colony was founded by French settlers and c a l l -ed Rossoschi or Franzosen. In course of time i t was assimi-lated by the surrounding German colonies. 1 8 The Volga Germans built their villages at a distance of 5 to 10 kilometers from each other. In this instance, the names of the settlements have no connection with the origin of the settlers. In a l -most every case the colony received the name of i t s leader. Already In Luebeck the agents had appointed these heads, whose function was to keep order. Upon ar r i v a l at the Volga colonies, each leader assumed his place as head of a particu-lar village, which thereafter was known by his name - so we find such settlement names as Grimm, Balzar or Kraft. In add-it i o n , each colony had i t s o f f i c i a l Russian name, received either from the Kontor "Guardian Office" or later In the se-cond half of the 19th century during the period of Russifi-19 cation. ' During the Soviet regime some of the colonies were further renamed. Thus we find names such as Engels, Marx, and names of other leading communists. 17 See Map I and Table I. 18 Kuhn, Walter, Deutsche Sprachlnse1-forschung, Verlag: Guenther Wolff, Plauen 1. Vogtl,, 1939, p..223. 19 Langhans-Ratzeburg, op_. c i t . . pp. 5-20. TABLE I THE ORIGINAL VOLGA COLONIES Presented according to year of foundation and administration of that time, made up of Tables by Beratz, G., Die deutschen  Kolonlen an der unteren Wolga In lhrer Entstehung und Ent-wloklung. Berlin, 1928, pp. 28^291. YEAR OP NUMBER OF COUNTY -FOUNDATION COLONIES PROVINCE DISTRICT 1764 5* • • • .Saratov.......Kamyschin 1765 • • 6 .Saratov •'. .Kamyschin I765.. . . . • .4 .Samara Novousensk 1766 8 Saratov Kamyschin 1766 11 Samarai Novousensk 1766 .1 Samara Nikolajevsk 1767 r .3. • •.. •.... .Saratov. Atkarsik I767. . . . . . . . . .20. .Saratov...... .Kamyschin 1767 .21 .Samara Novousensk 1767 23 Samara..... Nikola J e vsk 10 III. SETTLEMENTS NEAR PETERSBURG-LENINGRAD The Germans near Petersburg-Leningrad consisted predominantly of colonists who l e f t the main route to the Volga and settled around Petersburg-Leningrad where they founded 13 main colonies. In the course of time, 43 sister colonies appeared with an aggregate population of 21,790. Land holdings according to private statistics amounted to about 45,ooo desjatins, an area which is very l i k e l y too high. 2 0 IV. SETTLEMENT OP THE BLACK SEA REGION Unti l 1788 the coast region of the Black Sea was i n the hands of the Turks. In 1788, after a six-month's siege, the Russian Fleldmarshal Potemkin took the Fortress of Otchakov. This marked the beginning of the Russian victor-ies over the Turks. And f i n a l l y , according to the Treaty of Yassy i n 1790» the Turks had to clear the Azov and Black Sea region. In spite of the Russian victory the Tatars, kinsmen of the Turks, were not f u l l y subjugated and proved d i f f i c u l t especially on the Crimean Peninsula. This provoked the Russ ian government to settle the Crimean area with European set-tl e r s , I.e. to create a wall against internal enemies. 20 Deutsches Ausland Iristitut, Per Wanderweg der Bussland- deutsohen, 'ff, Kbhlhammer Verlag, Stuttgart & Berlin, Stutt-gart, 1939, p.128. 11 At f i r s t settlers from the Balkans, namely Bulgar-ians, were attracted to the newly opened land which was giv-en the name "New Russia". There were approximately 17.0,000 21 Bulgarians. The next group were the Germans who were to settle i n this most valuable area of f e r t i l e black s o i l . However, greater precautions were observed this time. . The government had realized that among the Volga Germans there were very few able men who were f i t for pioneering work and consequently became a burden on the state. This caused Tzar Alexander I of Russia to issue a decree on the 20th of February, 1804., This decree pointed out that among the Volga Germans there were very few useful elements. On the Volga i t was v i t a l to bring i n as many people as possible since the area was almost completely unpopulated. In "New Russia", already partly populated, i t was Important to settle a limited number of people who had a knowledge of farming, craftsmanship, etc. Thus, i f accept-ance of foreigners was to be continued, they must be settlers of good quality. In view exclusively was the settlement of the area "New Russia" and since the crownlands were limited, the area for settlement was to be selected before bringing in settlers;, special attention was to be given to f r u i t -growers, vine-dressers, cattle, arid sheep raisers. Accepted, also were to be village craftsmen such as t a i l o r s , shoemakers 21 Stumpp, opy c i t . , pp. 28-35. 12 carpenters and smiths. A l l other artisans who had nothing to contribute to the development of the countryside, were to be excluded. Each prospective settler before immigration Into Russia had to f u l f i l l a l l obligations to his government, i.e. taxes, military service, Each one had to be in possession of money or property amounting to 300 gulden. Those lacking this were to be rejected as immigrants, as experience had shown that poverty-stricken people had great d i f f i c u l t y In establishing themselves. Immigrants were to be men with f a m i l i e s . 2 2 A second great migration of Germans into Russia be-gan about 1804 and lasted u n t i l the middle of the 19th cent-ury. Their reasons for abandoning.their homeland were simi-lar to those of the Volga settlers. The provinces of the Upper Rhine were once more i n ruin. For over ten years war had Interrupted any peaceful existence as Napoleon's army marched across Europe. In addition to this, letters from German colonists in Russia were in circulation. These pre-sented a very attractive picture of l i f e i n Russia, The Russian agents were s t i l l agitating for emigration. And la s t l y from across the Rhine came streams of Alsatians who wandered through Germany into Russia - they, too, automatic-a l l y became recruiting agents. 22 Brendel, op_. c i t . , p. 13. 13 In addition to economic factors, religious oppres-sion was a prime consideration in determining emigration-This was especially true for the Mennonites of West Prussia and other reformed groups. In the South-west of Germany i t was the Schwalkheim separatist group, that broke away from the church because, of their extreme p l e t i s t i c views. Seeing in the religious Tzar Alexander, the founder of the thousand year kingdom, they emigrated between 1812 and.1817 to Russia, where they settled predominantly in the Caucasus.^ Year after.year the emigration into.Russia increased. The years 1808 an 1809 marked the highest emigration into Russia. This was a mass migration from, the Province of Baden which often depopulated whole areas. Provinces along the Rhine were not alone concerned i n this movement as.almost a l l Duchies of South-west Germany were represented. Against these facts the admonitions of the governments and their i n -stitutions remained inefficacious. On the contrary, i t serv-. ed to create among the prospective emigrants a suspicion that the Regent was trying to deprive them of a prosperous future. Also, news items in the popular dally papers that the major-it y of emigrants had died or were l i v i n g in misery, did not prevent the desire from growing in these people to seek a new and better homeland. Emigration d i f f i c u l t i e s became more serious when the local administration suddenly demanded 23 Verband deutscher Vereine im Auslande e. V., op., c i t . . p p . 110-111. Ik proper documents for leaving the country.. However, neither these requirements nor the threatened loss of citizenship in case an emigrant wished to return to Germany, could stop oh their determination to go. The route of migration of the Black Sea colonists was the following: 1. The immigrants from Danzig and Elblng went through Koeningsberg, Memel, Riga and from there through Dubrovna to the Black Sea. 2. The immigrants from South-west Germany took the route from Ulm along the Danube through Vienna and Budapest as far.as Ismail i n Bessarabia and from there on land to Odessa. Those destined for the Caucasus continued their route to Cherson, Taganrog, Rostov, Mosdok to T i f l l s . a) A great number branched off in Vienna and took.the land route through Radzwillov and from there to the Black Sea.. b) An-other group which migrated into Russia In 1808 to 1809 chose their route through Si l e s i a , Warsaw, Grodno and then to the Black Sea region. 2^ The Journey was made at the expense of the Russian government. Similar procedures were maintained as with the Volga Germans. Upon ar r i v a l at their destination they re-ceived the promised sums to build their houses and conditions Zk Deutsches Ausland Institut, op. pit., p. 13. 25 Stumpp, op. c i t . . p. 32. 15 on the whole were much better than on the Volga. The Black Sea Germans had many craftsmen who were ready to start build-ing houses. The governor of Odessa at the time, the Due de Richelieu, an opponent of Napoleon to whom the early colon-ists owed much, went so far as to found the so-called "crafts manship colonies"near Odessa for the purpose of helping the settlers with their building. 2^ However, i n spite of the fact that the colonists i n the south found conditions much better, many of them disap-peared i n the f i r s t years after settlement. The despotic rule of the local German administrators 2? became for many intolerable. Prom a general view on the map 2® one can see that they founded their colonies close to a river or i n a valley, always building, several colonies at the same time and estab- . lishing them exclusively according1 to religious denomination. Thus we can speak of areas of group settlement, Kutchurganer, Beresan area, Choritza and others. Only sister colonies founded i n the second half of the 19th century had settlers of various faiths. The names of the colonies i n the south 26 Lelbbrandt, Georg, Die deutschen Kolbnlen i n Cherson und Bessarablen. Ausland und Heimat Verlags - Aktienges.ellschaft, Stuttgart, 1926, introduction. 27 See section.on self-government, Chapter II, infra. 28 See Map II. 16 almost always coincided with the name of the place of their origin. A. Province of Ekaterlnoslav The oldest colonies in the Black Sea region are those of the Mennonites. In 1781 there wa6 already a colony of Mennonites i n Gluchov, Province of Tchernlgov, who had mi-grated from Siebenbuergen, Rumania. The mass migration of Mennonites from West Prussia started In 1790, when large groups l e f t the areas of Danzig, Elbing and Marienburg for Russia. They a l l settled near Ghortlza on the lower right bank of the Dniepr i n the Province of Ekaterlnoslav. The co-lonists near Mariupol migrated also from West Prussia but were of the Lutheran fa i t h . Also settlers from Pomerania, Upper Bavaria and Austria in 1789 founded the colonies of Yamburg and Kybalsk near Ekaterlnoslav. To complete the im-migration into the Province of Ekaterlnoslav we have to men-tion the colonists from the Provinces of Baden and Hessen, who founded their colonies in 1825 to 1826.2^ B. Province of Taurien - including Crimea In 1804 the area near Melitopol on the le f t bank of the Dniepr was settled by Mennonites from-Prussia who i n the course of time founded a system of 50 colonies. In 1805 to 1806 South German settlers arrived and established the 29 Deutsches Ausland Institut, op_. c i t . , pp. 128-132. 17 colonies near Prishib on the north side of the Azov Sea. In the following year many other settlers arrived and founded the largest complex of 87 colonies called the Molotchna. A l -most a l l religious groups were represented in this area; be-sides the Mennonites, Catholics and Lutherans, there were Quakers, Hutterites and other reformed sects.^° The colonies near Berdjansk were founded between 1820 and 1831 and were exclusively Swabiane. Simultaneously with the settlement of.the Dniepr area, that of the Crimean Peninsula took place. In 1804 to 1805 the colonies Neusatz and Frledental near Simferopol were established. These settlers were predominantly fruit-growers and vine-dressers who came from the Provinces of Wuertemberg, Alsace and Pfalz. Swiss.immigrants i n 1805 founded Zuerich-t a l near Theodosia. On the whole, seven main colonies were 31 founded. C. Province of Cherson Originally i t was Swedish settlers who founded, un-der Katherine II, the f i r s t farm colonies near the Dniepr -known as the "Old Sweden Village". However, because of c l i -matic conditions they soon l e f t the area. In 1804 to 1805, Swabian settlers migrated to the same area and established 30 Deutsches Ausland Instltut, op_. c i t . , p. 131. 31 Stumpp, op. c i t . . pp. 32-34. 18 the colonies of Schlanzendorf, Klosterdorf and Muehlhausen. Prom 1804 to 1805, the Glueckstal and Grossliebental areas settled and contained a substantial number of colonies. The years 1808 to 1809 marked the founding of the Kutchurgan and Beresan d i s t r i c t s near Odessa.^2 These settlers migrated from Alsace, Baden and Pfalz, with only a limited number from Prussia and Wuertemberg,-^ The settlers in the Province were of Lutheran and Catholic faith. D . Bessarabia The settlement of Bessarabia by German colonists started i n 1814 from central Poland. Originally these mig-rated from Wuertemberg to Poland i n 1779 to 1806. Here their expectations had been so disappointed that many were easily provoked to migrate to the promised land of the Tzar. In 1815 to 1.817,' together with other Germans direct from Wuert-emberg they founded the colonies of Tarutino, Kuhn, Arzls, Brienne, Malojaroslavetz. These names re c a l l battle sites which became famous during the Napoleonic wars. In the next two decades Germans from various parts of Germany and Poland migrated to Bessarabia and founded the colonies of Plotzk, Denwitz, Katzbach and Paris. Sarata was founded between 1820 and 1822 by settlers from Wuertemberg and by settlers from the Black Sea area. Almost a l l of the original settlers were 32 See Map II and Table.II. 33 Stumpp., on. c i t . . pp. 30-37. 19 34 Lutherans by faith. E. South Caucasus In 1812 a group of 700 families from Wuertemberg near Reutlingen and Ulm migrated into Russia. Their aim was the South Caucasus. Enroute through Odessa, 300 families dropped out and founded the colony of Hoffnungstal about 80 kilometers north of Odessa. However, about 100 families from the v i c i n i t y of Odessa Joined the main body and migrat-ed with them to the Caucasus, where they founded the colonies of Alexanderdorf, Katherlnenfeld, Marienfeld and Elisabet-stadt, and others near T l f l l s . Out of eight main colonies there were eventually another twenty-one sister colonies es-tablished. Among these people there were also 700 of the Schwaikhelm separatist group. Before World War I, the Trans-caucasus colonists had an aggregate population of 20,000 and held a land area of 75,000 desjatins. Most of them were vine-dressers .-^ P. Wolhynla The last mass migration into Russia was that of the Wolhynla Germans, who came from Poland. The actual migration into Wolhynla started after the f i r s t Polish insurrection in 34 Leibbrandt, op_. c i t . . pp. 120-150. 35 Verband deutscher Vereine lm Auslande e. V., op. c i t . . pp. 106-114. 20 1831. Also in 1860 to 1863, •which marked the period of the second Polish insurrection, a group of 4-5,000 Germans l e f t Poland and settled i n Wolhynla. Many of them came from the Lower Vistula, S i l e s i a , and Congress Poland. Here, too, we deal with a group similar to the Bessarabian Germans who also came from Poland but had immigrated from Germany a few de-. cades earlier. According to the f i r s t Russian census in ,1897 there were resident 171,331 Germans in Wolhynla. With the exception of a few hundred Hutterltes the Wolhynla Germans 36 were a l l of the Lutheran faith. 36 Deutsches Ausland Instltut, op_. c i t . , pp. 130-140. T A B L E I I O R I G I N A L S E T T L E M E N T S O F T H E B L A C K S E A A R E A C o m p i l e d a c c o r d i n g t o S t a t i s t i c s o f S t u m p p , K a r l , D i e d e u t s o h e n K o l o n i e n i m S c h w a r z - m e e r g e b i e t . A u s l a n d u n d H e i m a t V e r l a g s A k t i e n g e s e l l s c h a f t , S t u t t g a r t , 1922, p . 30. Y E A R O F N U M B E R O F N U M B E R O F L A N D P O S S E S S E D F O U N D A T I O N . P R O V I N C E A R E A C O L O N I E S R E S I D E N T S I N D E S J A T I N S 1 7 8 2 C h e r s o n . . . . . . . . . . . S c h w e d e n D i s t r i c t . . . . . . .6. 2 , 3 5 6 ..17,169 1 7 8 9 E k a t e r i n o s l a v s k . . . J o s e f s t a l , e t c 3 . 2 , 3 5 8 . . ..7,068 1 7 9 0 . . . . . . . . . E k a t e r i n o s l a v s k . . . C h o r i t z a . 1 8 . . 8 , 4 0 8 . . . . . . . . . . . 3 9 , 4 1 8 1 8 0 4 - 0 5 - 1 0 . . . T a u r i e n . M o l o t s c h n a j a . . . . . . .77 . 3 3 , 4 8 8 . . . . . . . . . . 1 6 9 , 8 9 8 1 8 0 4 - 0 5 . . . . . . C h e r s o n . . . . . . . . . . . G r o s s l l e b e n t a l . . 11 11,902 . 4 0 , 8 0 0 1 8 0 5 . C h e r s o n . . G l u e c k s t a l 6 . 7 , 9 9 9 . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 0 , 5 4 2 1 8 0 5 . . . . . . . . . T a u r i e n . . C r i m e a . 8 . . . . . . . . . . . 3 , 5 5 3 . 1 0 , 7 3 7 1 8 0 9 . . . C h e r s o n . . . K u t c h u r g a n . 6 7 , 3 7 3 . 27,713 1 8 0 9 . C h e r s o n . . B e r e s a n w .13 . 1 3 , 2 2 6 . 66t^^6 1 8 1 4 - 2 0 . . . . . . B e s s a r a b i a . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 5 . . . . . . . . . . 2 4 , 0 6 * 6 . . 1 3 9 , 9 2 9 1 8 2 2 . . T a u r i e n B e r d j a n s k . ; 4 . . . . . . . 1 5 , 0 6 6 . . ; . . . . . ' . . . . 9 , 1 3 9 1 8 2 3 - 3 5 - 5 2 . . . E k a t e r i n o s l a v s k . . . M a r i u p o l ••32. . . 1 2 , 3 5 7 . . • . ' . . . . . . . 5 8 , 2 2 6 T O T A L . . . . . . . . . . 209 1 2 8 , 1 5 2 . . . . . . ....613,994 CHAPTER II GENERAL DEVELOPMENT UNTIL WORLD WAR I I. LAND QUESTION AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT The original land granted to the Volga colonist was 30 desjatins per family. The land was not privately owned but belonged to the community, thus resembling the Russian "Mir system" which was In practice during the time of the Volga settlement. Every ten years the land was distributed among a l l male-members of the community - women did not r e -ceive any land. The fact that the land was divided only am-ong male persons resulted i n large families, since many sons meant much land. Some families numbered ten to fifteen c h i l -dren. The table below shows the rapid increase of Volga Ger-mans. POPULATION INCREASE OF VOLGA GERMANS1 YEAR POPULATION 1 7 6 6 . . . 23,109 1 8 1 6 . . 6 1 , 1 4 3 1 8 6 1 . . . 2 1 9 , 9 5 4 1 8 9 7 . . . • . . . 3 4 4 , 8 6 4 1 9 1 4 . . . 5 5 4 , 8 1 8 1 Verband deutscher Verelne im Ausland e. V., oj>. c i t . . p. 1 0 6 . 22 This rapid increase of the Volga colonists and the r e s t r i c -tion of expansion of community land due to the close location of colonies, caused a definite land shortage even at the end of the f i r s t 50 years of settlement. The rapidity with which the land-allowance per person.was reduced can be seen from the following table: REDUCTION IN LAND GRANTS2 YEAR LAND PER MALE PERSON 1789 . . . . . .15.5 desjatins 1816...... 10.4 H 1835* • 5.6 ' " • 1850 3.8 " 1857.... 3.2 • I869 '.' . . . . 1.5 B In view of these facts the Volga Germans were forc-ed to find a means of existence for their surplus population. These colonists had been mainly occupied with farming, f r u i t -growing and sheep-raising. Now on the mountainside in the Province of Saratov a small industrial area began to develop, mainly textile manufacturing plants and mills. In 1860 In the colony of Norka, there were 1,000 weaver looms in oper-ation. The textile industry had also began to develop on the l e f t side,of the Volga. Karamysh had employed as many as 800 workers. Tobacco plantations were common and in 1866 2 Deutsches Ausland Institut, op_. c i t . , p. 124. 23 3 4 there were 268,840 pud of tobacco harvested. A large num-ber of the surplus population found employment there, thus forming a new social class among the colonists. Others were resettled with the help of the main colonies on the newly-granted land i n the Province of Samara. The land question became even more acute in the second half of the 19th cent-ury, which led to mass migrations to other provinces of Russia; Siberia and Central Asla.^ The land assigned to the colonists i n the Black Sea region was as the Imperial Government prescribed, community property. However, contrary to the Volga system, the land was not periodically divided among the adult male persons; i t was allotted as hereditary property to each family. There one spoke of a " f u l l farm" (Wirtschaft) or a "half farm". A f u l l farm amounted to 60- desjatins, the original amount of land granted to the colonists i n the Black Sea region, i.e. 6 twice as much as that received by the Volga Germans. The land belonging to one family was inseparable, no division among the sons was tolerated, and the youngest son was entitled to the whole farm. Only when a younger son was unfit to assume the responsibility as heir, was provision 3 1 pud equals 16.38 kilograms. 4 Bonwetsch, op_. c i t . . pp. 102-103. 5 See section on migration within Russia, in f r a . 6 Stumpp, op_. cit.,, pp. 38-46. 2 4 m a d e t h a t a n e l d e r s o n b e c o m e t h e i n h e r i t o r . M o v a b l e p r o p e r -t y w a s a t t h e d i s p o s a l o f t h e p a r e n t s . T h i s p r a c t i c e w a s s i m i l a r t o t h e " E r d h o f - s y s t e m " - , a s y s t e m w h i c h w a s p o p u l a r i n G e r m a n y . T h e a d v a n t a g e o f m a i n t a i n i n g s u c h a s y s t e m w a s t h e f a c t t h a t b e t t e r d e v e l o p m e n t c o u l d b e a c c o m p l i s h e d b y h a v i n g t h e f a r m u n d i v i d e d , a n d t h a t e v e n t u a l l y t h e c o m m u n i t y w o u l d b e s a v e d f r o m i m p o v e r i s h m e n t . H e r e , t o o , m a n y l a n d l e s s p e o p l e w e r e r e c o r d e d , d u e t o t h e h e r e d i t a r y l a n d - s y s t e m p r a c t i c e d i n t h e r e g i o n , a n d t h e s i z e o f t h e f a m i l i e s . T h e t a b l e b e l o w g i v e s t h e i n c r e a s e o f B l a c k S e a G e r m a n s a n d i s v e r y s i m i l a r t o t h e I n c r e a s e o f V o l g a G e r m a n s . P O P U L A T I O N I N C R E A S E O F B L A C K S E A G E R M A N S 7 Y E A R P O P U L A T I O N 1 8 2 0 5 5 , 0 0 0 1897.... . . • 2 8 2 , 8 6 2 1 9 1 4 . . . . , 524 , 321 H o w e v e r , t h e p r o b l e m w a s s o l v e d b y b u y i n g l a n d o u t s i d e t h e c o m m u n i t y a r e a , o r b y r e n t i n g l a n d f r o m t h e R u s s i a n l a n d l o r d s . T h i s l a n d , t o o , u s u a l l y b e c a m e t h e p r o p e r t y o f t h e c o l o n i s t s . I n t h i s w a y t h e v a r i o u s " C h u t o r a s " ( s m a l l s e t t l e m e n t s o f c o l -o n i s t s ) w e r e f o u n d e d i n a n a r e a w h e r e t h e p o p u l a t i o n w a s n o n -G e r m a n . T h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f s m a l l i n d u s t r i e s , s u c h a s f l o u r 7 V e r b a n d d e u t s c h e r V e r e i n e 1 m A u s l a n d e . V . . o p . c i t . . p . 1 0 6 . 25 and o i l mills, further absorbed the landless population. Many turned to s k i l l e d craftsmanship, which often resulted i n the foundations of small factories. Examples of such are the wagon factory i n Selz near Odessa, and the Hoehn farm Implements factory In Odessa. The largest starch factory in South Russia was founded in Halbstadt. Stumpp maintains that the land which was acquired by the Black Sea colonists u n t i l World War I, exceeded the original crown grants six times. Thus one can compare 671,000 desjatins of original crownland grants with some 8 4,209,280 desjatins of acquired land by 1914. Most of this l8,nd was bought from Russian landlords or generals who had received large areas of land after the liberation of the Black Sea region from the Turks. The percentage of colonists and their land-holdings prior to 1918, are Indicated below: COLONISTS LAND-HOLDINGS9 GERMANS AMONG THE GERMAN OWNED LOCAL POPULATION LAND Province of Ekaterlnoslav - 9.0$... .25.5$ Province of Taurien - 6.9$i ..38.0$ District of Taganrog..... - 3.5$ ,22.0$ District of Simferopol... - 9.2$ 77.8$ District of Odessa - 7.0$. 60.0$ 8 Stumpp, op_. c i t . , pp. 4o-46. 9 Verband deutscher Vereine im Ausland e. V.; op. c i t . . pp. 108-109. 26 Although the colonista had no real competition i n developing their economic position, they made l i t t l e progress In their f i r s t 50 years of settlement. This may be due to a number of crop failures caused mainly by the settlers' lack of acquaintance with the new climate and s o i l . Furthermore, the colonist had no market for his farm products - he simply produced for his own needs. It was not u n t i l the second half of the 19th century after the emancipation of the Russian serfs i n 1861 that any real economic progress was recorded. Means of communication Improved, farm equipment could be ob-tained, and lastly, the colonist i n the Black Sea region was allowed to dispose over his land. The community land system i n the Volga, however, was only abolished after the Stolypin Agrarian reform i n 1906. From the two groups of colonists, those in the Black Sea region were more advanced and enjoyed a higher economic standard than their Volga brothers in the north. The reason for this was the better climate and s o i l conditions in the south. The prosperity in the south was also due to the more advantageous location of the colonies, i.e. closer to trad-ing centers; furthermore, the colonists received twice as much land as those of the Volga; and las t l y , they had better opportunities to obtain additional land for their surplus population. Also, the different method of t i l l i n g the s o i l (Dreifelder system) - crop rotation - had some bearing on their better yields. 27 A comparison of the colonists with their Russian neighbours i n respect to economic progress showed that the Russian farmers never reached the level of the colonists. These were not only free peasants i n a country where serfdom prevailed u n t i l 1861, but they were also blessed with the numerous concessions which the Imperial Government had be-stowed upon them. Such factors put the colonists automati-cally i n a more favourable position which subsequently led to prosperity. The colonists were known as a diligent, hard-work-ing group who had started and completed their colonization process i n the best manner possible. The foundation of more than 200 colonies with possession of over two million. des-jatins of land and an aggregate population of 550,00010 be-fore World War I on the Volga and the possession of four million desjatins of land and about 600,00011 colonists with a total of 237 settlements i n the Black Sea region, and also the foundation of numerous sister colonies In other regions of Russia, may well be described as a success. Many colon-izations i n the world had been started with a similar c a l -ibre of people, who met similar d i f f i c u l t i e s and were i n the end equally successful. 10 Deutsches Ausland Institut, op_. c i t . , pp. 127-128, and Verband deutsoher Verelne im Ausland e. V., op. c i t . . pp. 106-108. 11 Stumpp, op. c i t . , p.36. 28 II . STATE ADMINISTRATION Information i s extremely scarce regarding the Russian State administration of the colonies in the f i r s t 50 years after their a r r i v a l In Russia. According to the Mani-fest of July 22nd, 1763, there was a "Guardian Office" for foreigners created i n the same month. The office was under the presidency of Count Orlov i n Petersburg, and was known as the Vormundschaftskanzlel-Tutelkanzlei. Count Orlov was granted the authority of his state colleagues, i.e. that of a special ministry. The Guardian Office directed the settlement of the colonists and was under obligation to secure the privileges and rights of the settlers and to supply them with cattle, farm implements and capital to build their houses; for this purpose the Guardian Office received 200,000 rubles per year as long as the colonists required government assistance. According to Bauer, the expense of settling the Volga Germans amounted to 5.2 million rubles, a sum which was to be repaid i n the course of time by means of farm products. However, Katherine II, reduced the sum i n 1782 to about 1.2 million r u b l e s . 1 2 12 Bauer, G., Geschlohte der deutschen Ansledler an der  Wolga s.eit der Elnwanderung nach Russland bis zur Elnfuehrung der allgemeinen Wehrpflicht 1762-1874. nach Gesetzlichen Owuellen und muendlichen Ueberlleferungen, Saratov, 1908, pp. 20-50. 29 For the purpose of better administration the area where colonists had settled was divided into d i s t r i c t s to which special commissions were appointed.; Later, when the private colonies were dissolved which u n t i l then had been under the Jurisdiction of their directors, the number of d i s t r i c t s was increased so that i n 1773 the Volga area was divided into 11 d i s t r i c t s (Kreis) with that number of com-missioners. Later In 1775 after the Pugachev uprising and the decline of the Kirghiz riots there were as many as 13 d i s t r i c t s with an average of 3-15 colonies. 1-^ As the Commissar.system proved to be very impracti-cal due to the enormous distance between the Volga and Peters-burg, the Imperial Government introduced a local center of administration in 1766 - the Kontor of Saratov,. The Kontor consisted of a Supreme Judge with two assistants, a secret-ary and an interpreter. The Kontor was to be only temporary u n t i l such time as the colonists had accepted Russian ways. At the same time, however, the former Commissars were retain-ed but were subordinated to the Kontor. This system of administration x*as applicable onlyy to the crown colonies - colonies founded direct by the Imper-i a l Government, 41 i n number. The remainder of the 104 or-iginal colonies were privately sponsored by three companies. The colonist had signed a contract with these companies i n 13 Langhans-Ratzeburg, op_. c i t . , p. 3. 30 which the directors promised to : settle them on the Volga, guard their privileges and administer their colonies. How-ever, the colonists soon discovered that they were being de-ceived and measures were taken to abolish the private com-panies. According to Langhans-Ratzeburg a l l private companies , 14 were abolished by 1774. A suitable time to incorporate the colonists into the general system of administration was apparent i n 1782 when the unitary provincial government was introducedifor the whole of Russia. The unique state administration of the Volga Germans - the Kontor i n Saratov - was dissolved. The function of the Kontor was from then on i n the hands of the provincial government. The d i s t r i c t commissars were replaced by the Russian "Zemski Ispravnik", who was responsible for carrying out the law of the government. The sudden incorporation of the colonists into the new Russian administration system caused a stagnation i n their development. Tzar Paul I recognized this and reintro-duced the system of administration which was in force from 1766-1782. The Guardian Office and the Kontor i n Saratov, not responsible to any provincial government, were again the highest authority of state administration for the colonists. The o f f i c i a l language according to Langhans-Ratzeburg was 14 Langhans-Ratzeburg, op_. c i t . . pp. 10-20. German; Beratz, however, maintains that i t was Russian. 5 Upon the a r r i v a l of the Black Sea colonists at the beginning of the 19th century a similar system of administra-tion was put into effect. There too the area populated by settlers was divided into d i s t r i c t s which were subordinated to a trusteeship (Puersorgekomitaet) having a function simi-16 l a r to that of the Kontor i n Saratov. However, this sy-stem of administration lasted: only u n t i l 1866. In that year the Russian provincial and d i s t r i c t state administration was f i n a l l y introduced as a permanent authority i n the German populated areas. The Kontor's function and thatoof the Fuereorgekomitaet was from then on limited to church and ed-ucational matters u n t i l the two offices were completely ab-olished In 1&76.17 Klaus sees i n this act a victory hostile to the German colonists and speaks also of the breaking of a pro-mise by the Russian government. However, the colonists' sy-stem of administration was only created for a temporary per-iod; furthermore, no promise concerning the administration . was ever made i n the Manifesto, hence from the point of view 15 Beratz, G., Die deutschen Kolonlen an der unteren Wolga In ihrer Entstehung und Entwlcklung. Berlin, 1928, p. 97. 16 Leibbrandt, op. c i t . , p. 9. 17 Klaus, Alexander, Unsere Kolonlen. Verlag Odessaer Zeit-ung, Odessa, 1881, p. 184. 32 of state administration the abolition of the Kontor as well as the Fuersorgekomitaet was Justified. The new system had In many ways a negative result as the colonists were subju-gated to the provincial law, regardless of any individual characteristics. III. SE LP-GOVERNMENT IN THE COLONIES The basis of self-government was set out In the imperial Manifesto of 1763* Rights were granted the settlers to elect their local government. Due to economic weakness the colonies never actually reached a uniform system of ad-ministration. Each colony or d i s t r i c t seemed to thresh out i t s own system suited to Its peculiar needs, which often f o l -lowed unwritten laws of the former homeland. . :•••'Li- L i t t l e Information i s available concerning these local governments. Johannes Brendel relates a number of i n -cidents which reflects the despotic power of the rulers, i . e. the community elders (Dorfschulze). Prom documents, orders given by the individual administrators to the colonists, we 18 read, "I command.....1 forbid Throughout these pa-pers the personal ego prevails, showing how a colony was at the mercy of those i n authority. Only after Katherlne II issued a number of instruc-tions do we find a more unified system provided. The elder 18 Brendel, op,, c i t . , pp. I5-I8. 33 of a colony was to be elected for a period of one year and was to rule to the best of his a b i l i t y . He was not only en-trusted with the administration but functioned also as a po-l i c e officer and was able to settle matters of jurisdiction as long as no serious crime was involved. No private buying or selling could be carried out except with permission of the e l d e r . 1 9 From the Manifesto we see that the Imperial Government denied the appointed Russian d i s t r i c t commissars the right to interfere i n the self-government of the colon-i s t s . Indeed, the function of the commissar was that of a state inspector. A comparison of the colonist self-government with that of the local Russian administration, shows that the set-tlers were In a far more privileged position than their Russian neighbors. The Russian community administration con-sisted of a "Starosta", village elder or tax collector, and a "Sotnik", whose function was that of a police officer. An elected responsible administration as such did not exist. The peasants were thus constantly subjected to oppression and extortion. There was no measure i n their system which could protect them against unjustified and irresponsible demands of the collectors. After the Kontor i n Saratov was reintroduced, Paul I saw the necessity of Issuing new Instructions governing the 19 Langhans-Ratzeburg, op_. c i t . , pp. 3-39. colonists. A new, complete and uniform system of self-gov-ernment was Introduced. This functioned through two d i v i -sions, the community meeting - a kind of village parliament -and the elder with his office (Dorfamt). In the community meeting each family was represented by a male member. The meeting was called several times a year depending on the de-cisions which were to be made. The Dorfamt was elected by the community for two years. The d i s t r i c t administration was founded on a similar basis to the community meeting, the "Oberschulze" was head of the d i s t r i c t and a l l village elders 20 were responsible to him. An attempted reconstruction of the self-government apparatus creates the impression that the state administra-tion and the local administrations of the colonists ran i n two parall e l lines. However, from various reports and orders 21 quoted by Leibbrandt It Is obvious that both Schulze and Oberschulze were obedient servants of either the Kontor In Saratov or the Fuersorgekomitaet i n the Black Sea region. The rule of Alexander II brought a complete change in the self-government of the colonies. On the 4th of July* 18?1, the Colonial Codex was abolished and replaced by the Landforms issued i n 1864. From then on the settlers were no 20 Langhans-Ratzeburg, op_. c i t . , pp. 15-18. 21 Leibbrandt, op_. c i t . , introduction and appendix. 35 longer considered as a separate unit. They were subject to the general Russian laxf, whereby the o f f i c i a l language was Russian. 2 2 The abolition of the laws of self-government and i t s replacement, by the general Russian law of administration was thus a breach of the privileges originally granted in the Manifesto of Katherine II. Another breach of guarantee was the right which was so solemnly granted, of exemption from military service. According to the Imperial reforms of 1874 the Russian nobility as well as the colonists were subject to military draft. On-ly the Mennonites were exempted from service by the law of May 14th, 1775* As pacifists they were allowed to serve the 23 same length of time i n the c i v i l services, forestry, etc., instead of the military service. The reforms of 1874 caused the f i r s t emigration of the colonists from Russia to North 24 and South America. IV. EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM . If we consider the colonists' economic development In Russia as a success, we cannot say the same with respect to their educational progress. Through diligence and endur-ance they were able to reach material prosperity but they 22 Bonwetsch, op..cit.. pp. 104-110. 23 Kessler, Joseph A., Geschlchte der Dioezese Tyraspol. Ver-lag von Rev. George Aberle, Dickinson, North Dakota, 1930, pp. 224-227. 24 For d e t a i l see Part II, infra. 36 were too materialistic to be inspired toward learning. They set no value on schooling and they were too avaricious to spend any money on education. Land and property were a l l -Important and this was their sole objective. According to Brendel, a community i n the Black Sea region consisted of about 90,per cent farmers and 10 per cent 2' other professions. Only the latter class had any education. -Similar conditions were recorded on the Volga. From the sta-t i s t i c s of 1861 to 1863, we can see that only 7 per cent of the colonists were able to read, 5 per cent were acquainted with mathematics, and only 9 to 12 per cent were able to read 26 the written texts. U n t i l World War I the colonists speak of a constant Intimate relation between church and school. Teachers were always selected by the pastors and the teachers usually ac-ted as sextons of the church i n addition to the regular teaching duties. The school, In fact, was a church school i n which nothing else was taught but the ABC's and the Bible. Indeed these were the only school texts during the f i r s t 50 years of settlement. General enlightenment or creation of in i t i a t i v e for self-education were not on the school program. Means to maintain the school and pay the teachers were raised by the community, while the pastor acted as school-inspector. 25 Brendel, op_. c i t . . pp. 46-47. 26 A.S.S.R. der Wolgadeutschen. op. c i t . , p. 39. 37 The teacher, or schoolmaster, as the colonist used to c a l l him, was considered an important man by the very fact that he worked i n association with the pastor, who was a highly respected man i n the community. Although the colonists had only popular schools and no institutions of higher learning, they had great d i f f i c u l t y i n finding teachers. Education was another aspect of self-government, consequently there was no interference In the matter from either the Kontor and Fuersorgekomitaet or from the Russian government. Paul I, however, did confirm the pastor's super-vision over the school. Only at the close of the 19th cent-ury, as Imperial reforms curtailed the colonists' privileges, did education come to be a concern of the Russian state. Central schools were established throughout Russia. Such schools were also founded i n the area populated by the Ger-man settlers. In IQ56 a central school was established on the Volga i n Katherinenstadt and a second school was estab-lished i n 1866 at Lessnol-Karamysh (Grimm).2? In the Black Sea region the following areas had German central schools: Odessa, Grossliebental, Kutchurgan and Landau Prishib, Mol-otschna and Sarata i n Bessarabia. These came to a total of twenty-two i n comparison to only two central schools on the Volga. The f i r s t central school in the Transcaucasus was established i n the Lutheran community of Helenendorf near 27 A.S.S.R. der Wolgadeutschen. op. c i t . , p. 40. 38 28 T i f l i s , similarly a school was founded i n the latter. These central schools provided a higher education thus enabling the graduates to become teachers or o f f i c i a l s i n the village administrations. In fact these schools l a i d the basis of a village intelligentsia. Brendel speaks of the central schools as having more than f u l f i l l e d their pur-pose;, not only had they established an educated society In the village but they also prepared students for university entrance. There seems to have been no unified standard of education at the time. According to Bishop Kessler almost a l l central schools were located i n Lutheran communities. These were attended by students of various religious denom-29 inations. The schools were supported solely by the col-onists u n t i l they were Russianized after 1871. After graduation from the central schools a large number of colonists' sons were sent to higher educational i n -stitutions abroad. The protestants especially, who never founded a separate institution to provide training for their church leaders, were forced to send their students to the University of Dorpat i n Estonia, or to Germany. A more for-tunate solution i n this respect was recorded by the Catholic sect. In 1848 the Diocese of Tyraspol was founded and with 28 Boelitz, Otto, Das Grenz und Auslanddeutschtum. Druck und Verlag von R. Oldenbourg, Muenchen und Berlin, 1930, p. 142. 29 Kessler, oj>. c i t . . pp. 178-I79. 39 i t t h e s e m i n a r y i n 1857. A s v e r y f e w s t u d e n t s e n t e r e d t h e p r i e s t h o o d m a n y b e c a m e t e a c h e r s i n t h e c o l o n i e s . T h e s e m i n -a r y i n S a r a t o v w a s t h e o n l y C a t h o l i c i n s t i t u t i o n f o r h i g h e r e d u c a t i o n . T h e r e w a s n o i n t e r f e r e n c e f r o m t h e M i n i s t r y o f E d u c a t i o n a s t h e i n s t i t u t i o n w a s u n d e r t h e J u r i s d i c t i o n o f t h e M i n i s t r y o f t h e I n t e r i o r . T h e s e m i n a r y w a s t h u s f r e e f r o m a n y p r e s c r i b e d s c h o o l p r o g r a m . T h e l a n g u a g e o f i n s t r u c -t i o n w a s G e r m a n . T h e n a t u r e o f e d u c a t i o n w a s g e n e r a l l y a l i b e r a l o n e , h o w e v e r a s a r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n t h e r e w a s a 3 0 s l i g h t t e n d e n c y t o w a r d s c h o l a s t i c i s m . A t t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e 20th c e n t u r y t h e i n s t r u c t o r s i n t h e s e m i n a r y w e r e e x c l u s i v e l y d e s c e n d a n t s o f t h e c o l o n i s t s . A c c o r d i n g t o s t a t i s t i c s g i v e n b y B i s h o p K e s s l e r , t h e n u m b e r o f p r i e s t s g r a d u a t e d f r o m t h e s e m i n a r y u n t i l i t s a b o l i t i o n b y t h e R e v o l u t i o n o f 1917, w a s 231. F o u r o f t h e m b e c a m e b i s h o p s a n d J . A . K e s s l e r a n d A . Z e r r w e r e a p p o i n t e d b i s h o p s t o t h e D i o c e s e o f T y r a s p o l . ^ 1 A s s o o n a s t h e R u s s i a n s y s t e m o f p r o v i n c i a l a n d d i s -32 t r l c t a d m i n i s t r a t i o n w a s i n t r o d u c e d i n 1 8 6 6 , t h e R u s s i a n g o v e r n m e n t e s t a b l i s h e d i t s s o - c a l l e d " o f f i c i a l d i s t r i c t s c h o o l s " . G r a d u a t e s f r o m t h e s e s c h o o l s w e r e p e r m i t t e d t o e n -t e r t h e c e n t r a l s c h o o l s . T h e c o m m u n i t y s h a r e d t h e e x p e n s e s 30 K e s s l e r , o p _ . c i t . , p p . 4 - 5 - 4 6 . 31 I b i d , p p . 285 -288 . 32 S e e s e c t i o n o n a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , s u p r a . 4 0 necessary to support the school. Besides the o f f i c i a l d i s -t r i c t schools, the government established also the "minister-i a l schools". Brendel claims that a ministerial school In a Russian community was f u l l y supported by the government, where-as the same school i n a colonist center was to be supported 33 by the colonists. The program of these schools was relat-ively wide and stimulated the desire for further education. Upon graduation the student could enter the fourth grade of a Russian Gymnasium. With the introduction of these various governmental schools a definite Russificatlon process had started. After the Colonial Codex was abolished In 18?1, education which was u n t i l then a matter of self-government, f e l l under the Jurisdiction of the Ministry of Education. The colonists* schools were incorporated into the general Russian school sy-stem and thus made subject to Russian inspection. The lan-guage of instruction became Russian - only religion was to be taught i n the settlers' mother tongue. A teacher had to be i n possession of a teaching diploma and a certificate of p o l i t i c a l r e l i a b i l i t y before being appointed. According to Brendel the teachers of Russian descent in the German settlements amounted to 70 per cent, the teach-ers of colonist descent only 30 per cent. This percentage was so because the Russian teachers usually had a better 33 Brendel, OJD. c i t . . pp. 54-55. 41 education. They were graduates of teaching seminaries and thus more readily appointed than the colonists who had not 34 received any teachers 1 training at a l l . The process of Russlfication was not only notice-able i n education but also i n many other respects. The ab-oli t i o n of the Colonial Codex, which resulted i n the curt-ailment of the colonial privileges; the use of Russian In the colonies as the o f f i c i a l language; and the renaming of the German settlements i n the Black Sea region in I896, i.e. giv-ing them Russian..namesdo reveal a definite policy direc-ted toward Russification of the settlers. Due to the Insur-rection of 1904-1905 the Russian government periodically a l -leviated the Russification policy and tolerated the establish-ing of German schools again, but soon also these schools were subjugated to the Russian language and the Russian school system. V. RELIGION IN THE COLONIES The Manifesto of 1?63 promised the settlers f u l l religious freedom. They were allowed to build churches, but the foundation of monasteries was prohibited. In the begin-ning the government even provided the capital. This includ-ed funds to build churches and grants for pastors' salaries. 34 Brendel, op., c i t . . pp. 54-55. 35 Handbuch des Deutschtums im Auslands. Dietrich Reimer (Ernst Bohsen), Berlin, 1906, p. 184. 42 Later on the colonies had to support their church leaders by themselves.'^ As already pointed out, the colonists settled i n separate religious communities. Thus we find distinct s e t t l e -ments of Lutherans, reformed groups, Roman Catholics or Men-nonites. Only the town of Katherinenstadt (later Marxstadt) on the Yolga had a population of both Catholics and Protest-ants. Because of these separated communities, any close re-lation between the religious groups was impossible. This separation was also to avoid religious f r i c t i o n among the sects, which would have been a certainty in a mixed commun-i t y . However, due to the lack of Catholic priests i n the early years of settlement a number of Catholics were convert-ed to the Lutheran fa i t h . This was notably true In the Crimea where the Catholic and Lutheran communities were located close to each other. On one occasion, a former Catholic priest Ignaz Lindl advocated the Black Sea region colonists to con-vert to the Lutheran f a i t h . With a small group of converted Lutherans, he moved to Bessarabia and helped found the colony of Sarata i n 1820 No religious organization existed among the commun-it i e s i n the f i r s t years after settlement. However after Katherine's annexation of eastern Poland the Bishopric of 36 Beratz, G., op. c i t . . p. 219. 37 Kessler, op. c i t . , pp. 22-24. 43 Mohilev was established and also included the German Catholic settlers. Since the Consistorium of the Bishopric was too far from the settlements the colonists received l i t t l e bene-f i t from i t . The Lutheran sect had no higher church organi-zation whatsoever. Although Katherine II permitted the est-ablishment of a Lutheran Consistorium i n each province i n 1785, i t was not carried out u n t i l 1810, so that each com-munity was l e f t to i t s own responsibility. The same is ap-plicable to the reformed s e c t s . ^ In 1810 an administration center of a l l non-ortho-dox churches was established which f e l l under the Jurisdic-tion of the Kultus Ministry in 1818. This enabled the Lutheran Church to establish an "Imperial General Cons1stor-iumB for a l l Lutheran churches In Russia. The General Gon-r slstorlum was subdivided into eight Consistorlums which were located i n the centers of the main Lutheran settlements. As the Reformed groups and the Lutherans could not be united, the General Consistorium was limited to the Lutheran sect. The system described above lasted only u n t i l 1832 when a l l Lutheran communities In Russia were divided into two sections, with their Consistorlums i n Moscow and Petersburg.-'7 The Lutherans comprised the largest group of set-, tiers i n the Volga as well as i n the Black Sea region. Four-38 Langhans-Ratzeburg, op_. c i t . . pp. 20-26. 39 Ibid, pp. 27-30. 44 f i f t h s of the Volga settlers were Lutherans (this includes a few thousands of the reformed group) out of a total of about 550,000 before World War I. In the Black Sea region there was a total.of 224,280 plus about 40,000 Wolhynla Germans who were a l l of the Lutheran faith, except a few thousand Hutter-i t e s . * 0 With regard to Catholic Church administration i n the 19th century, we must mention that the Catholic settlers who belonged to the Archdiocese of Mohilev u n t i l 1848 were then incorporated into the newly established Diocese of Tyraspol with i t s seat f i r s t i n Cherson, later Saratov, and in 1917 i n Odessa. According to Bishop Kessler, Tzar Nicholas I v i s i t -ed the Pope of reign XVI in 1845 at which meeting negotiations for the foundation of the new diocese took place. A papal delegate was sent out to Russia who made a survey of a l l the colonies and determined the boundary of the diocese. F i n a l -l y i n 1848 the document (Urkunde) "Universalis Ecclesia cura" 41 was signed which l a i d the foundation for the new diocese. Until 1860 the priests among the colonists, were a l -most a l l of Polish origin who scarcely spoke the language of the colonists. Thus, the settlers were actually without 40 See Table III. 41 Kessler, op. c i t . , pp. 25-28. 45 leaders and received very l i t t l e benefit from the services of the Polish priests. This period without leadership was clear-l y reflected i n the development of the educational standard. Even after the Catholic Seminary was established in 1857, which produced teachers and leaders for the Catholics, they 42. 43 were unable to attain the level of the protestant group. ' Only for a period of twenty years , from 1801 to 1820, were German Jesuits active i n the colonies. Since these Jesuits were only ten i n number and had to serve so great a popula-tion of colonists, they were unable to leave a deep impress-ion of their teachings. With the establishment of the Seminary the numbers 44 of priests were increased and one could then speak of an actual parish with a permanent priest. A parish often had several a f f i l i a t i o n s , and a few parishes made up a Dekanet. There were twelve of these i n the diocese.**-* According to the Catholic Encyclopedia the Diocese of Tyraspol was the largest In the world i n area. The Armenian Catholics i n the 42 Bonwetsch, op. c i t . , p. 87. 43 The protestant group devoted more attention to education and was thus more progressive. A striking i l l u s t r a t i o n of this fact i s that during the Soviet regime the majority of the teachers i n the Catholic communities were protectants. Simultaneously with their progress i n education, they drew from Russian culture at the expense of their own and i n con-sequence their national resistance was less than that of the conservative Catholics. 44 See section on education, supra. 45 Kessler, op_. c i t . , pp. 278-284. k6 south of the Caucasus, or those i n the Crimea, did not belong to the diocese but formed a separate group. The members of the diocese were exclusively German colonists with only a few hundreds of other nationalities. Regardless of what the religious denomination may have been, the colonists were ardent followers of their f a i t h and hence religious inter-marriages were very rare Indeed. It was a serious offense not to attend church. The Church was the only form of organization and the pastor was thus the leader. The Church provided the only form of r e l i e f from the dally work of the colonists. They were extremely conserva-tive i n their attitude toward their f a i t h . The unusually high respect for the man of the chureh created an atmosphere of restraint between the pastor and parishioners, especially amongst the Catholics. The end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century, as already stated, marked the period wherein the settlers* privileges were curtailed. However, the promised non-interference policy of Katherine with regard to chureh matters was maintained u n t i l the Revolution of 1917. 71. CHARACTERISTICS AND CULTURAL ASPECTS Prom the previous chapters one can see that the co l -onists' period of existence in Russia was characterized on one hand by the economic, and on the other hand by the r e l i -gious strength of the group. TABLE III DISTRIBUTION OP RELIGIOUS DENOMINATIONS IN THE BLACK SEA AREA Compiled a c c o r d i n g t o S t a t i s t i c s of Stumpp, K a r l , Die dentschen Kolonlen im Schwarzmeergebiet, Ausland und Heimat Verlags Aktiengesellschaft, Stuttgart, 1922, p. 36. PROVINCE LUTHERANS CATHOLICS MENNONITES TOTAL 1911 Bessarabia 57,931 4,914 62,845 Cherson 66,663 99,072 3,578 .169,313 Taurien 56,581.. 27,050 50,293.. • • ..133,924 Ekaterlnoslav.. .26,811 48,109 48,290 ..123,160 Don Region 13,927 13,879 .540 25,346 Kharkov 2,367 2,617 ...1,719. *•6,703 TOTAL 224,280 195,641..... .104,370..... .524,291 4 7 Until the end of the 19th century the colonists were almost completely Isolated from their original homeland. Due to this isolation no cultural contact could have been main-tained, nor were there the learned people who would have look-ed to their homeland as a source of culture. The colonists' sole desire was to establish their economical standard. Their acti v i t i e s were limited to the t i l l i n g of the s o i l . Mind and soul were occupied with the number of cattle and horses. Their ties with the new homeland were loose. Thus there was the constant desire to emigrate which was inspired by lust for land. The colonists* l i f e was colorless. They were con-servative In their convictions, clinging to the old tr a d i -tions. Lack of educated people deprived the settlers of ec-onomic, cultural, and p o l i t i c a l organizations. P o l i t i c a l and general enlightenment were outside the scope of their lntex*-est; a book or newspaper was for the schoolmaster. They had a strong belief i n God on whom they relied entirely. To the colonist the church tie was the strongest and often the only spir i t u a l requirement which released him from the duties of his daily existence. And as any isolated group, as Walter Kuhn maintained, their s p i r i t u a l nourishment (Geistige Nahr-ung) was drawn mainly from the Bible, hymnbooks, and calen-46 dars. 46 Kuhn, 0£. c i t . , pp. 332-333. 48 The characteristic feature of the average colonist was that he was a farmer, firm, steady and f u l l of enormous in i t i a t i v e ; branded however with the deeply etched features of a troublesome past. A certain slowness was to be seen in his behavior. He was suspicious and envious however, there-47 by cunning and scornful. God-fearing In isolation he be-came naive and confiding towards the events outside of his own world. Although the colonists had almost completely lost the ties with their original homeland for reasons as stated above, they nevertheless preserved what they had inherited from their forefathers. The fact that they had founded pure-ly German settlements isolated from a l l other nationalities did enable them to preserve their national identity. Many customs and habits which were victims of modernization i n Germany remained unchanged In the colonies, so that a study of them would have been rewarding to the student of folklore. Christmas and Easter were the most celebrated church festivals. Numerous fetes were also observed of which ; "Kirchweih-Kerva" and "Fastnacht11 were the most important. Folksongs were verbally transmitted from generation to gener-ation. An intensive analysis of the folksong of the Russian-Germans presents the gradual breakdown and change of the song; lines have been dropped from the original l y r i c s and there 47 Bonwetsch, op_. c i t . , p. 87. a r e o c c a s i o n a l l y o n l y i n d i v i d u a l v e r s e s r e m a i n i n g w h i c h i n c o u r s e o f t i m e w e r e a d o p t e d a s a c o m p l e t e s o n g I n i t s e l f . T h e o r i g i n a l c o n t e x t i s t h e r e f o r e o f t e n u n c o n s c i o u s l y m i s r e -p r e s e n t e d b y t h e s i n g e r . U n i n t e l l i g i b l e w o r d s o f S t a n d a r d H i g h G e r m a n b e c o m e r e p l a c e d b y s i m i l a r s o u n d i n g s e n s e l e s s e x -p r e s s i o n s . U n i s o n a n d s i m i l a r i t y o f c o n t e x t o f t e n l e d t o t h e b o r r o w i n g o f v e r s e s f r o m o t h e r s o n g s . A l l t h e s e p h e n o m e n a o f the deterioration of the s o n g s a l s o o c c u r r e d i n G e r m a n y , 4 8 b u t a m o n g t h e G e r m a n s i n R u s s i a t h i s w a s m o r e a c u t e . T h e d i a l e c t s s p o k e n b y t h e e a r l y c o l o n i s t s w e r e f u l l y p r e s e r v e d . T h e M e n n o n i t e s s p o k e a W e s t - P r u s s i a n L o w G e r m a n d i a l e c t , W h e r e a s t h e L u t h e r a n s a n d C a t h o l i c s s p o k e t h e S o u t h - W e s t G e r m a n , L o w A l e m m a i n e a s w e l l a s t h e R h e m l s h - F r a n -c o n i a n d i a l e c t s . I n s o m e c o l o n i e s , n o t a b l y a m o n g t h e L u t h e r -a n s a n d C a t h o l i c s , a n e w d i a l e c t w a s s h a p e d a s s e t t l e r s f r o m v a r i o u s a r e a s c a m e t o g e t h e r i n o n e c o m m u n i t y . T h e i n f l u e n c e o f R u s s i a n c u l t u r e a f f e c t e d t h e c o l -o n i s t s t o a c e r t a i n e x t e n t , n o t a b l y a f t e r W o r l d W a r I . A l -t h o u g h t h e c o l o n i s t s w e r e g e n e r a l l y c o n s e r v a t i v e t h e y t r i e d t o m a i n t a i n t h e s t y l e s e t b y t h o s e w h o c a m e i n c o n t a c t w i t h t h e R u s s i a n u r b a n p o p u l a t i o n . I n a d d i t i o n c l i m a t i c c o n d i -t i o n s c a u s e d t h e m t o a d o p t R u s s i a n d r e s s , i . e . t h e b i g f u r c o a t a n d f e l t b o o t s w o r n d u r i n g t h e w i n t e r . T h e u r b a n 4 8 S c h u e n e m a n n , G . , D a s L i e d d e r d e u t s c h e n K o l o n l s t e n I n  R u s s l a n d . M u e n c h e n , 1923, p . 4 0 . 50 Germans were Russified i n their moods but they s t i l l spoke the German language. Because of this the urban German was more ready to inter-marry with the native Russian. The v i l l -age intelligentsia also tended to imitate Russian ways. This was usually the reflection of a higher Russian educational institution. In the f i r s t years of settlement the borrowing from Russian culture was limited to material cultural forms. Ac-cording to Kuhn this process actually works both ways. A certain exchange (Ausglelch) takes place between the i s o l a t -ed language group and that of the native people. But only much later, after having been acquainted with the native people and after they are able to master the language of the hq natives does a borrowing of spi r i t u a l cultural forms occur, ^ In such a process fa i r y tales and proverbial sayings were adopted. In matters of folk music, there has always been a tendency amongst the colonists of Eastern Europe to readily accept the superiority of the native music, especially If they have been l i v i n g amongst Ukrainians and Russians. In this manner Russian and Ukrainian melodies of song and dance were willingly adopted. The songs were adopted because of their beautiful melody, although the l y r i c was not understood. The influence of the Russian language was unavoid-able since Russian was the language of the country. The use 49 Kuhn, op_. c i t . , pp. 298-299. 51 of o f f i c i a l Russian terms, expressions designating new types of furniture or clothing, for which no counterpart existed i n the dialect were common. The use of the f i r s t name and the father's name when addressing each other was striking as this i s a way which i s exclusively Russian. In spite of this influence of Russian culture, the average colonist had unconsciously maintained his nationality. As among other isolated minority groups, the Church served as a great support to preserve this national character. Elemen-tary schools were 0Church schools" and were supervised by the pastors before the period of Russification at the close of the 19th century. Religious ceremonies were presented i n German. The church was the only form of organization amongst the co l -onists and held them together. In isolation, the church thus beoame a facsimile of a national church, hovrever, there was no definite policy pursued that led to the preservation of their national identity. It was merely that deep desire to keep what was handed down through tradition by their fore-fathers.^ 0 According to Kuhn, as the Isolated group begins to develop materially as well as sp i r i t u a l l y , and religious pam-phlets are replaced by news of the world, and as the people 50 The preservation of the national identity was aided by the natural separation from the natives as the colonists set-tled i n purely separate religious communities. The d i f f e r -ence in faiths avoided inter-marriages and thereby also the association with the natives. 52 acquire a higher standard of l i v i n g , as well as draw their cultural forms from non-nationals, then the isolated langu-age island has reached a dangerous period, that of assimila-tion. Only then, a powerful impulse from the outside can re-awaken the national consciousness and re-establish the contact with the motherland as well as to secure future cult-51 ural sources. * The group i n Russia never reached the level describ-ed by Kuhn. The majority were s t i l l farmers l i v i n g i n their own secluded world and thus they never reached the point of assimilation. Nevertheless they did receive such an Impulse. The definite Russification process at the end of the 19th century coupled with the antagonistic feeling following World War I, created a certain German consciousness i n the group. However, as Germans who had no contact with Germany and had never been there, they became a unique group which had i n course of time coined i t s own form of culture. As such the group was never f u l l y accepted by the average German. A fact which manifested i t s e l f when part of the group was resettled to Germany during World War I I . They spoke of another mem-ber of the group as "one of ours", as the people of Alsace do who c a l l themselves neither German nor French hut Alsatians. # # # # # 51 Kuhn, 0£. c i t . , pp. 384-385. 5 3 Literary publications amongst the settlers were 52 scarce. In many of the calendars and magazines, hi s t o r i c a l sketches of individual colonies were published. Notable for that was the "Neuer Haus- und Landwirtschaftskalendar fuer die deutschen Ansiedler im suedlichen Russland". In 1912, a noteworthy novel appeared anonymously on the Volga entitled, Nor net lopper g1gewa. which described the attitude of the German colonist toward an Idealist young teacher with progres slve views. ^ Another publication which appeared on the Vol-ga, was a collection of folksongs and childrens* poems of the Volga colonists, which was written by Goebel, Gottlieb; and Alexander Hunger and entitled Fest und True, oder der K l r g l - sen-Michel. A l l this literature, including the historical works, were issued i n Russia. Only after World War I when for the f i r s t time in their history the colonists i n Russia attracted the attention of their original homeland, did a 54 number of publications appear In Germany. The following l i s t contains calendars, newspapers,, magazines and h i s t o r i c a l works. The dates of publication 52 For l i t e r a r y publications after World War I, see Chapter III, i n f r a . ' 5 3 Luther, Arthur, "Deutsche Dichtung i n Russland", Der  Auslanddeutsche. Jabrg. XII, No. 1 0 , Stuttgart, 1 9 2 9 , pp. 3 1 6 3 1 8 . 54 In 1 9 1 4 there were a series of research works published for the f i r s t time by the newly founded "Institut fuer aus-landskunde und Auslanddeutschtum" i n Leipzig. The climax of research concern about the Germans i n Russia was reached i n Germany after 1 9 3 3 . 54 mark the period of prosperity whereas they ceased, publishing with the onset of World War I when they were prohibited. 55 A. Calendars 1. Amtskalender fuer evangelische Gelstliche In Russland. 1871-1914.. 2. Christlicher Famlllenkalender, Semferopol, 1897. 3. Per Wolgabote. a Calendar for German settlers on the Vol-ga, 1883-1906. 4. Kalender der deutschen Kolonlen In Russland, Petersburg. 5. Molotschnaer Volkskalender. for the German settlers i n South Russia, 1881^1914. 6. Neuer Haus- und Landwlrtschaftskalendar, for the German settlers in South Russia, 1865-1915. 7. Wolgadeutscher Kalender. 1873-1915. 56 6. Newspapers and Magazines 1. Hausfreund. issued by Kanonikus Rudolf Relchert, Odessa, 1892-1906. 2. Helmatglocken, Talovka, 1905, a Lutheran weekly. . 3. Klemens. a Catholic Weekly founded i n 1897, Saratov, pub-lished as a weekly u n t i l 1906 then issued as a supplement to the "Deutsche Rundschau" u n t i l 1914. 4. Moskauer deutsche Zeltung. a weekly. 5» Odessaer Zeltung. a daily, 1865-1914; 1915-1918. 6. St. Petersburger Zeltung. 1727-1915. 7. Saratower deutsche Volkszeltung. Saratov. 55 Handbueh des Peutschtums im Auslande, op. c i t . , pp. 187-188. , : 56 Ibid. 55 8. Unterhaltungsblatt, for the German settlers in South Russia, Odessa, 1825-1871. C. Historical Books These works have been written by the descendants of the colonists and several of the books have been published abroad.5? 1. Bauer, G., Geschlchte der deutschen Ansiedler an der Wolga seit Ihrer Einwanderung nach Russland bis zur Einfuehrung der Allgemeinen Wehrpflicht, 1766 -1874. 2. Beratz, Gottleib, Die deutschen Kolonlen an der Unteren Wolga i n Ihrer Entstehung und ersten Entwickelung, Saratov, 1914. 3. Bonwetsch, Gerhard, Geschlchte der deutschen Kolonlen an der Wolga. Stuttgart, 1919. 4 . Kessler, Bishop Joseph A., Geschlchte der Dlozese Tyras-poj., Dickinson, North Dakota, 1930. 5. Klaus, Alexander, Unsere Kolonlen. Odessa, 1871. 6. Loebsack, Georg, Elnsam kaempft das Wolgalarid, Leipzig, 1936. 7. Schenk, M. F., Geschlchte der deutsche Kolonlen in Trans-kaukasien. 1 8 6 9 . 8 . Schleuning, Johannes, Die deutschen Kolonlen In Wolga-geblet. 1919. 9. Schleuning, Johannes, In Kampf und Todesnot. Berlin -Chariot t e nburg, 1930. 10. Stach Jakob, Das Deutschtum i n Slbirlen Mittelaslen und dem Fernen Osten. Stuttgart, 1939. 11. Stumpp, Karl, Die deutschen Kolonlen im Schwarzmeergeblet. Stuttgart, 1922. 5 7 A great number of his t o r i c a l works and articles were pub-lished by the Mennonltes, but since the Mennonites and their lit e r a r y works are well known, they shall not be mentioned. here. 56 Numerous verbal stories which were never written down circulated amongst the colonists. In the long winter evenings these stories were told; they a l l spoke of the c o l -onists' past and their adventures i n the early days of set-tlement. S t y l i s t i c a l l y they were an adoption of Germanic heroic poems which were brought by the early settlers. In time the poems were localized, i . e . the characters and heroes In the poems were replaced by local people. The yearly festivals held by the church choirs must be mentioned here as an important aspect of the colonists 1 a r t i s t i c activity. Where cultural l i f e was at best so re-stricted, these religious celebrations helped to supply an important need i n the community. VII. INTERNAL MIGRATION AND SISTER COLONIES Perhaps no other national group in the world was i n such a constant uninterrupted movement as the Germans of Russia. The settlement of the mother colonies lasted from 1763 u n t i l the middle of the 19th century. The Volga, Black Sea region, Caucasus and Wolhynla were selected as settlement areas. Almost simultaneously with the completion of the set-tlement of the mother colonies, a new movement started into other areas of Russia. Neither pressure nor oppression on the part of the Russian government caused this migration i n -to isolated d i s t r i c t s . The apparent land problem and the i n -herent urge of the colonists to acquire land, drove them to 57 spread out from every nucleus of settlement. Heads of fami-l i e s wished each son to have an area equal to his own. There-fore in.large families there was a constant search for new land. No opportunity was missed to enlarge holdings of pro-perty* Price differences helped i n this regard. Settlers sold their land when values were favorable and moved into distant areas where they could buy cheaply. The natural de-sire to own one's farm s o i l and the acquisitive nature of these colonists to possess cheap land and much of i t , sent them wandering from one d i s t r i c t into another. The early mi-gration had established mother colonies which soon were sur-rounded by sister colonies. When a l l the available land was taken, a migration eastward took place. According to Jakob Stach, as the colonists became subject to military service and emigration abroad had started, large numbers of Mennonites from Molotsohna migrated to the newly acquired territory in Turkestan. The majority of them came from the Province of Taurien, later i n the 1890's they also came from the Volga. The Governor of Turkestan promised each person a sum of f i f t y rubles and exemption from taxes for eleven years. The total of the settlers who accepted CO this proposal was about 1,000.-^ From 1899 to 1901 an ex-tensive number of colonists migrated from the.Province of Cherson i n Bessarabia to the area of Tashkent. 58 Stach, Jakob, Das Deutschtum In Slblrlen. Mittelaslen und  dem Fernen Oaten, Kohlhammer Verlag, Stuttgart, 1939, p. 43. 58 The colonies i n the Don area and North Caucasus were founded by Volga and Black Sea Germans, In the Don area the colonists settled near Taganrog. Later after 1900, migra- . tions from here to the North Caucasus and Central Asia were recorded. The foundation of the colonies i n the North Cauca-sus followed the year I860, when Black Sea and Volga Germans settled there. These colonies were predominantly located near Stavrograd, Vladikawkas and Novorossljsk. Before World War I the number of colonies was over seventy-six with the same number of Chutoras (smaller settlements) and an aggre-gate population of 100,000. As sister colonies they were small i n comparison to the mother colonies and had populat-cq ions of only 1,000 to 2,000 persons.-' The general migration to Siberia at the beginning of the 20th century was due to two historical events i n Tzar— 1st Russia: (a) the construction of the Trans-Siberian R a i l -road; and (b) the Stolypin Agrarian Reform of 1906 which was 60 passed by the Duma i n 1910. The coming of the railway caused the resettlement of more than three and one half million people - even during the Russo-Japanese War 90,000 people were resettled in Siber-i a . ^ 1 The agrarian reform dissolved the "Mir system" whereby 59 Boelitz, op_. c i t • , p. 141. 60 Stumpp, op_. c i t . , p. 21. 61 Stach, op_. c i t . , p. 61. 59 the land was community owned and was periodically divided among the male members of the settlement. (Note that only the Black Sea Germans were not subject to the "Mir system".) The new law freed the peasant from any obligation towards the community. He was free to buy or s e l l land wherever he wish-ed. Furthermore, the land became his personal possession. This agrarian reform corrected the mistake of 1861, whereby the abolition of serfdom did not bring with i t the right of private ownership. The reform i n turn marked the biggest colonization period of the 20th century as the government made a number of special concessions to the prospective settler for Siber-i a . Colonists were entitled to f i f t e e n desjatins of land be-sides a f a i r reduction for transportation, etc. These induce-ments brought in settlers from Bessarabia, Cherson and the 62 Volga. After 1905 the following complexes of colonies were founded i n Siberia: In the area of Slavgorod ; .118 colonies. In the area of Omsk 205 colonies. In the area of Orenburg (European Russia)...... 22 colonies. In the area of Khmolinsk 42 colonies. In the area of Semipalatlnsk (Central Asia).... 64 colonies. Although the above figures only present 451 colonies, there were about 500 German colonies i n Siberia before World War I. 62 Stach, op. c i t . . pp. 63-64. 60 The colonists possessed a total of 800,000 desjatins i n land-holdings.^ Summing up the mother colonies and sister colonies i n Russia we see the following picture: out of 318 original mother colonies founded by German settlers i n European Russia, there were 3,000 sister colonies established with 90,000 Chutoras'founded by the original German settlers. In time they increased eighteen times, i.e. 1.6 million by World 6k War I. To complete the migration of the German settlers within Russia we must mention the last migration during the Soviet regime. During World War I when the Wolhynla Germans were ordered to leave their homeland, an extensive number of them settled i n the Par East of Russia. In 1926 to 1929, the period of collectivization marked a migration from a l l German settled areas to the Far East. The Soviet government granted tax exemption and and other concessions to people who were ready to settle in the Far East. In this way fourteen c o l -onies were founded on the Amur and Ussuri Rivers by German s e t t l e r s . ^ During the Soviet regime, as the colonists were ousted, there was also a great influx of Germans into the 63 Deutsches Ausland Institut, erg. c i t . . p. 135. 6k Ibid. 65 Quiring, Walter, "Die russlanddeutschen Fleuchtllnge i n China", Der Wanderweg der Russlanddeutschen. Deutsches Aus-land Institut, Stuttgart, 1939, pp. 272-273. 6 1 c i t i e s , where they took employment as laborers and various skilled crafts. CHAPTER III THE COLONISTS BETWEEN THE WORLD WARS I. WORLD WAR I AND THE IMPERIAL UKAS OF 1915 The outbreak of World War I marked the beginning of the most d i f f i c u l t period i n the history of the colonists. The planned Jubilee commemorating their a r r i v a l i n Russia had to be forgotten. Instead of the joyful festivals the pre-vailing mood was sadness and disappointment. As f u l l c i t i -zens of Russia they were drafted Into the army and had to fight against their land of origin. The antagonism existing towards the colonists reached a climax i n the Ukas of 1915. The location of the German settlements, I.e. Wol-hynla which was strategically important to Russia, led to a number of anti-German measures at the beginning of the war. The Ukas of I915 proclaimed the confiscation, with compensa-tion, of the entire German land-holdings along the Polish border. Within a few days they had to start their march to-wards Siberia. There were 180,000 people on the way to S i -beria. Diseases and starvation were their constant compan-ions. These measures were the more drastic as the entire male population was fighting, only women and children home.1 1 Deutsches Ausland Institut, op_. c i t . . p. 26k. 63 In 1916 the Tzariat government decreed the expulsion from their homes of the Volga Germans and those of the Black Sea region. The decree, however, f e l l into abeyance with the: overthrow of the Tzarlst regime. Only after the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk i n 1918, were the Wolhynla Germans allowed to return to their homes. There they found a devastated area, a reflection of a raging battle-field. As these measures had been enforced, the Tzarist government could not expect any great loyalty from the c o l -onists. Although individuals were i n the Western bat t l e - f i e l d against Germany, i t was the policy of the Russian government to have the colonists on the Turkish front. Georg Loebsack i n his heroic treatment of the Volga Germans, Elnsam kaempft das Wolgaland. maintains that at least 40,000 Volga Ge rmans p had given their lives at the Battle of Erserum. Erserum, near Trapesunt, became the cemetery of the colonists i n World War I. II . THE MARCH REVOLUTION OF 1917 The March Revolution of 1917 seemed to have brought better times as the provisional government restored cultural and national self-determination. They were to develop their future nationality free from any pressure and force of the government. A sudden desire for unity prevailed amongst a l l 2 Loebsack, Georg, Elnsam kaempft das Wolgaland, R. Voeigt-laeder Verlag, Leipzig, 1 9 3 6 , p. 1 4 5 . 6k the Germans i n Russia. A strong unification was craved by the colonists i n order that their rights would be preserved i n case of need. In order to give this new movement character and a uniform aim, Professor Llndemann, In accordance x-irith other leading colonists summoned representatives from the German settlements to Moscow. The meeting took place i n April, the 20th to 23rd, 1917, under the chairmanship of Prof. Llndemann and Duma deputy Lutz. Eighty-six delegates from fifteen Pro-vinces had gathered for the f i r s t time i n order to defend the colonists' cause i n Russia. At this Conference, resolutions of immediate importance were thrashed out. Foremost amongst these was the demand for equal rights as Russian citizens, the introduction of German In the colonists' schools, the foundation of German newspapers, the foundation of a German Society i n Russia,^ and immediate help for the expelled Wol-k hynia Germans. Before the proclamation of self-determination of the peoples In Russia by the provisional government on the 20th of March, 1917, the Volga Germans had already founded a p r i -vate executive for the purpose of combating the unfavorable measures undertaken against the colonists. This private 3 This Society had no p o l i t i c a l a f f i l i a t i o n s . k Schleuning, Johannes, In Kampf und Todesnot. Bernard u. Graefe, Berlin-Charlottenburg, 1930, pp. 30-33. 65 executive was now augmented to an organized executive which soon called a General Meeting i n Ap r i l , 1917. Three hundred and eighty-six delegates from a l l the Volga colonist settle-ments had gathered and elected a "Central Committee" with Its seat i n Saratov. Questions of economy and culture were to he administered by this committee. Its primary aim, however, was the establishment of autonomy for the Volga colonists.^ From March u n t i l the October Revolution of 1917, according to Schleuning, there was an active participation noticeable amongst a l l the people for the re-establishment-of the "Ver-lorenes Volksgut11 (national character). During this period a German paper "Die Saratower deutsche Volkszeitung" was founded and numerous teachers* congresses were held by the Volga Germans. Similar activities were carried on by the Black Sea colonists. At the end of March of 1917, they had already called a Conference In Odessa for the purpose of founding a "Society of a l l Germans in Russia". Here, too, the resolu-tions of the Moscow Conference were adopted which were to be carried out under the auspices of the elected "Central Com-mittee" with i t s seat i n Odessa. A weekly magazine was founded to promote the cause of the colonist. This magazine was at f i r s t issued In Russian and later In the German lang-uage. Contrary to the Volga Germans, the Black Sea colonist 5 Langhans-Ratzeburg, op_. c i t . , pp. 41-44. 66 did not strive for autonomy due to the t e r r i t o r i a l distances between the settlements. The Caucasian colonists who especially had to exper-ience the antagonism of the Tzarist government, enthusiasti-cally welcomed the March Revolution. As on the Volga and Black Sea, they too called a Congress i n T i f l i s . Although they were one of the poorer groups they were able to collect enough funds to establish a German hlghschool (Oberrealschule) i n Helendorf by the f a l l of 191?.6 Parallel to the activities i n the mother colonies were those activities of the colonists i n Siberia. In Slav-gorod there was a Congress called whieh decided on the found-ation of a German teachers' training school. The school was 7 ready for Its opening by the f a l l of 1917.' However this great enthusiasm for the purpose of re-establishing their former status as a self-determined group, was of short duration. The eight months from March u n t i l October were not long. The October Revolution and i t s con-sequences brought even more destructive elements to the c o l -onies. The colonies were exposed to the anarchism of either the retreating and resisting Imperial forces or the approach-ing troops of the new regime. 6 Schleuning, op_. c i t . , pp. 38-39. 7 Stach, op_. c i t . . pp. 130-150. 6 7 III* OCTOBER REVOLUTION AND SELF-DETERMINATION The attitude towards the new Soviet regime was one of resistance. Only the poorer landless elements became f o l -lowers of the Bolshevist system as they expected land from ft the new government. The colony of Balzer on the Volga show-ed the greatest resistance towards the Bolshevists. This re-sistance resulted in an armed uprising against the invading Red forces. 9 Even after the October Revolution of 19I7 when the Bolshevists were dominating the Volga c i t i e s , the "Cent-r a l Committee" which was elected during the period of the provisional government was s t i l l r e s i s t i n g . 1 0 This committee called the Warenburg Conference in February of 1918 as a pro-test against the formation of local Soviets i n the town. 1 1 But with the increasing power of the local commun-is t s , the "Central Committee" was crushed and replaced by the "Commissariat of the Volga Germans". The Commissariat had the task of preparing for the coming Congress of the Soviets 8 Stumpp, op. c i t . , p. 42. 9 Schleuning, op_. c i t . . p. 42. 10 "Nemcev Povolzja A.S.S.R.", Bol'sha.la Sovetskaja Enslk-lopedlia. Vol. 41, O.G.J.Z., R.S.F.S.R., Moskva, 1939, pp. 594-604. This article states that the Volga Germans were predominantly ardent followers of the communist idea, and that their contribution to the cause of the revolution was great. The article goes on to describe the heroic p a r t i c i -pation of Volga German regiments against the invading troops of Denikin and Kolchak. 11 Langhans-Ratzeburg, op_. c i t . , p. 42. 6 8 of the Volga colonies and that of carrying out the decrees of the Soviet regime. Preparation having been completed, the f i r s t Soviet Congress of the Volga Germans was summoned 12 to Saratov by June of 1918. It was only In October of 1918 at the second Congress that the "Autonomous Workers' Commune of the Volga Germans" was proclaimed. This was i n accordance with the Soviet national policy which secured the right of self-determination to a l l the peoples of the U.S.S.R. Now a l l questions pertaining to economy, administration and cult-ure were under the jurisdiction of the elected "Soviet Cong-ress" of the Autonomous Workers' Commune of the Volga Ger-. mans.^ The Treaty of Brest-Lltovsk even secured the right to the Volga Germans to emigrate to Germany. German govern-ment o f f i c i a l s arrived on the Volga to organize this emigra-tion, but the collapse of Germanyin 1918 made a quick end to Ik this beginning. In 1921, a "Zentralkbraitee der Deutschen aus Russland" was founded In Germany. The organization un-dertook the task of assisting the colonists to emigrate to overseas countries. 1^ 12 Gross, E., A.S .S .R. Nemcey Povolz.la. Izdanije "Nemgos-izdata", Pokrovsk, 1926, p. 13 13 A.S.S.R. der Wolgadeutschen. op. c i t . , pp. 1-10. Ik Gross, op. c i t . , pp. 15-16. 15 "Zentralkomitee der Deutschen aus Russland", Per Ausland- deutsche. Jabrg. 10, No. 13, Stuttgart, 192?, pp."553-^-6?. 6 9 It was only by 1924 that the Autonomous Workers' Commune was able to exist as a self-contained economical unit. At that time i t was raised to the level of an "Auton-omous Republic", as part of the large Russian Socialist Fed-eration of Soviet Republics. The republic was divided Into 16 fourteen counties and had a national composition of: Germans.......... ...66.53$ Russians 21.1 $ Ukranians 9.72$ Others 1.65$ The Black Sea colonist as contrasted to the Volga colonist had a different phase of development. Following the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk the Ukraine was occupied by the German forces, so that the "Central Committee" founded dur-ing the provisional government i n Odessa was able to function u n t i l the end of the German occupation, i.e. November of 1918. After the collapse of Germany and the subsequent re-treat of the troops from the Ukraine, the new Soviet regime was able to paralyse the activities of the "Central Committee" i n Odessa. However the colonies around Odessa resisted the Soviet regime with an armed uprising and were able to main-tain their resistance for a period of two weeks.1''' 16 For details of administration see: Langhans-Ratzeburg, op. c i t . , and Gross, op_. c i t . 17 Schleuning, op_. cit.., pp. 87-89. 70 Contrary to the Volga Germans, autonomy never was granted to the Black Sea Germans for reasons of t e r r i t o r i a l distances between the settlements. However they were organ-ized into "National Districts" of which there were seventeen in the entire U.S.S.R. Administratively they belonged to the particular province In which they were located. Most of them were named after leading German colonists such as, Karl Leib-knecht d i s t r i c t near Odessa, Ernst Thailmann d i s t r i c t i n the Donetz area, and Rosa Luxemburg d i s t r i c t near Dnepropetrovsk, 18 etc. IV. ECONOMIC ASPECTS The four years of war, the October Revolution f o l -lowed by the c i v i l war and the growing anarchism brought ec-onomical disaster to Russia. The constant occupation by either the Soviet forces or the resisting Tzarist troops caused almost a complete impoverishment of the colonies by 1920. In addition to the existing impoverishment, Russia was destined to endure i n 1921 the greatest crop failure In Its history. According to Ivan Herasimovich, the once so f e r t -i l e s o i l near Mariupol returned only .05 of the original seed sown, and as a result, by the winter of 1921 - 79^ of the German colonists were subject to the great famine which was 18 Kolarz, Walter, Russia and her Colonies. George Philip and Son Limited, London, 1952, p. 74, according to informa-tion from: Bartels, Bernhard, Die deutschen Bauern Suedruss- land, Moscow, 1928. 71 accompanied by mass starvation and epidemics. The conditions amongst the Volga colonists were no less severe. The sta t i s t i c s below manifest the austerity of the crop failure and the subsequent drop i n population i n 1921. AMOUNT OF AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS EXPORTED FROM THE AREA OF THE A.S.S.R. OF THE VOLGA GERMANS TO OTHER AREAS OF RUSSIA2 In 1918.. 18 million pud. In 1919 ..12 million pud. In 1920 6 million pud. In 1921 1 million pud. POPULATION OF THE AREA OF THE A.S.S.R. OF THE VOLGA GERMANS21 In 1916 ....570,300 persons. In 1920. . . . . . . . . 660,841 persons. In 1922. ..527,826 persons. The loss of 141,000 people in the area was due to starvation and dessertion into other areas of Russia. Through the immediate help of the International Red Cross and church organizations, as well as relatives abroad, conditions were alleviated by 1922. Also the new Russian 19 Herasimovich, Ivan, Holod na Ukra.llnl. Vidavnitstvo 'Ukrajinske Slovo", Berlin, 1922, pp. 60-67. 20 Gross, op_. c i t . . pp. 22-38. 21 Ibid. 72 economic policy which guaranteed private enterprise at the beginning of the 1920»s helped to overcome this d i f f i c u l t time and many were again on their way to prosperity. But by 1925 the coming of collectivization was de-f i n i t e . This i n turn meant the loss of land which was by no means compatible with the materialistic mind of the colonist. The expected economic in s t a b i l i t y and the intensified fear of a possible revival of the year of 1921, again motivated the lust to wander in the colonist. This period marked the second great migration overseas which lasted u n t i l 1930 when the Soviet government completely stopped the emigration of Russian citizens. After 1930 various i l l e g a l ways were con-trived to leave Russia. The period of collectivization also marked the ex-pulsion of rich colonists (Kulaks) from the colonies. The majority of these then moved into the c i t i e s . Thus by 1928 the A.S.S.R. could record the existence of 209 collective farms. Ten years later 99»9# of e l l farms were Incorporated into Kolkhoses of Sovkhoses (state-owned farms). 2 2 In addl- . tion the Soviet Encyclopedia records a tremendous upswing i n industry and mechanization In the A.S.S.R. of the Volga Ger-03 m a n s . S i m i l a r statements i n regard to collectivization can be made about other German populated areas. Only amongst the 22 A.S.S.R. der Wolgadeu t s che n. op. c i t . , pp. 30-33. 23 For d e t a i l see "Nemcev Povolzja A.S.S.R.", op_. cjlt., 73 Germans In Siberia was collectivization introduced later. It remains to mention that the famine of 1921 found a recurrence'in 1930-1931, when the crop failure and addi-tional taxes deprived the people of Russia of their daily bread. At the close of the decade people had been reconciled with their fate of being collective farmers and conditions were generally improved. It was World War II which marked ah end to this period. V. RELIGION IN THE COLONIES Soon after the October Revolution of 1917 the two Lutheran Consistorlums i n Leningrad and Moscow were dissol -ved. However the Lutheran Seminary i n Leningrad was s t i l l 2< functioning u n t i l 1925« From among forty pastors which served one hundred and f i f t y Lutheran colonies on the Volga, only fourteen remained by 1926. Sixteen retired and the rest fled abroad. Similar actions were undertaken against the Catholic hierarchy. Many priests including Joseph A. Kessler, Bishop of the Diocese of Tyraspol, were able to leave Russia before measures were undertaken against them. The Catholic Seminary i n Saratov was dissolved In 1918 and property confiscated. 24 Schleunlng, op_. c i t . . pp. 170-185. 25 Gross, op_, c i t . , p. 98. 74 Before the war each of the thirty-nine Catholic settlements had one priest and one cantor. By 1926 there were nine vac-ancies. 2? Although s t a t i s t i c a l information is not available for the colonies i n the Ukraine and other areas, one can as-sume a similar situation i n regard to religious matters. Re-l i g i o n as a whole was banned from the school and so were the teachers of religion. Isolated and without leadership, the individual pastors carried on with their work u n t i l 1937 when most of them became victims of the great purges of 1936-1938 in Soviet Russia. Churches were closed and often transformed Into dance or recreation halls. A vivid propaganda against the Church as an institution was carried on by the younger generation who were members of the "Society of the Godless". Their main organs of propaganda were the German weekly maga-zines j "Die Trommel0 - published In the A.S.S.R. of the Vol-ga Germans, "Die Trompete" - published i n the Ukraine, and "Neuland" antlreligioese Zeltschrif der Sowjetdeutsche - pub-lished i n the Ukraine. 2 8 The literature published In the Soviet Union in re-gard to the colonists' attitude towards such measures i s 27 Gross, op. c i t . , p. 97. 28 Schleuning, op_. c i t . . p. 192. 75 strikingly contradictory when compared with the literature published abroad. In the Soviet publication of E. Gross, he stipulates that by 1926 the colonist had developed a negative attitude toward the church due to the enlightenment by the revolution and partly by the corrupted clergy themselves.29 Johannes Schleuning states exactly the opposite In his German publication. In spite of the intimidation practiced by the Soviet government the majority of the settlers remained ar-dent followers of their religion. It was after a l l their deeply rooted belief that had kept and served them during their historic period i n Russia.3° VI. GERMAN NATIONAL SCHOOLS AND CULTURE According to the Soviet Constitution a l l people of the U.S.S.R. had the right to national schools: Article 121. Citizens of the U.S.S.R. have the right to education. This right is ensured by universal and compulsory elementary education; by free education up to and including the seventh grade; by a system of state stipends for students of higher educational establish-ments who excel In their studies; by In-struction i n schools being conducted i n the native language, and by the organization i n the factories, state farms, machine and tractor stations, and collective farms of free vocational, technical and agronomic training for the working people.31 29 Gross, op. c i t . , p. 99. 30 Schleuning, op., c i t . , p. 147. 31 Constitution of the U.S.S.R.. American Russian Institute, New York, 1950, p. 40. 76 I n p r e - r e v o l u t i o n a r y R u s s i a t h e R u s s i a n l a n g u a g e w a s t h e o n l y o f f i c i a l l a n g u a g e a n d t h e p r i n c i p a l m e a n s t o d e n a t i o n a l i z e t h e n o n - R u s s i a n p o p u l a t i o n . A c c o r d i n g t o t h e S o v i e t n a t i o n a l p o l i c y , t h e S o v i e t g o v e r n m e n t h a d n o s u c h i n t e n t i o n s . O n t h e c o n t r a r y i t g r a n t e d e n t i r e l i n g u a l a u t o n o m y a n d i t p r o m o t e d t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f e d u c a t i o n i n t h e i r l a n g u a g e a n d l i t e r a -F o r t h e G e r m a n s I n t h e S o v i e t U n i o n t h i s m e a n t o n l y a c o n t i n u a t i o n o f w h a t h a d b e e n p a r t l y s t a r t e d d u r i n g t h e p r o v i s i o n a l g o v e r n m e n t , w h o h a d a l s o g r a n t e d t h e n a t i o n a l s c h o o l s t o i t s p e o p l e . I n a l l t h e c o l o n i s t s ' s c h o o l s w h e t h -e r l o c a t e d i n t h e A . S . S . R . o f t h e V o l g a G e r m a n s o r I n G e r m a n N a t i o n a l D i s t r i c t s , G e r m a n b e c a m e t h e l a n g u a g e o f i n s t r u c t i o n . T h e l a n g u a g e o f a d m i n i s t r a t i o n i n t h e c o l o n i e s w a s a l s o G e r -m a n . S i m u l t a n e o u s l y w i t h t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n o f G e r m a n , t h e f o u n d a t i o n o f m o r e h i g h s c h o o l s , t e c h n i c a l s c h o o l s a n d h i g h e r e d u c a t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n s s t a r t e d i n t h e G e r m a n c o l o n i e s . F o r t h e p u r p o s e o f c o m b a t i n g t h e g r e a t l a c k o f G e r m a n t e a c h e r s , 32 K o h n , H a n s , N a t i o n a l i s m i n t h e S o v i e t U n i o n . G e o r g e R o u t l e d g e & S o n s L t d . , L o n d o n , 1933, p p . 90-98. 33 F o r m a n y p e o p l e , e s p e c i a l l y t h e n o m a d s , w h o h a d n e v e r h a d a w r i t t e n l a n g u a g e t h e L a t i n a l p h a b e t w a s a d o p t e d . A n d f o r t h e f i r s t t i m e t h e i r f o l k l o r e w a s w r i t t e n d o w n . L a t e r i n 1938> w h e n t h e S o v i e t g o v e r n m e n t i s s u e d t h e d e c r e e o n o b l i g a -t o r y t e a c h i n g o f R u s s i a n i n a l l n o n - R u s s i a n s c h o o l s , a r e v i -s i o n o f t h e a l p h a b e t w a s n e c e s s a r y . S i n c e i t w o u l d m e a n t h e l e a r n i n g o f t w o a l p h a b e t s , t h e u s e o f t h e L a t i n s c r i p t w a s s t o p p e d a n d r e p l a c e d b y t h e C y r i l l i c a l p h a b e t . 77 s e v e r a l P e d a g o g i c a l I n s t i t u t e s w e r e e s t a b l i s h e d . O n e o f t h e i n s t i t u t e s w a s a f f i l i a t e d w i t h t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f S a r a t o v , t h e o t h e r w i t h t h a t o f O d e s s a . ^ B e f o r e W o r l d W a r I , t h e r e w e r e o n l y s e v e n h u n d r e d a n d s e v e n t y - o n e t e a c h e r s i n t h e a r e a o f t h e A . S . S . R . o f t h e V o l g a G e r m a n s . I n 1938 t h e n u m b e r I n -c r e a s e d t o t h r e e t h o u s a n d , t h r e e h u n d r e d a n d t w e n t y - s i x . T h u s t h e g r e a t c a m p a i g n t o l i q u i d a t e i l l i t e r a c y h a d b e c o m e r e a l i -35 z a t i o n . T h e c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s r e c e i v e d s i m i l a r a t t e n t i o n b y t h e S o v i e t g o v e r n m e n t . E s p e c i a l s t r e s s w a s p l a c e d o n t h e f o u n d a t i o n o f n a t i o n a l t h e a t r e s . " T r a v e l l i n g p l a y g r o u p s " , a s t h e y w e r e k n o w n , w e r e f o u n d e d a n d t h e m o s t n o t a b l e w a s t h e " D e u t s c h e s W a n d e r t h e a t e r " I n t h e U k r a i n e . I n l a r g e r G e r m a n t o w n s m u s i c s c h o o l s w e r e e s t a b l i s h e d , w i t h e v e n a c o n s e r v a -t o r y b e i n g c a l l e d t o l i f e i n M a r x s t a d t ( K a t h e r l n e n s t a d t ) o n t h e V o l g a . L i b r a r i e s a n d n a t i o n a l m u s e u m s w e r e f o u n d e d . A s c i e n t i f i c a s s o c i a t i o n f o r r e s e a r c h i n t o t h e n a t i o n a l c u l t u r e a l s o c a m e into e x i s t e n c e . T h e G e r m a n V o l g a R e p u b l i c b e c a m e t h e c u l t u r a l c e n -t e r o f a l l t h e G e r m a n s I n t h e U . S . S . R . d u r i n g t h e S o v i e t r e -g i m e . A l l t h e G e r m a n s c h o o l - b o o k s w e r e p r i n t e d i n P o k r o v s k . ( E n g e l s ) , c a p i t a l o f t h e A . S . S . R . o f t h e V o l g a G e r m a n s , a f t e r t h e r e p u b l i c r e c e i v e d I t s o w n p u b l i s h i n g h o u s e i n 1922. M a n y 34 S c h l e u n i n g , o p _ . c i t . . p . 133. 35 A . S . S . R . d e r W o l g a d e u t s c h e n . o p . c i t . , p . 43. 7 8 German papers and magazines (periodicals) were also Issued. Notable were the following: 1. Unsere Wlrtschaft. an illustrated weekly for the enlight-enment of the rural population i n matters of husbandry, technics and culture. 2. Revolution und Kultur. a magazine i n publication since 1933.30 3. Naehrichten, a magazine and organ of the government of the A.S.S.R. 4. Selt Bereit and 5. Rote Fahne, were papers for the youth and were sent out to the distant German settlements i n the Soviet Union. 6. Deutsche Zehtral Zeltung. printed i n Moscow. 7. Zur neuen Schule t a periodical for teachers printed In Moscow.37 From amongst the o f f i c i a l h i s t o r i c a l publications by Germans i n the Soviet Union, some were the works of: 1. Eartels, B., Die deutschen Bauern i n Russland. Moscow, 1928. . . " 2. Schmidt, D., 3tudien ueber Geschlchte der Wolgadeutschen I T e l l . Pokrovsk, 1930. The publications by the Volga German, George Dinges and by the Russian, Victor Schirmunski, were of great lingu-i s t i c and f o l k l b r i s t i c Importance. Both men completed their studies i n Germany. Dinges was appointed Director of the "Wolgadeutsches Zeritralmuseum" and later in 1925 Director of the "Research Institute for German Dialectics" on the Volga. He was f i n a l l y made Rector of the newly founded "Deutsche 36 Kuhn, op_. c i t . , p. 124. 37 Gross, op_. c i t . . p. 107. 79 pe&agogische Hochschule" in the capital of the Volga Germans. His work was devoted to the compilation of the Volga German dialects, the folklore, the creation of a dictionary, and the f i r s t language Atlas of the Volga area.^ 8 Victor Schirmunski was a professor of Germanics and since 1929 had been Head of the Department of Folklore and Art at the University of Leningrad. He devoted his research to the studies of the German colonies in Northern Russia, Ukraine, Crimea and the Caucasus. His f i r s t publication was Die deutschen Kolonlen in der Ukraine. Moscow, 1928. In his second book, Volkskundllche Fox»schungen in den deutschen  Siedlungen der Sow.jet Union, he treats dialects, folksongs, and history - a l l In a similar manner. Numerous articles of his were also published i n the German periodical "Teuthon-i s t a " . They were remarkable for the systematic treatise of the development of the new mixed dialects among the Germans i n Russia.39 The Conference of German teachers of the Soviet Union decided in 1931 that the Gothic script which was used i n Germany at the time should no longer be used i n Soviet schools. This attitude of abolishing a l l traces of Germany was carried on to such an extent that the teachers' assembly recommended the simplification of German spelling. Their 38 Kuhn, op., c i t * . p. 134. 39 Ibid. 8 0 aim for this was; the provision of a proletarian German lang-uage which shall he Intelligible to a l l , clear, concise, and natural.^° With the promotion of research into the colonists' past, the granting of entire lingual autonomy, and the en-couragement of national culture, one should actually expect a close tie with the motherland. Germany could have offered much at this time especially since the Germans i n Russia had not maintained the same cultural l e v e l . They were a few de^ cades behind i n progress of the people i n Germany. Such ties with Germany were not maintained nor tolerated by the Soviet regime. Germany could not serve as an example to the Germans In the Soviet Union. No school-books were to be imported from Germany. Only books printed i n the Republic of the A.S.S.R. of the Germans were to be used i n German schools. It was therefore, the aim of the Soviet regime to create a communist German people within the U.S.S.R. with no cultural association with Germany. The culture being bestow-ed on them i n their native language was thus to be a: culture national i n form, above a l l In language, but supra-national, Socialist, or proletarian In essence.^1 No secret was made of this aim, for J. V. Stalin already said UP.Kohh. op. olt.. pp. 97-98. kl Ibid, p. 88. 81 In 1930: the period of the dictatorship of the pro-letariat and of the building of Socialism i n the Soviet Union is the period of the flowering of the national c i v i l i z a t i o n , which while Intrinsically Socialist are national i n form.**2 In 1938 the Soviet government had recognized that no matter how closely the party had been supervising the ex-ecution of the Soviet national policy i t had created and en-couraged "local and linguistic nationalism" by the very fact that l i n g u i s t i c autonomy had been granted to the minority groups. To combat this phenomena the Soviet Authority issued a decree on March 13th, 1938, on "obligatory teaching of Russian In a l l non-Russian national schools".^ This measure was carried to such an extent that i n schools of German National Dist r i c t s , Russian became the lan-guage of instruction and German was taught as a foreign lang-uage. Thus the national was deprived of the very essence which made him a member of that national group, namely of his language.**** The consequences of fnis policy were soon 42 For detailed account see Stalin, J. V., " P o l i t i c a l Re-port to the 16th Congress of the Communist Party of the Sov-iet Union, July 1930". Vsesoluznala Kommunistlcheskaia Partla (B), New York City Workers' Library Publishers, 1930. 43 Kolarz, op., c i t . , pp. 17-18. 44 It i s this decree of 1938 and i t s practical application which is a striking contradiction to Article 121 of the Con-stitution of the U.S.S.R. This a r t i c l e secures the right of national schools for a i r people of the U.S.S.R. 82 apparent - notably amongst the olty Germans who numbered ab-out 50,000 i n Russia. They were distributed as follows: Moscow - 10,000, Leningrad - 15,000, Saratov - 20,000, and Odessa - 10,000.^5 In time the student began to master the Russian language. Russian papers and books were his only sources for reading. The German papers and periodicals had ceased pub-lic a t i o n . No cultural contact was maintained with Germany for reasons as stated above. Popular Russian songs were more appealing to the student than the "obsolete" folksongs of his people. If he wished to be impressive, he spoke Russian to his fellow member. These and other,reasons are a l l signs that the younger generation was rapidly losing the cultural niveau of an isolated language Island and was readily drawing from Russian culture. The extent to which some of the city Germans had been assimilated into Russian ways is seen from the quotation below. A report on the repatriated Germans from the Soviet Union during World War II in a Salzburg camp (Austria) states: There are many among them who can no longer speak German, but now are learning the Ger-man language with enthusiasm....^ From the above presentation we can conclude that during the 4-5 Boelltz, op_. c i t . , p. 142. 46 Schechtman, Joseph B . , European Population Transfers  1939-1945. Oxford University Press, New York, 1946, p. 212, according to the "Salzburger Zeitung", April 20th, 1944. 83 period of the Soviet regime the Germans i n Russia had ma-tured as an isolated language i s l a n d . ^ They had reached their f i n a l state of development - that i s the formation of a substantial city group. Once this city group had been formed the minority group no longer remained Isolated for It then drew rapidly from non-natlonal culture and was thus on the border-line of assimilation. 47 See introduction for Walter Kuhn's theory of the devel-opment of an Isolated language Island, supra. CHAPTER IV RESETTLEMENT AND REPATRIATION DURING WORLD WAR II I . THE EVE OP WORLD WAR II The outbreak of World War II caused the Soviet gov-ernment to undertake similar actions as the Tzarlst's did during World War I. Both wars brought a drastic change i n the colonist's position as citizens of Russia, The d i f f e r -ence, however, Is that World War II and the subsequent policy caused by i t not only brought a resettlement about but they were expelled from the family of the Soviet people. They disappeared from a l l ethnigraphical and s t a t i s t i c a l refer-ences of the ethnic composition of the U.S.S.R.1 The position of the Germans i n the U.S.S.R, con-stantly fluctuated with the Soviet-German foreign relations at the close of the 1930*s. The Soviet-German relations had grown so tense that any day war could be expected and thus the Germans In the Soviet Union were treated as associates of 1 The post-war Soviet Encyclopedia has completely Ignored the existence of Germans i n Russia either past or present. In contrast, the Encyclopedia of 1939» devotes ten pages to a long histor i c a l description of the A.S.S.R. of the Volga Germans. It praises their achievements and contributions to the construction of Socialism i n the U.S.S.R. 85 Germany. During this time they had lost f u l l status as Sov-iet citizens. Officers of colonist descent were dismissed from the Red Army as unreliables. For similar reasons the colonists had not been drafted into the army since 1938, i n spite of the compulsory military training which existed i n the U.S.S.R. The great purges of 1936-1938 also heavily affected the German group i n Russia. Although they affected the Russ-ian Just as much as the non-Russian, the latter suffered pro-portionately more as the purges were directed against the intelligentzia - whose number was limited. The victims were of two kinds. The f i r s t group Included people who had champ-ioned the colonist cause during the Tzarist regime, the se-cond and much smaller group were the people who were raised i n the Bolshevik s p i r i t and had become the leaders of the group during the Soviet regime. Examples of the second group were Prime Minister Welsch and President Luft of the A.S.S.R. of the Volga Germans. Both these men were responsible for previous purges but they were arrested in October, 1937.2 From the above factors one can conclude that the Germans did not occupy a favorable position i n Russia at the eve of World War II. Close watch was held on them as the German army crossed the Russian border. From that moment the Germans i n Russia were considered unreliables. 2 Kolarz, op_. c i t . , p. 74. 86 II. LIQUIDATION OF THE VOLGA GERMAN REPUBLIC The evacuation of the Volga Germans and with i t the liquidation of the A.S.S.R. of the Volga Germans, was caused by the pressure of the German army against Moscow. Another cause was the intention of making Kuibyshev, north-east of the Republic, the residence of the Soviet government and the administration center of the Volga-Ural defense region.3 In order to carry out this project, safety measures had to be undertaken against the sympathizing Volga Germans. The de-cree of August 28th, 1941, i n which the fate of the Volga Germans was sealed, accused the Volga Germans of sabotage and espionage. Although the Soviet government had dealt with them since 1917 on a purely class basis, no differentiations i n this respect were made i n the decree. Neither were the members of the Communist Youth League nor the Party members excluded from deportation. The stati s t i c s below w i l l show proportionately the number of Communist members as compared to the national composition of the A.S.S.R. i n 1930.^ TOTAL . GERMANS RUSSIANS' OTHERS Population 580,000.....380,000......116,000.....67,600 Party Members.. ....2,372 927 ..967 478 The decree announcing the deportation of the entire Volga German population reads as follows: 3 Edelman, Maurice, How Russia Prepared. Penguin Books Inc., New York, 1942, pp. 32-37. 4 Kohn, op_. c i t . , p. 158. 87 According to reliable information received by military authorities, there are thousands and tens of thousands of diversionists and spies among the German population of the Volga region who are prepared to cause ex-plosions i n these regions at a signal from Germany. No Germans ( l i v i n g In the Volga dist r i c t s ) ever reported to Soviet author-i t i e s the presence of such great numbers of diversionists and spies. Therefore, the German population of the Volga regions are covering up enemies of the Soviet people and the Soviet power. If diverslonlst acts were to take place under orders of Germany by German diversionists and spies i n the Volga German republic or neighboring regions and there were bloodshed, the Soviet govern-ment, would be forced according to martial law to adopt measures of reprisal against v. the entire German population. In order to avoid such undesirable occurrences and to for e s t a l l serious bloodshed, the presidium of the Supreme Council of the USSR has found i t necessary to resettle the entire German population of the Volga regions un-der the condition that the resettlers are allotted land and given state aid to settle In new regions. Resettled Germans w i l l be given land In the Novo-Slbirsk and Omsk dis-t r i c t s , the Altay region, the Kazakstan Re-public and neighboring l o c a l i t i e s r i c h In land. In connection with this, the National Defense Council is instructed to resettle as soon as possible a l l Volga Germans, \*ho w i l l be given land estates i n new regions .5 The decree was soon followed by i t s execution, for already at the end of August, 1941: a mournful procession of refugees f i l l e d the roads leading to the railway stations of the Middle Volga, four hundred thousand of them carrying bedding, dragging domestic animals, the women weeping, a l l with the bitterness on their faces of those who have 5 Schechtman, op_. c i t . , p. 384, according to the "New York Times", September 9th, 1941. 88 "been driven from their homes They were German refugees, the German settlers of the German Autonomous Volga Republic, expelled by decree of the Soviet Government to S i -beria.° L i t t l e authentic information is available about the fate of the Volga Germans and that of the 100,000 Siberian Germans who had founded their s i s t e r colonies at the turn of the century. However the existence of a number of German collective farms bearing names as Rosa Luxemburg, Progress and Arbeiter were o f f i c i a l l y confirmed i n 1951 when over two doz-en German collective farmers and tractor drivers of the Omsk Province were awarded medals for excellent work by the Supreme Soviet.7 III. BLACK SEA COLONIES UNDER GERMAN OCCUPATION As the advancing German army approached the German settlements i n the Ukraine, many of them were evacuated with the retreating Red army. In places where time did not permit evacuations of the entire settlements only male persons were affected. In this manner close to 200,000 Germans In the Ukraine were evacuated by the Soviet authority.8 The Black Sea Germans which were not evacuated by the Soviet authorities, remained l i v i n g i n German occupied 6 Edelman, op_. c i t . , p. 31. 7 Kolarz, op., c i t . , p. 76. 8 Ibid, p. 75. 89 Ukraine, Crimea and North Caucasus, where they enjoyed a p r i -vileged position under the German authorities.- This was con-trary to the indifferent attitude towards the colonists by the German occupational forces i n 1918. During World War I I they showed great concern In the Germans of Ukraine as a re-sult of the National Socialist policy. There remained about 300,000 persons of the roughly 500,000 people before the war. Due to their privileged po-sition they were soon able to establish their private farms and businesses as contrasted to the Russian population, who Were not permitted to do so. Constructions of every sort were undertaken and there was no thought of ever leaving their set-tlements. Within a short period, with the help of the German authorities who were anxious to see a strong, healthy group of Germans, they were well on their way to prosperity. The German group of 135,000 i n the Romanian annexed Transnistria, the area between the rivers Dniester and Bug, had grown especially prosperous. Although the territory was annexed by Romania, the Germans were under the protection and administration of the German "Volksdeutsche Mittelstelle " 9 , which had i t s seat i n Landau the center of the German 9 This was an organization which was concerned with Germans abroad and founded for the purpose of carrying out National Socialist policy which was "the unification of a l l Germans". It thus supervised the repatriation of German groups such as the Baltic and Bessarablan Germans, and the education of the newly gained Germans i n the National Socialist s p i r i t . 90 colonies. The territory's revival was not limited only to the economic f i e l d , for education received similar attention. As many times before, German schools were founded i n the co l -onies and a German highschool i n Odessa. There were also two teachers* Seminaries established, one i n Prlshib, the other i n Selz. In spite of the lack of priests, religion found a similar revival i n the colonies. It was of great importance and the main concern of the Volksdeutsche Mittelstelle, that the younger generation was trained i n the s p i r i t of national socialism. For this purpose, youth leaders from Germany were sent to distant Russia where they organized the German youth, pa r a l l e l to the organization of the Hitler Youth i n Germany. Several youth training camps were set up for the purpose of training lead-ers from amongst the colonists. As " f u l l " Germans, they were also drafted into the German army. Similar act i v i t i e s were carried on i n a l l German colonies, while occupied by the German forces. Only the Ger-man retreat of 1943-1944 terminated this revival. Contrary, to expectation, the German authorities were faced with the sudden decision of repatriating the entire German population from their occupied t e r r i t o r i e s . As previously the Baltic, the Bessarabian and the Bukovina Germans were repatriated, now, the entire population was to be resettled to Germany too. The settlement area selected for these repatriated Germans were the most eastern provinces of Germany. 91 IV. REPATRIATION FROM THE GERMAN OCCUPIED TERRITORY Prior to the mass repatriation of the Black Sea group in 19^3, the German authorities had resettled some 3,800 Germans, mainly city dwellers from the area of Lenin-grad. In 194-3 a second group was resettled - that of 10,500 persons from the area of Schitomir and 11,500 persons from the North Caucasus. Both groups were transferred to the Gen-eral Gouvernemente (German occupied territory) of Poland and Warthegau, the German annexed Province from Poland.^° The f i r s t mass transfer of the Volksdeutsche from the Ukraine started i n the f a l l of 1943 when the German army started i t s rapid retreat and simultaneously evacuated the German population. This retreat affected the Germans, from the Crimea, Mariupol and Melitopol, as well as urban dwellers from Zaporozhe and Nlkolaev. Between the f a l l of 1943 and the spring of March, 1944, 72,000 persons were on their march towards Germany from this area. The second group of 73,000, which went on their Journey, were the Germans from the area of Dniepropetrovsk - from both sides of the river Dnieper. The third group, largely rural dwellers comprising a total of 44,600, l e f t Wolhynla between October, 1943, and Apri l , of . 1944.1 1 10 Schechtman, op_. c i t . , pp. 206-207, according to the "Ost-deutscher Beobachter", July 23rd, 1944. 11 Ibid, pp. 209-210, according to the "Ostdeutscher Beobach-ter". : 92 The last and largest group was that of Transnistria, amounting to a total of 135,000 persons, who l e f t their homes between March and A p r i l , 1944.12 This transfer was the least organized one as the rapidly advancing Russian forces caused chaos and panic among the concentrated masses at the crossing point on the Dniester. In addition to this, the roads were blocked by the retreating Romanian and German troops. Many of them had covered as much as 1,000 miles with horse and wa-gon and after a period of twelve or more weeks they f i n a l l y reached their place of destination which was the Warthegau. But hardly had they found accomodation i n the numer-ous transit camps, then they again had to move on westwards Into Germany. The Red army stood at the gate of Germany and the breakdown of Germany was obvious. In this manner the great resettlement scheme of the Third Reich was a complete failure. The plan was to bring home a l l Germans to Germany, and especially to form a solid block of Germans against the Slavic peoples with the Germans who had withstood assimila-tion i n previous times i n other countries. The refuge from the Warthegau i n 1945 was an indiv-idual private task.• Unorganized, every one fled on his own means and i n every direction into Germany. As Germans from abroad they were recognized by the authorities of Hitler, but 12 Schechtman, op_, c i t . , pp. 209-210. according to the "Ost-deutscher Beobacht e r*"," Ju ly 23rd, 1944. 93 as Germans who had been separated and isolated from Germany for over one hundred years they were not f u l l y accepted with-i n Germany by the average German. Deeply disappointed about the "Journey home to the Reich", coupled with the desire for one's own home, caused some to contact the Soviet Repatriat-ing Authorities which not seldom resulted i n a transfer back to the Soviet Union.^3 Their hope to return to their former homes was only a mere i l l u s i o n . Contrary to the Mennonite group who were well organ-ized and attended by UNRRA, later IRO (International Refugee Organization), the remainder, including Lutherans and Catho-l i c s , were dispersed a l l over Germany as farm helpers and i n other occupations awaiting contact with their relatives and friends across the Atlantic. The period starting after World War II u n t i l the present time, marked the third immigration period into Canada by Germans from Russia. 13 Such contacts were made by Russian-Germans i n the French, American and English occupied zones. Russian-Germans had been repatriated from the Russian occupied zone In 19^5. PART II RUSSIAN-GERMANS IN CANADA CHAPTER V IMMIGRATION INTO CANADA I. CANADIAN IMMIGRATION POLICY IN BRIEF According to the British North American Act the laws affecting immigration came under the jurisdiction of the Do-minion Government. However under the same act, the l e g i s l a -ture of each province may pass laws which shall be in accord with any law of the Dominion Government.1 The basis for immigration and colonization of West-ern Canada was the Land Act of 1872 which provided free grants of homesteads. This system, which was so effeotive i n the U.S.A., enabled the immigrant to purchase other Do-minion lands i n addition to the free grants. 2 Due to poor transportation f a c i l i t i e s this policy did not live up to i t s expectations. The migration to the west consisted largely of Canadians from Eastern Canada. 1 Angus, H. F., "Canadian Immigration: Law and i t s Admini-stration" , American Journal of International Law, The Ameri-can Society of International Law, Washington, 1934, pro. 74-75. 2 England, Robert, The Colonization of Western Canada, P. S. King & Son Ltd., London, 1936, p. 5JT. 95 In 1882, any railway company was able to obtain land north of the Canadian Pacific* Railway If tracks were built and the area settled by them within a period of five years. But again, most of the companies failed to live up to their obligations and brought few or no settlers to the area.3 It was not u n t i l I896 that a new immigration policy directed the colonization of the west. It was In that year that the energetic Clifford Sifton became Minister of the In-terior under S i r Wilfrid Laurier 18 government. The previous policy of granting land as payment to railway companies for the construction of railway tracks, was abolished. In this way the government was again able to dispose over large.areas of land and grant settlers one quarter of a section as home-steads. The keyword of Clifford Sifton's colonization policy was "settle". The Immigrant was to be kept In the area, his l i v i n g conditions were to be made tolerable, and he was to bV supplied with railway f a c i l i t i e s . ^ Arrangements were made . with shipping companies, such as the North Atlantic Trading Company, to bring i n European farmers. A net of recruiting agents was set up a l l over Europe. Many of them had to carry on their work secretly as European countries, especially Russia, prohibited immigration of their subjects. In.this 3 England, op. c i t . . pp.. 58-59. .k Dafoe, John W., Clifford Sifton i n Relation to his Time, The Macmillan Company Canada Limited, Toronto, 1931, pt>. 132-136. 96 manner the prairie population was increased to 1,278,708 per sons i n the years 1900 to 1914.^ The post-war immigration was undertaken on a l i m i t -ed scale as immigration fluctuated with the prosperity of Canada. No.limitations were set i n regard to immigrants from perferable countries. Some immigrants were allowed from non-preferable countries and such were the immigrants from Russia. The task of bringing i n immigrants from non-preferable countries, such as.Russia, was given to the r a i l -way companies. The Lutheran Immigration Board and the Catho l i e Immigration Aid Society were religious organizations which worked In conjunction with the railway companies and helped to cover costs of transportation.^ With the coming of the depression in 1930, a defin-ite change occurred i n the immigration policy of the Domin-ion. An Order-in-Council dated March, 1931, states: Prom and after the 18th of March 1931 and u n t i l otherwise ordered, the landing i n Canada of immigrants of a l l classes and oc-cupation i s hereby prohibited except as here-inafter provided: The Immigration Officer i n charge may permit to land in Canada any immigrant who otherwise complies with previous of the Im-migrant Act, i f i t is shown to his satis-faction that such immigrant i s : 1. A Bri t i s h subject entering Canada directly or indirectly from Great Britain 5 England, op_. c i t . , pp. 66-71. 6 Ibid, p. 103. 97 or Commonwealth countries, who has s u f f i -cient means to maintain himself u n t i l em-ployment is secured. 2. A United States citizen entering Canada from the U.S. who has sufficient means to maintain himself u n t i l employ-ment is secured. 3. The wife or unmarried child under eighteen years of age of any person legal-l y admitted to and residing in Canada, who is in a position to receive and care for his dependent. 4. An agriculturalist having s u f f i -cient means to farm i n Canada.? This policy had almost completely stopped immigration of Central Europeans during the years of depression. This im-migration which had been reduced to minor proportions r e v i t -alized after the Second World War. The following steps have been taken by the Canadian Government in regard to immigra-tion policy since World War II: A. The barriers against B r i t i s h sub-jects, and U.S. citizens had been re-duced to the bare minimum of good health and the absence of subversive p o l i t i c a l views. B. The l i s t of admissible relatives of legal residents of Canada has been extended to Include everyone closer than a cousin,.. ... It also includes persons engaged to marry the residents who make application for their admission. G. Special provision has been made for the entrance of 30,000 persons who are not otherwise admissible from the Displaced Per-sons camps of Europe. (Each of these per-sons when established In Canada may then ap-ply i n turn for the admission of his or her relatives.8 7 Angus, op_. c i t . , pp. 82-85. 8 Keenleyside, H. L., Canadian Immigration Policy. Univer-sity of B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver, 1948, pp. 13-15. 98 It was the Canadian Government which took the I n i t -iative amongst overseas countries i n finding a solution to the war refugees In Europe. Un t i l March, 1949, Canada has admitted more D.P.'s than a l l other non-European countries combined.9 Great d i f f i c u l t i e s have been encountered i n carrying out this task especially i n regard to transporta-tion. For the most part of 1947 the "Beaverbrae", a convert-ed German war vessel, was the only ship which brought refug-ees from Germany to Canada. Later conditions were Improved as three more IRO ships were aiding transportation. Other persons are admitted since an Order—In-Coun-c i l of June, 1950, under the following terms: the person must satisfy the Minister that he is a suitable immigrant and i s not undesirable owing to his peculiar customs, habits, etc. This act Particularly opened the pos s i b i l i t y of German c i t i -zens to immigrate to Canada freely and has continued up to the present time. 1 0 II. IMMIGRATION INTO CANADA 1874-1914 It was economical and p o l i t i c a l reasons which caused the emigration of colonists from Russia between the years of 1874 and 19l4. The economical cause was the shortage of land. 9 The Canada Year Book. Dominion Bureau of Statistics, King'3 Printer and Controller of Stationary, Ottawa, 1950, p. 183. 10 Friedemann, Wolfgang G., German Immigration Into Canada. The Ryerson Press, Toronto, 1952, p. 3. 99 There was not sufficient land In the original colonies to support the large colonist families and although sister c o l -onies were formed there was an extensive number of landless towards the end of the nineteenth eentury. 1 1 In 1871 there began a gradual abolishment of the colonists privileges which constituted the p o l i t i c a l cause for emigration. It was In this year that their self-government was discontinued and the colonies were incorporated into the general Russian admini-strative system. 1 2 The above action on the part of the Russian govern-ment did not yet disturb the colonist. However the Imperial Ukas of July, 1871, which proclaimed the coming military ser-vice to Russian citizens, caused a general dissatisfaction amongst the colonists. This Ukas especially affected the re-ligious reformed groups as military exemption was one of the basis of their creed. Already In I87I, the Mennonites sent a delegation to Petersburg to petition for exemption from military service. Not awaiting a reply from the Imperial Government, they prepared for emigration.^ For the other religious groups, the Ukas was also sufficient to consider emigration as the conditions in the Russian army at the time were unendurable and the term of service lasted from ten to 11 See section on economics, Chapter II, supra. 12 See section on administration, Chapter II, supra. 13 Quiring, Walter, Russlanddeutsehe suchen elne HeJLmat, Verlag: Helnrich Schneider, Karlsruhe, 1938, pp. 10-11. 100 fifteen years. Although the Catholics and Lutherans were not as organized as the Mennonites, they were just as eager to leave Russia. The Mennonites had requested information about emi-gration to Canada and from a l e t t e r dated 1872 by the B r i t i s h Consul Zohrab i n Berdjansk to Earl Granville, British Foreign Secretary, we read the following regarding the colonists' re-action to the Ukas: A period of ten years is granted by this Ukas to the Germans, dating from i t s issue, to elect whether they submit to i t s conditions or quit the country......That part which marks military service obliga-tory becomes law i n 1873 while the clause which makes the conscription compulsory on a l l classes w i l l come into force i n 1881 Further i n the Consul's le t t e r we read: .....From what I have been able to learn, I doubt not the departure of the Mennonites would rapidly be followed by that of Ger-mans of other denominations who are now, I am informed, watching the course pursued by the Mennonites with the object of following i t i f successful.1^ Following the above reasons for emigration was the definite Russification policy which has been described pre-viously i n Part I. Similar causes for emigration prevailed amongst the Volga Germans. In addition, the Russification policy coincided with the years of drought In 1890-1891 on Ik Corell, Ernst, "Mennonlte Immigration into Manitoba", The Mennonite Quarterly Review, vol. 11, Goshen, Indiana, July, 1937, PP. 196-227. 101 the Volga, which resulted in a mass migration overseas.^ The causes for emigration of the Russian-German Lu-therans and Catholics before World War I, can be summarized as follows: 1. Land shortage amongst the Volga and Black Sea Germans. 2. The Ukas of 1871 which stipulated military ser-vice for the Germans. 3 . The Russification of schools and the abolishment of self-government. k» The fear of war after the Russo-Japanese War of 1905. 5. The letters from colonists in America which praised the country. 6 . The propaganda of the U.S.A. and Canadian immi-gration agents. 7. The granting of free homesteads by the U.S.A. and Canada which was satisfying to the colonists' urge for land. 8. The definite preparation for emigration by the Mennonites had Its effect on a l l other religious groups. * » « • * An exact summary of emigration from Russia to the Americas as to their numbers as well as origin i s practical-l y impossible to compile at the present time. In most cases the early settlers did not keep any records nor were r a c i a l origin and nationality kept distinct at the ports of entry. 15 Bonwetsch, op_. c i t . , p. 110. 102 I t i s c e r t a i n h o w e v e r , t h a t t h e g r e a t b u l k o f e m i g r a n t s f r o m R u s s i a w e r e d i r e c t e d t o N o r t h A m e r i c a . 1 ^ A t t h e c l o s e o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y t h e c l i m a t i c a n d e c o n o m i c c o n d i t i o n s o f t h e C a n a d i a n P r a i r i e s w e r e n o t a p p e a l i n g t o t h e a v e r a g e W e s t e r n E u r o p e a n . B u t t h e s e v e r y s a m e c o n d i t i o n s w e r e o f g r e a t a p p e a l t o t h e G e r m a n f r o m R u s s i a , w h o w a s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e o f a l a n d - h u n g r y c o l o n i z e r . H e w a s a c c u s t o m e d t o a h a r d l i f e a n d p o s s e s s e d l i t t l e c u l t u r -a l d e m a n d s . T h e f i r s t G e r m a n s f r o m R u s s i a t o i m m i g r a t e a n d s e t -t l e i n C a n a d a , w e r e t h e M e n n o n i t e s . T h e y f o u n d e d a c l o s e d s e t t l e m e n t i n M a n i t o b a b e t w e e n t h e y e a r s 1 8 7 4 t o 1 8 7 9 w i t h a t o t a l o f c l o s e t o 7,000 m e m b e r s . 1 7 A l t h o u g h i m m i g r a t i o n o f C a t h o l i c s a n d L u t h e r a n s i n t o t h e U . S . P r a i r i e s h a d a l r e a d y 1 6 T h e T a b l e b e l o w c o m p i l e d b y W a g n e r , G e o r g , a n d M a i , R i c h a r d , D e u t s c h e u e b e r L a n d u n d M e e r . V e r l a g d e r B u c h g e -m e l n d e , B o n n , 1 9 4 0 , p . 2 8 1 , s h o w s t h e d i s t r i b u t i o n o f G e r m a n s f r o m R u s s i a i n o v e r s e a s c o u n t r i e s , a c c o r d i n g t o s t a t i s t i c s o f 1 9 3 5 : C a n a d a 200,000 U . S . A 400,000 M e x i c o . . 10,000 B r a z i l 250,000 P a r a g u a y . .4,000 U r u g u a y .....2,500 A r g e n t i n a ...150,000 T o t a l . . . . 1 7 0 1 6 . 5 0 0 17 L e i b b r a n d t , G e o r g , " T h e E m i g r a t i o n o f t h e G e r m a n M e n n o -n i t e s f r o m R u s s i a t o U . S . A . a n d C a n a d a , 1873 -1880" , T h e M e n n o n l t e Q u a r t e r l y R e v i e w , v o l . 7, G o s h e n , I n d i a n a , 1933, o p . 5 - 4 1 . 103 started i n 1873,^ It was the Mennonite group which had suc-cessfully established Itself and thus proved the good farm poss i b i l i t i e s of the Canadian Prairies. It i s then due to their economic success that directed the Immigration of other religious denominations to the Canadian Prairies, especially Saskatchewan. An immigration agency already existed In Odessa on the Black Sea before 1890 which provided prospective immi-grants with assistance and information regarding immigration. The agency Mistier of Bremen had a representative i n Odessa who provided tickets from Odessa to Winnipeg at the cost of one hundred and nine r u b l e s . T h e immigrants Journey to Canada was mainly through Hamburg, Antwerp and Bremen. The emigration of the Catholics and Lutherans was never really a mass migration as i t was with the Mennonites who arrived In Canada by the hundreds. The Lutheran and Catholic emigration took place rather i n small groups of five to ten families and whose f i n a l destination was the Canadian Prairies as i t was for many others. Saskatchewan became the 18 Sallet, Richard, "Russlanddeutsche Siedlungen i n den Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika", Jahrbuch der Deutsch Amerl-kanlsohen Hl3torlschen Gesellschaft von I l l i n o i s . vol. 31, Chicago, 1931, pp. 5-127, gives an intensive presentation of the Lutheran and Catholic immigration into the U.S.A. 19 Metzger, H . , Qeschichtllcher Abrlss ueber die St. Peters- Pfarrel zu Kronau. The Western Printers Association Ltd., Reglna, Saskatchewan, 1930, p. 10. 104 center of their settlements. Although the immigration and with i t the foundation of settlements 2 0 was most active i n the f i r s t decade of the twentieth century, nevertheless there were many settlements founded prior to Clifford Siftori's immigration policy which started i n 1896. According to Abele, the f i r s t German Cath-21 olics from Russia arrived In 1871 and settled near Regina. The date 1871, however, seems to be i n contrast to the chron-ological development of the emigration of the Germans from Russia. German Catholics from the south of Russia'are trace-able i n Saskatchewan since the 1880's. They had founded the colonies of Josephstal - 1886, St. Peter - 1890 (near Bal-g o n l ) , 2 2 New Kronau (Kronau) - 1892, Davln - 1890, and Vibank - 1891,23 a l l south of Regina. At .the same time many settled i n the at that time s t i l l small town of Regina. In spite of hardship, as w i l l be discussed later, the influx into these 20 The term "settlement" or "colony" i n Part II, does not indicate a closed settlement, but rather a certain farm d i s t r i c t . The name of the Post Office, Railway Station, or town which was founded later, was applied to the entire d i s -t r i c t . 21 Abele, Paul, Festschrift zur 25 .jaehrlgen Jubllaemsfeier  der Gruendung der St. Pauls-Kirohengemelnde In Vibank. Sask.". 12. June. 1929. The Western Printers Association Ltd., Regina, 1929, p. 6. 22 Metzer, ojo. c i t . . p. 8. 23 Abele, op_. c i t . , p. 6. 105 c o l o n i e s c o n t i n u e d . I t w i l l a l s o b e s e e n t h a t n u m e r o u s o t h e r c o l o n i e s w e r e f o u n d e d b y t h e G e r m a n C a t h o l i c s f r o m R u s s i a . A s u r v e y i n r e g a r d , t o o r i g i n s h o w s t h a t t h e y a l l c o m e f r o m t h e G e r m a n c o l o n i e s n e a r O d e s s a o n t h e B l a c k S e a . T h e C a t h o l i c s f r o m B e s s a r a b i a a n d t h e C r i m e a a r e l e s s r e p r e s e n t e d a s t h e y w e r e a l r e a d y s m a l l e r i n n u m b e r s t h a n t h e C a t h o l i c s o n t h e B l a o k S e a . T h e f i r s t g r o u p o f L u t h e r a n s f r o m t h e B l a c k S e a s e t -t l e d i n S a s k a t c h e w a n i n 1 8 9 1 I n B e r e s l n a a n d H o f f n u n g s t a l n e a r L a n g e n b u r g . T h e y w e r e f r o m B e s s a r a b i a . A n o t h e r g r o u p o f L u t h e r a n s f r o m R u s s i a s e t t l e d I n A l b e r t a i n 1 8 9 1 i n t h e s e t t l e m e n t o f H e l m t h a l i n t h e R a b b i t H i l l s n e a r t h e R a i l w a y S t a t i o n N i s k u . T h e r e w a s a l s o a s e t t l e m e n t f o u n d e d w e s t o f W e t a s k i w i h . i n 1 8 9 2 . 2 h S i n c e t h e r e w a s a t e n d e n c y t o s e t t l e w i t h p e o p l e o f t h e s a m e f a i t h , w e f i n d t h e L u t h e r a n s f r o m R u s s i a s e t t l e d w i t h o t h e r L u t h e r a n s f r o m P o l a n d a n d B u k o v l n a . E x a m p l e s o f t h e f o r e g o i n g a r e L a n g e n b u r g a n d E d e n w o l d i n S a s k a t c h e w a n . I n a d d i t i o n t o n u m e r o u s s e t t l e m e n t s , L u t h e r a n s h a v e e x t e n -s i v e l y s e t t l e d i n t h e W e s t C a n a d i a n c i t i e s . S t a r t i n g w i t h 1 8 7 3 , a s t r o n g e m i g r a t i o n w a s n o t i c e -a b l e i n W o l h y n l a . T h e s e c o l o n i s t s a r r i v e d a n d s e t t l e d p r e -d o m i n a n t l y i n t h e U . S . s t a t e s o f M i c h i g a n , W i s c o n s i n a n d 2 4 S e e T a b l e I V 106 Nebraska.2^ Since 1890 they also emigrated to Canada into the Province of Alberta. The f i r s t community founded by them was i n Wetaskiwln. Leduc was founded i n 1891 by Wolhynian Baptists. Ltitherort, Bashaw and E Hers l i e were founded by Wolhynlans i n the 1890's. The colonies of Bruderheim, New Sarepta and Bruderfeld were founded by Wolhynian Hutterites. Wolhynian Germans are also traceable i n Saskatchewan since 1892 - namely i n Regina, Rostern, Yorkton. Yellow Grass was founded by them In 1892. They have further exten-sively settled i n Kipling, Lemberg, LiptOn and Mossbank. Since 1898 Wolhynlans began to settle i n the neighborhood of the Mennonlte settlements i n Manitoba - i n Gretna, Morris, Brown, Morden, Friedensfeld near Steinbach. They have fur-ther settled east of Winnipeg where they have founded Gruen-wald and Thalberg.26 The Volga German immigrants were fewer i n number than that of German immigrants from other areas of Russia. Their emigration was directed mainly to the U.S. where they settled i n the states of Nebraska, Kansas, Colorado and I l l -i n o i s . 2 7 Nevertheless they also found their way to Canada. As many of their kinsmen i n the U.S., they too had a tendency 25 Sallet, op_. c i t . , p. 8. 26 Lehmann, Heinz, Das Deutschtum i n Westkanada. Verlag Junker und Duenhaupt, Berlin, 1939, p. 70. 27 Sallet, op. c i t . , p. 3. 10? t o s e t t l e i n c i t i e s . I n s u c h a m a n n e r t h e f i r s t V o l g a c o l -o n y w a s f o u n d e d i n 1 8 9 3 o n t h e R i v e r s i d e i n C a l g a r y . L a t e r a r r i v a l s s e t t l e d i n T r o c h u , B e l s e k e r , a n d D u f f i e l d i n A l b e r t a ; n e a r G r u e n w a l d i n M a n i t o b a ; a n d l a t e r I n t h e f i r s t d e c a d e o f t h e t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y i n S t . J o s e p h ' s c o l o n y a n d i n t h e d r y b e l t o f S a s k a t c h e w a n . T h e y c a m e p r e d o m i n a n t l y f r o m t h e c o l -o n i e s o f N o r k a , J a g o d n a j a , P o l j a n a , K o l b , P r e u s s , B r a b a n d e r , 28 S c h i l l i n g a n d A l e x a n d e r d o r f o n t h e V o l g a . P r i o r t o C l i f f o r d S l f t o n ' s i m m i g r a t i o n p o l i c y c o m i n g i n t o e f f e c t , M r . E u g o C a r s t e n s i n h l a A n n u a l R e p o r t o n I m m i -g r a t i o n a n d c o l o n i z a t i o n f o r t h e y e a r 1 8 9 6 , s t a t e s t h e f o l l o w -i n g r e g a r d i n g t h e i m m i g r a t i o n o f G e r m a n s f r o m R u s s i a : I m m i g r a t i o n o f G e r m a n s f r o m R u s s i a h a s f a l l e n o f f d u r i n g t h e p a s t s e a s o n , w h i c h I t h i n k m a y p a r t l y b e d u e t o c a u s e s a r i s i n g f r o m t h e p a r t i a l f a i l u r e o f c r o p s l a s t y e a r i n t h e n e w s e t t l e m e n t s i n A l b e r t a , b u t m a i n -l y f r o m R u s s i a h e r s e l f h a v i n g o p e n e d n e w l a r g e t e r r i t o r i e s f o r s e t t l e m e n t , t o w h i c h s h e i s a n x i o u s t o d i r e c t h e r e m i g r a t i o n a n d t h e c o n s e q u e n t r e l a x i n g o f s o m e o f t h e o p -p r e s s i v e l a w s w h i c h i n t h e p a s t c h i e f l y I n -d u c e d t h e G e r m a n c o l o n i s t s t o l e a v e R u s s i a . S h o u l d s h e c o n t i n u e t o i m p r o v e h e r a t t i t u d e t o w a r d s h e r G e r m a n c o l o n i s t s w e m a y n o t l o o k f o r a l a r g e I n c r e a s e I n I m m i -g r a t i o n f r o m R u s s i a , a l t h o u g h t h i s y e a r ' s f a v o u r a b l e c r o p t h r o u g h o u t t h e G e r m a n s e t -t l e m e n t s w i l l n o d o u b t b e t h e m e a n s o f b r i n g i n g t o u s t h e f r i e n d s o f o u r g o o d a n d n u m e r o u s R u s s i a n - G e r m a n s e t t l e r s , w h o h a v e i n t h e p a s t y e a r b e e n h e l d b a c k b y 2 8 L e h m a n n , o p _ . c i t . , p . 72. TABLE IV COLONIES FOUNDED BY BUSS I AN-GERMANS BY 1896 Compiled from the "Summary Statement" In the Annual Report  of the Department of the Interior for the Year 1895'. No. 13. Printed by S. E. Dawson, Printer to the Queen's most Excel-lent Majesty, Ottawa, 1897, PP» 124-125. NAME OF COLONY NAME OF NEAREST NUMBER OF RAILWAY STATION SETTLERS Landshut Langenburg, Sask. .110 Beresina Langenburg, Sask 220 Hoff enthal. .Langenburg, Sask.. .40 New Kronau . Balgonl, Sask. .180 Davin Balgonl, Sask 130 St. Peter and St. Joseph,Balgonl, Sask 800 Yellow Grass .Yellow Grass, Sask. 70 Leduc Leduc, Alberta. 650 Wetaekivin, Red Deer Lake, Bears H i l l , , etc Wetaskiwin, Alberta..... . .1,350 Rabltt H i l l s . Edmonton, Alberta. .180 108 unfavourable reports. 2 9 # * # # • In the f i r s t decade of the 20th century, when Clifford Sifton's policy had become a realization, the a r r i -val of Germans from Russia was at i t s peak. Among the new comers this time, there were also Germans from the Caucasus, Crimea and Siberia. Numerous new colonies were founded by them and many settled i n the established colonies. However, immigration was and remained an Individual task. They a r r i -ved i n small groups of a few families and often individuals who had escaped military service.^ 0 Since most of the Immi-grants were not prosperous, their travelling expenses were subsidized by relatives or friends who had been successful i n Canada. The Canadian authorities also allowed them credit for travelling expenses as they allowed them similar credit to obtain farm equipment. To complete the immigration picture before World War I, we have to mention the extensive influx from the U.S.A. Although immigration from the U.S. had taken place before 29 Annual Report of the Department of the Interior for the  Year 189oT No. 13 .""Printed by S. E. Dawson, Printer to the Queen's most Excellent Majesty, Ottawa, 1897, p. 119. 30 Pdchard Sallet reports that this practice was assumed to such an extent that the colony of Kassel i n the Black Sea area which had a population of 2,000 was unable to present men for draft i n 1885. This phenomenon was more acute during the Russo-Japanese War in 1904-1905. 109 1900, i t led a l l other countries i n immigration to Canada between the years of 1901 and 1909 with a total of 393,908. immigrants. The national composition of these immigrants, i n addition to English-speaking, was Germans, Scandinavians, and others of non-English speaking races.31 The attraction of these settlers was again^the cheap land which was no longer available i n the U.S. Each person was allowed to take up a homestead i n Western Canada at a cost of ten dollars and a so-called "pre-emption claim" for three dollars an acre . 3 2 A large number of these immigrants were Germans from Russia who had previously settled In South and North Dakota, Montana and other states. Among them were also some immigrants of the second generation. They were a great asset to Canada as they brought tfith them experience and training i n agricultural pur-suits i n North America.33 Many of them disposed over land or other property before emigrating to Canada. Sallet records an individual case where a Black Sea German sold his land at McClusky, North Dakota, which amounted to 1,280 acres and moved to Morse, Saskatchewan with a steam plough. There he bought new cheaper land. The immigrants from the U.S. had an average of $1,000 per person.34 31 Dillingham, W. P., The Immigration Situation i n Canada. The Immigration Commission (U.S.A.), Washington Government Printing Office, Washington, 1910, p. 28. 32 Sallet, op_. c i t . , p. 22. 33 Dillingham, op. c i t . , p. 33. 34 Sallet, op_. c i t . , p. 23. 110 The colonies given below were either founded or pre-dominantly settled by Lutherans or Catholics from Russia in the f i r s t decade of the 20th century. In Saskatchewan the settlement of the St. Peter's colony east of Saskatoon had started i n 1902 and St. Joseph's colony west of Saskatoon In 1905-1906. Amongst them were the Russian-German Catholics who had previously settled in the U.S. We find them partic-ularly i n the latter colony. Extensive advertising in Russia resulted i n : a large influx of Russian-Germans during 1908-1910 into the Tramping Lake - Macklin, eastern part of the St. Joseph's colony.35 Further settle-ments were founded by German Catholics In Saskatchewan at Odessa - 1901-1904,36 Allan - 1903, Holdfast - 1905, and Selz - 1904. These settlers came exclusively from the Black Sea. Kendal was founded i n 1901 by Catholics who were mostly from the U.S. Settlers from the Azov Sea area founded the Catholic colony of Claybank i n 1904.3? Bllllmun was founded between 1910 and 1912 by Black Sea Germans. Lutherans from Bessarabia settled i n Melville, Kip-l i n g and Zorra i n 1904. Since 1908 they also settled i n the 35 Dawson, C. H., Group Settlement. Macmillan Company of Canada, Toronto, 1936, pp. 275-276. 36 Gerein, Frank, History of Odessa. 1901-1954. Western Printers Association Ltd., Regina, Saskatchewan, 1954, p. 10. 37-Lehmann, op_; c i t . , p. 195. I l l dry belt of south Saskatchewan In St. Bonnells, McEachern, Eatonla, and Bateman. Wolhynla Germans settled In Morse, Saskatchewan. Among the settlers In Alberta who had founded the Catholic colony near Spring Lake i n 1902, were many Black Sea Germans who had emigrated from the Dakotas and Minnesota. Freudental near Carbon i n Alberta was founded i n 1909 by Lu-therans from the U.S., but who had formerly come from the Black Sea. The settlement is named after their colony near Odessa.38 In Manitoba further German farm d i s t r i c t s were founded near Moosehorn, Camper, Grahamdale and Friedfeld be-fore 1913.39 Immigration continued u n t i l World War I but very few new colonies were founded i n the last three years before the war. To alleviate the colonists 1 beginning i n their newly adopted country, the railway companies and the religious or-ganizations, such as the "Catholic Settlement Society", d i r -ected them to the established colonies.40 Further assistance by the Immigration Department In cooperation with the various churches was offered to the Immigrants and can be seen from the following quotation: The Canadian steamship manifest con- . tains among other inquiries a question re-lative to the religion of the Immigrant... 38 Sallet, oj>. c i t . , p. 67. 39 Lehmann, op_. c i t . . p. 107. kO Dawson, op., c i t . , p. 287. 112 ...The information, i t is stated, is gath-ered not "because the government lays any stress upon religious belief or makes i t i n any sense a test of the admissibility of the immigrant, but largely i n order to assist the churches i n work among those newly ar-rived. A l i s t of arriving immigrants, class-i f i e d by their religious belief, and their destinations, Is furnished to the head of any religious denomination requesting the same. Such church o f f i c i a l s are enabled i n this way to notify church authorities i n different l o c a l i t i e s of the ar r i v a l of such immigrants, and i t is said that much good results, not merely i n putting the new im-migrants into better social surroundings, but also i n the way of helping them to se-cure work.^-1 The d i f f i c u l t i e s i n compiling the exact number of Catholic and Lutheran Immigrants before World War I have a l -ready been partly mentioned. Although the Canadian Census does not exactly present the number of immigrants, with which I am concerned, nevertheless the sta t i s t i c s below w i l l reveal an overall picture of the same. NUMBER OF TOTAL GERMANS IN WESTERN CANADA1*2 1921 .19,444 .68,202 •35,333 -•7.273 130,252 41 Dillingham, op. c i t . . p. 59. 42 Census of Canada. 1921. Vol. I, Population. Printer to the King's Most Excellent Majesty, Ottawa, 1924, Table 24. PROVINCES Manitoba Saskatchewan.... Alberta. B r i t i s h Columbia TOTAL... 113 In reality the total number of Germans must have been higher as many Germans from Eastern Europe (especially Germans from Russia) have definitely confused r a c i a l origin and national-i t y and have stated their nationality father than,racial or-igi n in the Census. Heinz Lehmann, who made the f i r s t survey of a l l Germans In Canada, claimed that of the total Germans In Western Canada before World War I the German from Russia comprised the greatest proportion. On the basis of available material i n regard to the origin of the German pre-war immi-grants, he arrived at the composition as stated below. ORIGIN OF GERMANS IN WESTERN CANADA^ Germans from Russia ........ ,**4# Germans from Romania 6% Germans from Austro-Eungary ... .....18# . Germans from Germany ...... .,12% Germans from the U.S.A.. ..18# Germans from Ontario, and other countries .2# The preceding presentation of colonies and their statistics is by no means complete, neither are the settle-ments exclusively founded by the people mentioned. Presented are rather the colonies predominantly founded by.either the one or the other group, such as by Catholics from the Black Sea or by Wolhynla Germans who are of Lutheran f a i t h . The d i f f i c u l t y i n tracing the settlers origin as well as the k3 Lehmann, op_. c i t . , p. 93. 1 1 4 definite group who had founded the colony, is created by the fact that a colony was usually settled by people of the same fai t h but who had come from different countries. In this manner we have the colony of Vibank, Saskatchewan, which was f i r s t settled by Black Sea Germans. However i n the same year Catholics from Banat, Romania also settled there. Exactly the same phenomenon occurred with the Lutheran settlers -such as i n the colony of Edenwold we find Germans from Buko-vlna, Dobrudsha, South Russia and many other places. In spite of the various origins of the settlers, their common langu-age, f a i t h and equal cultural niveau was sufficient to shape a unified community. III. SECOND IMMIGRATION 1920-1934 The outbreak of World War I ceased the immigration of Russian-Germans into Canada. An exception were 2,000 Hut-terites who immigrated from the U.S. during the war. Not be-lieving i n supporting a war, they conflicted with the U.S. authorities, which resulted i n their emigration.^ The conditions amongst the colonists i n Russia f o l -lowing World War I and the Revolution have already been 44 The Hutterites, as the Mennonites, have founds their o r i -gin i n the Anabaptist Movement of the 16th century. They are named after the founder of the sect, Jacob Huter, who was burned at the stake i n 1536 i n Insbruck. Persecuted, they emigrated to Bohemia and later into Russia. As military ser-vice became obligatory i n Russia, they emigrated to the U.S. i n 1&74. They d i f f e r from the Mennonites only i n their com-munal possessions. 115 d i s c u s s e d i n C h a p t e r I I I . T h e p o l i t i c a l a n d e c o n o m i c a l r e a -s o n s t h a t l e d t o t h e i r e m i g r a t i o n b e f o r e t h e w a r , w e r e n o w e v e n m o r e f o r c e f u l . T h e d e v a s t a t i o n o f t h e c o l o n i e s d u r i n g t h e c i v i l w a r , w h i c h l e d t o t h e g r e a t f a m i n e o f 1921, c o u p l e d w i t h t h e a t t i t u d e t o w a r d t h e n e w r e g i m e i n c i t e d e v e r y o n e t o e m i g r a t i o n . L a t e r i n t h e 1920*s t h i s u r g e w a s s t r e n g t h e n e d b y i n c r e a s e d t a x e s a s w e l l a s t h e p r a c t i c a l e x e c u t i o n o f t h e c o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n p o l i c y i n t h e U . S . S . R . A s i n p r e v i o u s t i m e s t h e M e n n o n i t e s w e r e a g a i n t h e o n l y e f f i c i e n t g r o u p t o u n d e r t a k e a n o r g a n i z e d e m i g r a t i o n . T h e y h a d a l r e a d y s e n t a d e l e g a t i o n t o C a n a d a i n 1920 i n o r d e r t o i n v e s t i g a t e i m m i g r a t i o n o p p o r t u n i t i e s . ^ T h e C a t h o l i c s a n d L u t h e r a n s w e r e d i s o r g a n i z e d a n d l a c k e d l e a d e r s h i p a t t h e v e r y m o m e n t w h e n m a t t e r s o f i m m i g r a t i o n b e c a m e m o s t c o m p l i -c a t e d i n R u s s i a . T h e i m m i g r a t i o n i n t o C a n a d a w a s f u r t h e r c o m p l i c a t e d a s C a n a d i a n i m m i g r a t i o n a d j u s t e d i t s e l f t o t h e e c o n o m i c c y c l e . I n a d d i t i o n R u s s i a w a s o n e of t h e " n o n - p r e -f e r r e d " c o u n t r i e s f r o m w h e r e t h e n u m b e r o f i m m i g r a n t s w a s t o b e l i m i t e d . I n v i e w o f t h e f a c t t h a t a n e x t e n s i v e n u m b e r o f f a r m e r s i n S a s k a t c h e w a n w e r e o f G e r m a n d e s c e n t , c o m i n g f r o m R u s s i a , P o l a n d , R o m a n i a , G e r m a n y p r o p e r , e t c . , t h e G e r m a n C a n a d i a n S o c i e t y o f S a s k a t c h e w a n a s k e d i n a m e m o r a n d u m t o h a v e p r e f e r e n c e g i v e n t o G e r m a n i m m i g r a n t s , i r r e g a r d l e s s o f 4 5 L e h m a n n , o p _ . c i t . , p . 1 1 4 . 116 origin. This petition was to he applicable to immigrants who otherwise f u l f i l l e d the immigration requirements. The memor-andum was .supported by a l l German organizations and as such was presented for consideration to the Royal Commission of 46 Colonization and Settlement i n Saskatchewan. It is not known to what extent this exceptional document influenced further immigration of Germans from Eastern Europe. However, the Canadian government came: to an agreement with the Cana-dian National and Canadian Pacific Railways to bring i n a num-ber of agriculturalists from Russia. Strict medical as well as c i v i l Inspection was to be carried out. No financial as-sistance was offered to this movement by the Canadian govern-ment. 47 The required valid passport by the Canadian govern-ment, created further d i f f i c u l t i e s for the Russian-Germans. On and after the 15th February, 1923, It shall be necessary as a condition to per-mission to land In Canada, that every Im-migrant shall be i n possession of a valid passport issued in and by the Government of the country of which such person i s a subjeot or citizen, such passport to be presented within one year of the date of it s issue.48 Meanwhile the urge to emigrate amongst the colonists, had 46 "Auslanddeutschtum", Der Auslanddeutsche. Jahrg. 13, No. 7, Deutsches Ausland Instltut, Stuttgart, 1930, pp. 230-231. 47 England, op_. c i t . . pp. 83-85. 48 England, Robert, The Central European Immigrant i n Cana-da. The Macmillan Company of Canada Ltd., Toronto, 1929, v. P. 23. 117 grown stronger for the New Economic Policy period was over and they faced collectivization at the end of the 1920*s.^9 The U.S.S.R., however, was not too eager to lose Its subjects. To curtail this sudden urge to leave the country, the Russian government demanded a fee of 200 rubles from every adult per-son that received a passport.^ 0 In the hope to achieve a solution to their problem, there began an instinctive movement without leadership to Moscow. They were represented from a l l parts of Russia. The main movement reached catastrophic measures by September of 1929, for nearly thirteen thousand colonists had gathered i n Moscow.^1 They were weeks and months awaiting their emigra-tion documents.52 A direct immigration from Moscow to Canada was not permitted by Canadian authorities i n spite of the ur-gent request of the religious organizations. A long negoti-ation between German and U.S.S.R. authorities resulted f i n a l -l y i n the immigration of 5,700 persons to Germany. Settlement i n over populated Germany was excluded right from the start. The accommodation offered i n the three camps of Prenzlau, 49 Quiring, op., c i t . . p. 108. 50 Schoeneich, Hans. Die lhr Helmatland verilessen. Verlag von Phllipp Reclam Jun., Leipzig, 1932, p. 75. 51 No o f f i c i a l number of the assembled colonists i n Moscow was ever published. Schoeneich, op. c i t . . p. 75, speaks of 10,000, Quiring, op., c i t . , p. 114, of 13,000, and Per Aus- landdeutsche. of 20,000. 52 Quiring, op. c i t . , p. 114. 118 Hammerstein and Moelln was to be temporary u n t i l immigration to an overseas country was secured. The religious composition of persons i n these camps was 3»885 Mennonites, 1,260 Luther-ans, 468 Catholics, and 7 Advent lets.5-* The expenses of the refugees were partly carried by the German government and the organization "Brueder in Not" (Brothers i n Need). This organization was initiated by President von Hindenburg, for the purpose of defraying the ex-penses for the refugees. More than 900,000 Marks were c o l l -ected. A considerable amount was repaid by the German r e l i g -ious organizations i n North America.^ When f i n a l l y i n 1930 emigration from Russia became an impossibility, the colonists turned to other methods of escaping from Russia. As early as 1928, individuals crossed the border into Manchuria. But when i n 1930 collectivization was also obvious In Siberia, the number of refugees increas-ed. Walter Quiring speaks of a dramatic escape of a whole village across the Amur river into Manchuria. By night the entire settlement of Schumanovka near the Amur55 crossed the 53 "Russlanddeutsche Bauern auf der Wanderung", Der Ausland- deutsche. Jahrg. 13, No. 3, Deutsehes Ausland Instltut, Stuttgart, 1930, pp. 76-77. 54 "Russlanddeutsche Bauern auf der Wanderung", Der Ausland-deutsche, Jahrg. 13, No. 23, Deutsehes Ausland Instltut, Stuttgart, 1930, pp. 810-811. 55 It shall be remembered that several German colonies were founded near the Amur and Ussurl rivers. 119 frozen river. Safely with f l f t y - s l x f u l l y packed sledges, they arrived In Manchuria. Similar escapes were also record-ed from Turkestan into China. In such a manner 1,066 refu-gees had gathered i n Harbin, Manchuria, by the f a l l of 1951. Amongst these refugees were 550 Mennonites, 405 Lutherans, 50 Catholics, 44 Baptists and 7 others.^ With a few exceptions these refugees emigrated via Marseille to South America, as did the Lutheran group, or ar-rived i n Germany. By the f a l l of 1930, a total of 6,313 Russian-German refugees had assembled i n Germany. According to religious denomination, these were - 4,300 Mennonites, 1,466 Lutherans, 483 Catholics, 51 Baptists, and 13 Advent-i s t s . Since the majority of the refugees were of the Men-nonlte fai t h , Bishop David Toews of Rosthern, Saskatchewan, became the spokesman of a l l the refugees. However due to the risi n g unemployment i n 1929, Premier Andersen of Saskatchew-an as well as the Premier of Alberta declined immigration of the entire group. An agreement was reached whereby only re-latives of well established citizens were to be permitted en-trance into Canada.5? As a result, 2,617 immigrated to Bra-z i l , 1,576 to Paraguay, and 1,344 to Canada. Prom among the 56 Quiring, op_. c i t . . pp. 151-159. 57 "Russlanddeutsche Bauern auf der Wanderung", Per Ausland- deutsche. Jahrg. 13, No. 9, Deutsches Ausland Institut, Stuttgart, 1930, pp. 292-294. 120 1,3^4 there were only about 200 Lutherans and Catholics. A further group of 500 who did not satisfy the medical o f f i c -ers, remained in Germany and were settled In the Province of Mecklenburg.58 Included i n the total of the Russian-German immi-grants into Canada between the World Wars were over 20,000 Mennonites.-59 The number of Catholics and Lutherans had con-siderably decreased i n comparison to their pre-war immigra-tion. In spite of the interest and effort by the Lutheran and Catholic Immigration Societies, who have done good work i n linking up the new comers with communities of the same faith, they were unable to bring into Canada more than 10,000 Catholics and Lutherans.6° Outstanding i n devoting their ef-forts to the Catholic and Lutheran immigration, were Father C. A. Kierdorf, 0. M. I.., who travelled to Europe twice for this purpose,**1 and Director Harms of the Lutheran College i n Saskatoon. Alone their effort was not sufficient, for a un-i f i e d organization amongst the Catholics and Lutherans i n Russia was missing and on the whole, however, they did not 58 Quiring, op_. c i t . , p. 115. 59 "Wanderungswesen", Der Auslanddeutsche. Jahrg. 15, No. 13/14, Deutsches Ausland Institut, Stuttgart, 1932, p. 391. 60 Lehmann, op., c i t . , p. 118. 61 "Rundschau", Per Auslanddeutsche. Jahrg. 11, No. 16, Deutsches Ausland Institut, Stuttgart, 1928, pp. 512-513. 121 u t i l i z e the emigration opportunities before the U.S.S.R. re-stricted i t to n i l . Most of them deceived themselves when the New Economic Policy (NEP) was introduced i n 1921 i n re-gard to the free enterprise that was allowed. Later when they realized that this was only for a transitlonary period, i t was too late. The Russian restrictions of emigration co-incided with the coming of the depression i n Canada when im-migration was reduced to an insignificant number. Table V presents the increase and decline of immi-gration from Russia. It w i l l be noted that u n t i l 1926 the Canadian statistics did not make any distinction between ra-c i a l origin and country of birth. The st a t i s t i c s of Germans of r a c i a l origin would have no relation to the proper number of Russian-Germans since that would include Germans from Eastern Europe and Germany proper, therefore they are not pre-sented. The figures given are the total number of immigrants born i n Russia, which definitely includes the Germans. From these subtract the figures of the Russians by r a c i a l origin, which then would leave the estimated number of immigrants of German origin. However, we must again Include Germans i n the figure given for Russian nationality and r a c i a l origin as the Germans have confused their r a c i a l origin with their national-i t y . This figure is the closest estimation which can be made from o f f i c i a l s t a t i s t i c s available. New colonies were not founded by Russian-Germans be-tween the wars as some of the immigrants were directed to the TABLE V IMMIGRATION FROM RUSSIA FOR THE YEARS 1920-1929 This Table has been compiled according to Canadian Census figures for the years of 1920 to 1929 from The Canada Year  Books, Dominion Bureau of Stat i s t i c s , King's Printer and Controller of Stationary, Ottawa, of the following years: 1920 - p. 121, 1924 - p. 170, 1926 - pp. 170-183, 1927-28 -pp. 192-195, and 1929 - p. 187. IMMIGRANT ARRIVALS IMMIGRANT ARRIVALS OF YEAR BORN IN RUSSIA RUSSIAN RACIAL ORIGIN 1920 .51 1921 1,077 1922 321 1923 * ... . .222 1924 3,058 1925 5 , 4 1 1 1926. .7,382. .1,092 1927 6,935- 1,296 1928 .2,563 • .1,132 1929 .1,901. 1,193 122 established communities. Only a limited number found their way to the newly opened territory of the Peace River. A l -though the majority of the new comers were farmers, only a few of them became rural dwellers for i t was B r i t i s h subjects and those who had resided i n Canada for five years, who were allowed to buy government lands.^ 2 This resulted i n an ex-tensive settlement of the new comers in the ci t i e s where they became engaged i n seasonal work. IV THIRD IMMIGRATION INTO CANADA - AFTER WORLD WAR II The third and perhaps the last immigration period of Russian-Germans into Canada started In 1947 and has continued u n t i l the present time.. It had been mentioned already that their refuge from the Warthegau during the winter of 1944-45 to Western Germany was an Individual private task. Unorgan-ized, they arrived i n Western Germany from where their fore-fathers had emigrated to Russia one hundred and f i f t y years ago. Their arrival marked the end of the history of the Russian-Germans for they no longer form a unified group or community. Dispersed, without contact with each other, they were to be found i n every corner of Germany. The position of the Russian-Germans i n post-war Ger-many can only be understood i n conjunction with the general refugee situation. The staggering number and the sudden 62 "Wanderungswesen", Der Auslanddeutsche. Jahrg. 14, No. 2, Deutsehes Ausland Instltut, Stuttgart, 1931, p. 67. 123 Influx of uprooted refugees from the Eastern Provinces of Germany had an unsettling effect on the natives of Western Germany. The lack of accommodation for a l l of them constit-uted the most pressing and at the same time the most complex problem of post-war Germany. The natives looked upon the im-poverished refugees as undesirable intruders, especially upon those who came from outside of Germany. Coupled with the at-titude of the natives was the mass unemployment, which was at Its height, and made an indefinite stay i n Germany for them unendurable. A return to Russia, where they expected to be branded as traitors, was excluded. Nevertheless the deep di s -appointment i n Germany, the uncertain future, caused some to contact the Russian Repatriation Commission In Western Ger-many, which functioned u n t i l 19^9. Their desire to return to their former homes, which they expected, only remained a hope. Repatriation i n occupied Russian territory of Russian-Germans, who were de Jure s t i l l U.S.S.R. citizens, was unquestionably carried out to the f u l l e s t extent. As the Volga Germans, they too were transported to Siberia and Central Asia. Being accustomed to deprivation, the remainder of the Russian-Germans did overcome the depressing f i r s t two years of post-war Germany easier than those refugees of East-ern Germany, who were used to a secure and well established existence. Many were employed as farm helpers and in other employment, awaiting anxiously the contact with their r e l a -tives In America. And relatives they all,had, for at some 12k time or another a relative had immigrated to an overseas country. It was again the economic Insecurity arid the desire for one's home that caused the universal urge to immigrate to America. An o f f i c i a l statement of the numbers of Russian-Ger-mans In Western Germany was never Issued by the German auth-o r i t i e s . Nor was there an organization of Russian-Germans that kept close st a t i s t i c s of their numbers. There remains to mention, however, the aiding offices which were founded for the purpose of distribution of carritas gifts donated by their kinsmen abroad. Of the 350,000 Russian-Germans repat-riated, an estimated number of 100,000 resided i n West Ger-many before immigration started to Canada. By 1947 most of them had established contact with their relatives i n America and had already Improved their ma-t e r i a l position as they received generous gifts from abroad. An Immediate emigration to overseas countries was however not yet possible. Being refugees of German descent, they did not f a l l under the status of Displaced Persons and were thus ex-cluded from any material assistance by the United Nations Re-l i e f and Rehabllation Administration (UNRRA). At the foundation of the UNRRA, the function of which is mere material assistance to refugees, a difference of opinion occurred as to what countries and people assist-ance should be given. The viewpoint of the U.S.A. was that 125 any assistance should he denied to people who were members of the German nation as far as they were not victims of the Na-tionalist Socialist regime. This decision was of importance as the succeeding organization of the International Refugee Organization (IRO) pursued then the same policy. According to the statute of the IRO, i t i n the main distinguished two groups of refugees - a) those refugees whose nations were members of the United Nations and b) those refugees who were of German rac i a l origin, who were usually members of German minority groups from Eastern European countries. The la t t e r group did not f a l l under the Jurisdiction of the IRO.^ It shall be noted that i n addition to material assistance the IRO offered protective service as well as assistance for im-migration to overseas countries. Since however, the majority of the German refugees had relatives i n Canada who were most willing to defray the immigration expenses, the Canadian Christian Council for Re-settlement of Refugees was founded i n 194-7. The organiza-tion's task was to aid i n locating and processing overseas, approved immigrants who were refugees i n occupied territories of Austria and Germany, but who did not come within the man-date of the IRO. The group concerned with, as said, were a l l German refugees from Eastern European countries, who because of events could not return to their former countries. Canada 63 Institut fuer Besatzungsfragen, Das DP - Problem. Verlag J. C. B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), Tueblngen, 1950, p. 164. 126 was thus not only the f i r s t country to grant admittance to Displaced Persons but also the f i r s t country to bring i n Ger-man refugees. The CCCRR was a voluntary organization and consisted of the following membersj The Catholic Immigration Aid Society, The Canadian Mennonite Board of Colonization, The German Baptist Colonization and Immigration Society, The Canadian Lutheran Relief, The Suedeten Committee, and The 6 4 Latvian Relief Fund of Canada. The work of the Council was handled i n exactly the same manner as for approved immigrants coming within the man-date of the IRQ. For this purpose a screening camp was est-ablished i n Hanover. The screening in this camp was r e s t r i c -ted to German nationals. The prospective Immigrant not only had. to satisfy the usual immigrant requirements but i n addi-tion had to have close relatives i n Canada who were able to secure accommodation and employment for at least one year. Further, the immigrant had to be an agriculturalist. Thus only rural dwellers i n Canada were enabled to bring their re-latives to Canada. Later i n 1950 an Order—ln-Councll was passed (as already Indicated), which enabled others who had no relatives i n Canada to immigrate to this country. There i s , however, a group of Russian-Germans i n Germany who are either people In good position or unfit for immigration for reasons of health and age. 64 The Canada Year Book. 1950, op_. c i t . . p. 183. 127 According to the Canadian Census of 1950, Canada granted admission to 98,057 Displaced Persons between A p r i l , 19^7, and March, 1950. This number included 55,075 Immi-grants who had close relatives l i v i n g i n Canada and 41,700 immigrants were admitted under the general Displaced Person movement. The German immigrants were also Included i n the Canadian statistics as Displaced Persons. Among them were 10,651 of German ra c i a l o r i g i n . ^ The number, however, seems to be too low for we receive a different composition accord-ing to Table VI when attempting to compile the number of Russlan-German immigrants. It must be kept i n mind when c a l -culating, that the confusion of r a c i a l origin and nationality was s t i l l apparent amongst the Russian-Germans. We thus have i n Table VI a total of 19,075 immigrants born i n Russia as compared to 6,738 immigrants of Russian ra-c i a l origin. In the" total of r a c i a l origin we can with cer-tainty assume that there are a substantial number of Germans included. To derive at an approximate number of Russian-Ger-man Immigrants, we subtract the to t a l of r a c i a l origin from the total born i n Russia and allow a few thousand for others born i n Russia such as the Ukranians, the remainder undoubt-edly comprises the number of Russian-German immigrants i n Can-ada. This number would then be somewhat over 10,000. 65 The Canada Year Book. Dominion Bureau of Sta t i s t i c s , King's Printer and Controller of Stationary, Ottawa, 1951, p. 141. . 128 As a l l the Immigrants had to be farmers their place of destination was usually a rural d i s t r i c t , however they never f u l l y settled there. They lacked the means to obtain their own farm and the city offered better opportunities i n seasonal work. As a consequence the majority settled in the c i t i e s . TABLE VI TOTAL IMMIGRATION PROM RUSSIA ACCORDING TO COUNTRY OP BIRTH AND RACIAL ORIGIN Table compiled from The Canada Year Books. Dominion Bureau of Statistics, King's Printer and Controller of Stationary, Ottawa, of the years, 1951 - PP- 145-147, 1952-53 - pp. 169-170, and 1954 - p. 162. IMMIGRANT ARRIVALS IMMIGRANT ARRIVALS OP YEAR BORN IN RUSSIA . RUSSIAN RACIAL ORIGIN 1947 ..870 .293 1948... . . . . . . . . 5,503 . 1; 441 1949 ...3,401. . . . . .937 1950 .2,043. .653 1951. . . . . . . . . . . 4 ,489 . .2,305 1952..... . . . . . 2 , 769 . . . . . . . ...1,109 TOTAL .. 19.075.... .6.738 CHAPTER VI STATISTICS AND DISTRIBUTION OF RUSSIAN-GERMANS IN CANADA I STATISTICS OF RUSSIAN-GERMANS IN CANADA The d i f f i c u l t y i n compiling the exact number of Russian-Germans i n Ganada has been mentioned i n several cases. It shall be mentioned once more i n greater detail, for i t i s Important to know why the o f f i c i a l number, calculated from the Canadian Census, i s far below their actual number. Since 1871 the Canadian Census l i s t s the Canadian residents according to racial origin, as such the person has to state the r a c i a l origin of the ancestors, i.e. that of the ancestral immigrant to Canada. (A statement such as "Canad-ian" or "American" is not acceptable for r a c i a l origin). Theoretically then we should be able to compile the exact num-ber of any minority group i n Canada - whether assimilated or not. In reality we receive a.different picture. Only there where ra c i a l origin and country of birth and with It nation-a l i t y coincide, such as among German Immigrants from Germany proper, can we exactly state their s t a t i s t i c s . 1 1 Lehmann, op. c i t . , p. 130. 130 The st a t i s t i c s for other minority groups, such as the Russian-Germans, can never he f u l l y calculated. The Russian-Germans as well as other Germans from Eastern-Euro-pean countries have for reasons as stated below often not distinguished r a c i a l origin and nationality. This phenomen-on occurred either unconsciously due to confusion of r a c i a l origin and nationality or Intentionally due to the attitude prevalent toward the German nationals during the World Wars. This fact i s manifested i n the drastic example of the Mennonites from Russia of whom 3,639 are l i s t e d under Russian r a c i a l origin i n the Census of 1941.2 This occur-rence was not only prevalent amongst the Mennonites but Just the same amongst the Catholics and Lutherans, for the Census of 1941 states that 83,708 persons were of Russian r a c i a l or-lgin^ and 46 ,302 persons spoke Russian as their mother tongue.** The great difference between the preceding two f i g -ures can be explained i n the following manner. It is unlike-l y that the difference of 37,406 had been f u l l y assimilated. Instead we subtract from the difference the 3,639 Mennonites listed under Russian r a c i a l origin, allow a few thousand for assimilated Russians and Ukranians born in Russia, the 2 Census of Canada. 1 9 4 1 . Vol. 6 , Population, Printer to the King 1e Most Excellent Majesty, Ottawa, 1 9 4 6 , Table 5, p p . 5 6 - 5 7 . 3 Ibid, Table 1 , pp. 2-3. 4 Ibid, Table 1 4 , p. 2 1 4 131 remainder would then undoubtedly comprise German Catholics and Lutherans from Russia that stated nationality rather than rac i a l origin. This argument i s actually applicable as stat-ed above to any minority group i n Canada whose racial origin does not coincide with their former nationality. Since the 1920's the Canadian Census l i s t s the Can-adian residents under mother tongue in addition to the pre-vious l i s t i n g of r a c i a l origin, country of birth, and nation-a l i t y . Canada and South Africa are the only two non-European countries that l i s t their population according to such de-tailed information.5 Due to this detail and especially the l i s t i n g of mother tongue, one should be enable to derive at a better judgement of a minority group i n Canada i n respect to the number of the group as well as their extent of assim-i l a t i o n . Due to the transitionary period i n the assimilation process, the r e l i a b i l i t y of the figure for mother tongue i s questionable. In a group as the Russian-Germans who are de-f i n i t e l y i n the process of assimilation, we find several ca-tegories from a point of view of language: 1. Those who s t i l l speak their mother tongue fluent-ly and speak very l i t t l e English. 2. Those who speak German and English equally well. 3. Those who s t i l l understand but do not speak Ger-man anymore. 5 Kloss, Heinz, and Reimann, Katherine, Statistlsches Hand- buch der Volksdeutschen In Uebersee. Vertrauliche Schrtften-reihe Uebersee, Publlkatlonsstelle Stuttgart-Hamburg, Stutt-gart, 1943, pp. 14-15. 132 This fact is further complicated as German appears i n two forms - Standard German and the Dialectic German. So that many who do only speak a dialect do not state i t but rather state English as their mother tongue. Prom the above, one can see that a person f a l l i n g i n one of the categories is of-ten confused as to what to state as their mother tongue. To derive, however, at an approximate number of Russian-German Lutherans and Catholics i n Western Canada, one may best calculate this figure, from the stati s t i c s on r e l i g -ious denominations. GERMAN CATHOLICS AND LUTHERANS IN WESTERN CANADA6 PROVINCES LUTHERANS CATHOLICS Manitoba . 19,426 5,065 Saskatchewan 41,585. . . .54,691 Alberta 2?,234 14,062 B r i t i s h Columbia........5,460 .5.411 TOTAL. 93,705... • 79,229 One may safely apply Heinz Lehmann's estimated percentage, which i s that 44$ of the total number of Germans i n Western Canada are Russian-Germans,''' to the total number of German Lutherans and Catholics In Western Canada. This then would result i n the approximate number of 41,230 Russian-German Lutherans and 34,860 Russian-German Catholics i n Western 6 Census of Canada. 1941. op. c i t . , Table 5, pp. 64-71. 7 Lehmann, op. c i t . , p. 93. 133 Canada. In conclusion, neither o f f i c i a l statements nor p r l -o vate estimates such as Heinz Lehmann's or George Wagner's, who estimated the Russian-Germans In Canada at 200,000,9 give an exact number of the Russian-Germans i n Canada for reasons as stated above. II DISTRIBUTION OF THE RUSSIAN-GERMANS IN CANADA It shall be remembered that the colonists settled i n Russia according to religious denomination, forming at the same time a solid block of closed settlements averaging from one thousand to five thousand people i n a colony. Upon arr-i v a l of the Russian-Germans i n North America, this system of settlement was only maintained by the Mennonites i n Manitoba. But even they have abandoned this.system at present. Another attempt to form regular closed settlements after the pattern of the old settlements i n Russia was further tried by the Black Sea Germans i n the Dakotas, and by Volga Germans i n Kansas. Richard Sallet also mentions that even the weekly markets, as they practiced i n Russia, had temporarily become a custom. An attempt by Lutherans and Catholics to settle i n Western Canada according to the pattern of settlement in Russia i s not known. Due to the system of homesteads this 8 Wagner, Georg and Mai, Richard, op. c i t . , p. 281. 9 This includes a l l religious denominations. 1 3 4 p a t t e r n h a d t o b e a b a n d o n e d . T h e r e w a s h o w e v e r a t e n d e n c y t o a c q u i r e a h o m e s t e a d a d j a c e n t t o a k i n s m a n . N e v e r t h e l e s s t h e d e c i s i v e m e a s u r e t o t a k e u p a h o m e s t e a d i n a f a r m d i s t r i c t w a s a g a i n d e t e r m i n e d , a s p r e v i o u s l y I n R u s s i a , b y r e l i g i o u s d e n o m i n a t i o n . I n t h i s m a n n e r s e v e r a l f a r m d i s t r i c t s w e r e f o u n d e d - a n e x a m p l e o f w h i c h i s t h e S t . . P e t e r ' s C o l o n y , a l a r g e a r e a e a s t o f S a s k a t o o n , w h i c h i s a l m o s t e x c l u s i v e l y s e t t l e d b y C a t h o l i c s . B e c a u s e r e l i g i o n p l a y e d t h e d e c i s i v e r o l e i n s e t t l e m e n t , a c l e a r - c u t p i c t u r e a s t o t h e c o u n t r y o f o r i g i n o f t h e s e t t l e r s w a s n o t m a i n t a i n e d . T h e f i r s t s e t t l e m e n t s a s s u m e d a f o r m o f t h e s o - c a l l -e d " s c a t t e r e d 1 ' s e t t l e m e n t s , w h i c h r e s u l t e d f r o m t h e h o m e s t e a d s y s t e m . T h e h o m e s t e a d e r s u s u a l l y f o l l o w e d t h e r a i l w a y l i n e s o r w h e r e t h e t r a c k s w e r e e x p e c t e d t o b e l a i d i n t h e n e a r f u -t u r e . T h e n a m e o f t h e n e a r e s t P o s t O f f i c e o r R a i l w a y S t a t i o n w a s o r d i n a r i l y a p p l i e d t o t h e e n t i r e f a r m d i s t r i c t . W h e r e s u c h w e r e n o t p r e s e n t , t h e n a m e o f a c o l o n y I n R u s s i a , f r o m w h e r e p a r t o f t h e s e t t l e r s c a m e , w a s a d o p t e d . S e v e r a l c o l -o n i e s p o p u l a t e d b y R u s s i a n - G e r m a n s h a d u n d e r g o n e c h a n g e s o f n a m e n o t a b l y d u r i n g W o r l d W a r I . E x a m p l e s w e r e E l g i n h e l m c h a n g e d t o Y o u n g , K a t h e r l n e n t a l t o K r o n a u , S c h u l t z t o P r e l a t e , a n d S p e y e r t o L e a d e r - a l l l o c a t e d I n S a s k a t c h e w a n . L i t t l e V o l g a w a s c h a n g e d t o S u n d e n c e i n A l b e r t a . O n l y l a t e r w e r e t h e n u m e r o u s p r a i r i e t o w n s f o u n d e d c l o s e t o a r a i l w a y s t a t i o n . T h e b e g i n n i n g o f s u c h a t o w n 135 s t a r t e d w i t h t h e b u i l d i n g o f a s c h o o l a n d c h u r c h w h i c h p l a y -e d a d o m i n a n t r o l e I n t h e e a r l y s e t t l e m e n t s . A t t h e s a m e t i m e a g e n e r a l s t o r e w a s b u i l t i n t h e t o w n t h a t b e c a m e t h e s u p p l y c e n t e r o f t h e e n t i r e d i s t r i c t . T h e a c t i v i t i e s o f t h e d i s t r i c t w e r e c o n c e n t r a t e d a r o u n d t h e t o w n . T h e p o p u l a t i o n i n c r e a s e d a s f a r m e r s r e t i r e d , l e a v i n g t h e i r f a r m s t o t h e c h i l d r e n , a n d s e t t l i n g t h e m s e l v e s i n t h e t o w n , ( i n r e a d i n g t h e r e m a i n d e r o f t h i s C h a p t e r , p l e a s e c o n s u l t M a p I I I . ) A P r o v i n c e o f M a n i t o b a - L u t h e r a n S e t t l e m e n t s B e s i d e s t h e c o l o n i e s o f t h e M e n n o n i t e s w h i c h w e r e f o u n d e d b e t w e e n 1874 a n d 1879 e a s t o f t h e R e d R i v e r , t h e r e w e r e o n l y L u t h e r a n s e t t l e m e n t s f o u n d e d b y R u s s i a n - G e r m a n s i n M a n i t o b a . R u r a l C a t h o l i c s e t t l e m e n t s w e r e n e v e r f o u n d e d i n t h i s p r o v i n c e . A n i n s i g n i f i c a n t n u m b e r o f C a t h o l i c s f r o m R u s s i a s e t t l e d i n W i n n i p e g a n d b e l o n g t o t h e S t . J o s e p h ' s P a r r i s h t h e r e , w h i c h i s s e r v e d b y t h e O b l a t e F a t h e r s . L u t h -e r a n s h a v e s e t t l e d i n t h e a r e a o f B e a u s e j o u r , G r e e n B a y a n d G o l d e n B a y , w h i c h a r e e a s t o f W i n n i p e g . F u r t h e r s e t t l e m e n t s w e r e f o u n d e d n o r t h - e a s t o f W i n n i p e g i n B r o k e n h e a d , G r u e n w a l d , T h a l b e r g a n d F i s h L a k e . O t h e r L u t h e r a n s h a v e s e t t l e d e a s t o f W i n n i p e g a n d s o u t h o f t h e W i n n i p e g R i v e r i n W h i t e m o u t h , O l d -e n b u r g , a n d W i n n i p e g F a l l s . T h e s e t t l e m e n t o f t h e s e c o l o n i e s w a s s t a r t e d b y W o l h y n l a G e r m a n s i n I896. L a t e r , L u t h e r a n s f r o m o t h e r a r e a s i n R u s s i a , s e t t l e d I n t h e s e c o l o n i e s t o o . 1 0 10 L e h m a n n , o p . c i t . , p p . 159-160. 136 North-west of Winnipeg, German Lutherans have set-tled i n Moose Horn, Neuheim and Grahamdale along the railway line leading to Gypsumville. The settlement began In 1911 and lasted u n t i l World War I. The settlers were again pre-dominantly from Wolhynla. Other Wolhynla Germans have set-tled In the v i c i n i t y west of the Manitoba Lake and have founded several German farm d i s t r i c t s . The f i r s t settlers however came from Galicla in 1891» Only i n 1896 have Luther-ans from Russia settled In the area. Close to the Saskatchewan border a German farm d i s -t r i c t was founded i n 1913 hy the name of Friedfeld on the railway line of Dauphin. The settlers were again immigrants predominantly from Wolhynla. Near Grandview another settle-ment was founded at the turn of the century by Black Sea Ger-mans from the area of Molotchna and by Wolhynla Germans.11 The city of Winnipeg had 12,170 persons of German racial origin according to the Census of 1941, 1 2 of which 9,166 s t i l l gave German as their mother tongue.^ Half of the 12,170 could be classified as Russian-Germans. In 1884 a German Society (Deutsche Vereinigung) was already founded for the purpose of assisting and advising the entire German 11 Lehmann, op. c i t . , pp. 161-162. 12 Census of Canada. 1941. op. c i t . , Table 22, p. 266. 13 Ibid. 137 i m m i g r a n t p o p u l a t i o n . 1 ^ T h e v a r i o u s r e l i g i o u s i m m i g r a t i o n a i d s o c i e t i e s h a d t h e i r h e a d q u a r t e r s i n W i n n i p e g a f t e r t h e w a r a n d s t i l l d o a t t h e p r e s e n t t i m e . B u t t h e i r f i r s t s t r o n g o r g a n i z a t i o n , a s i t w a s i n t h e r u r a l d i s t r i c t s , w a s t h e C h u r c h . I n 1889, P a s t o r H . C . S c h m i e d e r a r r i v e d I n W i n n i p e g a n d f o u n d e d t h e f i r s t G e r m a n L u t h e r a n c o m m u n i t y i n W e s t e r n C a n a d a - t h e s t i l l - p r e s e n t " E v a n g e l ! s c h l u t h r a s c h e n D r e l e i n l g -k e i t s k i r o h e " . ^ - 5 T h e C a t h o l i c s , t h a t a r e f e w e r i n n u m b e r s , a r e m e m b e r s o f t h e S t . J o s e p h ' s C h u r c h w h i c h w a s f o u n d e d i n 1904-1905, a n d a r e a t t e n d e d b y t h e O r d e r o f t h e O b l a t e F a t h -e r s . T h e n u m b e r o f R u s s i a n - G e r m a n C a t h o l i c s I n t h e P a r r i e h h o w e v e r a r e l i m i t e d . O n t h e w h o l e t h e G e r m a n s i n W i n n i p e g h a v e t a k e n u p t h e i r r e s i d e n c e I n t h e n o r t h e n d o f t h e c i t y . B P r o v i n c e o f S a s k a t c h e w a n 1 C a t h o l i c S e t t l e m e n t s T h e o l d e s t C a t h o l i c s e t t l e m e n t a r e a i n S a s k a t c h e w a n f o u n d e d b y R u s s i a n - ^ G e r m a n s i s l o c a t e d e a s t a n d s o u t h - e a s t o f R e g i n a . T h e a r e a i s p o p u l a t e d b y a p p r o x i m a t e l y 5,000 G e r m a n s a n d c o m p r i s e s t h e c o l o n i e s o f B a l g o n i , Q u ' A p p e l l e , K r o n a u ( S t . P e t e r ' s c o m m u n i t y ) , V i b a n k , O d e s s a , K e n d a l , a n d S e d l e y . 1 4 A n n u a l R e p o r t o f t h e M i n i s t r y o f A g r i c u l t u r e . 1 8 8 5 . N o . 8 , P r i n t e r t o t h e O j u e e n ' s M o s t E x c e T l e n t M a j e s t y , O t t a w a , 1 8 8 6 , p . 4 4 . 15 R u c c l u s , M . , " D e u t s c h E v a n g e l l s c h e . A r b e i t i n K a n a d a " , D e r A u s l a n d d e u t s c h e . J a h r g . 13, N o . 1 8 , D e u t s e h e s A u s l a n d I n s t l t u t , S t u t t g a r t , 1930, p p . 6 4 7 - 6 4 9 . 138 The o l d e s t settlement I s the colony of J o s e p h s t a l east of Regina. The settlement s t a r t e d i n 1896 near B a l g o n l and was named a f t e r a colony i n R u s s i a , from where p a r t of the s e t t l e r s came. The colony was f i r s t mentioned i n the An-n u a l Report of the M i n i s t r y of A g r i c u l t u r e i n 1886. This colony has a p o p u l a t i o n of n i n e t y - f i v e s o u l s , w i t h the exception of one Russian f a m i l y they are a l l Germans and speak the German language.16 I n 1888 another s m a l l e r colony east of J o s e p h s t a l was found-ed near South Qu'Appelle. I n the Annual Report of the De-partment of the I n t e r i o r f o r the year 1906 we read: This colony was s t a r t e d i n 1888 and has s t e a d i l y i n c r e a s e d on account of nearness of a r a i l w a y s t a t i o n . There are probably three hundred f a m i l i e s , eighteen hundred so u l s i n the d i s t r i c t . F i v e schools have been e s t a b l i s h e d and the d i s t r i c t i s gen-e r a l l y s u c c e s s f u l , many of them i n c r e a s i n g t h e i r holdings i n land by purchase.17 I n 1890-1891 the f i r s t s e t t l e r s a r r i v e d i n Davln and Kronau. The l a t t e r colony was named a f t e r a settlement i n the Black Sea area from where p a r t of the s e t t l e r s o r i g i -nated. I n 1890 three other c o l o n i e s were founded by Catho-l i c s from the Black Sea, south of B a l g o n l , between the Davln and Kronau s t a t i o n s . The c o l o n i e s K a t h e r i n e n t a l , Rastadt, 16 Annual Report of the M i n i s t r y of A g r i c u l t u r e . 1886. No. 12, P r i n t e r t o the Queen's Most E x c e l l e n t Majesty, Ottawa, 1887, P. 75. 17 Annual Report of the Department of the I n t e r i o r . 1906. P a r t I I , No. 25, P r i n t e r t o the KlngTi" Most E x c e l l e n t Maj-e s t y , Ottawa, 1907, p. 82. 1 3 9 a n d S p e y e r r e c a l l n a m e s i n t h e B l a e k S e a a r e a f r o m w h e r e t h e s e t t l e r s c a m e . T h e y a r e c o m p r i s e d i n t o t h e S t . P e t e r ' s c o m -m u n i t y . R e v . H . M e t z g e r p r e s e n t s a d e t a i l e d a c c o u n t o f t h e s e t t l e m e n t o f t h i s a r e a i n h i s p a m p h l e t w h i c h w a s w r i t t e n i n 1930 i n h o n o r o f t h e 4 0 t h a n n i v e r s a r y o f t h e f i r s t s e t t l e r s . I n 1903 t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f t h e n e w c h u r c h i n R a s t a d t w a s u n -d e r t a k e n , w h i c h w a s c o m p l e t e d I n 1912. T h e f i r s t s c h o o l d i s -t r i c t w a s e s t a b l i s h e d I n R a s t a d t i n 1897 w h i c h r e s u l t e d i n t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f a s c h o o l i n 1899* H o w e v e r , b y 1912, t h e s a m e w a s t o o s m a l l a n d w a s r e p l a c e d b y a n e w s c h o o l w h i c h w a s c o n s t r u c t e d c l o s e t o t h e c h u r c h . I n t h e s a m e m a n n e r s c h o o l d i s t r i c t s w e r e e s t a b l i s h e d i n t h e o t h e r t w o c o l o n i e s a t t h e t u r n o f t h e c e n t u r y . 1 ® S o u t h - e a s t o f t h e S t . P e t e r ' s c o m m u n i t y f a r m d i s -t r i c t o n t h e M a n y B o n e G r e e k , t h e S t . P a u l ' s c o m m u n i t y o f V i b a n k w a s f o u n d e d i n 1891 b y G e r m a n s f r o m t h e B l a c k S e a a r e a . A t t h e s a m e t i m e , h o w e v e r , C a t h o l i c s f r o m t h e B a n a t a n d G a l -l o l a h a v e s e t t l e d I n t h e a r e a . T h e I n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t t h e s e t t l e m e n t a n d d e v e l o p m e n t o f t h e V i b a n k d i s t r i c t i s o b t a i n e d f r o m a p a m p h l e t w r i t t e n f o r t h e 25th J u b i l e e o f t h e f o u n d a -t i o n o f t h e S t . P a u l ' s P a r r i s h . B y 1907 t h e a r e a a r o u n d V i -b a n k h a d e s t a b l i s h e d s e v e n s e h o o l d i s t r i c t s . T h e e c o n o m i c p r o g r e s s o f t h i s a r e a w a s f a v o r a b l e e s p e c i a l l y a f t e r t h e r a i l w a y s t a t i o n w a s c o m p l e t e d i n 1907. I t i s t h e n t h a t t h e 1 8 M e t z g e r , o p . , c i t . . p . 4 9 * 140 town of Vibank 1 9 began i t s development. Several stores, which were the supply center for the entire d i s t r i c t were founded i n the following years. In 1912 the school and church were transferred from the open prairie into the newly founded town. In course of time Vibank has further increased in respect to business activities as well as construction of new homes for retired farmers. The most notable construction i n the town was that of the Holy Family Convent of the Ursa-line Order i n 1923, which houses approximately forty s i s t e r s . The sisters are extensively of Russian-German descent and are engaged i n teaching.20 At the turn of the century the settlement area east of Vibank was further expanded and resulted i n the foundation of the colonies of Odessa and Kendal. The l a t t e r colony was again named after the colony i n South Russia. The settlers came predominantly from Russia but had settled f i r s t i n the U.S.A. before they moved to Canada i n 1901. In a recent pub-lica t i o n by Rev. F. Gerein, D.D., commemorating the 50th an-niversary of the a r r i v a l of the f i r s t settlers and the 40th anniversary of the founding of the Holy Family Parrish, we 19 The name of the town of Vibank has no bearing to the or-i g i n of i t s settlers. The name is derived from the German word "Viehbank" meaning a cattle market place. As the term "Viehbank" without "eh" produces i n English, as well as i n German, the same sound the two letters were dropped and re-sulted i n the present spelling of "Vibank". 20 Abele, op. c i t . . p. 22. 141 nave an Intensive account of the settlement and history of Odessa. The f i r s t settlers of the Odessa d i s t r i c t arrived i n 1901, However, the peak of settlement was reached i n 1903 and 1904, when about sixty families had taken up homesteads i n the area. South of Odessa a small Catholic mission was founded under the name of Blumenfeld. However owing to i t s location and size the members were assigned to the parrishes of Odessa, Sedley and Vibank. The development of the town of Odessa started only after the completion of the Regina-Brandon railway - as i t was with the town of Vibank. In 1911 a new school d i s t r i c t was established i n the town in addition to the three dis-t r i c t s already existing in the area. The present school In Odessa i s served by the Ursallne Sisters. The most notable event i n the town is the recent completion of the Holy Family Church under the energetic leadership of the present pastor, Rev. F. Gerein, D.D. The name of the d i s t r i c t of Odessa has undergone some Interesting changes. Until 1907 the d i s t r i c t was known as Sibel Plains after the f i r s t school In the area. In 1907 i t assumed the name of the newly founded Post Office, Magna. In some circles the d i s t r i c t was also known as Moser Valley. Finally In 1911 the present name of Odessa was glv-en to the town. Jm 21 Gerein, pp. c i t . , p. 8. ikz The above described, settlement d i s t r i c t s , east of Regina, are divided Into seven Catholic parishes which are members of the Regina Archdiocese. They are a l l served by diocesan priests. In these parishes a number of Lutherans from south Russia have established themselves - notably In Kronau, Davin and Vibank. North-west of Langenburg, the Catholic community of Landshut was founded i n the 1880's. The settlers came pre-dominantly from south Russia and Bavaria. In the south of Saskatchewan the colony of Maryland was founded by Catholics from the Banat. However, they were soon Joined by Catholics from the south of Russia. The settlers were from the colony of Landau In the Black Sea area. A smaller colony by the name of Landau was founded south of Maryland. In 1902 the colony of Marienthal was founded close to the American border. The settlers came from Russia, the U.S. and Romania. Further west of Marienthal, homesteads were taken up by Germans, which led to the foundation of Jakobsberg i n 1916. S t i l l further west, the colony of Berg-feld was founded by Germans from the Black Sea. A larger settlement, the colony of Claybank, was founded i n the south of the province i n 1904 by Germans from the Azov Sea. 2 2 Ger-mans from other countries have settled In the area after the war. The settlers of German origin number about six hundred 22 Lehmann, op_. c i t . , pp. 188-192. 143 persons. Their school i s served by Ursaline sisters. North-west of Reglna, the colony of Holdfast was founded between 1904 and 1908. The settlers again came pre-dominantly from the Black Sea area i n Russia. Germans from Banat have also settled i n the area. The f i r s t church was constructed i n 1910 for the close to one thousand persons of the colony. Late i n 1920-1921 a larger church was built close to the station. South-east of Saskatoon, two other colonies were founded close to the railway station of Allan. The settlers arrived predominantly from the U.S. and the south of Russia. The farm d i s t r i c t s of Allan and Selz have a population of ap-proximately one thousand settlers. Selz is named after a colony i n the south of Russia from where the settlers o r i g i -nated. The religious service is received from the Oblate Fathers. The economic development i n the two farm d i s t r i c t s was extremely favorable in the f i r s t years of settlement and i t is reflected i n the construction of three churches, sever-a l schools, and two recreation halls . Here too, the Ursaline sisters served as teachers. South of the South Saskatchewan River another large settlement area called Happyland was founded by Black Sea Germans. The influx into this area, which i s partly dry belt, started i n 1908-1909. Part of the settlers had resided i n Dobrudscha (Romania) for several years without f u l l y settling there. Bessarabian Germans have settled near by and founded the community of Krasna. Further colonies were founded In this area by Black Sea and Dobrudscha Germans. These colon-ies are Prelate, Leader, Lancer, Josephtal, New London, Rosen-thal, Rastadt, Richmond, Blumenfeld, Speyer and Liebenthal. The area was generally not as successful as others owing to drought,and many moved to Bri t i s h Columbia. Spiritually the settlers are looked after by the Oblate Fathers. Ursaline Sisters teach i n the schools. At one time as many as five hundred families lived i n this area. 23 In 1910-1912, German Catholics from the area of Od-essa i n Russia founded the colony of Billimun in the dry belt of Saskatchewan. This colony had an extremely d i f f i c u l t start as i t was more than f i f t y miles away from the nearest railway station. # * # • * At the turn of the century the St. Peter's colony, the most solid closed German Catholic community, was founded east of Saskatoon. The colony comprises f i f t y townships set-tled by Catholics. There are only a few Lutherans scattered In the ci t i e s of the colony. The origin of this larger c o l -ony was due to the immigration and colonization policy of the Catholic clergy. When the stream of settlers poured across 23 Lehmann, op_. c i t . , p. 194. 145 the border to settle In Canada, the Benedictine Fathers2**" be-came aware of a new mission. Their aim was to direct the Catholic settlers into one farm area as a solid block of Cath-olics to maintain their f a i t h . It was Prior Bruno Doerfler, O.S.B., who set out to seek for new land for the German set-tlers In 1902. It was the present St. Peter's colony that was selected. More than 9,000 German farmers had settled i n this area and were comprised into twenty-six parishes. 2 5 The name of the parish applied to the whole farm d i s t r i c t - not-ably; St. Oswald, St. Gregor, St. Anthony, Engelsfeld, St. Anna, St. George, St. Bernard, St. Joseph, St. John, St. Au-gustine, St. Scholastlca, St. Michael, St. Leo, Lady of Mt. Carmel, St. Bruno, and St. Bonlfaee.26 The settlement started i n 1902 by Germans from the U.S., who were generally settlers of some means. Later, Ger-mans from Russia also settled In the area. The "Catholic Settlement Society" was founded under the presidency of Mr. Lange In order to promote colonization into the colony. 24 When Boniface Wimmer, O.S.B., landed i n America in Sept-ember of 1846, he had only a few students and a strong w i l l to transplant the Benedictine Order into the new world. Ten years later the Abbey of St. Vlnzenz i n Pennsylvania was founded and became so strong that the new Abbey of St. John was founded near St. Cloud on the Mississippi as well as the monastery at Cluny, I l l i n o i s . It was the monastery at Cluny, that was transplanted to the St. Peter's colony In Saskat-chewan, and unertook the s p i r i t u a l guidance of the colony. 25 Wagner, Georg and Mai, Richard, op_. c i t . . pp. 270-271. 26 "Rundschau", og. c i t . , pp. 512-513. 146 At the same time the German American Land Company was found-ed which entered into an agreement whereby a block of land amounting to f i f t y townships was reserved. Other land was bought from the government and i n turn sold to the new set-tler s . By 1906 a l l free homesteads had been settled. 2 7 After the usual drawbacks of a new settlement, pro-sperity came to the colony. As i n previous settlements, here too, the "scattered" settlement form prevailed. Concentrated settlements were found only around the churches and later i n the various towns founded near the railway stations. As.. everywhere, the railway became the Impulse to a l l economical progress* In this manner the city of Humboldt became the ec-onomic center of the colony because of i t s function as a railway divisional point. It has a population of 1,899 persons and ranks f i f t h among the towns of Saskatchewan. An Imposing town h a l l , a new $15,000 skat-ing-rink, 3 schools, 4 churches, a large hospital, and a courthouse are the outstand-; ing buildings i n the community. Seventy-five business units draw trade within a ra-dius of 20 miles.28 Out of the seventy-five business units, eighteen are operated by Germans. This proportion holds true throughout the colony. Muenster, six miles east of Humboldt, is the eccles-i a s t i c a l center of the colony. The small monastery of Cluny, 2? Dawson, op_. c i t . , pp. 286-287. 28 Ibid, pp. 294-295. 147 I l l i n o i s was transplanted to Muenster by the Benedictine Or-der and there they buil t a Cathedral as well as a College. But, Muenster never f u l f i l l e d the expectations of the Order to become the commercial as well as religious center. Hum-boldt, as mentioned, became the undisputed commercial center?^ The religious guidance of the entire colony was l a i d upon the Benedictine Order by a papal declaration. The mon-astery grew with the colony and was elevated to an Abbey In 1911. It was further elevated to an "abbatia nullius" i n 1921 and received bishopric rights.3° We have here an examp-le of a German Diocese i n Canada and i n the Benedictine Fath-ers a true example of the followers of the Orders of Clster-ciensium and Praemonstratensls, who were outstanding i n the colonization of Eastern Germany i n the 12th and 13th centuries. * # * « # The colonization of another large area by German Catholics was started i n 1904. This colony, known as St. Jo-seph's Colony, was located east of Saskatoon comprising sev-enty-seven townships, but, i t was not solid Catholic as was St. Peter's Colony. Before a l l the land was settled In St. Peter's c o l -ony, Mr. Lange, President of the "Catholic Settlement Society" 29 Dawson, op., c i t . . p. 295. 30 Lehmann, op_. c i t . , p. 178. 148 had explored for land for another colony.^ This time the Order of the Oblate Fathers became Interested In this colon-ization and the "Catholic Colonization Society" was founded for the purpose of settling the area. The f i r s t settlers ar-rived In 1905. The largest part of the settlers came from the south of Russia and from the Volga area. Many of them had previously settled In the U.S.A. A large settlement of Germans from the States has been located In the Tramping Lake d i s t r i c t , It is expected their num-bers w i l l be augmented this f a l l by a thous-and families, and as they have sold their land i n the U.S. they come equipped with mo-ney, good knowledge of the modern ways of farming and are inclined to be t h r i f t y and industrious.32 Germans from Germany proper and from the Banat also settled there. The Russian-Germans arrived predominantly i n I9O8-1910 and settled i n the western part of the colony.33 The economic development i n this colony was not as favorable as in St. Peter's. The development of trade cent-ers shows the same trend of change as i n St. Peter's colony, that i s from church village to commercial railway center. But as none of the main railway lines ran through the colony, the colony has not developed a center like Humboldt. The 31 Dawson, op. c i t . , p. 287. 32 Annual Report on Immigration of the Department of the  Interior. 1905. Part II, Government Printing Bureau, Ottawa, 1906, p. 107. 33 Dawson, op. c i t . , p. 288. 149 commercial centers of this colony are Kerrobert, Wilkie, Biggar and Macklin. These centers are a l l located on the bor-ders of the colony.34 The settlers are s p i r i t u a l l y guided by the Oblate Fathers and reside in the following communities; Leipzig, Handel, Revenue, Tramping Lake, Scott, Kerrobert, Salvador, Denzil, Grosswarder, St. Peter, and Macklin. The Sisters of the Notre Dame Order teach i n the highschools of Leipzig, Re-venue, Tramping Lake, and Macklin. There are some Lutheran communities within St. Joseph's colony and are located in Luseland and Wilkie.35 since 1930, owing to crop failure, o many settlers of the St. Joseph's colony have migrated to British Columbia. 2 Lutheran Settlements In 1889, the oldest Russian-German Lutheran settle -ment was founded In Lahdshut near Langenberg. Lutherans from other countries also settled there simultaneously with the Black Sea Germans. Hoffnungstal was founded by Germans from Bessarabia and Galicia. Bereslna was also founded i n 1889 by Bessarablan and Wolhynian Germans. The colonies of Rurtnymede and Togo were founded i n 1904 and 1919 respectively by Volga Germans. These colonies 34 Dawson, op., c i t . , p. 298. 35 Lehmann, op. c i t . , p. 184. 150 are located east of Yorkton and close to the Manitoba border - with a settlement of close to three hundred persons. The settlers of Togo had for some time resided in the U.S. and Winnipeg before f i n a l l y settling i n Togo. In 1904 the f i r s t Germans arrived i n Melville from Bessarabia. By World War I this d i s t r i c t had been settled by a substantial group of German Lutherans. Wolhynla Germans settled i n Lipton i n 1907. In 1905 Wolhynla Germans settled near Gansen, Volga Germans i n Prairie Rose, and others in Kandahar, south of Q u i l l Lake. The three colonies form one Lutheran parish.-' 0 In 1905, at the same time when the Catholic colonies of Allan and Selz were founded, the Lutheran colony of Eigen-heim (Young) was settled by Black Sea Germans.37 The Luther-an colony of Luseland, located i n the center of the Catholic community of St. Joseph's colony, began i t s settlement i n 1908 by Lutherans from the U.S. as well as Volga Germans. North-west of the Mennonite settlement of Rosthern, the f i r s t settlement of Silvergrove began i n 1904 by settlers who came from Germany proper. However, i n I9H-1917, the main settlement was started by Black Sea Germans and by Ger-mans from the Wolhynla. 36 Lehmann, pp. c i t . , p. 210. 37 Ibid, p. 212. 151 Lutherans have settled and founded a few colonies i n the south-east part of the province. Neu-Norka was founded by Volga Germans - which fact is manifested by the colony's name. The settlers began to arrive as early as 1899. Yellow Grass was founded south-east of Regina by Wolhynla Germans. The f i r s t settlers arrived i n 1900 and immediately before World War I the greatest bulk of immigrants had arrived i n the area. The f i r s t Lutherans settled i n Flowing Wells i n 1906 and they came from the Volga area in Russia. Just prior to World War I about thirty families settled in the area and they too were Volga Germans. In 1908-1910 Volga Germans as well as Wolhynla Germans settled east of Herbert and other Volga Germans settled near the railway station of Morse be-tween 1908-1912.3fi 3 The City of Regina The Germans i n the city of Regina have settled pre-dominantly i n the eastern section of the town. The majority of them are Catholics and are members of either St. Mary's parish or the L i t t l e Flower parish. Those of Lutheran f a i t h mostly belong to the "Lutherisohen Dreleingkeitsgemeinde". Since 1906, the community i s a member of the American-Luther-an Church. Others also belong to the nGnadengemeindeH, which is the Missouri Synod. According to the Census of 1941, Re-gina had 7,428 Germans, of whom 4,830 stated their mother 38 Lehmann, op_. c i t . , p. 217. 152 tongue as German.39 Half of the 7,428 are Russian-Germans. The number of Germans i n the city increases as the farmers retire and settle i n the city. C The Province of Alberta 1 Catholic Settlements From the previous section one can see that the Cath-olics have settled predominantly i n the province of Saskat-chewan. Only very few colonies of Catholics from Russia were founded i n Alberta. The colony of Friedensthal i n the Peace River d i s t r i c t was settled by Germans from Germany proper and by Black Sea Germans. A number of Catholic colonies were founded i n 1908 near Grassy Lake by Black Sea Germans. These colonies never had a German priest and so are at present a l -most completely assimilated. The colony of Rosenheim, which i s a sis t e r colony or rather a continuation of Saskatchewan's St. Joseph's colony, was settled i n 1911. There were many Russian-Germans amongst the settlers. The colony i s named after a colony on the Vol-ga River i n Russia. A number of Lutherans and Catholics from the Black Sea area settled i n the dry belt area north-east of Medicine Hat prior to 1910. In this area the original Catholic colony 39 Census of Canada. 1941. op. c i t . , Table 15, pp. 254-255. 153 of Schuler i s to be found. The colony consisted of forty f a -milies. In the early years the colony did not have a priest and so i t has in course of time been converted to the various religious sects which are predominantly found i n the area. 2 Lutheran Settlements In 1889 a German colony was founded south of Dunmore In the south-east of the province. The settlers moved furth-er north In 1890-1891 due to repeated drought. The Russian-Germane amongst these settlers founded a colony i n the Rabbit H i l l s by name of Heimthal, which was west of the railway sta-tion of Nlsku. The colony of Lutherort was founded by Wol-hynla Germans i n 1892-1893 north of Nlsku. Russian-Germans settled west of Wetaskiwln i n 1897. These settlers came from the colony of Alt-Schwedendorf i n the south of Russia.^0 Wolhynla Germans settled south-east of Wetaskiwln and founded the colony of Bashaw. >In 1909 Rus-sian-Germans from the Black Sea area, previously residing i n the U.S., immigrated to the colony of Preudental near Drum-heller. The colony i s named after the settlement In Russia. 3 The Cities of Edmonton and Calgary The Germans i n Edmonton are predominantly of the Lu-theran f a i t h . Religiously they belong to the Missouri Synod Uo Lehmann, op_. c i t . . p. 229. 154 and the majority of them are engaged as laborers. The Census of 1941 l i s t s 4,658 Germans In the city of Edmonton, of whom 2,180 stated their mother tongue as German.41 As mentioned before, Volga Germans settled i n Calgary in 1893 In the sec-tion of Bouville. They have founded the Riverside community. The Census of 1941 shows the German population of Calgary to be 3,014, of whom 1,245 gave their mother tongue as German.42 D The Province of Br i t i s h Columbia The Germans i n British Columbia are very few com-pared to the numbers of them in the prairie provinces. Be-tween the World Wars, many Germans from the prairie provinces moved to Bri t i s h Columbia due to crop failures. They settled notably i n the Okanagan Valley - Rutland and Kelowna - and are predominantly of the Catholic f a i t h . Further, Russian-Germans of Lutheran f a i t h have settled i n Summerland. How-ever solid settlements as i n the prairies, were never founded. Direct immigration to British Columbia before World War I and during the depression was very seldom the case. This has on-ly occurred since World War II. In Vancouver there are at present two Lutheran communities and one Catholic community which have a substantial number of Russian-Germans as members. 41 Census of Canada. 1941. op. c i t . , Table 15, p.243, 42 Ibid, p. 241. CHAPTER VII ECONOMIC, SOCIAL, AND CULTURAL DEVELOPMENT The presentation of these aspects i n this chapter are not exclusively applicable to Russian-Germans. A d i s t i n -guishable difference i n regard to economic, social, and cult-ural development between Russian-Germans and other Eastern European Germans cannot always be effected as they were a l l at one cultural l e v e l . They had to undergo similar forces and were faced with the same barriers In the early days of settlement. The only difference that may be pointed out was their origin of country or the dialect spoken. But their common f a i t h and cultural niveau was stronger and brought a-bout a unified community already i n the early days. Thus whatever is said i s applicable also to other or rather to the entire community, unless special mention is made. I ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT The largest proportion of Russian-German immigrants i n Canada were farmers. This professlon was generally main-tained upon settlement for to gain land was one of the prim-ary causes for their immigration. The majority of the arriv-als were poor. The l i t t l e money they had received for their 156 property i n Russia was mostly consumed by their travelling expenses. The Russian-Germans, who had resided in the U.S. for sometime and migrated Into the Canadian Prairies at the turn of the century, possessed large sums of money, i n add-i t i o n they were familiar with the North American farming me-thods. Their start was thus considerably easier than of those who had come directly from Russia. The land acquired at a cheap rate by the early set-tlers was i n many cases at a great distance from the railway lines. They settled there because of the f e r t i l i t y of the. s o i l and i n the hope of receiving a railway station In the near future. It was the long distance from the railway sta-tion that provided the greatest d i f f i c u l t y to the settlers. For days they were on the road to and from the railway station with their supplies which consisted of construction materials, provisions, farm Implements, and household goods. Their f i r s t necessary farm implements were mostly acquired through credit that was readily provided by the railway companies. An example that holds true for a l l pioneering i n the prairie provinces is the information of the Russian-German, Mrs. U l l r i c h , about the beginning of the settlement of Young (Eigenheim): With how much great hope we l e f t our old homeland and how much disappointment we had to experience.....vast unpopulated areas on-ly bushland The majority built huts made of earth, grass, and water. (A method r--used extensively In the south of Russia 157 where lumber was not readily available.) Shingles for the roof had to be obtained 60 miles further north. A few men under-took this journey, following the marks of the surveyors as there were no roads yet.l The f i r s t yields of the farmers were often so low that the farmers had to look for additional Income. This additional Income was obtained either by working on another farm or by working on the railway section. To earn a l i t t l e cash money they cut and hauled hay to Indian Head, Qu'Appelle and even to Regina Some of the younger men hired out to farmers who had settled earlier near the main line of the C.P.R. at wages of about seventy-five cents a day.2 The d i f f i c u l t i e s of the earlier settlers were furth-er complicated by the climatic conditions of the prairie pro-vinces. The prairie blizzards i n the winter which often lasted for several days, were unbearable obstacles. Often the l i t t l e cottage which was half built into the ground was snowed i n and had to be dug out by the neighbor. In the summer the extreme hot weather provided equal d i f f i c u l t i e s , as prairie fires were not a rare event. To overcome a l l these obstacles and make an exist-ence possible in the early days, a strong character of im-measurable endurance was demanded by the pra i r i e . The type of people were to demand l i t t l e i n cultural nourishment. It 1 Lehmann, op_. c i t . , p. 24-9. 2 Gereln, op_. c i t . , p. S. 1 5 8 was thus the Eastern European, or their ancestors before, who had been well versed i n colonization and therefore more read-i l y suited for the Canadian Prairies than the Western European. The higher the cultural standard the greater were his d i f f i -culties to adopt the land as his new home. As pointed out i t was mostly the land-hungry Eastern European that selected the prairie and has become successful i n the course of time. Justifiably we may attribute to them their share i n exploring and cultivating the vast areas of Western Canada. Each set-t l e r i n his own way by overcoming the obstacles as presented, f u l f i l l e d his task as a pioneer. The settlement according to their f a i t h , kinship, and the assistance they gave one anoth-er, made the beginning considerably easier - i n fact only the early community l i f e , primitive and simple as i t was, made i t possible to endure conditions. No matter how strong the desire was to return (to their former homes amongst the pioneers, the realization of this dream was seldom carried out. The great distance and the lack of means excluded the desired Journey. They became reconciled with their destiny of being pioneers. After about one to two years of settlement they began with the foundation of a church around which the community l i f e was to be center-ed. Simultaneously with the church, the school found i t s or-igin, which received the nature of a "Church school" as the pastor acted as the only teacher. With the completion of these two institutions, the community was f u l l y established 159 and a greater sense of security and importance prevailed am-ongst the settlers. The primitive conditions of living, however, remained unchanged for several years to come. Only after five to six years of settlement were the settlers abandoning their f i r s t accommodations, i.e. the huts, and were constructing their f i r s t wooden and more elaborate homes. The dispensation of their f i r s t years was accepted for the hope of a better future. Real prosperity and economic expansion i n general came with the completion of the various railway lines. We can safely say that the history of Western Canada is also the history of the prairie farmers i n Canada. The crop failure to which the farmers had to submit affected the whole of Western Canada. They were usually caused by the dry summers and early frosts and snow before the harvest was completed. Crop failures were further often caused by the lack of knowledge of the farming methods of North America and the pursuance of European methods of husbandry. Their efforts were f i r s t really rewarded during World War I when the prairie farmer recorded a miraculous yield. This enabled them to defray their debts and Improve their farm implements as well as the expansion of their land possessions. Relative prosperity was continued u n t i l 1929. During this time the farmers began to speculate with their land - each one was to expand on credit. This phenomena found i t s end i n the 160 collapse of the stock market i n 1929. The period after World War I, as we have seen, marked the second immigration of Russian-Germans. Homesteads, how-ever, were by that time ohly available i n the north of the prairies where transportation was s t i l l inadequate. It was therefore preferred to obtain land i n the older colonies mostly on credit. Successive crop failures coupled with the low prices of wheat prevented these people from f u l f i l l i n g their obligations and as expected they lost their possessions. Later Immigrants i n the 1930's were never able to obtain land. They started out as farm helpers and as many farmers, they, too, joined the great Influx into the cities at the height of the depression where they had to depend on r e l i e f . This per-iod also caused an extensive migration to Br i t i s h Columbia where they settled In the Okanagan Valley and other areas. Others sought a better future In the U.S. In many cases It was only with the assistance of the government and the generous help from other eastern provinces of Canada that the farmers were able to remain on their farms. Although the Information obtained by Rev. P. Gerein i n his History of Odessa refers only to conditions of the period i n Odessa, i t may be safely applied to many other areas. .....other communities especially In Ontario, shipped carloads of vegetables, f r u i t s , f i s h and numberless bundles of clothes for d i s -tribution here. Fortunately, the Governments and railways cooperated for transportation, for the local people could not have paid i t . . 1 6 1 ...Feed for the stock, clothes for the child-ren, food for the family, - everything had to be sought from Government r e l i e f o f f i c i a l s . 3 The coming of World War II, that created greater em-ployment p o s s i b i l i t i e s and raised the prices of farm products, revived prosperity again i n the communities. Prosperity con-tinued u n t i l 1949 when the prairies again were haunted by successive crop failures. However the extent of these f a i l -ures are by no means a parall e l to previous times. The farm-ers s t i l l consider themselves prosperous and well-to-do c i t i -zens. The early years of suffering and deprivation were well rewarded• The Canadian Immigration policy after World War II directed the settlers to the rural d i s t r i c t s of Western Can-ada. The immigrant had to be a farmer by profession and re-main on the farm for at least one year before migrating to other places. At present, none of these immigrants have re-mained on the farm. A survey i n the v i c i n i t y of Regina where many Russian-Germans had arrived after World War II, has shown that they took permanent residence i n the larger c i t i e s where they are engaged predominantly i n seasonal work. Their beginning i n Canada was by far more favorable than that of their relatives who had immigrated before and after World War I. Due to post-war expansion they were able to obtain well-paid Jobs. Being accustomed to a well economized household 3 Gerein, op., c i t . , p. !?• 162 that Is prevalent amongst the Russian-Germans, they were able to save large sums of money that would serve as a down-payment for their own home. The "newcomers11 that have settled In Re-gina, for example, have at present, with the exception of a few single individuals, f u l l y paid for the newly acquired V houses or are close to the completion of their payments. It i s due to this great opportunity to acquire one's own home within a short period, that the newcomer often does not under-stand the hardship the early settlers had to encounter. II RELIGION The invariable importance of religion i n the history of the Russian-Germans has been referred to on previous oc-casions. As i n Russia so i n Canada, religion received the greatest consideration by the Immigrants in selecting their place of settlement. In Canada, too, the church remained the only organization of the Russian-Germans i n the early years. Even prior to the turn of the century, the import-ance of religion was recognized by Canadian immigration auth-ori t i e s , for a l i s t of arriving immigrants classified by their religious beliefs and their destinations was furnished to ther head of any religious denomination i f the same was requested.4 Such church o f f i c i a l s were thus enabled to notify church auth-orities i n different l o c a l i t i e s of the a r r i v a l of such k See Chapter V for direct quotation, supra. 163 immigrants. Indeed not long after the arr i v a l of a group of German immigrants, church o f f i c i a l s , usually German-speaking, became frequent v i s i t o r s . Religious services were held i n primitive conditions i n the home of one of the settlers. The appointment of a permanent pastor to a farm d i s t r i c t after about one to two years of settlement resulted i n the founda-tion of a parish as well as the construction of a church building. Due to the homestead system the existence of a s o l -Id populated settlement was absent. As a consequence, the church was to be located i n the middle of the d i s t r i c t , I.e.' often i n the middle of the open pr a i r i e . When possible, the nearest railway station was preferred. Later at the turn of the century, which marked the foundation of numerous prairie towns,-5 the church was moved into town.6 With the foundation of a parish, the establishment of a community was completed for the church choir and church school were simultaneously inaugurated. As the pastors were German, the service, the church administration and school were a l l maintained i n German. Thus, the pastors became, as they did i n Russia, the strongholds i n preserving the German lang-uage. The Fathers of the Benedictine and Oblate Orders were s t i l l born i n Germany as were the Pastors of the Lutheran groups; the American Lutheran Church and the Manitoba Synod. 5 See Chapter VI for foundation of the prairie town, supra. 6 Very few of these old churches are s t i l l i n use. They were replaced by larger and more elaborate churches. 1 6 4 Consequently, both Lutherans and Catholics brought religion to their communities i n the German tongue. This practice pre-vailed u n t i l World War I. In communities which were not at-tended by German-speaking pastors, a more rapid assimilation was noticeable. Such was the case with the settlement of Grassy Lake in southern Alberta. A Roman.Catholics The s p i r i t u a l guidance and organization of the Cath-o l i c Germans i n the prairies was vigorously carried out by the Order of the Oblate and Benedictine Fathers, as well as the numerous diocesan priests. The diocesan priests have at present a substantial number of Russian-German descendants In their ranks. Other religious as well as school services were rendered notably by the Ursaline Sisters and the Sisters of the "Armen Schulschwester". A unified organization of the.German Catholics was maintained i n the "Volksverein fuer die deutsch-canadischen Katholiken", a society which was founded i n 1909 i n the St. Joseph's Church i n Winnipeg. The "Volksverein... 0 had spread to the entire prairies and had established chapters i n a l l the larger Catholic communities. The membership of the "Volksverein..." had reached a number of 5,000 persons prior to World War II. The society's original purpose was to pro-mote cultural aspects i n the community. P o l i t i c a l l y the "Volksverein,,•" favored the Liberal party, as the Catholics 165 traditionally and s t i l l do. In the 1920's, however, i t was attempted to exert p o l i t i c a l influence upon the provincial governments - notably i n respect to the maintenance of the German tongue In schools. In the 1930*8 the "Volksverein..." again resumed the nature of a cultural organization, which resulted i n the fam-ous annual gatherings known as "Kathollkentagen w. The nature of these gatherings manifested Itself i n an article of a Ger-man newspaper published i n Germany, the "Kolinische Volks-zeitung" of November 15th, 1929. In i t the "Volksverein... H was accused of not sufficiently emphasizing the German cause: The general "Catholic Days" i n Regina missed the deeper emphasis on the cause of the Ger-man Catholics. A few points were mentioned only vaguely i n the debates. ...no real de-sire for German subjects i n schools were demanded. The meeting of the Christian School Trustees avoided the use of the German lang-* uage and continued their discussion primarily i n the English tongue.7 The "Yolksverein..was also very active i n matters of immigration under the leadership of R. Kierdorf, O.M.I. In 1928, between the 27th and 29th of June, there was a gen-eral meeting of the "Vblksverein..." under the presidency of F. J. Hauser i n connection with the celebration of the 25th Jubilee of the foundation of the St. Peter's Colony. At this meeting i t was decided that a special effort be made to assist the immigration of Russian-Germans to Canada, due to the 7 Lehmann, op_. c i t . . p. 282. 166 conditions i n Russia which became continually worse.8 Since the conditions were such as they were, no notable results of this effort were obtained. Hatters of immigration were car-ried out by the Catholic Immigration Aid Society after World War II. The coming of World War II paralyzed the activities of the "Volksverein.. .". The society was completely dissolv-ed as were many other German organizations.9 After World War II, the "Volksverein..." was not revived nor are there any indications that such w i l l occur i n the future. The active members and leaders of the pre-war group are scattered and the younger generation are not Interested i n any segregated organization. The functions of the "Volksverein..." are con-tinued i n organizations such as the Holy Name Society, the Catholic Men's Club, and the Catholic Youth Organization, none of which are segregated organizations. Due to the substantial number of German Catholics i n the Province of Saskatchewan and the great number of Canadian-born German priests, i t has been the constant desire of the older immigrants to see one of the German priests appointed to a higher Catholic clergy position such as Bishop. The re-alization of this desire was recently f u l f i l l e d when Bishop Klein, a descendant of a Russian-German Black Sea family, was 8 "Rundschau", op_. c i t . . pp. 512-513. 9 See section on societies, i n f r a . 167 appointed Bishop of the Diocese of Saskatoon. The older gen-eration looked upon this event with sentiment and satisfaction, for i n this appointment they saw the recognition of their equality with the Anglo-Canadian group. A request for information i n regard to o f f i c i a l Ger-man parishes i n the Catholic Dioceses of the prairie provinces has shown that there are no such parishes. The Catholic Church discourages national parishes (Canon 216) and prefers that they be t e r r i t o r i a l . However, billngualism i s s t i l l the most common practice i n parishes where the German population is i n the majority. This holds true especially i n the rural d i s t r i c t s of the p r a i r i e s . 1 0 B Lutherans Although the Lutheran Church of Canada found i t s or-ig i n in Germany there are, at present, no ties with that country. Its membership, too, is not limited only to that of German nationals but also includes a substantial number of Scandinavians. We thus may no longer consider the Lutheran Church of Canada the "German National Church'' as i t is often called. The Lutheran Church's present relation with Germany is only i n the use of the German Lutheran Bible. The f i r s t German Lutheran community i n Western Can-ada was founded i n the "Evangelisch-lutherische Dreleinig-10 See section on press for Catholic papers, infra. 1 6 8 keitsklrche* 1 In 1 8 8 9 by Pastor H. C. Schmleder, who had a r r i -ved from Germany expressly for this purpose. Several other pastors followed him and i n 1 8 9 7 the "Evangellsch-Lutherische Synode" of Manitoba and of other provinces was founded. Later the Synods of Missouri and Ohio, separately carried out exten-sive missionary work In Western Canada. Among the pastors were many s t i l l born i n Germany, which resulted in the pre-sentation of the service i n German* Later, pastors born i n the U.S. or Canada have received their training i n American Seminaries and prefer the English language i n presenting their s e r v i c e . 1 1 The above three mentioned Synods comprise a l l the German Lutherans in Western Canada. Each of the Synods has i t s own college; the, Manitoba Synod has a College i n Saska-toon, Sask.; the Ohio Synod has a College i n Regina, Sask.; and the Missouri Synod has a College i n Edmonton, Alberta. The Manitoba Synod also has a Theological Seminary a f f i l i a t e d with i t s College. The pastors of the Ohio and Missouri Synods receive their theological training i n the Seminaries in the U.S. Each of the Synods also has i t s own youth organization as well as a synodal church paper. Examples of the paper are the "Synodalboten" and the "Canadisch-Lutherische Kirchen-b l a t t " . 1 2 Due to the existence of three Synods, a certain 11 Ruccius, op_. c i t . , pp* 6 4 8 - 6 4 9 . 12 See section on press for Lutheran papers, in f r a . 1 6 9 rivalry amongst them Is unavoidable. But, Pastor M. Ruccius sees no harm i n this, for in this manner even the most distant 1 3 Lutherans are included in Lutheran worship.• The Lutheran Immigration Aid Society was very active In matters of immigration after World War I and World War I I . Particularly active i n this organization, was Director Harms of the Lutheran College In Saskatoon.1** « * * * # While the earlier German pastors, both Lutheran and Catholic, were the preservers of the German tongue and German habits, i t i s the present younger generation of pastors that were born in Canada and received their training i n the English tongue, that are the greatest link for assimilation. Pacing reality, i . e . that the younger generation of German descent no longer speak the German tongue, the pastors themselves pre-fer the usage of the English tongue. Chureh choirs that at one time exclusively sang i n German, have gradually adoped the English hymn. It is here that the pastor often meets with disagreement from the older German generation who were accus-tomed to the German hymn. But i t i s the insight of the pastor and his recognition of the fact that the community should 1 3 Ruccius. op. c i t . . pp. 6 4 7 - 6 4 9 . 1 4 "Russlanddeutsche Bauern auf der Wanderung", op., c i t . , Jahrg. 1 3 , No. 9 , pp. 292-294, and Jahrg. 1 3 , No. 23, pp. 8 1 0 - 8 1 1 . 170 become f u l l y Canadian, that makes him the undisputed leader of the community. As such, he sets the standards and directs his parlshoners toward becoming f u l l y Canadian. I l l EDUCATION According to the British North American Act, educa-tion f e l l under the jurisdiction of the provinces. To pre-sent a complete treatment of the educational development of every province i n Western Canada, would lead us far from our present purpose. Recorded below, are only the forces that had an immediate bearing on the Germans and consequently on the Russian-Germans. The education of the children of the Russian-Gorman immigrants before the turn of the century i n the prairies was carried out by the local pastors or by other individuals with some advanced education. In the Manitoba School Act of 1897, we read: where ten of the pupils speak the French language (or any language other than English) as their native language, the teaching of such pupils shall be conducted i n French (or such other lang-uage .....).15 This clause made the existence of the bilingual school poss-ible u n t i l 1916 when the bilingual system was abolished. Many objections were raised by governmental o f f i c i a l s i n regard to 15 Sissons, C. 3., Bl-Lingual Schools In Canada. J. M. Dent & Sons Ltd., Toronto, 1917, pp. 117-118. 171 the lack of properly trained teachers that were able to teach under the bilingual system. The German Lutherans and espec-i a l l y the Mennonites made extensive use of this system as long as i t existed. The abolishment of the bilingual system dur-ing World War I caused considerable dissatisfaction particu-l a r l y amongst the Mennonites as the German tongue is insepar-able from and the only spoken medium for their religion. Contrary to Manitoba, Saskatchewan and Alberta never adopted the bilingual system. The two provinces had s u f f i c -ient time to learn the defect that can be caused by the b i -lingual school system. Instead the two provinces permitted separate schools by law. However, the Ministry reserved the right to regulate the training and examination of the teachers of such separate Institutions. Text books were also author-ized by the Provincial Departments of Education. Religious Instructions were confined to the last half hour of the day. A provision for private and parochial schools was also made In the two provinces. Both German Lutherans and Catholics made use of this opportunity. From amongst the Lutherans, the Missouri Synod was most active i n founding private country schools. In this manner, the German schools of Stony Plain, Edmonton, and Wetaskiwln were founded. These schools, too, had to submit to an annual Inspection by a regular school In-spector and prove that i t s standards were equal to those of of the public schools.. As a matter of fact many German communities established private schools rather than 172 public schools. Thus they were able to teach German as much as they liked i n their schools and otherwise escape Irksome regu-l a t i o n s . 1 6 The foundation of private schools had Its limitations i n that financially the institutions had to be supported from private sources, i.e. the parents of the pupils. At the same time, the parents were not exempt from the usual school tax. As a result of this situation, private schools were only pos-sible where there was a solid population of the same ethnic group. This was the case in the St. Peter's colony i n Sask-atchewan. The bilingual schools i n Manitoba were gradually dissolved as were the private schools i n Alberta and Saskat-chewan, leaving only a few exceptions. 1? The importance of education as a medium for assimi-lation of the non-Anglo-Canadian group was pointed out as early as World War I by several educational authorities. B i -lingual and private schools in which the mother tongue was emphasized was a direct barrier to the future assimilation of this particular group into Canadian l i f e . We must begin with the community and because the non-English settler is bound by customs and habits of the old country l i f e , we must start our work with the children.18 16 Sissons, op_. c i t . , p. 164. 17 Lehmann, op., c i t . , p. 344. 18 England, op., c i t . , p. 170. 173 After World War I, the public schools became the re-gular schools i n the German populated d i s t r i c t s . The original half hour of religious instruction i n the mother tongue was fi n a l l y abolished i n Saskatchewan i n 1929* The German Cath-o l i c newspaper "Der Katholik" of 1929, records that the Sask-atchewan Provincial Government passed a law whereby religious instructions were to be taught only i n the English language. The occasion for the enactment of this law was apparently due to the inquiry of a German school d i s t r i c t as to whether re-ligious instructions may be presented in the German tongue. During the time of the Liberal Government i n Saskatchewan, matters of language usage for religious presentation remained untouched as religious Instruction was not considered a part of the school curriculum. The Conservative Government which prohibited the use of the German tongue, based i t s authority on Paragraph 178 of the School Act which stated that English, with the exception of French, should be the only language of instruction. The Conservative Government interpreted the School Act to Include religious instruction as part of the school curriculum. The "Volksverein..." was outraged and made a general appeal to a l l Germans to combat this arbitrary In-terpretation of the law.1^ With the exception of the above mentioned case, Eng-l i s h as the language of presentation in schools was peacefully 19 "Auslanddeutschtum", Per Auslanddeutsche. Jahrg. 13, No. 3, Peutsches Ausland Instltut, Stuttgart, 1930, pp. 88-89. 174 accepted i n the German d i s t r i c t s . The parents themselves re-cognized the importance of the language of their adopted coun-try and i t s usefulness i n the future of their children as Can-adians, With the adoption of English, the mother tongue became neglected. German, as spoken by the Russian-Germane, was a dialect which had not progressed with the times. Having been educated i n English, the generation born in Canada no doubt recognized the limitations of their mother tongue. Thus they have become reluctant to speak the same. It i s not surprising to hear so many say, "Yes, I speak German but i t is what I have learned from my parents - a dialect", when asked whether they speak German. As the dialect was abandoned and English adopted, the younger generation assumed a new culture which has led to their absorption into Canadian l i f e . After a tour-ing priest noted some twenty years ago that i n St. Peter's colony, German culture and language were disappearing, Abbot Gertken of Muenster, Saskatchewan replied, "It Is natural. It must come, what of i t . " 2 0 The great possibility for higher education was by no means ignored. In a l l walks of l i f e today, we find the Can-adian-born descendants of Russian-German immigrants. The sta-t i s t i c s i n Table VII, although limited to the d i s t r i c t of Odessa, are typical for many other Russian-German settlements, and do not d i f f e r from any other ethnic group in Canada. 20 Dawson, op_. c i t . , p. 331. TABLE VII ODESSA VILLAGE SCHOOL ATTENDANCE Taken from Gerein, Prank, History of Odessa, 1901-1954. West-ern Printers Association Ltd., Regina, Saskatchewan, 1954, Appendix III, p. 66. YEAR VIII GRADES IX X XI XII 1941... . . . 9 * • . . . 7 . . . . . »3 •»»< . . . .6 1942 . . . « . . • » « • « . . 7 - . . . . . 4 . . •.. 8. • • . . . 3...< ...5 1943 4. . . . •. 6.. < >. .4 . . . . . . 8 . . . • . . .4 1944 • ••••••• • • • 7 • • * . . . 3 * * 1 >.. 5 • • • . . 4 . » • . . . .5 1945... . . . • ••• »«••-•'3* • • . . . 7. • . . . 4 . . . . . . 4 . . . . . . .2 1946...... 4 . . . ..»2 * - * 4 . . ..2 194?. . . . . . . . . . . . . .7>.< . . • 7 . . 1 I » • 2 • * a • • • 7 * • • . . . .4 1948 . . . . . . . . . . . . » 9 * * . . . . ( . . . . i 4 . . . • • • 7 • • 4 • • • J? • • • . . . .3 1949 11. . . • • 6 • •« • • • 6 • * • 1 1950 . . . . . . . . .•.••3*.' . .13.. . • • • 7 * • • • . . . .4 1951 . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 . . . . . . 5 *• > • • 6. • > * * * v # * * . . . .5 . . . .5 1952... 4 . . . . . . 7 . »1 ».«5•• • * *« 1953 . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 . . . . •. 3 * * < •.. 5 * . * • • O • • • < . . . .3 1954 11. . . ..•8.. . » 2 . . . *• • 2 • • •« . . .2 GRADUATES FROM ODESSA SCHOOLS Priests. * . . .4 Deacons 2 Sisters 9 Nurses .6 Student Nurses .3 University Degrees 12 Teachers. 23 175 IV PRESS AND LITERARY PUBLICATIONS Soon after the arrival of the f i r s t German settlers i n Western Canada, the news-weekly "Der Nordwestern" was founded i n Winnipeg i n 1889. The paper also published a yearly Calendar. Before the publication of the German news-paper "Der Courier", the "Der Nordwestern" was considered the leading paper i n Western Canada. It was subscribed to by both Lutherans and Catholics although i t had a Lutheran flavoring. The number of i t s present subscribers is about 9,000. In 1907, the German news-weekly "Der Courier" was founded In Regina, Saskatchewan. For a short duration during World War I, the weekly was issued i n English. Under the en-ergetic editorship of B. Bott, the paper gradually assumed the leading position amongst the German papers i n Western Canada. A position which i t s t i l l maintains. Under B. Bott, the "Der Courier" was edi t o r i a l l y Roman Catholic. This i s understand-able as Bott was also editor of the Catholic paper "Der Kath-olik" from 1924~to 1931. The subscription l i s t for "Der Courier" both past and present i s as follows: 1928 - 9,500j 1937 - 12,000; and 1954 - 14,600. The number of subscribers has increased i n recent years due to the new influx of Ger-man immigrants. As the "Der Nordwestern", the "Der Courier" i s also subscribed to by both Lutherans and Catholics. Other religiously Independent newspapers were founded before World War I; "Der Deutsch-Canadier" In Calgary, Alberta 176 and the "Alberta Herold" i n Edmonton. Due to the lack of f i -nances, the publication of the two papers was discontinued before the outbreak of World War I. The publication of the "Alberta Herold" was resumed after World War I, however i t was again unable to subsist and amalgamated with the "Der Cour-ie r " . 2 1 The "College Freund" was notable amongst the r e l i -gious papers and was published by the Manitoba Synod Seminary in Saskatoon sinoe 1903* It has been absorbed by the "Synod-alboten" since 1923.22 The Missouri Synod has published the following since the 1920»s; the "Canadisch-Lutherischen Kirch-enblatt", "Uneere Kirche", and the "Der Lutherlsche Missionar" which was later Issued as the "Der Lutherlsche Herold". An exclusive Catholic paper was the "Westkanada" which was founded i n 1907 and which ceased publication with the coming of World War I. The paper was considered the or-gan of the Order of the Oblate Fathers (OMT). Since then, the Oblate Fathers publish the "Der Marienbote" i n Battleford, Saskatchewan. Its present subscribers number 1,700. Accord-ing to the estimate of the editor, Bernhard von Fischbach, O.M.I., there are about 1,300 Russian-Germans on the subscrip-tion l i s t . The "Der Katholik" which existed from 1924 to 21 Lehmann, op,, c i t . , p. 332. 22 Kloss, Heinz, "Materialen zur Gesehichte der Deutsch-Kanadischen Presse", Per Auslanddeutsohe. Jahrg. 11, Deutsehes Ausland Instltut, Stuttgart, 1928, pp. 382-384. 177 1931 had as many as 3,200 subscribers. Another notable Cath-ol i c paper was the "St. Petersbote" published by the Order of the Benedictine Fathers (OSB), of Muenster, Saskatchewan. The f i r s t paper was published February 11th, 1904. The paper was f i r s t printed i n Winnipeg, later i n Muenster. Between 1918 and 1919 the paper was issued i n English. In 1923 a p a r a l l e l to the "St. Petersbote" the "St. Peter Messenger" appeared. Later It was changed to the "Prairie Messenger".23 At pre-sent, only the "Prairie Messenger" is published in English. Numberous other German papers started publication but were unable to exist for a long period of time as subscrip-tions were very low. The present existing German papers In Canada are exclusively read by the older generation - or re-cent immigrants who are not well versed In the English tongue. Although some of these papers are on a relatively high edit-o r i a l level, they are weeklies and thus bring belated news. #. # # * « Almost nothing has been published i n the li t e r a r y f i e l d by the entire Russian-German Lutheran and Catholic group i n Canada. Their publications have been restricted to a few articles that have appeared in the "Der Courier" and the "Der Nordwestern". Other publications have been histori c a l sket-ches of Individual colonies. The most recent and notable has 23 Kloss, op., c i t . . p. 384. 178 been that of a Russian-German descendant, Rev. Frank Gerein, D.D., entitled History of Odessa. The booklet contains a de-tailed description of the colony of Odessa, Saskatchewan which was founded by Russian-Germans. A. F. Wanner, a Black Sea German, published several articles and two pamphlets entitled Untergehendes Volk and Volk auf dem Wege. Both pamphlets con-tain a short historical review of Russian-German colonies i n the Black Sea area as well as a few short stories, the settings of which are the German colonies i n Russia. Aus Deutschen  Kolonlen im Kutschurganer Geblet i s a notable publication of Johannes Brendel. It contains a detailed description of l i f e i n the Kutchurgan German settlement and a l i s t of the original settlers. His second work is a collection of Russian-German folksongs i n the U.S.A. and Canada. V. GERMAN SOCIETIES IN WESTERN CANADA The f i r s t German organization i n Western Canada was founded as early as 1884. The. "Deutseher Vereinigung" was organized i n Winnipeg for the purpose of assisting and advis-ing newly-arrived immigrants.2^ Later, the "Bund Deutseher Vereine" was organized which incorporated several small organ-izations In Manitoba. At the turn of the century, the "Edel-weiss" Society was founded i n Edmonton and later the "Bund der Deutschen i n Alberta". At the same time, the "Deutsch 24 Annual Report of the Ministry of Agriculture. 1885. op. c i t . , p. 44. 179 Kanadischer Provincial Verband" waa founded i n Saskatchewan2^ Numerous other local organizations were founded, however these predominantly represented the German elements from Germany proper. The church remained the only form of organization a-mongst the Russian-Germans a,s i t had in Russia, Only after World War I, when the activities of the German societies reached their peak, did the Russian-Germans begin to be active i n the same. During World War I the organizations ceased their a c t i v i t i e s . After World War I, the Organizations were again revived. The German periodical "Der Auslanddeutsche" of 1927, reported that the "Deutsch-Kanadlscher National Verband" was founded i n Alberta. In Edmonton, the Canadians of German or-igin were united, irregardless of religious and p o l i t i c a l views, for the purpose of acting amongst the German elements and promoting participation in cultural and p o l i t i c a l l i f e . It also undertook to urge a l l Germans who were qualified, to apply for their citizenship. It promoted the German tongue amongst the younger generation. In 1927, the Edmonton chap-ter of the "Deutsch-Kanadlscher...." had 2,550 members.2^ In other provinces, a revival similar to that of A l -berta took place after World War I. The "Deutsch-Kanadlscher 25 Lehmann, op. c i t . , p. 293* 26 "Auslanddeutschtum", Der Auslanddeutsche. Jahrg. 10, No. 12, Deutsehes Ausland Instltut, Stuttgart, 1927, p. 428. 180 Bund" of Manitoba was founded and Included several smaller or-ganizations such as the "Deutsche Sprachverelnigung", "3t. Jo-sephs Verein" and the "Deutseher Hllfsverein". In Saskatchew-an, the "Deutsch-Kanadlscher Verband" of Saskatchewan was revived i n 1928 i n addition to the "Volksvereih der deutsch-Kanadlschen Katholiken". The Province of B r i t i s h Columbia a l -so participated i n the foundation of German clubs after World War I. The "Alpen Verein" has survived up to the present time. Although there was a chapter of the NSDAP in Br i t i s h Columbia, the remainder of the German organizations s t r i c t l y adhered to their cultural and recreational purposes, A unified organization of a l l the Germans i n Canada was never achieved. The organizations were limited to the individual provinces. The act i v i t i e s were climaxed in every province by a yearly f e s t i v a l which was usually held i n the capital of the province. The programs of such festivals, known as the "Deutsche Tage", consisted of various contests i n singing and folk-dancing i n their native dress. With the onset of World War II, a l l German cultural activities and German organizations ceased to function. A revival of the organizations Is not noticeable, although there are smaller local groups In Vancouver, Regina, and Winnipeg. These groups are concerned purely with recreation and sports activities and consist mainly of the recently arrived German immigrants, who are the most active members. 181 Unified p o l i t i c a l Influence was never exercised by the German Lutherans and Catholics in Western Canada. The number of representatives i n provincial parliaments is.very low i n proportion to the total number of Germans i n Western Canada. 2 7 The relatively low educational standard of the Ger-man Immigrant from Eastern Europe, the language d i f f i c u l t i e s and their conservative nature, have kept them away from any notable p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s . They have not even shown part-icipation i n local administration. The Russian-Germans have been especially reluctant i n this respect. However, i n a few cases where a solid population of Russian-Germans has been present, they have succeeded in sending their representative to the provincial parliament - for example, Anton Buck, who was M.L.A. for South Qu'Appelle i n Saskatchewan. In general, the Germans In Western Canada and for that matter the Russian-Germans have favored the Liberal Party federally. Recent inquiries i n Alberta and Saskatchewan how-ever, have shown that there i s a tendency to vote for the present provincial governments. 27 There have been several persons of influence, the most outstanding being Lieut. Gov. G. Uhrich and several provinc-i a l representatives. These people, however, have been Ger-man and not Russian-German. CHAPTER VIII ADJUSTMENT AND ASSIMILATION IN CANADA It w i l l be the theme i n this concluding chapter to establish to what extent the Russian-German Immigrants and their descendants have become adjusted to and assimilated i n the Canadian way of l i f e . Some twenty-five years ago, Robert England stated: In the sense i n which i t i s applied by many, there is no such thing as assimilation. If i t be taken to mean sufficient similarity of mental outlook to make cooperation feasible, that i s about a l l we can do. We can never make a German an Anglo-Saxon any more than we can make an Englishman I r i s h . 1 As time as this statement may be, i t i s also true that i t i s not the object of Canadian policy to make Anglo-Saxons of the Immigrants. It is the object to make them and their children Canadians. Otherwise, who then would be called Canadian? We have noted that the average Russian-Germans were a rural people, f u l l of enormous working i n i t i a t i v e . Their spiritual l i f e was exhausted in religion. Religious a c t i v i -ties were brisk. Their literature consisted of the Bible, Calendars and Hymnbooks. Their periodicals and papers were 1 England, pp. c i t . , p. 203. 1 8 3 devoted to religious purposes. The Church was the only form of organization; the clergy was their leader. Education was on a low niveau. There were scarcely any well educated people among them, thus there was no sp i r i t u a l contact with their motherland, nor any deeper knowledge of i t s culture. 2 Yet In essence they were Germans in as much as they had preserved their language and fostered a culture of their own. As such they lived i n Russia and continued to do so after their ar-r i v a l i n Canada. In Canada, we have further witnessed that with econ-omic success the formation of a social strata had started, which manifested i t s e l f i n the formation of numerous prairie towns. The influx into bigger c i t i e s of those who had accum-ulated a certain amount of wealth, and of those who had fai l e d as farmers, was not a rare occurrence. With this influx and with the Russian-German immigrants who had remained in the city after their a r r i v a l In Canada, the nucleus of a Russian-German city group was established. In this manner, the Russian-Germans came to live side by side with f u l l Canadians and the influence of the latter was soon apparent. The cul-tural value of the surrounding people and their language was learned and borrowed. As expected this process of borrowing proceeded with greater rapidity i n the cities than i t did i n the scattered prairie settlements. In spite of this influence 2 Kuhn, op. c i t . , pp. 3 8 1 - 3 8 3 . 184 that raised the general cultural standard of the adult Russ-ian-German immigrant, he nevertheless only became adjusted to the Canadian way of l i f e . He s t i l l has preserved many of his old habits and the dialect s t i l l serve him as his main lang-uage. A comparison of the newly arrived Russian-German immi-grants with those of the pre-war era, reflect clearly the purely Canadian outlook of the latter. It Is to this l a t t e r group to whom we may apply the above quotation by Robert England in respect to assimilation. But i t is the children of those, who had at one time exhausted their s p i r i t u a l energy exclusively i n religious ac-t i v i t i e s , that have turned to worldly oultural aspects. Re-ligious pamphlets become replaced by p o l i t i c a l and cultural reading. Whether i n the city or out in the p r a i r i e , educa-tion and culture became elevated i n the course of time. They drew rapidly from Canadian culture. The attendance of higher educational institutions by descendants of Russian-Germans i s not a rare occurrence any longer. The standard demanded by those that have been born and educated In Canada does not d i f f e r in any respect from any other Canadian's. It is to these Russian-German descendants that we may safely say that they have been f u l l y integrated and assimilated Into the Can-adian way of l i f e . A comparison of the. Russian-German group i n Canada to their period In Russia, exhibits that already the second 1 8 5 generation i n Canada has with extreme rapidity undergone the process of assimilation. In Russia, where the group resided for over one hundred years, they faced assimilation only du-ring the period of the Soviet regime. The settlements i n Russia were self-contained and on the whole solidly populated by their own group, thus a preservation of habits and langu-age was more favorable than i n Canada. In Canada, the exist-ence of scattered settlements and Its greater contact with the surrounding population made a preservation of their na-tional characteristics less possible. However, the deeper forces of assimilation In Canada were the lack of cultural leaders of the group and the lack of national feeling especially amongst the younger generation. Their forefathers had l e f t Germany for Russia some one hundred years ago - this even prior to their migration into Canada. Very l i t t l e had been preserved that was German and that was handed down from generation to generation. A deeper know-ledge of German culture was never apparent among the genera-tion born In Canada. These socially elevated Russian-German descendants have even consciously, as pointed out i n the pre-vious chapter, abandoned their mother tongue, for i t was known to them only i n a dialectic form. They never f e l t as Germans and they had l i t t l e i n common with Germany. Their participation in World War II was done so without any senti-ments. The success of their fathers i n their newly adopted country caused an unconscious affirmation for Canada amongst 186 the younger generation. Finally, this rapid and peaceful assimilation is ex-pressed i n the attitude of the Russian-Germans themselves. Its essence i s expressed in the simple yet true and v i t a l l y important statement formulated by Pfefferi In the loss of their national characteris-t i c s , they do not see an adjustment to a foreign nation, only a stripping off of old habits of the 'old world 1. They believe i n doing the same as the other nationals i.e. to create out of so many national groups a real new nation. They believe i n forming a new type, such as Americans, Canadians, Aus-tralians, etc. For the sake of their child-ren's future, they became f u l l citizens In their new homeland. Thus they are willing, with heaven and the new earth, to adopt the language of their new homeland, and forsake habits and customs that were once so dear.3 3 Pfeffer, Karl Heinz, "Deutsche Volksgruppe und Angel-saechslche Buergerliche Ge sells c h a f f , Auslanddeutsche Volks- forechung. Jahrg. 1937, Bd. 1, Ferdinand Enke Verlag, Stuttgart, 1937, p. 66. BIBLIOGRAPHY This bibliography contains only the literature which has been used In the research for this thesis. It includes books, periodicals, magazines, encyclopedias, etc. These have been l i s t e d alphabetically according to author, other-wise according to the t i t l e of the book or a r t i c l e . Abele, Paul, Festschrift zur 25 jaehrlgen Jubllae'msfeler der  Gruendung der St. Pauls-Klrchengemelnde i n Vibank. Sask., June 12th. 1929. Western Printers Association Ltd., Regina, Saskatchewan, 1929. Anderson, J.T.M., The Education of the New-Canadian. J.M. Dent & Sons Ltd., London & Toronto, 1918. Anger, H., Die Deutschen i n Slblrlen. Ost-Europa Verlag, Berlln-Koenigsberg, 1930. Angus, H.F., "Canadian Immigration: Law and i t s Administration American Journal of International Law, Vol. 28, Published by The American Society of International Law, Washington, 1934. Annual Report of the Department of Immigration and Coloniza- tion. 1918 to 1923. 1931 to 1936. Printer to the King's Most Excellent Majesty, Ottawa, 1919 to 1924, 1932 to I937. Annual Report of the Department of the Interior for the Year  1896. N0 .T3. Printed by S..E. Dawson, Printer to the Queen's Most Excellent Majesty, Ottawa, 1897. Annual Report of the Department of the Interior. 1906. Part II No. 25, Printer to the KingTs Most Excellent Majesty, Ottawa, 1907. Annual Report of the Ministry of Agriculture. 1885 & 1886. NO. ' 8 and No. 12, Printer to the Queen's Most Excellent Majesty, Ottawa, 1886 & I887. 188 Annual Report on Immigration of the Department of the Interior. Part II, 1901 to 1905, 1910 to 1917, Government Printing Bureau, Ottawa, 1901 to 1918. A.S.S.R. der Wolgadeutschen. Polltlsch-oekonomlscher Abriss. Peutecher Staatsverlag, Engels, 193o\ Atlas of Canada. Department of the Interior, Canada, 1915* Atlas of Canada. Department of the Interior, Canada, 1918, "Auslanddeutschtum", Per Auslanddeutsche. Jahrg. 10, No. 12, Deutsehes Ausland Instltut, Stuttgart, 1927, p. 428. "Auslanddeutschtum", Der Auslanddeutsche. Jahrg. 13, No. 3, Deutsehes Ausland Instltut, Stuttgart, 1930, pp. 88-89. "Auslanddeutschtum". Per Auslanddeutsche. Jahrg. 13, No. 7, Peutsches Ausland Instltut, Stuttgart, 1930, pr>. 230-231. Bauer, G., Geschlchte der deutschen Ansledler an der- Wolga selt der Elnwanderung nach Russland bis zur Elnfuehrung  der allgemeinen Wehrpfllcht 1762-1874. Selbstverlag. Saratov, 1908. Beratz, G., Pie deutschen Kolonlen an der Unteren Wolga i n lhrer Entstehung und Entwicklung. Im Ost-Europa Verlag, Berlin, 1928. Bier, F. and Schick, A., Aus den Leindenstagen der deutschen  Wolgakolonlen. Pruck der L.G. Wittichschen Hofbuch-druckerei, Parmstadt, 1922. Boelitz, Otto, Pas Grenz und Auslanddeutschtum. Seine Geschlchte und seine Bedeutung. Pruck und Verlag von R. Oldenbourg, Muenchen und Berlin, 1930. Bonwetsch, Gerhard, Geschlchte der deutschen Kolonlen an der  Wolga. Verlag von I. Engelhorns Nachf, Stuttgart, 1919. Brendel, Johannes, Aus deutschen Kolonlen im l£utschurganer  Geblet. Ausland und Helmat Verlags Aktlengesellschaft, Stuttgart, 1930. Buettner, K., Pie Auswanderung aus Wuerttemberg. Geographlsche Studien Reihe A, Hefft 64/65, Kohlhammer Verlag, Stuttgart, 1938. The Canada Year Book. 1921 to 1954. Pominlon Bureau of Sta-t l s t l c s , King's or Queen's Printer and Controller of Stationary, Ottawa, 1921 to 1954. 189 Canadian Department of Mines and Resources, Rational Topo- graphic Series. Survey and Mapping Branch, Ottawa, 1952. Census of Canada, 1921. Vol. 1, Population, Printer to the King's Most Excellent Majesty, Ottawa, 1924. Census of Canada. 1941. Vol. 6, Population, Printer to the King's Most Excellent Majesty, Ottawa, 1946. Constitution of the U.S.S.R.. American Russian Institution, New York, 1950. Dafoe, John W., Clifford Sifton i n Relation to his Time. The Macmillan Company of Canada Limited, Toronto, 1931. Dawson, C.H., Group Settlement. Ethnic Communities i n Western Canada, The Macmillan Company of Canada Limited, Toronto, 1936. Dawson, C.H. and Younge, Eva R., Pioneering i n the Prairie  Provinces: The social side of the settlement process. The Macmillan Company of Canada Limited, Toronto, 194o. Dawson, C.H. and Murehie, R.W., The Settlement of the Peace  River Country, The Macmillan Company of Canada Limited, Toronto, 1934. Deutsches Ausland Institut, Per Wanderweg der Russlanddeutsoh-en, W. Kohlhammer Verlag, Stuttgart, 1939, Pillingham, W.P., The Immigration Situation In Canada. The Immigration Commission (U.S.A.), Washington Government Printing Office, Washington, 1910. Edelman, Maurice, How Russia Prepared. Penguin Books Inc., New York, 1942. England, Robert, The Colonization of Western Canada. P.S. King & Son Ltd., London, 1936. England, Robert, The Central European Immigrant In Canada. 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Teubner, Leipzig, 1847. "Wolgadeutsche Republik", Per Grosse Brockhaus. F.U. Brock-haus, Vol. 20, Leipzig, 1935, p. 438. 19k Woltner, M., Daa wolgadeutsche Blldungswesen und die ruaslsche  Schulnolltik. Kommissionsverlag Otto Harrassowitz, Leipzig, 1937, "Zentralkomitee der Deutschen aus Russland", Der Ausland- deutsche. Jahrg. 10, No. 13, Deutsches Ausland Institut. Stuttgart, 1927, t>p. 463-467. A. S. S./?. OF THE VOLGA GERMANS (MAP I) p l a c e of orib.ntskti on • g e r m a n s e t t l e m e n t s (ONLY MAIN SETTLEMenTS ME N ~Tl GN£D ) SARATOV %MAHTEN8VRG < f \ r r i \ \A//£SCNHU£:L O.R HANO ""X \ N / i / COLONIES IN THE BLACK SEA AREA (MAPH) A places of orientation • mother colonies O mennonite colonies • s i s t e r colonies c S-f » " - , I MHERSON I s / K I X %KROHSGARTe.M \ (DN/SPROPETROVSK} \ C.XATERIA/OS LAV MQAYBACSK ..vr 9&ER600RF \Vr -+NCUDORF i v . I . 1 \HORTITZA DISTRICT • MASSEL* GNAO&NFELO + . 0ERESAM, DISTRICT DISTRICT SCHLAMGENDORF < MNNOF. 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