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The integration of physical planning with social and economic planning : planning for development in… Snaggs, Kenneth Bertram 1961

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THE INTEGRATION OF PHYSICAL PLANNING WITH SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PLANNING: PLANNING FOR DEVELOPMENT IN TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO by KENNETH BERTRAM SNAGGS B . S c , U n i v e r s i t y of Wales, 1955 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF SCIENCE i n the Department of COMMUNITY AND REGIONAL PLANNING We accept t h i s r e p o r t as conforming to the standard r e q u i r e d from candidates f o r the degree of MASTER OF SCIENCE Members of the Department of Community and Regional Planning THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA May, 1961 In presenting t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements f o r an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree th a t the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r reference and study. I f u r t h e r agree that permission f o r extensive copying of t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s understood that copying or p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be allowed without my w r i t t e n permission. Department of ^tw^u^J^ /diurnal p/ay^y^-f The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver 3, Canada. Date 10 ^  /90  ABSTRACT Planning f o r development as a f u n c t i o n of c e n t r a l government forms the general subject of t h i s study. The pur-pose of the study i s to demonstrate the hypothesis t h a t , to be e f f e c t i v e , such planning must be comprehensive i n approach, that i s , economic, s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l planning must be i n t e -grated i n t o one t o t a l process. T r i n i d a d and Tobago, a t e r r i t o r y of the West Indies Federation, i s taken as an i l l u s t r a t i v e case study. The case study focuses on the more p r a c t i c a l aspects of the problem and i s meant to i n d i c a t e how the d i f f e r e n t elements of the planning process could be i n t e g r a t e d i n t o one comprehensive system and be e f f e c t i v e l y a p p l i e d to development. The approach taken i n the study was, f i r s t , to d i s c u s s the problem i n a general way by an a l y z i n g and e v a l u a t i n g planning f o r development as i t i s c u r r e n t l y p r a c t i s e d i n a number of developing c o u n t r i e s . The conclusions drawn from t h i s a n a l y s i s are that ( l ) planning f o r development as c u r r e n t l y p r a c t i s e d tends to empha-s i s e the economic aspects of the development process, and ignores the s o c i a l and, i n p a r t i c u l a r , the p h y s i c a l aspects of development; and (2) w h i l e the planning f u n c t i o n i s r i g h t l y placed at the centre of the governmental s t r u c t u r e , there i s the tendency to concentrate only on the n a t i o n a l l e v e l of development i g n o r i n g the i m p l i c a t i o n s of n a t i o n a l p o l i c y on regions and l o c a l areas, and f a i l i n g to give adequate r e c o g n i t i o n to the a s p i r a -t i o n s and requirements of these lower l e v e l s i n development plans. I t i s f u r t h e r concluded that as a r e s u l t of the above serious d e f e c t s appear i n development programmes: because of the l a c k of f u n c t i o n a l i n t e g r a t i o n i n the development process unexpected costs a r i s e which may n u l l i f y the d e s i r e d b e n e f i t s ; unplanned p h y s i c a l e f f e c t s of development appear as the deter-minants of the u l t i m a t e success of the e n t i r e development e f f o r t ; r e g i o n a l d i s p a r i t i e s i n the settlement p a t t e r n and i n the l e v e l of development are perpetuated; human, p h y s i c a l and f i n a n c i a l resources are d i s s i p a t e d i n c o s t l y and unnecessary remedial measures; and, the s o c i a l b e n e f i t s of development tend to be o f f s e t by the s o c i a l c o s t s . The shortcomings of current p r a c t i c e of planning f o r development and the r e s u l t a n t defects i n the development e f f o r t , appear to be r e l a t e d to the conception of the nature of develop-ment that i s g e n e r a l l y accepted, that i s , t hat development i s l a r g e l y a problem i n economics and that a l l other elements w i l l f a l l i n t o place once the economic components are p r o p e r l y planned and r a p i d economic progress achieved. The r e v i s e d conception of development as a complex s e r i e s of interdependent changes i n the s o c i e t y as a whole, leads almost n a t u r a l l y to the view that planning designed to promote develop-ment must be comprehensive. The b r i e f o u t l i n e and d i s c u s s i o n of the important f a c -t o r s i n the development of T r i n i d a d and Tobago, f o c u s i n g on the magnitude and the scope of the needs, provide the background f o r the c o n s i d e r a t i o n of the planning requirements i n t h i s t e r r i t o r y . I t i s concluded from t h i s d i s c u s s i o n that T r i n i d a d and Tobago needs a comprehensive planning o r g a n i z a t i o n which i n -cludes economic, s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l elements to meet a l l the requirements of the a n t i c i p a t e d development i n the t e r r i t o r y . The proposal f o r the planning o r g a n i z a t i o n i s based on the general planning philosophy which emerges from the d i s c u s s i o n of current p r a c t i c e i n developing c o u n t r i e s and from the a p p r a i s a l of the comprehensive planning system i n operation i n the Commonwealth of Puerto Ri c o . The b a s i c f e a t u r e s of the proposed planning process and o r g a n i z a t i o n are as f o l l o w s : ( l ) the planning process i s d i v i d e d i n t o f i v e stages -- p o l i c y , survey and a n a l y s i s , design, c o n t r o l of development, and e v a l u a t i o n ; (2) c o - o r d i n a t i o n of a l l f u n c t i o n a l elements i s to be maintained throughout the pro-cess; and, (3) s p a t i a l i n t e g r a t i o n i s to be achieved by making the C e n t r a l Planning Department r e s p o n s i b l e f o r planning at a l l l e v e l s -- t e r r i t o r i a l , r e g i o n a l and l o c a l . Approved: TABLE OF CONTENTS Page PREFACE i LIST OF TABLES ix LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS x INTRODUCTION 1 Chapter I. CURRENT PRACTICE OF PLANNING FOR DEVELOPMENT IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES 11 I I . DEVELOPMENT PROBLEMS IN TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO 49 I I I . PLANNING FOR DEVELOPMENT IN TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO 87 IV. APPRAISAL OF PLANNING FOR DEVELOPMENT IN PUERTO RICO 134 V. ORGANIZATION FOR PLANNING FOR DEVELOPMENT IN TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO 163 V I . SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS . . . . _ 191 BIBLIOGRAPHY 197 i x LIST OF TABLES Table Page 1. Population of T r i n i d a d and Tobago 52 2. Population P r o j e c t i o n s from 1955 , . . 55 3. Population, Area, Density In T r i n i d a d and Tobago , . 58 4. Land U t i l i z a t i o n i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago i n 1958 63 5. Housing i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago at Census 1946 68 6. I n d u s t r i a l C o n t r i b u t i o n to Gross Domestic Product, 1957 79 7. Comparison between Puerto Rico and T r i n i d a d and Tobago by Geographic, S o c i a l and Economic Indices 135 X LIST OP ILLUSTRATIONS Figure F o l l o w i n g Page 1. Caribbean Area Showing T e r r i t o r i e s of the West Indies Federation 50 2 . T r i n i d a d and Tobago Showing A d m i n i s t r a t i v e Areas and Population i 9 6 0 58 3 . T r i n i d a d and Tobago Density - 1956 58 4. The Planning Process i n Puerto Rico 145 5. Puerto Rico Planning Board: F u n c t i o n a l Chart, 1956-57 146 6. Puerto Rico Planning Board: Organization, 1958 146 7. Puerto Rico Planning Board: Organization, i 9 6 0 147 8. T r i n i d a d and Tobago Proposed Planning Process 168 9 . T r i n i d a d and Tobago Proposed C e n t r a l Planning Department: Organization Chart . . . 175 10. T r i n i d a d and Tobago Governmental St r u c t u r e 184 . PREFACE The subject matter of t h i s t h e s i s i s the outgrowth of a number of i n f l u e n c e s . My personal background of l i v i n g and work-ing i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago, one of the s m a l l , densely populated t e r r i t o r i e s of the West Indies Federation, which has r e c e n t l y undertaken the conscious and formal commitment to develop, was the l o g i c a l s t a r t i n g p o i n t i n the search f o r a s u i t a b l e t o p i c . A s p e c i a l i n t e r e s t i n the problems of development, and the i n t e n t i o n to work i n t h i s f i e l d i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago pro-vided the impetus f o r the study of the planning f u n c t i o n as a p p l i e d to development, w i t h i n the framework of Government. The provocative a r t i c l e by Haar, Higgins and Rodwin e n t i t l e d "Economic and P h y s i c a l Planning: Coordination i n Developing Areas,"*suggested the focus on the major theme, the problem of i n t e g r a t i n g the p h y s i c a l aspects w i t h the s o c i a l and economic aspects i n the t o t a l process of planning f o r development i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago. The C e n t r a l Government of T r i n i d a d and Tobago has accepted planning f o r development as one of the r e g u l a r f u n c t i o n s of government. Hence, i t was f e l t that one o b j e c t i v e of the study could be to produce some p r a c t i c a l c o n t r i b u t i o n to the develop-ment process there. I t was t h e r e f o r e decided that the f i n a l pro-duct of the study would be a proposed o r g a n i z a t i o n f o r planning f o r development s p e c i a l l y adapted to the e x i s t i n g s t r u c t u r e of C e n t r a l Government there. This provided the o r i e n t a t i o n and ^Reference No. 17, Chapter I, page 47. i i o v e r a l l purpose. The purpose behind the study gained added importance i n the l i g h t of the new Town and Country Planning Ordinance enacted i n the l a t t e r h a l f of i960 by the L e g i s l a t u r e of T r i n i d a d and Tobago, which makes p r o v i s i o n s f o r powerful and f a r - r e a c h i n g p h y s i c a l planning and c o n t r o l of development. The p r o v i s i o n s of t h i s Ordinance must be exercised by some form of governmental o r g a n i z a t i o n . I t i s p e r t i n e n t , t h e r e f o r e , to explore methods f o r i n t e g r a t i n g and i n c o r p o r a t i n g t h i s f u n c t i o n i n t o the present o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e of C e n t r a l Government. The combination of these various i n f l u e n c e s , then l e d to the f o r m u l a t i o n of t h i s study whose purposes are as f o l l o w s : ( l ) to demonstrate the hypothesis that a comprehensive approach to planning f o r development i s needed, when development i s viewed as a complex phenomenon i n v o l v i n g economic, s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l elements; and (2) using T r i n i d a d and Tobago as an i l l u s t r a t i v e case study, to demonstrate the need f o r and to pro-pose an o r g a n i z a t i o n to c a r r y out the comprehensive planning f u n c t i o n w i t h i n c e n t r a l government. In pursuance of the f i r s t purpose the scope of the d i s -cussion has been l i m i t e d by the a v a i l a b i l i t y of m a t e r i a l and by the nature of the c o u n t r i e s i n the category of "developing country." In the context of the study t h i s c l a s s i f i c a t i o n a p p l i e s to c o u n t r i e s which have comparatively r e c e n t l y gained a l a r g e measure of s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n and are t h e r e f o r e i n a p o s i -t i o n to i n f l u e n c e the course of t h e i r own development. This includes former c o l o n i e s i n South and Southeast A s i a , i n A f r i c a -i l i south of the Sahara, and In the West In d i e s . Two other c o u n t r i e s w i t h d i s s i m i l a r h i s t o r i e s can t e c h n i c a l l y be included i n the category - the State of I s r a e l and the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico. The d i f f i c u l t y and danger of c l a s s i f y i n g such widely d i f f e r i n g c o u n t r i e s according to one c o n s i s t e n t set of c r i t e r i a are immediately r e a l i z e d . However, w i t h i n the l i m i t s p r e s c r i b e d f o r the study the i n c l u s i o n of the above co u n t r i e s seems acceptable. I t Is to be noted that c o u n t r i e s under a Communist system of Government have been excluded. This includes Mainland China which may be c i t e d as the prime example of a developing country today. I t appears from the m a t e r i a l a v a i l a b l e i n s c a t t e r e d references that even under t h i s system of Government where h i g h l y c e n t r a l i z e d planning i s p r a c t i s e d , many of the more serious pro-blems to which planning f o r development Is subject are a l s o ex-perienced. The f o l l o w i n g comments i n d i c a t e that i n some of these count r i e s r e g i o n a l d i s p r o p o r t i o n s , imbalance i n development, and l a c k of c o - o r d i n a t i o n a l s o appear as undesirable features of development which the c e n t r a l i z e d planning systems have f a i l e d to e l i m i n a t e . Stefan H. Robock i n a comment on planned economies says t h i s : Even the Communist countr i e s w i t h t h e i r c e n t r a l planning approach are not exempt from r e g i o n a l development problems. According to a recent news st o r y i n the New York Times (Nov. 18, 1959)* Yugoslavia's Communist l e a d e r s h i p i s s e r i o u s l y concerned w i t h r e g i o n a l d i s p a r i t i e s - d e s p i t e glowing r e p o r t s of o v e r a l l progress i n the Yugoslavia i v economy. The USSR i n i t s Seven Year Plan announced i n 1 9 5 9 , recog-n i z e s that 'An important task of the USSR i n the f o r t h -coming seven year p e r i o d i s that of . . . Improving the d i s t r i b u t i o n of productive forces on i t s t e r r i t o r y . ' 1 And, even more s i g n i f i c a n t l y , the Soviet Union i n 1956 decen-t r a l i z e d i t s planning a c t i v i t i e s through the establishment of 114 r e g i o n a l planning c o u n c i l s across the country.1 E. S t u a r t K i r b y commenting on economic planning i n Communist China w r i t e s : The (Five Year) Plan, . . . was not an extremely elaborate one. Apart from d i r e c t i v e s f o r the complete s o c i a l i z a t i o n of a l l a c t i v i t i e s , by b r i n g i n g them under e i t h e r f u l l n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n or ' j o i n t p u b l i c - p r i v a t e ' management, i t Is v i r t u a l l y a l i s t . . . of s p e c i f i c gaps i n the e s s e n t i a l substructure which would be f i l l e d to provide, f i r s t , the p r e l i m i n a r y b a s i s f o r the f u l l i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n of China. I t i n v o l v e d c o - o r d i n a t i o n , 'phasing', or i n t e r l o c k i n g only i n the most general sense; broadly speaking, each i n d i v i -dual p r o j e c t i n the l i s t was l a r g e l y f u l f i l l a b l e i n i t s e l f , r e g a r d l e s s of the c o n d i t i o n or r a t e of accomplishment of a l l the others. The Plan c o n s i s t e d e s s e n t i a l l y of a schedule, on these l i n e s , of some f i v e hundred major pro-j e c t s . 2 On the other hand the problem of i n t e g r a t i n g p h y s i c a l planning w i t h economic planning appears to have been s u c c e s s f u l l y solved. Robert A l l e n i n h i s d i s c u s s i o n on two papers on the E m p i r i c a l A n a l y s i s f o r Underdeveloped Areas made t h i s comment on the type of planning i n the USSR. The USSR may w e l l be c i t e d as an example of a c e n t r a l l y planned economy which has reached the u l t i m a t e i n the type of planning i n which r e g i o n a l and urban considera-t i o n form an e s s e n t i a l i n g r e d i e n t of the n a t i o n a l plan.3 He concludes h i s comment on the question of imbalance of investment by saying that the Communist co u n t r i e s can achieve t h e i r s o l u t i o n "only by adapting p o l i t i c a l forms and a degree of planning which are r e p e l l a n t i n general to most underdeveloped c o u n t r i e s " . ^ V A note on the m a t e r i a l used i n t h i s study i s r e l e v a n t . In order to focus as q u i c k l y as p o s s i b l e on the major problems of current p r a c t i c e of planning f o r development, use was made of sev e r a l c r i t i q u e s and evaluations of the planning process i n developing c o u n t r i e s by expert commentators, published over the l a s t few years. Hence no s p e c i f i c or d e t a i l e d d i s c u s s i o n of development plans are made, ra t h e r a t t e n t i o n i s focused on the approach and the content of the planning f u n c t i o n as revealed from the r e s u l t s a r i s i n g out of the a p p l i c a t i o n of planning to the development process. The a p p r a i s a l of the planning process i n Puerto Rico i s based on adequate and r e l i a b l e data published by Puerto Rican sources and endorsed by the commentaries of independent observers. Data on T r i n i d a d and Tobago i s drawn almost e x c l u s i v e l y from Government p u b l i c a t i o n s plus a few minor sources on the general area of the West Indie s . These data are supplemented by m y personal knowledge of the T r i n i d a d and Tobago scene gained during a per i o d of four years, 1955 to 1959* while working i n the Government Service there. In a d d i t i o n , d i s c u s s i o n s with d i f f e r e n t Government O f f i c i a l s during a b r i e f v i s i t i n the Summer i960, provided a deeper i n s i g h t i n t o the problems of development and the current e f f o r t s at planning f o r development. V i r t u a l l y no published m a t e r i a l s p e c i f i c a l l y d e a l i n g w i t h the planning f u n c t i o n i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago e x i s t s . Con-sequently, e v a l u a t i o n of the process amounts to an i n t e r p r e t a -t i o n of the F i v e Year Development Programme - the major product v i of the planning agency at Ce n t r a l Government l e v e l , and an assessment from i t of the planning approach which was a p p l i e d i n i t s p r e p a r a t i o n . In a d d i t i o n , I have been able to draw on my impressions gained through p a r t i c i p a t i o n as a Government o f f i -c i a l i n one of the key departments (Works) and my d i s c u s s i o n s w i t h other o f f i c i a l s concerned e i t h e r w i t h planning or imple-mentation of development. To the extent that the o f f i c i a l s i n v o l v e d i n the planning process i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago have not recorded t h e i r ideas on the matter or stated t h e i r b a s i c p r i n c i p l e s , nor o u t l i n e d the p r a c t i c a l problems and s p e c i a l c o n d i t i o n s which might have i n -fluenced the f i n a l product, the e v a l u a t i o n l a c k s documentation. However, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n i t s o r g a n i z a t i o n a l aspects, and having regard to the f a c t that planning f o r development i s i n i t s infancy i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago, there i s s u f f i c i e n t data to document and lend v a l i d i t y to t h i s aspect of the study. Acknowledgement i s made of the m a t e r i a l s u p p l i e d by the Puerto Rico Planning Board, the Information O f f i c e of the Government of T r i n i d a d and Tobago and the I n d u s t r i a l Development Corporation of T r i n i d a d and Tobago. Acknowledgement i s made to Professor H. P. Oberlander, Head of the Department of Community and Regional Planning, f o r hi s advice on t h i s study and h i s a s s i s t a n c e throughout the course of my planning s t u d i e s ; and to Miss M. Dwyer, Pine A r t s L i b r a -r i a n , f o r her a s s i s t a n c e . S p e c i a l acknowledgement i s paid to Professor I r a M. Robinson of the Department of Community and Regional Planning, U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, whose va l u a b l e v i i c r i t i c i s m and advice, c o n s t a n t l y and f r e e l y given during the w r i t i n g of t h i s t h e s i s , g r e a t l y a s s i s t e d the w r i t e r i n com-p l e t i n g the study. REFERENCES Regional and N a t i o n a l Economic Development i n I n d i a , " Regional Science A s s o c i a t i o n , Papers and Proceedings, V o l . V I , (I960), p. 66. Economic Planning and P o l i c y i n Communist China," I n t e r n a t i o n a l A f f a i r s , 34, (1958), p. 177. 3Discussion on " E m p i r i c a l A n a l y s i s i n Regional Science f o r Underdeveloped Areas," Regional Science A s s o c i a t i o n , Papers  and Proceedings, V o l . I l l , (1957), p. 224. 4 I b i d . INTRODUCTION Most studies dealing with the developing countries sta r t with a d e f i n i t i o n of terms. This i s necessary because of the ambiguities which surround such terms as 'development1, •developed', 'underdeveloped', and 'advanced' when applied to a country. In Webster's New Twentieth Century Dictionary, one d e f i n i t i o n of the verb 'to develop' i s 'to cause to grow gra-dually i n some way'. And 'development' i s defined as ' a step or stage i n growth, advancement'. Prom these two d e f i -n i t i o n s i t should be possible to attach meanings to the above terms as they w i l l be used i n the context of the study. When applied to a country the word 'development' Is best defined as 'a stage In growth or advancement'. Im p l i c i t i n t h i s d e f i n i t i o n i s the idea of moving by stages from one state to another which i n some way i s considered an improve-ment or advance on the former state. Hence, a more precise d e f i n i t i o n of development would include the concept of a st a r t i n g point or state and an end state which i s presumed to be more 'advanced*. Thus i n applying the term development to a country reference should be made to the continuum along which growth i s taking place. In t h i s study, a country undergoing development i s understood to be a country undergoing continuing growth by 2 stages from one state to another. The poles of t h i s growth continuum can be described by various indices - for example, a s o c i a l index - growth from one s o c i a l state ( t r a d i t i o n a l society) to another state (achievement society); an economic index - growth from a state of low production to a state of high production. A s t r i c t p a r a l l e l with the d e f i n i t i o n leads to the assumption that the end state i s 'advanced1. Thus to complete the p a r a l l e l i n the above statement a value judgement must be made as to the d e s i r a b i l i t y of the end state to which a country can advance. This makes i t necessary i n discussing the development of a country to specify the end or advanced state which i s desired (or assumed) from the growth. 1 Process 1 i s defined as 'a series of connected actions or changes 1. The 'development process' i s therefore, 'a series of connected actions or changes, producing by stages, growth toward some desired advanced state or goal'. According to the s t r i c t d e f i n i t i o n given above every country i s engaged i n some form of development process, i n that i t i s undergoing a series of changes which i s bringing i t by stages of growth to some more advanced state. The components of the development process are p a r t l y determined by the goal and p a r t l y by the means or actions taken to achieve that goal. Thus the United States of America, which 3 can be considered a most "highly developed" country, i s s t i l l undergoing a development process, which might be considered to have an economic goal and economic means - higher national product or increase i n the amount of consumer goods available through greater investment and increased productivity. On the other hand, the development process i n India, a so-called underdeveloped country, has a s o c i a l and economic content -i t s professed end i s s o c i a l and economic betterment, and the means are greater productivity. We might conclude therefore, that just as change and growth imply a concept of continuity, some form of development process Is going on almost constantly i n every country of the world. This development process may be planned or unplanned. The study proposes to make a case for planning the development process i n developing countries, on the assumption that planned a c t i v i t y i s more responsible, r a t i o n a l , e f f e c t i v e and economical and w i l l produce more quickly and successfully the necessary growth toward desired goals."1' It i s relevant at t h i s point to introduce two c r i t e r i a for testing a development programme, which immediately establish a reason i n support of the major hypothesis that the development e f f o r t should be planned. The two concepts of e f f i c i e n c y and consistency can and should be applied to most aspects of a development e f f o r t . . . . th e i r a p p l i c a t i on can force a deliberate and s p e c i f i c examination to see i f a decision i s 4 appropriate i n terms of a stated goal. The goal may be increasing p o l i t i c a l support, but i f the question i s d e l i b e r a t e l y raised as to whether a p a r t i c u l a r proposal i s l i k e l y to r e s u l t i n maximum p o l i t i c a l benefit at minimum cost, the development e f f o r t i s l i k e l y to be more ef f e c t i v e than i f the question i s not s p e c i f i c a l l y considered.2 This approach presupposes certain assumptions about the means and ends of the development process and about the d e s i r a b i l i t y of these ends. I t i s often stated that the pur-pose of development i s the improvement of man's l e v e l of l i v i n g . ^ This i s a rather vague concept and must be translated into more concrete terms. The major goal attached to the development process i n most of the countries to be covered by t h i s study i s , that a state of high mass consumption of goods and services, widely d i s t r i b u t e d , Is desirable. The acceptance of t h i s goal carries with i t c e r t a i n basic components i n the development process. Economic - change from a state of low productivity caused by p r i m i t i v e technology to an i n d u s t r i a l i z e d state of high l e v e l s of production and mass consumption.1'' Social - change from a t r a d i t i o n a l society oriented toward a s c r i p t i o n , particularism and functional diffuseness to a form of s o c i a l behaviour oriented toward achievement, 5 universalism, and functional s p e c i f i c i t y . - ^ P o l i t i c a l - change from a state of colonialism and/ or decentralized rule to a state of strong centralized govern-ment with complete self-determination. 5 Cultural-psychological - change from t r a d i t i o n a l l y determined patterns of behaviour and a value system geared to li m i t e d expectations to attitudes and a pattern of behaviour characterized by r i s i n g expectations or the "Protestant Ethic". The consequences of these changes must also be stated i f the f u l l nature of the development process as considered i n t h i s study i s to be understood. (a) Physical environment - changes i n the physical environment w i l l take place which are related to the changes i n economic and s o c i a l organization. The changes w i l l embrace communication f a c i l i t i e s , services, urban areas, housing and other buildings, and other physical f a c i l i t i e s . (b) Social requirements - changes and Improvements w i l l become necessary i n education - professional, technical and vocational - public health and sanitation, s o c i a l i n s t i -tutions for organising commerce, labour, and family structure among others. (c) S p a tial requirements - consequent on a l l the forementioned changes, the development process may produce changes i n the patterns of settlement and movement with a l l that these imply for land uses, s p a t i a l arrangements and communications. Developing Country While i n the s t r i c t sense of the term every country by v i r t u e of the fact that i t i s changing must be classed as 6 developing, i n this study the following meaning w i l l be attached to the term. The term 'developing country' w i l l be taken to include a l l countries which since the end of World War I I have gained f u l l independence or which have been granted s u f f i c i e n t res-p o n s i b i l i t y for th e i r i n t e r n a l a f f a i r s to permit e f f e c t i v e planning by the Central Governments. Conscious development starts when the responsible gov-ernment takes a commitment to develop by stating certain goals and objectives and proposing a d e f i n i t e series of actions to achieve them. In t h i s respect, therefore, a country becomes a 'developing country' when the responsible Government recognises the need for development, spec i f i e s the goals desired from development, and indicates the means whereby these goals w i l l be achieved. In the past the development process operated with a minimum amount of government p a r t i c i p a t i o n . Especially i n the more highly developed Western countries private elements In the society undertook a l l phases of development, and government's ro l e was merely that of regulator of private a c t i v i t i e s and the a r b i t e r of competition between Individuals. Many factors which operate today i n the newly developing countries seem to necessitate a greater degree of government p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the development process. The underlying factors which create t h i s need are: the scale of the required development and the scope of the proposed changes; the immediacy of the needs of the developing 7 countries; and the complexity of the modern economic world. The scale of development i s set by the extent of present deficiencies and the enormous anticipated growth of population, and requires r a d i c a l s o c i a l , economic and physical changes. The scope of the proposed changes demands the planning, organization and financing of a vast development e f f o r t which can only be undertaken by government. The d i s p a r i t y between resources and a population with r i s i n g expectations creates an immediacy to development needs which requires active government p a r t i c i p a t i o n , and r a t i o n a l planning to s t r i k e the necessary balance and to produce the needed changes at a rate commensurate with s o c i a l objectives. The complexity of the modern economic world has In-creased the r o l e of government everywhere i n economic matters. Government's p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s more necessary i n newly develop-ing countries where resources are scarce and waste cannot be afforded. Unplanned government action i s no more e f f e c t i v e than uncontrolled free enterprise, and although planning i t s e l f i s a costly operation, i t i s obvious that newly developing countries can hardly afford not to plan. For these reasons planning for development, i n varying degrees of effectiveness, has become one of the regular func-tions of central government i n developing countries. The degree of planning which i s accepted depends on a number of factors - the p o l i t i c a l and administrative t r a d i t i o n s of the country, the structure of i t s economy, the type of government which emerges, and the character, education and ex-8 perience of the leaders of the country and of Its people In general. The fundamental hypothesis of t h i s study i s that planning for development must be based on a comprehensive approach, which becomes necessary when the development process i s viewed i n I t s t o t a l i t y to include economic, s o c i a l and physical elements. The hypothesis w i l l f i r s t be argued on a broad t h e o r e t i -cal l e v e l by examining the current practice of planning for development i n developing countries. The case for a comprehen-sive approach w i l l be made on the basis of t h i s general argument i n which i t w i l l be shown that current practice f a i l s to be com-prehensive lar g e l y by over-emphasising the economic aspects and by ignoring the s o c i a l and, p a r t i c u l a r l y , the physical implica-tions of development. This discussion w i l l form the subject matter of Chapter I, which w i l l conclude with a few tentative comments on the type of planning philosophy that i s needed to guide the development process. Chapters I I and I I I are devoted to developing the case for comprehensive planning i n Trinidad and Tobago. F i r s t the problems of development are presented and discussed, with major emphasis being placed on the planning implications of the development process. This i s done by pointing out that e f f o r t s to bu i l d up the economic base of the country e n t a i l s o c i a l and physical im-pl i c a t i o n s and that planning of a l l the elements of the develop-ment process must be combined i f complete success of the develop-ment e f f o r t i s to be achieved. 9 In Chapter I I I the planning process as far as i t i s pre-sently applied to development i n Trinidad and Tobago i s des-cribed and evaluated. This discussion embraces both the content of the planning process and the organization for planning within Government. The appraisal of the planning process i n Puerto Rico provides an example of the application of comprehensive planning to development. Puerto Rico i s simi l a r to Trinidad and Tobago i n many ways and the success of the planning organization i n that country provides some p r a c t i c a l lessons for Trinidad and Tobago. In Chapter V an organization for planning for develop-ment within Central Government i n Trinidad and Tobago i s pro-posed and discussed. The nature and content of the planning function as proposed i s an elaboration of the ideas f i r s t pre-sented i n Chapter I, and th e i r application to a p r a c t i c a l s i t u a -t i o n . The organization i s designed to f i t the conditions i n Trinidad and Tobago and to blend as f a r as possible with the exis t i n g structure of the administration. 10 REFERENCES This statement on the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of planned a c t i -v i t y was taken from comments by Ah t i k V i t o m i r and Rexford Tugwell. V i t o m i r s t a t e s that The fundamental c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of planned a c t i v i t y . . . c o n s i s t s i n the f a c t that the a c t i v i t y i s d i r e c t e d towards a predetermined and more or l e s s immediate ob-j e c t i v e , and i n the f a c t that the succession of i n d i v i -dual a c t i o n s i s governed by the determination to a t t a i n t h i s o b j e c t i v e u n d i s t r a c t e d by minor i n c i d e n t a l obstacles or by s u b s i d i a r y aims which are incompatible w i t h the main end i n view. In c o n t r a s t , In unplanned a c t i o n the goal i s not det e r -mined i n advance on the b a s i s of a conscious a n a l y s i s of the complex s i t u a t i o n and of f u t u r e needs. V i t o m i r concludes that "planned a c t i o n i s consequently considered to be more r e s p o n s i -b l e , r a t i o n a l and economical, and to lead more s u r e l y and more q u i c k l y to the goals i n view". ( i n t e r n a t i o n a l S o c i a l Science  Jo u r n a l , X I I , No. 4, (i960), p. SVT. Also Tugwell views e f f e c t i v e n e s s as "being able to def i n e o b j e c t i v e s and achieve them." (The Place of Planning i n So c i e t y , Puerto Rico Planning Board, Technical Paper No. 7, p. 20). Gustav Papenek, Framing a Development Program", I n t e r n a t i o n a l C o n c i l i a t i o n , (March, i960), p. 337. ^One such statement was made by Ernest Weissman. "The recognised purpose of n a t i o n a l development i s the improve-ment of man's l e v e l of l i v i n g " . Address d e l i v e r e d at the Con-ference on Town and Country Development Planning, T r i n i d a d , B. ¥. I . , November, 1956. 4 W. W. Rostow, The Stages of Economic Growth (Cambridge: The U n i v e r s i t y Press, I960). ^Bert H o s e l i t z , S o c i o l o g i c a l Aspects of Economic Develop- ment (Glencoe, I l l i n o i s : The Free Press, I960 J. CHAPTER I CURRENT PRACTICE OP PLANNING FOR DEVELOPMENT IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES Nature of Development and Approach to Planning The Governments of newly independent countries have inherited certain conditions which tend to make thei r problems of development si m i l a r and which have influenced th e i r approach to planning i n an almost i d e n t i c a l manner. In the f i r s t place these countries emerging from a state of colonialism a l l have economic and s o c i a l structures which developed i n the shadow of a metropolitan nation. The organization of economic a c t i v i t i e s i s large l y oriented to the requirements of an imperial system, and many aspects of the so c i a l structure are merely a r t i f i c i a l imports from the society of a mother country. Industries and s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s are modelled on Western patterns and as such are not suited to the needs of the indigenous population. At the same time there exist i n these countries t r a d i -t i o n a l patterns of economic and s o c i a l l i f e . In the sector where these patterns ex i s t the population i s usually stable, homogeneous and not very productive, and the economic system i s stagnant and i n e f f i c i e n t . The physical pattern which the Governments i n h e r i t also r e f l e c t s t h i s dual character. A small a r t i f i c i a l l y developed 12 urban sector contrasts with a vast r u r a l area with l i t t l e develop-ment. Thus the task facing the Governments of newly independent countries i s to re-orient the economy, to develop the unproduc-ti v e sectors, to re-structure the society, and to organize a more e f f i c i e n t and balanced physical pattern. A conscious commitment to develop and a passionate desire to 'catch up' with the more highly developed Western countries quickly spring up with the achievement of independence. This • w i l l to develop' i s manifested i n a variety of objectives -s o c i a l j u s t i c e and equality of opportunity, national security and defense, welfare of the people and a higher standard of l i v i n g . At the root of a l l these objectives can be found one major goal, that i s , to increase the production, d i s t r i b u t i o n and consumption of a l l goods and services. In other words the Governments of newly independent countries consider economic development to be both a major objective i n i t s e l f , and the means towards the achievement of other objectives. The re s u l t of t h i s point of view i s the tendency to regard economic development as the cardinal, i f not the sole element i n the development process. This view of the development process seems to have i t s o r i g i n i n two sources. One, i n the theories of economists who have concerned themselves with the problems of developing countries; and two, i n the patterns of development evolved i n the more economically advanced Western countries, and a c t i v e l y copied by the developing countries. 13 The approach of the economists i s summed up by Hoselitz i n a review of the exi s t i n g l i t e r a t u r e on the problem. Some of the most meritorious contributions to t h i s l i t e r a t u r e deal with such t y p i c a l economic problems, as ca p i t a l formation, the development of an i n d u s t r i a l labour force, monetary and f i s c a l aspects of economic development, the impact of economic growth on l i v i n g standards and consumption l e v e l s , and the problems of balance of payments d i f f i c u l t i e s , as well as the need for and the d i f f i c u l t i e s of development planning.! In an attempt to construct models for their development, developing countries look to the experience of the Western countries with advanced economies. I t i s observed that economic progress followed r a d i c a l technological changes and extensive i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . And that the sustained economic growth and material benefits which these countries enjoy are made possible by continued technological improvement and the application of sp e c i f i c economic tools. The propagation of these models i s perhaps furthered by the expert advisers whom many of the developing countries engage i n the early stages of th e i r development e f f o r t . Friedmann i n his c r i t i q u e of an early (194-9) United Nations report on H a i t i , indicates the approach which these experts take i n the following quotation from the report. The central aim to be set for economic development i s to raise the general standard of l i v i n g . To th i s end, national r e a l income must be increased at a rate exceeding the growth of population; t h i s goal can only be achieved by a determined expansion of physical pro-duction, broadening i t s material basis and mobilizing for the purpose (within the l i m i t s set by e f f i c i e n c y considerations) the abundant and now poorly employed manpower.2 To say the le a s t , t h i s view r e f l e c t s a rather naive and 14 limi t e d understanding of the development process. Kendelberger and Spengler i n their reviews of a number of reports of missions by the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development have also been c r i t i c a l of the approach taken by these experts c t o the problems of developing countries.3 P r a c t i c a l experience i n the planning and implementation of development programmes led to a more complete understanding of the nature of the development process. I t became clear that i n addition to purely economic factors there were many non-economic factors which impinged on the development process and which, moreover, appeared to be essential for i t s success. Social and c u l t u r a l conditions as well as the nature and scope of the i n s t i t u t i o n s of a community were recognised as important ingredients i n the operation of a development programme. The recognition of non-economic factors as necessary components i n the development process led to a revised concept of the nature of development. This view i s outlined i n the following statement by Staley. Economic development i s a whole complex of i n t e r -dependent changes manifested simultaneously i n the physical environment (new roads, buildings, machines, implements, chemicals), i n the forms of association by which men l i v e and work (growth of c i t i e s , changes i n government, factory organization, business corpora-tions, banking, readjustments i n land tenure, family practices, even r e l i g i o n ) , and i n the s k i l l s , habits, thought-patterns of m i l l i o n s of individuals ( l i t e r a c y , technical s p e c i a l i z a t i o n , respect for s c i e n t i f i c methods, ambitions, the idea of progress ) 3 As f a r as i t goes, t h i s statement provides a well a r t i -culated model of the development process along the l i n e s postu-lated e a r l i e r i n this study. In recent years t h i s model of the 15 nature of development has been adopted as the basis for the s t r a -tegies employed i n planning for development. Three general types of strategies have emerged i n devel-oping countries which r e f l e c t the o r i g i n a l bias toward economic progress as the major element i n the development process. These strategies are: (1) Emphasis on the need to increase c a p i t a l or savings, and therefore on a strategy that increases savings; (2) emphasis on the importance of p a r t i c u l a r human s k i l l s and attitudes, and therefore a strategy that produces, t r a i n s , or encourages such groups as entre-preneurs, investors, decisions-makers, technicians; (3) emphasis on p o l i t i c a l structure or psychologi-cal motivation of the society as a whole, and there-fore a strategy that influences values, p o l i t i c a l a ttitudes, or p a r t i c u l a r p o l i t i c a l groups.5 The emphasis i s evidently placed either on factors which contribute d i r e c t l y to economic development, or which bear on the non-economic aspects of economic development. On the other hand, the purely s o c i a l , c u l t u r a l and physical factors involved i n development are seldom regarded as being equally important. I t can now be understood why an approach to planning which i s based on the above concept of the nature of the develop-ment process displays certain shortcomings. Subsequent sections of t h i s chapter are devoted to the discussion of these short-comings and some of the undesirable resul t s of t h i s approach. At t h i s point i t i s worth noting that the emphasis on economic development i s c l e a r l y demonstrated i n the fa c t that agencies s p e c i f i c a l l y charged with t h i s function are often created before the planning agencies i n developing countries. Furthermore wherever planning organizations have been established 16 the composition of the s t a f f r e f l e c t s a si m i l a r emphasis on economic planning. The s t a f f s are dominated by economists. Development i s rar e l y viewed as a t o t a l process requiring par-t i c i p a t i o n by a l l 'development' s p e c i a l i s t s . For example, i n Pakistan the Development Board was set up i n 1948 to deal with the question of economic development, while the Planning Board was established i n 1953.^ In India the Indu s t r i a l Finance Corporation was created i n 1948 for the pur-pose of providing c r e d i t and c a p i t a l for i n d u s t r i a l development; the Planning Commission was formed i n 1950.7 A perfect example of the bias i n s t a f f i n g Is provided by the following comment on India's Planning Commission: ". . . the Commission has a b r i l l i a n t s t a f f of economists who have mostly had experience abroad. Current Practice of Planning for Development Planning for development i n developing countries Is designed to achieve certain s p e c i f i c goals. Most countries have a m u l t i p l i c i t y of goals, which are expressed i n vague, sometimes emotional, terms.9 Although variously expressed, the major goal of develop-ing countries i s an increase i n goods and services available, with progress towards i t measured by increase i n national income. This i s seen as the i n i t i a l step on the way towards greater 'social and economic progress' and a 'higher standard of l i v i n g ' , and therefore assumes the stature of the dominant goal. However, making the maximum increase i n goods and ser-vices the primary goal of development l i m i t s the scope of the 17 development process, and i s subject to two seriou s c r i t i c i s m s : " ( l ) n a t i o n a l income does not measure changes i n the a v a i l a b i l i t y of goods and s e r v i c e s w i t h s u f f i c i e n t v a l i d i t y and accuracy; and, (2) i t i s not p o s s i b l e to e s t a b l i s h any c l e a r correspondence between changes i n the supply of goods and s e r v i c e s and human w e l f a r e . 1 , 1 0 Looking at i t from a d i f f e r e n t p o i n t of view, the f o l l o w -ing observation has been made by another c r i t i c . A c c e l e r a t i o n of development, e s p e c i a l l y along i n -d u s t r i a l l i n e s , i s proposed at times as the u n i v e r s a l nostrum and remedy f o r a l l the i l l s that p r i m i t i v e economies are h e i r t o , q u i t e as though development were completely c o s t l e s s or at l e a s t as though no re a -sonable man could doubt -any amount of development a t any speed to be worth whatever the costs may be.H This c r i t i c i s m warns about two important aspects of development which are of t e n f o r g o t t e n - r a t e of development and the a s s o c i a t e d i n d i r e c t c o s t s . Nevertheless these are p r e c i s e l y the shortcomings of which planning f o r development i n developing c o u n t r i e s i s most g u i l t y . Thus having accepted the goals and having adopted the t r a d i t i o n a l model, the government of a developing country o r i e n t s I t s planning f u n c t i o n i n such a way that the development plan d i s p l a y s these shortcomings. Working w i t h i n t h i s framework i t i s not s u r p r i s i n g to f i n d that planning f o r development by c e n t r a l government i s l a r g e l y focussed on economic planning at the n a t i o n a l l e v e l , and geared to achieve maximum r a t e of growth i n the sh o r t e s t p o s s i b l e time. The planning agency of most developing cou n t r i e s i s 18 primarily concerned with a l l o c a t i n g national resources to en-courage maximum growth i n the economy as a whole; the formula-t i o n of national targets for income, production and employment; the preparation of a budget for public Investment; and the development of appropriate monetary, f i s c a l and exchange p o l i -cies. The emphasis i s placed on maximizing the u t i l i z a t i o n of e x i s t i n g resources and developing new resources, and encourag-ing private enterprise where the nature of the economy permits i t , i n order to expand the I n d u s t r i a l sector. A d i r e c t consequence of these p o l i c i e s i s the active promotion of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , and planning i s focussed on s p e c i f i c programmes to stimulate the growth of industry. Apart from the programmes which embody the above p o l i c i e s , there are certain types of projects that are necessary concomitants of an i n d u s t r i a l economy - power projects, harbours, railways and roads, a i r p o r t s , reclamation and i r r i g a t i o n projects, and the expansion of other public services and f a c i l i t i e s . Location c r i t e r i a for these projects are normally based on economic f e a s i b i l i t y and the plan usually assumes an optimum l o c a t i o n a l pattern. Non-economic factors are sometimes mentioned but only to be considered i n r e l a t i o n to the needs of economic develop-ment. In keeping with the Western models, these factors are always considered i n the context of Western society, and e f f o r t s are vigorously directed to achieving an image of western society.-For instance i n 1951 a group of United Nations experts considered economic motivation to be one of the essential 19 measures for economic development. "Social i n s t i t u t i o n s i n any (developing) country must permit freedom of opportunity to provide incentives to i n d i v i -dual innovators i n the s o c i e t y . n l 3 Another essential i s the •will to develop 1. "The leaders of the society must desire pro-gress and be prepared to pay i t s p r i c e , which i s the creation of a society from which economic, p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l p r i v i -leges have been removed. Another feature of current planning for development i n developing countries i s that planning i s functional rather than comprehensive. Each function i s planned separately and pro-grammes are highly specialized. Not enough attention i s paid to the i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s between the functions and the sec-t i o n a l programmes are not integrated. In these circumstances co-ordination by a planning agency becomes more a problem of budgeting than of planning, and the a l l o c a t i o n of f i n a n c i a l resources to specialized programmes and projects becomes the major task of the agency. Often, too, the programmes are national i n scope and the budgeting i s i n aggregative terms. A l l these a c t i v i t i e s which form such an essential part of development process i n newly developing countries are Import-ant and relevant. They must therefore be included. Moreover, within the l i m i t s set by the goals t h i s type of planning has been successful. However the question arises whether th i s approach to planning i s comprehensive enough to achieve f u l l y the goals set for the t o t a l development process as outlined previously. 20 I f the planning function i n central government i s to d i r e c t and co-ordinate the series of changes which characterize the development process, i t i s obvious that i t must be an a l l -i n c l u s i v e process; that i s , i t must be comprehensive. The following i s a most complete d e f i n i t i o n of comprehensive plan-ning. Comprehensive planning i s the establishment of o v e r a l l objectives for an i n s t i t u t i o n a l or organi-zational e n t i t y , and the conduct of Its a f f a i r s so as to maximize the achievement of these goals. I t seeks to optimize the o v e r a l l productive accomplish-ment and e f f e c t i v e existence over time of the organism to which i t i s applied. I t i s therefore co-ordinative, i n c l u s i v e , and projective i n i t s viewpoint. One of the primary purposes of comprehensive planning i s the integration of various functional and other p a r t i a l planning activities.15 Defined i n t h i s way, planning for development i s seen as a process which deals with the co-ordination of many factors into a functional programme directed to the achievement of pre-determined goals. The f i r s t task of planning i n developing countries i s to c l a r i f y the goals of the country, to get concensus on a con-sistent set of ends for the development process and to formu-la t e them i n concrete terms. Planning must also point out the implications of the changes which the development process e n t a i l s and i d e n t i f y any secondary objectives which must be achieved. A c r i t i c a l stage of the planning process i s the analy-t i c a l stage - the survey and analysis of e x i s t i n g conditions and available resources. Obviously r e a l i s t i c goals must be related to the means to achieve these goals; " a l l s o c i a l l y jus-t i f i a b l e requirements must be measured against the natural, 21 economic, technological, and human potential of a geographic area or country." Two sets of basic factors, the goals and the means, must then be related to one another i n time and space. There i s no one unique and best strategy for development, and one of the most important contributions of comprehensive planning i s the charting of alte r n a t i v e strategies with t h e i r associated costs and benefits c a r e f u l l y and e x p l i c i t l y worked out and stated. This w i l l a s s i s t the decision-makers i n agreeing on the best course of action for the given conditions and i n ad-justing the plan with speed and ease whenever changes i n the conditions warrant i t . The d e t a i l i n g and a r t i c u l a t i o n of the agreed plan of action i s the next stage i n the planning process. Some device must be available for ensuring r a t i o n a l i t y and consistency i n programming of the required changes, for measuring the progress of the development process and for assessing i t s success. The physical environment i s the best single index of the progress and success of a development e f f o r t , since develop-ment must ultimately r e s u l t i n physical features. Clean, orderly c i t i e s , adequate, comfortable housing, an e f f i c i e n t transportation network, well organized public f a c i l i t i e s and services, and an a t t r a c t i v e countryside a l l add up to a picture of a country i n which a high l e v e l of economic prosperity and so c i a l s a t i s f a c t i o n have been achieved. These major elements of the physical environment are man-made. Hence the population of any country has the power to influence the development of the physical environment. 22 The implications here are many. F i r s t l y , the major ele-ments of the physical environment can be consciously planned. Secondly, as the end product of the development process, a plan of the physical environment can serve as a guiding and con-t r o l l i n g device for the required changes. Thirdly, the plan can be used as a yard-stick for measuring the progress of the development programme. Fourth and f i n a l l y , such a plan can express the desired goals of the Government and people of a country, and provide a picture of the future towards which the country i s s t r i v i n g . The argument here i s that, i n planning for development, one of the most important phases of the process i s the planning and design of the future physical environment, and the pro-gramming of physical and related changes. Current practice of planning for development has largely ignored these physical changes and has l e f t them to take place by accident. This approach has f a i l e d to recognize that changes i n the physical environment and i n the pattern of settlement have far-reaching implications for economic development, and that i n t e l l i g e n t physical planning can make a v i t a l contribution to the entire development process. On the other hand, there i s a strong tendency on the part of those responsible for physical planning, who operate mainly on the l o c a l l e v e l rather than on a national l e v e l , to place th e i r sole emphasis on the s p a t i a l dimension. The physi-cal planner does not take economic p o l i c i e s and decisions into consideration when formulating his plans; nor i s he i n a posi-23 ti o n to influence such development decisions as might aff e c t the physical environment, since he i s not intimately associated with the decision-making process i n the central planning organization. The physical planner's a c t i v i t i e s are l i m i t e d to l o c a l communities, metropolitan areas, v i l l a g e developments and to 'special projects', such as large-scale housing, r e h a b i l i t a t i o n and redevelopment of urban areas, and i n d u s t r i a l estates. The r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of the physical planner are to organize the physical environment so as to serve accepted development goals and to accommodate d i f f e r e n t economic and s o c i a l a c t i v i t i e s . The physical planner thus appears on the scene after the basic decisions on development have been taken and his job i s merely to determine the most fea s i b l e and s a t i s -factory arrangements of land uses and the best pattern of a c t i -v i t i e s to f a c i l i t a t e the economic relat i o n s h i p s . Beyond that, he formulates controls to ensure that future physical develop-ment proceeds along desired l i n e s . Physical planning i s thus relegated to an almost second-ary r o l e , remedial, regulatory and negative i n character. The physical planner i s given a passive position rather than assuming an active place alongside the other planning s p e c i a l -i s t s . To sum up, the planning function i n the central govern-ments of developing countries has been based on a l i m i t e d con-cept of the nature of the development process, and on a too r i g i d model more suited to already i n d u s t r i a l i z e d s o c i e t i e s . The r e s u l t has been specialized planning instead of comprehen-24 sive planning - with economic planning and physical planning maintaining an unhealthy distance between them and pursuing widely d i f f e r i n g i n t e r e s t s . C r i t i c i s m of Current Approaches to Planning  for Development The focus of th i s study i s to investigate the problem of integrating the physical and economic aspects of the compre-hensive planning function. The t h i r d element, s o c i a l planning has not i n the past received much attention and contributed any-thing to the t o t a l process. This omission i s due to the fact that i t has been t a c i t l y assumed that e f f o r t s directed at eco-nomic development must perforce r e s u l t i n tangible s o c i a l bene-f i t s . As a r e s u l t s o c i a l planning has gone by default. It i s obvious that the s o c i a l aspects of development cannot be ignored. Social changes are both cause and effe c t i n development. Social conditions are important determinants of the development a c t i v i t i e s . I t i s necessary therefore to consider s o c i a l planning as an essential part of the comprehen-sive planning process. The contribution of s o c i a l planning i s made i n two ways. Much of the planning i n developing countries assumes that there are s p e c i f i c common needs and goals i n society, and that these can be defined and pursued i n terms of coherent s o c i a l and economic p o l i c i e s . Obviously i n t h i s assumption there i s danger that p o l i c y decisions w i l l be subject to arb i t r a r i n e s s and may display Important omissions. I t i s necessary therefore that the p o l i c i e s and the programmes which emerge from them be constantly 25 tested and evaluated for compatibility and comprehensiveness. This i s one area i n which s o c i a l planning can make a s i g n i f i c a n t contribution to the planning function, and the other, i s i n the problem of urbanization and the accompanying transformation of s o c i e t i e s . The following statement sums up thi s aspect of s o c i a l planning very neatly: I n t e l l i g e n t s o c i a l planning i s a device for e f f e c t -ing integration, co-ordination, cohesion and order within the urban setting or i n the largely urbanized nation. I t i s s o c i a l intervention necessitated, on the one hand, by the new problems created by the c i t y , and, on the other, by the rapid deterioration i n the urban environment of some of the elements of the pre-urban t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l heritage.!" Criticisms of the current approach to planning for development have been increasingly urgent i n recent years. Many authorities have pointed out the shortcomings i n the seg-mented approach and have advocated the need for a better com-prehension of the nature of the development process and more highly integrated planning to deal with i t . In the searching a r t i c l e "Economic and Physical Planning: Co-ordination i n Developing Areas", the authors make the follow-ing c r i t i c i s m of the purely economic approach i n National Plans: Economic development plans concentrate on c a p i t a l use. They do not as a rule Indicate a plan for land use as such. Decisions as to the use of land are l e f t to private investors, l o c a l governments and to central government implementing agencies within the framework of c a p i t a l a l l o c a t i o n which i s provided i n the economic development plan. Presumably i f an appropriate a l l o c a -t i o n i s obtained, the appropriate a l l o c a t i o n of manage-ment, labour and land w i l l follow automatically. 17 Catherine Bauer i n her analysis of the problem has con-cluded from discussions with two well known economists (L. Greb-l e r and M. M i l l i k a n ) that s o c i a l problems such as housing and 26 general l i v i n g conditions are largely ignored by these scholars, or else the problems are acknowledged but deferred. They . . . assume that for maximum s o c i a l -economic progress i n a li m i t e d time, a backward but ambitious nation should concentrate almost wholly on increased productivity and better cash incomes i n the early stages leaving a l l general concern for housing and other s t r i c t l y 1 s o c i a l 1 improvements t i l l l a t e r when the means to pay for them can be better spared.18 A c r i t i c a l comment on t h i s approach was made by The Hou-sing and Planning Branch of the UN Bureau of Social A f f a i r s , i n i t s B u l l e t i n No. 9. In framing development plans designed to increase the productivity of the worker and consequently the national income of the country concerned, even i f f u l l account i s taken of the i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l required, i n many cases no adequate allowance i s made for the additional c a p i t a l required for construction work related to housing and urban development.19 The f a u l t here i s a lack of appreciation of the c o n t r i -bution which items such as housing can make to the national economy, and the fact that these so-called s o c i a l improvements have a powerful effect on the course of the development process and are conditioning influences on i t s success. A recent conference on Housing held i n Isr a e l examined thi s problem of housing i n r e l a t i o n to the National economy and economic growth. The concensus i n Isr a e l which has had many years experience i n the implementation of a National Housing Policy, i s that i t should be "an inseparable part of o v e r a l l 2 0 physical and economic programming on a National scale". Concern over the specialized approach to planning for development, which has widened the professional distance between 27 the d i f f e r e n t s p e c i a l i s t s concerned, i s expressed by Ernest Weissmann. Formulation of broad development concepts and vary-ing degree of economic programming have been recognized functions of government of a l l countries. In a growing number of cases health, education, housing and general welfare have also become important components of national policy and planning. However, the change i n the physical environment which such plans impose have ra r e l y been considered by development and planning boards to be equally significant.21 This gulf between economic planning at the national l e v e l , which i s concerned with o v e r a l l development p o l i c i e s directed toward i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , and physical planning at the l o c a l l e v e l which t r i e s to cope with problems of the physical environment after the basic development trends and decisions have been established, i s the r e s u l t of "the frequent f a i l u r e to view development as e s s e n t i a l l y a continuous process, from the cradle i n economic and resource policy to the grave i n urban slums".22 The most c r i t i c a l consequences of t h i s lack of the integrated approach are the s p a t i a l effects of development. (1) the lack of any analysis of the s p a t i a l implica-tions of economic development; (2) the over-emphasis on the national scale, with the consequent lack of attention to the regional and l o c a l l e v e l s ; (3) the lack of a comprehensive p o l i c y and programme for the o v e r a l l development of the physical environment. 28 Spatial Implications of Economic Development A programme of planned development i n any country does not s t a r t with a completely clean s l a t e . Past development, whether planned or unplanned, has taken place i n response to a variety of influences and has had physical r e s u l t s and produced a pattern of settlement. In the developing countries (as well as i n many of the more highly developed countries), past development, which was either completely unplanned or else planned with other than national welfare objectives, has resulted i n distorted physical patterns. The t y p i c a l picture of an underdeveloped country i s one which shows two sharply d i f f e r e n t i a t e d sectors: a peasant-agriculture-and-handicrafts sector using simple labour-intensive techniques, where man-hour productivity i s extremely low, and where from one-half to f o u r - f i f t h s of the population earn t h e i r incomes: and a plantation-mining-and-manufacturing sector, using advanced tech-niques, where man-hour productivity i s high but where only a small proportion of the population i s employed. The advanced sector i s often export-oriented and i s quite often managed by foreigners. Both sectors are d i s t i n c t geographically as well as technologically and economi-c a l l y .23 A further d i s t i n c t i o n can be made; the high producti-v i t y sector i s usually the urbanized area, while the low pro-d u c t i v i t y sector i s the r u r a l area of the country. A l l the developing countries today f i t the above model. One or two large c i t i e s represent the advanced sector i n contrast to the vast r u r a l hinterlands - Bombay, Delhi, Calcutta and India; San Juan and Puerto Rico; Haifa, Tel-Aviv, and I s r a e l ; these examples can be extended to include almost every developing country. What of the future pattern under the influence of rapid 29 economic development? (1) Experience has shown that rapid development tends to s o l i d i f y and perpetuate t h i s e x i s t i n g pattern of urban-rural imbalance. The rural-urban migration which accompanies econo-mic development and the process of I n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n i s well known, as are the immediate causes of i t . The phenomenon has been well documented. So too have been the more undesirable consequences. However, i t appears that professionals engaged i n planning for development do not often consider these s p a t i a l implications of the p o l i c i e s which they recommend. Development encourages a c t i v i t i e s which have to be located i n space. These a c t i v i t i e s are related to each other and must be interconnected by a system of communications i n order to function with maximum e f f i c i e n c y . Obviously then where a c t i v i t i e s go i s an important factor i n f a c i l i t a t i n g i n t e r a c t i o n , and the location of development a c t i v i t i e s should therefore be planned with an objective of the reduction of demand for move-ment. (2) There i s a further reason for advocating considera-t i o n of the s p a t i a l implications of development. Quite apart from the s o c i a l costs of over-concentration of a c t i v i t i e s i n a few small areas, there i s reason to believe that the scale and pattern of physical development seriously influence the costs and benefits of economic development. Urban concentration i s not an unmixed blessing. On the plus side i t i s argued that the c i t y minimizes 30 the ' f r i c t i o n of space' which i s one of the greatest obstacles to human development, as the concentration of productive a c t i -v i t i e s i n a small space f a c i l i t a t e s inter-dependence and the provision of services. There i s reason to believe that these advantages do not continue to increase with s i z e , and that the cost of providing necessary and desirable services may outweigh the benefits derived from concentration. In fact rapid urbanization which has tended to move ahead of economic development i n developing countries i s one of the major problems. This rapid urbanization has serious i m p l i -cations for th e i r economies. I t means that as the process of economic develop-ment catches on, the demand for the provision of urban economic and s o c i a l infra-structure investment grows much more rapidly than do several other sectors. This means that demands on less productive projects ( i n the immediate sense) w i l l be made on the scarce c a p i t a l resources of these economies i n the early stages of the i r development.24 Even i n India where there has been some recognition of some of the more unfavourable consequences of rapid development, the r e s u l t s to date have been discouraging. Even i n i t s early stage of incomplete i n d u s t r i a l i -zation, India has not escaped some of the e v i l s of the haphazard grovfth of industry, of slums i n the more and more overcrowded c i t i e s , the economic depression of some groups and classes of the society who l o s t t h e i r integrated part i n the old v i l l a g e communities.25 One observer of the Indian scene has pointed up the con-f l i c t between the pros and cons of metropolitan concentration. We are led to a conclusion that there i s one strong b u i l t - i n element of growth i n the Indian economy which w i l l tend to accelerate the concentrations of popula-tions i n the larger c i t i e s , and to create new c i t i e s of 31 metropolitan s i z e . At the same time we see that t h i s b u i l t - i n element i s a powerful instrument of economic development i n that It is a source of new c a p i t a l , new s k i l l s , and higher incomes.26 Some au t h o r i t i e s , viewing these consequences advocate an active p o l i c y of decentralization as the only way to stem the tide of migration and mitigate some of the i l l - e f f e c t s of development. It i s possible that some underdeveloped areas would progress further, i n the long run, i f they invested and reinvested th e i r meagre resources i n agriculture and r u r a l industry. Not only would they help accumulate more c a p i t a l for the future, but would lessen the ten-dency for urban development to get out of step with the rest of the economy.27 I t i s admitted that great c i t i e s are both necessary and desirable, and that certain types of economic enterprise demand metropolitan locations or depend on the services and linkages provided i n a big c i t y . However, i t i s argued that the loca-t i o n a l requirements of a wide range of enterprises permit a much greater f l e x i b i l i t y i n loca t i o n . And that some degree of decentralization i s feasible. 2 8 The experience i n Japan provides some support for the argument of decentralization. In a report by the ECAPE Secre-t a r i a t some of the techniques employed there are outlined and evaluated. If urban growth, described as the best general test of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , i s studied i n the Asian coun-t r i e s i t i s only i n Japan that the economic character based upon i n d u s t r i a l s p e c i a l i z a t i o n and exchange i s observed to be r e l a t i v e l y more prominent. The reason for t h i s appears to be that some of the basic founda-tions for i n d u s t r i a l development have not been confined to large c i t i e s but have also been e f f e c t i v e l y b u i l t up on a l i m i t e d scale i n a number of towns of moderate s i z e . However, the cost of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n has been cheapened 32 by avoiding excessive urbanization with i t s heavy over-head provision of urban housing, transport, water supply and other services, by developing industries which r e l a -t i v e l y require less c a p i t a l and which do not heavily draw on public u t i l i t y services,. . .29 There are obviously two schools of thought, one which favours greater metropolitan concentrations i n the interest of increased economic e f f i c i e n c y and higher productivity; the other, which argues that some degree of decentralization i s fea s i b l e , and may bring both s o c i a l and economic advantages. Planning professionals seem to be s i m i l a r l y divided: those concerned with the economic aspects of development are aligned on one side of the argument, while the s o c i a l and physical planners lean toward the other. U n c r i t i c a l adherence to the Western model leads to the conclusion that the concentration of productive a c t i v i t i e s i n large metropolitan areas i s necessary, and that the resultant consequences are unavoidable. The question for the developing countries i s whether an unduly large proportion of th e i r l i m i t e d resources can be diverted to unproductive investments i n urban areas and on remedial measures for the physical environment, at the expense of the surrounding countryside and the more d i r e c t l y productive enterprises. For example i t i s estimated that 50 to 70 per cent of a l l c a p i t a l i n several developing countries goes into economic and s o c i a l overhead, with urban areas absorbing about two-thirds of the t o t a l . 3 0 Rodwin points out that even though the losses due to the i n e f f i c i e n t a l l o c a t i o n of c a p i t a l are hard to estimate they are 33 quite r e a l . "They involve not so much the increasing costs for overhead, transportation, and congestion i n the one or two ex-panding c i t i e s , as the costs r e s u l t i n g from the f a i l u r e to explo i t resources and other investment opportunities i n the lagging regions."31 I t Is obvious that the question of the s p a t i a l implica-tions of economic development i s an area of the development pro-cess which i s not well understood and for which there are no fixed r u l e s . The task of integrated planning i n t h i s sphere i s quite clear. I f the development process i s to be e f f i c i e n t and economical, i n achieving the desired goals, consideration must be given to the s p a t i a l implications of development. Some analysis of the associated costs and benefits of al t e r n a t i v e l o c a t i o n a l patterns for productive and i n d u s t r i a l enterprises must be made i n advance of the actual development. Segmented planning has f a i l e d on several counts. The rural-urban imbalance has not been corrected, but rather i t has been i n t e n s i f i e d ; a l l the costs and benefits of overconcentra-t i o n have not been analyzed; and, there has been l i t t l e i n -vestigation of the alt e r n a t i v e patterns of urbanization and settlement to accompany rapid i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . That planning must be based on knowledge i s axiomatic. It i s evident from the l i t e r a t u r e on the problem of the s p a t i a l implications and requirements of development that there are widely d i f f e r i n g views and no one incontestable theory. This makes i t essential for an integrated planning organization i n any developing country to undertake research into these problems 34 conduct a thorough analysis and work out acceptable guiding p r i n c i p l e s for that country. I t i s necessary for the planning organization to determine the s p e c i f i c r o l e of the large urban areas i n the country, and t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p with the hinter-lands; to work out p r i n c i p l e s and standards of location for development a c t i v i t i e s ; and to indicate what scale and pattern of development are consistent with a proper urban-rural balance within the l i m i t s of desired goals. National versus Regional and Local Levels A r i s i n g largely out of the way the function has evolved i n developing countries, planning for development i s characteri-zed by an emphasis on actions at the national l e v e l , ignoring the regional and l o c a l spheres of development. This lack of ' s p a t i a l integration' i s r e f l e c t e d i n the national plans of these countries. The programmes proposed i n the plans are national programmes. Even i n cases where for expediency or for administrative convenience, programmes are implemented on a lower l e v e l , for example, state or p r o v i n c i a l , there i s no i n d i c a t i o n that allocations for programmes have been based on a r a t i o n a l analysis or that competing claims have been resolved on the basis of a good system of p r i o r i t i e s . Moreover, i t i s now generally accepted that a r b i t r a r i l y defined administrative areas hardly ever conform to regions delineated for planning or development purposes. 3 2 Often national p o l i c i e s are applied to the whole country ignoring the fact that regional d i s p a r i t i e s e x i s t and d i f f e r i n g 35 regional requirements may create a need for a v a r i e t y of pro-grammes. In p a r t i c u l a r the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of a dual economy are r e f l e c t e d i n 'leading' and 'lagging' sectors of a country. And national programmes uniformly applied are not l i k e l y to overcome the tendency for productivity of these sectors to draw further and further apart. I n t e r s p a t i a l relationships assume prime importance i n t h i s problem, and thus, national policy should always be tested against s p e c i f i c regional requirements. Here again i s the need for an integrated planning approach based on a complete knowledge and analysis of regional factors i n the development process. I t requires that planning at the central government l e v e l develop a national p o l i c y for integrating programmes i n accordance with sectoral requirements. Most planning u n t i l now has stressed integration according to functional sectors of the economy, but rapid economic growth for the whole country w i l l come only i f the planners superimpose upon t h i s system of functional integration a c o r r e l a t i v e system of regional integration as w e l l . 33 Some experts see t h i s as basic to the whole planning process. "Intersectoral and interregional r e l a t i o n s , instead of being a f r i l l i n underdeveloped countries to be superimposed on a more or less complete system, should be at the very core of the a n a l y t i c a l framework."3^ The argument here i s for a r a t i o n a l and consistent sys-tem of p r i o r i t i e s for making decisions on an i n t e r s e c t o r a l basis. To achieve t h i s there must be surveys and analysis on a regional basis, and standards for resolving regional c o n f l i c t s and competition for resources. These a c t i v i t i e s can only be carried out within a planning organization at the l e v e l of 36 central government which has recognized the need for and has evolved a po l i c y of regional development. The planning agency has to work out devices for adjust-ing national p o l i c i e s to regional and l o c a l needs. Planning for Overall Development of the  Physical Environment The benefits to be derived from a plan for the physical environment have already been discussed. The importance of t h i s plan i s further recognized when the rel a t i o n s h i p between econo-mic development and urbanization, and the s o c i a l transformation from r u r a l - a g r i c u l t u r a l to urban-industrial conditions which r.esults from development are considered. These are c l e a r l y two aspects of the same problem and should therefore be formed into one po l i c y . This p o l i c y on physical development which w i l l express a pattern of settlement, a d i s t r i b u t i o n of major land-uses, and a plan of urbanization w i l l evidently be based on desired goals and objectives and take into consideration a l l other elements of the development process. Formulating t h i s p o l icy into a plan for the o v e r a l l development of the physical environment requires the r e c o n c i l i a -t i o n of the many factors which impinge on the development pro-cess. To be r e a l i s t i c the plan of physical development must be consistent with the o v e r a l l goals and p o l i c i e s of the develop-ment programme and must be fe a s i b l e i n terms of the available and potential resources of the country. A l l essential requirements must be worked out and co-ordinated within the framework of the physical plan and the 37 state of development desired or anticipated at every stage and i n every area of the country can be spelled out as a guide to development and a check on activities„ The d i r e c t i o n , pace and phasing of such a plan w i l l necessarily depend on the essential factors a f f e c t i n g development - the available resources, the physical conditions, economic p o t e n t i a l , the s o c i a l acceptance of proposed changes and the p o l i t i c a l considerations. The very process of preparing a plan for the ov e r a l l physical environment, brings into focus a l l the elements i n the comprehensive planning approach to development. The d e t a i l and precision demanded i n the reduction of a broad concept to concrete physical terms, and i n representing them on paper, w i l l force the planning agency to formulate precise and r e a l i s -t i c objectives for the entire development programme. Even at th i s stage of the planning process, c r i t e r i a of consistency and r a t i o n a l i t y have to be applied to the develop-ment plan. The analysis of development a c t i v i t i e s and thei r co-ordination i n space and time, by the very nature of the process, must help to remove Inconsistencies, resolve c o n f l i c t s , and cut out unnecessary overlapping. The analysis of conditions and resources (human, physical and f i n a n c i a l ) , w i l l suggest a rate of development consistent with the available resources. Programming of both public and private actions can be checked against the physical plan to establi s h conformity with the aims of the ove r a l l development e f f o r t . By providing a sense of d i r e c t i o n , the plan should f a c i l i t a t e i n d i v i d u a l and corporate decision-making and help to knit the p o l i c i e s and 38 programmes of government into a l o g i c a l and consistent whole. The regulation of private a c t i v i t i e s , which forms an important part of government's p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n a development e f f o r t , w i l l become a much simpler and less a r b i t r a r y operation, and w i l l not be exposed to capriciousness which can have a disastrous effect on private p a r t i c i p a t i o n . I t follows that budgeting of resources for i n d i v i d u a l programmes can be conducted on more l o g i c a l l i n e s , since a l l o c a -tions w i l l be made on the basis of a system of p r i o r i t i e s , com-patible with the sequence of inter-connected changes demanded by the plan. The plan of physical development w i l l also pro-vide the L e g i s l a t i v e body charged with d i r e c t i n g and imple-menting the development e f f o r t , a means of determining and testing suitable l e g i s l a t i v e devices and controls which are essential tools i n any development programme. In advocating a plan of o v e r a l l physical development i t i s not suggested that t h i s w i l l be accepted as a r i g i d formula for development. To say that planning must be f l e x i b l e i s to be t r i t e ; but t h i s i n no way detracts from the value of the maxim. The plan i s merely a guide for the development process, a picture of what i s desired and f e a s i b l e . I t must allow for a l t e r a t i o n and adjustment to changing conditions and influences. The mere completion of successive stages of the development pro-gramme, w i l l require changes i n the long-range objectives, and suitable devices must therefore ex i s t for accommodating these changes. A Framework for Planning for Development 39 I t remains now to consider what sort of planning p h i l o -sophy i s needed at central government l e v e l i n the developing countries to influence and d i r e c t planning for development. The more elaborate a r t i c u l a t i o n of development as the many-sided and multi-valued process outlined e a r l i e r , almost automatically leads to the conclusion that, ideally, planning for development must be comprehensive. Not only must i t be so from a functional point of view, by integrating within the t o t a l process physical, s o c i a l and o economic planning, but the planning function must also be spa-t i a l l y a l l - i n c l u s i v e , covering national, regional and l o c a l l e v e l s of a c t i v i t y . This concept underlies the following comment by Meier: I t i s no longer possible to divide r e s p o n s i b i l i t y between town and country planning on the one hand, and economic and s o c i a l planning on the regional and na-t i o n a l scale on the other. The very large-scale urban-i z a t i o n that must be created i n most cases, simulta-neously with a continuing demand for r a i s i n g the pro-d u c t i v i t y of both c a p i t a l and labour, requires that the plans be a l l of one framework.35 As currently practised, planning has been developed into a sophisticated and useful tool of government i n developing countries. I t i s employed i n varying degrees by a l l developing countries. Unfortunately, the emphasis has been placed on the economic aspect of development and on related non-economic aspects, a l l on the national l e v e l . This type of planning may achieve maximum growth i n the shortest possible time, but there are i n d i r e c t effects which may increase the costs of development 40 and produce an unfavourable balance i n the long-run. Among the i n d i r e c t costs which must be included i n the long-run accounting on development, are those costs r e s u l t i n g from the speed and scale of development, the i n t e r s p a t i a l im-balance which i s often i n t e n s i f i e d by rapid development, and those created by the impact of economic growth on the physical environment. Co-ordination of specialized programmes i s not founded on a r a t i o n a l system of p r i o r i t i e s , and budgetary considerations are the major c r i t e r i a for 'balance' i n the programme of devel-opment. The important c r i t e r i a of r a t i o n a l i t y , e f f i c i e n c y and consistency, have not been systematically applied i n the framing of development programmes. Commenting on the lack of s p e c i f i c c r i t e r i a for co-ordinating and testing development programmes, Papenek con-cludes that "the waste of resources has been large i n many countries because parts of the development e f f o r t were carried out on a d i f f e r e n t schedule or on d i f f e r e n t assumptions from other parts."3^ i t i s hardly necessary to emphasize that developing countries cannot afford to waste any of th e i r re-sources . Furthermore Papenek has gained the impression from current programmes "that most decisions on the composition of development programmes are not based on, or even influenced by, s p e c i f i c general c r i t e r i a . " 3 7 A l l the foregoing requirements can be served i f an over-a l l physical development plan i s adopted as the major guide for 41 i n i t i a t i n g d i f f e r e n t aspects of the development programme and as an instrument for testing specialized programmes for conformity with the ov e r a l l concept. The inc l u s i o n of the physical component with economic planning at the l e v e l of central government, w i l l provide a measure of realism and precision to the process which i s now lacking. The contribution of s o c i a l planning w i l l be made i n the assessment of the possible impact of programmes on the society and i n the evaluation of the effects of p o l i c i e s and programmes on the people of the community for whom they are designed. Social planning i s also a convenient device for iden-t i f y i n g emergent s o c i a l trends and needs and evolving p r i n c i p l e s and standards on which adequate programmes can be based. This i s not to suggest that s o c i a l planning w i l l replace the normal p o l i t i c a l process, but rather that I t w i l l enhance that process, by testing and evaluating the implications of p o l i t i c a l decisions. The p o l i c i e s of a p a r t i c u l a r administration provide the general d i r e c t i o n for development, but there i s need for a body responsible for interpreting these p o l i c i e s , for i n -dicating t h e i r effects and for presenting reasonable a l t e r n a t i v e strategies for implementing them. Modern society i s so complex and the nature and scope of Government's s o c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y have become so extensive that decision-makers must be helped by competent and experienced experts i n this f i e l d , i f maximum effectiveness and success are to be achieved from s o c i a l p o l i c y . Two other aspects of planning for development remain to be resolved: i n t e r s p a t i a l balance and control machinery. Both 42 needs can be s a t i s f i e d by the a p p l i c a t i o n of a r e g i o n a l planning framework. A r e g i o n a l p o l i c y f o r development w i l l r e q u i r e the planning o r g a n i z a t i o n to analyse needs i n terms of the r e q u i r e -ments of the d i f f e r e n t regions and propose appropriate s t r a t e -g i e s to deal w i t h each r e g i o n . The d i s p r o p o r t i o n s which c u r r e n t l y plague development programmes can be more e a s i l y r e s olved by the a p p l i c a t i o n of r e g i o n a l planning techniques to determine whether o v e r a l l balance i s maintained and whether complementary requirements i n development programmes are met i n p a r t i c u l a r . This might e n t a i l wide d i v e r -s i t y i n scope and content of programmes to s u i t p e c u l i a r needs. In most developing cou n t r i e s 'balanced growth' that i s , the development of the whole country at more or l e s s the same r a t e , i s considered d e s i r a b l e f o r humanitarian as w e l l as p o l i -t i c a l reasons. Regional development p o l i c i e s which a l l o w f o r a v a r i e t y of approaches In accordance w i t h the d i s p a r i t i e s i n r e g i o n a l c o n d i t i o n s , i s more l i k e l y to achieve t h i s o b j e c t i v e of e q u i t a b l e d i s t r i b u t i o n of the b e n e f i t s of development, than n a t i o n a l p o l i c i e s supplemented merely by d e c i s i o n s based on p o l i t i c a l expediency of group pressures. Regional planning i s a u s e f u l instrument f o r i n t e r p r e -t i n g n a t i o n a l p o l i c i e s i n terms of s p e c i f i c l o c a l needs. De c i -sions can then be made which cater to n a t i o n a l I n t e r e s t s as w e l l as l o c a l a s p i r a t i o n s . Rural-urban migration can be b e t t e r understood when viewed i n i t s r e g i o n a l context. Then assuming 43 that agreement i s reached, on a desired pattern of settlement, th i s can be encouraged by a r a t i o n a l p o licy which recognises urban concentrations not as an isolated phenomenon, but as one which has i t s roots i n the r u r a l hinterlands. In the economic sense, such a policy accepting the value of leading sectors as growing points for the country's economy, might consciously use these to accelerate development i n the lagging sectors, by f a c i l i t a t i n g i n t e r a c t i o n between the sectors. This objective could form the basis for planning a r a t i o n a l pro-gramme of i n d u s t r i a l location and a transportation system. Regular conscious control of the development process i s needed to maintain the continuity and steady pace so essential to the success of the programme. Conceivably the planning pro-cess i n any country may reach a stage of development at which a high degree of precision and thoroughness i n the formulation of development programmes i s achieved, but ine v i t a b l y , random i n -fluences w i l l a ffect the programmes when put into practice. This i s espe c i a l l y relevant i n developing countries where there may not be s u f f i c i e n t trained personnel i n a l l the associated f i e l d s to implement and control the programme. Under such circumstances, the central planning organi-zation must develop a universal mechanism for c o n t r o l l i n g the programme. I t i s more fea s i b l e to provide detailed d i r e c t i o n at an Intermediate l e v e l , and to exercise control over s p e c i f i c aspects of the process at this l e v e l , than at the national l e v e l where programmes have to be global. These controls can be conveniently and e f f e c t i v e l y b u i l t 44 into a regional planning framework. Within a regional planning framework, the planning agency can more r e a d i l y accommodate changing conditions without upsetting the entire programme, es-p e c i a l l y when these conditions a f f e c t only one part of the coun-try. Compensating adjustments can be made i n related programmes whenever there Is need for a change i n any one programme. Simi-l a r l y , o f f s e t t i n g adjustments can be carried out i n other re-gions when necessary. There i s a growing body of support for the application of regional planning techniques i n planning for development i n developing countries. Regional planning i s seen as a device for r e f i n i n g the planning function in central government to make i t more r a t i o n a l and e f f i c i e n t , and better geared to the demands of the comprehensive development process. Planning f o r development as currently practised tends to over-emphasise the ends; the side effects which may well be powerful determinants on the ends, are not usually recognized as equally important, and when they are acknowledged they are not adequately analyzed. Integrated planning within a regional framework can ensure that secondary objectives are i d e n t i f i e d and analyzed, as well as the wide and more i n d i r e c t ramifica-tions of the primary ends, and, above a l l , i t w i l l ensure that the means are appropriate, e f f i c i e n t and economical while s t i l l achieving the desired goals. One of the best examples of the comprehensive planning function i n operation, i s found i n the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico. Here the Planning Board, a central agency which i s part 45 of the o f f i c e of the Governor (the Chief E x e c u t i v e ) , i s charged w i t h the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r a l l aspects of the planning func-t i o n as a p p l i e d to development. Most of the b a s i c requirements of comprehensive planning are met w i t h i n the extensive o r g a n i -z a t i o n of the Planning Board, and a l a r g e and v a r i e d number of planning a c t i v i t i e s are c a r r i e d on. The e f f e c t i v e n e s s of the planning f u n c t i o n i n Puerto Rico i s evidenced by the success achieved w i t h the development e f f o r t . I t i s not suggested that comprehensive planning was s o l e l y r e s p o n s i b l e f o r t h i s success. But i t i s acknowledged that planning has c o n t r i b u t e d i n l a r g e measure to that success. For t h i s reason a d e t a i l e d examination of the major f a c t o r s surrounding the o p e r a t i o n of the development i n Puerto Rico , and an a p p r a i s a l of the planning process and the o r g a n i -z a t i o n f o r planning there, w i l l be undertaken i n Chapter IV. This d i s c u s s i o n w i l l i n d i c a t e how the comprehensive planning f u n c t i o n can be e f f e c t i v e l y a p p l i e d i n a p r a c t i c a l context, and should provide some lessons which can be a p p l i e d i n the case study of T r i n i d a d and Tobago. 46 REFERENCES •'•'Bert Hoselitz, Sociological Aspect of Economic Develop- ment (Glencoe, I l l i n o i s : The Free Press, 19b0), p. 2. 2John R. P. Friedmann, "Development Planning i n H a i t i : A Critique on the U.N. Report," Economic Development and Cultural  Change, IV, No. 1, (1956), p. 43, quoting from the Report, p. b. 3fj. P. Kendleberger, "Review of IRBD Reports," Review of  Economics and S t a t i s t i c s , 34, No. 4, (November, 1952), p. 391. Joseph Spengler, "IRBD Mission Economic Growth Theory," American  Economic Review, 44, No. 2, (May, 1954), pp. 586-87. ^Eugene Staley, The Future of Under-developed Countries (New York: Harper, 1954), pp. 202-203. ^Gustav F. Papenek, "Framing a Development Program," International C o n c i l i a t i o n , (March, i960), p. 312. ^Pakistan, Planning Board, F i r s t Five Year Plan, 1955-60. 1 7India, Planning Commission, The New India: Progress  through Democracy (New York: Macmillan, 1958), pp. 275-76" ^Thomas Balogh, "The Challenge of T o t a l i t a r i a n Planning i n Asia," International A f f a i r s , 31, (1955), p. 301. 9In Pakistan's F i r s t Five-Year Plan, the Government's s o c i a l and economic objectives are outlined: To develop the resources of the country as rap i d l y as possible so as to promote the welfare of the people, provide adequate l i v i n g standards, and s o c i a l services, secure s o c i a l j u s t i c e and equality of opportunity and aim at the widest and most equitable d i s t r i b u t i o n of income and property. Planning Board, F i r s t Five-Year  Plan, 1955-60, Introduction ( ). In India's case i t i s stated that "India has set s o c i a l j u s t i c e as both the means and the goal of i t s development and entire planning e f f o r t . " Planning Commission, The New India:  Progress through Democracy, (New York: Macmillan, 1958), p. 34. This objective i s behind the concept of a " s o c i a l i s t pattern of society." The accent of the s o c i a l i s t pattern i s on the attainment of positive goals; the r a i s i n g of l i v i n g stand-ards; the enlargement of opportunities for a l l , the promotion of enterprise among the disadvantaged classes and the creation of a sense of partnership among a l l sections of the community. These pos i t i v e goals provide the c r i t e r i a for basic decisions. Planning Commission, Second Five Year Plan, 1956-61. p. 24. 47 l°Papenek, loc. c i t . , p. 311. UMartin Bronfenbrenner, "The High Cost of Economic Development," Land Economics, 29, No. 2, (May, 1953), p. 93. 1 2 H o s e l i t z , op. c i t . , p. 53-7. l^United Nations, "Measures for the Economic Develop-ment of Under-developed Countries," (1951), p. 14. l ^ I b i d . l ^ M e l v i l l e C. Branch J r . , "Planning and Operations Research," Journal of the American I n s t i t u t e of Planning, XXIII, No. 4, p. 158": l ^ P h i l i p M. Hauser (ed.), Urbanization i n Asia and the  Par East, Proceedings of the Joint UN/UNESCO Seminar on Urban-i z a t i o n i n the ECAPE Region, Bankok, August, 1956. (Calcutta: UNESCO Research Centre, 1957), p. 83. l^Charles Haar, Benjamin Higgins and Lloyd Rodwin, "Economic and Physical Planning: Coordination i n Developing Areas," Journal of AIP, 24, No. 3, 1958. p. 167. l^Catherine Bauer, "Economic Progress and Living Condi-tions," Town Planning Review, 24, 1956. p. 301. 19united Nations, Bureau of Social A f f a i r s , "Interna-t i o n a l Action i n Asia and the Par East," Housing, Building and  Planning, No. 9, P. 4. 2 ^ s t a t e of I s r a e l , International Seminar Conference on  Housing, (May, i960). ^lErnest Weismann, Address, l o c . c i t . , p. 137. 2 2Catherine Bauer, "The Pattern of Urban and Economic Development: Social Implications," Annals of the American  Academy of P o l i t i c a l and Social Science, (May 195b), p. 0 8 . 23Haar, Higgins and Rodwin, l o c . c i t . , p. 169. 2 i +Hauser (ed.), op. c i t . , p. 8. 2 ^ i n d i a , Planning Commission, The New India (New York: Macmillan, 1958), p. 31. 2 ^ B r i t t o n Harris, "Urbanization Policy i n India," Regional Science Association, Papers and Proceedings, V, (1959), P. 192. 2 ^ E r i c Lampard, "The History of C i t i e s i n the Economic-a l l y Advanced Areas", Economic Development and Cultural Change 48 I I I , No. 2 (January, 1955), p. 132. 28catherine Bauer, loc. c l t . , p. 67. user, op. c l t . , pp. 164-65. 3°Catherine Bauer, The Nature and Cost of Minimum  Acceptable Living Condition's i n Different Types of Indian Urban  Communities, (November, 1958), (Mimeographed). 3lLloyd Rodwin, "Metropolitan Policy for Developing Area," Daedalus, (Winter, 1961), p. 136. 32por example, In India both planning and implementa-tio n are attempted on a State basis. "On November 1, 1956, the previous 28 States were reorganized into 14 States and 6 cen-t r a l l y administered T e r r i t o r i e s , largely on l i n g u i s t i c l i n e s , and with the intent of making each a more viable administrative un i t . " (Stefan H. Robock, "Regional and National Economic Development i n India," Regional Science Association, Papers and Proceedings, VI, (i960), p. 67). 33John Priedmann, "Regional Planning: A Problem i n Spatial Integration," Regional Science Association, Papers and Proceedings, V, (1959), P. 179. 34 H aar, Higgins and Rodwin, loc. c i t . , p. 170. 35Richard Meier, Science and Economic Development: new  patterns of l i v i n g (Cambridge, Mass.: Technology Press of Massachusetts I n s t i t u t e of Technology, 1956), p. 217. 36papenek, l o c . c i t . , p. 337. 3 7 I b l d . , p. 340. CHAPTER I I THE DEVELOPMENT PROCESS IN TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO In t h i s chapter the economic, s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l aspects of the development process i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago are discussed. The purely economic f a c t o r s are de-emphasised i n favour of the s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l elements of development and the s p e c i f i c i m p l i c a t i o n s of development which have s p e c i a l bearing on the approach and content of the planning process. A b r i e f geographical sketch i s given as a background to the d i s c u s s i o n of the more r e l e v a n t components of the development process. The b a r r i e r s to development and the f u t u r e p o t e n t i a l i t i e s are examined In r e l a t i o n to the needs and d e s i r e s of the country, and the consequent demands on the planning f u n c t i o n In framing a development programme to meet these goals and o b j e c t i v e s . S t a t i s t i c a l data are drawn, p r i m a r i l y from two o f f i c i a l p u b l i c a t i o n s of the Government of T r i n i d a d and Tobago."*" Ref-erences are given to a l l other sources of data. Geographical Background The I s l a n d of T r i n i d a d i s s i t u a t e d about 10 degrees North of the Equator, between 6 l and 62 degrees West Longitude c i n the southern part of the Caribbean Sea. I t forms the southern t i p of the chain of i s l a n d s known as the West Indi e s . 50 I t i s separated by seven miles from the Venezuelan Coast on the South American Continent and has the same g e o l o g i c a l s t r u c t u r e . (See Figure 1.) The I s l a n d of Tobago i s s i t u a t e d about 11 degrees North of the Equator and 60 degrees West Longitude. I t l i e s a p p r o x i -mately 20 miles north-east of T r i n i d a d . T r i n i d a d , the second l a r g e s t of the Islands of the West Indies Federation, i s roughly r e c t a n g u l a r i n shape, 50 miles long and 30 miles wide, w i t h an area of 1863 square miles. The i s l a n d i s mostly f l a t , w i t h i t s highest peaks i n the North; Aripo, the highest, i s 3085 f e e t . Tobago i s about 32 miles long and 11 miles broad w i t h an area of 116 square m i l e s , making a t o t a l w i t h T r i n i d a d of 1980 square m i l e s . The topography of Tobago i s broken w i t h a c e n t r a l chain of peaks, reaching a height of 1800 f e e t . C l i m a t i c a l l y T r i n i d a d and Tobago i s t r o p i c a l , but the heat i s tempered by the North-east trade winds and the i n f l u e n c e of the sea. Mean temperatures are 89 degrees Fahrenheit i n the day and 72 degrees at n i g h t , w i t h an annual mean of 80 degrees Fahrenheit, an absolute range of 67 to 97 degrees. R a i n f a l l averages 97 inches i n the East B e l t and 70 inches i n the West B e l t of T r i n i d a d , while i n Tobago the average i s 76 inches. Considerable monthly v a r i a t i o n s are recorded from a low of .9 i n c h at the height of the dry season i n March to a high of 16 inches i n the East B e l t i n the month of June during the wet season. 1 Gulf of J\ exlco GBANr ANGUILLA JAMAICA Puerto Mat/as de Ga/vez. ^Puerto Barrios )Gua/an — • > H O N D U R A S l i d * 4 * R c oHiaiiB^/» 9* ANTIGUA CAR I &&EAN AREA SHOWING TERRITORIES OF WEST INO/ES FEDERATION Soue.cE: cH/ZISTiA/V science Mown*. BOSTON, MOYSMSEZ. ZZ. isca. Area, Population and Labour Force 51-The t o t a l area of T r i n i d a d and Tobago combined i s 1980 square m i l e s . With an estimated t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n of 834,600 the gross d e n s i t y i s 420 persons per square mi l e . The d e n s i t y of the i s l a n d of T r i n i d a d i s 430 and of Tobago, 300 persons per square mile. These f i g u r e s can be compared wi t h Jamaica, the l a r g e s t t e r r i t o r y i n the Federation, where the d e n s i t y i s 374^ , and Barbados w i t h the highest d e n s i t y of 1399 persons per square m i l e . ^ Puerto Ric o , which i s j u s t short of twice the s i z e of T r i n i d a d , has a d e n s i t y of 664 persons per square mi l e . The crude b i r t h r a t e i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago i n 1958 was 37.6 per 1000. With a death r a t e of 9.2 per 1000, the annual r a t e of n a t u r a l increase was 2.6 per cent, which i s s u f f i c i e n t to double the population i n 25 years. M i g r a t i o n now plays a much l e s s important part i n the popu l a t i o n growth of T r i n i d a d and Tobago than formerly, when 143,900 persons were introduced i n t o the t e r r i t o r y i n the peri o d 1845-1917 alone. By c o n t r a s t , migration y i e l d e d an increase of only 1300 between 1955 and 1957> and 3700 i n 1958, which i s j u s t 14 per cent of the increase f o r that year. Whereas the e a r l y migration o r i g i n a t e d i n India and A f r i c a and was planned to provide a labour f o r c e , the recent movements were confined to the t e r r i t o r i e s of the West Indies Federation. O v e r a l l growth i n pop u l a t i o n i s shown i n Table 1. At the f i r s t census In 1844 T r i n i d a d and Tobago had a popu l a t i o n of 73,000, by 1881 i t had jumped to 171,000; i n 1911 i t was 334,000 52 and by 1946 i t had reached 558,000. During the per i o d l 8 6 l to 1911 the annual r a t e of growth exceeded 2 per cent, and i n the decade 1871-81 i t was high as 3.1 per cent. TABLE I POPULATION OP TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO Census date 1844 1851 1861 1871 1881 1891 T o t a l persons 73,023 82,978 99,848 126,692 171,179 218,381 Census date 1901 1911 1921 1931 1946 T o t a l persons273,899 333,552 365,913 412,783 557,970 Source: T r i n i d a d and Tobago, C e n t r a l S t a t i s t i c a l O f f i c e , Annual S t a t i s t i c a l Digest, 1958, Table 9 (adapted). The t e n f o l d increase witnessed between 1844 and 1957 f a r surpasses any i n the Caribbean, and i s probably unequalled i n the Western Hemisphere.5 The growth i n the labour f o r c e has been no l e s s specta-c u l a r . Prom a f i g u r e of 137,000 i n 1891 I t rose to 213,000 i n 1946 and to 289,000 i n 1958. The increase i n the f i r s t p e r i o d was equivalent to 56 per cent, while over the whole pe r i o d of 67 years the labour f o r c e more than doubled. This growth i s considerably i n excess of that experienced i n other parts of the Federation, the next l a r g e s t being i n Jamaica w i t h an increase of 30 per cent between 1891 and 1946. Of p a r t i c u l a r I n t e r e s t i s the movement i n the a g r i c u l -53 t u r a l labour force. Under the impact of the immigration of labour for the sugar industry, t h i s component reached a maximum of 97,000 i n 1911, a number two and one-half times that of l86l. Since that date the labour force i n agriculture has declined absolutely and percentage-wise. In 1946 i t was 58,800 and the most recent figure a v a i l a b l e , 1957, i t was 63,200. The per-centage decline was from 51 i n 1921 to 27 i n 1946 to 23 per cent of the t o t a l labour force i n 1957. Growth i n t o t a l population and i n labour force have a significance for the development of Trinidad and Tobago, since these two factors are the s t a r t i n g points of any plan for development. Every plan for future development must be related to the projected numbers i n the population and the size and structure of the future labour force. Two projections of the population of Trinidad and Tobago have been made based on s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t assumptions.^ The f i r s t assumes declining mortality, constant f e r t i l i t y at 1955 l e v e l and no migration. The second takes the same mortality assumptions, assumes declining f e r t i l i t y and considers the effects of small annual increments from neighbouring t e r r i t o r i e s . The assumption of declining mortality i s safe. Despite the effects of growing urbanization, better education and enhanced s o c i a l mobility which have a tendency to induce down-ward trends i n f e r t i l i t y , there are b u i l t - i n features of the population of Trinidad and Tobago which make for high growth cha r a c t e r i s t i c s (over 80 per cent of the population i s under 45 years and 30 per cent i s between 0 and 9 years). An assumption 54 of continued high f e r t i l i t y Is th e r e f o r e q u i t e reasonable. The assumption of increments due to migration i s of s p e c i a l importance. The numbers have been i n c r e a s i n g s t e a d i l y over the l a s t few years, and there i s every reason to assume that the trend w i l l continue or even increase under the impact of Federation and f r e e movement of persons. Being the home of the c a p i t a l of the Federation, T r i n i d a d must expect t h i s . I t i s estimated that between 1956 and 1971, there w i l l be an increase of 23,000 from t h i s source. Of these 21,000 w i l l be of working age. According to the two p r o j e c t i o n s the po p u l a t i o n at 1971 (Table 2) w i l l be 1.15 m i l l i o n and 1.14 m i l l i o n - not s i g n i f i -c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t . Uxwever i t i s noted that p r e l i m i n a r y e s t i -mates f o r the i960 census gave a f i g u r e of 834,600, compared wit h the estimates of 856,900 and 861,500 i n i960 by the two p r o j e c t i o n s r e s p e c t i v e l y . The component parts of the p o p u l a t i o n a t 1971 are of s p e c i a l i n t e r e s t . Using the f i r s t p r o j e c t i o n as the b a s i s f o r our d i s c u s s i o n , the most r a p i d l y growing s e c t i o n of the popu-l a t i o n i s the group of school age (5-15 years) which forms a t o t a l of 191,000 i n 1971 i n c r e a s i n g by 59 per cent i n 15 years. Also appreciable i s the increase i n the population of working and c h i l d - b e a r i n g age from 403,000 i n 1956 to 6l4,000 i n 1971, an increase of 52 per cent. I f the 21,000 immigrants of working age are added, t h i s increase r i s e s to 58 per cent. The a c t u a l number i n the labour f o r c e by 1971 w i l l be 427,000 at the same rates of p a r t i c i p a t i o n as e x i s t . And the average annual increase 55 i s estimated to be 96OO between 1961 and 1965, and 11,300 per-sons between 1966 and 1970. 7 TABLE 2 POPULATION PROJECTIONS FROM 1955 F i r s t P r o j e c t i o n 8 Age T o t a l Persons (Years) 1955 I960 1965 1970 0 - 4 122,400 142,900 162,900 193,700 5 - 1 4 190,100 225,300 261,500 302,100 15 - 44 304,100 343,700 399,100 468,200 45 - 64 98,600 116,000 132,700 145,900 65 27,100 29 ,000 33,600 40,500 742,300 856,900 989,800 1,150,400 Second P r o j e c t i o n 1 3 Age T o t a l Persons (Years) i960 1965 1970 0 - 4 140,600 154,400 175,000 5 - 1 4 225,300 259,300 291,500 15 _ 44 349,400 410,100 484,000 45 - 64 117,200 135,700 151,300 65 29,000 33,800 40,900 861,500 993,300 1,142,700 Source: T r i n i d a d and Tobago, O f f i c e of the Premier and M i n i s t r y of Finance, Economic Survey of T r i n i d a d and Tobago,  1953-58, Table 14 (a) and 14 (b) (adapted). A s s u m p t i o n s: Constant f e r t i l i t y , d e c l i n i n g m o r t a l i t y , no m i g r a t i o n . bAssumptions: D e c l i n i n g f e r t i l i t y (15$ between 1956 and 1971), d e c l i n i n g m o r t a l i t y , m igration at average of 2300 per annum. 56 Unemployment and concealed underemployment i s high i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago, and i t Is c e r t a i n that the gross f i g u r e s do not r e v e a l the complete p i c t u r e of the employment s t r u c t u r e . The f i g u r e s speak f o r themselves i n i n d i c a t i n g the order of magnitude of the needs which the growth i n po p u l a t i o n and labour f o r c e w i l l c reate. Schools of a l l grades, h e a l t h s e r -v i c e s , housing and community f a c i l i t i e s , and jobs, i n a d d i t i o n to the e n t i r e range of necessary p u b l i c u t i l i t i e s , roads, water, e l e c t r i c i t y , e t c . must a l l be provided a t a very r a p i d r a t e . The s i z e of the development e f f o r t and the programmes r e q u i r e d i n themselves present problems f o r the agencies concerned and f o r the planning o r g a n i z a t i o n which has the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of for m u l a t i n g the programmes, d e c i d i n g on p r i o r i t i e s , and recon-c i l i n g the competing claims on resources - f i n a n c i a l , p h y s i c a l and human. Regional D i s t r i b u t i o n of Population and  Economic A c t i v i t i e s The foregoing d i s c u s s i o n has been conducted e n t i r e l y i n gross terms. The p r o j e c t i o n s and estimates r e l a t e to T r i n i d a d and Tobago as a whole. But a complete a p p r e c i a t i o n of develop-ment needs r e q u i r e s a much c l o s e r look at the s i t u a t i o n i n par-t i c u l a r regions and l o c a l areas. I t has already been pointed out that Tobago, being geo-g r a p h i c a l l y d i s t i n c t and having a character and form of i t s own, can be t r e a t e d conveniently as a re g i o n w i t h i n the o v e r a l l t e r r i t o r i a l framework. N a t u r a l l y Tobago stands i n a s a t e l l i t e r e l a t i o n s h i p to T r i n i d a d on which i t depends f o r s e r v i c i n g , 57 economic support, and connection w i t h the outside world. How-ever, blessed as i t i s w i t h n a t u r a l scenic beauty and u n s p o i l t t o u r i s t a t t r a c t i o n s , the i s l a n d has a great p o t e n t i a l f o r developing i n t o a t o u r i s t r e s o r t area of a very s p e c i a l type. Planning f o r development should be predicated on a p o l i c y which gives due weight to these n a t u r a l advantages, w h i l e at the same time promoting a reasonable d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n of the economic base to develop and maintain a v i a b l e r e g i o n a l u n i t . Planning f o r development of Tobago should present no serious problems and may w e l l serve as an object lesson i n planning f o r other r e g i o n s . No s i m i l a r r e g i o n a l treatment has been accorded to T r i n i d a d . Yet there i s a c l e a r case f o r i t , s i nce the p h y s i c a l p a t t e r n which has developed d i s p l a y s the d i s t o r t i o n and imbalance which are so f a m i l i a r i n developing c o u n t r i e s . Moreover, d i s -t i n c t regions can be d e l i n e a t e d on the b a s i s of n a t u r a l and man-made f e a t u r e s . The f u l l meaning behind the f i g u r e s quoted i n Table 1 i s revealed when the po p u l a t i o n concentrations are looked a t r e g i o n -a l l y (Table 3 and Figure 2). The urban areas of Port of Spain and Arima are g e o g r a p h i c a l l y p a r t of the County of St. George, and San Fernando i s part of County V i c t o r i a . The urban centres have acted as magnets a t t r a c t i n g l a r g e concentrations of people to the detriment of the r u r a l r e g i o n s . The growth of St. George i s worth no t i n g s p e c i a l l y ; the 100 per cent increase between 1946 and i960 i s v i r t u a l l y a l l suburban growth, having occurred outside of Port of Spain and Arima. As shown i n Figure_3 Port of Spain and Arima stand at e i t h e r end of the spine of a l a r g e 58 b u i l t - u p r e g i o n s t r e t c h i n g about 16 miles i n le n g t h w i t h a width of l e s s than three m i l e s . The b u i l t - u p r e g i o n extends i n a Westerly d i r e c t i o n f o r about seven miles i n t o the Northwestern pe n i n s u l a . This r e g i o n , which w i l l be c a l l e d the Port of Spain M e t r o p o l i t a n Region, contains 45 per cent of the po p u l a t i o n of Tr i n i d a d i n a re g i o n which i s about 20 per cent of the t o t a l area of the i s l a n d . TABLE 3 POPULATION, AREA, DENSITY IN TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO Population Density A d m i n i s t r a t i v e Area 1960a A r e a D (Persons, 1 ( T o t a l (Square Square Persons) M i l e s ) M i l e ) C i t y of Port of Spain 94,600 3.7 25,500 Borough of Arima 11,550 0.9 12,800 Borough of San Fernando 40,050 2.5 16,200 Counties: St. George 0 263,100 354.7 765 St. Andrew/St. David 38,800 361.7 107 Caroni 89,500 214.0 420 Nariva/Mayaro 22,900 352.0 65 St. P a t r i c k 107,950 260.8 410 V i c t o r i a ^ 131,450 313.5 420 Tobago 34,650 116.2 300 T r i n i d a d and Tobago 834,600 1980.0 421 Source: C e n t r a l S t a t i s t i c a l O f f i c e . P r e l i m i n a r y f i g ;ures i960 Census. ^Annual S t a t i s t i c a l Digest 1958, Table 1. cExcludes Port of Spain and Arima. Excludes San Fernando. 3 &UL F MAIN ZOAD 0 \" COUNTY BO UA/D#/£ Y . CAJZOM/ COUNTY <£ ^ 0 UKSflN' fiR£A IO IS Miles THIN/PAD Mb TOB/fGO SHOW//v & ADMINISTRATIVE AZEAS POPULATION IB60 2 59 The reasons f o r t h i s c o n c e n t r a t i o n are not f a r to seek. Port of Spain, the c a p i t a l c i t y of T r i n i d a d and Tobago, i s the seat of the C e n t r a l Government and the temporary home of the Federal Government; i t i s the centre f o r commerce and a v a r i e t y of i n d u s t r i a l a c t i v i t i e s , the focus f o r t r a n s p o r t a t i o n and w i t h an e x c e l l e n t n a t u r a l harbour i s the major break-point and t r a n s -shipment centre; i t i s the e s t a b l i s h e d centre f o r c u l t u r a l , e d u c a t i o n a l , s p o r t i n g and entertainment a c t i v i t i e s . Thus, i t e x h i b i t s a l l the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of a magnet f o r i n t e r n a l migra-t i o n , the main source of urban growth. Tr a n s p o r t a t i o n f a c i l i t i e s , f i r s t r a i l and then road, have t r i g g e r e d the well-known d i s p e r s i o n from a major urban centre of r e s i d e n t i a l , commercial and to a l e s s e r extent i n d u s t r i a l a c t i v i -t i e s . This d i s p e r s i o n from Port of Spain has r e s u l t e d i n the present l i n e a r p a t t e r n of a continuously s e t t l e d r e g i o n extending from Port of Spain to Arima, where formerly there were small nucleated settlements s i t u a t e d a t i n t e r v a l s of approximately four miles. Density i n Port of Spain i s already high and i n h i b i t s f u r t h e r settlement. Improvements i n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n which have brought the whole re g i o n w i t h i n easy commuting range of the c i t y n a t u r a l l y have encouraged d i s p e r s i o n . A s i m i l a r but l e s s pronounced phenomenon has occurred i n the South around San Fernando, the second l a r g e s t town. Suburban development has been mushrooming around the town i n response to the demand f o r housing created by a growing p o p u l a t i o n . The counties of V i c t o r i a and St. P a t r i c k can be coupled i n the next bracket. Within these counties are l o c a t e d the 60 operations of the o i l i n d u s t r y - r e f i n i n g c a p a c i t y i s concentra-ted i n V i c t o r i a together w i t h the cement and f e r t i l i z e r p l a n t s , and mining i n St. P a t r i c k where the aspha l t lake and the p r i n -c i p a l e l e c t r i c a l power p l a n t are l o c a t e d . The combination of these i n d u s t r i a l a c t i v i t i e s forms the b a s i s f o r i n d u s t r i a l com-plexes i n the two counties and accounts f o r the con c e n t r a t i o n of population there. A c e r t a i n amount of sugar-cane production a l s o takes place i n V i c t o r i a . In c o n t r a s t County Caroni i s purely a g r i c u l t u r a l , the sugar-cane i n d u s t r y being centered i n t h i s county. The d e n s i t y compares w i t h that of V i c t o r i a and St. P a t r i c k , but t h i s i s misleading since employment-wise the populations cannot be com-pared. Employment i n Caroni i s a g r i c u l t u r a l low-waged and sub-j e c t to wide seasonal f l u c t u a t i o n s , w h i l e i n the other two counties the employment has a s t a b l e high-waged i n d u s t r i a l b a s i s . At the other extreme are the counties of St . Andrew, St. David, Nariva and Mayaro which make up the eastern h a l f of the i s l a n d . Topography, geology and v e g e t a t i v e cover combine to make these counties g e n e r a l l y u n a t t r a c t i v e f o r i n t e n s i v e settlement. Cocoa, coconuts and f o r e s t products, together w i t h the products of a small f i s h i n g i n d u s t r y are the main productive e n t e r p r i s e s i n these counties. In a d d i t i o n , small pockets of a c t i v i t y are found i n Mayaro wherever o i l i s being e x t r a c t e d . These areas have lagged behind the other regions i n development, to the extent of having a much poorer road and communications network, and poorer p u b l i c f a c i l i t i e s and ser -v i c e s . G e n e r a l l y , housing and the p h y s i c a l development of 6 l communities are simpler and of lower q u a l i t y here. Under these circumstances the extremely low d e n s i t i e s of occupation are not s u r p r i s i n g , and i t i s c e r t a i n that these 'depressed 1 areas l o s e h e a v i l y i n population to the more 'advanced 1 regions of the country. The p a t t e r n t h e r e f o r e i s c l e a r - an expanding urbanized sector given over to manufacturing and other productive enter-p r i s e s and developed under the impetus of the export trade f o r sugar, o i l products and a s p h a l t , and a backward r u r a l , mainly a g r i c u l t u r a l sector l a c k i n g i n proper f a c i l i t i e s and lagging i n development. P h y s i c a l I m p l i c a t i o n s of Development Development of any k i n d i s circumscribed by the p h y s i c a l r e a l i t i e s of the country w i t h i n which the development i s t a k i n g p l a c e . And j u s t as the p h y s i c a l r e a l i t i e s d e f i n e the l i m i t s and the form of development, so too, awareness of these p h y s i c a l r e a l i t i e s should i n t e r j e c t a measure of r e a l i s m i n t o the planning process. I t i s s i g n i f i c a n t that the c o u n t r i e s where land use planning i s most e x t e n s i v e l y p r a c t i s e d at present - I s r a e l , the Netherlands, Puerto Rico, and to a l e s s e r extent Great B r i t a i n -are areas where land i s l i m i t e d and where the competition f o r space between a c t i v i t i e s i s intense. This p h y s i c a l f a c t o r domi-nates development a c t i v i t i e s and f o r c e s upon the r e s p o n s i b l e a u t h o r i t i e s the r e c o g n i t i o n of the v i t a l need f o r planning. T r i n i d a d and Tobago f a l l i n t o the same category. The 62 intense competition f o r land among d i f f e r e n t land uses has already a f f e c t e d the progress of the Development Programme, and the a v a i l a b i l i t y of adequate land resources i s l i k e l y to be one of the most c r i t i c a l determinants of the speed and the success of the development process. The 1958 Report on the Development Programme makes reference to t h i s p o i n t . The Report noted that before work could proceed on some new p r o j e c t s s i t e s had to be acquired and made a v a i l a b l e , and s p e c i f i c a l l y s t a t e d that "In the case of Education, d i f f i c u l t y of o b t a i n i n g s i t e s was a major b o t t l e n e c k . " E s p e c i a l l y since "schools r e q u i r e much more extensive s i t e s than other p r o j e c t s . T h e w r i t e r can p e r s o n a l l y t e s t i f y to the intense competition which goes on between d i f f e r e n t executive M i n i s t r i e s , and the wasteful delays which r e s u l t when s u i t a b l e s i t e s f o r p r o j e c t s are not a v a i l a b l e . Land U t i l i z a t i o n No d e t a i l e d survey of land resources i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago has ever been made. However, a reasonably complete p i c -ture of the d i s t r i b u t i o n of land among the major use categories can be b u i l t up from the in f o r m a t i o n a v a i l a b l e , and should s u f f i c e as a b a s i s f o r a g e n e r a l i z e d assessment of the probable impact of f u t u r e development on land resources. Land u t i l i z a t i o n i n 1958 i n gross terms f o r T r i n i d a d and Tobago i s shown i n Table 4 . Prom the t a b l e i t i s seen that roughly 35 per cent of the land area i s i n a g r i c u l t u r e use and the remaining 65 per cent i s n o n - a g r i c u l t u r a l . The l a t t e r 63 category includes 26,000 acres under swamp (which i s u n s u i t a b l e f o r development except at very high c o s t ) , 575,000 acres covered i n productive f o r e s t s , and 125,000 acres covered by abandoned tr e e crops, bush and secondary growth. This leaves 97,000 acres or about 8 per cent,of the t o t a l land area of the country f o r r e s i d e n t i a l , i n d u s t r i a l , communications, p u b l i c and semi-public uses. This f i g u r e has remained constant since 1953. TABLE 4 LAND UTILIZATION IN TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO IN 1958 Use Acres Percentage of T o t a l N o n - A g r i c u l t u r a l R e s i d e n t i a l and I n d u s t r i a l Roads and Railways P u b l i c and Semi-public 97,250 7.7 Swamps and Inland Water 26,300 1.2 Forest 575,000 45.5 Abandoned tr e e crops, bush and secondary growth 124,650 9.7 T o t a l N o n - A g r i c u l t u r a l 823,200 65 A g r i c u l t u r a l Under C u l t i v a t i o n 330,200 26.0 Pastures 14,400 1.2 S e m i - d e r e l i c t crops and s h i f t i n g c u l t i v a t i o n 99,450 7.8 T o t a l A g r i c u l t u r a l 444,050 35 T o t a l - T r i n i d a d and Tobago 1,267,250 100 Source: Annual S t a t i s t i c a l D i g e st, 1958, Table 102 (adapted). Above f i g u r e s are t e n t a t i v e estimates based on i n -formation d e r i v e d from a number of d i f f e r e n t sources. 64 Thus, i n 1958 when the population was 7 8 8 , 0 0 0 , the gross density of occupation of developed land was 8 persons per acre. Doubling of the population within the next quarter century, which i s c e r t a inly possible, w i l l r e s u l t either i n a considerable increase i n density i n e x i s t i n g developed areas, or i n the re-d i s t r i b u t i o n of extensive areas among d i f f e r e n t uses. . Increase i n density, which i n some areas i s perfectly feasible and may have positive advantages, presupposes maximum u t i l i z a t i o n of the resources of these areas and extensive development of the i r carrying capacity. Settlement i n new areas means changes i n land use and possible encroachment on land more suitable for other uses. Assuming that i t i s desired not to encroach on a g r i c u l -t u r a l land, which i s reasonable i n the l i g h t of the increased population which has to be supported, and that swamp areas and areas under productive forests are either naturally unsuited or undesirable for settlement, then the only available land for future development i s the 1 2 5 , 0 0 0 acres at present covered by unproductive forest growth. However, i n the Forestry and Ag r i -c u l t u r a l sections of the Development Programme, there are pro-posals for expanding production, by reforestation and regenera-t i o n i n the case of forests and by increasing acreages through improvement i n s o i l care and production techniques i n the case of agriculture. Both of these programmes e n t a i l increases i n the quantity of land devoted to these uses. Thus, the assumption that at least part of the unproductive area w i l l be u t i l i z e d by these functions i s not unreasonable. 65 I t i s clear that whatever assumption i s made, develop-ment w i l l increase the demand for land and create a pressure on land resources. I t may be possible to get a f a i r l y accurate picture of the magnitude of the future demand by considering one aspect of development - housing. Housing i s , of course, a useful and meaningful index of the progress of development. The adequacy of housing, both i n quantity and qua l i t y , and the qua l i t y of the environment which surrounds the housing r e f l e c t both s o c i a l and economic progress. The following comment from the Development Programme i s pertinent. The shortage of housing may very well l i m i t the output of the community and i t s improvement i s an essen-t i a l c orollary to other measures . . . which are to be taken to step up the productive capacity of the economy." We might add that housing i n i t s e l f on the scale necessary and desired i n a developing country can make a s i g -n i f i c a n t contribution to the economy. In Trinidad and Tobago, for instance, the recent proposal for mass housing i s estimated to bring $91 m i l l i o n i n construction and mortgage money into the i o country over a period of about three years. The stimulus which th i s investment w i l l create for subsidiary a c t i v i t i e s i n the con-struction industry i s very appreciable. Moreover from a purely economic point of view housing represents savings and i s an important source of c a p i t a l stock. The importance of housing, i n addition to i t s s o c i a l l y desirable eff e c t s , i s underscored by these considerations. The discussion of the housing question i s i n s t r u c t i v e from 66 many points of view. I t w i l l indicate the demand for land -land for housing units as well as land for complementary public u t i l i t i e s such as roads, water and sanitary services, and for public f a c i l i t i e s i n the form of schools, hospitals and health centres, community and entertainment f a c i l i t i e s , and land for i n d u s t r i a l and commercial a c t i v i t i e s which are necessary con-comitants of r e s i d e n t i a l development. The conclusions drawn from t h i s discussion w i l l also be Indicative of the planning needs both with respect to the a l l o -cation of land and the arrangement of land uses, and to the planning of the physical elements of development. Housing "Here i n Trinidad and Tobago, the housing shortage i s p a r t i c u l a r l y acute and the condition of a large percentage of ' a l l the houses i s deplorably bad. The Housing Policy Committee estimated i n 1956 that 107,000 new houses w i l l be required by 1965.Ml1 The above statement presents a gloomy picture of the housing s i t u a t i o n i n Trinidad and Tobago which appears to be a rather vague generalization i n the cold l i g h t of a detailed examination of the fa c t s . In 19^ 6, the l a s t year for which census figures are 12 available, the number of dwellings i n Trinidad and Tobago t o t a l l e d 135,000. Of th i s number 37 per cent were one-room dwellings and 23 per cent were two-room. In a country where the average number of persons per dwelling was 4 and where 4 per cent of the dwellings had over 5 persons per room, the conditions of 67 overcrowding revealed i n the f i g u r e s are staggering. Using the most conservative standard of say, one 8 f e e t by 10 f e e t room per person, (168 square f e e t of l i v i n g space per person i s r e -commended as a minimum by the World Health O r g a n i z a t i o n ) , i t i s c l e a r that only a small percentage of the popu l a t i o n was adequately housed i n 1946. The s i t u a t i o n appears even more deplorable when i t i s f u r t h e r noted that h a l f of a l l d w e l l i n g s were constructed of wood and about 32 per cent of t a p i a (a mixture of c l a y bonded w i t h g r a s s ) , m a t e r i a l s which tend to d e t e r i o r a t e even w i t h pro-t e c t i o n , which i s seldom used i n b u i l d i n g c o n s t r u c t i o n i n Tr i n i d a d and Tobago; and when i t i s f u r t h e r noted that 12 per cent of the dwe l l i n g s had no separate s a n i t a r y f a c i l i t i e s and another 55 per cent had p i t l a t r i n e s which cannot be considered a d e s i r a b l e type of s a n i t a t i o n , and only 30 per cent of the dwell i n g s have a separate water supply. (Table 5). The f i g u r e s above are i n gross terms. As might be ex-pected c o n d i t i o n s were r e l a t i v e l y b e t t e r i n urban areas and considerably worse i n non-urban areas. This f a c t of course r e i n f o r c e s the r e g i o n a l d i s p a r i t i e s . These f i g u r e s g i v e a f a i r l y c o n c l u s i v e p i c t u r e of housing c o n d i t i o n s i n 1946. Between 1949 and 1958 the r a t e of c o n s t r u c t i o n of d w e l l i n g houses ranged from 2700 to 4000 u n i t s . This f i g u r e i s estimated from the data on approved b u i l d i n g plans, which i s subject to two l i m i t a t i o n s ; f i r s t l y , b u i l d i n g plans are not req u i r e d to be approved i n a l l areas i n the t e r r i t o r y , some 20 per cent of the b u i l d i n g work c a r r i e d on i s undertaken outside 68 TABLE 5 HOUSING IN TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO AT CENSUS 1946 URBAN Tr i n i d a d Port and of San Item Tobago Spain Fernando Arima No. of dwe l l i n g s i n each area 135,384 21,419 6,876 1,909 % of dwe l l i n g s In each area 100 15 .8 5.1 1.4 % of t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n i n each area 100 16 .6 5.2 1.4 S i z e : fo of 1-room dwe l l i n g s 37 .4 47 .1 35.9 36.8 % of 2-room dwe l l i n g s 23 .0 19 .6 23.9 23.2 Av. No. of persons per d w e l l i n g 4 .0 4 .1 4.1 4.2 % of dwe l l i n g s w i t h 5 persons per room 4 .4 5 .4 3.8 4.3 M a t e r i a l s of Const r u c t i o n % of wood 49 .7 42 .3 78.1 8.7 fo of t a p i a 32 .2 - 3 .u 80.0 Amenities: % w i t h separate t o i l e t f a c i l i t i e s 63 .1 42 .6 65.O 68.9 of which wat e r - c l o s e t 7 .0 18 .3 20.2 10.4 of which p i t l a t r i n e 55 .6 23 .4 44.1 55.6 fo with no f a c i l i t i e s 12 .7 3 .5 16.4 11.1 Water Supply to Dwellings P r i v a t e Supply 29 .3 96 .2 96.0 99.7 P u b l i c Supply 46 .0 2 .8 3.5 -Stream or Pond 16 .6 ™ 69 TABLE 5 Continued RURAL St. Andrew St. S t. St. Nariva George Caroni V i c t o r i a P a t r i c k David Mayaro Tobago si,716 15,474 20,761 18,395 8,196 4,469 6,169 23.4 11.4 15.3 13.6 6.1 3.3 4.6 24.8 11.1 15.7 12.4 5.1 2.9 4.9 35.3 33.8 33.7 41.5 40.0 35.0 25.2 30.6 36.7 36.1 34.5 34.0 40.1 52.4 4.2 4.0 4.2 3.8 3.3 3.4 4.4 4.3 3.5 4.3 3.9 3.9 3.5 6.5 21.1 36.8 80.3 63.7 35.4 86.1 84.9 56.4 55.8 17.0 30.9 62.5 11.9 4.5 69.5 65.3 67.7 56.1 71.2 79.6 6.1 1.3 2.7 5.3 - 1.5 2.0 63.2 63.6 64.7 50.7 70.2 67.3 76.1 3.4 24.6 23.4 17.7 7.8 15.7 11.5 16.7 4.2 8.0 9.8 3.7 5.9 7.2 61.2 70.6 72.0 50.5 39.8 27.5 48.4 17.5 15.9 17.1 18.8 43.7 45.3 37.3 Source: Annual S t a t i s t i c a l Digest, 1958, Table 75 (adapted). 70 p r e s c r i b e d areas; and secondly, a f a i r p r o p o r t i o n of approved plans are never acted upon.^^ Assuming that new b u i l d i n g takes place at the r a t e of 3000 a year over the extended pe r i o d 1946 to 1956, a generous assumption i n view of the above, then another 30,000 u n i t s were added to the stock of housing i n that p e r i o d . That i s equiva-l e n t to an a d d i t i o n a l 22 per cent. In the same per i o d popula-t i o n increased by 33 per cent, and the number of new households formed was 23 per cent of the t o t a l i n 1946.There has c l e a r l y been no improvement i n the housing s i t u a t i o n i n the pe r i o d , and the evidence a c t u a l l y p o i n t s to a d e t e r i o r a t i o n . Based on the r a t e of formation of f a m i l y u n i t s , i t i s estimated that the number of new u n i t s r e q u i r e d merely to accommodate the growth i n population i s i n the re g i o n of 7000 per year. However, of the 3500 u n i t s b u i l t i n 1957, some 40 per cent were replacements of b u i l d i n g s demolished or destroyed, w i t h the r e s u l t that the net a d d i t i o n to the housing stock only amounted to 2000 f o r the year compared w i t h the 7000 u n i t s IS minimum r e q u i r e d . J The s i t u a t i o n could hardly be much d i f f e r e n t f o r other years. This brings us then to 1956, the date from which the housing needs were proje c t e d - 107,000 new houses, which may be read as d w e l l i n g u n i t s , by 1965. This means that over 10,000 new u n i t s per annum are needed over the 10 year p e r i o d . The per-formance of the b u i l d i n g i n d u s t r y has not even approached t h i s t a r g e t i n the years since 1956. We must conclude t h e r e f o r e that the s i t u a t i o n at present i s even worse than before. 71 Assuming that 2 d w e l l i n g u n i t s per acre, the e x i s t i n g gross d e n s i t y of occupation, w i l l p r e v a i l , the a d d i t i o n a l land r e q u i r e d f o r say, 10,000 new u n i t s per year w i l l be 5,000 acres or n e a r l y 8 square miles of new settlement each year. E v i d e n t l y , t h i s phenomenal r a t e of c o n s t r u c t i o n i s not p o s s i b l e ; and d e n s i t i e s w i l l s u r e l y i n c r e a s e . However, reg a r d l e s s of any m o d i f i c a t i o n s to b r i n g them i n l i n e w i t h r e a l i t y , these gross and r a t h e r rough estimates present a dramatic p i c t u r e of the demand f o r land and the i n t e n s i t y of a c t i v i t y i n the sphere of housing alone which w i l l accompany the a n t i c i p a t e d growth i n p o p u l a t i o n i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago i n the f u t u r e . The need f o r new housing and complementary f a c i l i t i e s and s e r v i c e s , when studied a g a i n s t the background of present development and e x i s t i n g c o n d i t i o n s and i n the l i g h t of the f u t u r e p o t e n t i a l i t i e s f o r development i n the d i f f e r e n t r e g i o n s , provides an i n s i g h t i n t o the nature and scope of the planning problems i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago. The areas p r e s e n t l y developed - the Port of Spain/Arima complex i n the north, San Fernando and surrounding County V i c t o r i a and the o i l - a s p h a l t b e l t of St. P a t r i c k i n the south, together w i t h the sugar b e l t of the w e s t - c e n t r a l sector centered on Caroni - these areas already support l a r g e populations and must be f a s t approaching t h e i r u l t i m a t e c a r r y i n g c a p a c i t y . They have, t h e r e f o r e , a l i m i t e d c a p a c i t y f o r f u r t h e r development, even i f higher d e n s i t i e s are d e s i r e d and f e a s i b l e . The expansion of e x i s t i n g small r u r a l settlements and the development of e n t i r e l y new settlements are c l e a r l y i n e v i t a b l e 72 and very necessary. For f i n a n c i a l , s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l reasons, T r i n i d a d and Tobago cannot a l l o w t h i s development to proceed haphazardly or merely i n response to economic expediency. Development on the s c a l e contemplated and a t the speed d e s i r e d , w i l l reproduce the mistakes of the past i f I t i s not planned. P h y s i c a l planning i s r e q u i r e d u r g e n t l y i n order to d i r e c t these development a c t i v i t i e s . Piecemeal planning by i n d i v i d u a l agencies i s not enough/ Working w i t h i n the l i m i t a -t i o n s of space which the small s i z e of the t e r r i t o r y p r e s c r i b e s , c o n f l i c t s are bound to a r i s e i n the a l l o c a t i o n of land f o r d i f f e r e n t uses and i n the arrangement of i n t e r r e l a t e d a c t i v i t i e s . These c o n f l i c t s must be r e s o l v e d by one agency which has command over the t o t a l environment and i s able to b r i n g together a l l the elements i n t o one p i c t u r e conforming to some d e f i n i t e p o l i c y . Such a p o l i c y f o r development of the p h y s i c a l e n v i r o n -ment i s e v i d e n t l y needed. With the f u t u r e requirements f o r land resources i n mind, i t w i l l be necessary f o r the decision-makers i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago, to agree upon the d e s i r e d form of the f u t u r e p h y s i c a l environment of the country - that i s , a compo-s i t e p i c t u r e of the needs and d e s i r e s of a l l elements i n the community. This statement of p o l i c y can then be t r a n s l a t e d by the planning agency i n t o a design f o r the f u t u r e p h y s i c a l e n v i r o n -ment, to be employed as the major guide f o r f u t u r e p h y s i c a l development. The need f o r a p o l i c y statement on development i n phy-s i c a l terms cannot be overstressed and the value of such a docu-ment, even one which merely r e f l e c t s broad p o l i c y d e c i s i o n s , 73 w i l l be enormous and w e l l worth the resources devoted to pro-ducing i t . I m p l i c a t i o n s of Economic Development Given the magnitude of the development needs i n respect of p o p u l a t i o n growth, the f u t u r e s i z e of the labour f o r c e , the housing demand, and the p h y s i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s which have been p r e v i o u s l y discussed, the co n c l u s i o n must be reached that r a p i d economic progress i s necessary merely to keep pace w i t h the a n t i c i p a t e d increase i n needs, l e t alone achieve the goal of r a i s i n g the standard of l i v i n g . Gross per c a p i t a income i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago f o r 1957 was $684 WI per year at constant p r i c e s , which i s an increase of 35 per cent over the base year 1951. The o v e r a l l increase i n the Gross Domestic Product i s a good general i n d i c a t o r of the growth In the economy. The Gross Domestic Product a t market p r i c e s doubled between 1951 and 1957 r i s i n g from $329 m i l l i o n to $659 m i l l i o n WI an average increase of 12 per c e n t . 1 ^ The c o n t r i b u t i o n s of d i f f e r e n t sectors to the Gross Domestic Product and the corresponding percentages employed i n each sector are shown i n Table 6. The s i g n i f i c a n t f e a t u r e s about the above d i s t r i b u t i o n s are the d i s p r o p o r t i o n between labour f o r c e i n a g r i c u l t u r e and i t s c o n t r i b u t i o n to the economy, and the reverse d i s p r o p o r t i o n i n the mining s e c t o r . The o i l i n d u s t r y dominates the economy wi t h per c a p i t a output w e l l over ten times that of any other s e c t o r . 74 TABLE 6 INDUSTRIAL CONTRIBUTION TO GROSS DOMESTIC PRODUCT, 1957 I n d u s t r i a l Sector Income 3 Labour Force^ A g r i c u l t u r e , F o r e s t r y , P i s h i n g and Hunting 14 25 Mining ( o i l and asphal t ) 37 6 Manufacturing (excludes r e f i n i n g ) 11 17 B u i l d i n g and Const r u c t i o n ( i n c l u d e s p u b l i c u t i l i t i e s ) 8 11 Services ( t r a n s p o r t , communica-t i o n s , d i s t r i b u t i o n , f i n a n c e , 23 4l p r o f e s s i o n a l ) A l l I n d u s t r i e s 95 100 aEconomic Survey, Table 55. bAnnual S t a t i s t i c a l Digest, Table 35. cThe d i s p a r i t y i s accounted f o r by the v a r i a t i o n s i n I n d u s t r i a l groupings used by the S t a t i s t i c a l O f f i c e . General Government Services c o n t r i b u t e d 8 per cent to GDP. Labour f o r c e i n Government Services i s d i s t r i b u t e d among items 4 and 5 above. A g r i c u l t u r e i s at present l a b o u r - i n t e n s i v e . Proposals f o r i n c r e a s i n g p r o d u c t i v i t y must envisage an i n c r e a s i n g sub-s t i t u t i o n of c a p i t a l f o r labour as the i n d u s t r y Is mechanised. This trend i s already evident. The years between 1955-1957 witnessed a d e c l i n e of 18,000 i n the labour f o r c e , which i s 17 equivalent to 18 per cent of the 1955 f i g u r e . The mining sector u t i l i z e s l a r g e amounts of c a p i t a l and fu t u r e expansion of t h i s i n d u s t r y can provide only l i m i t e d number of a d d i t i o n a l jobs. Thus i t appears that the bulk of the increase i n the labour f o r c e must f i n d employment i n manufactur-ing and t e r t i a r y i n d u s t r i e s . This f a c t i s f u l l y recognised i n the development p o l i c y 75 of the Government. L i m i t a t i o n s of land area and s o i l types and the expe-r i e n c e s of h i s t o r y which i n d i c a t e the imprudence of monoculture and of too great r e l i a n c e on the production of primary a g r i c u l t u r a l commodities which are dependent on the l e v e l of economic a c t i v i t y i n more h i g h l y indus-t r i a l i z e d c o u n t r i e s and thus extremely s e n s i t i v e to f l u c t u a t i o n s i n world production and world trade, d i c -t a t e the need f o r d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n and the encouraging of the establishment of a v a r i e t y of manufacturing i n d u s t r i e s . 1 ° In pursuance of t h i s p o l i c y the Government of T r i n i d a d and Tobago has proposed s e v e r a l measures i n the Development Programme. The most important of these measures i s the c r e a t i o n of an I n d u s t r i a l Development Corporation, a s t a t u t o r y agency to Implement the p o l i c y of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . Government does not propose to engage d i r e c t l y i n pro-d u c t i o n , but r a t h e r to provide the i n c e n t i v e s and f a c i l i t i e s to encourage p r i v a t e investment to e s t a b l i s h and expand productive e n t e r p r i s e s . Incentives w i l l take the form of s p e c i a l l e g i s l a t i o n " i n order to create p a r i t y w i t h other c o u n t r i e s where i n d u s t r i e s are already w e l l e s t a b l i s h e d . " 2 0 A wide range of ' s o c i a l 1 pro-j e c t s w i l l be provided "to a i d i n d u s t r i a l development." Other a c t i v i t i e s which the Corporation w i l l undertake on behalf of Government w i l l i n c l u d e : The d i s c o v e r y and p u b l i c i z i n g of our p o t e n t i a l i t i e s , the seeking-out and persuasion of p r o s p e c t i v e i n d u s t r i a l i s t s and a t t e n t i o n to t h e i r needs w i t h regard to i n f o r m a t i o n concerning such matters as labour, l e g i s l a t i o n , indus-t r i a l r e l a t i o n s , the recruitment of labour, housing accommodation f o r s t a f f and . . . Liason work between the s e v e r a l departments of the p u b l i c s e r v i c e s . . .21 The Government's r o l e i n i n d u s t r i a l development i s v i s u a l i z e d as twofold - a c a t a l y t i c form i n p r o v i d i n g the 76 f a c i l i t i e s and s e r v i c e s which are necessary f o r i n d u s t r i a l i z a -t i o n , and a persuasive form i n p r o v i d i n g a t t r a c t i v e and favour-able l e g i s l a t i v e i n c e n t i v e s , such as income tax h o l i d a y s , Import duty exemptions, a c c e l e r a t e d d e p r e c i a t i o n allowances, and so on. The success of Government's r o l e and the u l t i m a t e success of the i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n programme w i l l depend on the extent to which i t can achieve a c o o r d i n a t i o n and combination of many f a c t o r s i n time and space. Timing of c o n s t r u c t i o n of a v a r i e t y of p u b l i c f a c i l i t i e s and t h e i r l o c a t i o n i n space must co i n c i d e w i t h the d e c i s i o n s and plans of p r o s p e c t i v e indus-t r i a l i s t s to e s t a b l i s h i n d u s t r i a l e n t e r p r i s e s i n s p e c i f i c l o c a -t i o n s . L e g i s l a t i v e i n c e n t i v e s w i l l have to be amended, r e v i s e d and added to i n order to keep pace w i t h changing c o n d i t i o n s both i n s i d e and outside the country, or to accommodate s p e c i a l l y d e s i r e d i n d u s t r i e s . I t i s an acknowledged f a c t that l o c a t i o n d e c i s i o n s should take i n t o account a number of n o n - i n d u s t r i a l f a c t o r s -the q u a l i t y and standard of housing, the a v a i l a b i l i t y of schools and entertainment f a c i l i t i e s , the q u a l i t y of the environment, the a t t i t u d e of labour, and the general s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l atmosphere of the community. Insofar as i t i s the r e s p o n s i b i -l i t y of Government to provide not only the l e g a l and economic framework f o r i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n but a l s o the s o c i a l , p h y s i c a l and i n s t i t u t i o n a l framework £s= conducive to the process, then Government's r o l e a l s o includes the above f a c t o r s . Successful i n d u s t r i a l development thus r e q u i r e s that a wide range of f a c t o r s - economic, i n d u s t r i a l , s o c i a l , p h y s i c a l 77 i n s t i t u t i o n a l and c u l t u r a l - be c a r e f u l l y arranged and f i t t e d together i n t o one t o t a l and complete p a t t e r n of development. To do t h i s , r e q u i r e s f i r s t of a l l a w e l l a r t i c u l a t e d p o l i c y of economic development which r e l a t e s i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n to a l l other aspects of the development process. Having made the commitment to i n d u s t r i a l i z e , the p r i -mary need i s f o r the Government of T r i n i d a d and Tobago to decide on a p o l i c y f o r i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . The place of manufacturing i n the s t r u c t u r e of the economy, both i n terms of i t s c o n t r i -b u t i o n to the economy and the p r i o r i t y which i t should have over other sectors i n the competition f o r resources, the i n t e r -n a l s t r u c t u r e of the e n t i r e i n d u s t r y (that i s , the type and s i z e of d i f f e r e n t i n d u s t r i e s which are f e a s i b l e and d e s i r e d ) , the s p a t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of i n d u s t r i e s i n r e l a t i o n to other major a c t i v i t i e s - a l l of these d e c i s i o n s are e s s e n t i a l p a r ts of the p o l i c y f o r i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . Agreement on a s u i t a b l e p o l i c y presupposes expert and complete knowledge of the many f a c t o r s upon which an indus-t r i a l i z a t i o n programme can be b u i l t - the kind and extent of n a t u r a l resources, the i n t e r - r e l a t i o n s h i p s between the indus-t r i a l sector and other sectors of the economy and s p e c i f i c a l l y i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago the mutual demands of the p u b l i c and p r i v a t e sectors on each other. The p o l i c y w i l l not only r e f l e c t the f e a s i b l e charac-t e r i s t i c s a r i s i n g out of given f a c t o r s but w i l l a l s o embody de s i r e d g o a ls. Thus, f e a s i b i l i t y c a l c u l a t i o n s on a road pro-posed i n a c e r t a i n p a r t of the country might r e s u l t i n a 78 negative d e c i s i o n ; on the other hand, a p o s i t i v e d e c i s i o n to l o c a t e the road i n that area might be prompted by the d e s i r e to achieve some p o s i t i v e g o a l . An example can be quoted f o r T r i n i d a d which r e f e r s to a t r a n s p o r t a t i o n f a c i l i t y , the r a i l -way system, r a t h e r than i n d u s t r i a l p o l i c y , but serves to i l l u s t r a t e the po i n t j u s t made. The Government-owned r a i l w a y system has been operating a t a l o s s f o r many years. The d e c i s i o n to s u b s i d i z e the system and keep i t i n operation i s undoubtedly geared to d e s i r e d o b j e c t i v e s . The r a i l w a y i s s t i l l used f o r commuting purposes by a s e c t i o n of the pop u l a t i o n , f o r t r a n s p o r t i n g goods and heavy equipment to c e r t a i n parts of the country. I t , t h e r e f o r e , provides a v i t a l s e r v i c e which i s worth the subsidy. B u i l t i n t o the p o l i c y t h e r e f o r e w i l l be these two sets of c r i t e r i a - one set based on f e a s i b i l i t y , the other on d e s i r a b i l i t y . The t r a n s l a t i o n of the p o l i c y i n t o operative terms, such as speed of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , the magnitude, l o c a -t i o n and d i s t r i b u t i o n of p u b l i c f a c i l i t i e s to go w i t h the indus-t r i e s , i s necessary before p o l i c y can be a p p l i e d i n p r a c t i c e . These two important tasks - - research and a n a l y s i s f o r the e n t i r e p o l i c y framework and t r a n s l a t i o n of the p o l i c y i n t o operative terms - - obvi o u s l y c o n s t i t u t e a f u l l time operation of a s p e c i a l i z e d and t e c h n i c a l nature. Carrying i t out there-f o r e r e q u i r e s a s p e c i a l agency w i t h the necessary e x p e r t i s e and competence, f r e e from day to day a d m i n i s t r a t i v e work and executive f u n c t i o n s . The f u n c t i o n s which t h i s agency w i l l perform, while being 79 mainly economic, a l s o have s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s . The o b j e c t i v e of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n i s to provide jobs and i n -crease the amount of goods and s e r v i c e s a v a i l a b l e f o r d i s t r i -b u t i o n , and as such i n t i m a t e l y a f f e c t s the l i v e s of the people of the community. In t h i s respect i t has a s o c i a l content. The success of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n a l s o depends on changes i n the a t t i t u d e s and s k i l l s of the po p u l a t i o n , as w e l l as a transformation i n s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n and i n s t i t u t i o n s . On the other hand, the process of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , once s t a r t e d , tends to produce many of these changes and might f u r t h e r r e s u l t i n s o c i a l d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n and ser i o u s s o c i a l p a t h o l o g i e s . Hence the s o c i a l f a c t o r must be recognized as an essen-t i a l component of the i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n process. The pop u l a t i o n of T r i n i d a d and Tobago i s not bounded by strong t r a d i t i o n s as are found i n many developing c o u n t r i e s . More than two hundred years of exposure to European and more r e c e n t l y North American i n f l u e n c e s has helped to i n c u l c a t e many of the values of Western i n d u s t r i a l s o c i e t y . The r e s u l t has not always been happy. I t has produced a tendency towards conspicuous consumption and a l a i s s e z f a i r e a t t i t u d e . Spasmodic bursts of energy by i n d i v i d u a l s on a job are followed by self-imposed periods of i n a c t i v i t y once the immediate goal has been achieved. While there p r e v a i l s among sect i o n s of the community an e t h i c of r i s i n g e xpectations, i t i s not accompanied by an e t h i c of hard work and f r u g a l i t y , and the w i l l i n g n e s s to forego present consumption f o r f u t u r e bene-f i t s - - c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which have come to be regarded as '80 e s s e n t i a l p r e c o n d i t i o n s to economic progress. At the same time a t t i t u d e s held by c e r t a i n s e c t i o n s of the community towards d i f f e r e n t kinds of labour, prompt many to seek ' s o c i a l l y d e s i r a b l e ' jobs ( f o r example, government s e r v i c e or commerce), r a t h e r than employment i n the v o c a t i o n a l trades, a g r i c u l t u r e or even teaching. The r e s u l t i s an excess of persons t r a i n e d f o r and seeking jobs i n the c l e r i c a l and commercial f i e l d s , w h i l e a shortage of q u a l i f i e d persons f o r the l a t t e r group e x i s t s . R e - o r i e n t a t i o n of values and a t t i t u d e s i s what i s c a l l e d f o r i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago r a t h e r than any r a d i c a l r e s t r u c t u r i n g of the value system. Fo l l o w i n g the dictum of a c l o s e i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p between these s o c i a l f a c t o r s and the process of i n d u s t r i a l i z a -t i o n , i t i s necessary to study the r e l a t i o n s h i p i n the p a r t i c u l a r context of T r i n i d a d and Tobago and i d e n t i f y i t s most c r u c i a l and p e c u l i a r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , so that recommended p o l i c i e s and pro-grammes might be designed to maximize the b e n e f i t s and minimize the undesirable e f f e c t s of i n d u s t r i a l development. Decisions on development should t h e r e f o r e be exposed to the s c r u t i n y of the s o c i a l planner and b e n e f i t from a p p r a i s a l and t e s t i n g by s o c i a l planning techniques a g a i n s t s p e c i f i c s o c i a l o b j e c t i v e s . Industrial a c t i v i t y , together w i t h i t s complementary f a c i -l i t i e s must be l o c a t e d i n space, and thus demand f o r land i s created. The requirements of i n d u s t r y are of a very s p e c i a l i z e d nature and the choice of s u i t a b l e l o c a t i o n s may be l i m i t e d . At 81-times there may be c o n f l i c t between I n d u s t r i a l uses and other uses f o r a v a i l a b l e land resources. F u r t h e r , since i t i s known that people f o l l o w jobs, the r e l a t i o n s h i p between p o p u l a t i o n , housing and i n d u s t r i a l l o c a t i o n comes i n t o focus. P h y s i c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s a l s o a r i s e as a consequence of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . I n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n encourages u r b a n i z a t i o n and the r a p i d formation of new settlements and expansion of o l d ones. Disorders i n the p h y s i c a l environment, such as b l i g h t , slums, t r a f f i c congestion, have been known to accompany r a p i d i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . I t i s easy to see how the operation of these d i s r u p t i v e f o r c e s can have an adverse e f f e c t on the progress of i n d u s t r i a l -i z a t i o n , even to the p o i n t of minimising i t s u l t i m a t e o b j e c t i v e s to such extent that wastage of resources would r e s u l t . A s i t u a -t i o n such as imagined might a r i s e where remedial measures might be so c o s t l y as to completely wipe out the a n t i c i p a t e d b e n e f i t s . A p o l i c y of p h y s i c a l development to support the p o l i c y on i n d u s t r i a l development i s i n d i c a t e d . This i s seen as the only means by which a r a t i o n a l and d e s i r a b l e a l l o c a t i o n of land and arrangement of land uses and f a c i l i t i e s w i l l be achieved. P h y s i c a l development p o l i c y i s best expressed i n the form of a plan f o r development of the p h y s i c a l environment. In a country where Government proposes to use i t s i n -vestment i n s o c i a l overhead to spark i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and eco-nomic development g e n e r a l l y , l o c a t i o n d e c i s i o n s on development p r o j e c t s such as power and water s u p p l i e s , roads, sewers, can be b e t t e r co-ordinated and made to conform to a l o g i c a l o v e r a l l 82 p o l i c y i f these p r o j e c t s can be v i s u a l i z e d i n s p a t i a l form, that i s , on a p l a n . On the other hand, the i m p l i c a t i o n s of a d e c i s i o n by an i n v e s t o r can r e a d i l y be checked against p o l i c y , and p o s s i b l e v a r i a t i o n s worked out w i t h speed and ease. Proposals which may be d e s i r a b l e according to one set of c r i t e r i a may w e l l have con-f l i c t i n g repercussions when assessed on another b a s i s . A l l the requirements can be met more e f f e c t i v e l y and d e c i s i o n s made more r e a l i s t i c i f r e f e r r e d to a p l a n of the p h y s i c a l environment. Moreover, the goals of economic development and indus-t r i a l i z a t i o n may not be f u l l y r e a l i z e d unless expressed on and r e l a t e d to a p l a n f o r p h y s i c a l development. An i m p l i c i t goal of development i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago i s to develop c e r t a i n lagging or depressed areas - St. Andrew, St. David, Tobago, Nari v a , Mayaro. Plans f o r economic development of these areas w i l l c e r t a i n l y be i n f l u e n c e d by p h y s i c a l f a c t o r s - n a t u r a l r e -sources, s o i l and topography, v e g e t a t i o n - which may help or hinder development. S i m i l a r l y , any s o c i a l l y d e s i r a b l e p o l i c y f o r development must recognize the p h y s i c a l r e a l i t i e s of the s i t u a t i o n . One p o l i c y which i s both d e s i r a b l e and necessary i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago Is the r e - d i s t r i b u t i o n of p o p u l a t i o n and economic a c t i -v i t i e s . Decisions on s u i t a b l e areas f o r f u t u r e settlement which do not take i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n the p h y s i c a l l i m i t a t i o n s must i n e v i t a b l y s u f f e r from a l a c k of r e a l i s m and are not l i k e l y to be wholly s u c c e s s f u l . By i t s very nature, the plan f o r the phy-s i c a l environment w i l l embody a l l p h y s i c a l aspects of development. 83 We see, t h e r e f o r e , that the expansion of the i n d u s t r i a l s e c t o r , which i s a major component of the development of T r i n i d a d and Tobago, i s i n f l u e n c e d by s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l f a c t o r s as w e l l as purely economic con s i d e r a t i o n s and that the process has wider r a m i f i c a t i o n s i n the s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l aspects of development of the community, than merely i n the narrow economic sphere. Hence the approach to planning f o r development must take i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n economic, s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l elements of develop-ment; i n other words, the planning f u n c t i o n must be i n t e g r a t e d and comprehensive. One p o i n t needs to be emphasised here. Because the r e s -p o n s i b i l i t y f o r p o l i c y on economic a c t i v i t y and s o c i a l a c t i v i t y i s d i v i d e d between the p r i v a t e and p u b l i c s e c t o r s , the need f o r i n t e g r a t e d planning i s perhaps more urgent and c r i t i c a l i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago, than might normally be expected i n develop-ing c o u n t r i e s where Government has the more powerful t o o l s of d i r e c t p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n production. In developing coun t r i e s where Government engages d i r e c t l y i n production, the establishment and l o c a t i o n of important indus-t r i e s might form the n u c l e i around which f u r t h e r i n d u s t r y , even that owned by p r i v a t e e n t e r p r i s e , can be l o c a t e d . Thus c o n t r o l of l o c a t i o n of i n d u s t r y and settlement i s more e a s i l y e f f e c t e d . In T r i n i d a d and Tobago such powerful and d i r e c t t o o l s are not a v a i l a b l e , and the i n d i r e c t t o o l s are n a t u r a l l y weaker and more u n c e r t a i n i n t h e i r e f f e c t s . I t i s more e s s e n t i a l there-f o r e f o r Government a c t i o n to be backed up by concrete p o l i c i e s founded on proper acceptable planning techniques. Controls and d i r e c t i v e measures should be f i r m e r and more p r e c i s e . There i s th e r e f o r e greater need f o r planning by c e n t r a l Government i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago. The planning f u n c t i o n i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago must be comprehensive: The economic element w i l l be r e s p o n s i b l e f o r fo r m u l a t i n g and a r t i c u l a t i n g a p o l i c y f o r economic development based on complete knowledge of e x i s t i n g c o n d i t i o n s , f u t u r e p o t e n t i a l i t i e s and pr o j e c t e d needs; the s o c i a l element w i l l be p r i m a r i l y concerned w i t h i d e n t i f y i n g the s o c i o l o g i c a l i n g r e -d i e n t s of the development process and the s o c i a l e f f e c t s of development, w i t h a view to maximizing the s o c i a l b e n e f i t s and minimizing the s o c i a l costs and i l l - e f f e c t s ; the p h y s i c a l element w i l l help to t r a n s l a t e p o l i c y d e c i s i o n s i n t o goals expressed i n p h y s i c a l terms, evolve a p o l i c y f o r p h y s i c a l development and produce a plan of the p h y s i c a l environment i n accordance w i t h that p o l i c y . 85 REFERENCES ^Trinidad and Tobago, Central S t a t i s t i c a l Office, Annual S t a t i s t i c a l Digest, 1958, and Trinidad and Tobago, Office of the Premier and Ministry of Finance, Economic Survey of  Trinidad and Tobago, 1953-1958. 2 T r i n i d a d and Tobago, Central S t a t i s t i c a l Office, Pre-liminary figures for i960 Census. 3 j a m a i c a , Department of S t a t i s t i c s , Abstract of S t a t i s - t i c s , No. 18, 1958. Table 1.10 (revised). ^Great B r i t a i n , Barbados: Report for the Years 1956 and  1957 (London: H.M. Stationery Office, 1959 J, p . 12. W. Roberts, "Movements i n Population and the Labour Force," The Economy of the West Indies, ed. G. E. Cumper, ( i n s t i t u t e of Social and Economic Research, University College of the West Indies, i 9 6 0 ) , p. 29. ^G. W. Roberts and F. Rampersaud, "Three Projections for the B r i t i s h Caribbean, 1955-1970, The Demographic Problems of  the Area Served by the Caribbean Commission^ (Trinidad: Caribbean Commission, 1957). ?Sa m R. Naranjit, "The Need for Creating New Jobs i n Trinidad and Tobago," Lecture to Trade Union Congress Seminar, August 7, i 9 6 0 . Mr. Naranjit i s Research Economist of Trinidad and Tobago Indu s t r i a l Development Corporation. ^Trinidad and Tobago, Five-Year Development Programme,  1958-1962: 1958 Report, p. 1. ^Trinidad and Tobago, Five-Year Development Programme, 1958-1962, p. 35 . 1 0G. Montano, Minister of Housing and Local Government, Trinidad and Tobago. Statement on Housing Policy made i n Legis-l a t i v e Council on July 8 , i 9 6 0 . ^ F i v e Year Development Programme, p. 35 . •^The family dwelling unit i s used as the s t a t i s t i c a l u n i t; many houses shelter more than one family. 1 3 E c onomic Survey, p. 50-51. •^Annual S t a t i s t i c a l Digest, Table 19. •^Economic Survey, p. 51. l 6 I b l d , p. 68. 1 7 Antrual S t a t i s t i c a l Digest , Table 19. ^ F i v e - Y e a r Development Programme, p. 19Ibid, p. 16. 2 0 I b i d , p. 13. 2 1 I b i d , p. 7. CHAPTER I I I PLANNING FOR DEVELOPMENT IN TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO In the previous chapter, the development needs i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago were examined, and the requirements of the comprehensive planning f u n c t i o n , as i t i s to be a p p l i e d to the development e f f o r t , were e s t a b l i s h e d . In t h i s chapter, planning f o r development as i t i s c u r r e n t l y p r a c t i s e d i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago i s discussed, and an e v a l u a t i o n made to determine i t s e f f e c t i v e n e s s and the extent to which i t s a t i s f i e s the r e q u i r e -ments of comprehensiveness. The planning f u n c t i o n i s ob v i o u s l y i n f l u e n c e d by the p o l i t i c a l and governmental t r a d i t i o n s of a country. The f i r s t p a r t of t h i s chapter th e r e f o r e i s devoted to a d i s c u s s i o n of the h i s t o r y of c e n t r a l government i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago, the l o c a l government system, and the h i s t o r y of planning w i t h i n the general framework of government a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . H i s t o r y of Government Although T r i n i d a d d i d not come under B r i t i s h r u l e u n t i l 1797, when i t was captured from the Spanish, the i n f l u e n c e of the B r i t i s h has been paramount In the growth of government i n T r i n i d a d . The system of government known as Crown Colony Gov-ernment i n which the Governor c o n t r o l l e d the colony a s s i s t e d by f u l l y nominated executive and l e g i s l a t i v e c o u n c i l s , formed the 88 basis of the p o l i t i c a l l i f e and administrative system of the country. The system was founded on the basic p r i n c i p l e of the s t r i c t separation of powers. The Governor, who was appointed by the Crown, was i n charge of the executive branch of govern-ment, while l e g i s l a t i v e authority was vested i n the nominated assembly. 1 It was not u n t i l 1924 that representative government was introduced i n Trinidad and Tobago.2 i n that year the Legis-l a t i v e Council consisted of twelve o f f i c i a l s , s i x members nomi-nated by the Governor and seven members elected on a li m i t e d franchise. The Executive Council was comprised of four o f f i -c i a l s and one u n o f f i c i a l member, who was normally appointed from among the nominated members of the Leg i s l a t i v e Council. Thus from the year 1924, Trinidad and Tobago had a L e g i s l a t i v e Council with an elected minority, but no elected representative i n the Executive Council. 3 The source of executive power was therefore vested i n the Crown, through i t s d i r e c t representative the Governor, and executive and administrative actions were i n i t i a t e d and directed by the Colonial Office. L e g i s l a t i v e action was limi t e d and did not r e f l e c t the needs of the community at large. The d i r e c t consequences of t h i s form of Government from afar, were a f e e l i n g of complete f r u s t r a t i o n i n the community, permanent opposition to the Government, and a constant tendency to c r i t i c i s e government action.^ Local representatives on the legi s l a t u r e s and the people of the country tended to think of the Government as 'they' i n opposition to 'we'. This state of a f f a i r s obviously could not contribute to effective l o c a l p o l i -t i c a l and executive action. A sense of p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n govern-ment among the people i s essential to the growth of l o c a l i n i t i a -t i v e . The beginning of the break with the old system occurred i n 1937, under rather violent circumstances. In that year, Trinidad and Tobago, i n common with other B r i t i s h West Indian t e r r i t o r i e s , experienced c r i p p l i n g island-wide s t r i k e s and serious c i v i l disturbances. This c r i t i c a l s i t u a t i o n prompted the B r i t i s h Government to appoint a Royal Commission^ to i n v e s t i -gate the circumstances surrounding these disturbances. Two important consequences flowed from t h i s investigation. Urgent recommendations were made for far-reaching programmes to improve and transform the s o c i a l conditions i n the West Indies; and changes i n the organization of the administrative and p o l i t i -cal systems followed. In the p o l i t i c a l and administrative sphere the recommend-ations of the Commission and the atmosphere of World War I I , i n i t i a t e d changes which culminated i n 1956 with the emergence of the f i r s t representative party government i n Trinidad and Tobago. In the elections of 1956, for the Central Government, the People's National Movement, led by Dr. E r i c Williams, won the support of the majority of the electorate and gained control of the L e g i s l a t i v e Council. The emergence of a strong popular party which commands the support and the confidence of the majority of the people i s 90 generally considered as the l a s t major precondition to respon-s i b l e self-government. Recognition was given to this dictum by the B r i t i s h Government after the 1956 elections when, i n the t r a d i t i o n of B r i t i s h parliamentary practice, the Governor i n v i -ted the leader of the majority party to 'form a Government'. The 1956 Constitution retained certain reserve l e g i s -l a t i v e and executive powers i n the hands of the Governor. He was obligated to follow the advice of the Executive Council (of which he was President). This Council was made up of two o f f i c i a l s and eight elected members, one of whom was Chief Minister. For the f i r s t time the p o r t f o l i o of finance was allocated to an elected representative. Elected members were also charged with the administration of certain government departments and were responsible to the Legislature for the executive actions of these departments. This Constitution pro-vided a large measure of responsible self-government. This power was further extended In 1959 with the introduction of Cabinet Government. Executive action i s now vested i n the Cabinet (instead of the Executive Council) which i s comprised of eight Ministers and headed by a Premier ( a l l elected representatives). The two o f f i c i a l s s t i l l s i t i n the Cabinet but are not e n t i t l e d to vote. The Governor's reserve l e g i s l a t i v e powers were removed, but he retains general reserve executive powers.^ The culmination of the evolution of government i n Trinidad and Tobago w i l l be reached i n 1961 when the new Constitution granting f u l l i n t e r n a l self-government w i l l come into force. In keeping with the d e f i n i t i o n given e a r l i e r Trinidad 91 became a developing country i n 1956, i n that a responsible party with the majority support of the people was i n control of the government, elected representatives exercised control over the administrative machinery of government, and the Government consciously undertook some form of development. The central Government possessed the power to plan since both l e g i s l a t i v e and executive action was i n the hands of the elected representa-tives of the people. Relationship with Federal Government The growth of the West Indies Federation, which was established i n 1958, and the possible assumption of more exten-sive powers by the Federal Government are factors which must be considered. I t i s possible that the growth of a strong Federal Government with both f i n a n c i a l and c o n s t i t u t i o n a l power, may affect the e x i s t i n g relationship between the Federal Government and the Governments of the Unit T e r r i t o r i e s , and so, s h i f t the power to plan for development to the former. The Federal Constitution establishes the present r e l a -tionship. In any federal system the keystone of the structure i s the d i v i s i o n of powers. Within the area of concern of t h i s study, i t i s noted that i n the f i e l d s of i n d u s t r i a l development, currency, banking, e x t r a - t e r r i t o r i a l f i s h i n g , borrowing by unit governments, income tax, customs and excise, and some other matters which have i n d i r e c t implications for development, the Federal Government shares i t s powers with the Unit T e r r i t o r i e s , that i s , both levels of government have power to l e g i s l a t e on 92 these matters, federal l e g i s l a t i o n taking precedence i n cases of c o n f l i c t . The Federal Government has exclusive l e g i s l a t i v e power i n the f i e l d s of personal movement, exchange control, insurance and federal borrowing. A l l other so-called 'residual powers' remain with the t e r r i t o r i e s . Federal powers, exclusive and shared combined, appear to be quite extensive. However, any attempt at planning for development i s l i k e l y to be seriously handicapped because of omissions i n i t s powers. Agriculture and p r a c t i c a l l y the entire range of s o c i a l services are excluded from federal j u r i s d i c t i o n . In order to plan e f f e c t i v e l y a government must be able to influence these functions. When the present f i n a n c i a l l i m i t a -tions are added to these considerations, the f u l l impact of the structures on the Federal Government i n t h i s d i r e c t i o n i s rea-l i z e d . In short the present Constitution provides for a 'weak' federation, i n which the central governments of the t e r r i t o r i e s have the r e a l power to plan. Subsequent changes i n the d i v i s i o n of powers, which seem inevitable, may adjust the balance of power between the Federal Government and the Unit Governments, but i t i s d i f f i c u l t at t h i s stage to see how this w i l l affect the s i t u a t i o n with regard to the place of the planning function i n government. Available information suggests that planning for develop-ment w i l l l a r g e l y be confined to the central governments of Unit T e r r i t o r i e s , regardless of attempts to strengthen the power of the Federal Government. 93 The o f f i c i a l view i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago i s e x p l i c i t on the question of d i v i s i o n of powers. In making a case f o r the r e v i s i o n of the f e d e r a l c o n s t i t u t i o n , the T r i n i d a d Government envisages a wider range of powers f o r the Federal Government with the o b j e c t i v e of ensuring i t the a b i l i t y to undertake "the f o r m u l a t i o n of c l e a r - c u t and co-ordinated n a t i o n a l p o l i -c i e s so designed to permit the most e f f e c t i v e use of the r e -sources of the n a t i o n . . . "' Added powers proposed f o r the Federal Government are p r i m a r i l y concerned w i t h f i s c a l and monetary matters. On the other hand, the concurrent l i s t of f u n c t i o n s on which powers are shared, s t i l l Includes the f i e l d s of i n d u s t r i a l development, economic and s o c i a l planning, s o c i a l s e c u r i t y , and a g r i c u l t u r a l research marketing and development. The u n i t t e r r i t o r i e s w i l l r e t a i n the f u n c t i o n s of town and country planning, housing, roads, h e a l t h , water and s a n i t a -t i o n . ^ I m p l i c i t i n these proposals i s the view that the Federal Government's r o l e i n the development process w i l l be on the r e g i o n a l l e v e l and i n broad p o l i c y terms while d e t a i l e d planning and implementation w i l l b.e the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of t e r r i -t o r i a l governments. The r e a l i s m of t h i s approach i s underscored by geography; each t e r r i t o r y i s a geographic e n t i t y , and hence, may be regarded as a planning u n i t w i t h i n the broader r e g i o n a l context of the Federation. L o c a l Government I t i s appropriate at t h i s p o i n t to give a b r i e f p i c t u r e of the s t r u c t u r e of l o c a l Government i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago the 94 l e v e l below the Ce n t r a l Government and comment on i t s operation. There are three forms of l o c a l government a d m i n i s t r a t i o n i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago: ( l ) the Port of Spain C i t y C o u n c i l , which administers the c a p i t a l c i t y , c o n s t i t u t e d a " c i t y " by Law i n 1914; (2) the Borough Councils of Arima, which was r a i s e d to the status of a Borough by Royal Charter i n 1888, and San Fernando r a i s e d to a Borough i n 1853; (3) the seven County Councils which were formed i n 1953 to administer the eight counties and the i s l a n d ward of Tobago. These are: the County Councils of St. George, St. David-St. Andrew, Nariva-Mayaro, 9 Caroni, V i c t o r i a , St. P a t r i c k and Tobago. Equivalent forms of i n c o r p o r a t i o n i n B r i t i s h Columbia are roughly - C i t y , Town and D i s t r i c t M u n i c i p a l i t y . The range of f u n c t i o n s e x e r c i s e d by the l o c a l government c o u n c i l s are rather l i m i t e d . They inc l u d e such matters as pub-l i c h e a l t h and s a n i t a t i o n , maintenance of roads and very minor c a p i t a l works. They are a l s o r e s p o n s i b l e f o r c o l l e c t i n g taxes on property and charges f o r c e r t a i n p u b l i c s e r v i c e s - water and sewerage works. The u t t e r f i n a n c i a l stringency which has coloured the . h i s t o r y of the l o c a l A u t h o r i t i e s i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago provides a clue to t h e i r almost t o t a l i n e f f e c t i v e n e s s . Because of t h e i r i n a b i l i t y to meet even r e c u r r e n t expenses without grants from the Cen t r a l Government, l o c a l government c o u n c i l s - have enjoyed l i t t l e r e a l independence of a c t i o n . .The p o s i t i o n may be summed up thus: "The problem has always been one of r e l a t i n g autonomy of a c t i o n i n f i n a n c i a l matters to f i n a n c i a l dependence on the Ce n t r a l Government f o r a l a r g e p r o p o r t i o n of t h e i r funds and of rela~ting 95 the grants paid by Government to the s e r v i c e s rendered by the l o c a l authorities."-^- 0 Despite e f f o r t s which are being made by the present Government of T r i n i d a d and Tobago to put the L o c a l A u t h o r i t i e s on a more s u b s t a n t i a l f i n a n c i a l f o o t i n g , i t w i l l of n e c e s s i t y be some considerable time before these c o u n c i l s w i l l be i n a strong and independent p o s i t i o n to take up a wider range of fun c t i o n s and discharge t h e i r r e s p o n s i b i l i t y e f f e c t i v e l y . Indeed, i t i s doub t f u l whether the assumption of greater r e s p o n s i b i l i t y by Local A u t h o r i t i e s , i n t h e i r present form, w i l l be i n the best i n t e r e s t of the f u t u r e development of the t e r r i -t o r y . There i s no strong t r a d i t i o n of l o c a l government i n Tr i n i d a d and Tobago, and municipal boundaries as they e x i s t at present do not co i n c i d e w i t h s u i t a b l e areas f o r a d m i n i s t r a t i o n or planning. A case i n po i n t i s the C i t y of Port of Spain. In s p i t e of the a d d i t i o n , through i n c o r p o r a t i o n of contiguous areas equal to about one-third of i t s former area, during the decade 1930-1940 (only minor changes have been made since that d a t e ) , Port of Spain today s u f f e r s from a l l the c l a s s i c problems of c e n t r e - c i t i e s i n exploding metropolitan areas. And any e f f o r t s on the part of the Port of Spain C i t y Council to ameliorate un-favourable c o n d i t i o n s w i t h i n the c i t y are subject to serious l i m i t a t i o n s because of r e s t r i c t e d j u r i s d i c t i o n , and cound only proceed w i t h the a c t i v e , but Informal, co-operation of the Council of the County of St. George, i n which the C i t y of Port of Spain i s s i t u a t e d . Thus, we might conclude, that through expediency and In 96 the i n t e r e s t of f u t u r e development of T r i n i d a d and Tobago, a l l major d e c i s i o n s concerning development f o r the e n t i r e t e r r i t o r y w i l l be made by the C e n t r a l Government. However we might assume tha t , w i t h i n the l i m i t s set by Government, Lo c a l A u t h o r i t i e s w i l l p a r t i c i p a t e i n implementing plans f o r development. More-over, t h i s study does not intend to recommend c o n s t i t u t i o n a l changes of the kind that would be necessary to a l t e r municipal boundaries, but proposes to concentrate on an o r g a n i z a t i o n f o r planning which can be superimposed on the e x i s t i n g s t r u c t u r e , d i s r u p t i n g i t as l i t t l e as p o s s i b l e . H i s t o r y of Planning and A d m i n i s t r a t i o n The planning f u n c t i o n w i t h i n c e n t r a l government, as a r a t i o n a l attempt to m o b i l i z e the resources and co-ordinate the a c t i v i t i e s of the community to achieve predetermined goals, has a very short h i s t o r y i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago. However, present p r a c t i c e of planning f o r development, such as i t e x i s t s , i s the outgrowth of a d m i n i s t r a t i v e p r a c t i c e s of the past. A b r i e f review of the growth of the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e system, i n r e l a t i o n to planning, i s necessary i n understanding the approach to current planning p r a c t i c e . T r a d i t i o n a l l y , the l e g i s l a t i v e and executive branches of government have been separate. The L e g i s l a t u r e ' s f u n c t i o n s were confined to the establishment of laws on a r e l a t i v e l y l i m i t e d range of matters; i t assumed no d i r e c t r e s p o n s i b i l i t y 97 f o r executive and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e matters. The e n t i r e machinery of government, which was d i r e c t l y r e s p o n s i b l e to the Governor, c a r r i e d out i t s executive f u n c t i o n s w i t h i n the framework of a budget set by the L e g i s l a t u r e . Beyond t h i s the l i n k between policy-making and execution was very tenuous. The r e s u l t was that government departments tended to introduce programmes independently, and not i n d i r e c t response to the needs and d e s i r e s of the community. Ad hoc d e c i s i o n s determined programmes r a t h e r than p o s i t i v e l e g i s l a t i v e p o l i c i e s . And since there was no s i n g l e d i r e c t i n g f o r c e , there could be no e f f e c t i v e c o - o r d i n a t i o n between departments and the concept of concerted i n t e r - l o c k i n g a c t i o n s designed to achieve defined goals d i d not apply to the a c t i v i t i e s of government. Further separation of a c t i v i t i e s arose out of the eco-nomic s t r u c t u r e of T r i n i d a d and Tobago. These i s l a n d s enjoyed w i t h t h e i r s i s t e r i s l a n d s i n the West In d i e s , great p r o s p e r i t y during the eighteenth and e a r l y nineteenth c e n t u r i e s , based on the sugar trade. Since that time many for c e s have combined to produce a r e l a t i v e d e c l i n e i n the i n d u s t r y . The r e l e v a n t f a c t s here are f i r s t l y , e x t e r n a l f a c t o r s have always i n f l u e n c e d the sugar i n d u s t r y , s i n c e i t i s e x p o r t - o r i e n t e d and s u s c e p t i b l e to world c o n d i t i o n s i n the i n d u s t r y ; and secondly, sugar production i s p r i m a r i l y c o n t r o l l e d by l a r g e companies owned by absentee p r o p r i e t o r s and p r o f i t s are exported. Thus during the phase when sugar dominated the economy of the country, economic planning f o r a l a r g e Important sector of the country was i n the hands of p r i v a t e i n d i v i d u a l s whose 98 o b j e c t i v e s were hardly ever i n concert with the d e s i r e s of the l o c a l community. (indeed, they were o f t e n i n c o n f l i c t . Through-out the nineteenth century, the B r i t i s h Government, through i t s Governors, was f r e q u e n t l y placed i n the p o s i t i o n of having to a r b i t r a t e between the p l a n t e r s and people. "Constant disputes occurred between the Governors and p l a n t e r s , who a l l e g e d from time to time that t h e i r i n t e r e s t s were subordinated to those of the masses. " ) ^ The r e l a t i v e importance of sugar i n the economy of T r i n i d a d and Tobago has d e c l i n e d s t e a d i l y ; the o i l i n d u s t r y has now r i s e n to take i t s place as the most important c o n t r i -butor to the economy ( o i l and asphalt c o n t r i b u t e d 37?° to Gross Domestic Product i n 1957, while sugar c o n t r i b u t e d about 2 . 1 % ) . Influence over a l a r g e p a r t of the economic sector i s t h e r e f o r e concentrated i n the hands of the few l a r g e o i l companies. The background i n f l u e n c e s out of which planning f o r development had to develop can now be summarized: t r a d i t i o n -a l l y , government a c t i o n s and programmes have been conducted under the C o l o n i a l system of planning, which has been mainly concerned w i t h the day-to-day f u n c t i o n i n g of the executive branch of government w i t h i n the l i m i t s set by the annual budgets. L i t t l e c o - o r d i n a t i o n between departments e x i s t e d and programmes r e f l e c t e d ad hoc d e c i s i o n s r a t h e r than p o s i t i v e p o l i c i e s . Eco-no m i c a l l y the p r i n c i p l e of l a i s s e z f a i r e w i t h i n a p r i v a t e l y con-t r o l l e d economic sector has operated to i n f l u e n c e s t r o n g l y development d e c i s i o n s . The f i r s t persuasive case f o r a new approach to develop-99 merit and f o r a r e v i s i o n of the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e system came from the West India Royal Commission. This Commission set up i n 1938, had as i t s terms of reference: To i n v e s t i g a t e s o c i a l and economic c o n d i t i o n s . . . and matters connected therewith, and to make r e -commendations .12 The recommendations published i n 1940, emphasized cer-t a i n s o c i a l needs and proposed that f i n a n c i a l a i d from the Imperial Exchequer be provided and a s p e c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n to administer the fund e s t a b l i s h e d . The case was sta t e d i n these terms: "There i s a press i n g need f o r la r g e expenditure on s o c i a l s e r v i c e s and development which not even the l e a s t poor of the West Indian c o l o n i e s can hope to undertake from t h e i r own resources. "•'-3 The Commission t h e r e f o r e proposed that the fund would be used to finance schemes f o r the general improvement of education, the h e a l t h s e r v i c e s , housing and slum clearance. The " s p e c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n " to administer t h i s fund was c a l l e d the C o l o n i a l Development and Welfare Organization. I t d i d much to f o s t e r the n o t i o n of long range planning by i n s i s t -ing on proper programming of p r o j e c t s by the Governments as a c o n d i t i o n f o r f i n a n c i a l a s s i s t a n c e . S p e c i a l i s t s were to be included on the s t a f f of the o r g a n i z a t i o n to provide a s s i s t a n c e and guidance on the pre p a r a t i o n of programmes. The range of s p e c i a l i s t s would vary according to the nature of the schemes, but would "Include from the outset experts on education, f i n a n c e , h e a l t h , housing, income tax, labour and s o c i a l w e l f a r e , a c i v i l engineer and a s t a t i s t i c i a n . " ^ ^ Prom 1940 u n t i l i t was f o r m a l l y d i s s o l v e d i n 1957, the 100 CDW Organization and i t s experts gave va l u a b l e a s s i s t a n c e to the West Indian Governments i n planning of s p e c i f i c programmes i n the f i e l d s mentioned. The experts operated i n an ad v i s o r y c a p a c i t y , they were a l l e x p a t r i a t e o f f i c e r s on co n t r a c t f o r l i m i t e d periods of time, and, i n the d i f f i c u l t times of World War I I and the immediate postwar period q u a l i f i e d personnel were i n short supply. Consequently, planning programmes formulated during t h i s p e r i o d l e f t much to be d e s i r e d . The planning was spe-c i a l i z e d i n s t e a d of being comprehensive; implementation and c o n t i n u i t y were not always assured; and programmes were designed p r i m a r i l y to ameliorate unfavourable s o c i a l and eco-nomic c o n d i t i o n s r a t h e r than promote maximum o v e r a l l b e n e f i t s . Planning f o r development i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago has I n h e r i t e d these two planning approaches - C o l o n i a l planning w i t h i t s s t r i c t l y f u n c t i o n a l pragmatic approach, and C o l o n i a l Development and Welfare planning which was l i m i t e d i n scope, advisory i n character and segmented i n content. Planning f o r Development The Approach to Development The scope and content of the planning f u n c t i o n at any l e v e l of government are i n f l u e n c e d by the p o l i c y f o r development of that government. This p o l i c y r e f l e c t s the views of the party or persons i n c o n t r o l of the government on the nature of the development process. In September 1956, T r i n i d a d and Tobago got i t s f i r s t 101 r e p r e s e n t a t i v e party government, when the People's N a t i o n a l Movement gained a m a j o r i t y i n the L e g i s l a t i v e C o uncil and formed the Government. This Party, supported by the ma j o r i t y of the e l e c t o r a t e and enjoying the g o o d w i l l and a l l e g i e n c e of important f a c t i o n s i n the community, brought to the task of adm i n i s t e r i n g the machinery of government a p o s i t i v e dynamic a t t i t u d e based on a d e f i n i t e p o l i c y and an imaginative pro-gramme . The p r i n c i p l e statement of the Party's p o l i c y f o r development was contained i n the E l e c t i o n Manifesto f o r the General E l e c t i o n s of September 24, 1956. S t a r t i n g w i t h a p o l i t i c a l programme as one of the c r i t i c a l f a c t o r s i n the development of the country, and which proposed the u l t i m a t e achievement of f u l l i n t e r n a l self-government based on democratic p r i n c i p l e s and B r i t i s h parliamentary p r a c t i c e , the Manifesto o u t l i n e d Economic and S o c i a l Programmes which embraced the major c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the development of the country. The f o l l o w i n g quotation i n d i c a t e s the approach to eco-nomic development, taken by the Government Party. The p r i n c i p l e f e a t u r e s of the economic development of the country are The domination of the o i l , sugar and asphalt i n d u s t r i e s The underdevelopment of such areas as St. Andrew-St. David, Tobago, Nariva-Mayaro, Ortoire-Morouga The l i m i t e d c o n t r i b u t i o n of pioneer i n d u s t r i e s to em-ployment and n a t i o n a l output The existence of 18,000 unemployed i n a labour f o r c e of 270,000 i n a pop u l a t i o n of 720,000 of whom 293,000 are c h i l d r e n under 15 The existence of considerable underemployment, amount-ing to 14 out of every 100 persons employed The p r i n c i p l e economic needs t h e r e f o r e are P r o v i s i o n of la r g e number of new jobs Development of the resources of the e n t i r e country 102 Expansion of e x i s t i n g i n d u s t r i e s and i n t r o d u c t i o n of new ones!5 The S o c i a l Programme was based on the argument that " T r i n i d a d and Tobago r e q u i r e as t h e i r most urgent need s o c i a l s e c u r i t y f o r the c i t i z e n and h i s f a m i l y . "-^ The four aspects of t h i s programme envisaged greater s o c i a l s e c u r i t y and w e l f a r e , improved working c o n d i t i o n s and f o r m a l i z e d p r o t e c t i o n f o r the worker; an a c c e l e r a t e d and expanded programme of housing; the improvement and r e - o r g a n i z a t i o n of the educational system to meet the needs of the community; and, the encouragement of c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s and the p r o v i s i o n of proper f a c i l i t i e s f o r l e i s u r e . These programmes are i n keeping w i t h the commonly accepted conception on the nature of development and lead to the adoption of the usual s t r a t e g i e s . However, c e r t a i n d e t a i l s of the programmes have s p e c i f i c bearing on the planning process. Under the economic programme i t was proposed to undertake "a comprehensive economic survey" and "a s p e c i f i c study of indus-t r i a l p o t e n t i a l i t i e s and prospects'; to e s t a b l i s h four agencies to a s s i s t i n the operation of the programme, i n c l u d i n g an Indus-t r i a l Development Corporation and A Planning Bureau f o r economic and p h y s i c a l planning. Apart from the vast increase i n " s o c i a l overhead" e n v i -saged, the s p e c i f i c f eatures of the s o c i a l programme which are r e l e v a n t are those d e a l i n g w i t h the housing programme. "A vigourous Slum Clearance programme based on the r e c o g n i t i o n of the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of Government ( i n t h i s f i e l d ) . . . " ^ 7 was pro-posed, together w i t h a programme of i n c e n t i v e s to encourage house 103 b u i l d i n g by i n d i v i d u a l s and p r i v a t e operators. I t was a l s o pro-posed to set up a "National Housing Board to coordinate the e x i s t i n g and d i s j o i n t e d agencies d e a l i n g w i t h the problem," and to r e v i s e the e x i s t i n g Planning l e g i s l a t i o n "to b r i n g i t i n l i n e w i t h modern conceptions of town and country p l a n n i n g . " 1 ^ No p o l i c y f o r p h y s i c a l development or settlement p a t t e r n was included i n the Manifesto. This was an important omission s i n c e the economic and s o c i a l programmes have p h y s i c a l i m p l i c a -t i o n s which may s t r o n g l y i n f l u e n c e the success of these pro-grammes. Moreover i t w i l l be seen that some of the proposals were not implemented; i n p a r t i c u l a r the proposal f o r a Planning Bureau combining both economic and p h y s i c a l sections has not been implemented i n f u l l . Only the economic s e c t i o n has been emphasized and i s now i n operation. Nevertheless, i n comparison w i t h the s i t u a t i o n which obtained i n the past t h i s p o l i c y statement was a considerable Improvement i n the approach to the development of T r i n i d a d and Tobago. The Planning Process In pursuance of the stated p o l i c y the new Government e s t a b l i s h e d a Planning Bureau e a r l y i n 1957, under the M i n i s t e r of Finance, and charged i t w i t h the task of f o r m u l a t i n g the present F i v e Year Development Programme. This Programme extends over the p e r i o d 1958 to 1962. The d u t i e s which the Bureau performed i n i t s e a r l y stages were reviewed i n the Report on the Reorganization of the P u b l i c S e r v i c e i n 1959. These d u t i e s were 104 (a) the prepa r a t i o n of Development Programme on the b a s i s of proposals submitted to i t by M i n i s t e r i e s ; (b) the c o n t r o l of expenditure envisaged by the Development Programme; c) the execution of the Programme; and d) the studying of f i n a n c i a l and economic problems that may be r e f e r r e d to i t from time to time. 19 The Report comments that " I t i s unfortunate that the Bureau exerted i t s energies only to those f u n c t i o n s o u t l i n e d above and d i d not extend i t s a t t e n t i o n to the study of the economic problems of the t e r r i t o r y . " 2 0 I t was thought that some of these f u n c t i o n s could be b e t t e r performed by executive M i n i s t e r i e s and departments. This overlapping, which amounted to I n t e r v e n t i o n i n executive d u t i e s was undesirable, e s p e c i a l l y as i t " l e d to the neglect of other e s s e n t i a l f u n c t i o n s In the planning organiza-t i o n such as studying trends i n the economy and t h i n k i n g ahead 21 to formulate new development p r o j e c t s . " These shortcomings r e f l e c t the approach to planning and some v e s t i g e s of the t h i n k i n g a s s o c i a t e d w i t h C o l o n i a l planning. The primary f u n c t i o n of the Planning Bureau was that of budget-ing and f i n a n c i a l a l l o c a t i o n . The separate M i n i s t e r i e s sub-mitted t h e i r proposals to the M i n i s t r y of Finance, and the task of reviewing and r e c o n c i l i n g the programmes and a l l o c a t i n g f i n a n c i a l resources among the d i f f e r e n t programmes f e l l to the Planning Bureau. To make t h i s the primary f u n c t i o n of the planning agency i s subject to two c r i t i c i s m s : ( l ) there was no guiding framework f o r pr e p a r a t i o n of programmes, no s p e c i f i c d i r e c t i v e s on needs or goals, and hence, the planning bureau had no devices f o r e v a l u a t i n g i n d i v i d u a l programmes; (2) the a l i o -105 cations depended more on budgetary co n s i d e r a t i o n s than on a r a t i o n a l set of p r i o r i t i e s . The second f u n c t i o n of the Planning Bureau was the s u p e r v i s i o n and execution of the Development Programme. This involved " t r o u b l e shooting" f o r bottle-necks i n programmes, approving d e t a i l s of i n d i v i d u a l programmes, p e r i o d i c checking on the progress of the Programme and r e s o l v i n g c o n f l i c t s between M i n i s t e r i e s f o r scarce resources. Obviously t h i s l e f t l i t t l e time f o r long range planning and constant review of the programme. J u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r concentrating on these two f u n c t i o n s might be found i n the d e s i r e to improve on the former p r a c t i c e of d i s j o i n t e d short-range e f f o r t s on the part of i n d i v i d u a l executive departments and introduce a more forward-looking, dynamic and co-ordinated e f f o r t . This attempt i s commendable but the above a c t i v i t i e s do not c o n s t i t u t e the only i n g r e d i e n t s of the planning process. This procedure i s no more than i n t e l l i g e n t C a p i t a l Budgeting of p u b l i c investment i n development p r o j e c t s and sub-sequently p o l i c i n g of the Programme i n execution. In a d d i t i o n , there was need f o r the c e n t r a l agency i n government to study the needs of the community f o r p u b l i c f a c i l i t i e s and s e r v i c e s , and then a l l o c a t e t o t a l resources to d i f f e r e n t sectors of Government a c t i v i t y , i n the l i g h t of the country's a b i l i t y to finance such a programme of expenditure. This i s only one aspect of comprehensive planning f o r development. The f o l l o w i n g comment i s perhaps suggestive of the 106 approach to planning which i s followed i n the planning agency at the l e v e l of c e n t r a l government i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago. The f a c t that i t i s described as a "Five Year Develop-ment Programme" rat h e r than a "Five Year Development Plan" i n d i c a t e s the concept of development underlying the s e r i e s of development p r o j e c t s which the Govern-ment has committed i t s e l f to undertake during the period 1958-1962.22 By t h i s statement the e n t i r e approach to planning f o r development i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago stands condemned. Although the d i s t i n c t i o n i s not r e a d i l y understood or accepted, i t might be s a i d that a 'development plan' i s p r e c i s e l y what i s needed. In f a c t what e x i s t s i s a F i v e Year F i n a n c i a l Programme. In the f i r s t p l ace, the sta t e d concept of development does not agree w i t h the one pos t u l a t e d e a r l i e r i n the study. I f t h i s more all-encompassing conception of development Is accepted, then c l e a r l y a pla n f o r development Implies a s e r i e s of c l o s e l y coordinated programmes f o r a l l f u n c t i o n a l components of the development process, which r e f l e c t s p e c i f i c goals and tar g e t s a l l c a r e f u l l y tested and I n t e r r e l a t e d . A programme of a s e r i e s of development p r o j e c t s to be undertaken w i t h i n a s p e c i f i e d period i s j u s t one aspect of such a plan — that i s , the Programme of C a p i t a l Works. The a l l o c a -t i o n of f i n a n c i a l resources to these p r o j e c t s and the balancing of proposed expenditure against a n t i c i p a t e d revenue are e s s e n t i a l aspects of f i n a n c i a l programming f o r c a p i t a l works which form;: an important p a r t of the plan f o r development. But f i n a n c i a l pro-gramming on i t s own can hardly be regarded as planning f o r development. The f a u l t here seems to l i e i n the adequacies of 107 the basic concept of the nature of development. In response to recent proposals for the reorganization of the Public Service, the Planning Bureau, i n i 9 6 0 , became the Economic Planning D i v i s i o n of the Office of the Premier. It was f e l t that since planning cuts across the claims and interests of d i f f e r e n t Ministers, i t was necessary to place the planning agency under the o f f i c i a l who commands highest authority and has the power of veto, and so, remove i t from the stream of i n t e r -m i n i s t e r i a l c o n f l i c t s . Thus planning i s now placed at the very source of p o l i c y making and executive power. This i s an important change, since planning i s now able to Influence the decision-making process, and, hopefully, would enhance this process. Pla-cing planning i n this p osition i n the Administration also gives i t s added power and authority. The duties of the Planning Bureau envisaged by the Report were "to study the development of the economy and i t s various aspects as a basis for the preparation of long-term development plans for the economic progress of the country." It was also expected to "study the progress of the Development Pro-gramme and to recommend to the Premier adjustments i n the l i g h t of changing economic conditions. " 2 3 The Report also proposed that the Economic Planning D i v i s i o n "should be headed by a q u a l i f i e d Economist with some years experience." And also have other economists and a s t a t i s -• 24 t i c i a n . ^ Clearly then, the f i r s t need of planning was for an Economic Planning Divi s i o n , attached to the Office of the Premier 108 and r e s p o n s i b l e f o r research and a n a l y s i s of economic problems and the preparation of long-range economic development pro-gramme. These proposals have been s u b s t a n t i a l l y c a r r i e d out. However, the complementary proposals of the Report have not been implemented. The Report proposed the establishment of a Town and Regional Planning D i v i s i o n i n the O f f i c e of the Premier "to work i n close c o l l a b o r a t i o n w i t h the Economic Planning D i v i s i o n . " This statement does not seem to endow the p h y s i c a l planning d i v i s i o n w i t h a status equal to that of the economic d i v i s i o n . P h y s i c a l planning i s merely an adjunct to economic planning. Furthermore the two f u n c t i o n s are o b v i o u s l y not v i s u a l i z e d as a t o t a l process. The d i v i s i o n s are separate and no i n d i c a t i o n i s given that the c o l l a b o r a t i o n i s f o r m a l i z e d or o b l i g a t o r y . And s o c i a l planning as p a r t of t h i s t o t a l planning process i s not considered. F i v e Year Development Programme The F i v e Year Development Programme i s the major product of the planning o r g a n i z a t i o n i n c e n t r a l government i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago. Whatever the shortcomings i t provides the most im-portant guide f o r the executive a c t i v i t i e s of government i n the f i e l d of major c a p i t a l works, through the f i n a n c i a l c o n t r o l which i t makes p o s s i b l e . This f u n c t i o n i s v i t a l and has c o n t r i b u t e d to the a c c e l e r a t i o n of development investment and c o n s t r u c t i o n . How-ever, because of the gaps i n the planning process, i t i s d o u b t f u l whether the f i n a n c i a l resources devoted to the development e f f o r t are producing maximum b e n e f i t s to the community and a c h i e v i n g the d e s i r e d goals of development. 109 "The o b j e c t i v e s of the Development Programme can be b r i e f l y summarized - more jobs, higher p r o d u c t i v i t y of the workers, b e t t e r amenities f o r the workers." 2-^ These o b j e c t i v e s are to be achieved through d e f i n i t e s t r a t e g i e s , which can be broadly d i v i d e d i n t o ' s o c i a l ' and 'economic', w i t h the emphasis on the former. The a t t i t u d e of the Government to i t s r o l e i n the development programme was made very c l e a r i n the f o l l o w i n g statement from the I n t r o d u c t i o n to the F i v e Year Development Programme. The Government cannot guarantee that a l l the jobs needed w i l l be created. D i r e c t government employment Is r e l a -t i v e l y s m a l l . What Government has to do i s to create a framework which i s favourable to investment, and to t r y to persuade as many persons as p o s s i b l e , here and over-seas, to create new employment opportunities.2° In other words Government intends to concentrate on those areas where p r i v a t e e n t e r p r i s e does not operate, and provide the s o c i a l overhead "to create the f a c i l i t i e s and atmosphere to a s s i s t i n the development of the country by p r i v a t e i n i t i a t i v e . " 2 The p r i n c i p l e of a p r i v a t e 'economic' sector and a p u b l i c ' s o c i a l ' sector seems to be a c o n t i n u a t i o n of the system which has been i n operation up to the present. I t appears to have served the community w e l l i n the past and Government has taken the d e c i s i o n to a l l o w p r i v a t e e n t e r p r i s e to continue the task that i t has already begun. This i s i n c o n t r a s t to some other developing c o u n t r i e s notably I n d i a , Pakistan and I s r a e l where Government's p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the economic development process i s more d i r e c t . But there i s reason to b e l i e v e that t h i s p o l i c y i s more e f f i c a c i o u s f o r T r i n i d a d and Tobago. 110 The t e r r i t o r y i s f o r t u n a t e i n having an economic sector which has already a t t a i n e d a c e r t a i n degree of development. The economy i s not stagnant; and the major productive e n t e r p r i s e s --o i l , a s phalt and sugar -- are export o r i e n t e d and w i l l continue to provide a f a i r l y s t a b l e base f o r the economy. Thus no r a d i c a l measures, as might be necessary to get a stagnant economy moving, are needed i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago, and, f u r t h e r , there appears to be l i t t l e prospect or need f o r any major change i n the o r i e n t a t i o n of the main e n t e r p r i s e s . What i s r e q u i r e d i s an a c c e l e r a t i o n , a d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n and a b e t t e r d i s t r i b u t i o n of productive e n t e r p r i s e s to s a t i s f y a l l the needs of the p o p u l a t i o n . Government's primary concern i s , t h e r e f o r e , the e q u i t a b l e d i s t r i b u t i o n of the b e n e f i t s of economic development and the maintenance and expansion of the p r i v a t e economy. For t h i s reason the d e c i s i o n was taken to con-f i n e Government's r o l e to that of promoting and s t i m u l a t i n g the p r i v a t e economic s e c t o r , r e - d i s t r i b u t i n g the b e n e f i t s of eco-nomic development and p r o v i d i n g f o r a l l s o c i a l needs. Govern-ment does not intend to become inv o l v e d d i r e c t l y i n productive e n t e r p r i s e which i s competently and adequately conducted w i t h i n the p r i v a t e s e c t o r . However, i t must be r e a l i z e d that the p o l i c y to maintain the dual character of the economy w i l l a f f e c t the approach to planning and the scope and content of the process. This idea w i l l be elaborated upon l a t e r i n the chapter on the o r g a n i z a t i o n f o r planning, but i t i s mentioned here as being a c r i t i c a l f a c t o r i n the e v a l u a t i o n of the current p r a c t i c e of planning f o r I l l development. . Planning f o r a dual economy, w i t h a s t r i c t s e p a r a t i o n of p r i v a t e and p u b l i c a c t i v i t y i s more d i f f i c u l t and complex. The promotion and c o n t r o l of productive a c t i v i t i e s , e s p e c i a l l y i n the important question of l o c a t i o n , have to be conducted i n d i r e c t l y . Since the r a p i d expansion of productive a c t i v i t i e s forms the b a s i s f o r development of a country, planning f o r t h i s sector of the community's l i f e i s c r i t i c a l . I t becomes more so, where resources are l i m i t e d and an e x c e p t i o n a l l y r a p i d r a t e of development i s d e s i r e d . The Government of T r i n i d a d and Tobago has d e f i n i t e l y committed I t s e l f to t h i s p o l i c y , and the emphasis i s r e f l e c t e d i n the F i v e Year Development Programme. For example, i n the case of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n the view i s taken that "Much of Government's a s s i s t a n c e . . . can only be granted through f i s c a l and f i n a n c i a l measures." 2^ S i m i l a r p o l i c i e s of p r o v i d i n g i n -centives to p r i v a t e investment i s followed i n other productive f i e l d s . In a g r i c u l t u r e , f i s h e r i e s and f o r e s t r y emphasis i s placed on the p r o v i s i o n of f a c i l i t i e s and s e r v i c e s to encourage expansion. In the case of tourism, Government proposes to extend i t s i n c e n t i v e s programme so that " p r i v a t e e n t e r p r i s e w i l l be encouraged f u r t h e r to enter more e n t h u s i a s t i c a l l y i n t o t h i s f i e l d , . ."29 Under the broad heading of Service I n d u s t r i e s and Invest-ments i n P u b l i c S e r v i c e s , the Development Programme envisages the expenditure of "vast sums of money . . . on s e r v i c e s . . .", The p r i n c i p l e embodied i n t h i s programme i s that "as f a r as p o s s i b l e , 112 every productive i n d u s t r y and every productive worker w i l l enjoy the b a s i c f a c i l i t i e s which w i l l enable them to develop t h e i r f u l l p o t e n t i a l and make t h e i r maximum c o n t r i b u t i o n to the country's economy." 3 0 In t o t a l , the Development Programme which has emerged out of these p o l i c i e s i s an impressive c o l l e c t i o n of p r o j e c t s which range from expenditure on some d i r e c t l y productive enter-p r i s e s - p l a n t i n g s u b s i d i e s , loans to a g r i c u l t u r e and f i s h e r i e s , p r o v i s i o n of i n d u s t r i a l s i t e s , t r a n s p o r t a t i o n and communication f a c i l i t i e s - to purely s o c i a l expenditure on education, h e a l t h s e r v i c e s , housing, and so on. However, c a r e f u l examination of the Programme r e v e a l s that i t i s no more than a c o l l e c t i o n of p r o j e c t s grouped under d i f f e r e n t f u n c t i o n a l headings. The Programme r e f l e c t s the s t a t e d p o l i c y f o r development which has only been expressed In q u a l i t a t i v e terms. The p o l i c y has not been reduced to q u a n t i t a -t i v e t a r g e t s and t r a n s l a t e d Into p h y s i c a l terms where necessary. A l l o c a t i o n s are mainly i n block form which leads one to suspect that the d e t a i l s f o r the f u n c t i o n a l programmes had not been worked out f u l l y . Moreover, the r e l a t i o n s h i p s between d i f f e r e n t parts of the s p e c i a l i z e d programmes are not c l e a r l y i n d i c a t e d and appear not to have been considered when formulated. For example, i n the s e c t i o n on the D e s c r i p t i o n of I n d i -v i d u a l P r o j e c t s where the d e t a i l s are o u t l i n e d , i t i s noted that apart from a few p r o j e c t s which have been s p e c i f i c a l l y s i t e d , the m a j o r i t y of p r o j e c t s are d i s t r i b u t e d i n a general manner to d i f f e r e n t regions or merely included under a general p r o v i s i o n 113 w i t h no I n d i c a t i o n as to l o c a t i o n . This i s c l e a r l y seen i n the programme f o r housing. Gross a l l o c a t i o n s are made f o r the con-s t r u c t i o n of approximate numbers of houses under the S e l f - H e l p Housing and Rental Mortgage schemes, but the p a r t i c u l a r areas where these houses w i l l be l o c a t e d are not st a t e d and there i s no i n d i c a t i o n of the extent of the needs i n s p e c i f i c areas which the programmes are designed to meet. Under the heading Education, funds are provided f o r the c o n s t r u c t i o n of new schools, but the needs i n r e l a t i o n to centres of p o p u l a t i o n and the proposed areas to be served are not i n d i c a t e d . The p o s s i b l e r e s u l t s of these omissions are that areas w i t h the most urgent need may be l e f t out, c o n s t r u c t i o n s i t e s may not be a v a i l a b l e when needed, and the complementary f a c i l i -t i e s and s e r v i c e s may not be provided as necessary. In other words there i s no evidence that the e s s e n t i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s between needs and contents of s p e c i f i c programmes have been considered, or that the d i f f e r e n t aspects of the pro-grammes have been co-ordinated. S p e c i a l i z e d programmes f o r the F i v e Year Development Programme were l a r g e l y prepared by the executive departments and agencies concerned. These departments and agencies were accustomed to plan t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s on a y e a r l y b a s i s i n keeping w i t h the requirements of the annual budget of Government, so t h a t , planning f o r a f i v e year period was a somewhat novel opera-t i o n f o r them. Furthermore, i t i s d o u b t f u l whether they had the b e n e f i t of competent d i r e c t i o n and guidance on the p r e p a r a t i o n of 114 t h e i r programmes si n c e the Planning Bureau was only set up i n 1957. This l a t t e r f a c t meant a l s o that p o l i c y d i r e c t i v e s and s p e c i f i c t a r g e t s had not been worked out to provide any general framework f o r the programmes. The Planning Bureau had the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of checking and r e f i n i n g programmes and of c o - o r d i n a t i n g the proposals wherever p o s s i b l e . But i t i s obvious that without the b a s i c data on needs and prospects, and without a set of reasonable standards, i t was almost impossible to set up p r i o r i t i e s , and to r e s o l v e c o n f l i c t s or achieve any .proper c o - o r d i n a t i o n . The r e s u l t , t h e r e f o r e , was merely a s e r i e s of development p r o j e c t s under d i f f e r e n t f u n c t i o n a l headings. To sum up t h i s review of the Development Programme; the goals of the Programme have not been c a r e f u l l y formulated i n q u a n t i t a t i v e and p h y s i c a l terms to r e f l e c t needs and d e s i r e s ; f u n c t i o n a l programmes c o n s i s t of s p e c i a l i z e d p r o j e c t s a p p l i e d on an o v e r a l l b a s i s ; there i s no evidence of c o - o r d i n a t i o n between p r o j e c t s or between f u n c t i o n a l s e c t i o n s of the Programme; and too much emphasis seems to have been placed on the p r e s e n t l y developed regions of the country w i t h consequent negle c t of other areas. Experience i n d i c a t e s that i n the e a r l y stages of r a p i d development the bulk of ' s o c i a l overhead' investment i s expended i n the more h i g h l y developed areas of a country. The danger of t h i s d i s p a r i t y i n the d i s t r i b u t i o n of ' s o c i a l overhead' i s g r e a t e r i n c o u n t r i e s where there i s no e f f e c t i v e planning of the develop-ment process. The d i s t r i b u t i o n of p r o j e c t s i n the Development 115 Programme suggests that t h i s s i t u a t i o n e x i s t s i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago. Under these circumstances, i t i s b e l i e v e d that the d e t a i l e d a l l o c a t i o n s of expenditure on ' s o c i a l overhead 1 and the d i s t r i b u t i o n of f i n a n c i a l resources were based on ad hoc d e c i -s i o n s . I t i s p o s s i b l e a l s o that a l l o c a t i o n s responded to the demands of p o l i t i c a l expediency, or were i n f l u e n c e d by the s p e c i a l biases and persuasive powers of i n d i v i d u a l a d m i n i s t r a -t o r s . The major c r i t i c i s m being made here i s that the b a s i c c o n f l i c t s between the v a r i e t y of i n f l u e n c e s which impinge on the development process have not been r e s o l v e d . In f a c t no formal mechanism f o r r e s o l v i n g them e x i s t s . The i n e v i t a b l e r e s u l t s are unnecessary delays, wastage of energies and resources and impedi-ments i n implementation which slow down the progress of the Programme. These shortcomings can be traced d i r e c t l y to the planning approach, the method of p r e p a r a t i o n of the Development Programme and the mechanics of implementation of s p e c i f i c s e ctions of the Programme. Current Planning P r a c t i c e The planning f u n c t i o n i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago i s compart-mentalized. In a d d i t i o n to the Economic Planning D i v i s i o n , a number of s p e c i a l agencies which enjoy a high degree of autonomy w i t h i n the s t a t u t o r y framework set by Government are r e s p o n s i b l e f o r c e r t a i n f u n c t i o n s which are important i n the development pro-cess. And executive departments have a l a r g e measure of d i s c r e -116 t l o n In programming w i t h i n the broad l i m i t s of f i n a n c i a l a l l o c a -t i o n s . Executive departments w i t h the h a b i t of working from y e a r l y budgets on a more or l e s s pragmatic b a s i s , f i n d i t d i f f i -c u l t to adopt long-range planning methods] and without the g u i d i n g f o r c e of an e x p l i c i t p o l i c y f o r development, i t i s d i f f i c u l t to ensure co-ordinated a c t i o n among them and avoid c o n f l i c t . In a d d i t i o n , since there are no formal devices f o r review and c o - o r d i n a t i o n of the plans of the s t a t u t o r y agencies, combining t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s i n t o a concerted e f f o r t becomes a d i f f i c u l t and s p e c u l a t i v e task. A u s e f u l device f o r c a r r y i n g out c e r t a i n aspects of government p o l i c y i s the S t a t u t o r y Agency. These are s p e c i a l a u t h o r i t i e s created by l e g i s l a t i v e a c t i o n and charged w i t h r e s -p o n s i b i l i t y f o r s p e c i f i c f u n c t i o n s . They operate outside the normal a d m i n i s t r a t i v e framework, but are u l t i m a t e l y r e s p o n s i b l e to Government. St a t u t o r y Agencies have some d e f i n i t e advantages -greater f l e x i b i l i t y , e x p e r t i s e i n s p e c i a l i z e d matters - and can be e f f e c t i v e l y employed as t o o l s i n the development process. But since they deal w i t h f u n c t i o n s which have an important bear-ing on the development process t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s should conform to o v e r a l l Government p o l i c i e s . At present Government c o n t r o l i s e x e r c i s e d through the annual budgets of the agencies which have to be approved i n advance, and, through t h e i r annual r e p o r t s , which merely provide a check on a c t i v i t i e s i n r e t r o s p e c t . These devices are not powerful enough to ensure that the a c t i v i t i e s of 117 these agencies are d i r e c t e d along the l i n e s and i n the areas d e s i r e d by Government. The d e t a i l e d programmes should be subject to the s c r u t i n y and f i n a l approach of the c o - o r d i n a t i n g agency of Government before they are implemented. In a d d i t i o n , the a c t i v i t i e s of these agencies and depart-ments have s p a t i a l requirements which may c o n f l i c t w i t h one another and w i t h the a c t i v i t i e s of other government bodies and p r i v a t e e n t e r p r i s e . I t i s p o s s i b l e a l s o that the undirected l o c a t i o n of a c t i v i t i e s i n space may impede r a t h e r than f a c i l i t a t e the o v e r a l l development e f f o r t , and may produce undesirable phy-s i c a l r e s u l t s i n poor design, overloading of p u b l i c f a c i l i t i e s , and congestion which would r e q u i r e excessive and unnecessary remedial measures. For example, the Housing P o l i c y enunciated by the M i n i s t e r of Housing and L o c a l Government In June I960, v i s u a l i z e s the con-s t r u c t i o n of mass housing f o r d i f f e r e n t income groups i n d i f f e r e n t areas of the country. Some 5,000 houses are to be b u i l t over the next two and one h a l f years. I t appears that d e c i s i o n s as to the l o c a t i o n of these houses depended on the needs i n the more popu-lous areas of the country, and on the a v a i l a b i l i t y of s u i t a b l e Crown lands. I t i s planned to construct 3200 i n the Diego M a r t i n V a l l e y j u s t west of Port of Spain i n the densely populated North-western r e g i o n of the i s l a n d of T r i n i d a d . This p r o j e c t has t r e -mendous i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r f a c i l i t i e s , s e r v i c e s , t r a f f i c , e t c . , i n a d d i t i o n to the c r i t i c a l problem of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between places of employment and r e s i d e n t i a l areas. D e t a i l s of the Housing programme are the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y 118 of the Housing Department, c o n s t r u c t i o n being i n the hands of p r i v a t e c o n t r a c t i n g f i r m s . P u b l i c f a c i l i t i e s and communications f a l l under separate agencies - e l e c t r i c i t y under the T r i n i d a d and Tobago E l e c t r i c i t y Commission; water, roads, main drainage and s a n i t a t i o n under the Water and Works departments; and t e l e -phones under the Telephone Company. And i n d u s t r i a l promotion i s the s p e c i a l concern of the I n d u s t r i a l Development Corporation. I t i s easy to appreciate the v i t a l need that e x i s t s f o r c o - o r d i n a t i o n between these d i v e r s e a c t i v i t i e s i n order to b r i n g the housing p r o j e c t to s u c c e s s f u l completion. A l l of t h i s assumes that the d e c i s i o n on l o c a t i o n i s the ' c o r r e c t 1 one and i n accordance wi t h what might be considered a d e s i r a b l e s e t t l e -ment p o l i c y . I n d u s t r i a l Development Corporation - L o c a t i o n P o l i c y The I n d u s t r i a l Development Corporation (IDC) was estab-l i s h e d i n 1959 as "Government's agent i n the execution of indus-t r i a l i z a t i o n p o l i c y . " I t s f u n c t i o n s are to promote i n d u s t r y , to f a c i l i t a t e n e g o t i a t i o n s between i n d u s t r i a l i s t s and Government departments, to operate and advise Government on the i n c e n t i v e s to Industry programme, and to provide s i t e s f o r i n d u s t r i a l enter-p r i s e s . 31 In pursuance of the l a s t mentioned f u n c t i o n IDC s e l e c t s and prepares s u i t a b l e s i t e s f o r the l o c a t i o n of i n d u s t r i a l a c t i -v i t i e s . In a r e p o r t "Memorandum on Lands Required f o r I n d u s t r i a l E s t a t e s " prepared by the I n d u s t r i a l Estates O f f i c e r (a Town Planner), proposals are o u t l i n e d f o r the p r o v i s i o n of i n d u s t r i a l e s t a t e s . 119 The l o c a t i o n p o l i c y as stated i s to create estates " i n the areas where a ready labour supply i s a v a i l a b l e , t a k i n g i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n other l o c a t i o n a l f a c t o r s such as p r o x i m i t y to power and water s u p p l i e s , raw m a t e r i a l s , main o u t l e t s f o r the i n d u s t r y as w e l l as t r a n s p o r t , communication and waste d i s -p o s a l . " 3 2 Within t h i s p o l i c y , proposals are presented f o r l o c a t i n g estates i n and around the h e a v i l y populated 'conurbations' of Port of Spain and San Fernando to absorb the labour supply. Estates are a l s o proposed f o r two s o - c a l l e d depressed areas centered on the towns of Rio Claro and Sangre Grande, which "would help to give focus to the towns and to r a i s e the general standard of l i v i n g i n the a r e a . " 3 3 And f i n a l l y , i t i s recommended that land adjacent to every major housing estate be reserved f o r i n d u s t r i a l uses, the advantages being to help " r a i s e the standard of l i v i n g i n these areas and at the same time a s s i s t i n a m e l i o r a t i n g the t e r r i b l e t r a f f i c problem by d i v e r t i n g the r e g u l a r of d a i l y commuters." 3^ The above proposals a l l r e f e r to T r i n i d a d ; separate proposals are made f o r Tobago. This i n d u s t r i a l l o c a t i o n p o l i c y i s s a t i s f a c t o r y as f a r as i t goes. The Memorandum does not i n d i c a t e what other f a c t o r s i n f l u e n c e d the d e c i s i o n on t h i s p o l i c y , and since no formal mechanism e x i s t s f o r c o - o r d i n a t i n g d i f f e r e n t f u n c t i o n s , there i s no guarantee that the r e l a t e d f g c t o r s were considered. For example, experience has shown that l o c a t i o n d e c i s i o n s , e s p e c i a l l y by p r i v a t e i n d u s t r i a l i s t s , depend on a number of f a c t o r s over and above those s t a t e d . New i n d u s t r i a l e n t e r p r i s e s depend h e a v i l y on 120 e x t e r n a l Economies In t h e i r f e a s i b i l i t y c a l c u l a t i o n s ; they a l s o depend on n o n - i n d u s t r i a l f a c t o r s such as the q u a l i t y of the en-vironment, the a v a i l a b i l i t y of s u i t a b l e housing, schools, enter-tainment f a c i l i t i e s and other amenities. The experience of the o i l companies i n T r i n i d a d i s r e l e v a n t i n t h i s respect. O i l company operations are g e n e r a l l y l o c a t e d away from e s t a b l i s h e d urban centres and p o s i t i v e e f f o r t s have to be made to provide s o c i a l f a c i l i t i e s and amenities i n order to a t t r a c t and r e t a i n necessary s t a f f and labour. The f a c t i s that these " s o c i a l " f a c t o r s are a b s o l u t e l y e s s e n t i a l to the s u c c e s s f u l operation of purely i n d u s t r i a l e n t e r p r i s e . The foregoing comment supports the argument f o r the co-o r d i n a t i o n of i n d u s t r i a l l o c a t i o n p o l i c y w i t h p o l i c i e s on housing, l o c a t i o n of f a c i l i t i e s and settlement. Again, t h i s creates the need f o r i n t e g r a t i n g a v a r i e t y of a c t i v i t i e s which are c a r r i e d out by separate agencies and k n i t t i n g them i n a co-ordinated development e f f o r t . P h y s i c a l Planning In T r i n i d a d and- Tobago, p h y s i c a l planning has t r a d i -t i o n a l l y been l i n k e d w i t h the problem of slum clearance and housing. The formal r e l a t i o n s h i p dates from 1938 when the Town and Regional Planning Ordinance was enacted. The operation of the Ordinance was granted to a s t a t u t o r y agency the Planning and Housing Commission. In a d d i t i o n the f u n c t i o n s of t h i s body are governed by complementary ordinances - The Slum Clearance and Housing Ordinance, 1940 and the R e s t r i c t i o n of Ribbon Development Ordinance, 194-2. 121 I t i s perhaps unfortunate that such a r e l a t i o n s h i p e x i s t s , because past a c t i v i t i e s of the Commission have been d i r e c t e d , almost e x c l u s i v e l y , to slum clearance and low-cost housing, and the layout of small housing e s t a t e s . These a c t i -v i t i e s have been very u s e f u l i n a t t a c k i n g a seri o u s s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l problem, but the t o t a l e f f e c t on t h i s problem, to date, has been s l i g h t . The complete s o l u t i o n of the problem of slums and housing demands an o v e r a l l p o l i c y on urban redevelopment and housing and should be placed w i t h i n the context of a general development programme. The f a u l t here i s not w i t h the o f f i c i a l s and s t a f f of the Commission, but r a t h e r i n the approach and p o l i c y of Govern-ment to these problems. Both through an inadequate s t a f f i n g p o l i c y and an over-emphasis on the housing aspect of the Commission's f u n c t i o n s , i t s operations d i d not in c l u d e any exten-s i v e planning. This s i t u a t i o n f u r t h e r j u s t i f i e s the argument f o r a comprehensive approach to planning which would place a l l aspects of development i n proper p e r s p e c t i v e , and ensure that each was adequately represented w i t h i n the planning process. The present Government has r e c e n t l y attempted to r a t i o n -a l i z e the s i t u a t i o n by separating the f u n c t i o n s of housing and p h y s i c a l planning. A new Department of Housing had been created and a P h y s i c a l Planning Department i s planned which w i l l operate under the Town and Country Planning Ordinance, i 9 6 0 . A d i s -cussion of the Ordinance and the p o s s i b l e i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r the new department are presented i n the f o l l o w i n g s e c t i o n . Other attempts a t p h y s i c a l planning have been on a l i m i t e d s c a l e , as the d i s c u s s i o n w i l l i n d i c a t e . Indeed these 122 attempts were merely unrelated examples of planning separate p r o j e c t s . No r e l i a b l e data i s a v a i l a b l e to the w r i t e r , but the layout of the o r i g i n a l town of Port of Spain, which now forms the downtown area, suggests some pre-planning. In f a c t since the town was b u i l t by the Spanish i n the l a t e l 8 t h century, one can s a f e l y guess that i t s design was in f l u e n c e d by planning p r i n c i p l e s of C o l o n i a l Spain (samples of which are to be found throughout L a t i n America), which accounts f o r i t s r i g i d r e c t -angular g r i d p a t t e r n of narrow s t r e e t s . This i s the best example of e a r l y planning f o r p h y s i c a l development i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago. Over the years, extensions to the c i t y of Port of Spain have not b e n e f i t e d from any great amount of planning i n f l u e n c e . These developments were designed mainly by engineers and sur-veyors to engineering s p e c i f i c a t i o n s and c r i t e r i a and they r a t h e r u n i m a g i n a t i v e l y f o l l o w e d the l i n e of l e a s t r e s i s t a n c e . Notable exceptions are the two layouts of high income and Federal c i v i l servants' housing at E l l e r s l i e Park, and a few high-income areas which by v i r t u e of the l a r g e s i z e of l o t s e x h i b i t pleasant features almost by acc i d e n t . Outside the c i t y there have been few attempts at planning w i t h the exception of a number of housing p r o j e c t s , the best example being the Morvant Housing Scheme j u s t east of Port of Spain, which was designed by the Housing and Planning Com-mission. Planning of roads and other p u b l i c works i s conducted on an i n d i v i d u a l p r o j e c t b a s i s . Recently there has been much home b u i l d i n g i n suburban areas on land newly developed by 123 p r i v a t e i n v e s t o r s . But here again the same p a t t e r n of layouts according to engineering s p e c i f i c a t i o n s dominate. Government has taken the lead i n i n t r o d u c i n g "the best p r i n c i p l e s of Town and Country Planning, . . . " They have engaged "an outstanding Town Planner" to plan the development of the areas where the proposed mass housing w i l l be situated. 3 5 T r i n i d a d and Tobago has i n h e r i t e d a l l the f a m i l i a r planning problems of the past p e r i o d of unplanned development. C i t y slums, overcrowding, i n s a n i t a r y c o n d i t i o n s , r a p i d l y dete-r i o r a t i n g urban areas, shanty towns, and t r a f f i c congestion on roads, are a l l i n evidence, not to mention the u n a t t r a c t i v e q u a l i t y of the p h y s i c a l environment i n many parts of the t e r r i -t o r y and the g e n e r a l l y unfavourable a e s t h e t i c impact of much of the developed area. The need f o r p h y s i c a l planning i s aggravated by the problem of intense t r a f f i c congestion w i t h i n Port of Spain and on i t s major access roads. In a d d i t i o n , the s i t u a t i o n on the westerly route w i l l become more c r i t i c a l i n the f u t u r e since the proposed s i t e f o r the new c a p i t a l of the West Indies Federation i s l o c a t e d about seven miles west of Port of Spain along t h i s route. Town and Country Planning Ordinance, i 9 6 0 The Town and Country Planning Ordinance No. 29-1960 was passed i n the L e g i s l a t i v e Council of T r i n i d a d and Tobago on J u l y 29, I960. I t repealed two Ordinances s t i l l i n f o r c e which deal w i t h the subject of planning - The Town and Regional Planning 124 Ordinance and The R e s t r i c t i o n of Ribbon Development Ordinance. The p r o v i s i o n s of the Ordinance w i l l come i n t o e f f e c t on a day to be appointed. As f a r as the w r i t e r i s aware to date, the appointed day has not been s e t . In essence, the Ordinance provides f o r "the o r d e r l y and progressive development of land i n both urban and r u r a l areas and to preserve and improve the amenities thereof; f o r the grant of permission to develop land and f o r other powers of c o n t r o l over the use of land......." (Preamble). I t confers on the M i n i s t e r , charged w i t h the r e s p o n s i -b i l i t y f o r town and country planning, the duty "to secure con-s i s t e n c y and c o n t i n u i t y i n framing and execution of a compre-hensive p o l i c y w i t h respect to the use and development of a l l land i n the t e r r i t o r y i n accordance w i t h a development plan " (Sect. 3). In i t s p o s i t i v e aspects the Ordinance provides broad powers f o r development. For purposes of the Ordinance develop-ment i s defined as "the c a r r y i n g out of b u i l d i n g , engineering, mining or other operations i n , on, over or under any land, the making of any m a t e r i a l change i n the use of any b u i l d i n g s or other land, or the s u b d i v i s i o n of any lan d , . . . ." C u r i o u s l y and s i g n i f i c a n t l y the "use of land f o r purposes of a g r i c u l t u r e or f o r e s t r y ; " i s not deemed to i n v o l v e development. ( S e c t i o n 8.2). The M i n i s t e r i s r e q u i r e d to c a r r y out a survey of the whole of the T e r r i t o r y and not l a t e r than four years a f t e r the appointed day submit a development pla n of proposals f o r use of 125 land and staging of development to the L e g i s l a t i v e Council f o r approval. A development pla n s h a l l i n c l u d e such maps and such d e s c r i p t i v e matter as may be necessary to i l l u s t r a t e the proposals a f o r e s a i d . . . . And may i n p a r t i c u l a r -(a) define the s i t e s of proposed roads, p u b l i c and other b u i l d i n g s and works, a i r f i e l d s , parks, pleasure grounds, reserves and other open spaces; (b) a l l o c a t e areas.of land f o r use f o r a g r i c u l t u r a l , r e s i d e n t i a l , i n d u s t r i a l or other purposes of any c l a s s s p e c i f i e d i n the p l a n ; (Sect. 5.3). This mandatory development plan i s i n e f f e c t a p l a n of comprehensive p h y s i c a l development f o r a l l of the t e r r i t o r y i n that i t includes a l l the major land uses and main p u b l i c f a c i -l i t i e s and works. There are a l s o permissive p r o v i s i o n s which inc l u d e d e f i n i n g "an area of comprehensive development", being an area f o r redevelopment and r e l o c a t i o n of population and i n d u s t r y , and making p r o v i s i o n s f o r r e g u l a t i n g , ' c o n t r o l l i n g , p r o h i b i t i n g and d i r e c t i n g a long l i s t of matters covering every f a c e t of p h y s i c a l development. (Second Schedule pp 35-38). A development plan must be approved by the L e g i s l a t i v e Council and at l e a s t once every f i v e years the area must be resurveyed and the plan r e v i s e d a c c o r d i n g l y . The all-embracing nature of the Ordinance i s extended even f u r t h e r i n the s p e c i f i c p r o v i s i o n s f o r c o n t r o l of develop-ment of land, f o r p r e s e r v a t i o n of trees and woodlands, f o r con-t r o l of advertisements and f o r the a c q u i s i t i o n and d i s p o s a l of land f o r planning purposes. Prom the b r i e f d e s c r i p t i o n given above i t i s seen that the Town and Country Planning Ordinance, i960 i s a powerful piece of planning l e g i s l a t i o n which confers on the r e s p o n s i b l e M i n i s t e r , 126 and on whatever planning agency i s created, extensive f u n c t i o n s and powers f o r p h y s i c a l planning. Perhaps the f i r s t important poi n t to be noted i s that the Ordinance only provides f o r the s t r i c t l y p h y s i c a l aspects of development. I t does not, even by the broadest i n t e r p r e t a -t i o n of the i n t e n t behind the l e g i s l a t i o n , make p r o v i s i o n f o r s o c i a l and economic planning. However, nothing i n the Ordinance precludes the a p p l i c a t i o n of any of the t o o l s of planning and the c r e a t i o n of s p e c i f i c devices to f a c i l i t a t e the c a r r y i n g out of the p r o v i s i o n s . Another poin t to be emphasized i s that Town and Country Planning, or what, i n t h i s study, has been c a l l e d p h y s i c a l planning, w i l l be the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of a Cabinet M i n i s t e r . This endows p h y s i c a l planning w i t h a stat u s equal to that of other Government f u n c t i o n s . In a d d i t i o n , an Advisory Town Planning Panel i s e s t a b l i s h e d to "advise the M i n i s t e r on any matter w i t h i n t h e i r knowledge or on which the M i n i s t e r may seek t h e i r advice." (Sect. 4 . 3 ) . F i n a l l y , the M i n i s t e r may "delegate to the c o u n c i l of any l o c a l a u t h o r i t y h i s f u n c t i o n s . . . . . . r e l a t i n g to the grant or r e f u s a l of permission to develop la n d . " (Sect. 1 0 . l ) . L o c a l A u t h o r i t i e s are not granted any p o s i t i v e planning f u n c t i o n s , and, moreover, the p r o v i s i o n s of Part I I I - Control of Development of Land - apply e q u a l l y to the development of land of any l o c a l a u t h o r i t y . (Sect. 2 4 ) . I t i s mandatory f o r the M i n i s t e r to consult w i t h the c o u n c i l of the l o c a l a u t h o r i t y concerned i n the course of preparing a development plan r e l a t i n g to any land w i t h i n i t s j u r i s d i c t i o n . (Sect. 7 . 1 ) . 127 Summary Planning f o r development i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago f a i l s to meet the requirements of a comprehensive planning process. F i r s t l y , no e x p l i c i t Government statement has been made on a p o l i c y f o r o v e r a l l development, expressed i n a set of con-s i s t e n t i n t e r l o c k i n g goals and reduced to q u a n t i t a t i v e and phy-s i c a l terms. Without these s p e c i f i c o b j e c t i v e s i t i s not p o s s i -bl e to formulate i n d i v i d u a l programmes w i t h any degree of con-f i d e n c e and assurance that they w i l l i n f a c t c o n t r i b u t e to the t o t a l development e f f o r t . In other words, r a t i o n a l i t y and con-s i s t e n c y cannot be achieved, since there i s no f i r m system of p r i o r i t i e s by which to evaluate s p e c i f i c programmes and r e s o l v e competing claims. The i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n programme may be i n competition w i t h the housing programme f o r land and m a t e r i a l resources. The i n c e n t i v e s programme may be beset by c o n f l i c t s , since d i f f e r e n t types of i n d u s t r i a l a c t i v i t i e s have d i f f e r e n t requirements. C a p i t a l i n t e n s i v e programmes may be competing f o r scarce f i n a n -c i a l resources. The obvious need i s f o r r a t i o n a l techniques to a s s i s t i n the decision-making process. The preparatory pro-cedure of the Development Programme and the a l l o c a t i o n of f i n a n -c i a l resources at present does not have such techniques b u i l t Into i t . Secondly, the planning process f a i l s to be comprehen-s i v e , since economic planning i s divorced from p h y s i c a l planning and s o c i a l planning i s not attempted a t a l l . No formal arrange-ments e x i s t f o r c o - o r d i n a t i n g the plans and a c t i v i t i e s of the 128 s e v e r a l agencies which are involved i n development. Current p r a c t i c e of planning f o r development i s compartmentalized. Development a c t i v i t i e s are h i g h l y interdependent, and unless there i s some common b a s i s f o r combining the a c t i v i t i e s i n t o a u n i f i e d whole and r a t i o n a l i z i n g the i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s , the development e f f o r t i s l i k e l y to f a l l short of the o b j e c t i v e s s e t . T h i r d l y , current planning f o r development has been con-ducted on an o v e r a l l t e r r i t o r i a l b a s i s . F i n a n c i a l a ppropria-t i o n s f o r a l l f u n c t i o n a l s e c t i o n s of the Five-Year Development Programme are shown as t o t a l s f o r the t e r r i t o r y (with the ex-ceptio n of Tobago). Planning a c t i v i t i e s , i n the Economic Planning D i v i s i o n and the Planning and Housing Commission, are conducted c e n t r a l l y f o r the t e r r i t o r y as a whole. 'Tobago which i s g e o g r a p h i c a l l y d i s t i n c t from T r i n i d a d has been t r e a t e d , s i n c e 1958, as a separate r e g i o n w i t h i n the o v e r a l l framework. Budgets and programmes are prepared on a separate b a s i s . The case f o r s i m i l a r arrangements f o r regions w i t h i n T r i n i d a d w i l l be pro-posed i n Chapter V. The problem of ac h i e v i n g balance and conformity between o v e r a l l p o l i c i e s and l o c a l a c t i v i t i e s i s not as c r i t i c a l i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago as i t i s i n some other developing c o u n t r i e s . The reason i s twofold; the small s i z e of the country permits a high degree of c e n t r a l i z e d c o n t r o l , and r e l a t i v e weakness of l o c a l government places a l l the r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s f o r development i n the hands of the c e n t r a l Government. Nevertheless, T r i n i d a d and Tobago i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by s e c t o r a l imbalance, and o v e r a l l p o l i c i e s have l o c a l i m p l i c a t i o n s . 129 Consequently, i t behouves the planning agency at c e n t r a l govern-ment l e v e l to study these problems and formulate plans which take i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n the v a r y i n g needs of d i f f e r e n t regions and l o c a l areas of the country. This might mean applying d i f f e r e n t c r i t e r i a i n weighting to g i v e advantage to 'depressed' regions over more advanced regions, or v a r y i n g the i n c e n t i v e s to Industry i n order to encourage the l o c a t i o n of i n d u s t r y i n one region i n preference to another. The importance of these prac-t i c e s i s s p e c i a l l y c r i t i c a l s ince Government's r o l e i s merely to encourage p r i v a t e e n t e r p r i s e i n Industry and not to p a r t i c i p a t e d i r e c t l y i n production. F o u r t h l y , no p o l i c y on p h y s i c a l development has been enunciated. I t has been shown p r e v i o u s l y that development pro-duces changes i n the p h y s i c a l environment and settlement p a t t e r n . The type of p h y s i c a l environment d e s i r e d must be decided upon and compatible o b j e c t i v e s formulated f o r programmes which w i l l i n -fluence the p h y s i c a l environment. This has not been done f o r T r i n i d a d and Tobago and the f a m i l i a r r e s u l t s are i n evidence throughout the t e r r i t o r y - o v e r b u i l d i n g of l o t s , urban over-crowding and slums, t r a f f i c congestion and u n c o n t r o l l e d growth i n undesirable l o c a t i o n s c r e a t i n g problems i n p r o v i d i n g f a c i l i -t i e s and c a r r y i n g out remedial measures. In a d d i t i o n the q u a l i t y of the environment i s seldom a t t r a c t i v e and d e s i r a b l e . The need f o r a p o l i c y on p h y s i c a l development becomes e s p e c i a l l y urgent when the s i z e of the t e r r i t o r y i s considered i n r e l a t i o n to i t s p o p u l a t i o n . F i n a l l y , current p r a c t i c e of planning f o r development i n 130 T r i n i d a d and Tobago l a c k s the consistency of the comprehensive approach. The C e n t r a l S t a t i s t i c a l O f f i c e has done some v a l u a b l e work i n gathe r i n g , c o l l a t i n g and t a b u l a t i n g s t a t i s t i c a l data f o r the t e r r i t o r y . However there are important gaps i n these data from a planning p o i n t of view and much of the b a s i c m a t e r i a l on which the planning f u n c t i o n depends has not been surveyed. There i s need f o r a comprehensive planning survey. I n i t i a l analyses and p r o j e c t i o n s have been made f o r f a c -t o r s such as population and labour f o r c e i n gross terms. Related f u t u r e needs have not been proje c t e d and adjusted f o r other d e s i r e d c r i t e r i a to form s p e c i f i c goals and o b j e c t i v e s . And r e g i o n a l analyses on which a l t e r n a t i v e programmes may be based have not been conducted. Without these two b a s i c steps i n the planning process (survey and a n a l y s i s ) , the design stage of the f o r m u l a t i o n of programmes i s conducted ' i n the dark'. Under the circumstances i t Is u n l i k e l y that maximum b e n e f i t to the community w i l l accrue from development programmes. No devices e x i s t f o r e v a l u a t i n g the success of pro-grammes and assessing the extent to which they are ac h i e v i n g st a t e d or d e s i r e d o b j e c t i v e s . In other words, the s o c i a l planning component i s missing and ther e f o r e there i s no e v a l u a t i o n or 'feed-back' stage to round o f f the planning process. Indeed, there i s no evidence that the essence of planning as a contin u i n g f u n c t i o n i s recognised i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago. The Five Year Development Programme a p p l i e s to a d e f i n i t e p e r i o d 1958-1962, and there are no development plans which provide the 131 c o n t i n u i t y and long-range view of the development process which i s so e s s e n t i a l . I t must be concluded that comprehensive planning by c e n t r a l government i s not c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the current approach to the development process i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago. Planning a c t i v i t i e s are conducted by d i f f e r e n t agencies w i t h only loose and Informal l i n k a g e s between them, and a considerable amount of development a c t i v i t y takes place completely outside the sphere of Government i n f l u e n c e . The only agency which enjoys a p o s i -t i o n of i n f l u e n c e c l o s e to the centre of decision-making i s the Economic Planning D i v i s i o n , which i s i n the O f f i c e of the Premier; but i t s f u n c t i o n s are confined to the f o r m u l a t i o n of the F i v e Year Development Programme (which i s merely a pro-gramme of c a p i t a l investment), the review of programmes sub-mitted by executive M i n i s t e r i e s and departments, the co-o r d i n a t i o n and p r e p a r a t i o n of annual budgets of c a p i t a l expen-d i t u r e , and 'trouble-shooting' i n the implementation phase of the Programme. These a c t i v i t i e s do not c o n s t i t u t e comprehensive planning as defined e a r l i e r . I t might be concluded, t h e r e f o r e , that although planning f o r development, i n a l i m i t e d sense, i s c a r r i e d on w i t h i n C e n t r a l Government i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago, the approach i s not comprehensive, and present arrangements do not s a t i s f y the planning needs as e s t a b l i s h e d i n the l a s t chapter. REFERENCES 132 "'"A. C u r t i s Wilgus (ed.), The Caribbean: B r i t i s h , Dutch, French, United States ( G a i n e s v i l l e : U n i v e r s i t y of F l o r i d a Press, 195b), p. 7. p Tobago a f t e r changing hands s e v e r a l times came under B r i t i s h r u l e i n l 8 l 4 . In 1889, Tobago was amalgamated w i t h T r i n i d a d and administered by a Commissioner. I t became a ward of T r i n i d a d on January 1, 1899, and the two i s l a n d s have been administered as the Colony of T r i n i d a d and Tobago ever since that date. West Indies Yearbook, 1956, p. 165. 3Mary Proudfoot, B r i t a i n and the United States i n the  Caribbean (London: Faber and Faber, 195b), p. 104. ^T. S. Simey, Welfare and Planning i n the West Indies (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1946), p. 2. ^The West India Royal Commission, under the chairman-ship of Lord Moyne, was set up i n 1938 and made i t s p r e l i m i n a r y recommendations i n 1940. See West India Royal Commission, 1938- 39: Recommendations (London: H.TYT. S t a t i o n e r y O f f i c e , 1940). °Trinidad and Tobago, O f f i c e of Premier, T r i n i d a d and Tobago, 1956-1956 (November, i 9 6 0 ) , p. 3 . ^ T r i n i d a d and Tobago, O f f i c e of Premier, and M i n i s t r y of Finance, The Economics of Nationhood, (September, 1959), p. '. 8 l b i d , p. 4 . ^ T r i n i d a d and Tobago, Yearbook, 1957 (Port of Spain: Y u i l l e ' s P r i n t e r i e , 1958), p. 456 et passim." • ^ T r i n i d a d and Tobago, F i v e Year Development Programme,  1958-1962, p. 40. 1 •'•Simey, op. c i t . , p. 22 . 12 Royal Commission Recommendations, p. 7. 1 3 l b i d , p. 9 . l ^ C o l o n i a l Development and Welfare, Report, 1944-45, p. 190. IS ^People's N a t i o n a l Movement, E l e c t i o n Manifesto, (General E l e c t i o n s , September, 1956), p. 4 . l 6 I b i d , p. 6. 1 7 I b l d , p. 7. 133 l 8 l b l d , - ^ E x t r a c t from the "Report to the Honourable the Premier by the Honourable U l r i c Lee on the Reorganization of the P u b l i c S e r v i c e " , s u p p l i e d by T r i n i d a d and Tobago Government Information O f f i c e (September, 1959), paragraph 110. PO I b i d , paragraph 111. 2 1 B r o a d c a s t t a l k on the "Work of the Economic Planning D i v i s i o n of the Government of T r i n i d a d and Tobago", d e l i v e r e d on l 6 t h August, I960, by the A c t i n g Head of the D i v i s i o n . 2 2 T r i n i d a d and Tobago, Five-Year Development Programme,  (1958-1962) P r o j e c t s f o r 1959, p. 7. 2 3 R e p o r t on Reorganization of P u b l i c S e r v i c e , paragraph 114. ?4 ^ I b i d . ^ T r i n i d a d and Tobago, Five-Year Development Programme,  1958-1962, p. 3 . 2 6 I b i d , p. 4. 2 7 l b I d , p. 16. 2 8 I b i d , p. 13. 2 9 I b i d , p. 15. 30 I b i d , p. 17. 3 1 I b l d , p. 13. 3 2 0 . A. Pr e v a t t , ( i n d u s t r i a l Estates O f f i c e r ) , Memoran- dum on Lands Required f o r I n d u s t r i a l Estates ( i n d u s t r i a l Develop-ment Corporation of T r i n i d a d and Tobago n.d.), p. 1. 3 3 I b l d , p.3. 3 ^ l b i d , p. 5 . 3 5 G . Montano, M i n i s t e r of Housing and Lo c a l Government, T r i n i d a d and Tobago. Statement on Housing P o l i c y made i n L e g i s -l a t i v e Council on J u l y 8, i 9 6 0 . 36subsequently r e f e r r e d to as the Ordinance. CHAPTER IV APPRAISAL OF PLANNING FOR DEVELOPMENT IN PUERTO RICO In t h i s chapter a b r i e f review and a p p r a i s a l of the planning o r g a n i z a t i o n and the planning process i n Puerto Rico are made, to see what lessons can be l e a r n t f o r t h i s experience. The success of planning i n Puerto Rico i s amply demon-s t r a t e d by the success of the country's development e f f o r t , and the high r e p u t a t i o n of i t s planning o r g a n i z a t i o n and the recog-n i t i o n of the v i t a l c o n t r i b u t i o n which i t has made to the development process are r e a d i l y conceded i n planning c i r c l e s . Brandon Howell, l e c t u r e r i n C i v i c Design at the Univer-s i t y of L i v e r p o o l , speaks f o r a l l observers when he c a l l s i t "one of the most energetic planning programmes of recent years . . . not only because i t i s part of a wider programme of eco-nomic development . . . but a l s o because i t has r e l i e d on the a p p l i c a t i o n of modern planning techniques and theory and the e l a b o r a t i o n of a planning system of a very advanced kind."" 1" S i g n i f i c a n c e f o r T r i n i d a d and Tobago The s p e c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e of the Puerto Rico experience f o r T r i n i d a d and Tobago i s due to the f a c t that the two c o u n t r i e s are very s i m i l a r i n many re s p e c t s . Both are small i s l a n d s In the Caribbean chain and have a 135 s i m i l a r h i s t o r y of development; d e n s i t y of settlement i s high i n both c o u n t r i e s ; and they have both undertaken a development programme designed to develop l i m i t e d resources to match growing populations. Further s i m i l a r i t i e s between the two countr i e s are i l l u s -t r a t e d by the geographic, s o c i a l and economic i n d i c e s shown below. TABLE 7 COMPARISON BETWEEN PUERTO RICO AND TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO BY GEOGRAPHIC, SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC INDICES Index Geographic L o c a t i o n L a t i t u d e Longitude Area Topography Climate Average R a i n f a l l Temperature Population Annual Growth Density Gross Puerto R i c o a West Indies 17 - 18 degrees North 65 - 67 degrees West 3435 square miles Mountainous; c e n t r a l chain of mountains run-ning east-west sur-rounded by low c o a s t a l v a l l e y s . Highest peak - 4400 f e e t . T r o p i c a l 77 inches y e a r l y Highest annual mean 86 degrees Fahrenheit Average minima 67 degrees Fahrenheit 2,293,000 ( i960) T o t a l Urban 50 .2 per cent Rural 49 .8 per cent 0.39 per cent 650 persons per square mile T r i n i d a d and Tobago13 West Indies 10 degrees North 6 l - 62 degrees West T r i n i d a d I863J 1979 square Tobago l l 6 ) miles T r i n i d a d : mainly f l a t ; highest h i l l s i n the North. Highest peak - 3085 f e e t . Tobago: broken; w i t h cen-t r a l chain of peaks. Main Ridge 1800 f e e t . T r o p i c a l T r i n i d a d : 90 inches y e a r l y (east b e l t ) 67 inches y e a r l y (west b e l t ) Tobago: 87 inches y e a r l y Highest annual mean 89 degrees Fahrenheit Average minima 72 degrees Fahrenheit 834,600 (I960) 50 per cent (estimated) 50 per cent (estimated) 2.8 per cent 425 persons per square mile 136 TABLE 7 Continued Index Puerto Rico T r i n i d a d and Tobago Gross Pro- (U.S.) $1,295 Mn (1959) (W.I.) $523.4 Mn (1957) duct at 1954 p r i c e s at 1951 p r i c e s Per Capita (U.S.) $556 (W.I.) $684 (equiv. U.S. $400) P r i v a t e Con-sumption 90 per cent 6 l per cent Labour Force 22 .8 per cent of pop. 34.7 per cent of pop. Employment i n 25 per cent of labour 22 per cent of popu-A g r i c u l t u r e f o r c e l a t i o n Unemployment 14 per cent of labour 7 per cent of labour f o r c e f o r c e a T e l e s f o r o Carrero, The C o n t r i b u t i o n of P h y s i c a l Planning  to S o c i a l and Economic Development"^ (San Juan: 19b0). ^ T r i n i d a d and Tobago, C e n t r a l S t a t i s t i c a l O f f i c e , Annual  S t a t i s t i c a l D igest, 1958. With these s i m i l a r i t i e s f i r m l y e s t a b l i s h e d , i t i s now necessary to record the d i f f e r e n c e s . These a r i s e out of Puerto Rico's p e c u l i a r p o l i t i c a l and economic r e l a t i o n s h i p to the United States and have a d i r e c t i n f l u e n c e on the course of development. In t h i s one r e s p e c t , perhaps, the s i t u a t i o n i n Puerto Rico i s unique, and not a p p l i c a b l e to T r i n i d a d and Tobago or any other country embarking on a s i m i l a r development e f f o r t . The p o l i t i c a l e v o l u t i o n which s t a r t e d i n 1946 w i t h the appointment of the f i r s t n ative-born Puerto Rican Governor, "reached i t s climax when the U.S. Congress approved P u b l i c Law 600, a u t h o r i z i n g the people of Puerto Rico to draw ' i n the nature of a compact' i t s own c o n s t i t u t i o n and through i t e x e r c i s e com-p l e t e autonomy i n l o c a l a f f a i r s . " Under t h i s p o l i t i c a l s t a t u s the i s l a n d enjoys complete autonomy i n l o c a l a f f a i r s , f r e e l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the United 137 S t a t e s . I t s people continue to be c i t i z e n s of the U.S. and, s i m i l a r to c i t i z e n s of other s t a t e s , are subject to f e d e r a l l e g i s l a t i o n , such as g r a n t s - i n - a i d and c o n s c r i p t i o n . Free trade w i t h the U.S. remains i n e f f e c t , but Federal i n t e r n a l revenue laws do not apply and Puerto Rlcans are exempt from f e d e r a l Income taxes on Income derived from sources w i t h i n the i s l a n d . Furthermore, f e d e r a l excises c o l l e c t e d on a r t i c l e s manufactured i n the i s l a n d and shipped to the U.S., as w e l l as custom d u t i e s c o l l e c t e d on f o r e i g n merchandise imported i n t o the i s l a n d are recovered i n t o the Commonwealth tre a s u r y f o r whatever purposes the L e g i s l a t u r e may d e s i r e . These arrangements provide a secure base f o r the economic development of Puerto R i c o . 3 This f a c t o r ( p o l i t i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p ) has been s i g n i f i -cant i n two ways. F i r s t l y , these r e l a t i o n s h i p s have made Puerto Rico a p a r t of the domestic economic area of the U.S., thereby enabling the Commonwealth to share q u i t e d i r e c t l y In U.S. eco-4 nomic p r o s p e r i t y . The second way i s through the f e d e r a l disbursements which Puerto Rico shares w i t h other s t a t e s , such as funds from the Federal Housing A u t h o r i t y . Common c i t i z e n s h i p w i t h the peoples of the U.S. mainland a l s o has provided Puerto Rico w i t h an o u t l e t f o r m i g r a t i o n . This has an e f f e c t not only on the general demographic s i t u a t i o n , but provides a balance between employment o p p o r t u n i t i e s and labour f o r c e , since "the volume of m i g r a t i o n since the end of World War I I has been s u f f i c i e n t to absorb most of the net annual increase i n the labour f o r c e ..."5 While we must agree w i t h the observation that "Puerto 138 Rico i s a s p e c i a l case..." and that "the lessons . . . w i l l have 6 to be a p p l i e d w i t h d i s c r i m i n a t i o n " , i t i s a l s o agreed that the a p p l i c a t i o n of a r a t i o n a l planning process has played a v i t a l r o l e i n the development of the country, and the d i f f e r e n c e s o u t l i n e d do not a l t e r the Importance of t h i s c o n t r i b u t i o n . This review focuses a t t e n t i o n on the lessons to be l e a r n t from the Puerto Rico experience i n the a p p l i c a t i o n of an i n t e g r a t e d planning approach to the development process and w i t h t h i s i n mind the f o l l o w i n g e v a l u a t i o n i s both r e l e v a n t and u s e f u l . Background Conditions i n Puerto  Rico p r i o r to 1940 In order to appreciate f u l l y the r o l e which planning played i n the development process, and to provide a frame of reference f o r assessing the success of the development e f f o r t , i t i s necessary to describe the background c o n d i t i o n s which e x i s t e d i n Puerto Rico when the development programme was i n i -t i a t e d . This d i s c u s s i o n of the background c o n d i t i o n s a l s o pro-vides an understanding of the p r e - r e q u i s i t e s f o r development i n that country. The t u r n i n g p o i n t i n the s o c i a l and economic develop-ment of Puerto Rico may be thought to occur i n 1940 f o r a v a r i e t y of reasons. There appear to have been the converging of p o l i t i c a l , economic, s o c i a l , and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e f o r c e s during the decade of the 1940's which made i t p o s s i b l e to make a sharp break w i t h the stagnation of the p a s t ! In the decade p r i o r to 19^0, Puerto Rico's a g r i c u l t u r a l economy had ceased growing mainly due to the adverse e f f e c t of the great depression on the market f o r i t s b a s i c crops, sugar and c o f f e e . Income was low and unemployment high. When the 139 United States l i m i t e d the import of sugar i n 1934, there r e s u l t e d a severe drop i n per c a p i t a income from $122 f o r the year 1929-1930, to $86 f o r the year 1932-33. At t h i s time employment i n a g r i c u l t u r e was more than 38 per cent of the labour f o r c e and unemployment stood a t 11 per cent. The prospects f o r development during t h i s p eriod pre-sented a r a t h e r black p i c t u r e . Puerto Rico's e x p l o i t a b l e economic resources were l i m i t e d to i t s s o i l , g r e a t l y depleted, i t s manpower, mostly un-s k i l l e d , and perhaps, i t s climate and scenery. I t was poorly endowed w i t h energy resources and w i t h the raw q m a t e r i a l s on which an i n d u s t r i a l economy could be based. S t a r t of the Development E f f o r t In the midst of t h i s c r i t i c a l s i t u a t i o n i n 1940, the Popular Party, headed by L u i s Munoz Marin, the present Governor, came i n t o power w i t h "a new goal i n mind, namely to b e t t e r the economic and s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s of Puerto Rico."-'' 0 This was v i r t u a l l y the s t a r t i n g p o i n t i n Puerto Rico's development pro-cess . P r i o r to t h i s , e f f o r t s to a l l e v i a t e the c o n d i t i o n s i n Puerto Rico were made under the i n f l u e n c e of the New Deal of the President Roosevelt's a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . Puerto Rico shared i n the programme of r e l i e f and r e c o n s t r u c t i o n , and s p e c i f i c a l l y the Puerto Rico ( l a t e r Federal) Emergency R e l i e f A d m i n i s t r a t i o n (F.E.R.A.) was set up i n 1933, and the Puerto Rico Reconstruction A d m i n i s t r a t i o n (P.R.R.A.) was e s t a b l i s h e d i n 1935."L'L With the new p o l i t i c a l p arty i n c o n t r o l and having made 140 the i n i t i a l commitment to undertake some form of development to improve s o c i a l and economic c o n d i t i o n s , Puerto Rico became a "developing country". S t a r t i n g w i t h t h i s i n i t i a l change many important events took place which have c o n t r i b u t e d to the success of development i n that country. The imaginative l e a d e r s h i p which the Popular Party brought to the country and to i t s development e f f o r t i s w e l l i l l u s t r a t e d i n the f o l l o w i n g comment: I t i s c l e a r that one of the sources of s t r e n g t h has been the appearance on the scene of a dynamic l e a d e r s h i p , w i t h a p o l i t i c a l p a r t y o r g a n i z a t i o n dedicated to the achieve-ment of c e r t a i n s o c i a l and economic goals through the democratic process. In a d d i t i o n l e a d e r s h i p was not trapped by a r i g i d formula which tended to generate an excess of n a t i o n a l i s m . The l e a d e r s h i p was s u f f i c i e n t l y f l e x i b l e so that when a p a r t i c u l a r method f a i l e d , others were t r i e d u n t i l the r i g h t combination was f o u n d . 1 2 This i s i n keeping w i t h the dynamic s p i r i t as expressed by L u i s Munoz Marin h i m s e l f ; the r e c o g n i t i o n that they must always be "changing, improving, and i n t e n s i f y i n g . . .", "to c o r r e c t . . . mistakes and press forward." The r i s e to power of Munoz Marin i n 1940 and the appoint-ment of Rexford Guy Tugwell as Governor of Puerto Rico i n 194l was a f o r t u n a t e combination f o r the i s l a n d . Munoz Marin's outlook was coloured by h i s exposure to the reform programmes of the Roosevelt A d m i n i s t r a t i o n over a number of years when he l i v e d i n the United S t a t e s . He was i n -strumental i n g e t t i n g the P.R.R.A. established."'' 3 . . . Governor Tugwell had been a prominent member of the New Deal, he had been r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the c r e a t i o n of the Resettlement A d m i n i s t r a t i o n and l a t e r had been Chairman of the New York C i t y Planning Commission. Moreover he was f a m i l i a r w i t h c o n d i t i o n s i n Puerto Rico and came prepared to help, devise and administer the 141 programme of reforms and development to which the new L e g i s l a t u r e was committed.14 Tugwell was l a r g e l y r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the i n t r o d u c t i o n and d r a f t i n g of the f i r s t Planning Act i n 1942 (to the extent of d r a f t i n g s u b s t a n t i a l p o r t i o n s of the Act h i m s e l f ) , and was i n -strumental i n g e t t i n g the Act passed by the L e g i s l a t u r e . In t h i s he was a c t i v e l y supported by L u i s Munoz Marin. The i n f l u e n c e of Governor Tugwell was a l s o l a r g e l y r e s -p o n s i b l e f o r the appointment of a number of w e l l - q u a l i f i e d North American planners to work i n Puerto Rico i n the e a r l y years. Some of these .planners were sent out by the United States N a t i o n a l Resources Planning Board to advise the I n s u l a r govern-ment on the requirements of a planning programme, and many of the planners stayed on i n Puerto Rico as c o n s u l t a n t s . Thus the planning process b e n e f i t e d from the s t a r t by having w e l l -q u a l i f i e d s t a f f . Perhaps the most notable c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the develop-ment process i n Puerto Rico i s that the e s s e n t i a l nature of development seems to have been thoroughly understood from the very s t a r t of the process and the goals were e x p l i c i t l y s t a t e d . Harvey P e r l o f f has i d e n t i f i e d some of the main f e a t u r e s : F i r s t l y , " s o c i a l reform", which was concerned essen-t i a l l y w i t h d i s t r i b u t i v e j u s t i c e , e s p e c i a l l y w i t h respect to land. Other f e a t u r e s Have Inclxided measures to p r o t e c t workers and to strengthen the p o s i t i o n of labour unions ... to provide p u b l i c a s s i s t a n c e and the beginnings of a s o c i a l s e c u r i t y system, to r e g u l a t e b a s i c i n d u s t r i e s , and to develop a more progr e s s i v e tax s t r u c t u r e . ^ 5 In a d d i t i o n there have been programmes f o r the d i r e c t 142 promotion of economic development and an expansion of a g r i c u l -t u r a l production. A t h i r d important f e a t u r e of the programme has been the "improvement of the p u b l i c s e r v i c e s and f a c i l i t i e s , both to l a y the foundation f o r economic expansion and to encourage s o c i a l p r o g r e s s . " 1 ^ With the p o l i t i c a l t ransformation of the 1940's pro-v i d i n g the motive f o r c e , Puerto Rico launched i t s development programme which embodied a wide range of a c t i v i t i e s and e n t a i l e d a v a r i e t y of changes. Integrated planning was the f a c t o r which turned t h i s pro-gramme i n t o a coherent co-ordinated plan f o r development. The f o l l o w i n g comment underscores t h i s p o i n t . A s i g n i f i c a n t aspect of the f a r - r e a c h i n g developmental e f f o r t has been the i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n of c o - o r d i n a t i n g and d i r e c t i n g devices i n the form of a Planning Board and a Budget Bureau. These s t a f f agencies, through t h e i r c e n t r a l r o l e i n the design of governmental programmes and i n the guidance of p u b l i c expenditures, . . . have served to t i e the widespread a c t i v i t i e s of the i n s u l a r government i n t o what can be j u s t i f i a b l y be c h a r a c t e r i z e d as a pro- gramme of planned development. (Writer's emphasis).1Y E v a l u a t i o n of Planning Organization and Process Powers and Duties of Planning Board Planning was f i r s t i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d i n a comprehensive and systematic way i n Puerto Rico i n 1942, when Act No. 213 created the Puerto Rico Planning, Urbanizing and Zoning Board. Succeeding references and d i s c u s s i o n are based on the r e v i s e d v e r s i o n of the Act, o f f i c i a l l y e n t i t l e d the "Puerto Rico Planning and Budgeting Act," which was published i n i960 by the Planning Board. • 143 The powers granted under the Act i n d i c a t e q u i t e c l e a r l y the nature and scope of the planning task envisioned, and the type of o r g a n i z a t i o n which was considered necessary to undertake the task i s revealed i n the purposes o u t l i n e d f o r the Planning Board. -General Purpose.- The powers granted under t h i s Act s h a l l be exerc i s e d f o r the general purpose of gui d i n g such a coordinated, adequate and economic development of Puerto R i c o , as w i l l , i n accordance w i t h present and f u t u r e needs and human, p h y s i c a l and f i n a n c i a l resources, best promote the h e a l t h , s a f e t y , morals, order, convenience, p r o s p e r i t y , defense, c u l t u r e , eco-nomic soundness and general welfare of the present and f u t u r e i n h a b i t a n t s , and such e f f i c i e n c y and economy i n the process of development and i n the d i s t r i b u t i o n of the p o p u l a t i o n , of the uses of land and of p u b l i c im-provements as w i l l tend to create c o n d i t i o n s favourable thereto.IS The Planning Board has the f o l l o w i n g d u t i e s : 1 9 1. to prepare and adopt a Master Plan f o r the develop-ment of Puerto R i c o . 2. to prepare, adopt and enforce the necessary r e g u l a -t i o n s to implement the recommendations of the Master Plan. 3. to adopt zoning r e g u l a t i o n s e s t a b l i s h i n g the use and development of p u b l i c and p r i v a t e lands and b u i l d i n g s . 4. to adopt r e g u l a t i o n s which w i l l govern the sub-d i v i s i o n of land. 5. to adopt s p e c i a l p r o j e c t s such as, r e h a b i l i t a t i o n and redevelopment, and development of i n d u s t r i a l towns; drainage d i s t r i c t s ; i r r i g a t i o n d i s t r i c t s ; e t c . 6. to prepare annually a Six-Year F i n a n c i a l Program, co n t a i n i n g d e s c r i p t i o n s of proposed and pending c a p i t a l improve-ments and current expenses of the Government. 144 7. to prepare f o r the Governor, y e a r l y , a F i n a n c i a l r e p o r t embracing a f i n a n c i a l a n a l y s i s of the development of the l a s t f i s c a l year i n the f i e l d of p r i v a t e economy and the manner i n which such development a f f e c t and i n turn are a f f e c t e d by government's f i n a n c i a l programme. 8. to compile, analyze and p u b l i s h p e r i o d i c a l l y s t a t i s -t i c s on payment balance, net income, gross product, and general economic i n d i c e s . O rganization Figures 4 - 7 present a graphic p i c t u r e of the organiza-t i o n f o r planning i n Puerto Rico and of the modus operandi of the planning process. A more d e t a i l e d examination of t h i s o r g a n i z a t i o n and the process w i l l be made when the e v a l u a t i o n of planning f o r develop-ment i s undertaken. However the importance attached to the planning f u n c t i o n must be noted here. With the establishment of the Planning Board, planning was introduced as a r e g u l a r and systematic government f u n c t i o n as p a r t of the Governor's o f f i c e . Rafeal P i c o , Secretary of the Treasury, Commonwealth of Puerto Rico (formerly Chairman of the Planning Board) considers t h i s e s s e n t i a l . "Planning must always occupy a c e n t r a l p o s i t i o n , c l o s e to the F i r s t Executive so that i t can i n f l u e n c e the b a s i c d e c i s i o n s to be made i n the prepara-t i o n of the development programme." 2 0 He goes on to emphasise that " t h i s c e n t r a l planning o r g a n i z a t i o n must have powers f o r comprehensive planning and should have an absolute backing from the Chief Executive . . ."21 145 This makes i t both e f f e c t i v e and l e g i t i m i z e s i t s a c t i o n s . This requirement was met i n Puerto Rico. The foregoing concept should not be i n t e r p r e t e d as an argument f o r a super-agency which w i l l operate above or outside the j u r i s d i c t i o n of normal government a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . This i s p r e c i s e l y what should be guarded a g a i n s t . The c e n t r a l planning o r g a n i z a t i o n should at a l l times be i n t i m a t e l y bound up w i t h the r e g u l a r processes of government. While r e c o g n i s i n g that the planning a u t h o r i t y must have freedom of a c t i o n and f u l l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i f i t i s to do i t s work p r o p e r l y , Howell s t a t e s that I t i s e s s e n t i a l that i t be w i t h i n the normal adminis-t r a t i v e machinery of government, and i t must recognise that one of i t s most important f u n c t i o n s should be to give t e c h n i c a l advice to the executive and l e g i s l a t i v e body, from which i t r e c e i v e s delegated powers.22 T e l e s f o r o Carrero lends support to t h i s p o i n t of view i n the f o l l o w i n g statement: In the planning process, the Governor, w i t h the d i r e c t a s s i s t a n c e of the Council of S e c r e t a r i e s and the L e g i s -l a t u r e of Puerto Rico are the ones In charge of the establishment of p o l i c y , aims, and o b j e c t i v e s of the d i f f e r e n t programs to be included In the general p l a n prepared by the Planning Board. The l a t t e r w i t h the a s s i s t a n c e of other government agencies prepares the b a s i c data and the c o u n s e l l i n g or guidance devices to enable the establishment of the above s a i d p o l i c i e s , aims and o b j e c t i v e s . 2 3 The Planning Process Figure 4 presents g r a p h i c a l l y the planning process as i t i s a p p l i e d to the development process i n Puerto Rico. This chart gives an i n d i c a t i o n of the steps which are followed through from p o l i c y f o r m u l a t i o n to implementation of the Master Plan and pro-E L PROCESO DE LA PLANIFICACION THE PLANNING PROCESS OU£C£: PUEHTO &/CO PLANNING BOQKb 146 grammes. The process as o u t l i n e d i n the chart f o l l o w s the c l a s s i c d e f i n i t i o n of the planning process - goal f o r m u l a t i o n ; survey, a n a l y s i s and design ( p l a n ) ; execution. The f i n a l stage of e v a l u a t i o n and "feed-back" i s one which i s o f t e n omitted, both i n theory and i n p r a c t i c e . In f a c t , t h i s stage has only been r e c e n t l y introduced i n t o the planning process i n Puerto Rico. How i s the planning o r g a n i z a t i o n geared to c a r r y on t h i s process? What f u n c t i o n a l arrangements e x i s t i n the o r g a n i z a t i o n f o r performing and c o o r d i n a t i n g the d i f f e r e n t aspects of the planning process? The changing requirements of the planning f u n c t i o n have produced changes and refinements i n the s t r u c t u r e of the Planning Board. Some of the changes are r e f l e c t e d i n Figures No. 5 - 7, and help to t r a c e the e v o l u t i o n of the planning process. By 1957, the Board had expanded to the p o i n t where there were, apart from the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e , l e g a l and s e c r e t a r y ' s o f f i c e s , f i v e t e c h n i c a l l i n e d i v i s i o n s . (Figure 5 ) . In 1958, there was a r e - o r g a n i z a t i o n of the l i n e d i v i s i o n s i n c r e a s i n g the number to s i x . (Figure 6 ) . The D i v i s i o n s of Engineering and of Finance and Master Plan were reorganized i n t o three Bureaux - P u b l i c Works Pro-gramming, P r o j e c t s R e v i s i o n and Integrated Planning. The two s i g n i f i c a n t changes were the a d d i t i o n of d i v i s i o n s of S p e c i a l Studies In Integrated Planning and S o c i a l A n a l y s i s , under the l a t t e r Bureau. F i n a l l y , as a r e s u l t of the Board re-assessment of the COMMONWEALTH OF PUERTO RIGO OFFICE OF THE GOVERNOR PUERTO RICO PLANNING BOARD FUNCTIONAL CHART FISCAL YEAR 1 9 3 9 - 9 ? THE BOARD 5 OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY A G E N 0 A 3 M I N U T E S REGISTRATIONS NOTICES A D V E R T I S E M E N T S C E N T R A L F I L E S HA IL EDITING ADMINISTRATIVE ADVISER BUDGET PERSONNEL ACCOUNT INC ANO PROPERTY PROCUREMENT AMD DISBURSEMENT GENERAL SERVICES ENGWEERWG OMSJD* | SPECIAL STUDIES | ANNUAL CONSTRUCTION PROGRAMS RURAL AOUEDUCTS SE'CRS RO AQS RURAL ELECTRIFICATION IEPNOVEMEHTS TD PVAM-C BULDINGS ATHLETIC PARKS LEGISLATION SLUM CONDITIONS I CONSTRUCTION PEBtaiS I •ASTtR Plan) URBAN AND RURAL ROAOS KTOMOEL£CTRC PROJECTS OATtfl SUPPLY AAtD SEWER PROJECTS H O U S T R U U . eua-OiNcs SCHOOLS LAND AOOUlSfTONS CEMETERIES PUMLIC PLAZAS HOSPITALS AJK) MEDICAL CENTERS HANSON OAPROVEMtMTS A1MIETIC PARIS F I R E STATIONS GRAPHIC FILE MAPS, DESKM3.0RAPHS COVENS FOR PUBL CAT IONS PUBLIC RELATIONS PRESS RELEASES REPORTS ON MAP OF MUMJOPRLrm-, AND BARRIOS PUBLICATIONS LIBRARY LEGAL DIVISION LEGAL ADVISER OPINIONS LE 61 SLAT ON REGULATORS IHJUBCT|ONS APPEALS L STUDIES C O N T R A C T S BONDS D E E D S SPECIAL PROSECUTOR JUDICIAL C A S E S P U B L I C HEARINGS M A S T E R P L A N SECTION j MCNJUmCF S E C T O N S OF MASTER P L A N FDR THE DEVEL-O P M E N T OF PUERTO RICO SnONI TERM PMDCMAMS FOR S C H O O L S . MOBmALS A N D OTHER SCRMCCS SPECIAL 3TUOCS ON SOCIO-PRE PAR AT CM Of THE 511'YEAI FINANCIAL PROGRAM SPECIAL STUDIES DM FISCAL PROBLEMS MAINTAINS UP TO DATE TABULATED AMD GRAPHIC INFORMATION OR THE PROGRESS OF PUBLIC WORKS PREPARES PERK)DC INFORMATION DM PUBLIC RORKS BACKLOG TABULATES AMD ANALYSES MONTHLY STATISTICS ON PUBLC MORKS, EXCLUOWG BUILOIMSS BUREAU OF PERMITS BUREAU OF CTTY PLANNING URBAN PROJECTS MVfSAON AND SKrl FIELD IHVE! AUTHDRI TWATCM OF CONSTRUCTIONS, ED AND UNAUTHORIZED • 0 OF CDMPIAJNTS Ml COURT ' ISION OF REGULATIONS SUBOP/ISKM S E C T ! I MAJOR sPBoryiscN uwn j SUMO nn si ON REGULATION PtlLIMINART PLATS CONSTRUCTION P L A T S FNIAL R E C O R D P L A T S COST E S T I M A T E S F I E L D I N S P E C T I O N S C E R T I F C A T I O N O F WORK OOBE INVEST C A T I O N OF V IOLATIONS SIMPLE LOT C A S E S PROVISO* OF inimti COST ESTIMATES CERTtFCATioa OF eosiK ooac INVESTIGATION OF V IOLATIONS REVI5IO" OF A P P E A L S ON C O N -STRUCTION PERMITS DIRECT AUTHORIZATION OF CONSTRUC-TION AND USE PERMITS INVESTIGATION DF V IOLATIONS ZONING M A P S ZONING R E G U L A T K M SPECIAL ZOMIMG S T U M 3 OFFICIAL MAI F IELD STUDIES TO SURVEY MAJOR THOROUGHFARES OFFICIAL M A P S OF PUBLIC ROADS ECONOMIC REPORTS TRENDS AND DEVELOPMENTS OF THE COM WON WEALTH'S ECONOMY INFORMATION TO DETERMINE ECONOMIC POLICY GUIOE L I N E S FOR ECONOMIC D E V E L O P M E N T MASTER P L A N S FOR ECONOMIC ACTIVITIES STATISTICS ON GROSS PRODUCT, NET I N C O M E . B A L A N C E OF P A Y M E N T S . E M P L O Y M E N T , MIGRATION COMMERCE. PRICES . INCOME LEVELS A N D ECONO-MIC INDEXES | MASTER P L A N SEcnoa L A N D USE STUORlS POPULATION S T U O C S SOCIO-ECONOMIC STUDIES REGIONAL STUDRTS P U B L I C S E R V I C E S A D D F A C I L I T I E S S P E C I A L S T U D I E S A O P R O J E C T S 1 REDEVELOPMENT S E C T I O N PREPARATION OF W0RKAS1-E P R O G R A M S FOR R E N E W A L ARO HOUSING PREPARAT ION OF U R B A N BE DEVELOPMENT P L A N S STUDIES OF REHASU.ITA1ION ANO URBAN R E D E V E L O P M E N T PROGRAMS ANO CONSTRUCTION OF PUBLIC HOUSING PROJECTS SOURCE. • PUERTO R.IC0 PLANNING- BOfHZb 147 planning process, the approach to t h e i r programmes was r e -o r i e n t e d to a r e c o g n i t i o n of the need f o r Regional Planning and S o c i a l Planning as c r u c i a l phases i n the comprehensive process. A new Bureau of Regional Planning has been created and a d i v i s i o n of S o c i a l Planning has been added to the Bureau of Economics and S t a t i s t i c s . The present ( i 9 6 0 ) s t r u c t u r e of the Planning Board appears i n Figure 7. The changes i n o r g a n i z a t i o n of the Board appears to be c l o s e l y r e l a t e d to the d i f f e r e n t stages of development. And i n p a r t i c u l a r i t s a c t i v i t i e s tend to r e f l e c t the changing emphases of the development programme. During the decade of 1940's, the main emphasis of the Board was along l i n e s of p h y s i c a l planning. This was a response to the o b j e c t i v e of c r e a t i n g a proper atmosphere f o r i n d u s t r i a l -i z a t i o n , and the e a r l y a c t i v i t i e s of the Planning Board were: gathering and c l a s s i f y i n g data f o r plans i n respect of p h y s i c a l improvementsj review of government p r o j e c t s to ensure con-f o r m i t y to the plan and p u b l i c p o l i c y ; and p r e p a r a t i o n of s i x -year f i n a n c i a l programmes. Later when 'Operation Bootstrap' was launched i n 1948, the Board's a c t i v i t i e s expanded i n the d i r e c t i o n of economic planning. The f u n c t i o n of economic research was added and the f i x i n g of p r i o r i t i e s f o r the r e a l i z a t i o n of the d i f f e r e n t pro-j e c t s was s t a r t e d . Having p o s i t i v e l y achieved a c e r t a i n degree of develop-ment, Puerto Rico, i n 1961, i s already engaged on the e a r l y OFICINA DEL GOBERNADOR JUNTA OE PLANIFIC4CI0N OE P U E R T O RICO GRAFICA "UNCIONAL 7 wswswsss NEOOCI*DO DC UNBANISMO SEWON DE ZOKIFICACIOH VISION DE PL»MfK»l E ESTADISTICAS DIVISION LEG*L OiW'SIOiM OE "WOrECTOS SECCION DE 5ECCKW Dt CAHTOimn, SOURCE - PUERTO £/CO PLANNING- BORlib ISGO 148 stages of 'Operation S e r e n i t y ' , which i s "aimed i n a new d i r e c t i o n i n order to achieve an a p p r e c i a t i o n of the a t t a i n e d and unattained goals of the dynamic program f o r b e t t e r income." 2 4 This i s a programme of ' c u l t u r a l and s p i r i t u a l develop-ment1 and i t i s c e r t a i n that the newly created d i v i s i o n of S o c i a l Planning "which w i l l be i n charge of a p p r a i s i n g programs now i n progress w i t h a view to determining to what extent s o c i a l o b j e c t i v e s are s a t i s f i e d " , w i l l p l a y an important r o l e i n the new approach. The need f o r keeping the planning process f l e x i b l e and responsive to the changing demands of the development s i t u a t i o n , i s q u i t e c l e a r l y demonstrated i n the Puerto Rican experience. A c t i v i t i e s of the Board I t i s p o s s i b l e to deduce from the o u t l i n e of the powers and d u t i e s of the Board that i t must engage i n a v a r i e t y of com-plex and i n t e r - r e l a t e d a c t i v i t i e s . For the sake of conciseness these a c t i v i t i e s are discussed under the f o l l o w i n g general headings: Master Plan p r e p a r a t i o n , s o c i a l and economic planning, p h y s i c a l planning and f i s c a l planning. Master Plan Preparation The foremost f u n c t i o n of the Planning Board i s the prepa-r a t i o n of the Master Plan f o r Development of Puerto Rico, Successful development r e q u i r e s the s o l u t i o n of a m u l t i -p l i c i t y of complex problems. These problems are not merely con-cerned w i t h the economic sector of the country, but a l s o i n v o l v e 149 problems of a l e g a l , p o l i t i c a l , s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l nature. The s o l u t i o n to the problems obviously creates c e r t a i n demands on the resources of the country, and the p r e s s i n g need a r i s e s f o r some systematic way of r e s o l v i n g the c o n f l i c t s which must occur i n the programmes designed to e l i m i n a t e the problems. Integrated planning i s the best means of i d e n t i f y i n g the problems, determining the needs, r e s o l v i n g the c o n f l i c t s , and then a l l o c a t i n g the resources f o r d i f f e r e n t programmes on the b a s i s of c r i t e r i a which depend on the d e s i r e d g o a l s . The requirements of the Master Plan f o r development of Puerto Rico and the r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of the Planning Board i n preparing i t provide the framework w i t h i n which these v a r i e d and complex operations can be e f f e c t i v e l y c a r r i e d out. The scope of the Master Plan f u n c t i o n i s l a i d out i n Section 8 of the Planning Act. The Board s h a l l prepare and adopt A Master Plan, which s h a l l show, w i t h any accompanying maps, charts and ex-planatory matter, i t s recommendations f o r the develop-ment of Puerto Rico and may inc l u d e the general l o c a -t i o n , c haracter, and extent of the land, minerals, water, v e g e t a t i o n and animal l i f e and t h e i r present and p o s s i b l e f u t u r e u t i l i z a t i o n . . . and of r e s i d e n t i a l , commercial, r e c r e a t i o n a l , manufacturing, t r a n s p o r t a t i o n , communication, i n s t i t u t i o n a l governmental and p u b l i c u t i l i t y f a c i l i t i e s and operations by whatever d e s i r a b l e c a t e g o r i e s , and t h e i r p o s s i b l e f u t u r e u t i l i z a t i o n and development f o r these or other purposes and f o r the general welfare.25 The Master Plan i s not a s i n g l e document nor i s i t a r i g i d formula f o r the development of the country. Rather i t i s a f l e x i b l e planning instrument comprised of a set of plans, each f o r a d i f f e r e n t aspect of development, w i t h supporting s t a t i s -t i c a l , f a c t u a l and d e s c r i p t i v e data. 150 The Master Plan embodies the b a s i c p o l i c i e s adopted by the Board to guide the p h y s i c a l and economic development of the I s l a n d . In developing these p o l i c i e s due regard must be paid to the o v e r a l l p o l i c i e s of the Government, and p r o v i s i o n f o r con-s i d e r i n g the opinions and ob j e c t i o n s of the p u b l i c , through pub-l i c hearings, i s made In the Act. Thus the goals and p o l i c i e s of Government and people form the b a s i s f o r g u i d i n g and c o o r d i n a t i n g p u b l i c and p r i v a t e a c t i v i t i e s aimed at development. In Puerto Rico, as i n other developing c o u n t r i e s , pro-grammes compete f o r l i m i t e d resources. Planning has the task of a l l o c a t i n g the a v a i l a b l e resources on the b a s i s of a good system of p r i o r i t i e s . The Planning Board i n c o o r d i n a t i n g the separate and perhaps c o n f l i c t i n g programmes of both p u b l i c and p r i v a t e agencies, ensures optimum use of resources and helps to prevent overlapping and the consequent waste of resources. Integrated Planning i s e s s e n t i a l i n a country of l i m i t e d resources. And e s p e c i a l l y i n small c o u n t r i e s undergoing a development process, planning i s necessary i n order to make the most out of the a v a i l a b l e resources w i t h the g r e a t e s t p o s s i b l e t h r i f t and e f f i c i e n c y . Master Plan p r e p a r a t i o n by the very nature of i t s pro-cesses of c o o r d i n a t i o n and constant review and adjustment, achieves t h i s o b j e c t i v e . And the very a ct of t r a n s l a t i n g the d i f f e r e n t programmes i n t o p h y s i c a l terms and presenting them In mapped form must help to c l a r i f y the i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s between programmes. 151 The Master Plan i s prepared by the Planning Board i n c o l l a b o r a t i o n w i t h other government agencies and p r i v a t e agen-c i e s . The b e n e f i t of t h i s constant c o n s u l t a t i o n and review i s evident and must r e s u l t In programmes which are t e c h n i c a l l y sounder, more i n t e r n a l l y c o n s i s t e n t and b e t t e r r e l a t e d to the t o t a l process. I t must s u r e l y be agreed that "planning pays, not only i n b e t t e r r e s u l t s , but i n more economical p r o j e c t s . " 2 0 S o c i a l and Economic Planning Master Plan p r e p a r a t i o n can be regarded as the t o t a l process. This process can be broken down i n t o i t s parts and examined to determine how the d i f f e r e n t f a c e t s are r e l a t e d to the whole. In Puerto Rico s o c i a l and economic planning have been c l o s e l y i n t e r r e l a t e d . The r e l a t i o n s h i p s t a r t s at the very beginning of the process w i t h the f o r m u l a t i o n of g o a l s . "The (development) program comprises e s s e n t i a l economic means to the achievement of the s o c i a l o b j e c t i v e of r a i s i n g the l e v e l s of l i v i n g of the people . . . , , 27 This i m p l i e s that w h i l e the development programme has s p e c i f i c economic ends which are important and c o n s i s t e n t In pQ themselves, "the fundamental goal ... i s eminently s o c i a l . " The expression of goals i n these general terms i s not s u f f i c i e n t however, and one of the f i r s t tasks of planning i n Puerto Rico was "to reduce i n d e f i n i t e o b j e c t i v e s to t a n g i b l e and d e f i n i t e t a r g e t s so that they might come i n t o r e a l i t y . " 2 9 This was f i r s t achieved i n 1950, when the Economics D i v i s i o n of the Planning Board prepared the f i r s t Economic 152 Report to the Governor. In t h i s r e p o r t q u a n t i t a t i v e t a r g e t s f o r production, investment, employment and income were pro-j e c t e d , based on a model of f u l l employment during the decade of the I960*s. The a n a l y s i s of t h i s model l e d to a system of p r i o r i t i e s f o r government a c t i v i t i e s . This was a c r i t i c a l step i n the development process. However, one c r i t i c i s m made of the re p o r t was that "the p r i o r i t i e s were designed l a r g e l y to a c c e l e r a t e the economic development of Puerto Rico and d i d not a u t o m a t i c a l l y present the claims which might be made f o r r a p i d s o c i a l development." 3 0 This shortcoming seems to have p e r s i s t e d u n t i l about 1958. I t should be noted, however, that although s o c i a l planning was not f o r m a l i z e d the s o c i a l nature of the o b j e c t i v e s of the development programme was c o n s t a n t l y kept i n mind. Such pro-grammes as the re-settlement of squa t t e r s ' f a m i l i e s , (40,000 between 1940-59), r u r a l and urban housing (6,000 and 26,000 low-cost u n i t s r e s p e c t i v e l y ) , and p u b l i c h e a l t h and welfare (about 5.6 per cent of a l l a p p r o p r i a t i o n s between 1944 and i 9 6 0 ) , t e s t i f y to the accent on s o c i a l development. I t i s perhaps a c r e d i t to the s p i r i t of planning i n Puerto Rico that t h i s shortcoming was recognised and a p o s i t i v e attempt made to remedy the s i t u a t i o n . Studies are underway to determine the s o c i a l i m p l i c a t i o n s of various programmes, and s u i t a b l e m o d i f i c a t i o n and r e - o r i e n t a t i o n of these programmes w i l l be made where necessary. The establishment of a D i v i s i o n of S o c i a l Planning appears to have f i l l e d the gap i n the planning machinery and the 153 above c r i t i c i s m w i l l c e r t a i n l y be met. P h y s i c a l Planning P h y s i c a l planning i n the sense of c i t y and town planning i s a l s o one of the f u n c t i o n s of the Planning Board. This cen-t r a l body i s the planning a u t h o r i t y f o r each c i t y and town and other l o c a l area. This produces 'the l i n k between l o c a l p h y s i c a l plans and broader n a t i o n a l plans and ensures that l o c a l developments accord w i t h the o v e r a l l g o a ls, p o l i c i e s and standards of the i s l a n d . One example of t h i s process i n operation i s the Master Plan f o r San Juan which formed the b a s i s f o r the Regional Plan 31 f o r the M e t r o p o l i t a n Area of San Juan.-' Master Plans f o r l o c a l areas provide a sound b a s i s f o r ensuring that a l l matters a f f e c t i n g l o c a l communities w i l l be t r e a t e d i n an i n t e g r a t e d f a s h i o n and f o r a c h i e v i n g the o r d e r l y growth of these communities. This degree of c o o r d i n a t i o n between l o c a l and n a t i o n a l planning and between p h y s i c a l development and economic o b j e c t -i v e s , has seldom been achieved w i t h such success. Howell sees t h i s as one of the outstanding f e a t u r e s of the planning system of Puerto Rico and comments that While town planning and r e g i o n a l planning are widely accepted as necessary i f development i s to proceed smoothly and i n t e l l i g e n t l y , i t i s not s u f f i c i e n t l y recognised t h a t , to be s u c c e s s f u l , a planning autho-r i t y must narrow the g u l f between p h y s i c a l planning and economic planning and between planning and development.32 This i s the essence of the planning process i n Puerto 154 Rico. The most recent refinement i n the p h y s i c a l planning f u n c t i o n was the establishment of a separate Bureau of Regional Planning (see Chart 4 ) , which i s charged w i t h the task of pre-paring the p h y s i c a l development plans f o r the three regions i n t o which t h e . i s l a n d has been d i v i d e d . This Bureau w i l l a l s o coordinate a l l s p e c i a l i z e d programmes of government agencies, and c a r r y out s p e c i a l s t u d i e s i n integrated planning. What the Planning Board expects of comprehensive r e g i o n a l planning i s o u t l i n e d i n the f o l l o w i n g statement. The comprehensive r e g i o n a l p l a n . . . must s a t i s f y s e v e r a l c r i t e r i a . Prom the viewpoint of the i n d i v i d u a l r e g i o n , the plan must present an I n t e r n a l l y c o n s i s t e n t , fea.sible and v i a b l e set of proposals, f i t t e d to the region's needs and resources. From the viewpoint of the whole, the sum of the r e g i o n a l development patterns must be c o n s i s t e n t w i t h the expected growth of the p o p u l a t i o n and the economy as a whole, i n c l u d i n g the f i n a n c i a l c a p a b i l i t y of the government, while the spe-c i a l i z e d plans must be c o n s i s t e n t w i t h the f u n c t i o n a l requirements of the sector of the economy to which they r e l a t e . 3 3 This i s obviously a f u r t h e r step i n the d i r e c t i o n of b r i d g i n g the g u l f , and w i l l undoubtedly improve the e f f e c t i v e -ness of the i n t e g r a t e d planning f u n c t i o n at a l l l e v e l s . F i s c a l Planning The r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of the Planning Board i n f i s c a l planning are c a r r i e d out i n the p r e p a r a t i o n of the Six-Year F i n a n c i a l Program, i n accordance w i t h S e c t i o n 13 of the Act. The F i n a n c i a l Program contains d e s c r i p t i o n s of proposed and pending c a p i t a l improvements and current expenses of the Government, and a p p r o p r i a t i o n s f o r government c o r p o r a t i o n s . 155 I t contains an a n a l y s i s of revenues and proposes methods of f i n a n c i n g . I t presents an organized set of c l o s e l y i n t e r -r e l a t e d recommendations f o r expenditures. Appropriations are based on a v a i l a b l e resources and are d i s t r i b u t e d according to the s o c i a l need of each p u b l i c s e r v i c e . This one document serves many f u n c t i o n s - su p p l i e s i n -formation and guidance on f i n a n c i a l matters to the Executive and L e g i s l a t i v e Branches of Government, as w e l l as the p u b l i c ; o u t l i n e s the proposed timing and general estimates of costs of the various works and a c t i v i t i e s ; coordinates past, current and proposed programmes and r e l a t e s them to the Master Plan. The a p p r o p r i a t i o n s f o r the f i r s t year are worked out more c a r e f u l l y as these form the concrete recommendations to the L e g i s l a t u r e f o r the current f i s c a l year i n the Model Budget.-The Program i s r e v i s e d annually and i s projected forward one year at a time. Changes i n f i s c a l p o l i c y or i n economic co n d i t i o n s can thus be taken i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n and an up-to-date p i c t u r e of the f i n a n c i a l s i t u a t i o n i s always at hand. The Planning Board thus performs a 'pulse-taking' f u n c t i o n f o r the i s l a n d ' s economy. The f i n a n c i a l program i s not merely a statement i n mone-ta r y terms. I t a l s o presents an a n a l y s i s of the most important operating programs and p r o j e c t s , by reviewing achievements to date, r e - s t a t i n g the u l t i m a t e t a r g e t s and i n d i c a t i n g what a c t i o n i s intended f o r the current program p e r i o d , and the appropriate f i n a n c i a l a l l o c a t i o n s . Two examples from the 14th Six-Year F i n a n c i a l Program 156 serve to i l l u s t r a t e t h i s p o i n t : Recommended ap p r o p r i a t i o n s under the Health program f o r h o s p i t a l c o n s t r u c t i o n are preceded by an a n a l y s i s showing i n q u a n t i t a t i v e terms the req u i r e d number of beds i n d i f f e r e n t types of h o s p i t a l s , the e x i s t i n g number and hence, the a d d i -t i o n a l r e q u i r e d . In the Housing Program an a n a l y s i s i s a l s o made of the t o t a l r e q u i r e d number of u n i t s , the achievement to date and the a d d i t i o n a l number needed to meet the ta r g e t s set.. These analyses provide an easy means of studying the current a p p r o p r i a t i o n s and the proposed a c t i o n and r e l a t i n g these to the o v e r a l l p i c t u r e . I t i s s i g n i f i c a n t that the targets are expressed i n q u a n t i t a t i v e and p h y s i c a l terms. To make t h i s p o s s i b l e and meaningful, standards and s p e c i f i c a t i o n s f o r the s e r v i c e s had to be worked out and f i x e d beforehand. Whatever the standards s e t , the device obviously f o r c e s d e c i s i o n s on d i f f e r e n t aspects of the programmes - content, scope, l o c a t i o n , adequacy - and reduces vague goals and l a r g e - s c a l e f i n a n c i a l a l l o c a t i o n s to understand-able t a r g e t s . I t a l s o provides a ready method f o r measuring pro-gress towards u l t i m a t e goals. The f o l l o w i n g comment i s a f i t t i n g c o nclusion to t h i s e v a l u a t i o n of the f i s c a l planning f u n c t i o n of the Board. "The F i n a n c i a l Program i s an instrument of i n c a l c u l a b l e value f o r b r i n g i n g to p h y s i c a l planning that element of economic r e a l i s m without which any plan, no matter how b r i l l i a n t l y con-ceived, i s only a plan on paper."34 157 Summary This a p p r a i s a l can perhaps be best summarised by an i l l u s t r a t i o n of the a p p l i c a t i o n of comprehensive r e g i o n a l planning. The planning process w i l l be traced through the stage of broad p o l i c y statement to the a c t u a l l o c a t i o n of a c t i -v i t i e s , and i t w i l l be seen how s u c c e s s f u l development can be achieved through i n t e g r a t e d planning. The operation of the f o r e -going techniques and others not p r e v i o u s l y discussed i n d e t a i l w i l l a l s o be i l l u s t r a t e d through t h i s d i s c u s s i o n . Assuming that the broad goals have been set by the p o l i c y statement of the Government, and that based on the i n t e r -p r e t a t i o n of these goals s p e c i f i c t a r g e t s have been a r r i v e d a t , the a l t e r n a t i v e means to achieve the goals can then be worked out. The Planning Board i s instrumental i n reducing the goals to meaningful t a r g e t s and i n c h a r t i n g the d i f f e r e n t s t r a t e g i e s . The next stage which w i l l be the task of the Bureau of Economics and S t a t i s t i c s i s to make r e g i o n a l breakdowns of the n a t i o n a l p r o j e c t i o n s . This i s considered the s t a r t i n g p o i n t of r e g i o n a l planning -- "the p r o j e c t i o n of r e g i o n a l economic growth and the s i z e and geographic d i s t r i b u t i o n of r e g i o n a l popula-t i o n s . . . "35 In making these p r o j e c t i o n s c o n s i d e r a t i o n i s given to any s p e c i a l f a c t o r or d e s i r e d p o l i c y . For insta n c e , n a t u r a l economic growth tends toward the concent r a t i o n of i n d u s t r y and population, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the San Juan M e t r o p o l i t a n Area. On the other hand, government p o l i c i e s are d i r e c t e d at decen-t r a l i z a t i o n , and provide s p e c i a l i n c e n t i v e s to i n d u s t r i e s to 158 l o c a t e outside the San Juan A r e a . 3 ^ The r e g i o n a l p r o j e c t i o n s must achieve a balance between these c o n f l i c t i n g c o n s i d e r a t i o n s , and any d e s i r e d p a t t e r n of settlement or s p a t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of a c t i v i t i e s can be planned at t h i s stage. Once the volume of employment and p r o d u c t i v i t y has been p r o j e c t e d , the r e g i o n a l p a t t e r n of the labour f o r c e and popula-t i o n can be determined on the assumption that people f o l l o w jobs and by applying s u i t a b l e standards, such as employee/floor area r a t i o and occupancy standards f o r housing the a c t u a l q u a n t i t i e s of these f a c i l i t i e s can be worked out. At t h i s stage the i n t e -g r a t i o n of the economic and p h y s i c a l elements of development i s achieved. S o c i a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s can a l s o be b u i l t i n t o the standards a p p l i e d i n the d e c i s i o n s on f a c i l i t i e s . The r e q u i r e d p h y s i c a l f a c i l i t i e s are, then, placed i n t o a Programme of C a p i t a l Works. The p r o v i s i o n of p u b l i c u t i l i t i e s i s based on the needs of i n d u s t r y ; and adequate p u b l i c s e r v i c e s and community f a c i l i t i e s must be provided f o r the people. The l o c a t i o n of these works can guide development i n t o d e s i r e d areas and i n t o pre-determined p a t t e r n s . The extent and q u a l i t y of the new f a c i l i t i e s w i l l be i n f l u e n c e d by the i n d u s t r i a l development o b j e c t i v e s and t h e i r d i s t r i b u t i o n w i l l be determined by s e t t l e -ment p o l i c i e s . "Puerto Rico experience . . . i n d i c a t e s that p r o v i s i o n of such things as roads, housing and schools, as w e l l as commercial f a c i l i t i e s and s e r v i c e s , i s an important f a c t o r . . . " i n i n d u s t r i a l location.37 Hence the value of the Pro-gramme of C a p i t a l Works as a t o o l i s a c h i e v i n g the d e s i r e d type and p a t t e r n of development. 159 I t i s obvious that the Programme of C a p i t a l Works and the a l l o c a t i o n s f o r government expenditure can be c a r e f u l l y worked out and coordinated at t h i s stage f o r i n t e r n a l con-s i s t e n c y and f o r conformity w i t h the o v e r a l l Master Plan. So f a r the techniques employed have been a n a l y t i c , d i r e c t i v e and c o o r d i n a t i v e . At t h i s p o i n t , the r e g u l a t o r y devices enter the planning process. These are the f u n c t i o n s of the Bureaux of Urban Development, P r o j e c t Review and Per-mits (See Figure 7.) Urban Planning, under the Bureau of Urban Development, Is a device f o r guiding the growth of urban areas. P r i v a t e and p u b l i c a c t i v i t i e s i n these areas are regulated by the e s t a b l i s h -ment and enforcement of r u l e s and r e g u l a t i o n s to govern the development of urban areas -- land s u b d i v i s i o n , zoning, o f f i c i a l maps of s t r e e t s , and roadside signs and b i l l b o a r d r e g u l a t i o n s . The Planning Board reviews a l l c a p i t a l works p r o j e c t s submitted by I n s u l a r Government agencies and m u n i c i p a l i t i e s . I t assures that p r o j e c t s are p r o p e r l y l o c a t e d and that there are no c o n f l i c t s between various programmes. P r o j e c t s i n both urban and r u r a l areas are checked to see that they f i t the a n t i c i p a t e d development and s a t i s f y the goals of the Master Plan. By r e q u i r i n g p r i v a t e developers to o b t a i n use permits and c o n s t r u c t i o n c e r t i f i c a t i o n , the Planning Board e x e r c i s e s e f f e c t i v e c o n t r o l over p r i v a t e p r o j e c t s . A f t e r p r o j e c t s have been executed, the l a s t stage of the planning process goes i n t o operation. This i s the work of the r e c e n t l y created S o c i a l Planning D i v i s i o n . This D i v i s i o n 160 evaluates the programmes In an attempt "to c l a r i f y the kinds of goals or values of human beings and the impact of govern-mental planning and a c t i o n on them." 3 8 This i s the means whereby those r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the planning of development and, u l t i m a t e l y the decision-makers, can determine how s u c c e s s f u l the planning has been and to what extent the expected and d e s i r e d goals are being achieved. The axiom "planning i s a continuing f u n c t i o n " has been f i r m l y e s t a b l i s h e d i n the theory of planning. In Puerto Rico i t has a l s o been e s t a b l i s h e d i n p r a c t i c e . As shown i n Figure 4 -- the Planning Process -- e v a l u a t i o n , at the l a s t stage, leads back to the f i r s t and the process s t a r t s a l l over again. This i s f a m i l i a r l y known as "feed-back" and t r u l y underscores the con-t i n u i n g nature of planning. l 6 l REFERENCES 1 Brandon Howell , "The Planning System of Puerto R i c o , " Town Planning Review, 23, No. 3 , (October, 1952), p . 211. 2 R a f a e l Pico , "Puerto R i c o : Crossroads of the Americas ," a paper•delivered at the s p e c i a l ce lebra t ion Days f o r Pan American Understanding, U n i v e r s i t y of Massachusetts, Amherst, ' J u l y , 1957, p . 8 . 3 I b i d . 4 I b i d , p. 11. ^Harvey P e r l o f f , "Form and Function of Planning i n Puerto R i c o , " Annals of the American Academy of P o l i t i c a l and S o c i a l  Sclence7"Vol . 2S5 (January, 1953), p . 52. ^ J . K. G a l b r a i t h and Carolyn Shaw Solo , "Puerto Rican Lessons i n Economic Development," Annals, op. c i t . , p . 59. ^ A l v i n Mayne and Evelyn Ramos, "Planning for S o c i a l and Economic Development i n Puerto R i c o , " (San Juan: 1958), p . 8 - 9 . 8 l b i d , p. 9 . 9 p i c o , op. c i t . , p . 10. •^Teleforo Carrero, "The Contr ibut ion of Physical Planning to S o c i a l and Economic P l a n n i n g , " (San Juan: i 9 6 0 ) , p . 31. ^ H o w e l l , l o c . c l t . , p . 213. •^Mayne and Ramos, op. c l t . , p. 7 - 8 . "^Howell , l o c . c l t . , p . 214. l ^ I b i d . - ^ p e r l o f f , A n n a l s . , op. c l t . , p . 51. l 6 I b i d . 1 7 I b l d , p. 51-52. Planning Act (Revised) published by Planning Board, I 9 6 0 , Section 3 . ^ p l a n n i n g Act , Sections 8-13. 2 0 R a f a e l Pico, "The Role of Planning i n a Development Programme," Town and Country Development Planning i n the  Caribbean, ( T r i n i d a d : Caribbean Commission, 195«j , p. b . 162 2 1 l b I d . 2 2 H o w e l l , l o c . c l t . , p. 222. 2 3 c a r r e r o , op. c i t . , p. 42. 2 ^ I b i d , p. 46. 2 5 p i a n n i n g Act, S e c t i o n 8 . 2 ^ P i c o , "The Role of Planning i n a Development Pro-gramme, " p. 4. ^Mayne and Ramos, op. c i t . , p. 37, quoting from 11th S i x Year F i n a n c i a l Program, 1955-19bl , p. 70 . 2 8 I b i d . 2 9 i b l d . 3°lbid, p. 41. 3lEduardo Baranano, Regional Plan f o r the San Juan Metro- p o l i t a n Area, prepared f o r the Puerto Rico Planning Board, 195b. 3 2Howell, l o c . c i t . , p. 221. 33puerto Rico, Planning Board, "Comprehensive Regional Planning i n Puerto R i c o , " (San Juan: June, 1958), 3^Howell, l o c . c l t . , p. 218. 35"Comprehensive Regional Planning i n Puerto R i c o , " 3 6 I b i d , p. 37. 3 7 i b i d , p. 6. 3 8 i b i d , p. 38 . P. 36. CHAPTER V ORGANIZATION FOR PLANNING FOR DEVELOPMENT IN TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO The concept of planning as a f u n c t i o n of Ce n t r a l Government i s g e n e r a l l y accepted i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago and the planning process i s f o r m a l l y c a r r i e d on w i t h i n the o r g a n i z a t i o n . Present arrangements are, however, u n s a t i s f a c t o r y and do not perform w i t h maximum e f f e c t i v e n e s s . I t i s intended, t h e r e f o r e , i n t h i s chapter to present and di s c u s s an o r g a n i z a t i o n f o r planning f o r development which w i l l meet f u l l y the requirements of the planning f u n c t i o n i n the l i g h t of the development problems and needs discussed i n Chapter I I , and based on the lessons l e a r n t from the Puerto Rican experience. Obviously t h i s proposal w i l l not be completely or r a d i -c a l l y o r i g i n a l . The circumstances i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago do not demand such d r a s t i c treatment, and, furthermore, to the extent that any new agency f o r planning w i l l be b u i l t upon the e x i s t i n g foundation and must be f i t t e d i n t o the general s t r u c t u r e of Government, the general o u t l i n e s of such an agency are already s e t . What i s needed i s an e l a b o r a t i o n and a refinement of the planning f u n c t i o n . The c o n d i t i o n i n g f a c t o r s are: ( l ) the e x i s t i n g s t r u c t u r e and o r g a n i z a t i o n of Government, e s p e c i a l l y the Executive Branch which operates w i t h i n a f a i r l y w e l l - d e f i n e d and long e s t a b l i s h e d 164 p a t t e r n ; (2) the e x i s t i n g Economic Planning D i v i s i o n which, to a l i m i t e d extent, performs i t s task competently; (3) the r e c e n t l y enacted Town and Country Planning Ordinance, i 9 6 0 , which provides the framework f o r p h y s i c a l planning i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago. In T r i n i d a d and Tobago i t w i l l be r e c a l l e d from the a n a l y s i s i n Chapter I I I that the planning process i s f r a g -mented, i n that a number of separate agencies, some q u i t e inde-pendent of Government, conduct d i f f e r e n t aspects of the planning f u n c t i o n ; I t i s i n e f f e c t i v e i n p a r t s , and other parts are not a p p l i e d at a l l . The l o g i c a l c o n c l u s i o n was drawn that the Government i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago needed a c e n t r a l planning agency to co-ordinate, d i r e c t and c o n t r o l a c t i v i t i e s c a r r i e d on by a l l agencies and i n d i v i d u a l s , p u b l i c or p r i v a t e , which impinge on the development process. The o r g a n i z a t i o n h e r e i n proposed, which w i l l be c a l l e d the C e n t r a l Planning Department, i s designed to perform a l l the above f u n c t i o n s i n respect of planning f o r development by C e n t r a l Government i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago, and without d i s r u p t i n g unduly the e x i s t i n g s t r u c t u r e of government. J u r i s d i c t i o n of the Central Planning Department The success of planning i s l a r g e l y determined by the com-prehensiveness of the process and the extent of i t s j u r i s d i c t i o n over the a c t i v i t i e s of the p u b l i c and p r i v a t e sectors of the community. The nature and scope b u i l t i n t o the planning f u n c t i o n are r e l a t e d to the degree of Government p a r t i c i p a t i o n In the 165 development process, and the amount of Government i n t e r v e n t i o n i n p r i v a t e a c t i v i t i e s . The r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of Government i n the p u b l i c sector Is c l e a r l y e s t a b l i s h e d . But i t i s not e q u a l l y easy to p r e s c r i b e the d e s i r a b l e extent of Government interven-, t i o n i n p r i v a t e economic e n t e r p r i s e . The f o l l o w i n g comments by Rexford Tugwell presents the case f o r some degree of Government r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the a c t i -v i t i e s of the p r i v a t e s e c t o r . Their expansion or d e c l i n e , t h e i r p u b l i c p o l i c i e s , the kind of s e r v i c e s they provide, the wages they pay, and the c o n d i t i o n of work they o f f e r can no longer be matters of p u b l i c i n d i f f e r e n c e . They are r e l i e d on i n or d i n a r y circumstances f o r production and employment. I f they f a i l , even p a r t i a l l y , the government w i l l be involved i n the f a i l u r e . Unemployment i n v o l v e s l o s s of income; l o s s of income r e s u l t s i n d e p r i v a t i o n s the s t a t e i s bound to r e l i e v e i n some way.-1-Tugwell goes on to argue that w h i l e there i s not u n i -v e r s a l acceptance of t h i s p r i n c i p l e of p u b l i c r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , i t i s now g e n e r a l l y agreed that the support of government may be necessary at s t r a t e g i c p o i n t s , f o r sagging sectors of the economy. Furthermore, there i s l i t t l e o b j e c t i o n to the p r i n c i p l e of s o c i a l p s e r v i c e s ; the argument i s mostly about t h e i r d e s i r a b l e extent. I t may be added that i n the case of a developing country l i k e T r i n i d a d and Tobago, where the needs are so much g r e a t e r , the resources so much l e s s , and the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of government f o r general welfare i s p r o p o r t i o n a t e l y heavier, the argument f o r government p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s even more c o n c l u s i v e . Tugwell concludes thus: So the c e n t r a l planning agency f o r the government i s i n -volved to a c e r t a i n degree i n the d i r e c t i o n of p r i v a t e enterprise- -- the degree depending on the acceptance of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r general w e l f a r e . I t may very w e l l , i n 166 what we are l e a r n i n g to c a l l a mixed economy, need to i n q u i r e i n some d e t a i l i n t o the i n t e n t i o n s of enter-p r i s e r s and enter them on i t s balance sheet f o r the future. 3 The p r e c i s e nature and extent of government i n t e r v e n -t i o n , through the c o - o r d i n a t i n g and d i r e c t i n g a c t i v i t i e s of the C e n t r a l Planning Department, must obviously be defined w i t h i n the s p e c i f i c context of Government i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago and i n accordance w i t h the s p e c i a l c o n d i t i o n s of the country. I t i s c l e a r , however, that any a c t i v i t y which makes demands on resources, which can i n f l u e n c e other a c t i v i t i e s , and which a f f e c t s the general welfare of the community, f a l l s w i t h i n the area of concern of Government, through t h i s c o - o r d i n a t i n g and d i r e c t i n g agency. J u r i s d i c t i o n of the C e n t r a l Planning Department over two other sets of agencies concerned w i t h the development pro-cess must be e s t a b l i s h e d . These are the Executive Departments of Government which are r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the implementation of development programmes as w e l l as the day to day operations of government, and the S t a t u t o r y Agencies, which are charged w i t h r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r s p e c i f i c f u n c t i o n s ( i n d u s t r i a l promotion, tourism, p u b l i c u t i l i t i e s ) . The executive departments are i n a s p e c i a l l y s t r a t e g i c p o s i t i o n to i n i t i a t e programmes w i t h i n t h e i r area of competence, and to present t h e i r proposals to the Planning Department. Such departments as the education department, the h e a l t h department, the port s e r v i c e s department, a l l have s p e c i a l i z e d needs, and are d e f i n i t e l y the most competent a u t h o r i t i e s to make proposals f o r development w i t h i n t h e i r own spheres of operation. However, 167 they a l l provide s e r v i c e s and f a c i l i t i e s which are the u l t i m a t e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of Government. Their a c t i v i t i e s must, t h e r e f o r e , be co-ordinated w i t h i n the s t a t e d p o l i c y framework, and conse-quently f a l l w i t h i n the j u r i s d i c t i o n of the C e n t r a l Planning Department. The same p r i n c i p l e a p p l i e s to the a c t i v i t i e s of the S t a t u t o r y Agencies. The p r a c t i c e of d e l e g a t i n g r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r c e r t a i n s p e c i f i c f u n c t i o n s to such agencies i s widely accepted as a u s e f u l device f o r c a r r y i n g out c e r t a i n aspects of Government p o l i c y , and c a r r i e s d e f i n i t e advantages. The most obvious advantage of s t a t u t o r y agencies i s that t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s are not subject to the whole complex of r e g u l a t i o n s and red-tape normally a s s o c i a t e d w i t h r e g u l a r governmental f u n c t i o n s . The s t a t u t o r y agency i s therefore more f l e x i b l e and b e t t e r able to adapt e a s i l y and q u i c k l y to a l l circumstances. I t i s a l s o able to compete f o r q u a l i f i e d s t a f f and b r i n g to bear the necessary e x p e r t i s e on a v a r i e t y of matters f o r which the r e g u l a r Government o r g a n i z a t i o n i s not equipped. These are v a l u a b l e f e a t u r e s f o r the circumstances of T r i n i d a d and Tobago where an extensive develop-ment programme i s now i n operation, and many new, complex and s p e c i a l i z e d f u n c t i o n s have to be planned and executed. The f a c t that these f u n c t i o n s are delegated does not exonerate Government from i t s r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r guaranteeing t h e i r proper execution, e s p e c i a l l y when e s s e n t i a l p u b l i c u t i l i -t i e s , necessary f o r the adequate and e f f i c i e n t f u n c t i o n i n g of the community, are i n v o l v e d . The extent of t h i s r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i s f u r t h e r e s t a b l i s h e d i n the case of f u n c t i o n s which i n f l u e n c e 168 other a c t i v i t i e s or which have an impact on the course of the development programme. To the extent, t h e r e f o r e , that Government i s u l t i m a t e l y r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the s u c c e s s f u l operation of these s t a t u t o r y agencies, the C e n t r a l Planning a l s o has j u r i s d i c t i o n over t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s . These must be co-ordinated with a l l other develop-ment a c t i v i t i e s , and must be made compatible w i t h the o v e r a l l p o l i c y on development. The f u n c t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p between the C e n t r a l Planning Department and the S t a t u t o r y Agencies must per-mit the t r a n s m i t t a l of p o l i c y statements and general d i r e c t i v e s down to the agencies, and must provide f o r the s c r u t i n y , co-o r d i n a t i o n and f i n a l approval of t h e i r plans and programmes by the C e n t r a l Planning Department. These arrangements are s i m i l a r to those operating i n Puerto Rico. The f o l l o w i n g comment sums up c o n c i s e l y the j u r i s d i c t i o n envisaged f o r the C e n t r a l Planning Department and i t s r e l a t i o n -ships w i t h other agencies, p u b l i c and p r i v a t e , engaged i n the development process. The (planning) agency, l o o k i n g toward the f u t u r e , and having the purpose of enhancing the w e l l b e i n g of the whole, cannot exempt i t s e l f from i n t e r e s t i n , and from g i v i n g advice about, any s o c i a l a c t i v i t y of importance which makes demands on the labor f o r c e , the t e c h n i c a l s k i l l s , or the n a t u r a l resources of the s o c i e t y , or which has the power to increase or d i m i n i s h s o c i a l wellbeing.4 The Planning Process Figure 8 presents i n graphic form the proposed planning process as i t w i l l be a p p l i e d to the development process i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago. As the chart i n d i c a t e s the process w i l l be TP IN I DAP AND TOBAGO PPOPOS£L> PLANNING- PHOC£ £>£ POUC/SS S T A G E 1 POL/C Y (.7DAL S . 3 779 CP Z SU£ V£ Y - 8/YPlL Y S7 g ?A/Vi.-i.r/<rfiT/oN£ Socio - £CO,\JM/C Pf?0T££7'/0A/f survey ST£flT£Cr/£Z bEi'SLOfiMFNT S 77? Cr£ 3 0£SlCrN C, £N £,€./) L 1>S V£L OPME'N T PLBti REGIONAL LOCAL #HC> %P£C'/f*L ftZBffC, p/iYSICHL btvE'LOP WENT PLANS _S'T A Cr P 4 CONTROL OF Ov£t~oPM £/v r CAPITAL />£0G*>rtMrt£ P£tVS> T£ P<eo7C7<. dcVt&Jl PU&LIC P£) J~£PEv/F'sJ "ZONirtCr FW~ /£££ r'/NftsjcifiL fi.fi ^ P£OCr££SS PLPO/7'j. pFey^i r s S T A i"r £ 5 EVALu f) T ION PPO CrPftyi a ; £ £,//> LUflTION SOCIAL. P LA a - , v / N Cr 8 169 broken down Into f i v e stages - ( l ) P o l i c y , (2) Survey and Analy-s i s , (3) Design, (4) Control of Development and Implementation, (5) E v a l u a t i o n . Stage (5) "feeds back" to stage ( l ) . For c l a r i t y and f o r a n a l y t i c a l purposes i t i s necessary to present the planning process i n separate stages and i n some general order. But i t should be noted that while t h i s order w i l l be followed g e n e r a l l y , the f u n c t i o n s performed at each stage are not e n t i r e l y independent and there w i l l be a considerable amount of i n t e r p l a y and overlap between the stages, e s p e c i a l l y between stages ( 2 ) , (3) and ( 5 ) . This i n t e r p l a y i s important and forms an e s s e n t i a l part of the informal s t r u c t u r e of any continuing operation. Stage (1) - P o l i c y Stage ( l ) - the p o l i c y stage - w i l l be the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the Cabinet and L e g i s l a t u r e . At t h i s l e v e l , goals and ob-j e c t i v e s f o r the development of the country w i l l be formulated and an o v e r a l l p o l i c y evolved f o r ac h i e v i n g these goals and o b j e c t i v e s . Stage (2) - Survey and A n a l y s i s I d e a l l y , r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the next four stages should r e s i d e i n one c e n t r a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , c l o s e l y t i e d to the Cabinet. The requirements of stage (2) c a l l f o r a complete, d e t a i l e d sur-vey of the country, socio-economic p r o j e c t i o n s f o r the country as a whole and f o r v i a b l e regions, and adjustment of claims and a re d u c t i o n of vague p o l i c i e s and expectations i n t o concrete terms, 170 t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f s t a n d a r d s , and f i n a l l y t h e c h a r t i n g o f a l t e r -n a t i v e s t r a t e g i e s . S t a g e (3) - D e s i g n A t s t a g e (3) - t h e s t a g e o f i n t e g r a t e d p l a n n i n g - t h e d a t a f r o m t h e p r e v i o u s s t a g e a r e t r a n s l a t e d i n t o p h y s i c a l t a r -g e t s and p r e s e n t e d i n a P l a n f o r O v e r a l l P h y s i c a l D e v e l o p m e n t . T h i s i n s t r u m e n t c o r r e s p o n d s t o t h e M a s t e r P l a n p r e p a r e d by t h e P l a n n i n g B o a r d i n P u e r t o R i c o . I t w i l l c o m p r i s e p l a n s f o r d i f f e r e n t a s p e c t s o f d e v e l o p m e n t , w i t h s u p p o r t i n g t a b l e s , c h a r t s and o t h e r d e s c r i p t i v e d a t a f r o m s t a g e ( 2 ) . The P l a n o f O v e r a l l P h y s i c a l Deve lopment w i l l n a t u r a l l y r e f l e c t t h e p o l i c i e s o f Government and t h e g o a l s o f d e v e l o p m e n t . I n t h e c o u r s e o f p r e -p a r i n g t h i s document t h e s e g o a l s w i l l be b r o u g h t i n t o s h a r p e r f o c u s and t h e r e s u l t a n t needs and c o n s e q u e n c e s o f a l t e r n a t i v e s t r a t e g i e s h i g h l i g h t e d . T h i s i s t h e s t a g e a t w h i c h r e a l i s m and f e a s i b i l i t y i n terms o f p h y s i c a l r e s o u r c e p o t e n t i a l , r a t h e r t h a n f i n a n c i a l c a p a b i l i t y , a r e b u i l t i n t o t h e d e v e l o p m e n t e f f o r t . The p r o -grammes a r i s i n g o u t o f a l t e r n a t i v e s t r a t e g i e s c a n be t e s t e d a g a i n s t a v a i l a b l e r e s o u r c e s t o d e t e r m i n e what i s p o s s i b l e o f a c h i e v e m e n t and where c r i t i c a l d e f i c i e n c i e s l i e . C l e a r l y t h e r e must be c l o s e c o - o r d i n a t i o n o f t h e f u n c t i o n s a t s t a g e s (2) and ( 3 ) , and c o n s t a n t r e v i e w and a d j u s t m e n t t o e n s u r e t h a t t h e p r o -grammes a r e r a t i o n a l , c o n s i s t e n t w i t h p o l i c y and a c c e p t a b l e t o C a b i n e t and G o v e r n m e n t . S t a g e (4) - C o n t r o l o f Deve lopment and I m p l e m e n t a t i o n To be c o m p l e t e l y s u c c e s s f u l t h e p l a n n i n g p r o c e s s must 171 c a r r y through to implementation of programmes. In order to ensure that executive a c t i o n s conform to the planned programmes, devices must be developed f o r c o n t r o l l i n g and d i r e c t i n g these implementing a c t i v i t i e s . This phase of the planning process w i l l be conducted at stage (4). There are two aspects to the c o n t r o l phase - d i r e c t i o n of p u b l i c a c t i v i t i e s and the c o n t r o l of p r i v a t e a c t i v i t i e s . Development a c t i v i t i e s are d i r e c t e d to the achievement of s p e c i f i c goals i n the o v e r a l l i n t e r e s t of the e n t i r e s o c i e t y . I t i s by no means axiomatic that separate e f f o r t s based on i n d i -v i d u a l i n i t i a t i v e , whether by i n d i v i d u a l s i n t h e i r own i n t e r e s t s or through p u b l i c agencies pursuing s p e c i a l i z e d communal ob-j e c t i v e s , w i l l combine to produce "the p u b l i c i n t e r e s t . " A l l these e f f o r t s must be channelled toward o v e r a l l goals and o b j e c t i v e s and must, the r e f o r e conform to some guiding p o l i c y . Hence the absolute need f o r r u l e s , r e g u l a t i o n s , d i r e c t i v e s and other c o n t r o l l i n g devices. However, c o n t r o l s as such have l i t t l e value - at best they merely prevent the undesired from happening, they do not ensure that what i s d e s i r e d w i l l take place. Thus c o n t r o l l i n g devices must be r e l a t e d to the programmes which are d e s i r e d to be achieved. For instance, a zoning r e g u l a t i o n intended to prevent development from o c c u r r i n g where i t i s not wanted w i l l be i n e f f e c t i v e without a plan to i n d i c a t e where d i f f e r e n t kinds of development should occur. In other words, there can be no c o n t r o l of development without planning f o r development. I t i s s p e c i a l l y important that t h i s p r i n c i p l e be recognized i n 172 T r i n i d a d and Tobago where the new Ordinance provides f o r both f u n c t i o n s . E s p e c i a l l y i n the e a r l y years, c o n t r o l might take precedence over planning. For t h i s reason i t i s proposed that the stage at which c o n t r o l s w i l l be developed and a p p l i e d l o g i -c a l l y should f o l l o w the design stage. Implementation although not s p e c i f i c a l l y part of the planning process i s c l o s e l y a s s ociated w i t h the c o n t r o l stage, since the planning agency has the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of seeing that the operative programmes are not i n c o n f l i c t and do not overlap. The planners must a l s o ensure that s p e c i f i c programmes comple-ment each other, that i s , staging must be so geared that com-p l e t i o n of d i f f e r e n t phases of programmes i n t e r l o c k . Moreover, a c t u a l implementation of plans i s the u l t i m a t e t e s t of the pu r e l y planning phases of the process. Stage (5) - E v a l u a t i o n The f i n a l stage of the planning process - e v a l u a t i o n -w i l l complete the c y c l e . This f u n c t i o n w i l l not be conducted i n a w a t e r - t i g h t compartment. There w i l l be a constant exchange between t h i s stage and the other stages of the process, and, i n p a r t i c u l a r , there should be a r e g u l a r feed-back between stage (5) and stage (2). The kind of e v a l u a t i o n envisaged i s the ap p r a i s i n g of programmes and the assessment of t h e i r r e s u l t s to see whether the d e s i r e d o b j e c t i v e s are being met, and whether the a n t i c i p a t e d e f f e c t s are being produced. In the f i n a l analy-s i s , a l l development has s o c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e i n terms of housing, h e a l t h and s a n i t a r y c o n d i t i o n s , education and general w e l l being, 173 and u l t i m a t e j u s t i f i c a t i o n of development should be i n these terms. I t i s suggested, t h e r e f o r e , that t h i s f i n a l e v a l u a t i o n should be r e l a t e d to s o c i a l p o l i c i e s and o b j e c t i v e s and should be concerned w i t h the s o c i a l impact of development. E v a l u a t i o n i n concrete economic and p h y s i c a l terms i s a r e l a t i v e l y s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d matter, and w i l l be c a r r i e d out as part of the f u n c t i o n s at stages (2) and ( 3 ) . However, ' s o c i a l ' e v a l u a t i o n of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between s o c i a l o b j e c t i v e s and the r e s u l t s achieved, of the r e l a t e d costs and b e n e f i t s , and of the ul t i m a t e e f f e c t s of s o c i a l p o l i c i e s , i s a more complex and spe-c i a l i z e d f u n c t i o n . For t h i s reason i t deserves separate status i n the planning process. At t h i s stage the t e s t i n g of programmes f o r consistency w i t h s o c i a l o b j e c t i v e s w i l l be c a r r i e d out. For t h i s purpose, d e s i r a b l e s o c i a l c r i t e r i a must be decided upon. These w i l l a l s o apply when d e t a i l e d programmes are worked out and put i n t o e f f e c t , to determine the e f f i c a c y of the programmes from a s o c i a l p o i n t of view. In t h i s manner, the valuable i n f l u e n c e of the s o c i a l planner w i l l be brought to bear on the development process i n a l l i t s phases, and many of the s o c i a l costs of development, which are now ignored, w i l l be a n t i c i p a t e d and planned f o r . F i n a n c i a l Planning One f u n c t i o n - that of f i n a n c i a l planning - which i t i s proposed to inc l u d e i n stage (4) needs s p e c i a l note. In con t r a s t to Puerto Rico where the D i v i s i o n of Finance of the Planning Board i s r e s p o n s i b l e f o r a l l aspects of the F i n a n c i a l Programme i n c l u d i n g c a p i t a l improvements, current expenses, proposals f o r 174 f i n a n c i n g e t c . , the f i n a n c i a l planning f u n c t i o n w i l l be d i v i d e d i n t o three separate phases which w i l l be c a r r i e d out by d i f f e r e n t agencies w i t h d i s t i n c t d u t i e s but w i t h close c o - o r d i n a t i o n . The three phases are: l ) general f i s c a l and monetary matters, 2) f i n a n c i a l matters r e l a t e d to development, and 3) f i n a n c i a l programming of c a p i t a l works. F i s c a l and monetary matters and budgeting are included under the p o r t f o l i o of the M i n i s t e r of Finance. This M i n i s t r y i s a l s o r e s p o n s i b l e f o r developing f i n a n c i a l p o l i c y under the guidance of Cabinet. Government f i n a n c i a l p o l i c i e s play an important p a r t i n the general economic p o l i c y of T r i n i d a d and Tobago. The a n t i -c ipated or d e s i r e d l e v e l of government expenditure i s l a r g e l y dependent on the general l e v e l of economic a c t i v i t y , and the projected volume of government expenditure must be c o r r e l a t e d w i t h p r o j e c t e d demands f o r p u b l i c s e r v i c e s by f u t u r e p o p u l a t i o n . Consequently f i n a n c i a l matters which are s p e c i f i c a l l y r e l a t e d to development w i l l be d e a l t w i t h by the D i v i s i o n of Socio-Economic Planning at Stage (2) of planning process. D e t a i l e d f i n a n c i a l programming of c a p i t a l works w i l l be c a r r i e d out at stage (4) of the Planning Process. This aspect of f i n a n c i a l planning w i l l emphasize the p r e p a r a t i o n of a Finan-c i a l Programme of major p u b l i c works to be c a r r i e d out by Government over a s p e c i f i e d period of years. At present the Five-Year Development Programme c l o s e l y approximates the docu-ment proposed. The proposal envisages a continuing programme wit h one year being p r o g r e s s i v e l y added to the programme as i s done at present i n Puerto Rico. 175 F i n a l l y , the proposed m o d i f i c a t i o n s are necessary i n order to incorporate smoothly the new f i n a n c i a l f u n c t i o n w i t h the e x i s t i n g s t r u c t u r e . I t a l s o seems d e s i r a b l e to separate purely f i s c a l f u n c t i o n s from f i n a n c i a l matters r e l a t e d spe-c i f i c a l l y to development. Concentrating the l a t t e r i n the planning o r g a n i z a t i o n provides the planning f u n c t i o n with the more operative aspects of f i s c a l p o l i c y , and attaches the t h i r d dimension, volume, to development plans. Organization of C e n t r a l Planning Department Figure 9 presents i n graphic form the proposed o r g a n i -z a t i o n f o r planning f o r development i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago, covering stages (2) - ( 5 ) . The f i r s t general p o i n t to be noted i s that, at l e a s t i n the f i r s t stages, the planning f u n c t i o n w i l l not be a l l conducted w i t h i n the same agency. With the object of making t h i s proposal as p r a c t i c a l and as meaningful as p o s s i b l e , i t i s intended to g r a f t the new o r g a n i z a t i o n on to the e x i s t i n g s t r u c t u r e of government, expanding e x i s t i n g departments and agencies wherever p o s s i b l e to accommodate new f u n c t i o n s i n the planning process and i n c o r p o r a t i n g e x i s t i n g agencies or s e c t i o n s of departments i n t o the new planning framework. In t h i s manner, i t i s hoped that the planning f u n c t i o n as introduced w i l l operate most e f f e c t i v e l y and with minimum d i s r u p t i o n to the ongoing f u n c t i o n s of Government. I n i t i a l l y , the f u n c t i o n s i n stages ( 2 ) , (3) and (5) w i l l a l l be conducted w i t h i n one u n i t - The C e n t r a l Planning Department. There w i l l be three D i v i s i o n s - ( l ) Socio-Economic Planning, (2) Integrated Planning, and (3) S o c i a l Planning. TR./N1DAD AND TOBAGO PROPOSED CENTRAL PLANNING DEPARTMENT ORGANIZATION CHART DIVISION OF SOCI 0-ECONOMIC PLANNING Re.se.CLv*ch j Investigations. Surpey Analysis, Projections DIVISION OF I NTEG-R.ATE.D PLANNING Physical Development Plans. REGIONAL HMD LOCAL PLANNING lieu Urban bevelopment Regions Local Prtccs Special Development Areas Land Use. HOUSING AND Lift BAM- REbEVELOPM ENT Pousmy bt veiopme,n t Urba n pie -deve lop me. n t Slum Citayance-DIVISION OF PLANNING COUTHOL PU&LIC ACTIVITIES, Capita. I storks Proora.mme. Flye fear- Financial Plan Public Projects Review Inspection and Process PKIVAT£ ACT I VITl£S Private- Projects fevieiN Zo ni n q Canstruct/o n Permits Bu/tdi nj Pont rot DtVls/oA/ OF SOCIAL PLANNING pyalua Social Oifccti f/QTl VCS and Sta.nda.rds 176 Socio-Economic Planning D i v i s i o n The d u t i e s to be performed w i t h i n these d i v i s i o n s are i n d i c a t e d i n the o r g a n i z a t i o n a l chart. The core f u n c t i o n s of the planning process w i l l be those a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the survey and a n a l y s i s stage and w i l l be the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the Socio-Economic Planning D i v i s i o n . As s t a t e d p r e v i o u s l y , the d u t i e s of t h i s d i v i s i o n w i l l be to t r a n s l a t e p o l i c y d e c i s i o n s i n t o op-e r a t i v e terms, to adjust competing claims on resources by pub-l i c and p r i v a t e agencies, and to chart f e a s i b l e and d e s i r a b l e s t r a t e g i e s f o r development both i n p u b l i c areas of investment and i n the p r i v a t e economic s e c t o r , a l l based on s u i t a b l e and adequate standards. A necessary p r e r e q u i s i t e to the proper execution of these d u t i e s i s a complete survey of a l l r e l e v a n t data as the s t a r t i n g point f o r any planning process. The Government's C e n t r a l S t a t i s t i c a l O f f i c e has made a c r e d i t a b l e s t a r t on c o l l e c t i n g data on a v a r i e t y of subjects r e l e v a n t to the problems of development. However, s i g n i f i c a n t gaps^exist i n the a v a i l a b l e data, some of a t e c h n i c a l nature such as a s o i l survey and a g e o l o g i c a l survey, others more c l o s e l y a s sociated w i t h p h y s i c a l planning, such as a land-use survey and a comprehensive housing survey. The Socio-Economic Planning D i v i s i o n must th e r e f o r e g i v e high p r i o r i t y to designing and d i r e c t i n g the necessary surveys. The a n a l y s i s of t h i s b a s i c i n f o r m a t i o n w i l l form the b a s i s f o r p r o j e c t i o n s . I t i s proposed that the scope of these analyses and p r o j e c t i o n s be t e r r i t o r i a l , that i s , f o r the whole t e r r i t o r y of T r i n i d a d and Tobago, as w e l l as f o r regions. Such r e g i o n a l 177 p r o j e c t i o n s w i l l form the b a s i s f o r r e g i o n a l development propo-s a l s . The case f o r a p o l i c y framework f o r r e g i o n a l development has already been argued. The value of such a p o l i c y i s endorsed by the experience i n Puerto Rico where the need f o r a r e g i o n a l framework was r e c e n t l y recognized. The advantages of adopting a r e g i o n a l framework at the very highest l e v e l of the planning process are seen to be many. This framework w i l l provide a c o n t r o l l i n g device f o r a l l other stages of the process. I t a l s o provides a convenient mechanism f o r a c h i e v i n g the d e s i r e d p o l i c y of "balanced" development. By f o c u s i n g d e t a i l e d a t t e n t i o n on separate regions, the r e g i o n a l d i s p r o p o r t i o n s to which development programmes are subject can be more e a s i l y r e s o l v e d . Regional needs and a s p i r a t i o n s can a l s o be r e c o n c i l e d w i t h o v e r a l l p o l i c i e s at t h i s stage. The Socio-Economic Planning D i v i s i o n w i l l be most c l o s e l y a s s o ciated w i t h the c h i e f source of decision-making i n C e n t r a l Government - the Cabinet. I t w i l l , i n f a c t , become the " i n t e l l i -gence agent" of Government. Besides doing research, a n a l y s i s and p r o j e c t i o n s on socio-economic aspects of development, t h i s D i v i s i o n w i l l perform a " p u l s e - t a k i n g " f u n c t i o n f o r Government -co n s t a n t l y reviewing s p e c i a l problems, f o l l o w i n g trends an a n t i -c i p a t i n g t r o u b l e - s p o t s . This " p u l s e - t a k i n g " f u n c t i o n w i l l be a k i n to the evalua-t i o n and "feed-back" f u n c t i o n o u t l i n e d i n stage (5) of the planning process. I t w i l l , however, be d i r e c t e d more to the problems which may a l t e r the d i r e c t i o n of the programme or pro-duce other major changes. Thus, the Socio-Economic D i v i s i o n 178 w i l l f o l l o w trends i n the economy, analyze the circumstances aurrounding any e x t r a o r d i n a r y s i t u a t i o n , such as the d i s c o v e r y of a new resource, r e s o l v e u n a n t i c i p a t e d c o n f l i c t s i n the pro-gramme, and be a v a i l a b l e to advise Government on the a c t i o n s needed to meet new c o n d i t i o n s . I t w i l l a l s o t e s t r e a c t i o n s to general p o l i c i e s and a s s i s t decision-makers i n a l t e r i n g p o l i c i e s and developing new p o l i c i e s to meet changing c o n d i t i o n s . I f t h i s f u n c t i o n i s w e l l developed, i t w i l l provide Government wi t h a v i t a l t o o l f o r keeping p o l i c y abreast or ahead of current c o n d i t i o n s i n the country. D i v i s i o n of Integrated Planning The d u t i e s of the D i v i s i o n of Integrated Planning w i l l be the preparation of the Development Plans. These plans w i l l be prepared on three l e v e l s - each being p r o g r e s s i v e l y more d e t a i l e d than the previous one. F i r s t l y , the General Develop-ment Plan w i l l be a t r a n s l a t i o n of the long-range broad p o l i c i e s and goals developed at stage (2) i n t o p h y s i c a l terms. This p l a n w i l l look f a r i n t o the f u t u r e (25 years perhaps) and the propo-s a l s w i l l n e c e s s a r i l y be very general. However, i t w i l l i n d i -cate the thoughts of Government and Planning Department on the character of the t o t a l community environment which i s d e s i r e d i n the f u t u r e . This view of the f u t u r e i s important to provide the c o n t r o l l i n g u n i t y of purpose to the development process. The General Development Plan w i l l not be an o f f i c i a l document, but w i l l be reserved f o r use of the Planning Department i n c h a r t i n g f u t u r e s t r a t e g y f o r development. 179 At the next l e v e l the medium-range o b j e c t i v e s and t a r -gets w i l l be embodied i n a P h y s i c a l Development Plan. This instrument corresponds to the Master Plan i n Puerto Rico, and i s the same document provided f o r i n the Town and Country Planning Ordinance (Part I I Se c t i o n 5). This w i l l t h e r e f o r e be an o f f i c i a l document approved by the L e g i s l a t u r e and a v a i l a b l e to Government agencies and departments as w e l l as to the general p u b l i c . This i s a d e t a i l e d statement of p o l i c y f o r development f o r the mandatory period of f i v e years. Thus i t provides a guide to p u b l i c agencies i n the pre p a r a t i o n of s p e c i a l i z e d pro-grammes and i t forms the b a s i s of c o n t r o l and r e g u l a t i o n of p r i v a t e agencies and i n d i v i d u a l s . P r o v i s i o n i s a l s o made i n the Ordinance f o r "areas of comprehensive development." The d e s i g -n a t i o n of these areas, which must f i t i n t o the p a t t e r n of i n t e -grated development, w i l l be the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of t h i s D i v i s i o n . Regional requirements w i l l a l s o be worked out by t h i s D i v i s i o n , and the Regional P h y s i c a l Development Plans w i l l r e f l e c t whatever r e g i o n a l p o l i c y i s decided upon. By preparing a l l these plans w i t h i n the same D i v i s i o n , the Planning Department w i l l produce plans that are i n t e r n a l l y c o n s i s t e n t and at the same time conform to the o v e r a l l p o l i c y . Stage (5) - e v a l u a t i o n - w i l l be the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the D i v i s i o n of S o c i a l Planning. This D i v i s i o n must be c l o s e l y i n t e g r a t e d f u n c t i o n a l l y w i t h the D i v i s i o n s of Socio-Economic Planning and Integrated ( P h y s i c a l ) Planning. I t i s therefore included w i t h i n the same department. This j u x t a - p o s i t i o n i n g of the three d i v i s i o n s i s the o r g a n i z a t i o n a l m a n i f e s t a t i o n of the 180 concept of i n t e g r a t e d or comprehensive planning f o r development. The f u n c t i o n of the S o c i a l Planning D i v i s i o n have been discussed i n the s e c t i o n d e a l i n g w i t h the planning process. A few b r i e f notes are necessary to complete the o r g a n i -z a t i o n before f i n a l l y i n d i c a t i n g how the proposed o r g a n i z a t i o n f o r planning w i l l be g r a f t e d onto the e x i s t i n g s t r u c t u r e . D i r e c t l y under the D i v i s i o n of Integrated Planning w i l l be two Sub-Divisions which w i l l have s p e c i f i c f u n c t i o n s of a more l o c a l nature. These f u n c t i o n s are:- urban development and redevelopment, housing, planning f o r r e g i o n a l , l o c a l areas and s p e c i a l areas, and land-use. Housing and urban redevelopment are placed together because ( l ) they are complementary f u n c t i o n s j (2) although r e l a t e d to planning they possess many executive aspects; and (3) the magnitude of these problems i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago and the complex and v a r i e d s o l u t i o n s needed to deal with them seem to demand separate treatment. The d u t i e s of t h i s s e c t i o n are envisaged as ranging from n e g o t i a t i o n s w i t h c o n t r a c t o r s on mass housing to design and layout of small aided s e l f - h e l p schemes and layout of redevelopment areas. The remaining f u n c t i o n s enumerated above w i l l be c a r r i e d on by a Sub-Division of Regional and L o c a l Planning.. This s e c t i o n w i l l d eal w i t h the more d e t a i l e d aspects of p h y s i c a l planning, such as the p r e p a r a t i o n of plans f o r new urban development, plans f o r l o c a l or s p e c i a l areas, the d e t a i l i n g of r e g i o n a l plans es-p e c i a l l y those r e l a t i n g to urban areas, and land-use i n con-n e c t i o n w i t h a l l the above plans. 181 The close r e l a t i o n between the three main f u n c t i o n s above and these Sub-Divisions provides the bridge between the t e r r i t o r i a l l e v e l of general planning and the r e g i o n a l and l o c a l l e v e l s of d e t a i l e d planning. The two remaining d i v i s i o n s i n the planning organiza-t i o n are: P u b l i c Works and Control of Development. The d u t i e s of the D i v i s i o n of P u b l i c Works are s e l f - e x p l a n a t o r y - the pro-gramming of p u b l i c works included i n the P h y s i c a l Development Plan, which w i l l i n c l u d e s t a g i n g , d e t a i l e d checking and r e p o r t -ing on progress of works, and the p r e p a r a t i o n of the Five-Year Development F i n a n c i a l Plan. This D i v i s i o n w i l l a l s o be respon-s i b l e f o r the important f u n c t i o n of a c q u i s i t i o n of land f o r p u b l i c works p r o j e c t s . Control of Development i s the major aspect of the Con-t r o l Stage i n the Planning Process. Here both p u b l i c and p r i -vate a c t i v i t i e s w i l l be c o n t r o l l e d - p u b l i c , by review of c a p i -t a l works p r o j e c t s ; p r i v a t e , by review of s p e c i f i c p r o j e c t s such as housing layouts and major s u b - d i v i s i o n s , by zoning and other r e g u l a t i o n s , and through c o n s t r u c t i o n permits. This D i v i s i o n w i l l handle a l l a p p l i c a t i o n s f o r per-mission to develop and w i l l administer the s e c t i o n of the Ordinance d e a l i n g with the c o n t r o l of b u i l d i n g s and other s t r u c t u r e s , advertisements, and zoning r e g u l a t i o n s . 182 Incorporating the New Planning Organization  i n t o E x i s t i n g Governmental St r u c t u r e An important aspect of t h i s proposal i s to suggest a method of i n c o r p o r a t i n g the new planning o r g a n i z a t i o n i n t o the e x i s t i n g Governmental s t r u c t u r e . I t has already been i n d i c a t e d that the proposal does not envisage the establishment of a com-p l e t e Central Planning Department from the s t a r t . The attempt to g r a f t the new planning o r g a n i z a t i o n on to the e x i s t i n g s t r u c t u r e i s made f o r reasons of speed i n the i n t r o d u c t i o n of the planning f u n c t i o n , e f f e c t i v e n e s s i n the i n i t i a l stages of i t s operation, and economy i n s t a f f i n g and s e r v i c i n g the planning department. Comprehensive planning i s u r g e n t l y needed i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago, where conscious steps have been taken by the C e n t r a l Government to develop the country. I t i s p o s s i b l e that unless e f f e c t i v e planning i s introduced promptly, many of the undesir-able e f f e c t s and the c o s t l y mistakes of development w i l l r e s u l t . Obviously, i t would be undesirable to i n t e r r u p t or delay the development process which has already s t a r t e d . In order to avoid t h i s , the new planning o r g a n i z a t i o n must begin to work e f f e c t i v e l y from the very s t a r t . In the process of i n t r o d u c i n g the new o r g a n i z a t i o n i t should be p o s s i b l e to continue whatever planning a c t i v i t i e s are needed f o r the c o n t r o l and d i r e c t i o n of the development programme. A planning department to c a r r y out a l l the f u n c t i o n s i n the planning process o u t l i n e d e a r l i e r would r e q u i r e a l a r g e , h i g h l y s p e c i a l i z e d s t a f f . Moreso, i f the s p e c i a l i z e d , t e c h n i c a l 183 f u n c t i o n s such as housing and p u b l i c works, were handed over to the planning department. The experience of Puerto Rico i s r e l e -vant here. The t o t a l s t a f f of the Puerto Rico Planning Board i n a l l Categories i s about 500.5 P r o p o r t i o n a t e l y , T r i n i d a d and Tobago which i s h a l f the s i z e of Puerto Rico ( i n area) would r e q u i r e about 250 persons f o r a f u l l - f l e d g e d planning department. This would i n c l u d e a l a r g e number of persons w i t h a v a r i e t y of t e c h n i c a l and p r o f e s s i o n a l s k i l l s , and i t i s reasonable to assume that r e c r u i t i n g and t r a i n i n g the necessary personnel would take many years. In the meantime planning must continue. With these c o n s i d e r a t i o n s i n mind, i t was decided that the most p r a c t i c a l proposal and the one most l i k e l y to f i t the c o n d i t i o n s i s an o r g a n i z a t i o n which can be incorporated i n t o the e x i s t i n g s t r u c t u r e as q u i c k l y as p o s s i b l e , w i t h a minimum of d i s -r u p t i o n and s t i l l s a t i s f y the "planning needs of the country. E v e n t u a l l y , as the planning f u n c t i o n matures, as planning a c t i v i t i e s gain a c e r t a i n measure of s t a b i l i t y and e f f e c t i v e n e s s and as competent s t a f f s are b u i l t up, i t w i l l be p o s s i b l e to com-p l e t e the c e n t r a l planning department and to i n t e g r a t e a l l the planning f u n c t i o n s i n t o an " i d e a l " o r g a n i z a t i o n . We s h a l l now examine i n d e t a i l the method of i n t r o d u c i n g and i n c o r p o r a t i n g the new planning o r g a n i z a t i o n i n t o the e x i s t i n g s t r u c t u r e , f i r s t , by c r e a t i n g new D i v i s i o n s where necessary, next, by expanding e x i s t i n g departments to cope w i t h the new f u n c t i o n s where p o s s i b l e , and f i n a l l y , by e s t a b l i s h i n g the r e l a -t i o n s h i p s between the parts of the new o r g a n i z a t i o n and the e x i s t i n g . New D i v i s i o n s of Integrated Planning and S o c i a l Planning 184 must be created. Together w i t h the Economic Planning D i v i s i o n , which can be expanded i n t o the proposed Socio-Economic Planning D i v i s i o n , these w i l l form the core of the Ce n t r a l Planning Department. The p o s i t i o n of the C e n t r a l Planning Department i n the Governmental s t r u c t u r e i s i n d i c a t e d on •Figure;.10. At the head of t h i s Department w i l l be a D i r e c t o r who w i l l be d i r e c t l y r e s p o n s i b l e to the Premier. The C e n t r a l Planning Department thus stands i n r e l a t i o n to the Premier, as other Executive Departments stand to other M i n i s t e r s . However, making planning the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the Premier - the senior M i n i s t e r of Government - gives i t the necessary power and a u t h o r i t y . The Planning Department w i l l c o n s t a n t l y be involved i n r e s o l v i n g c o n f l i c t s and d e c i d i n g between competing claims by M i n i s t e r s ; i n e v i t a b l y a l s o , i t w i l l become involved i n the e n t i r e decision-making process. Thus i t i s necessary to place i t above M i n i s t e r i a l i n f l u e n c e s and to pr o t e c t i t from undesirable or unnecessary pressures. The Housing Department which f a l l s under the c o n t r o l of the M i n i s t e r of Housing and Local Government can be expanded to perform a l l the d u t i e s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h housing and urban develop-ment. There appears to be two reasons which make t h i s arrange-ment d e s i r a b l e , a t l e a s t i n the e a r l y years. F i r s t of a l l , housing i s and w i l l continue to be a c r i t i c a l and major f u n c t i o n i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago. The demand f o r housing w i l l run f a r i n excess of the supply and Government, through the Housing Depart-ment, w i l l be involved i n the purely a d m i n i s t r a t i v e and executive aspects of the problem. I t i s thought unnecessary and undesirable TRINIDAD AND TO&A&O GOVERNMENTAL STRUCTURE SHQW//V& /Z£LflT/OAtSrf/PS OP C£H ~T££) L PL A A//VI A/ Q bEPAX. TMEtf T CABINET PG£M l£P F/A/?y££ fL/f/M/Mi i>£/£LOPM£Nr C£PfliiTrtt'AT ST ft TO TO/? Y AGE/VC/£S /Alt>(JST£IH(_ b£v£LO P£7£HT COA fo A.* T /OSS £L£CT£/c /Ty CWWSS/CiV -roug/sT £<?/?<$ OEPflH.7 Pl£NT LOCAL GrOV£KNfin£fir PO#T-0F- SPP/N C'TY COUNCIL Sf)N F££NfiHbii SO £0U <jH CO ISHC I i. fig IMA &0eOU&» toi/HC/L COUNTY COUA/C/LS 185 to saddle the Planning Department w i t h these a c t i v i t i e s . How-ever, and t h i s leads to the second reason, the f o r m u l a t i o n of a housing p o l i c y and the planning of housing (needs, l o c a t i o n of mass housing etc.) can be the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the Planning Department. By separating the r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s f o r planning and implementation of t h i s major f u n c t i o n , i t i s f e l t that greater e f f i c i e n c y i n both aspects w i l l be achieved. The f u n c t i o n s of Regional and Lo c a l Planning i s com-p l e t e l y new and i s included as a s u b - d i v i s i o n of the D i v i s i o n of Integrated Planning. The a c t i v i t i e s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the f u n c t i o n of Regional and Lo c a l planning are e s s e n t i a l l y d i s -persed, but l i n k i n g them i n t i m a t e l y w i t h t h i s D i v i s i o n provides the c o - o r d i n a t i o n between the broader plans and plans f o r spe-c i f i c areas. I t i s at t h i s p o i n t that the impact of l o c a l i n t e n t i o n s can be made. General d i r e c t i v e s and proper o r i e n t a -t i o n can be given to Regional and Lo c a l Planning A c t i v i t i e s by the Central Planning Department, but i t i s an advantage to have some means of g i v i n g expression to l o c a l a s p i r a t i o n s and propo-s a l s . For t h i s reason i t i s suggested that the bulk-of the work i n t h i s sphere be done i n the regions and l o c a l areas concerned. A s u i t a b l e framework f o r c a r r y i n g out a c t i v i t i e s i n regions and l o c a l areas i s suggested i n the next s e c t i o n of t h i s chapter. The Works Department of the Government of T r i n i d a d and Tobago f a l l s under the M i n i s t e r of Communications and Works. The duties of t h i s Department at present i n c l u d e planning, programming and execution of p u b l i c works f o r a l l M i n i s t r i e s of Government. I t i s t h e r e f o r e , the only department which commands the necessary 186 competence and e x p e r t i s e to perform the f u n c t i o n s under the two D i v i s i o n s of P u b l i c Works and Control of Development. P u b l i c works r e q u i r e mainly engineering e x p e r t i s e , while c o n t r o l of development may r e q u i r e planning, a r c h i t e c t u r a l and engineering s k i l l s . I t i s proposed, t h e r e f o r e , In the f i r s t instance to create a s p e c i a l s e c t i o n w i t h i n the Works Department, expanded where necessary, and able to draw on the resources of t h i s Department, to ca r r y out the fu n c t i o n s of these two D i v i s i o n s . U l t i m a t e l y , when the s e c t i o n has developed and the planning f u n c t i o n has matured, these two D i v i s i o n s can be incorporated i n t o the Cen t r a l Planning Department. Incor p o r a t i o n of the separated f u n c t i o n s can be e a s i l y e f f e c t e d when circumstances permit by t r a n s f e r r i n g the f u n c t i o n s to the Cen t r a l Planning Department, s u i t a b l y expanded. I t i s f e l t that these proposals w i l l create a planning o r g a n i z a t i o n which w i l l c a r r y on the planning f u n c t i o n ade-quately and e f f e c t i v e l y i n the i n i t i a l stages, and w i l l u l t i -mately evolve i n t o a C e n t r a l Planning Department- of f u l l status w i t h a complete range of planning a c t i v i t i e s i n one c l o s e l y i n t e g r a t e d u n i t . Regional Framework To conclude t h i s d i s c u s s i o n on the o r g a n i z a t i o n f o r planning f o r development i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago, a f u r t h e r e l a -b o r a t i o n w i l l be made on the concept of a r e g i o n a l framework f o r development. 187 Assuming that a p o l i c y of o v e r a l l r e g i o n a l development has been decided upon and the Planning Department has defined the planning regions, which may or may not c o i n c i d e w i t h e x i s t i n g a d m i n i s t r a t i v e d i v i s i o n s , the problem remains of f i n d -ing an acceptable method of c a r r y i n g out d e t a i l e d planning and implementation i n respect of these regions. The r e l a t i o n s h i p between C e n t r a l Government and L o c a l Government and t h e i r r e l a t i v e r o l e s i n the development e f f o r t have already been pointed out. In view of t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p the Planning Department w i t h i n C e n t r a l Government w i l l have the power to conduct the necessary planning studies and analyses f o r the regions a n d ' l o c a l areas. However, at the stage of design i t i s d e s i r a b l e to have l o c a l expression of o p i n i o n and a s p i r a t i o n s on matters a f f e c t i n g l o c a l areas. The Town and Country Planning Ordinance provides f o r the M i n i s t e r to confer w i t h L o c a l A u t h o r i t i e s on matters a f f e c t i n g land w i t h t h e i r areas, when a development plan i s being pre-pared. This p r o v i s i o n does not cover a r e g i o n a l arrangement, and may o f t e n r e s u l t i n a m u l t i p l i c i t y of c o n f l i c t i n g l o c a l i n t e r e s t s , e s p e c i a l l y since the proposal envisages development plans of a r e g i o n a l r a t h e r than a more l o c a l nature. The s o l u t i o n proposes the appointment of a Regional Planning O f f i c e r f o r each re g i o n whose duty i t w i l l be to con-s u l t a l l p a r t i e s concerned w i t h the r e g i o n , whether they be o f f i c i a l s of Government M i n i s t r i e s and agencies, L o c a l A u t h o r i -t i e s , or p r i v a t e agencies and i n d i v i d u a l s , and through t h i s process of c o n s u l t a t i o n and d i s c u s s i o n introduce that element of e f f e c t i v e l o c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n which i s necessary f o r the 188 success of any p l a n . In a d d i t i o n , the Regional Planning O f f i c e r w i l l be the o f f i c i a l co-ordinator of Government a c t i v i t i e s i n h i s r e g i o n . In t h i s way the operations of a l l executive departments w i l l c o n s t a n t l y be subject to the s c r u t i n y and d i r e c t i o n of the Planning Department through the Regional Planning O f f i c e r . Many departments of Government now c a r r y out t h e i r operations on a r e g i o n a l or p a r t l y r e g i o n a l b a s i s . The boundaries of pre-sent areas of a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and implementation may not c o i n c i d e e x a c t l y , and may not agree w i t h the regions designated f o r planning purposes. However, i n many cases i t may merely r e q u i r e minor adjustments to b r i n g boundaries i n t o agreement w i t h each other and w i t h the planning regions adopted by the Planning Department. In any case, i t may not n e c e s s a r i l y be required that areas f o r executive a c t i o n and implementation of plans be iden-t i c a l w i t h planning regions. These areas may remain as present and s a t i s f y the need's of a d m i n i s t r a t i v e convenience, provided a l l a c t i v i t i e s are p r o p e r l y co-ordinated and adhere to the Regional Development Plan. To sum up: the planning f u n c t i o n w i l l be so organized that the c o n t r o l and d i r e c t i o n of development a c t i v i t i e s w i l l be e f f e c t u a t e d a t the r e g i o n a l l e v e l , through a Regional Planning O f f i c e r . This o f f i c e r w i l l be the o f f i c i a l co-ordinator of Government a c t i v i t i e s at t h i s l e v e l . The Regional Planning O f f i c e r i s thus a k e y - p o s i t i o n i n the planning structure.. Information flows i n two d i r e c t i o n s 189 through t h i s p o i n t . Plans, d i r e c t i v e s , r e g u l a t i o n s are passed down from the top f o r execution and implementation at lower l e v e l s ; and requests, suggestions and data flow from the bottom up to the c e n t r a l source of planning f u n c t i o n . The Regional Planning O f f i c e r w i l l I n t e r p r e t broad p o l i c i e s f o r l o c a l con-sumption, and s i f t and c o l l e c t l o c a l m a t e r i a l f o r t r a n s m i s s i o n to the higher l e v e l of the planning s t r u c t u r e . While a l l o w i n g r e l a t i v e freedom of l o c a l i n i t i a t i v e and a c t i o n , t h i s arrangement safeguards o v e r a l l p o l i c y by r e t a i n i n g c e n t r a l c o - o r d i n a t i o n . An e f f e c t i v e bridge i s made of the gap between the two l e v e l s , and the foundation i s l a i d f o r b u i l d i n g up a powerful s t r u c t u r e as the planning f u n c t i o n matures. REFERENCES 190 Wexford G. Tugwell, The Place of Planning i n S o c i e t y , Puerto Rico Planning.Board, Technical Paper, No. 7. p. 70. 2 l b i d . 3 l b i d , p. 70-71 . 4 I b i d , p. 71 . ^Telesforo Carrero, C o n t r i b u t i o n of P h y s i c a l Planning  to S o c i a l and Economic Planning, (San Juan, i 9 6 0 ) , p. 42. CHAPTER VI SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS The major purpose of t h i s study was to demonstrate the hypothesis that planning f o r development as a f u n c t i o n of cen-t r a l government i n developing c o u n t r i e s must be comprehensive, that i s , economic, s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l planning must be i n t e -grated i n t o one t o t a l process, i f development i s to achieve maximum o v e r a l l b e n e f i t s , at minimum c o s t s , to the peoples of these c o u n t r i e s . A r i s i n g out of the d i s c u s s i o n i n Chapter I of the planning f u n c t i o n i n c e r t a i n developing c o u n t r i e s , the conclu-s i o n was drawn that current p r a c t i c e of planning f o r develop-ment d i s p l a y s many serious shortcomings. These defects appear as the d i r e c t r e s u l t s of the p e c u l i a r biases which have been b u i l t i n t o the planning f u n c t i o n , which i n turn have t h e i r roots i n the t h e o r e t i c a l approach to the problem of development and the r e s u l t a n t planning philosophy. Development, i n most developing c o u n t r i e s today, Is regarded e s s e n t i a l l y as a problem i n economics, which can be solved by c a r e f u l economic planning and the manipulation of re l e v a n t s o c i a l phenomena. Only r a r e l y are the problems r e l a t e d to the s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l I m p l i c a t i o n s of economic development considered and planned f o r . Nor i s i t f u l l y r e a l i z e d that these s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l f a c t o r s may i n f a c t be powerful determinants 192 of the progress and u l t i m a t e success of economic development i t s e l f . This l a c k of f u n c t i o n a l i n t e g r a t i o n i n the approach i s the f i r s t crack i n the t h e o r e t i c a l foundation upon which the planning f u n c t i o n i s b u i l t . The second defect appears i n the sphere of s p a t i a l i n t e g r a t i o n . Planning f o r development i n developing coun t r i e s tends to be conducted i n aggregative terms on a n a t i o n a l l e v e l . This tendency r e s u l t s i n a perpetuation of e x i s t i n g patterns of settlement and development, which are seen to r e f l e c t s e c t o r a l imbalance, s p a t i a l d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n and extensive s o c i a l and economic c o s t s . Further, gross n a t i o n a l p o l i c i e s are not c a r e f u l l y i n t e r p r e t e d i n r e g i o n a l or l o c a l terms and r e g i o n a l and l o c a l i n i t i a t i v e and a s p i r a t i o n s do not f i n d expression at the n a t i o n a l l e v e l , w i t h the r e s u l t that c o n f l i c t s often a r i s e and the f u l l b e n e f i t s of development are not adequately d i s t r i b u t e d . These arguments p o i n t to two requirements. F i r s t , there i s need f o r a more elaborate conception of the development pro-cess, as a complex phenomenon i n v o l v i n g a m u l t i p l i c i t y of i n t e r -dependent changes i n a l l aspects of the l i f e of a s o c i e t y , and having wide r a m i f i c a t i o n s In the economic, s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l elements of the community, and hence, r e q u i r i n g a comprehensive f u n c t i o n a l planning approach to deal w i t h i t . And secondly, to be completely s u c c e s s f u l , development has to a f f e c t a l l the component parts of the community, i n d i v i -d u a l l y and i n r e l a t i o n to the whole, as w e l l as the t o t a l e n t i t y . This i m p l i e s that a s u i t a b l e framework f o r development has to be 193 adopted at the highest l e v e l which w i l l allow adequate a t t e n t i o n to be focused on the lower l e v e l s as w e l l . S i m i l a r l y , the planning f u n c t i o n , to be e f f e c t i v e , has to operate w i t h i n a framework which makes i t p o s s i b l e to give s p e c i a l a t t e n t i o n to s p e c i f i c p a r t s , yet combine them a l l i n a manner which promotes the best i n t e r e s t of the whole. The d i s c u s s i o n of problems a f f e c t i n g current p r a c t i c e of planning f o r development was, of n e c e s s i t y , b r i e f . However, i t i n d i c a t e d the d i r e c t i o n i n which a s o l u t i o n can be sought, and provided the framework w i t h i n which the s p e c i a l case of planning f o r development i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago could be s t u d i e d . The proposals which concluded Chapter I were t e n t a t i v e suggestions as to the s o r t of planning philosophy needed i n developing c o u n t r i e s to serve the development process. The e l a b o r a t i o n of these ideas and t h e i r a p p l i c a t i o n i n p r a c t i c a l circumstances were l e f t to Chapter V. I t should be re-emphasized that the f i n a l product of the case study on T r i n i d a d and Tobago was intended to be a proposed o r g a n i z a t i o n to perform the f u n c t i o n of planning f o r development w i t h i n Central Government. Hence, the d i s c u s s i o n was o r i e n t e d towards a c o n s i d e r a t i o n of the planning i m p l i c a t i o n s of develop-ment and the consequent o r g a n i z a t i o n a l requirements, r a t h e r than a p r e s e n t a t i o n of a d e t a i l e d argument on the problems of develop-ment as such. There remain many unexplored areas i n t h i s d i s c u s s i o n which can form the subject of f u r t h e r study. However, w i t h i n the p r a c t i c a l l i m i t a t i o n s of t h i s study, i t has been p o s s i b l e to 194 present a p i c t u r e of the magnitude of the f u t u r e needs i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago, and consequently, the scope of the develop-ment e f f o r t r e q u i r e d . This l e d to the statement and d i s c u s s i o n of the nature and content of the planning f u n c t i o n necessary to deal adequately w i t h the a n t i c i p a t e d development e f f o r t . The d e s c r i p t i o n and e v a l u a t i o n (Chapter I I I ) of the planning process as f a r as i t i s c u r r e n t l y a p p l i e d to develop-ment i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago revealed that the f u n c t i o n f a l l s f a r short of being e f f e c t i v e , and c e r t a i n l y does not approach the type of comprehensive planning f u n c t i o n suggested i n the d i s c u s s i o n i n Chapter I. The planning system in. the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico i s one of the best examples of the comprehensive approach i n operation. The Planning Board i n Puerto Rico was e s t a b l i s h e d i n 1942 and planning has been a p p l i e d w i t h great success to the development process. As development progressed and the-nature and scope of the development process became more c l e a r l y estab-l i s h e d , the planning process has a l s o p r o g r e s s i v e l y matured. What has emerged today i s a w e l l i n t e g r a t e d planning system based on a comprehensive approach which regards a l l aspects of develop-ment as necessary and i n t e r r e l a t e d f a c t o r s , that must be combined i n t o one complete whole i f the development e f f o r t i s to be s u c c e s s f u l and i f the d e s i r e d goals are to be achieved. The m a n i f e s t a t i o n of t h i s approach i s a l a r g e - s c a l e planning operation and a well-developed planning o r g a n i z a t i o n which covers a l l f u n c t i o n a l areas of the development process. S p a t i a l i n t e g r a t i o n i s achieved by making the one c e n t r a l 195 Planning Board r e s p o n s i b l e f o r planning at the r e g i o n a l and l o c a l l e v e l s as w e l l as the n a t i o n a l . The Planning Board occu-pies a p o s i t i o n close to the source of decision-making and executive power, that i s , the Governor, and thus enjoys the power and a u t h o r i t y to make i t s a c t i o n s r e a l l y e f f e c t i v e . The d e s c r i p t i o n and a p p r a i s a l of the planning process and the o r g a n i z a t i o n of the Planning Board formed the subject of Chapter IV, since i t was f e l t that v a l u a b le lessons could be drawn from t h i s experience, as a model and p r a c t i c a l guide f o r the proposals i n Chapter V. Our proposals i n Chapter V, which incorporate some of the proven features of the planning process and the o r g a n i z a t i o n f o r planning i n Puerto Rico, t r y to approach as close as poss-i b l e to the r e a l i t i e s of the circumstances i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago, while s t i l l adhering to a pure t h e o r e t i c a l conception of the manner i n which the planning process i n c e n t r a l govern-ment should f u n c t i o n i d e a l l y . In order to f i t the e x i s t i n g con-d i t i o n s and o r g a n i z a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e of Cen t r a l Government i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago, c e r t a i n m o d i f i c a t i o n s had to be made i n the proposed o r g a n i z a t i o n . These seem p e r f e c t l y acceptable In view of t h e i r p r a c t i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e and the advantage of e f f e c t i n g a smooth and workable i n c o r p o r a t i o n of the new planning o r g a n i -z a t i o n i n t o the present s t r u c t u r e . One f u r t h e r p o i n t which j u s t i f i e s some of the mo d i f i c a -t i o n s i s r e l a t e d to the question of s t a f f i n g . Obviously a planning o r g a n i z a t i o n such as proposed w i l l r e q u i r e a lar g e and h i g h l y t r a i n e d s t a f f of p r o f e s s i o n a l s i n planning and r e l a t e d 196 f i e l d s , as w e l l as t e c h n i c i a n s and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e personnel. This matter i s outside the scope of the present study, but i t i s recognized as a f a c t o r which w i l l i n f l u e n c e the s c a l e of planning a c t i v i t i e s , e s p e c i a l l y i n the e a r l y years. The pro-posal does not c a l l f o r the establishment of the " i d e a l " f u l l -f ledged C e n t r a l Planning Department, wi t h f u l l y s t a f f e d D i v i s i o n s , but has suggested how the planning f u n c t i o n can be g r a f t e d onto the e x i s t i n g Governmental s t r u c t u r e and s t a r t operations on as extensive a s c a l e as p o s s i b l e with l i m i t e d man-power resources which are l i k e l y to be a v a i l a b l e . The proposed o r g a n i z a t i o n i s designed to perform the f u n c t i o n of planning f o r development by C e n t r a l Government i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago. I t meets the requirements of the compre-hensive approach to planning, and i s both f u n c t i o n a l l y and spa-t i a l l y i n t e g r a t e d . The small s i z e of the t e r r i t o r y , the stage of development, the kind of economic o r g a n i z a t i o n , and the r o l e of Government i n the development process are c o n d i t i o n i n g f a c t o r s which i n f l u e n c e the type of planning s t r u c t u r e proposed, and modify the d e t a i l s . Wherever s i m i l a r c o n d i t i o n s are encountered an organiza-t i o n c l o s e to the one proposed can be a p p l i e d . M o d i f i c a t i o n s w i l l be necessary where c o n d i t i o n s d i f f e r g r e a t l y from those i n T r i n i d a d and Tobago. However, the p r i n c i p l e s on which the p l a n -ning f u n c t i o n i s b u i l t and the general o u t l i n e s of the planning process and o r g a n i z a t i o n are a p p l i c a b l e to the development pro-cess In a l l developing c o u n t r i e s . 197 BIBLIOGRAPHY BOOKS Baruth, K a r l . The P h y s i c a l Planning of I s r a e l . London: Shi n d l e r and Golomb, 1949. H o s e l i t z , B e r t . S o c i o l o g i c a l Aspects of Economic Development. Glencoe, I l l i n o i s , The Free Press, I960. Hauser, P h i l i p , M. (ed). U r b a n i z a t i o n i n Asia and the Far East. Proceedings of the J o i n t UN/UNESCO Seminar on U r b a n i z a t i o n " i n the ECAFE Region, Bangkok, August, 1956. C a l c u t t a : UNESCO Research Centre, 1957. Proudfoot, Mary. B r i t a i n and the United States i n the Caribbean. London: Faber and Faber, 195b. Simey, T. S. Welfare and Planning i n the West Indie s . Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1946. Wilgus, A. C u r t i s (ed). The Caribbean: B r i t i s h , Dutch, French,  United States. G a i n e s v i l l e : U n i v e r s i t y of F l o r i d a Press, 1958. B r i t i s h S e c t i o n only. A r t i c l e s and P e r i o d i c a l s Bauer, Catherine. "Economic Progress and L i v i n g C onditions," Town Planning Review, XXIV (1956), pp. 296-308. "The P a t t e r n of Urban and Economic Development: S o c i a l I m p l i c a t i o n s , " Annals of the American Academy of P o l i t i c a l  and S o c i a l Science, (May, 1956), pp. 60-b9. Friedmann, John. "Regional Planning: A Problem i n S p a t i a l I n te-g r a t i o n , " Regional Science A s s o c i a t i o n , Papers and Proceed-ings, V, (1959), P P . 167-79. Haar, Charles, "Higgins, Benjamin and Rodwin Ll o y d . Economic and P h y s i c a l Planning: Coordination i n Developing Areas," Journal  of the American I n s t i t u t e of Planners, XXIV, No. 3 (195b), pp. lbT-72. H a r r i s , B r i t t o n . "Urbanization P o l i c y i n I n d i a , " Regional Science A s s o c i a t i o n , Papers and Proceedings, V (1959), p. 192,. 198 . Howell, Brandon. "The Planning System of Puerto R i c o , " Town  Planning Review, X X I I I , No. 3 (October, 1952), p. 211^14". Papanek, Gustav. "Framing a Development Program," I n t e r n a t i o n a l  C o n c i l i a t i o n , (March, i 9 6 0 ) . "Puerto Rico" A Study i n Progress through Democracy," Annals of  the American Academy of P o l i t i c a l and S o c i a l Science, 285 (January, 1953J. The P o l i t i c a l Development (pp. 1-47) and The Economic Development (pp. 48-94). Robock, Stefan, H. "Regional and N a t i o n a l Economic Development i n I n d i a , " Regional Science A s s o c i a t i o n , Papers and Proceed- ings, v i ( i 9 6 0 ) , pp. 65-81. Rodwin, Lloyd. "National Urban Planning and Regional C a p i t a l Budgets f o r Developing Areas," Regional Science A s s o c i a t i o n , Papers and Proceedings, I I I (1957), PP. 223-32. "Metropolitan P o l i c y f o r Developing Areas," Daedalus, (Winter, 1961), pp. 132-46. Reports Caribbean Commission, Town and Country Development Planning In  the Caribbean. Report of the Conference on Town and Country Development Planning In the Caribbean, T r i n i d a d , November, 1956. Carrero, T e l e s f o r o . Puerto R i c o : The C o n t r i b u t i o n of P h y s i c a l  Planning to S o c i a l and Economic Development. Paper to the World Planning and Housing Congress, Puerto Rico, May-June, I 9 6 0 . Mayne, A l v i n and Ramos, Evelyn. Planning f o r S o c i a l and Economic  Development i n Puerto Rico. Planning Board, 1959. P i c o , R a f a e l . "Puerto Rico: Crossroads of the Americas." Paper d e l i v e r e d at the s p e c i a l c e l e b r a t i o n Days f o r Pan-American Understanding, U n i v e r s i t y of Massachusetts, Amherst, J u l y , T95T Puerto Rico Planning Board, Comprehensive Regional Planning i n  Puerto Rico, (San Juan: June, 1958). ' Prevatt, 0. A. Memorandum on Lands Required f o r I n d u s t r i a l  E s t a t e s , A Report f o r the T r i n i d a d and Tobago I n d u s t r i a l Development Corporation (n.d.). The C o n t r i b u t i o n of P h y s i c a l Planning to S o c i a l and Economic  Development, General Report Theme I, World Planning and Housing Congress, San Juan, Puerto Rico, May-June, i 9 6 0 . 199 Tugwell, Rexford Guy. The Place of Planning In S o c i e t y , Tech-n i c a l Paper No. j, Puerto Rico Planning Board. West India Royal Commission, 1 9 3 8 - 3 9Recommendations London: H. M. S t a t i o n e r y O f f i c e , 1940. O f f i c i a l P u b l i c a t i o n s Puerto Rico, Planning Board, Planning Act (Revised E d i t i o n ) , i 9 6 0 . T r i n i d a d and Tobago, Ce n t r a l S t a t i s t i c a l O f f i c e , Annual S t a t i s - t i c a l Digest, 1958. T r i n i d a d and Tobago, O f f i c e of the Premier and M i n i s t r y of Finance, Economic Survey of T r i n i d a d and Tobago, 1953-1958. T r i n i d a d and Tobago, Five-Year Development Programme, 1958-1962. 

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