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The inter-relationship of music and English poetry during the Middle Ages (1150-1500) Badger, Sophie A. F. 1957

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THE INTER-RELATIONSHIP OF EfUSIC AND ENGLISH POETRY DURING THE MIDDLE AGES (llJO-lJOO) by SOPHIE A.F. BADGER A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n the Department of English We accept this thesis as conforming to the standard required from candidates for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September, 1957. -Abstract-This thesis must be regarded as an outline, rather than an exhaustive study, of the i n t e r - r e l a t i o n s h i p of music and poetry during the Middle Ages (that i s , from the middle of the twelfth to the end of the f i f t e e n t h century)• I t i s always d i f f i c u l t to set l i m i t s for creative movements and, when they have been set, to j u s t i f y them and to work consistently within them, for one cannot make d e f i n i t e d i v i s i o n s between movements, nor confine trends of thought and creative impulse within the boundaries of a d e f i n i t e space of time. The year 1150 was chosen as the f i r s t l i m i t of this essay because l i t t l e i n English has come down to us from the f i r s t half of the century, and the small amount that has, belongs to the Old English rather than the Middle English t r a d i t i o n . Since medieval and renaissance trends overlapped each other throughout the entire f i f t e e n t h century the terminal l i m i t (1500) had to be chosen a r h i t r a r i l y . The adoption of 1500 has more than the convenience of a round number to recommend i t , however, for most of the l i t e r a t u r e of the f i f t e e n t h century belongs to the Middle English t r a d i t i o n ; even those developments at the end of the century which look forward to the renaissance are not of such a revolutionary character that they cannot he considered as s t i l l part of medieval l i t e r a t u r e . i i While music shows some analogies with a l l i t s s i s t e r a r t s , i t i s the art of poetry that i t resembles most. The present work, therefore, deals primarily with the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the form and s t y l e of medieval music ( s p e c i a l emphasis being given to the music of the church) and i t s Influence on poetic forms l i k e the l y r i c and l i t u r g i c a l drama. The main contention of the thesis i s that, during the monodic period of music, the two arts were completely dependent on one another. With the development of polyphony, however, music became so i n t r i c a t e that i t could no longer be used as a vehicle for words. The old union of poetry and music was gone, never to return i n quite the same way again. Although i t i s true that music and poetry came together for a b r i e f period i n the Elizabethan Age i t was not the same kind of unity. In the renaissance, music and poetry were two mature arts that enhanced one another; either one could be enjoyed without the other, but, i n the Middle Ages, (that i s , the period i n which monodic music flourished) neither the music nor the poetry was complete i n i t s e l f — they were created for one another. In presenting this thesis i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t f r e e l y available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representative. I t i s understood that copying or p u b l i c a t i o n of this thesis for f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. Table of Contents Introduction A b r i e f sketch of the aims of the thesis Part I The Age of Monody Chapter I The medieval concept of music and poetry a) Origins b) Medieval c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s c) A f f i n i t y of words and music 1) Oral presentation 2) Music and text supplied by musician-poet Chapter II Monody a) D e f i n i t i o n of medieval music b) Religious monody c) Secular monody 1) Folk 2) Troubadour and trouvere Chapter I I I ......... Monody and the Drama a) L i t u r g i c a l drama b) Craft cycles Chapter IV Monody and Poetry a) L y r i c b) Carol c) Ballad Part II The Age of Polyphony Chapter V Polyphony a) A new concept of music b) Chaucer, the Pearl poet, and Langland Chapter VI The developments of the f i f t e e n t h century Chapter I Although philosophers and musicologists of a l l ages i n h i s t o r i c times have advanced many theories i n an endeavour to explain the o r i g i n of music, they have been unable to present any one theory which has not been the subject of dispute. For example, the philosophers of ancient cultures taught that music was given to man by the gods, while those of more sophisticated times suggested that music may have been associated with work rhythms or with man's need to express strong emotions l i k e rage, pain, fear, or love. Whatever the theory, however, the true o r i g i n of music remains as much a mystery to us as i t s date i n the beginnings of time. Since musicologists have no extant records from which to determine the manner of the b i r t h of music they assume that the development of primitive cultures mirrors that of European races. From a study of the savage races of today^" musicologists have been able to evolve c e r t a i n theories, one of which i s that (with l i v i n g primitives, at least) "music begins with s i n g i n g 2 " . This conclusion x The continents of A f r i c a and A u s t r a l i a , where abo r i g i n a l races survive i n number, offer the r i c h e s t f i e l d s for i n v e s t i g a t i o n . 2 Some early twentieth-century musicologists f e l t that music had i t s o r i g i n i n the dance. M. Dalcrozl (an authority on eurythmics) went so f a r as to suggest that "... a l l the rhythmic elements i n music were o r i g i n a l l y formed a f t e r rhythms of the human body Quoted by 2 i s based on the f a c t that no songless people has ever been discovered. The Stone Age, for instance, s t i l l endures i n parts of the Austral continent and tribes with-out musical instruments are said to ex i s t , but even they have well-developed songs. Since song i s such a universal means of self-expression i t must be as i n s t i n c t i v e i n human beings as i t i s i n many species of bir d s ^ . P r i m i t i v e music 4 i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y performed i n conjunction with t r i b a l custom and r i t u a l , r a r e l y for i t s own sake. As the r i t u a l connection of the music frequently l i n k s i t with words, the emphasis i s placed on the voice. Even when instruments are used to accompany the songs the voice i s of primary Importance, indicating that i n the early stages of i t s development music i s mainly a vehicle for words. What i s known of ancient Greek music (which i s T. Taig i n Rhythm and metre. C a r d i f f , University of Wales, 1929, p. lib*. Modern students, however, f e e l that sound came before rhythm. For further information On t h i s viewpoint v. Sachs, C , The r i s e of music i n the ancient  world. East and West. New York, Norton and Co., 1943, p. 21. 3 Pound, L., Poetic origins and the ballad. New York, Macmillan Co., 1921, p. 29. 4 From the inherent conservatism of primitive races there i s l i t t l e reason to suppose that t h e i r music has greatly changed over long periods. As a r e s u l t , the main features of surviving primitive music must give a broad idea of primitive music i n antiquity. one of the oldest d i s t i n c t musical styles studied by musicologists) c l e a r l y indicates that the Greeks, too, always included the words i n the term music. In f a c t , Plato declared that music was not music at a l l unless i t had a text^. The Greeks a c t u a l l y had two d i f f e r e n t meanings f o r this a r t ; "the one broad, the other narrow: ...In the broad sense i t meant the whole of i n t e l l e c t u a l or l i t e r a r y culture, as opposed to the culture of the bodily f a c u l t i e s , grouped under the term gymnastics. ...In the narrow sense.../the Greeks/ included under music...the dance_ movements which accompanied /the/ , singing, and the poetic text i t s e l f 6 " . This d e f i n i t i o n indicated a dichotomy between song ( i n the broadest sense of that word) and every other branch of a r t i s t i c culture^ 7. 5 The laws, t r a n s l . G. Burgess, London, G. B e l l and Sons, 1902-1908, v o l . 5, I I , 669, E. ^ Translation quoted by G. Reese i n Music i n the  Middle Ages. New York, Norton and Co., 1940, p. 11. ? Besides Including music i n the arts of the nine muses, the Greeks regarded i t as a great c i v i l i z i n g f a ctor, l i n k i n g music with education and government. They expounded, too, the doctrine of ethos, or magical eff e c t s of the d i f f e r e n t modes on men. These theories formed part of the t r a d i t i o n s handed on to the Middle Ages by Boethius. For further information on the doctrine of ethos v. Plato's The republic, t r a n s l . H. Davies, London, G. B e l l and Sons, 1902-1908, v o l . 2, I I I , 398, E, also A r i s t o t l e ' s The p o l i t i c s , t r a n s l . Ernest Barker, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1946, v i ( i v ) 3> a 20, and v ( v i i i ) 5, 1340, a 38. 4 Greek tr a d i t i o n s of music were transmitted through the l a t e Roman writers, Boethius (480-524 A.D.) and Cassiodorus (477-570 A.D.), whose works, representing the l a s t bastion of pagan thought, undoubtedly had a profound influence on European music during the Middle Ages. These two writers, taking the Greek theories as a foundation, evolved their own interpretation of the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s of music. Boethius, i n his De i n s t i t u t i o n e  musica, divided his music into three main categories: " ( 1 ) musica mundana (harmony i n the macrocosmos), (2) Musica humana (harmony i n the microcosmos, i . e . man), and (3) musica instrumentis constituta ( p r a c t i c a l music, an imitation of 1 and 2 ) . Several modern authors have thought that (3) consisted of instrumental music only, but i t seems, i n f a c t , to have included vocal music as well, the word instrumentis here representing a l l natural and a r t i f i c i a l means whereby man may w i l f u l l y produce music. Cassiodorus divided music into (1) s c i e n t i a harmonica (dealing with the structure of melody), (2) s c i e n t i a rhythmica (dealing with the correspondence between melody and text), and (3) s c i e n t i a metrica (dealing with metrical a n a l y s i s ) ^ . " Since the musical theories of Boethius and Cassiodorus Reese, G.', Music i n the Middle Ages, p. 118. 5 were almost the only ones taught in the early Middle Ages, the musicians of that period depended, to a large extent, on the works of these two men for the fundamentals of their art. In the eleventh century the eminent S w i s s .Cor German?) theorist, Hermannus Contractus, gave his version of Boethian theory thus: Oportet autem nos scire, quod omnis musicae rationis ad hoc spectat intentlo, ut eantilenae rationabiliter componendae, regulariter iudicandae, decenter modulandae scientia comparetur". It is not surprising to find, therefore, that there was a very close association of text and music in the Middle Ages. Indeed, poetry was regarded as a branch of music, for, not only were poems performed orally (often with harp accompaniment), but they were written by musician-poets who were expected to supply both text and music. The oral presentation of poetry goes back to the days of antiquity and seems to have been a custom common to most European peoples. Now oral presentation does not necessarily mean that the poems were sung (as we understand the term today), but rather, that they were either chanted on a single note with a drop of the voice at the end of 9 Ellinwood, L., ed., Musica Hermann! Contracti. New York, G. Schirmer inc. , 1936, p. 47. "Moreover we should know this, namely that a l l the theories of music have this purpose in view, that there may be established a system of putting a song together methodically, of judging i t according to rule, and of rendering i t in a fitting manner." For this translation I am indebted to Dr. G. B. Riddehough of U.B.C. 6 the phrase, or sung to a simple tune which was repeated over and over u n t i l the completion of the poem. The performance might or might not be accompanied by the harp, depending on the talent of the performer. From early times music (that i s , singing to harp accompaniment) occupied a p o s i t i o n of great importance i n B r i t a i n . Unfortunately, the e a r l i e s t songs and poems (those of the C e l t i c bards) were not preserved i n writi n g . As a r e s u l t , our f i r s t recorded l i t e r a t u r e comes from the Anglo-Saxons whose t r a d i t i o n s were somewhat similar to those of the C e l t s . There are many references i n Old English poetry to the scop singing, either for entertainment or f o r a s p e c i a l event l i k e a funeral or wedding. Perhaps the best i l l u s t r a t i o n of the scop's a r t i s the poem Widsith which i s the story of a professional singer or poet who wandered from court to court singing songs and giving an account of his experiences. '•Bonne wit S c i l l i n g s clran reorde 'for uncrum sigedryhtne song ahofah •hlEde b i hearpan hleobor swinsade; 'bonne monige men modum wlonce 'wordum sprecan, b i be wel cuban^, 1 0 'baet h i naefre song s e l l a n ne hydron . 10 "Widsith," Ah Anglo-Saxon verse-book, ed., W.J. Sedgefield, Manchester University Press, 1922, p. 4, 11.103-108. 'When I and S k i l l i n g for our conquering l o r d With clear voice raised the song, loud to the harp, The sound was music; many a s t a t e l y man, Who well knew what was r i g h t , then said i n words That never had they heard a happier song. Trans1. found i n Select translations from Old English  poetry, ed., A.S. Cook and C.B. Tinker, Harvard University Press, 1935, 11. 103-107. 7 Singing to the harp was not confined to professional singers, however, for i n an often quoted passage from Bede's E c c l e s i a s t i c a l History there i s a description of the custom of passing around the harp at s o c i a l gatherings 1*. When the Normans conquered England In 1066 they brought t h e i r c u l t u r a l t r a d i t i o n s with them, with the r e s u l t that, e a r l i e s t narrative verse aft e r the Conquest shows obvious signs of both English and Norman influence. Poems l i k e the Brut, for example, though primarily Old English i n character, show unmistakable traces of the French s y l l a b i c l i n e . As there i s no extant music for these poems I t i s d i f f i c u l t to prove that they were performed o r a l l y . I t i s known, however, that the long French narrative poems (the 12 chansons de geste) were always sung and that the old Saxon lays were chanted or r e c i t e d to the accompaniment of the ± x One of the many references i n which this quotation appears i s Bruce Pattison's Music and poetry of the English  Renaissance, London, Methuen, 194-8, p. 2 3 . For o r i g i n a l v. the Old English version, ed., T. M i l l e r , London, K. Paul, Trench, Trubner and Co., E.E.T.S. ( O r i g i n a l S e r i e s ) , 1890, (Part I ) , No. 95. 96, i v , 24, p. 342. 1 2 " T a i l l e f e r , William's minstrel i s said to have encouraged the troops at the battle of Hastings by singing a song of Roland. The chansons de geste, of which the Song of  Roland i s one, were always sung". Pattison, op. c i t . , p. 24. Further proof i s supplied by Johannes de Grocheo, who, writing i n 1300 about the method of performance of Le Gieus de Robin  et de Marlon, states that the chanson de geste i s "made up of a number of l i n e s with the same rhyme, each of which i s to be sung to the same tune." New Oxford history of  music, ed.'y. Doff.'A. .'Hughes, Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, .1954, v o l . 2, p. 223 . 8 harp. Since both these tr a d i t i o n s had considerable influence on poetry aft e r the Conquest, would they not also a f f e c t the method of performance? Like the early verse chronicles the long narrative poems of the Middle English period have no extant music. On the other hand, as many of the poems were divided into " f i t s " , there i s a p o s s i b i l i t y that these breaks.in continuity might suggest an o r a l presentation f o r they could indicate a place where the performer rested, supplied instrumental music for the audience's entertainment, or began a fresh melody. Of course such evidence does not give conclusive proof that the poems of t h i s period were sung. Is i t l i k e l y , however, that B r i t i s h poets, who had a long t r a d i t i o n of singing behind them, from both the Saxons and the French, would ignore th e i r t r a i n i n g and d e l i b e r a t e l y choose forms that were a l i e n to them? Then, too, why i s i t that poems of a l a t e r date (about the thirteenth century) begin with words l i k e " l i s t e n lordings", i f the poems were not intended to be performed o r a l l y ? Possibly the chant-fable, part prose and part verse, l i k e Aucassin et Nicolette . may represent the t r a n s i t i o n from an a l l - s i n g i n g to an all-speaking manner of p r e s e n t a t i o n ^ . At any rate, i t i s certain, i n the fourteenth century,' Pattison, op. c i t . . p. 27. 9 romances were often r e c i t e d , for Langland i n his Piers Plowman states that there were "...iaperes and iogeloures and iangelers of gestes^ 4 -" and Chaucer, i n the House of Fame^, devotes a long passage to the description of "mynstralles" (those that played an instrument) and "gestiours" (those that wrote and to l d t a l e s ) . The medieval l y r i c (which owed i t s genesis l a r g e l y to the troubadours of Provence) kept i t s music much longer than narrative verse. Although England does not seem to have been influenced by the troubadours to the same extent as France or I t a l y , a f t e r 1150 (when Eleanor became queen of England) many troubadour c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s became apparent i n the metrical forms of the English l y r i c . Moreover, l i k e the troubadours on the continent, t h e i r English imitators expected th e i r poems to be sung. This f a c t i s made clear by the London G u i l d h a l l records of the thirteenth century, where, i n the plans for the celebration of the Puy 1^, the regulations specify that E qe i l i e i t a les chauncouns juger e s l u ( i i ) ou ( i i i ) q i se conoisent en chaunt et en musike, pur les notes et les poinz del chaunt t r i e r et examiner, auxi bien com l a nature de l a reson enditee. Kar saunz l e chaunt ne doit on nie appeler une resoun endite chauncoun, ne chauncoun reale corounee ne doit estre saunz doucour de melodies chauntel7. 1 Langland. W., Piers Plowman, ed., W. Skeat, London, K. Paul, Trench, Trubner and Co., E.E.T.S. ( O r i g i n a l Series) 1898, B. text, No. 28. 38 , Passus 10, 1. 3 1 . 15 Bk. 3 , 11 . 1193-1519. 16 Puy Notre Dame (near Saumur) had founded a sort of troubadour academy i n the twelfth century. I t was widely copied elsewhere, giving i t s name to similar i n s t i t u t i o n s whose primary purpose was to hear songs and to honour the best of them. 1 7 Quoted by Pattison, op. c i t . , p. 29 . And that he, who i s f a m i l i a r with chant and 10 Further indication that the English medieval lyric was intended to be sung is supplied by the fact that fourteen of the ninety-one extant thirteenth century lyrics were accompanied by musical notation. By the fourteenth century the lyric was s t i l l an elegant social form of art and s t i l l sung, for song played an important role in the stylized conventions of courtly love. According to these traditions 1^ every young gallant was expected to immortalize his mistress in songs of his own making. In the Legend of Good Women, for example, Chaucer states that he is going to . . . seyn, as thynketh me, i q This song in preysyng of this lady fre 1 *. while in the Complaint D*Amours he indicates that he Is going to make the song: This compleynte on seint Valentynes day, Whan every foughel chesen shal his make, To hir, whos I am hool, and shal alwey, This woful song and this compleynte I^ make. That never yit wolde me to mercy take^0. music, was directed to judge two or three chosen songs in order to sort out and examine the notes and points of the song, as well as the nature of the spoken sound. For without the chant neither must one cal l the spoken word song, nor must the prize winning song be without the sweetness of sung melodies. For an extended discussion of courtly love v. J . F. Rowthbothan1s Troubadours and courts of love, London, Swann Sonnenschein and Co., 1895. ! 9 The Poems of Chaucer, ed., F. N. Robinson, Boston, Houghton Miffl in Co., 1933> P text. 11 . 247-248. A l l Chaucer quotations are from this edition. 2 0 The authorship of this poem is doubtful but i t Q i s attributed to Chaucer in Robinson, op. c i t . , p. 637, 11 . 85-88. 11 The suggestion that the lover made both the words and the music i s i n keeping with the early t r a d i t i o n that poet and musician were the same person. In C e l t i c days these musician-poets were ca l l e d bards, while i n the Anglo-Saxon period they were known as scops or gleemen 2!. From Widsith's account of the duties of a scop ( i n the f i n a l l i n e s of his poem) i t i s evident that the scop (or gleeman) was expected, not only to r e c i t e or chant the t r a d i t i o n a l songs, but to compose, more or less extemporaneously, poems on new subjects. simle suo obbe noro sumne gemetao gvdda gleawne, geofum unhneawne, se be fore dugupe wile dom araeran ^ eorlscipe aefnan, op baet e a l scaeceo, leoht and l l f somod; l o f se gewyrc hafacT under heofonum heahfaestne dOm22. About the eighth century, a d i f f e r e n t kind of musician made an appearance. These entertainers were seldom composers, but were poor vagabonds who sang songs that others wrote, and performed t r i c k s with trained bears or any other These were terms for professional entertainers. The terminology i s not at a l l clear but G. Reese thinks that "the scops were resident i n the h a l l of an atheling..., while the gleemen t r a v e l l e d about". Music i n the Middle Ages, p. 240. Wldslth. op. c i t . , p. 5, 11 . 135-140. Thus wandering, they who shape songs for men Pass over many lands, and t e l l t heir need, And speak their thanks, and ever, south or north, Meet some one s k i l l e d i n songs and free i n g i f t s , Who would be raised among his friends to fame. Transl. found i n A. S. Cook and C. B. Tinker's, Select translations from Old English poetry, 11. 135-139. 12 collaborator which might be at hand. With these performers the concept of musician-poet descended i n d i g n i t y and came to be synonymous with merely l i g h t , professional entertainment. Out of this t r a d i t i o n came such terms as .jongleur and juggler. By the tenth century, a d i v i s i o n of the entertainers into the play-acting, tumbling, conjuring jongleur (who was frequently condemned by the church and classed with e p i l e p t i c s , magicians, and p r o s t i t u t e s 2 ^ ) a n ( j the jongleur de geste (the entertainer who r e c i t e d the long, t r a d i t i o n a l or o r i g i n a l , narrative poems recounting the deeds of national heroes, l i k e the scops of old) was c l e a r l y d i s c e r n i b l e . The difference of s o c i a l grade was marked by the introduction of a new term for the higher-class public entertainer, the musician class, that of menestrier (akin to minister). Soon, menestral 2^ or minstrel grew out of the l a t t e r word. Necessarily wide differences of s o c i a l importance existed even among the minstrels. There were humble wanderers, but also, there were those who approached their work seriously and were s u f f i c i e n t l y talented and cultured to perform i n good society. I f one of these was fortunate he gave up his wandering for a p o s i t i o n i n a feudal household; i f not, he Salisbury, John of, P o l l e r a t i c u s . ed., C.C.J. Webb, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1909, Bk. VIII, ch. 13 , p. 765h. 2 4 The words "mynestres" and "mynstrales{{ were both used i n Piers Plowman, ed.. W. Skeat, London, Trubner and Co., E.E.T.S., ( O r i g i n a l Series), 1898, C text, No. 54, Passus VI, 1.60 and Passus I I I , l . | 3 7 . 13 t r a v e l l e d from court to court giving selections from his repert o i r e . In the eleventh century there appeared on the continent a group of poet-musicians known as troubadours and trouveres. They were not wanderers but were often persons of rank who composed for their own c i r c l e of fr i e n d s . The d i s t i n c t i o n between them was one of l o c a l i t y and language: the troubadours who flourished i n Provence i n southern France from the end of the eleventh century to the end of the thirteenth, used the langue d'oc, while the trouveres, located i n northern France, employed the langue  d ' o i l . The a r t of the troubadour i s said to have been Introduced into England when Eleanor of Aquitaine married Henry I I . She had patronized the troubadours i n Aquitaine and Northern France (Bernart de Ventadorn, who she took to Paris and possibly to England, had addressed to her many of his best songs) and she encouraged the poets of her new country to emulate their Provencal colleagues. As Henry's court was the most b r i l l i a n t i n Europe i t was the constant resort of troubadours from the continent. Among those to cross the channel were Bertrand de Born and possibly Chretien de Troyes. The most famous of the English trouveres was Richard the Lion-Hearted, who has l e f t us two examples of his work: a sirvente and an 14 exhortation to the Dauphin of Auvergne to j o i n Richard's a l l i a n c e 2 ^ . These courtly minstrels composed the i r own words and music but did not always perform th e i r own works 2^. The maker of the words of a poem, then, had done only half his task u n t i l he had wedded a tune to his words. Some troubadours are spoken of as making good words and poor tunes, and vice versa, but the s i g n i f i c a n t f a c t i s that they a l l had to provide both. Although the musician-poet was s t i l l i n existence i n the fourteenth century the development of polyphony, i n the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, made i t more d i f f i c u l t for an amateur to set his own verses to music. He found that the polyphonic concept of music (more than one melody at a time) required new s k i l l s and specialized t r a i n i n g . Thus, as we s h a l l see, the ars nova brought about the separation of music and poetry and ushered i n a new era of s p e c i a l i z a t i o n which resulted i n the formation of a separate musical profession. As yet, there was no r e a l l i t e r a r y profession. True, there were is o l a t e d men of l e t t e r s who were protected by patronage, but poetry was s t i l l mainly i n the hands of men who had other means of l i v e l i h o o d . 7 Rowthbothan, J. F., Troubadours and courts of  love, p. 62. 2 ^ This occupation they l e f t to the humble professionals. Chapter II If i t should be asked, "What was the nature of medieval music that i t could so wed i t s e l f to a text that neither the words nor the music was complete i n i t s e l f ? " i t would be d i f f i c u l t to make an adequate answer, f o r , owing to the inadequacies of early notation systems, there i s very l i t t l e extant music. Nevertheless, i t has been possible to gain some knowledge of Its character from a study of the existing manuscripts and treatises of the period. Medieval monody consisted of a single melodic l i n e 1 which was very d i f f e r e n t from our modern melodies as many of the features necessary to modern composition ( l i k e time, key, and harmony) had not yet been discovered. Of course, rhythm has always been present i n music ( i t seems to be one of the f i r s t i n s t i n c t s of human beings) but rhythm and time are not the same thing. For example, i n the following rhythm i » i % t\ J rt i rt rt\$i J t i J.7 L B ; ; j the segments bracketed "a" and "b" are i n the same rhythm 1 This type of music i s known as Monody. 16 and time, but the larger phrases marked "A" and "B" are i n quite d i f f e r e n t rhythms although they are i n the same time (that Is, they take an equal time to play and are divided into bars of equal length with accents f a l l i n g r e g u l a r l y at the beginning of each measure). As time signatures were non-existent i n the Middle Ages composers followed the rhythm of the text to give shape to the i r melodies. Indeed, the power of joining many rhythms together by making them conform to one time i s almost a new development, i f one takes into consideration the number of years that man has made music. Today when a tune i s played or sung, people with an ear for music can quite e a s i l y hear simple chords to go with the melody, suggesting that i t i s i n a certa i n key. In the Middle Ages, however, even talented composers, l i k e Adam de l a Halle, would have had d i f f i c u l t y thinking of the simplest chords, for they thought, not i n harmonies, but i n a melodic l i n e which was written to conform to ce r t a i n modes. These modes are not keys. The difference between one mode and another i s not the kind of difference which exists between C major and D major, but rather that which exists between C major and C minor (that i s , a difference of the arrangement of tones and semitones and hence, necessarily, of the width of some of the other i n t e r v a l s ) . What the four Authentic modes of St. 17 Ambrose sounded l i k e may be heard by playing on the pianoforte octave scales of white notes beginning on D,E,F,G. Since the f i f t h and f i r s t notes were fundamental intervals3 i t seemed natural, when there was a passage to be chanted, that the f i f t h of the mode was used for the r e c i t i n g note and the f i r s t of the mode for a dropping of the voice, or cadence. To the four Authentic modes were added another set of four ( c a l l e d by St. Gregory 4" the Plagal modes). Each The modes received their name from St. Ambrose (340-397)» Bishop of Milan, because, i n the course of his reform of the r i t u a l of the church, he fixed upon these four to be used i n his music. His r i t u a l i s s t i l l employed i n the archdiocese of Milan. G. Reese, Music i n the Middle Ages, p. 104ff. 3 The Greek philosopher, Pythagoras, and his pupils found that a d e f i n i t e numerical relationship existed between the notes of the scale. They found that, by keeping the tension constant, and varying the r a t i o of the length of the strings, they could produce various i n t e r v a l s : thus, the r a t i o of 2:1 gave the octave, 3:2 the f i f t h , and 4:3 the fourth. As a r e s u l t , the Greeks attached s p e c i a l importance to these i n t e r v a l s (the "perfect" int e r v a l s of modern har-mony). Medieval theorists, copying the Greeks, also regarded these as important i n t e r v a l s . Moreover, they used the exis t i n g Greek terms for their octave species: for example, diatessaron-the i n t e r v a l of a fourth, diapente-that of a f i f t h , and diapason-an octave. Macrobius, Commentary, on the  dream of Scipio, t r a n s l . W. H. Stahl, New York, Columbia University Press, 1952, p. l&7ff. 4 Gregory I (540-604) became Pope i n 590. He founded, or reorganized the Schola Cantorum and compiled the Roman Antiphony. Universal Standard encyclopedia, ed., Morse, J. L., New York, Unicorn Publishers, 1955? vo l . 11, p. 4011. 18 Plagal mode was simply a new form of a corresponding Authentic mode. I t was the same mode taken In another compass so as to l i e between i t s former dominant and dominant (with the f i n a l i n the middle). A piece i n the Plagal mode would come to a close on the same f i n a l as a piece i n the corresponding Authentic mode, but i t s range would be d i f f e r e n t . In order that the r e c i t i n g note would not be at the bottom or top of the compass a new one was appointed, three notes below the old one. The whole series of modes may now be set f o r t h as follows: Dominant Name of Mode Compass of the Mode the Mode I D - D* CD) A 6 Dorian II A - A (B) F Hypodorian III E - E C Phrygian IV B - B (D) A Hypophrygian V F - F .(D) C Lydian VI C - C A Hypolydian VII G - G D Mixolydian VIII D - D C Hypomixolydian ^ In looking at this diagram i t should be c l e a r l y understood that modes are not a question of p i t c h . Any mode (whilst preserving the order of tones and semitones which give i t i t s i n d i v i d u a l character) can be taken at any p i t c h . I t i s usual, however, to show the modes at what we might c a l l t h e i r o r i g i n a l pitches. 6 D was the o r i g i n a l dominant of modes I, IV, and VI, but l a t e r i t was changed to A; likewise, the B of mode III was changed to C. To avoid the i n t e r v a l of the augmented fourth (F-B) the B was often flattened, giving a new note. The B was not always shown In the notation as flattened, but singers were taught to introduce the > on suitable occasions. When more and more accidentals ( l i k e F#, Eb, and G#) were added, the old modal systems began to break up and our modern scale system came into use. Part of this diagram may be found i n New Oxford history of  music, ed., Dom. A. Hughes, Oxford University Press, 1954, v o l . 2, pp. 111-112. 19 The names of the modes were those of the ancient Greek s c a l e s 7 3 . Unfortunately, the medieval theorists employed the old terms without understanding the Greek scale system; as a r e s u l t , the nomenclature was e n t i r e l y i n c o r r e c t . Nine hundred and f i f t y years after Gregory a Swiss monk, Henry of Glareanus, a fr i e n d of Erasmus, was studying and writing about music. He brought f o r t h the theory ( i n his Dodecachordon) that there should be twelve not eight modes, adding a mode on A (the Aeolian) with i t s plagal and one on C (the Ionian) with i t s plagal, four new ones i n a l l 7 * 3 . To some extent these new modes already existed, for composers had gone ahead of theory, but the plainsong of the Church was, and s t i l l i s , r e s t r i c t e d to the eight modes of Gregory. There seems to be some doubt as to the o r i g i n of the names Dorian, Phrygian et cetera. Most musicologists hold the view that the names are cl o s e l y a l l i e d to the Greek theory of ethos. I t i s intere s t i n g to note, however, that these names a l l represent ancient peoples. I f we accept the theory that music began with singing and that a l l early melodies followed the inf l e x i o n s of speech, i s i t not possible that these modes o r i g i n a l l y were developed from the speech inflexions of the d i s t r i c t from which they took their name? To take a modern example, i n the Chinese language the meaning of i n d i v i d u a l word i s affected by the intonation, so that adult foreigners have d i f f i c u l t y i n learning the language unless possessed of a quick ear. Since the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c idioms and intonations of their speech may be reduced to scales, Is i t not possible that the ultimate o r i g i n for any scale system may be found i n the nation speech inflexions? The idea for this hypothesis was given me by Curt Sachs' remark "music... descended from spoken language" i n The r i s e of music i n the ancient world, op. c i t . , p. 19. 7 t ) M i l l e r , H. M., An outline history of music. New York Barnes and Noble Inc., 1947, p. 20 Although monody was not confined to any one class of musician, i t was r e l i g i o u s monody (referred to variously as plainsong, p l a i n chant, Gregorian chant, and cantus planus) which had the most extensive repertoire and the greatest influence on l a t e r musical developments. o The term plainsong was applied to the large body of t r a d i t i o n a l r i t u a l melody of the Western C h r i s t i a n Church. I t was a t r a n s l a t i o n of cantus planus i n contra-d i s t i n c t i o n to cantus flguratus ( f l o r i d song, implying counterpoint added to the t r a d i t i o n a l melody) or cantus  mensuratus (measured song implying the r e g u l a r i t y of rhythm associated with harmonic music). The term " p l a i n " , then, may be taken i n the l i t e r a l sense of unadorned, and as obviously dating from the period when harmonic accom-paniment to the Church's r i t u a l music was beginning so that a d i s t i n c t i o n had become necessary. The his t o r y of plainsong i s of the highest i n t e r e s t . From Saint John Chrysostom we get some insight into the reason why music was Introduced into the service. When God saw that many men were lazy, and gave themselves only with d i f f i c u l t y to s p i r i t u a l reading, He wished to make i t easy for them, and added the melody to the Prophet's words, that 0 The general c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of plainsong are: i t i s monodic, modal, unaccompanied, nonmetric, and uses a free prose rhythm following that of the text, which i s i n La t i n . 21 a l l b e i n g r e j o i c e d by t h e charm of the music, s h o u l d s i n g hymns t o Him w i t h g l a d n e s s ? . As might be e x p e c t e d , a l l Churchmen d i d n o t approve of the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f music i n t o the e c c l e s i a s t i c a l r i t u a l . True, t h e r e were a few, l i k e S a i n t A u g u s t i n e , who f e l t t h a t music had a magic power c a p a b l e o f e s t a b l i s h i n g r e l a t i o n s w i t h the D i v i n e . How g r e a t l y d i d I weep i n Thy hymns and c a n t i c l e s , d e e p l y moved by the v o i c e s o f Thy s w e e t - s p e a k i n g c h u r c h ! The v o i c e s f l o w e d i n t o mine e a r s , and the t r u t h was poured f o r t h i n t o my h e a r t , whence the a g i t a t i o n o f my p i e t y o v e r f l o w e d , and my t e a r s r a n o v e r , and b l e s s e d was I t h e r e i n l O . Many, however, agreed w i t h the E g y p t i a n Abbot Pambo who " d e p l o r e d " the use o f music i n the s e r v i c e . Woe i s upon us , 0 son, f o r t h e days a r e come i n w h i c h monks s h a l l r e l i n q u i s h the wholesome foo d g i v e n by the H o l y Ghost, and seek a f t e r words and t u n e s . What r e p e n t a n c e , what t e a r s p r o c e e d from hymns? What r e p e n t a n c e can t h e r e be i n a monk who, whether s i t u a t e d i n the c h u r c h or i n h i s c e l l , l i f t s up h i s v o i c e l i k e a h u l l 1 ! ? y E n g l i s h t r a n s l a t i o n i n G. Reese, M u s i c I n the M i d d l e  Ages, p. 65. F o r o r i g i n a l v. P a t r o l o g i a e c u r s u s completus ( S e r i e s Graeca) ed., J . P. Migne, P a r i s , G a m i e r F r d r e s , 1857-1866, v o l . 55, p. 156. S t . John Chrysostom (345-407), was a famous Greek F a t h e r who became b i s h o p o f C o n s t a n t i n o p l e . 1° E n g l i s h t r a n s l a t i o n o f the C o n f e s s i o n s i n Nicene and P o s t ' s A s e l e c t l i b r a r y o f the Nicene F a t h e r s o f t h e  C h r i s t i a n c h u r c h , ed., S c h a f f , P h i l i p e t a l . , New Y o r k , C. S c r i b n e r ' s Sons, ( S e r i e s I ) , 1886, v o l . 1. p. 769. Quoted by G. Reese i n M u s i c of the M i d d l e Ages, p. 64. 1 1 E n g l i s h t r a n s l a t i o n I n G. Reese's Mu s i c o f the  M i d d l e Ages, p. 66. F o r o r i g i n a l v. M. G e r b e r t ' s S c r i p t o r e s e c c l e s i a s t i c ! ) de m u s i c a , S t . B l a i s e , 1784, v o l . 1, p. 3» 22 Vocal execution, then, was early introduced into the service. As near as we can judge i t was applied i n three main di r e c t i o n s : i n the solemn reading of portions of the Gospels for which c a n t i l l a t i o n was used i n accordance with established formulas; i n psalm and hymn singing which ranged from c a n t i l l a t i o n to f u l l - f l e d g e d song; and i n e c s t a t i c chanting of the single word A l l e l u i a to c o l o u r f u l passages (this was probably derived from the l i t u r g y of the Synagogue). At the end of the A l l e l u i a , f l o u r i s h e s , known as the .iubilus. were added to give v a r i e t y to the service and expression to the emotions. Moreover, many practices from pre-Christian cultures were introduced at various times, as, for example, the Syrian use of Antiphonal and Responsorial chant. There seems to have been no d e f i n i t e form for the service u n t i l the end of the fourth century when Ambrose, Bishop of Milan, made the f i r s t important e f f o r t to s t a b i l i z e the Roman service. He recognized L a t i n as the o f f i c i a l language of the Liturgy and fixed upon four modes to be used i n the development of the r i t u a l . Moreover, he i s considered to be the father of hymnody i n the Western Church. I t i s said that he introduced the hymns to "buoy up the s p i r i t s of his Catholic adherents" during their " f i e r c e struggle with the Empress Justina and her /Arian7 followers." ...At t h i s time i t was i n s t i t u t e d that, aft e r the manner of the Eastern Church, hymns and psalms should be sung, l e s t 23 the people should pine away i n the tediousness of sorrow; which custom, retained from then t i l l now, i s imitated by many, yea, by almost a l l of Thy congregations throughout the res t of the w o r l d 1 2 . At the end of the s i x t h century Pope Gregory i s said to have taken the whole subject under review again. I t i s not known exactly what the nature of Gregory's reform was, however: i n view of the tendency of medieval musical expression to progress from a stage of f l u i d i t y to one of s t a b i l i t y i t may be that his reform consisted to some extent i n d e f i n i t e l y associating p a r t i c u l a r melodic outlines with p a r t i c u l a r texts. As many of the chants were Hebrew i n o r i g i n , i t i s possible that previously the Christians followed the Hebrew practice of using f l u i d melodic formulae that could be adapted to texts with varying number of s y l l a b l e s . The introduction of the authorized plainsong into England took place i n the time of Pope Gregory. Augustine, whom he sent to convert King Egbert and his subjects (597 A.D.), approached the king i n the I s l e of Thanet singing a piece of plainsong. Later, Augustine was created the f i r s t Archbishop of Canterbury. Canterbury, the court of Egbert, and the See of ^ English t r a n s l a t i o n of Augustine's Confessions, i n Nicene and Post op. c i t . , p. 134. For o r i g i n a l v. Patrologia (Series Latina), v o l . 3 2, p. 770. Quoted by G. Reese i n Music i n the Middle Ages, p. 104. 2 4 Augustine q u i c k l y became cen t r e s f o r the study of G r e g o r i a n p l a i n s o n g . The Abbey of Wearmouth i n Northumberland became another g r e a t c e n t r e when B e n e d i c t B i s c o p (628-690), i t s founder and a g r e a t t r a v e l l e r , brought John, Archcantor of S a i n t P e t e r ' s , from Rome to t r a i n the s i n g e r s of the abbey i n the p r a c t i c e of the G r e g o r i a n chant-^a. At the time of the Norman Conquest attempts were made to i n t r o d u c e the French manner of s i n g i n g . I n the Anglo-Saxon C h r o n i c l e (the Peterborough-Canterbury or "E" manuscript, which i s v e r y outspoken about Norman misdeeds) i t i s s t a t e d t h a t i n IO83 Abbot Thurston of Glastonbury s t a t i o n e d Norman a r c h e r s i n the c l e r e s t o r y and when r e b e l l i o u s monks p e r s i s t e d i n s i n g i n g i n the way which they regarded as n a t i v e and a u t h e n t i c , they were shot as they sang the h o l y o f f i c e 1 ^ . The s i m p l e s t form of p l a i n s o n g began, one may suppose, from the n a t u r a l tendency of a reader or speaker ( e s p e c i a l l y i n a l a r g e b u i l d i n g ) to u t t e r h i s words on one note w i t h some dropping of the v o i c e a t the end of the sentence or v e r s e . Thus, p l a i n s o n g rhythm was the " f r e e " rhythm of speech, i t s i r r e g u l a r rhythm a r i s i n g from the u n m e t r i c a l c h a r a c t e r of the words to be r e c i t e d — psalms, 13a w i n f r e d , D., Church music i n h i s t o r y and p r a c t i c e . New York, C. S c r i b n e r ' s Sons, 1937, p. 30. *3b I b i d . , p. 32. 25 prayers, and the l i k e . As a r e s u l t , plainsong melody was written to conform to the accents of the L a t i n text, melodic peaks coinciding with the most important accent of the words. Usually the accented s y l l a b l e of each word was set to a higher note than the one that preceded i t , following the speech-habit of s l i g h t l y r a i s i n g the p i t c h of the voice for an important s y l l a b l e . Likewise, the musical period of the Gregorian chant adopted the natural tendency of speech to r i s e to i t s r e c i t i n g note at the beginning and drop from i t at the end of the phrase; that i s , i t i s constructed l i k e an arch with the phraseological accent at the peak. Sometimes, however, this law of accent must y i e l d to the superior aesthetic laws of musical phrasing, modality, and rhythm 1 4". There were three st y l e s of text s e t t i n g 1 ^ : i n the Gregorian composers quite often placed the phrase-o l o g i c a l accent at the height of a musical phrase without detriment to the tonic accent of single words. Sometimes, however, i n an ascending progression i n a melodic phrase the f i n a l s y l l a b l e of a given word was placed higher than the accented s y l l a b l e , thus disturbing the tonic accent for aesthetic purposes. ^ The place i n the l i t u r g y and the a b i l i t y of i the performers were the determining factors i n the choice of s t y l e . For example, the chants used for ordinary ( F e r i a l ) days were much shorter and simpler than those used on Holy Days. Furthermore, those sung by the trained singers of the Schola and Choir offered more scope than those sung by the attendants surrounding the Bishop and the people of the congregation. 26 f i r s t , or s y l l a b i c s t y l e , each s y l l a b l e of the text was set to one note of the melody; c V ' ' w r r J / lJ J . X . J . U , ' ~ # 16 Glo- r i - a i n ex- e e l - s i s De- o . i n the second, or neumatic s t y l e , although some of the s y l l a b l e s had one note, most had two or even three groups of notes; , chanter chorus 3£ Re" - qui- em ae - ter nam dc n a ( e t e . ) 1 7 f i n a l l y , i n the f l o r i d or melismatic s t y l e , a single s y l l a b l e was set to many groups of notes, as i n the Gradual and A l l e l u i a . 4 0 + Ky- r i - e ' " 18 e - l e - i - son , ^ " G l o r i a " , Missa.- De Angelis , Gregorian Chant Publications (Series 1) Boston, McLaughlin and R e i l l y Co., 1906, p. 5. 17 "In t r o i t u s " , Missa pro Defunctus (Vatican version), Boston, McLaughlin and R e i l l y Co., 1907, p. 1. ^ "Kyrie", Missa De Angelis , op. c i t . , p. 4. 27 The four main classifications of chants are grouped according to their melodic and textual structure1^. To the f irst group, known as strophic compositions, belong hymns and sequences. In the conventional hymn 20 there are a number of metrical stanzas each of which has the same literary structure. Whereas a l l the lines within a single stanza are not necessarily identical in rhythm and meter, the f irst line of one stanza wi l l have the same rhythm and meter as the f irst line of the next stanza (and so on throughout the hymn). As a result, the melody of the f irst strophe can be repeated for a l l other strophes. In the following example by Saint Ambrose the l ively tune (which is through-composed) matches the strongly marked rhythm of the words. 7 j • 1 s—4-Ae-ter-na Chri-sti mu-ne-ra et mar-ty-rum vic-to- r i -as lau-^ New Oxford history of music, vol. 2, p. 112ff. 2 0 Originally the hymns were governed by the laws of quantity not word accent, as in the following example: Hymnum dicat turba fratrum, hymnum cantus personet, Christo regi concinnantes laudes demus debitas. tu Dei de corde Verbum, tu ula, tu ueritas, Iesse uirga tu uocaris, te leonem leglmus. Later the hymns incorp orated "matter i a l from folk melody and based their texts on word accent. Veni creator Spiritus mentes tuorum uisita imple superna gratia quae tu creasti pectora: Both these examples come from A. S. Walpole, ed., Early Latin  hymns. Cambridge University Press, 1922, pp. 5 and 374. 28 3 2 5 5 des fe-ren-tes de-bi-tas lae-tls ca-na-mus men-ti- bus 21 A special kind of hymn, the processional hymn, was distinguished by a refrain that was sung by the people 2 2 at the beginning and after every stanza of the hymn. An example of this type of hymn is Theodulph of Orleans* Gloria, laus. et honor t i b i s i t . Rex Christe. redemptor. which is s t i l l sung as the processional " A l l glory, laud, and honour" on Palm Sunday. The sequence is a l i t t l e different from the hymn i n that every two consecutive lines follow the same melodic pattern. In this form and in the hymn the melody takes absolute predominance over the text on which i t imposes it s own musical accentuation. The second type, known as psalmodic plainsong, makes up the majority of the chants of the Mass and Office, their texts being drawn from the one hundred and f i f t y Psalms and the Canticles of the Old and New Testaments. The character of the psalmodic plainsong is best seen i n 21 Apel, W., and Davison, A. T., Anthology of music. Harvard University Press, 1905 (revised edition), vol. 1, No. 9b2, 22 Since the hymns came from the people they were not incorporated into the service u n t i l the ninth century. 2 9 the f a m i l i a r psalm tone. Usually, there w i l l be found an opening note or two (intonation), leading to a monotone (the r e c i t i n g note) which i s retained for some time and then merges into a cadence (mediation), whereupon, the monotone i s resumed and another cadence ( c a l l e d the ending) closes the verse. The intonation i s , i n the Psalms, used for the f i r s t verse only. c7 Intonation Recitation Mediation • / / o I j- / i£E R e c i t a t i o n Ending Many pieces of psalmodic plainsong that are not marked by the comparative s i m p l i c i t y Just described w i l l be found on examination to c i r c l e round or touch frequently upon one spe c i a l note ( c l e a r l y the o r i g i n a l r e c i t i n g note), and then to drop to a cadence i n some sort of f l o r i d f i g u r e . Such a figure i s c a l l e d a melisma. The psalm-text consists of a series of unrhymed, non-metrical, doublerverses. These double-verses (which usually balance each other i n thought and structure) are 30 generally sung i n al t e r n a t i o n either by p r i e s t and choir (responsorial psalmody) or by two sides of the choir (antiphonal psalmody). The psalms can be sung d i r e c t l y , however, i n which case the p r i e s t r e c i t e s the psalm to one of the eight "psalm tones" which provide for every double-verse of the text a similar melody. In this type the choir usually sings a choral antiphon d i r e c t l y before and af t e r the chanting of the p r i e s t . The following i s a setting of psalm 146 with antiphon. n ^ — Lauda - bo 1. Lau -da anima mea Do- mi- num, H 0 * ' * laudabo Dominum i n v i - t a - me- a: psallam Domino meo quam- d i - u f u - e- ro. Antiphon •y-— M # # Lau-da- bo De- urn me- urn i n v i - ta me- a 23 23 Apel and Davison, op. c i t . . No. 11. 31 In the t h i r d style there are no stanzas, but sections of free composition i n which every phrase of the text must have i t s own melodic pattern. F i n a l l y , the fourth type consists of chants that resemble monologues and dialogues i n character, the monologue being sung by the celebrant and the dialogue by the celebrant and congregation or choir. The repertory of plainsong i s very large.The round of d a i l y services i n c l u d e s 2 4 - : The f l o r i d and b e a u t i f u l chants of the Proper of the Mass, I n t r o i t , Communion, Gradual, A l l e l u i a , and Offertory, the texts of which varied from day to day according to the season of the saint. The settings of the Ordinary of the Mass, the texts of which did not vary. The following f i v e passages, the Kyrie. Gloria i n ex c e l s i s . Credo. Sanctus. and Agnus Del, are of l a t e r o r i g i n than the psalmodic melodies and r e c i t a t i o n s 2 ? . The Antiphons for the Psalms and Canticles also the Responds of the Breviary. The hymns from the same book. The "eight tones" to which the Psalms and Canticles are sung. The Preface tone. A l l other chants that are needed to complete the service; for example, the Magnificat and the TeDeum. The Magnificat i s the hymn of the 1) 2) 3) 4) 5) 6) 7) 2 4" These are the chants which are used i n the Roman Catholic church today. 2 ^ These are the congregational parts of the service. 32 V i r g i n Mary as given i n the gospel of Saint Luke I 46:55. I t forms part of the text of the service of Vespers i n the Roman Catholic Church and i s intoned to the "tone" of the Proper Anthem of the day. The TeJDeum, which, l i k e the Magnificat, has a prose text, finds a place i n the l i t u r g y of the church as the outpouring of praise at the moments of climax during the service of Matins on the occasion of f e s t i v a l s . These chants form the musical settings for the various services of the l i t u r g i c a l year. The main chants sung i n the Offices are usually the psalms, hymns, and s p e c i a l hymns l i k e the Te Deum and Magnificat while the Mass, which i s the central ceremony of the Roman Catholic church, consists of the chants of the Proper and Ordinary of the Mass. The text of the Mass has two main d i v i s i o n s , with s i x subdivisions (or two acts with six scenes). Its usual d i s p o s i t i o n i s as follows: A F i r s t main d i v i s i o n of the Mass. I Preparation 1) I n t r o i t This chant usually consists of an antiphon with one verse of a psalm and the Gloria P a t r i . I t i s sung at High Mass while the celebrant r e c i t e s the preparatory prayers at the foot of the a l t a r steps, or said at Low Mass by the P r i e s t a f t e r these prayers. 2) Kyrie The Kyrie followed by Christe elieson are each repeated three times to the same melody whereupon the Kyrie i s again repeated, twice to the f i r s t melody and once to a new melismatic chant. 3) G l o r i a i n excelsis The P r i e s t begins the chant which i s then taken up by the choir or i t can be sung by the 33 II Instruction 1) C o l l e c t 2) E p i s t l e 3) Gradual 4) A l l e l u i a 5) Gospel 6) Credo congregation. The Pri e s t ' s words are s y l l a b i c while the rest of the chant i s neumatic. Read by the P r i e s t . At a High Mass, the choir or congregation, or at a Low Mass, the Server, answers with the Amen. Either sung or read by the SUbdeacon at High Mass or by the P r i e s t at Low Mass. This chant also can be sung or read. When i t i s sung the s o l o i s t stands on the step (gradus) whence the Lesson i s to be read. At Easter i t i s replaced by the A l l e l u i a . A Respond on the word A l l e l u i a sung by s o l o i s t and repeated by choir. I t i s extended by a long .iubilus on the f i n a l "a". At solemn occasions this i s replaced by the Tract. Recited by the P r i e s t . A s y l l a b i c chant which i s rendered on Sundays and cer t a i n feasts. B Second Main d i v i s i o n of the Mass. I Offertory 1) Sequence 2) Offertory II Consecration 1) Preface 2) Sanctus A chant (usually neumatic) which i s heard as the wafer i s being prepared. These words are intoned by the Pr i e s t and lead d i r e c t l y into the Sung antiphonally between the Servers and the Choir. I t i s followed immediately by the 3) Benedictus 34 III Communion 1) Lord's Prayer Usually s y l l a b i c i n s t y l e . 2) Agnus Dei Repeated three times; on the t h i r d r e p e t i t i o n the melody i s extended by a short coda to provide a suitable conclusion. IV Thanksgiving 1) Communion antiphon 2) Ite Missa Est Short melismatic passage sung by the Priest 2°. Though most of the medieval music set to L a t i n texts belonged to the r i t u a l of the church, there existed a large body of L a t i n songs that were n o n - l i t u r g i c a l i n character. From the eleventh to the thirteenth century the term conductus was applied to some of these L a t i n songs. O r i g i n a l l y a trope used as an introduction to a l i t u r g i c a l ceremony, the conductus gradually came to be known as a song, with text i n verse form, employed as a t r a n s i t i o n to a pa r t i c u l a r function. By the twelfth century i t seemed to have l o s t i t s o r i g i n a l meaning, for the texts could be r e l i g i o u s or secular, grave or gay, while the music included forms that ranged from simplest hymn strophes to elaborate patterns 2?. As the Church was, without exception, the greatest D This l i s t was made from my knowledge of the Roman Service and from a study of two masses, Missa pro Defunctus, and M'issa ..De" Angells, op. c i t . New Oxford hi s t o r y of music, p. 172 35 s i n g l e f o r c e i n the medieval world, i t i s not s u r p r i s i n g ^ to f i n d t h a t her music g r e a t l y I n f l u e n c e d the s e c u l a r music and l i t e r a t u r e of the p e r i o d . From the simple music of the people to the s o p h i s t i c a t e d a r t of the troubadours and t r o u v e r e s there i s unmistakable evidence o f church i n s p i r a t i o n . Although a music of the people e x i s t e d s i d e by s i d e w i t h t h a t of the church i n medieval England, the popular music d i d not f a r e as w e l l as the sacred r e p e r t o i r e , f o r i t d i d not have c u s t o d i a n s , l i k e the g r e a t c h o i r s a t Rome, Rouen, Metz, and S a l i s b u r y , to preserve i t f o r p o s t e r i t y . Popular l i t e r a t u r e was kept l a r g e l y i n the memory of the people, who l e a r n e d i t by r o t e and then passed i t on i n a s i m i l a r f a s h i o n . I n t r a n s m i t t i n g the songs from mouth to mouth, l a y s i n g e r s undoubtedly f e l t f r e e to change the melodies as they wished, and even to e l a b o r a t e on them; as a r e s u l t , i t i s almost i m p o s s i b l e today to determine j u s t what c o n s t i t u t e d the o r i g i n a l song. Indeed, i f i t had not been f o r the goliards 2® the popular songs of the Middle Ages might have been i r r e t r i e v a b l y l o s t . 2 i J From the l a s t h a l f o f the tenth to the t h i r t e e n t h century vagrant students and men i n minor e c c l e s i a s t i c a l o r d e r s , known as g o l i a r d s , roamed over Europe composing and s i n g i n g songs on v a r i o u s s u b j e c t s . S i n c e these men possessed a c e r t a i n amount of ed u c a t i o n they noted down some of t h e i r songs, w i t h the r e s u l t t h a t t h e i r songs c o n s t i t u t e the r i c h e s t f i e l d f o r the study of the popular music of the Middle Ages. Oxford H i s t o r y of music, ed., P. C. Buck, Oxford U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1929, p. 200. 36 From the few examples that have been preserved i t has been possible to es t a b l i s h the f a c t that medieval , folksong tunes have many ch a r a c t e r i s t i c s i n common with e c c l e s i a s t i c a l plainsong. They are, for example, frequently i n the old modes (the Dorian and Mixolydian being common i n England); the rhythms are often free, so that, when they are notated by modern scholars, measures of unequal value have to be employed; moreover, the i r tunes are purely monodic, there being very limited evidence of the existence of any f o l k harmony2^. In the eleventh century these two powerful tra d i t i o n s (that of church and people) met i n another form of music which was heard i n the court and c a s t l e . The troubadour and trouveYe both exercised the same art, that of Poet-Composer. They developed the l y r i c e s p e c i a l l y , the praise of women being their p r i n c i p a l subject. Every troubadour had his p a r t i c u l a r mistress to whom he expressed an i d e a l i s t i c devotion. But he also celebrated heroism, the greatness of princes, and national pride, took sides i n p o l i t i c a l disputes, and preached crusades i n song. ^ Giraldus Cambrensis alleges i n his Descriptio Kambriae, that singing i n thirds (known as gymel) was / common i n parts of B r i t a i n (but nowhere else i n Europe) as early as the tenth or eleventh century. Transl. S i r Richard Colt Hoare for Everyman's Library, London, J . M. Dent and Sons Ltd., 1935» p. ?4ff. Moreover, there i s a twelfth century song from the Orkneys ( i n thirds) which i s l i s t e d i n Apel and Davison, op. c i t . . No. 22b. 37 I f troubadour songs are divided according to subject the main types^ 0 are (1) chanso. a love song, (2) sirvente. a s a t i r i c a l poem, (3) planh, a funeral song on the death of a patron, (4) tenso, a dialogue or dispute, (5) alba, a dawn song, the parting of lovers, ("the word alba reappears as a r e f r a i n i n each verse") (6) pastorela, the heroine i s always a shepherdess, (7) serena, a lover longs for evening, to unite him with his beloved, (8) comjat, the troubadour bids his lady farewell, (9) escondig, the lover attempts to excuse his behaviour, and (10) b a l l a t a and estampeda — dance songs. The text and melody were o r i g i n a l except i n the case of the sirvente, where the poet r e p l i e d to another poem maintaining the same verse pattern and borrowing the tune. The melody, when written at a l l , was placed at the top of the page with the text of the f i r s t stanza written below the notes. Subsequent stanzas, following without music, were sung to the same melody. Troubadour and trouvere songs have v i r t u a l l y the same c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . They are notated on staves, but few employ time values. That the melodies had a d e f i n i t e measured music seems certain, for many are dancing songs and would necessarily have to be performed with a regular beat (possibly some form of t r i p l e meter). Since old 3° Chaytor, H. J., The troubadours, Cambridge University Press, 1912, pp. 30 -36 . 38 French i s accentual i t i s generally believed that the music must have followed the stress of the words rather than any fix e d rhythmic pattern. This may account for the f a c t that musicians did not f e e l the need to indicate the time values i n their notation. Pour conforter ma pesance f a i s un son. r r i° r r r r r r r ?t\ I t i s probable, too, that they employed retrograde analysis i n determining the mode, though the whole problem of troubadour rhythm i s s t i l l a question for discussion. The influence of the church may be seen i n the troubadour forms of music, which, f a r from being primitive, anticipate p r a c t i c a l l y a l l l a t e r song forms. As there was no sharp l i n e of demarcation between sacred and secular melodies i t was not unusual to f i n d a troubadour setting his love songs to l i t u r g i c a l melodies. This adapting of vernacular poems to melodies of La t i n pieces was known as contrafactum. The musical forms used by the troubadours and trouveres may be grouped i n four main classes: those deriving from the l i t a n y , the rondel, the sequence, and the hymnal. J J" An outline h i s t o r y of music, ed., H. M. M i l l e r , New York, Barnes and Noble Inc., 194-7, pp. 12ff. 39 To the litany-type (that i s , those songs which repeated a melody over and over) belong the chanson de geste. the strophic l a i s s e . the rotrouenge. and the chanson avec  des r e f r a i n s . The text of the chanson de geste (an epic chronicle based on the adventures of heroes l i k e Charlemagne and Roland) was composed of a number of "unequal paragraph-l i k e sections c a l l e d l a i s s e s " or tirades. As the l i n e s i n these sections were usually of equal length throughout and were not arranged into repeated stanza patterns or strophes, i t was simple to set the l i n e s to a recurrent tune. At the end of the l a i s s e a cadential formula (ending i n a f u l l close) was either sung or played on an instrument. The following i l l u s t r a t i o n i s taken from Le Jeu de Robin et  de Marion by Adam de la Hal l e . I ± Z7 32 Au-di- gier, d i s t Raim-ber-ge, bouse vous di*^ . In the foregoing example each section consisted of a number of l i n e s of equal length which were sung to the same melody. The strophic l a i s s e (a short l y r i c form developed from the chanson de geste) had a repeated melodic formula with a divergent l i n e as a conclusion or coda thus, ^ 2 Ceroid, T., La musique au Moven Age. Paris, L i b r a i r i e Ancienne Honor § Champion, 1932, p. b"2. 40 aaa.... b, while the rotrouenge had the same formula but repeated the divergent l i n e (which may have been sung by the audience as a r e f r a i n ) . Rotrouenge 0 /«-> ? ' f A 1 I 1 Li 1) Pour mon cuer r e - l e - e- ci e r V u e i l u- ne chan- yon 2) Chan-ter vous v u e i l sanz ten- cier D'u- ne mult de- bon 3) Que j ' a i - me de cuer en- t i e r Or dont dex qu'il i 1 •-—j 3" — j — — h — — a — —*J—si Cf f e - re, 4) Cer-tes ja de l i a- mer ne se- r a i las h a i - re, 5) Se l i cous de-viot a- voi r b r u i - s i e z les bras p a i - re. If a J h — i — f - —r— • — i —<il— d J 4) Car ele a tres-tout mon cuer p r i s en sez l a z . 5) S i a-vrai je de sa f a - me mez de graz. The chanson avec des r e f r a i n s , as i t s name implies, had a number of r e f r a i n s , a d i f f e r e n t one being sung aft e r each stanza. To the dance-type belong the rondeau, v i r e l a i , and ballade. Very often these forms were written for s o l o i s t 33a A p e i a n d Davison, op. c i t . . No. 19h. 41 (possibly the leader of the dance) and chorus. The rondeau set to a s i x - l i n e d text had the musical pattern a A ab AB while those with eight l i n e s had the formula AB a A ab AB^ 0, that i s , the r e f r a i n was repeated at the beginning and close of the composition. Here i s an example of this type. Vos n'aler (Rondeau) r—r~ r . 1 ^ «l Guillaume d1Amiens C7 1,4,7 Vos n'a- l e r mi-e s i com .1e faz 2,8 Ne vos. ne vos 3 Bele A- a- l i z par main se le-va 6 Bon jor a i t ce-ll? Biau se v e s - t i et mieuzse pa-ra / i s ~z—r~ ~r~ A - H J - —r —1—&-j — - 6 —#L 2,8 n ' l sa- vez a- l e r . Ne vos, ne vos n ' i sa-vez a- l e r . 6 l e que n'osno-mez So-vant m'i f a i t e- l e sou- p i - r e r . 34 In the above i l l u s t r a t i o n , stanzas 1, 4, and 7 constitute the "A" r e f r a i n while stanzas 2 and 8 are the "B". I f , however, the song retained the r e f r a i n at the beginning and end ( l i k e the foregoing example) but employed a new melody for each of i t s verses (however many there were) except the l a s t one (which anticipated the melody of the r e f r a i n ) i t ^ The c a p i t a l l e t t e r s indicate the part sung by the chorus (re f r a i n ) while the small l e t t e r s indicate the s o l o i s t ' s part. 3 4 Apel and Davison, No. 19e. 42 was calle d a v i r e l a i . E, dame j o l i e ( V i r e l a i ) Q:» P \ -- 6 j- - r r t — j 4 - —e ^ I r 1 - • L - * L 1>5 E. da- me .1o- l i - e. Mon cuer sans fau-ceir Met 4 S i for-mentm'a- g r i - e L i douls malz d'a-meir TCe C]\3 I p 0 I i i —P — i — - h - r - - -v^v- 4-1,5 en vos— tre b a l - l i - e Ke ne s a l vo p e i r . 4 par sa s i - gno-ri- e Me co-vient chan-teir: 2 So- vant me voix con- plai-gnant Et an mon cuer do- l o - sant 3 Dont tous l i mous an- a- mant Doit a- voi r l e cuer jo- iant ) * f oi' / 4 JJ f I 2 D'u- ne ma- l a i - d i - e. ^  Cui teilzmalz mais- t r i e.3?. From the v i r e l a i came the three p r i n c i p a l ballade forms. In the f i r s t type, AB cd cd ef AB, the r e f r a i n was omitted from the middle section of the v i r e l a i and new material was 35 Apel and Davison, No. 19f 43 substituted ( e f ) ; i n the second, AB cd cd e ab AB, new material (e) was inserted before the r e f r a i n i n the centre part; f i n a l l y , i n the t h i r d variety, ab ab cd E, the introductory r e f r a i n was omitted altogether. Here i s an example of the t h i r d type. Douce dame (Ballade) a b r t — \ \ A i o. t p 1 Arb* 1 h - j J J ±fcfc 1 "Dou-ce da- me de- bon- n a i - re." "Fau-vel que te faut?" 2 "Mon cuer vous doins sanz r e - t r a i - r e . " "Sen en t o i de- faut." A • o i — — p - - f — < » -T - J — f - •| ft p 1 - r -3 "Ne vous en chaut i l ? " " F i , mau- vais ou- t i l . " d E t • f — 36 f "Puis qu'en- s i est que f e - r a i ? " "Ja m'a- mours ne te l e - r a i . " From the sequence-type (one melody for every two l i n e s ) came the l a i , estampie, and stronhic l a i . Although the l a i was patterned a f t e r the e c c l e s i a s t i c a l sequence, aa bb cc, i t was unlike the sequence i n that the ending of the second 36 Apel and Davison, No. 19c 44 v e r s i c l e could vary a t r i f l e from the previous phrase> for example, the f i r s t phrase could have a half close at the cadence while the second had a f u l l e l o s e ^ 7 . A reinforced l a i may be represented thus: aa hbv.cc d d Q Q f : f/gg hh and the strophic l a i as a bb cc d, or simply a, a, b, a. Since the vers and chanson were derived from the hymn their music was through-composed. In the chanson, however, a repeated passage was placed before the section resembling the hymn, thus: ab ab c. i f For examples of the various kinds of l a i s v Apel and Davison, No. 19. Chapter I I I Although monodic music had reached maturity i n three great t r a d i t i o n s , those of church, court, and f o l k , i t was the music of the church which had the greatest influence on l i t e r a r y developments i n medieval England. Oddly enough i t was i n the f i e l d of drama, towards which the church had formerly shown such h o s t i l i t y ^ , that one of the f i r s t manifestations of i t s influence was f e l t . I t i s f a i r l y obvious that the two elements necessary for drama, dramatic action and dialogue, are present i n embryonic form i n the e c c l e s i a s t i c a l r i t e s . The dramatic tendencies of the C h r i s t i a n worship becomes obvious to anyone attending High Mass, for i t i s an e s s e n t i a l l y dramatic commemoration of one of the most c r i t i c a l moments of Christ's l i f e (a miracle re-evoked); likewise, the great f e s t i v a l s of the C h r i s t i a n year lend themselves r e a d i l y to dramatic x In Roman times the most popular t h e a t r i c a l entertainments were the performances of mimes i n which coarse humour and indecency combined to secure the attention of the vulgar. With the r i s e of C h r i s t i a n i t y this type of theatre ran into d i f f i c u l t i e s . "The Church objected to i t s association with paganism, to the f a c t that, i n i t s lower forms i t often r i d i c u l e d the new r e l i g i o n , and perhaps most of a l l to the immorality of both performances and performers." Baugh, A. C , ed., A l i t e r a r y h i s t o r y of England, New York, Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1946*, Bk. I. 46 presentation. For example, on Palm Sunday, on the Monday or Tuesday and the Wednesday i n Holy Week, and on Good Friday, the reading of the Gospel narratives of the Passion often resolves i t s e l f into a regular oratorio. Moreover, p a r t i c u l a r episodes i n these Passions are appropriate for s p e c i a l dramatic action. On Wednesday i n Holy Week, for example, at the words Velum templi scissum est the Lenten v e i l , which, since the f i r s t Sunday i n Lent, had hidden the sanctuary from the people, i s dropped to the ground. The other important element of the drama, dialogue, was present i n the practice of antiphonal and responsorial singing. "In fa c t , i t has been suggested that the f i r s t impulse leading to the development of e c c l e s i a s t i c a l drama was to be found i n the antiphonal chanting of dialogued p scenes i n the Gospels by the early Syrians ". Since the medieval a r t i s t s added both text and music to the established l i t u r g y with great freedom^ i t Reese, G., Music i n the Middle Ages, p. 194. 3 About the ninth century singers began the practice of embellishing the chants of the mass (Kyrie. G l o r i a . Sanctus. Agnus Dei, and I n t r o i t ) . The f i r s t stage i n thi s development seems to have been the i n s e r t i o n of melismas before, a f t e r , or between the words of an already existing plainsong: the second, the setting of words to them (apparently to make the memorization of the f l o r i d passages less d i f f i c u l t ) . New Oxford history of music, p. 128-129. 4 7 did not require much ingenuity to take the next step and ac t u a l l y dramatize the tropes that had dramatic content. The germ of the e a r l i e s t drama i s apparent i n the tropes to the I n t r o i t s for Christmas and Easter. One of the most s i g n i f i c a n t of these tropes was the Quem quaeritis which dealt with the coming of the women to Christ's tomb and with the conversation that went on between them and the angel who stood guard there 4". I t begins thus: -m-m-Quem quae- r i - t i s i n se- pul- chro, -—•——-=-—•———z-(0) C h r i - s t i - co- lae? Iesum Nazarenum crucifixum, o cae l i c o l a e . non est hie, su r r e x i t s i c u t praedixerat. i t e , nuntiate quia surrexit de sepulchre (Resurrexi et adhuc... leading to In t r o l t ? ) Apparently this trope was acted on Easter Sunday for 4 Reese, G., Music i n the Middle Ages, p. 194. ^ " I t f i r s t appears i n two tenth century manuscripts, one of Saint G a l l and the other of Saint M a r t i a l " . Facsimile of the o r i g i n a l St. G a l l manuscript found i n New O x f o r d  h i s t o r y of music, v o l . 2 , p. 1 7 8 . 48 the Concordia r e g u l a r i s . written i n the l a t t e r half of the tenth century "by Ethelwold, Bishop of Winchester," gives a description of a performance of t h i s trope as "part of the t h i r d nocturn at Matins on Eastern morning": While the t h i r d lesson i s being chanted, l e t four brethern vest themselves. Let one of these, vested i n an alb, enter as though to take part i n the service, and l e t him approach the sepulchre without a t t r a c t i n g attention and s i t there q u i e t l y with a palm i n his hand. While the th i r d respond i s chanted, l e t the remaining three follow, and l e t them-all, vested i n copes, bearing i n the i r hands thuribles with incense, and stepping d e l i c a t e l y as those who seek something, approach the sepulchre. These things are done i n imitation of the angel s i t t i n g i n the monument and the women with spices coming to anoint the body of Jesus. When there-fore he who s i t s there beholds the three approach him l i k e f o l k l o s t and seeking something, l e t him begin i n a dulcet voice of medium p i t c h to sing Quern q u a e r i t i s . And when he has sung i t to the end, l e t the three reply i n unison Ihesu Nazarenum. So he, Non est hie, surrexit s i c u t praedixerat. Ite, nuntiate quia surrexit  a mor t i l l s . At the word of this bidding l e t those three turn to the choir and say A l l e l u i a 1 r e s u r r e x i t Dominusl This said, l e t the one s t i l l s i t t i n g there and as i f r e c a l l i n g them, say the antiphon Venite et  videte locum. And saying t h i s , l e t him r i s e , and l i f t the v e i l , and show them the place bare of the cross, but only the cloths l a i d there i n which the cross was wrapped. And when they have seen t h i s , l e t them set down the thuribles which they hare i n that same sepulchre, and take the cloth, and hold i t up i n the face of the clergy, and as i f to demonstrate that the Lord has r i s e n and i s no longer wrapped therein, l e t them sing the antiphon Surrexit Dominus de sepulchro. and lay the clot h upon the a l t a r . When the antiphon i s done, l e t the p r i o r , sharing i n the i r gladness at the triumph of our King, i n that, having vanquished death, He rose again, begin the hymn 49 Te Deum laudamus. And this begun, a l l the b e l l s chime out together". As the popularity of the trope increased i t was made more elaborate: the text was expanded to include the apostle scene of Peter and John and the scene between Mary Magdalen and C h r i s t i n the Garden while the use of church vestments gave a dramatic character to the performance. Later, another character was introduced. This was the spice merchant from whom the Maries stopped to buy the spices for Jesus' b u r i a l . At f i r s t , he was a "persona muta" but i n the fourteenth century he became a speaking character and very often introduced an element of comedy. F i n a l l y , the Thomas episode was added, thus completing the drama of the Resurrection. The scope of the music, too, was widened to include metrical hymns and sequences. When these additions were not merely choral overtures but were inserted into the dialogue i t s e l f they had a s p e c i a l s i g n i f i c a n c e . I f the metrical hymns, for example, were i n the form of a planetus or lament and were sung at an emotional c r i s i s i n the drama (when the Maries approached the sepulchre or when the women knelt at the foot of the cross) they added greatly to the humanity and dramatic i n t e n s i t y of the play. Probably the most important i n s e r t i o n of a l l was the Vlctlmae paschali. O r i g i n a l l y written as an A l l e l u i a sequence i t was introduced into the Quern quaeritls 7 about the thirteenth century'. Reese, op. c i t . , pp. 194-195. 7 Loc. c i t . 50 Another important day i n the l i f e of C h r i s t became the occasion for the staging of plays, for the twelve days of Christmas became just as s i g n i f i c a n t as Easter i n forming a drama. Like the Easter drama, the Christmas play grew out of a trope, t h i s time the Quern quaeritis i n  praesepe pastores. d i c i t e . Later, i t was absorbed into a drama belonging to the Epiphany, known as Tres regis or S t e l l a ? . In the simplest version (which i s from the Anglo-French monastery of Saint Martial) the three kings enter the church singing, show their g i f t s , then, seeing the star, follow i t to the high a l t a r where they off e r t h e i r g i f t s while an Angel announces the b i r t h of C h r i s t , The play ends with the e x i t of the kings to the s a c r i s t y . Like the Easter drama the S t e l l a received several additions. One of these new episodes was the slaughter of the innocents by Herod's s o l d i e r s . Another addition, known as the Ordo Prophetarum^ i s i n t e r e s t i n g because i t owes i t s o r i g i n to a chanted l e c t i o instead of a trope. In t h i s sermon several prophets are c a l l e d to give witness to the b i r t h of a Saviour. Later versions added pagan witnesses l i k e V i r g i l and the S i b y l . The prophecy which the S i b y l sings i n these dramas i s the famous Song of the s i b y l , considered to be the oldest song that has come down to us i n a decipherable form. Here i s a tenth century version: ® Baugh, op. c i t . . p. 275. 9 Ibid., pp. 275-276. 5 1 HI—m- -m—»-Ju- d i - c i - i s i g - nim: t e l l - us su- do- rem, ma- des- cet. E ce- l o rex ad- ve- n i - et per se- cla f u - tu-± 5 £ rus, s c i - I I - cet i n car- ne pre- sens ut i u - di- cet or- bem 1 0 Besides these plays that grew out of the two great seasons of f e s t i v i t y , there were other L a t i n plays which were i n a sense l i t u r g i c a l , f o r they were performed during i n t e r v a l s i n the service. In this group, noteworthy examples are the Play of the image of Saint Nicholas and the Saint M a r t i a l Sponsus. Since these plays use l o c a l d i a l e c t extensively i n t h e i r text they may have served as t r a n s i t i o n a l forms. The Sponsus (a t a l e of the F o o l i s h Virgins) opens with a L a t i n chorus Adest Sponsus qui est Christus, a f t e r 1 0 Quoted by G. Reese, op. c i t . , p. 199. 52 which the angel Gabriel addresses the v i r g i n s and warns them i n four French stanzas to expect "un epos, Sauvaire a nom". Each stanza has a r e f r a i n which was probably sung chorally: The l y r i c dialogue, i n which the Fatuae t r y to get o i l from f i r s t , the Prudentes, then from some Mercatores, i s i n Latin, but i t has a French r e f r a i n , "dolentas, chaitivas, trop i avem dormit." The whole drama, with the music of the introduction recurring i n the Epilogue, presents the pattern of the reinforced l a i . Since the l i t u r g i c a l dramas were chanted the c a l i b r e of the music determined, to some extent, the dramatic i n t e n s i t y of the plays. When, for example, there were frequent r e p e t i t i o n s of the same strophic melody (as i n the case of some of the Saint Nicholas dramas 1 2) the play became d u l l and uninteresting; on the other hand, i f an attempt at i n d i v i d u a l i t y or expressiveness was made (as i n the part of Mary Magdalene i n a twelfth-century Resurrection drama or the lamentation of Rachel i n the Massacre of the Innocents 1^) then the play became more v i v i d to the imagination and more appealing to the emotions. This melody imitates the sequence with double cursus, that i s , i t follows the pattern aa bb cc, bb cc dd, New Oxford  history of music, p. 213. ...gaire noi A i s e l espos que vos hor atendet 1 2 Reese, op. c i t . . p. 196. *3 Both these i l l u s t r a t i o n s are mentioned by T. Gerold i n La musiaue au Mo.ven Age, pp. 62 and 63 . 53 Although texts of the l i t u r g i c a l period are rare there i s no reason to doubt that England had i t s f u l l share i n the early development of r e l i g i o u s drama. As the observance of the l i t u r g y was more or less the same i n a l l countries of Europe, the developments within the service were bound to be of a universal rather than a l o c a l character. The s c a r c i t y of surviving texts can be accounted for by the destruction of l i t u r g i c a l books at the Reformation. By the thirteenth century, the l i t u r g i c a l drama i n Europe had reached i t s f u l l term of development and was overshadowing the s a c r i f i c i a l and devotional r i t u a l s . Not only were the extended dramas intruding on the service but they were a t t r a c t i n g such large crowds that the churches were unable to accommodate a l l those that desired to see the plays. Moreover, these crowds were demanding more secular incidents i n the plays with the r e s u l t that the devotional q u a l i t y of the dramas decreased as their popularity increased. When the plays became too unseemly for the holy precincts they were moved outside, f i r s t to the church yard and then to the market place. In England, i n the fourteenth century, clear discrimination between r i t u a l plays and performances out of doors i s shown, as i n Robert Manning's Handling synne: hyt ys forbode hym, yn pn be decre, Myracles for to make or se; 54 He may yn becherche burgh bys resun, Pley be resurreccyun 1 4 . Once the plays were i n the market-place and i n competition with other forms of entertainment the s t r i c t L a t i n would give way to the vernacular. This t r a n s i t i o n i s apparent i n the Shrewsbury fragments where the words of the speech are at f i r s t sung i n L a t i n and then spoken i n the vernacular, The celebrated Prose de l'ane may be quoted as an example of t h i s trend. y i M M 0 A J . . i 1 r 1 1 1 | 1 u J ° 0- r i - en- t i s par- t i - bus Ad- ven- t a - v i t a- s i - nus t Pul- cher et f o r - t i s - s i - mus Sar-ci-nis ap-tis-si-mus, 1 LJ Hez, S i r As- ne, hez 1^, 14 Ed., F. J . F u r n i v a l l , London, K. Paul, Trench, Trlibner and Co., E.E.T.S. (O r i g i n a l Series), 1901-3, No. 119-123, 11.4637-8, 4641-2. 15 Apel and Davison, Anthology of Music. No. 17a. 55 Late i n the twelfth or early i n the thirteenth century the f e s t i v a l of Corpus C h r i s t i was established by the Church. In this celebration the leading ceremony was a great procession i n which the host, escorted by c i v i c and r e l i g i o u s d i g n i t a r i e s , was borne through the street and displayed at various stations along the route. When i t became the custom to perforin dramas on this date 1^ rather than at Easter the plays became more or less attached to this procession. In England the plays performed on Corpus C h r i s t i day took the form of great processional cycles. In these cycles the action was divided into a number of independent scenes each of which had i t s own moveable platform. Since these stages were mobile each scene could be performed at several stations along the processional route. The c h a r a c t e r i s t i c English cycle was given annually under the superintendence of the corporation of an important c i t y , while the separate scenes were usually the spe c i a l charge of one or more of the l o c a l guilds. Such cycles can be studied i n the records of Chester, York, Beverly, Coventry, Newcastle, Lincoln, and Norwich. The cycle of plays produced at York i s inter e s t i n g As Corpus C h r i s t i was two months af t e r Easter the weather was more suitable for outdoor performances. 56 because i t i s the most complete of the extant English cycles. I t covers the whole of the Bible s t o r i e s , from the Expulsion from Paradise to Christ's ascension, the death of Mary, and the Judgment Day. As some of the episodes are extremely energetic and humorous these plays are often good theatre. Noah's wife, for example, animates the play of Noah and the  flood, with her humour, while, i n the Play of the shepherds, vernacular i s introduced 1?. York Influence i s apparent i n the small group of Towneley Plays. The most important work i n t h i s c o l l e c t i o n (which i s generally attributed to a talented f i f t e e n t h -century writer, known as the Wakefield Master) i s the Secunda pastorum. Owing to the lack of evidence i t i s d i f f i c u l t to determine how the c r a f t cycles were performed. Most c r i t i c s have concluded that the musical rendering used i n the l i t u r g i c a l drama gave way to the more r e a l i s t i c spoken word. But many of the plays are written In an elaborate stanza form, which, i n the l y r i c , suggested the presence of music. Of course, these forms might have been unfunctional and archaic even at this date. Charles Davidson, ho?/ever, postulates that the northern septenar stanza was o r i g i n a l l y sung to the accompaniment of the harp i n a r e c i t a t i v e U Baugh, op. c i t . , p. 2 8 0 . 57 d e l i v e r y . . He extends this theory and suggests that the plays, which at York and Wakefield were based on t h i s septenar stanza, were chanted, not i n the style of plainchant but rather to a monotonous tune similar to the type which accompanied the old ballads. I f the dialogue were chanted i n this manner i t would account for the presence of minstrels whom the manuscripts of the plays and the account books of the guilds describe as being present at the performances. Of course i t i s possible that the minstrels were used for other purposes than accompanying the plays for they could have been used i n the announcements of the plays (for these seem to have been v e r s i f i e d l i k e the plays themselves), between scenes, or at the conclusion of the play. At the end of the Digby P u r i f i c a t i o n play, for instance, the Epilogue speaks to the audience thus: Also ye menstralles doth your diligens A-fore our departyng geve vs a daunce 1?. This admonition might be a cue for a j i g l i k e those which were common i n the Elizabethan drama. The custom probably arose from the practice of singing at the conclusion of the l i t u r g i c a l dramas, where the end of the play often coincided with the I n t r o i t . Although i t i s impossible to prove that the cycles 1 "Studies i n English mystery plays", Transactions. Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences. l892-lb'95> v o l . 9, p. 22b". 19 "Herod's k i l l i n g of the children", The Digby plays ed., F. J. F u r n i v a l l , London, K. Paul, Trench, Trubner and Co E.E.T.S. (Extra Series), 1896, No. 70, p. 23, 11.565-566. 58 were intoned there i s enough music surviving i n the plays to indicate that i t was an important feature of their presentation. The Chester cycle, for instance, has twenty-three songs i n fourteen d i f f e r e n t plays, while the Towneley cycle has eighteen songs i n eight plays, and the York, twenty-seven songs i n twelve plays. The polyphonic type of music that was becoming popular i n a r i s t o c r a t i c and professional c i r c l e s was not ref l e c t e d i n the mysteries to any great extent. True, there are a few examples of part-singing, one of which i s the three-part song of the Wakefield Shepherds, i n the Towneley play A l i a eorundem (II) where the shepherds display a remarkable professional knowledge of part-singing: Primus pastor. Lett me syng the tenory i.ius pastor. And I the tryble so hye. ii.lus pastor. Then the meyne f a l l y s to me l e t t se how ye chauntt 2 0. Another example which may be cited i s the song at the conclusion of the Una pagina pastorurn (I) i n which an obvious reference to descant singing i s made: Amen, to that worde syng we therto On hight; To Ioy a l l sam, With myrth and gam, To the lawde of this lam Syng we i n syght 2!. PO The Towneley plays, ed., G. England, London, K. Paul, Trench, Triibner and Co., E.E.T.S. (Extra Series), 1897, No. 71, p. 122, 11. 186-189. 21 The Towniley plays, ed., G. England, p. 116, 11. 488-502. 59 Usually, however, the music was of a f a m i l i a r nature, such as L a t i n sequences and antiphons borrowed from the l i t u r g y . There were certain conventions as to where these songs were sung. The antiphon, Ascendo ad  patrem meunu for instance, was always sung by Christ at the culmination of the Ascension play. The sequence Veni, Creator S p i r i t u s was usually sung by the two angels i n the descent of the Holy Ghost, while the Gloria i n excelsis was sung either by or to the shepherds i n the N a t i v i t y plays. Examples of vernacular song were also present. In the Chester plays of the Deluge, for Instance, rowdy Mistress Noah and the good gossips sing i n t h e i r cups, Here i s a p o t t e l l of malmsy. If the cycles are c l o s e l y examined one finds that th e i r music i s not i n c i d e n t a l but serves as a s t r u c t u r a l element i n the play, foreshadowing a similar use i n the Interludes and l a t e r Academic Comedies, the parts of which were outlined by musical insertions . The same general p r i n c i p l e s are found i n the English cycles. In the A l i a eorundem (I I I , for example, the three-part song of the shepherds marks the end of the Introductory passage dealing exclusively with the shepherds, and prepares the way for the Mak farce. In a similar fashion, the Gloria separates the play within a play and a s t r a i n of music " Smith, Leo, Music of the seventeenth and eighteenth  centuries, London, Toronto, Vancouver, J. M. Dent and Sons Ltd., 1931, P. 170. 60 marks the f i n i s . Moreover, the music of the play i s used as a subtle means of emphasizing the character of the players: the "good" people of the drama, the shepherds and the Angel, sing i n a musicianly st y l e , while the comedy character, Mak, enters to off-key singing and sings his l u l l a b y i n a manner that i s indistinguishable from G i l l ' s groaning. Thus, the mystery cycles, which were evolved from music, through the l i t u r g i c a l drama, are s t r u c t u r a l l y dependent on the i r s i s t e r a r t . Chapter IV The l y r i c i s the closest of a l l the arts to music. O r i g i n a l l y composed to be sung to, or accompanied by, the lyre i t gradually came to mean poetry of the simple type of personal expression that lent I t s e l f to, or suggested, song. As a r e s u l t , i t has many cha r a c t e r i s t i c s i n common with i t s s i s t e r a r t . Sound and rhythm, for example, are e s s e n t i a l to both music and poetry. Moreover, just as the word acquires i t s f u l l meaning only as a member of a sentence group, so the note of music only becomes comprehensible when i t belongs to a musical unit, l i k e the phrase. While i t i s possible to say that the l i n e resembles the musical phrase i t cannot be said that end-rhyme f u l f i l l s the same function as the cadence. I f a tune, for instance, i s comprised of two phrases of equal length i n the order A B, the f i r s t phrase ending i n a half close and the second i n a f u l l close, then there i s no reason why the l i n e s could not rhyme aa or ab. I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note, however, that the process of the gradual p u r i f i c a t i o n of end-rhyme probably was related to the development of music. The e a r l i e s t l y r i c s of the Middle Ages, for example, employed the l i t a n y p r i n c i p l e i n t h e i r presentation, that i s , each l i n e had the same melody and returned to the same fundamental cadence point, usually the half close. In the course of time the single t o n a l i t y of the melody could have led to the practice of constructing 62 stanzas of i n d e f i n i t e length based on one p a r t i c u l a r f i n a l vowel, thus introducing the simplest form of rhyme, assonance or monorhyme aaa.... S i m i l a r l y , when the sequence form was developed, i t would not take an enterprising poet-composer long to discover the a r t i s t i c advantages that the sequence (with i t s change of melody every two l i n e s ) offered, and apply the same p r i n c i p l e to his end-rhymes. This theory i s given some confirmation by the fac t that the e a r l i e s t poems employing the two-rhyme p r i n c i p l e , l i k e Sunset on  Calvary^, are i n the form of the d i s t i c h , aa bb, which i s an exact reproduction of the sequence. Later, a t h i r d l i n e was added which probably was a development from the "tag" that, accompanied nearly a l l sequences. In the early stages i t ended i n the "a" vowel i n order to conform to the A l l e l u i a chant which generally preceded the sequence. Laetabundus exsultet f i d e l i s chorus, A l l e l u i a ; Regem regum intactae profudit thorus; Res miranda 2. 1 Brown, C , ed., English l y r i c s of the thirteenth century. Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1932, p. 1. A l l English medieval l y r i c s quoted i n this chapter are from this e d i t i o n unless i t i s stated otherwise. 2 Greene, R. L., ed., The early English carols. Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1935, p. 78. 63 When other vowels were employed the tercet, aab, or rime couee of Robert Manning of Brunne resulted. Judging by the number of poems written i n this style i t must have been one of the most popular forms i n the Middle Ages. Two examples are The Prayer of the f i v e .joys and Gaude  Virgo Mater Chris t i 3 . The practice of Interlacing rhymes marked a revolution i n the melody of verse, for i t introduced the simultaneous ap p l i c a t i o n of two d i f f e r e n t melodic patterns. The probable source for this type of poetry was the hymn, esp e c i a l l y the processional hymn. The strophes of these ranged from b i p a r t i t e structure, l i k e ab ab (as i n Lucis  creator optime), to longer ones l i k e ab cdcd (as i n Lustra sex qui iam p e r a c t i s ) . Some contained melodic sequences, that i s , ( r e p e t i t i o n i n another r e g i s t e r ) while others employed sameness of cadence. As the hymns used most of the rhyme schemes employed i n the Middle Ages there i s at le a s t a p o s s i b i l i t y that they were the major source for the quatrain type of rhyme. They are also responsible for the specialized form aaab (common i n the ca r o l ) , the "b" l i n e coming from the cauda of the L a t i n hymn. It cannot be stated with any certainty when, or how, these types were introduced into England. Although Edwin Guest contends, i n his History of English rhythms 4, that 3 Brown, op. c i t . , pp. 27 and 3 2 . 4 London, G. B e l l and Sons, 1882, p. 117. 64 assonantal rhyme was present i n a l l older poems of the Welsh and I r i s h from the s i x t h century, about a l l that can be said with any certainty i s that, by the thirteenth century, Robert Manning of Brunne reported, i n his t r a n s l a t i o n of Peter Langtoft call e d the Chronicle of  England that four kinds of rhyme were i n existence. I made i t not forto be praysed, Bot at be lewed men were aysed, I f i t were made i n ryme couwee, Or i n strangere or i n t e r l a c e , bat rede I n g l i s i t ere inowe bat couthe not haf coppled a kowe, pat outhere i n couwee or i n baston Som suld haf ben fordon, So bat f e l e men bat i t herde ^ Suld not witte howe bat i t ferde*. Examples of the various types of rhyme used i n England may be found i n the following thirteenth-century l y r i c s : the tercet and couplet (abb ab) i n I walk with sorrow, (No. 8), two tercets (abb ccb) i n Stabat luxta C h r i s t ! crucem, (No. 14), and a quatrain and tercet (abab bbc) i n Now comes the b l a s t of winter, (No. 7). The structure of the stanza, too, depended on the form of the music. On the whole, Middle English stanzas followed the rules set down by Dante; he declared that ... every stanza i s set for the reception of a c e r t a i n ode; but they appear to d i f f e r i n the modes ( i n which th i s i s done); for 5 Manning, R., "Preface to Story of England, Part 2", ed., T. Hearne i n The works of Thomas Hearne, London, printed for S. Bagster, 1724, v o l . 3 , ch. 6, p. 99, 11. 13-22. 65 some proceed throughout to one continuous ode, that i s , without the r e p e t i t i o n of any-musical phrase, and without any d i e s i s ; and we understand by d i e s i s , a t r a n s i t i o n from one ode to another: Cthis when speaking to the common people, we c a l l volta) There are some stanzas which admit of a di e s i s and there can be no d i e s i s i n our sense of the word unless a r e p e t i t i o n of one ode be made either before the d i e s i s , or a f t e r , or both. I f the r e p e t i t i o n be made before the d i e s i s , we say that the stanza has feet; and i t ought to have two, though sometimes there are three; I f the re p e t i t i o n be made after the d i e s i s , then we say that the stanza has verses. I f no re p e t i t i o n be made before (the d i e s i s ) we say that the stanza has a fronte; i f none be made af t e r , we say that i t has a Serma or Coda6. The following examples should make thi s clear. Lylie-whyt hue i s , hire rode so rose on rys, pat reueb me mi rest , wymmon war & wys, of prude hue berep be p r i s , burde on of be best. pis wommon woneb by west, brih t e s t vnder bys; heuene y tolde a l his, pat o nyht were hire gest. (Wo. 7 8 , 1 1 . 3 1 - 4 - 0 ) 3 0 } pes pes d i e s i s 1 ) ) serma or j coda II On leome i s i n pis world i l i s t , ") per-of i s muchel p r i s ; ) a-risen i s god & pat i s r i s t ) frons from depe to l i f . ) di e s i s "De vulgari eloquentia", The La t i n works of Dante, t r a n s l . A. G. Ferrers-Howell, London, J. M. Dent and Sons Ltd., 1904, Bk. 2, ch. 10, pp. 100-101. Chaytor uses Dante as an i l l u s t r a t i o n i n The troubadours, p. 24. 66 Al for ure redempciuin ."") He polede pine & passiun, ) Derne wnden & greue; j He broutte to saluaciun j be world bat was ibrot adun ) buru adam & eue. j (No. 24, 11. 1-10) verses verses III Of a mon Matheu bohte, bo he be wynjord whrohte-ant wrot hit"on ys boc-In marewe men he sohte, at vnder mo he brohte, ant nom ant non forsoc. At mydday ant at non he sende hem bider f o l son to helpen hem wib hoc. huere foreward wes to fon-So he furmest heuede ydon-ase be erst vndertoc. 1 ) ) J ) .) ) pes pes d i e s i s verses verses (No. 80, 11. 1-12) A few poems l i k e The L o v l i e s t Lady i n Land are characterized by a r e f r a i n : Ichot a burde i n boure bryht pat f u l l y semly i s on syht, menskful maiden of myht, f e i r ant f r e to fonde; In a l bis wurhliche won, a burde of blod & of bon neuer zete y nuste non Lussomore i n londe. Blow, northerne wynd, sent fcou me my suetyngi blow, norperne wynd, bloui bloui bloui Refrain (No. 83, 11. 1-12) 67 The model for t h i s type was to be found i n the processional hymn which had a r e f r a i n that the people sang at the beginning and a f t e r every stanza. Since the o r i g i n of the hymn was popular i t i s possible that the hymn and the car o l (which i s so l i k e i t i n form) may have received the i r i n s p i r a t i o n from some ancient f o l k - p r a c t i c e which made use of the r e f r a i n . The strophes themselves are based on the musical form of the hymn and sequence. A glance at the structure of the music and verse of Death's wither-clench w i l l make this clear: X 3 0 l M 1 C —e f— -xrh'-#L c —J— Man—fmei Ion- ge him l i - ves we ne,-ac of- te-F a i r we-der of- te him went to re - me,-an f e r - l i -H • P cJ :-T+ che—ma- ket i s blench, bar- vo- re, man, bu be b i -A 3 , \ P f 0 o * j . -!—1— c 0 J ? J - s — ( -bench - a l s e l va- l u - i be gre- ne, wel- a- weyi nis 68 ? "7 * - a — king ne Que- ne pat ne s e l d r i n - ke of deth- i s drench. Man, y A3 s (dv/ c 1 , , , > , 1 1 i r a J J -J-J-l —1— er bu f a l - l e of p i bench, bu s i n - ne a quench 7. In this ten-lined stanza the composer has used the sequence form AA and two new sentences B and C. The A sentence consists of two phrases. The f i r s t or "a" phrase (from bar 1, to bar 5 a) i s b u i l t around the tonic chord but ends with a suggestion of a half close, the "b" phrase (bar 53 to bar 9 3) i s made up of two stra i n s , the f i r s t of which c i r c l e s around the t h i r d and root of the tonic chord (from bar 5 3 to 7Z) and i s then repeated i n the second s t r a i n (bar 7 ato bar 9-) a second lower but with a s l i g h t a l t e r a t i o n so that i t can end with a perfect cadence. The B sentence i s divided into four phrases. The beginning of the f i r s t phrase (bars 10, to 13^) i s similar to bars 1 and 2 i n construction but then, instead of moving up to the tonic, the melody descends immediately to the dominant (which i n the modernization i s suggested as a modulation to G major). The second and t h i r d phrases 7 Modernization by Bukofzer i n G. Reese's Music i n the  Middle Ages, p. 243. For o r i g i n a l v. Stainer, S i r John, ed., Early Bodleian music, London, Novello and Co., 1901, v o l . 2, No. 5. 69 (from bars 14/ to 21^) make up a new melody which ends i n a half close. Although the f i n a l phrase (bar 2 1 3 to 25^) begins d i f f e r e n t l y from the 11 c" phrase i t s concluding three bars are the same (with the exception of the two eighth notes, instead of the quarter note, on A to accommodate the extra s y l l a b l e i n the words). The f i n a l sentence, C, uses material from the sequence section, for example, i t s l a s t seven beats repeat the l a s t seven beats of the A section (again with the exception of the two eighth notes, Instead of a quarter note on D). The form of the music affects the structure of the verse i n several ways. F i r s t , the p a r a l l e l construction of the sequence section i s duplicated i n the f i r s t two sets of couplets, for they are i d e n t i c a l i n rhythm, meter, and rhyme. Secondly, the marked rhythm of the B section CdJ) i s imitated i n the strong meter of the words.. Thirdly, the extra s y l l a b l e s of l i n e s 9 and 10 are not noticed because the music smooths out the d i f f i c u l t y by using short notes for the extra s y l l a b l e s . F i n a l l y , i t i s inte r e s t i n g to note that the composer f e l t compelled to put a cadence wherever the "b" rhyme occurred, for example, the "b" rhyme and the perfect cadence coincide i n both the A and C sections, while, i n the B section i t comes at the half close. Whereas this p a r t i c u l a r example has two repeated 70 musical sentences and two d i f f e r e n t ones, there i s no reason why there should not be a new phrase for every tercet or couplet, i n which case i t would be following the hymn pattern. An example of this type i s the Dies i r a e . Here the melody i s through-composed l i k e the hymn, but the i n t e r n a l structure of the poem i s similar to the p a r a l l e l construction of the sequence. Its form may be i l l u s t r a t e d thus: aa bb cc dd ee f f gg hh i j k l Q A B C D E F G H 1 ° A number of the poems of the thirteenth and fourteenth century are based d i r e c t l y on the melodies and practices of the church. Saint Godric's hymns, Cr l s t e and  Sainte Marie and his Hymn to the V i r g i n , may be classed as examples of this type. Godric claimed that these hymns were d i v i n e l y dictated, but more l i k e l y they are settings of the l i t u r g i c a l chants to which they are set i n the manuscripts^. Previous to the appearance of Godric's hymns there developed a song, In Rama sonat geroitus, that made reference to the l i f e of Thomas a Becket. I t became very popular and inspired many other antiphons on the same topic. There i s 0 This i s the form of the hymn as i t appears i n the Missa pro Defunctis, op. c i t . , p. 5» 9 Facsimile of the l a t t e r ms. i s reproduced as a fron t i s p i e c e i n Saintsburv's History of English prosody. New York, Macmillan Co., 1906, v o l . 1. 71 one, An antiphon of St. Thomas of Canterbury, which must have been sung to the " G l o r i a " , for the "evovae" that stands at the end of the English version represents the vowels of the l a s t two words of the Gloria P a t r i , "saeculorum. Amen" and were commonly used as an abbreviation. pu ert froure a-mong mon-kunne, help vs nv of vre sunne, Evovae. (No. 42, 11. 9-10) An i l l u s t r a t i o n of antiphony introduced into the structure of the verse may be found i n the fourteenth century Est memor  mortis. In this poem the poet divides his l i n e s into English and L a t i n as though for two choirs. Syth a l l e pat i n pys wordle hap been i n rerum natura. Or i n pys wyde wordle was seen i n humana cura, A l l e schalle passe wyp-outen ween via mortis dura; God graunte pat mannys soule be cleen penas non passura Whan pow leste wenys, veniet mors te superare; TSus py grauegrenys, ergo mortis memorare. In the second stanza he reverses the order and begins with the Latin: Vnde v i r e x t o l l e r i s , pow schalte be wormes mete, Qui quamdiu v i x e r i s py synnys wolte pou not l e t e l u ; Another poem to introduce church practices into the 1 U Brown, C , Religious l y r i c s of the fourteenth  century, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1924, No. 35, p. 239, 11. 1-8; 72 framework of i t s verse is Sunset on Calvary, Here the exact p a r a l l e l i s m of the l i n e s immediately c a l l s to mind the rhythm and structure of the psalmodic chants. Nou goth sonne vnder wod, me reweth, marie, p i f a i r e Rode, Nou gop sonne vnder tre, me rewep, marie, p i sone and pe. (No. 1, 11. 1-4.) Many of the early l y r i c s are d i r e c t translations of L a t i n sequences and hymns. One of the e a r l i e s t of these i s the t r a n s l a t i o n of the Stabat iuxta C h r i s t i crucem. Stabat iuxta C h r i s t i crucem, Stabat videns vitae ducem Vitae valefacere, Stabat mater nec iam mater Et, quid s i t eventus ater, Novo novit funere. (No. 4, 11. 1-6.) Although the f i r s t four stanzas of the English t r a n s l a t i o n are missing i t i s s t i l l easy to see that the following example i s very close to the o r i g i n a l sequence i n meter and stanza pattern. pat l e u e l i leor wid spald Ischent, pat f e i r e f e l wid s(cur)ges rend Pe blod out stremed oueral. Skoarn, upbraid, and schome speche, a l h i t was to sorties eche-i boa £u was biluken a l . (No. 4, 11. 1-6 of translation) Other d i r e c t translations from church sources i n the thirteenth century were Gabriel's greeting to our Lady (No. 44), which i s a t r a n s l a t i o n of the sequence Angelus ad 73 viTjginem, and A Hymn to the heavenly Father (No. 59) , based on the metrical paraphrase Orationes dominicae, The L a t i n text of the former i s accompanied by music i n the Arundel Manuscript. In the fourteenth century appeared A Song of the f i v e .1oys (No. 31) which i s based on the well-known hymn Primum f u i t gaudiunu and Gloria laus et honor (No. 14) taken from Bishop Theodulphus' hymn of the same name. A Prayer by the f i v e .joys (No. 122), A Prayer to be delivered  from the deadly sins (No. 123) , and A Prayer for three boons (No. 124) were a c t u a l l y written for parts of the L i t u r g i c a l s e r v i c e 1 1 . Besides the many i n t e r n a l evidences that the medieval l y r i c was associated with e c c l e s i a s t i c a l music there i s also h i s t o r i c a l evidence that the church was an important force i n the shaping of the l y r i c . From time to time, during the Middle Ages, she endeavoured to popularize her teachings by making use of certain pagan elements i n her service. In the thirteenth century, for example, Saint Francis of A s s i s i , the founder of the Franciscan order, i s said to have i n i t i a t e d the idea of i n s t i t u t i n g a sacred minstrelsy to free r e l i g i o n from the c h i l l of the c l o i s t e r and the enigma of the L a t i n language. 1 1 The l a s t f i v e poems are i n Carleton Brown's Religious l y r i c s of the fourteenth century. 74 The Franciscans landed i n England early i n the thirteenth century and speedily attained popularity. The f i r s t of t h e i r number to make his appearance i n extant English poetry was Thomas of Hales, author of a Love Ron (No. 4 3 ) . This love song to Christ expressly acknowledges the purpose of turning a l i k i n g for song into p r o f i t a b l e ways ( 1 . 198 to end of the poem). More extensive i s the poetry of William H e r b e r t 1 1 9 whose work consists, for the most part, of translations of hymns, antiphons and other parts of the service and i s an attempt to introduce vernacular versions of the hymns into his preaching. I f these were written to replace the words of some l i g h t and worldly song, then t h e i r structure must have been greatly influenced by the music for which they were written. In the thirteenth century there were also a few songs whose music r e f l e c t e d the tone of a more pagan era. The melancholy quality, which i s one of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of Anglo-Saxon poetry, i s well i l l u s t r a t e d In this example, Worldes b l i s . — : — ? — f r p# # : — r r t • • • # — 1 1 / ' L ' k l f k j Worl- des b l i s ne l a s t no throw- e H i t wit and 11a Brown, i n English Lyrics of the fourteenth century, l i s t s Nos. 12-25 as being written by William Herbert. 75 , r f >l , r r r r t ir wend a- wey a- non. The len-gur that hich h i t i know- e, The lasse hie f i n - de p r i s h : ts Q i r r r t r t t i r u = t = & ther on. For a l l h i t i s i - meynd wyd ka- re. Mid sor-rew- e ant wid u- uel f a - re. Ant at the ^ f f / ) l a s - t e pou- re ant ba- re, H i t l e t mon wen h i t gin-+~z—0-i r t r r net a- gon. Al the b l i s - s e this he- re ant the-76 9 : / j f ( r U f Cr r r ^  t r 12 re, b i - Ion- keth at hen- de wop ant mon . The sadness of the text i s repeated i n the melody, which i s i n the Dorian mode (that i s , the mode which most clo s e l y resembles our "minor" key). The composer has achieved thi s melancholy e f f e c t i n the music by weaving his melody around the notes that form the i n t e r v a l of a minor t h i r d , (from the "G" up to the "Bl»" and from the "F" down to the "D") and by having a predominantly descending melody. The l a s t phrase (which descends from middle "C" to "D" before forming the f i n a l cadential pattern) i s p a r t i c u l a r l y e f f e c t i v e i n this respect. A l l songs were not sad or r e l i g i o u s i n the pre-Chaucerian period, for there were gay, l i v e l y pieces, l i k e Alvsoun, (No. 77), Lenten i s come with love to town (No. 3 1 ) , and The man i n the moon (No. 89 ) . Indeed the s p i r i t of the period may be characterized as that of Sumer i s icumen i n (No. 6)s Svmer i s icumen i n , Lhude sing cuccu.' Groweb sed and bloweb med and sprinp bewde nu. Sing cuccu! Apel and Davison, No. 23b. 77 Pes Awe bletep aft e r lomb, lhoup a f t e r calue cu, Bulluc stertep, bucke uertep. Murie sing cuccu! Cuccu, cuccu, Wei singes pu cuccu. ne swikpp nauer nu! Sing cuccu nu, Sing cuccui Sing cuccu, Sing cuccu nu! Although this remarkable composition i s not monophonic, but a quadruple canon over a two-part pes, i t has been included because the gaiety of the words gives true expression to the light-hearted side of medieval poetry. There are a l l too few of these d e l i g h t f u l love l y r i c s with their s p r i g h t l y rhythms and unusual, gay "major" moods which are i n s t r i k i n g contrast to the "minor" modal melodies of the r e l i g i o u s l y r i c s . The period which opened with the fourteenth century was one of importance i n the history of the a r t s . I t saw musicians, f o r the f i r s t time, turning to discuss the music of the people "along with the d i g n i f i e d chant of the Church 1^". The r e s u l t was that poems which depended on dance rhythms increased i n popularity and poets of the new age were eager to t r y out new forms. There were two genres r e f l e c t i n g the new mood that attained popularity at thi s time, namely, the carol and the ballad. Although most of the manuscript copies *3 Johannes de Grocheo was the f i r s t to draw scholar's attention to the growing secular art, f o r , i n his Theoria he discussed secular music i n a scholarly work. Sach's A short  history of world music. London, Dennis, Dobson Ltd., 1949, p. 101. 78 for these poems date from the f i f t e e n t h century the forms must have been i n existence before that time because Chaucer and his contemporaries make frequent mention of them In the i r works 1 4. As the structure of both the c a r o l and the ballad i s dependent on music, l i k e the e a r l i e r l y r i c s , they have been included i n thi s section rather than i n the chapter on the f i f t e e n t h century. The medieval car o l , according to W. J . P h i l l i p s 1 ^ , was derived from a dance form which had i t s o r i g i n i n the pagan ring dances of "pre-Christian" peoples. The d i v i s i o n of these early dances into leader and chorus probably resulted i n l a t e r dance songs, l i k e the French carole. being divided into verse and burden. I t i s this type of song that seems to be the immediate predecessor of the English c a r o l . Although the c a r o l may have had a popular o r i g i n , i t i s to the church that i t probably owes i t s development. If i t had been a popular form only, i t would have been transmitted by o r a l t r a d i t i o n , which would have brought about variants of music and text. But the c a r o l i s derived from written The carol, f o r example, i s mentioned by Chaucer i n The romant of the rose, i n li n e s 744-5 , 754, 759, and 781. Since both Chaucer and Langland knew of the legendery figure of Robin Hood there were presumably widely c i r c u l a t i n g ballads about him as early as the mid-fourteenth century. ^ P h i l l i p s , W. J., Carols: their o r i g i n , music and  connection with mystery plays, London, G. Routledge and Sons Ltd., 1921, p. 13 . 79 copies- L V. The fa c t that a great many of them were found i n l i t u r g i c a l manuscripts surely implies that they were used as optional insertions i n the l i t u r g y . Whereas they could not substitute for the solemn chants of the service they could undoubtedly take the place of the simple ones of the O f f i c e . Moreover, the l i t u r g i c a l quotations within the carols themselves a t t e s t to a c l e r i c a l atmosphere, f o r the p r i n c i p l e of providing a new context for a' well-known phrase i s the same as the one which underlay the production of the tropes. I t i s d i s t i n c t l y a "monkish" device. An example of this p r i n c i p l e may be found i n the following carol, where, i n two stanzas, there are no less than four quotations from well-known hymns: Make we joye nowe i n this f e s t , In quo Christus natus est. EyaJ I A Patre vnigenitus Thorw a maiden i s com to vs, Synge we to here and sey, "Welcome I Veni redemptor gencium." I l l A s o l i s ortus cardine, So myghty a l o r d was none as he, For to oure kynde he hath yeue gryth, Adam parens quod p o l l u i t . (No. 3 D Greene, R. L., ed., The early English carols. Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1935, pp. 325-350. In these pages Greene gives a comprehensive l i s t of the contents of the manuscripts that contain carols (for example, the Harley No. 275, p. 326 ) . A l l carols quoted are from Greene's c o l l e c t i o n . 80 F i n a l l y , the two men who were most cl o s e l y connected with the c a r o l i n the f i f t e e n t h century were both churchmen. The f i r s t , James Ryman, was an active member of the Franciscan Order. He seems to have been a p r o l i f i c writer of carols, for Greene's c o l l e c t i o n contains 119 of Ryman1s poems i n this form. The other name to appear on early manuscripts was that of John Audelay, chaplain i n an Augustinian house. He has 24 carols i n the same c o l l e c t i o n , two of which (numbers 7 and 117) are l i s t e d as being accompanied by musical notation. Of the sixteenth century composers of carols Richard Smert, G i l b e r t Banister, and William Cornish were connected with the Chapel Royal. For the medieval writer the carol was distinguished by i t s form rather than i t s subject. If the examples i n Greene's work are analysed the c a r o l may be defined thus: a song on any subject with an undetermined number of uniform stanzas with a p r e f i x of one, two, or more l i n e s c a l l e d the burden, which consistently alternates with the verse. Although i t did not seem to matter how many li n e s there were i n a c a r o l (as long as the stanzas were uniform) the greatest number of those printed i n Greene are based 17 on a four-lined stanza 'rhyming aaaa (No. 331) , aaab (No. 295) l ? There were exceptions of course, Nos. 203, 218, 230, and 328 being examples. 81 or abab as i n this example from Ryman. Syng we a l i e thys tyme thus: "Te Deum laudamus." I Fadere of B l i s s e omnipotent, For thou hast made and create us, Mekely therfore with_on assent Te /Deum laudamus^/ (No. 293) When the writer used a "b" rhyme for the fourth l i n e he was often copying the end rhyme of the burden. Further correspondence between burden and verse i s observable i n the practice of repeating one of the l i n e s of the burden as the f i n a l l i n e of the verse. For example, i n carols No. 288-302 the l a s t l i n e of the burden i s repeated for a l l stanzas while i n No. 303 the f i r s t l i n e of the burden i s the repeated l i n e i n the stanzas. The e s s e n t i a l feature of the carol's structure, the burden, does not seem to be necessary to the meaning of the text for i n many of the carols the same burden i s employed over and over again. The words Singe we a l l e this tyme thus: "Te Deum laudamus." or th e i r variant Nowe syng we thys tyme thus: "Te Deum laudamus." are used, for example, no less than seven times, i n carols No. 289, 293, 295, 296, 297, 298, and 299. 82 The usual form of the burden i s this two-lined structure. Sometimes, however, the burden i s a single l i n e as i n carols No. 221-226, and N0.336 or four l i n e s as i n No. 218 and 387, or (more rarely ) three l i n e s as i n No. 443, while i n c a r o l No. 432 the f i r s t four l i n e s of the burden are imitated with a s l i g h t v a r i a t i o n on the repeat. This day day dawes, This g e n t i l l day day dawes, This g e n t i l l day dawes, And I must home gone. This g e n t i l l day dawes, This day day dawes, This g e n t i l l day dawes, And we must home gone. Here the change i n the wording seems to furnish proof f o r M. Bukofzer's contention that i n any r e p e t i t i o n of the burden the " f i r s t statement of the burden was performed /by a s o l o i s t or7 by a group of s o l o i s t s /one voice to a part7: and the repeat by a choral group...(more than one singer to a p a r t ) 1 ^ . " Musically the c a r o l seems to be related to the processional hymn, for not only do both forms have a burden repeated aft e r every verse but they use a d i f f e r e n t musical setting for the burden and stanza. Such s i m i l a r i t i e s can hardly be coincidental. Bukofzer, M., Studies i n medieval and renaissance  music, New York, Norton and Co., 1950, p. 153. 83 The musical form of the carol i s varied and complex. Sometimes they are monophonic as i n this example attributed to Ryman. Burden ng we now a l l and some: Chris-te, re-dem-ptor om-ni- urn 19 More often they are written for two, three, or four voices. Here i s an example of a two-part c a r o l (with the option of a t h i r d voice i n the burden) of the sixteenth century. Burden g 0* 5 — say, I Ah, man, as - say, - as as 1 0 V •0 Is ay, as 1-Ah, man, as- say, as ^ "Medieval carols", Musica Britannica, ed., J. Stevens, published for the Royal Musical Association, London, Stainer and B e l l Ltd., 1 9 5 2 , No. 7 a , p. 1 1 0 . 84 r ) • 1 / r -—c^ -T" '* IT T > \ r say, and ask - mer- cy - while 1 r v / I f* v ^ * J r J } ' ' s * •' -r t p — — — ' i i f IP ©ay, and ask mer- cy while — t,—• Versa / */ Y r- • * # f r [( 7 / J * - L f y u thou — — may. Man, have in mind how ¥ J 1 / ft J 7 7 [ [ (V * i V I ' A — 1 r ^ thou may. Man, have in mind how / A ( ( 1 * ^ J c7 w * " «' - J ~ here - toe fore for thy mis- deed- thou were - for 1 ) " Y r (( , | I' 1. * -la \ here he fore for thy mis- deed thou ware for 85 7 — 7 — i - F l i——« • • —j? rr M) r r r r / / y lore; but. mer- cy to give now Christ i s bore; y . . —f ZT ( j ) r ^ r o - J -M— b ) — lore; Chorus but mer- cy to give now • * • Christ Is bore; As- say --e-I r As- say 20 The minor qua l i t y of this l o vely melody i s a f i t t i n g setting for the words. In the burden the composer achieves his e f f e c t by the use of predominantly minor or diminished harmonies throughout (there being only six major chords i n the whole twelve bars). At the cadences, moreover, he did not use the usual f u l l close of dominant to tonic but employed the more melodic one, of a diminished chord on the leading 2 0 "Medieval Carols", op. c i t . , No. 17, p. 12. 86 note resolving into the tonic ( i n which the t h i r d i s omitted). The use of thi s type of tonic chord as the f i r s t and l a s t chords of the burden (which i s reminiscent of early organum) establishes the minor mood of the ca r o l that would have been destroyed i f the major t h i r d had formed part of the chord. The rhythm of the melody i s also very e f f e c t i v e ; i n bars 8 and 11 , for example, the composer reverts to a syncopated rhythm to give a lingering e f f e c t on the word "mercy" and at the cadence. The verse consists of three musical phrases (a new phrase for each l i n e of the text) whose cadential formulas are similar i n rhythm (bars 16 to 17, , 20 to 21, , and bars 24 to 25 ; ) and one phrase marked chorus which repeats the music of the l a s t two bars of the burden. Many of the carols do not show the comparative s i m p l i c i t y displayed by this i l l u s t r a t i o n . Number 10 i n the same volume, for example, has two burdens, the f i r s t being written for a s o l o i s t and the second for three voice-parts. The pattern of the ca r o l , moreover, does not follow the usual order of burden, verse, burden burden. Here, verse one (for two voices) i s followed immediately by verse two (for three voices) a f t e r which the two burdens are heard. In No. 30 a section for three voices (which i s marked chorus) breaks into the pattern of the verse three times. The f i r s t and t h i r d of these insertions begin l i k e the burden but do not repeat i t exactly for variations occur towards the 87 end; the second i n t e r p o l a t i o n i s composed of new material. F i n a l l y , i n No. 25 , i n bars 24 z to 30 of the verse section, the top two voices, singing an i d e n t i c a l melody, form an imitative pattern (canon) with the second voice. In these l a s t three examples, the gay, rhythmical music p a r a l l e l s the f o r t h r i g h t words of the text. The ballad, l i k e the carol, i s designated by a term that suggests the dance. There i s danger, however, i n laying too much stress on the lexicographical association of the word, for the early B r i t i s h ballads do not seem to have the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s that are usually associated with dance songs. Most forms that have their o r i g i n i n the dance, l i k e the French carole. for instance, are l y r i c a l i n character, but the English ballads are narrative, with the story being given at the climax of events. Moreover, the question and answer technique found i n some ballads (which i s usually cited as proof that they originated i n the dance) i s not present i n the e a r l i e s t recorded ballads, Judas and Saint Stephen 2 1. On the contrary, these early specimens show the strophic forms and basic meters a r i s i n g from the music and hymns of the medieval church. I f C h i l d ' s 1 ^ Pound, L., Poetic origins and the ballad, p. 102. 2 2 The great c o l l e c t i o n of B r i t i s h ballads i s that of F. J. Child, ed., English and Scottish popular ballads. Boston, Houghton M i f f l i n Co., lbb12-189b', 5 vols. 88 c h r o n o l o g y i s c o r r e c t , t h e n the o l d e s t b a l l a d s have an e c c l e s i a s t i c a l stamp and, l i k e t he c a r o l , a r e an at t e m p t t o p o p u l a r i z e B i b l i c a l t e a c h i n g . Indeed, C. J . Sharp s u g g e s t s t h a t i t would n o t be d i f f i c u l t t o make a b a l l a d a c a r o l o r v i c e v e r s a 2 ^ . S i n c e many examples, l i k e L i t t l e S i r Hugh and The c h e r r y t r e e c a r o l , a r e on the b o r d e r l i n e between the b a l l a d and the c a r o l , t hey may be r e l a t e d t y p e s . I f t h i s p r e m i s e i s c o r r e c t , t h e n , the e a r l y b a l l a d s a r e c l o s e r t o the r e l i g i o u s l y r i c s , i n form, t h a n t o h e r o i c p o e t r y o r romance. T h i s t h e o r y i s borne out by the f a c t t h a t the s t r u c t u r e o f the o l d e r b a l l a d s v a r i e s a g r e a t d e a l from t h a t o f the more r e c e n t ones. The s t a n z a s o f the o l d e r t e x t s , f o r example, a r e i n c o u p l e t s , each l i n e h a v i n g seven main s t r e s s e s , w h i l e the l a t e r b a l l a d s a r e u s u a l l y i n a f o u r - l i n e d s t a n z a , the f i r s t and t h i r d l i n e s h a v i n g f o u r main s t r e s s e s and the second and f o u r t h h a v i n g t h r e e main s t r e s s e s . I t would seem, t h e n , t h a t the e a r l i e s t b a l l a d s p r o b a b l y had an e c c l e s i a s t i c a l o r i g i n , f o r t h e i r p a r a l l e l s t r u c t u r e d e f i n i t e l y s u g g e s t s the c h a n t i n g f o r m u l a o f the l i t u r g y . When t h e b a l l a d became a p o p u l a r form , however, the l o n g l i n e s were ° E n g l i s h f o l k songs, ed. and a r r a n g e d C. J . Sharp, London, N o v e l l o and Co. L t d . , 1916, v o l . 1, I n t r o d u c t i o n , p. 14. 94. When the b a l l a d s became s e c u l a r i z e d t h e y passed i n t o the hands o f m i n s t r e l s who i n c o r p o r a t e d i n them many of the legends of the romances. As a r e s u l t , many s i m i l a r i t i e s w i t h the B r e t o n l a i s (Tarn L i n , f o r example, l i k e L a u n f a l and Guigemar, b e i n g c a r r i e d o f f t o the O t h e r w o r l d by a f a i r y queen) and m o t i f s from the romances themselves ( l i k e the s y m p a t h e t i c p l a n t s s p r i n g i n g f r om the l o v e r ' s g r a v e ) a r e p r e s e n t i n the b a l l a d s . 89 divided to make the s t y l e l i g h t e r and more l i l t i n g for popular appeal. There are other types of stanza than the quatrain or seven-stress couplet to be found i n Child's c o l l e c t i o n of ballads, for a t h i r d of his examples are i n couplets of four-stress l i n e s . Possibly these are quatrains whose second and fourth l i n e s , representing a kind of r e f r a i n , have been l o s t because the early editors were not interested i n the music, and consequently, neglected to include these l i n e s i n the poems, thinking they were unimportant. So many of our ballad tunes have been irredeemably l o s t through neglect. Ballads l i v e d for the most part i n the memory of the people and were passed on from generation to generation by word of mouth. Since there would be many changes i n the course of a tune's transmission, no printed ballad (except those collected since s c i e n t i f i c folksong study began) reach us quite i n the form they were o r i g i n a l l y fashioned. Miss G i l c h r i s t gives a good description of the process of change i n a tune i n her essay for the English Association. A new ballad coming into currency would not be sung to a new tune. The singer often brings to the new words some tune he already knows and so makes them acquainted. Often the tune brings with i t some of the words- perhaps only the r e f r a i n the singer already associates with i t , which may have no r e l a t i o n whatever to the new ballad. The contact of tune and words results i n the adaptation of the one to the other. Sometimes one, 90 sometimes each i n s e n s i b l y y i e l d s something of i t s rhythm or s t r e t c h e s or c o n t r a c t s i t s l i n e of melody, and b e f o r e long the p a i r s e t t l e as i t were i n t o p l a c e , and the o l d tunes may then be halfway towards a new one 25. Although i t i s i m p o s s i b l e to t r a c e the o r i g i n a l music to these a n c i e n t n a r r a t i v e s w i t h any c e r t a i n t y there i s p l e n t y of evidence to suggest t h a t c e r t a i n popular tunes were regarded as t y p i c a l " b a l l a d tunes". I n the Roxburghe  b a l l a d s (which r e p r e s e n t s the most comprehensive c o l l e c t i o n of s i x t e e n t h and seventeenth century b a l l a d s i n England), f o r example, each b a l l a d of the f i r s t volume i s headed with the name of the tune to which i t was sung 2^. I t seems f a i r l y c e r t a i n , a l s o , t h a t each stanza of the b a l l a d was sung to the same tune, j u s t as, f o r i n s t a n c e , the t w e l f t h century p l a y s on the m i r a c l e of S a i n t N i c h o l a s c o n s i s t e d of f r e q u e n t r e p e t i t i o n s of the same melody. I t would be absurd to r i d i c u l e the supposed monotony of t h i s procedure, f o r i f the r e a l beauty of the b a l l a d s i s to be a p p r e c i a t e d they must be performed i n the same manner i n which they were presented i n the Middle Ages, t h a t i s , they must be sung. Although b a l l a d s cannot be considered merely as p o e t r y , or as music, t h e i r b a s i s was m u s i c a l r a t h e r 2 5 Quoted by A. K e i t h i n " S c o t t i s h b a l l a d s , t h e i r evidence of a u t h o r s h i p and o r i g i n " , E n g l i s h A s s o c i a t i o n  Essays and S t u d i e s . 1926, No. 12, pp. 100-119. ° Roxburghe b a l l a d s , ed., C h a p p e l l and Ebsworth, H e r t f o r d , p r i n t e d f o r the B a l l a d S o c i e t y by S. A u s t i n and Sons, 1871, v o l . 1. 91 than p o e t i c a l and the simple features of t h e i r poetry were engendered by a tune. Whether the tune was o r i g i n a l or not, hardly matters; what does seem to matter i s that the poetic process was that of a singer-poet rather than a poet-singer. If the tune i s the fundamental basis of the ancient ballad, i t would account for the f a c t that the l i l t and expression of the tune i s r e f l e c t e d i n each and every stanza of the ballad and that the metrical and expressive d e t a i l s of the words and music are cl o s e l y connected. Moreover, i t would probably explain the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c r e p e t i t i o n (or nearly so) of corresponding l i n e s i n succeeding stanzas, l i k e , for example, these l i n e s from S i r Patrie Spens: 0 lang, lang may their ladies s i t , Wi thair fans into their hand, 0 e i r they se S i r Patrick Spence Cum s a i l i n g to the land. 0 lang, lang may the ladies stand, Wi thair gold kerns- i n their hair, Waiting for thair a i n deir lords, For t h e y ' l l se thame na mair. (No. 58 of Child's c o l l e c t i o n , 11. 33-4-0.) The ballad tunes are not so impressed with modal influences as many of the folk-songs, or i t may be that the Dorian and Ionian modes are d e f i n i t e l y noticeable i n the old ballad tunes. The Cruel Mother, for instance, i s i n the Dorian mode while L i t t l e S i r Hugh lacking the seventh can be either Ionian or Mixolydian. As the Ionian mode i s the same as our modern major scale and the Dorian has a ce r t a i n a f f i n i t y with our minor scale the t o n a l i t y of these ballad tunes hardly ever suggests any archaic qu a l i t y to the modern ear. Of course, i t i s possible that they have been so modified by succeeding generations that a l l traces of modal influence have been destroyed. From the foregoing remarks i t seems f a i r l y c e r t a i n that No one who has not heard ballads sung can have a just appreciation of the i r effectiveness. Ballad melodies, ... not only contribute greatly to their appeal but by their slow tempo and l e i s u r e l y movement allow each stanza to work i t s influence on the l i s t e n e r 2 o . Ballads were never intended to be read. English f o l k songs, op. c i t . . No. 13 and 8. Baugh, A l i t e r a r y history of England, p. 312. Chapter V Just as one st y l e of music, monody, unified music and poetry into one entity, so another s t y l e , polyphony, brought about th e i r separation. Like many other forms that cannot be explained s a t i s f a c t o r i l y because of lack of evidence, organum^ (as early polyphony was called) has evoked much speculation about the reason for i t s appearance. One of these theories relates early organum to the f a c t that the natural p i t c h ranges of the four classes of human voices l i e approximately a f i f t h away from one another ( i n consecutive order from bass to soprano). Since the congregation that sang the responses at service did not consist of trained singers i t would be natural for tenors and basses and women and boys to sing i n ranges which they found comfortable, thus unconsciously producing a simple organum. In a few words, then, organum probably originated i n the desire of the singers to sing a tune simultaneously at a d i f f e r e n t part of the octave. The simplest type of polyphony i s called s t r i c t  organum. The rules for making this harmony were very simple. The o r i g i n a l plainsong was ca l l e d the vox p r i n c i p a l i s ; Organum made i t s appearance about the ninth century. The e a r l i e s t stages of i t s development took place before the ars antiqua of the twelfth century. 94 to this might be added a second part - the vox organalis a fourth or f i f t h lower. a) Organum of the f i f t h vox p r i n c i p a l i s vox organalis 4-b) Organum of the fourth vox p r i n c i p a l i s vox organalis j ^ e t c . ) + -•"(etc.) Furthermore, the vox organalis could be doubled i n the octave above and the vox p r i n c i p a l i s i n the octave below. This type i s c a l l e d composite organum. c) Composite organum P 0-_ _ 9 v " s i t glo- r i - a Do- mi- n i Independence of parts was achieved when the vox  organalis remained stationary but the vox p r i n c i p a l i s . 2 Apel and Davison, Anthology of Music, No. 25a 2. 3 Ihid., No. 25y Ibid., No. 25 b l. 95 beginning at unison progressed upward u n t i l the i n t e r v a l of a fourth was reached, when both voices moved i n p a r a l l e l fourths u n t i l the cadence where they again moved to unison. • # —#— —•— • • # • / 00 •* • 0 0 • Rex coe- l i Do- mi- ne ma- r i s un- d i - so- n: The next step was towards rhythmical independence, which was gained i n the melismatic style of organum. Here each note of the plainsong melody was sustained (tenor) while the other voice part moved i n free contrapuntal s t y l e . d) Melismatic Organum £ 5 = c t i - po tens When this style of writing was introduced composers had to f i n d a s a t i s f a c t o r y basis for keeping the d i f f e r e n t , simultaneous parts of the music together i n performance. This was effected by the development of a measured music which had i t s basis i n the six rhythmic modes derived from the. Greeks. That i s , at f i r s t , the musical time values 5 Apel and Davison, Anthology of Music, No. 25fc 2• 6 Ibid., No. 2 7 b < 96 used for metrical texts were the ones required by the meter of the text. Thus, a trochaic text would have required the pattern d J i which came to be the f i r s t rhythmic mode; an iambic text, the pattern JdJd the second mode: a d a c t y l i c text the pattern d« J d i c U the t h i r d mode; an anapaestic text, the pattern J d d-i J dd.the fourth mode; a spondaic text, the pattern d' i d-the f i f t h mode; and f i n a l l y , a t r i b r a c h i c text, the pattern J JJi J J J t h e s i x t h mode?. Obviously these rules would only apply to texts set one s y l l a b l e to a single note of music. But, how was the rhythmical mode to be indicated i n a part having no text or i n a composition where more than one note to a s y l l a b l e was to be used? To meet these d i f f i c u l t i e s medieval theorists developed a scheme of note-shapes (not unlike our modern system). In the early days there were four such shapes a) double l o n g M J , b) long ^  , c) breve m , d) semibreve • . Each of these i s t h e o r e t i c a l l y the t h i r d or half of the preceding one - according as 'perfect' or 'imperfect' time was used (that i s , what we should c a l l ' t r i p l e ' or 'duple' times). Later, ligatures were devised to bind into a unity a rhythmic or melodic group of s y l l a b l e s . Thus, the mensural system was brought about by the requirements of polyphonic music. The time values of these notes may be lengthened or shortened. New Oxford history of music, pp. 319-320. 97 The introduction of measured rhythm into the music of the church i s p a r t i c u l a r l y associated with the school of Paris which was very active during the building of the great Notre Dame cathedral (hence the name, Notre Dame School). I t i s intere s t i n g to note that some French authors l i k e Amedee Gastoue believe that the advance i n French music at this time may have been due to the presence i n Paris of a large number of B r i t i s h students, such as Giraldus Cambrensis, (a Welsh c l e r i c , who, i n Descrlptio Kambriae gives a great deal of information about music), Walter de Odington, (the f i r s t B r i t i s h t h e o r i s t ) , and John of Salisbury (another c l e r i c who was interested i n the influence of music on morals) . Paris was for a period a very active centre of theo r e t i c a l discussion and of p r a c t i c a l experiment for i t was at this time that the Notre Dame school evolved new forms of polyphony including the clausula and the conductus. Dif f e r e n t from organum (which used an entire plainsong as the cantus firmus basis) the clausula used a melismatic section from a chant ( l i k e the A l l e l u i a ) for the cantus firmus tenor. To this were added one or two contrapuntal parts i n faster-moving note values. A l l the parts were sung without text or possibly played on instruments. Here i s an example from the Notre Dame School. I t begins thus: Gastoue, A., Les p r i m i t i f s de l a musique francaise, Paris, L i b r a i r i e Paul Geuthner, 1 9 2 2 , p. l b f . 98 \ ~ h — r t i i r J r 1 I V J J ' J. J 7 u 1 etc. f' y . — &S — 1 Do-The polyphonic conductus used a f r e e l y composed tenor (that i s , i t was an o r i g i n a l melody rather than a pre-existent one). A l l parts, which could be as many as four, moved In a more or less uniform rhythm. The text, which was i n Latin, was normally metrical. I t i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of one class of conductus, however, that at points of s t r u c t u r a l importance, such as the beginnings and ends of li n e s or stanzas, a l l the parts simultaneously broke out into melismas of t h e i r own. r t 2v m Ro- ma gau-dens ju- b i l a , etc, ft 7£ t t 1.0 " Apel and Davison, op. c i t . . No. 28e. 1 0 Ibid., No. 38a . 99 Later i n the century these forms were evolved into the most important of a l l forms i n early polyphonic music, the motet (which i s generally call e d the Paris motet to dis t i n g u i s h i t from the l a t e r Renaissance motet). In general, the motet had a pre-existent melody (broken up into r e i t e r a t e d rhythmic patterns) for the lowest voice while the other parts moved i n quicker note values above i t . The texts which were d i f f e r e n t for a l l parts, were at f i r s t i n L a t i n hut eventually secular texts were used1"'". As m u l t i p l i c i t y of text was p a r t i c u l a r l y c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the motet i t becomes obvious why t h i s type could not possibly be used to convey a story; the music was a l l important. Another polyphonic form of the thirteenth century was the rondel, which was a three-part song, each of whose phrases was sung through t h r i c e . At every r e p e t i t i o n the singers changed parts, thus opening the way for the contra-puntal devices of imitation and canon. The ars nova of the fourteenth century represents a general freeing of s t y l e from the old influences of organum and conductus. A greater v a r i e t y of rhythm, more shapely melodic curves, and more independently moving voice parts were the marks of the new s t y l e . There are two factors, then, i n the development of x Although the tenor had a text i n Latin, i t i s possible that i t was often performed on an instrument, for Apel and Davison l i s t a motet for instruments (No. 32e) which has the same plainsong i n d i c a t i o n that No. 32d has, "In Seculum". 100 polyphony which brought about the independence of poetry: (1) melodic independence of the voices; that i s , a departure from s t r i c t p a r a l l e l motion of two or more voice parts, and (2) rhythmical independence, where two or more notes i n one voice-part are sung to one note i n the other parts. As long as polyphony remained i n s t r i c t p a r a l l e l i s m there was l i t t l e clash of text and music. On the other hand, when melodic and rhythmic independence were established composers could no longer use music as a vehicle for words. As a r e s u l t , a new type of poet appeared i n the fourteenth century; one who wrote poetry according to r h e t o r i c a l and metrical rules rather than musical ones. Although the new poets were more l i t e r a r y i n t h e i r outlook than those of the preceding centuries they did not completely detach their poetry from the influence of music. They s t i l l recognized the close a f f i n i t y of the two arts, but at the same time i n s i s t e d that each had an Interest of i t s own. These p r i n c i p l e s can be traced i n the works of Chaucer, the Pearl poet, and Langland. The r e b e l l i o n against the old a r t i f i c i a l forms of verse based on music, for example, i s i l l u s t r a t e d by Chaucer's experiments with rhyme roy a l and the f i v e - s t r e s s stanza and the return to the old a l l i t e r a t i v e forms i n the Pearl and Piers Plowman while the t r a d i t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p of the two arts survived i n the poets' knowledge of music and the use they made of 101 that knowledge in their works. Geoffrey Chaucer was born about 1340. Whether or not he was a musician cannot be determined because of lack of evidence. But from certain entries in the Royal Household accounts i t seems probable that Chaucer spent his early years as a squire in the Royal Household. Since music i P was part of the seven knightly prob i ta tes , then i t would seem likely that Chaucer as a squire would have had some training in music. Although i t cannot be proved conclusively that Chaucer was skilled as a musician i t is known, from internal evidence in his works, that he was keenly interested in music. He never lost an opportunity of describing or alluding to its general use and of bestowing i t as an accomplishment upon the pilgrims and the heroes and heroines of his several poems. It was to the tune of the bagpipes that the Miller brought the company out of town, the young squire " . . . koude songes make and wel endite1^'', and well could the friar "...synge and pleyen on a rote14""; and . . . in his harpyng, whan that he hadde songe, His eyen twynkled in his heed aryght1?. x The seven probitates, according to Chaucer's description of the squire in the "General Prologue" of the Canterbury tales 11. 80-100, included the ability to dance, follow musical notation, read and compose verse, serve food and wine, to take part in jousts and war, hunt and understand falconry, and finally to perform court duties adequately. x3 "General prologue", Canterbury tales, I, (A), 1.95. This and the next four quotations quoted by C. C. Olson, "Chaucer and the music of the fourteenth century", Speculum, 1941, vol. 16, pp. 72-77. 1 4 Ibid, 1. 236. 15 i b id . , 1. 266-267. 102 The Pardoner " f u l loude he soong 'Com hider, love, to mej" while " t h i s Somonour bar to hym a s t i f burdoun 1^". The Prioress sang the divine service "Entuned i n h i r nose f u l semely 1?", and told the moving tale of the l i t t l e choir-boy singing "Alma redemptoris Mater". Absolon, i n the M i l l e r ' s  t a l e , sang a descant to a tune that he played on the f i d d l e , while r i v a l l i n g the young squire as a songster was Nicholas who had ... a gay sautrie, On which he made a-nyghtes melodie So swetely that a l l the chambre rong; And Angelus ad virginem he song; And after that he song the kynges noote. Fu l often blessed was his myrie t h r o t e 1 " I f Chaucer was not a musician himself, he c e r t a i n l y displayed a remarkable knowledge of many phases of the a r t . I t i s true that he showed l i t t l e f a m i l i a r i t y with t h e o r e t i c a l writers, Boethius and Pythagoras being the only ones to hold any in t e r e s t for him, but there are many passages which seem to indicate more than a layman's knowledge of music. One example i s his discussion of "physical nature of sound 1 9" i n the second book of the House of fame ( 11 . 765-823) . Here are f i v e l i n e s from the extract: 1 6 "General prologue", Canterbury ta l e s , I, (A), 1 1 . 672-673. x ? Ibid., 1. 123. 1 8 M i l l e r ' s t a l e , I, (A), 11 . 3213-3218. Quoted by Olson, op. c i t . , p. 78. 1 9 Olson, op. c i t . . p. 71 . 103 Eke, whan men harpe-strynges smyte, Whether hyt be moche or l y t e , Loo, with the strok the ayr tobreketh; And ryght so breketh i t when men speketh. Thus wost thou wel what thing i s speche 1' 3. Another instance i s his use of the medieval theory of the music of the spheres, once i n the Parliament of fowls: Thanne shewede he hym the l y t e l erthe that here At regard of the hevenes quantite; And after shewede he hym the nyne speres, And a f t e r that the melodye herde he That cometh of t h i l k e speres thryes thre, That welle i s of musik and melodye In this world here, and cause of armonye 2™. and once i n T r o i l u s and Criseyde: His l i g h t e goost f u l b l i s f u l l y is.went Up to the holughnesse of the eighthe spere, In convers letyng everich element; And ther he saugh, with f u l avysement, The e r r a t i k sterres, herkenyng armonye With sownes f u l of hevenyssh melodie 2!. Of course, such statements may only be an i n d i c a t i o n of Chaucer's wide reading, for Robinson ( i n his notes) suggests that the theory expressed i n the passage on physical sound was well-known i n the Middle Ages and could be found i n 2! "Boethius 1 De Musica, Bk. i ( e s p e c i a l l y chaps, 3 and 14).... Moreover, i t i s possible that Chaucer knew of the singing of the spheres from MacrobiusV Commentary (with which he was f a m i l i a r ) for i t makes a statement on the harmony of the 1 9 a House of Fame, 11. 777-781. 20 i i . 57-63, Olson, op. c i t . , p. 85. 21 Bk. V, 11 . 1808-1813. 22 The poems of Chaucer, p. 892. 104 spheres thus: ... a Siren s i t s upon each of the spheres, thus indicating that by the motions of the spheres d i v i n i t i e s were provided with song; for a singing Siren i s equivalent to a God i n the Greek acceptance of the word. More-over, cosmogonists have chosen to consider the nine Muses as the tuneful song of the eight spheres and the one predominant harmony that comes from a l l of them /2_7 In the Theogeny, Hesiod c a l l s the eighth Muse Urania because the eighth sphere, the star-bearer, situated above the seven errant spheres, i s co r r e c t l y referred to as the sky; and to show that the ninth was the greatest, r e s u l t i n g from the harmony of a l l sounds together, he added: "Calliope, too, who i s preeminent among a l l " 2 3 . A l l his knowledge of music did not come from books, for there are several poems i n which he exhibits a l i v e l y i n t e r e s t i n the technical side of music. In this extract from the House of fame, for example, Chaucer not only gives a comprehensive l i s t of the instruments of his day, but he describes the various kinds of musicians as well. Ther herde I pleyen on an harpe That sowned bothe wel and sharpe, Orpheus f u l c r a f t e l y , And on his syde, faste by, Sat the harper Orion, And lacides Chiron, And other harpers many oon, And the Bret Glascurion; And smale harpers with her glee's 2 3 Macrobius, Commentary on the dream of Sciplo . t r a n s l . , W. H. Stahl, New York, Columbia University Press, 1952, Bk. 2 , ch. 3 , PP. 193-194. 105 Tho saugh I stonden hem behynde, Afer f r o hem, a l be hemselve, Many thousand tymes twelve, That maden lowde mynstralcies In cornemuse and shalemyes. And many other maner pipe. That c r a f t e l y begunne to pipe, Bothe i n doucet and i n rede. That ben at festes with the brede; And many flowte and l i l t y n g horn. And pipes made of grene corn, As han thise l y t e l herde-gromes, Ther saugh I famous, olde and yonge, Pipers of the Duche tonge, To lerne love-daunces, sprynges, Reyes, and these straunge thynges. Tho saugh I i n an other place Stonden i n a large space, Of hem that maken blody soun In trumpe, beme, and claryoun; For i n f i g h t and blod-shedynge Ys used gladly clarionynge 2 4 -. Moreover, the l a s t four l i n e s just quoted and these from the Knight's Tale Pypes, trompes, nakers, clariounes, That i n the b a t a i l l e blowen blody sounes seem to indicate that Chaucer was f a m i l i a r with the martial music of his time. Furthermore, his clear-cut observations of the amateur musicians of his day often clear up troublesome questions about fourteenth-century music that musicologists have had d i f f i c u l t y i n answering. To the question whether instrumentalists 2 4 11 . 1201-1209, 1214-1225, 1233-1242. For a l i s t of instruments used by Chaucer i n the Canterbury tales v. Olson, op. c i t . , p. 73 . 2 5 I (A) 2511-2512. 106 ever performed as soloists Absolon gives at least one answer. In twenty manere koude he trippe and daunce After the scole of Oxenford tho, And with his legges casten to and fro, And pleyen songes on a small rubible; Therto he song som tyme a loud quynyble. And as wel koude he pleye on a giterne26. Apparently Absolon usually played his songs on the "giterne" but sometimes added descant as an extra flourish. The question of whether music was taught in the schools, is also answered by Chaucer for, in the Prioress tale, the "l i te l clergion" heard the music of the church service being taught as he attended school2'7. A l i t t l e scole of cristen folk ther stood Doun at the ferther ende, in which ther were Children an heep, yeomen of Cristen blood, That lerned in that scole yeer by yere Swich mahere doctrine as men used there, This is to seyn, to syngen and to rede, As he sat in the scole at his prymer, He Alma redemptoris herde synge, p o As children lerned hire antiphoner^0; Of course this variety of musical knowledge might only indicate a superficial interest in a few well-known facts, instead of a careful training, but I doubt i t , and for the following reasons. of, Miller's tale, I, (A), 11 . 3328-3333. Quoted by Olson, op. c i t . , p. 77. 2 ? In his explanatory notes F. N. Robinson points out that the " l i te l scole" was probably a "regular village school" rather than a "school of choir boys," p. 840. 2 8 The Prioress tale. VII. 11 . 495-500, 517-519. Mentioned by Olson, op. c i t . , p. 80. 107 I f we examine his l y r i c poetry we f i n d that he often used forms that had derived their structure from musical techniques, such as the, ballade and rondel. O r i g i n a l l y the words and music of these genres were a single e n t i t y as i n the old French ballade, Douce dame 2 9. If the musical form (ab ab cd E) of this example i s compared with the poetic form used by Chaucer i n this ballade from the Legend of  Good Women (1) Rhyme Musical Form Hyd, Absolon, thy g i l t e tresses clere; a a Ester, ley thow thy meknesse a l adoun; b b Hyd, Jbnathas, a l thyn frendly manere; a a Penolope and Marcia Catoun, b b Mak of youre wyfhod no comparisoun; b c Hyde ye youre beautes, Ysoude and Eleyne: c d Alceste Is here, that a l that may desteyne. C E (2) Thy fayre body, l a t i t nat apeere, Laveyne; and thow, Lucresse of Rome toun, And Polixene, that boughte love so dere, Ek Cleopatre, with a l thy passioun, Hide ye youre trouth i n love and youre renoun; And thow, Tysbe, that hast for love swich peyne: Alceste i s here, that a l that may desteyne. (3) Herro, Dido, Laodomya, a l l e i n - f e r e , Ek P h i l l i s , hangynge for thy Demophoun, And Canace, espied by thy chere, Y s i p h i l e , betrayed with Jasoun, Mak of youre trouthe i n love no bost ne soun; Nor Ypermystre or Adriane, ne pleyne: Alceste i s here, that a l that may disteyne. i t w i l l be found that the structure of the two works " Quoted on page 40 of this thesis. 3 ° »G" text, 11. 203-209. 108 i s i d e n t i c a l , for each have a repeated couplet and each have a repeated l a s t l i n e that serves as a r e f r a i n . In Chaucer's poem, however, the r e p e t i t i o n of the l a s t l i n e for a l l verses serves no l i t e r a r y purpose but i s a r e l i c of the o r i g i n a l musical form of the ballade. Moreover, Chaucer may have had a d e f i n i t e tune i n mind when he wrote some of his poems, for, of the lovely Valentine rondel i n the Parliament of fowls, he t e l l s us that "The note, I trowe, imaked was in. Fraunce^ 1." The most important i n d i c a t i o n of Chaucer's musical a b i l i t y was not these external references to music (important though they may be) but the way i n which he resolved the English speech into a l i l t i n g music of his own. As long as he wrote pieces l i k e the charming Valentine rondel or the superb lament of T r o i l u s ^ 2 he did not need music to accompany his verses, they were sheer music i n themselves. Although i t i s not known who the Pearl poet was his poems seem to indicate that he had a background similar to that of Chaucer. Whereas there can be no pos i t i v e proof, his evident knowledge of the gentleman's pastimes of war, hunting, singing, and dancing lends c r e d i b i l i t y to thi s suggestion. That he had at lea s t some f a m i l i a r i t y with martial 3 1 1. 677. The a r t i f i c i a l i t y of form that was observable i n the ballade was also present i n the rondel. 32 Bk. I l l , 11 . 1450-1463. 109 music i s evident i n the s h r i l l sound of his c l a r i o n " c a l l to arms" i n Nebuchadnezzar's camp before Jerusalem, "Cier claryoun crak cryed o n l o f t e ^ " . or i n the noisy and frightening blare of trumpets i n "Blastes out of brjrjt brasse brestes so hyje^ 4"". One can almost hear the r o l l of the m i l i t a r y k e t t l e drums i n th i s l i n e from S i r Gawain and the Green Knight, "Nwe nakryn noyse with ps noble p i p e s ^ . n Judged by his precise knowledge of Venery he was a man who had often raced a f t e r the game with horsemen and hounds and had heard the clear notes of the bugle through the forest a i r : Hunterej wyth hyje home hasted hem a f t e r Wyth such a crakkande kry, as k l y f f e s haden brusten36. In the hunting scenes he introduced three important c a l l s , the mote (three notes sounded at the unleashing of the hounds the recheat (four s y l l a b l e c a l l sounded three times on the second day to urge on the hounds), and the pr i s e (four notes J "Cleanness", E a r l y a l l i t e r a t i v e poems i n the W. Midland d i a l e c t , ed., R. Morris, London, Trubner and Co., E.E.T.S. ( O r i g i n a l Series), 1864, No. 1, 1210. 3 4 Ihid., 1. 1783. 35 Gawain and the green knight, ed., R. Morris, London, Trubner and Co., E.E.T.S. (O r i g i n a l S e r i e s ) , 1864, Fo~. 4, 1.118. I am assuming that the Pearl poet also wrote these other two poems. 36 i b i d . . 11. 1165-1166. 37 i b i d . . 1. 1141. 110 succeeded by another four, a l i t t l e longer, when the deer i s taken38) . The serious pursuits of war and hunting were l a i d aside i n the evening and the ladies and gentlemen gathered i n the great h a l l for an evening's dancing and singing. Like Chaucer, the Pearl poet was f a m i l i a r with the amusements of the upper classes. In Gawain he showed them on one evening enjoying the songs of the m i n s t r e l s ^ while on another, they spent the time i n singing and dancing. His knowledge of music does not remain i n the realm of the interested amateur, however, for i t embraces a l l forms of music, vocal and instrumental, secular and e c c l e s i a s t i c a l . This quotation from Gawain c e r t a i n l y seems to suggest a knowledge of the technical names of some of the types of popular songs: Much glam & gle glent vp per-inne Aboute be fyre vpon f l e t , & on f e l e wyse At pe soper & a f t e r , mony apel songe_3, * Q As coundutes of kryst-masse & carole3 newe The i n c l u s i o n of carols i n the merrymaking i s not unusual as they were a popular type of song and would be known to most people of the fourteenth century. But, as the conductus was no longer i n f a v o u r 4 1 , i t would suggest that the Pearl 3 8 Gawain and the Green Knight, 11 . 1362-1364. 39 i b i d . , 1. 1952. 4 0 Ibid., 11 . 1652-1655. 4 1 M i l f o r d , H., ed., Oxford history of music, Oxford University Press, London, 1929, v o l . 1, p. 137f f. Moreover, Apel and Davison's c o l l e c t i o n , there i s not a single example of conductus l i s t e d for the fourteenth century. I l l poet had specialized training of some sort. Moreover, there are other references which show that he had more than a perfunctory knowledge of music, for example, this free adaptation of Revelations xiv, 2 - 3 : As harpore3 harpen i n her harpe, pat nwe songe pay songen f u l c l e r . In sounande notes a gentyl carpe, _ F u l fayre be rnodej pay fonge i n fere . The "modejj1 have reference to the eight e c c l e s i a s t i c a l modes of plainsong which suggests that he may at one time have been under church musical d i s c i p l i n e , possibly at one of the choir schools. One of t h e i r texts, The tonal, might have been the source of his knowledge 4^. F i n a l l y , l i k e Chaucer he seems to have extended information about the instruments i n use: & ber wat3 solace & songe wher sorj hatj ay cryed; For aungelles with instrumentes of organes & pypes, & r i a l ryngande rotes, & pe reken f y p e l . & a l l e hende pat honestly mo^t an hert glade, Aboutte my lady watj lent44. I t i s i n his manipulation of words to simulate d i f f e r e n t sounds, that he shows the closest association of words and music. In his remarkable use of onomatopoeia to 4.9 "Pearl", Early a l l i t e r a t i v e poems i n the W. Midland  d i a l e c t , 11. 881-884. 43 For further information on "The tonal" consult W. H. Frere, The sarum use, Cambridge University Press, 1901, Introduction, pp. 32-33• 44 "Cleanness", Early a l l i t e r a t i v e poems i n the W. Midland d i a l e c t , 11. 1080-84. 112 imitate the rhythm and sound of voice and instrument he surpasses a l l other poets of the time. This s k i l l i s not accidental; i t suggests that he must have had a cultured ear and an understanding of the techniques of music to be so exact i n the reproduction of th e i r sound. Dif f e r e n t from men of the world l i k e Chaucer and the Pearl poet was the author of Piers Plowman. Although the i d e n t i t y of the author i s open to question he i s generally conceded to be William Langland, "a c l e r i c a l vagabond /who earned7 his bread.../by s i n g i n g 7 the Paternoster, Dirige, Placebo, Psalter, and Seven P e n i t e n t i a l Psalms... for those AC who contributed to his support Evidently Langland's training had made him h o s t i l e to the a r t of the minstrel for he never l o s t an opportunity of disparaging the profession, classing musicians with knaves and rascals. On one occasion, for example, he had "A rybibour and a ratoner a rakere and hus knave 4^" welcome Glutton, while on another he said that Mede was As comuyn as be Cart-wei- to knaues and to a l l e ; To Preostes, to Minstrals to Mesels i n hegges 4?, Moreover, when he mentioned a musician i n a figure of speech Baugh, A L i t e r a r y history of England, p. 245. 46 Piers Plowman, C text, Passus 7, 1.371. 4 7 Ibid., A text, Passus 3 , 11 . 127-128. 113 he was usually not very f l a t t e r i n g to the musician. One time, for instance, he ca l l e d lunatics"...murye-mouthede men mynstrales of heuene 4 8," and at another he said ... to s p i l l e speche pat spyre i s of grace, And goddes gleman and a game of heuene; Wolde neuere pe f a i t h f u l fader his f i t h e l were vntempred, We his gleman a gedelynge a goer to tauernesj 4° F i n a l l y , he seemed to regard minstrelsy as a s i n t e l l i n g men that they should "Noujt to fare as a f i t h e l e r or a frere for to seek f e s t e s 4 9 " nor "... to solace j;oure soules suche ministrales to haue^". That Langland did not have the worldly musical background of Chaucer and the Pearl poet i s borne out by his own words: Ich can nat tabre ne trompe ne t e l l e f a i r e gestes, Farten, ne fi p e l e n , at festes, ne harpen; Iapen ne Iogelen, ne gentelliche pipe; Noper sa i l e n , ne sautrien, ne singe with be g i t e r n e 5 . Moreover, instead of singing "compleyntes" to his lady as a court poet would have done, Langland pictured the common fo l k at work and play, And panne seten somme and songen atte nale, ^ And hulpen erie his half acre with "howl t r o l l i - l o l l i ' I" 4 8 Piers Plowman, C text, Passus 10, 1. 126. 4 9 Ibid., B text, Passus 10, 1. 92 . 5° Ibid., B text, Passus 13, 1. 443. 5 1 Ibid., C.text, Passus 16, 11 . 205-208. 52 Ibid., B text, Passus 6, 11 . 117-118. 114 or described many hundreds of angels that ...harpeden & songen, Cuplat caro, purgat caro; regnat deus dei caro F i n a l l y , i t was not the clarion's c a l l to arms that i n t e r -ested Langland, for, with him, i t was "Treuth / t h a t / tromped and "pees" that "...piped... of poysye a n o t e ^ . " Although his temperament was a l i e n to the jingles of the court poets even he had his moments when he f e l t that i t was a reproach not knowing the music of the world: bei conne namore mynstralcye ne muske, men to glade, Than Munde pe mylnere, of multa f e c i t deus5°* To a professional singer of masses, as Langland was believed to be, moreover, the L a t i n lines so l i b e r a l l y sprinkled throughout his work would be f a m i l i a r to him as something chanted rather than read. Since he slipped n a t u r a l l y from Anglo-Saxon to L a t i n to Anglo-Saxon again i n his work i t i s not surprising to f i n d that the Anglo-Saxon l i n e s can also be chanted. Indeed, these l i n e s s l i d e so e a s i l y into any of the "eight tones" spe c i f i e d for the psalter that there i s at lea s t a p o s s i b i l i t y that Langland had these tunes i n mind when he composed his work. Now this statement does not mean that the poem was chanted instead of read, (though i t could w Piers Plowman, B text, Passus 18, 1. 405-406. 5 4 Ibid., B text, Passus 13, 1. 230. 55 i b i d . , B text, Passus 13, 1. 407. 5 6 Ibid., B text, Passus 10, 11 . 43-44. 115 have "been and may have been by the poet himself), nor does i t imply that a l l i t e r a t i v e poetry was connected with the music of the church; i t merely suggests that Langland was so steeped i n e c c l e s i a s t i c a l music that he could e f f o r t l e s s l y reproduce the f a m i l i a r rhythms of the church without a l t e r i n g the structure of his poem. In this century, then, when poetry was no longer written primarily to be sung or intoned i t i s interesting to note that the three most important writers of England s t i l l made use of music, i n one way or another, i n their poetry. Chapter VI In the f i f t e e n t h century, though much that was medieval s t i l l survived, the continental poets and musicians of the new era were looking forward, experimenting with, and developing the new forms that were to make the Renaissance so memorable. In the f i e l d of drama there was one development that i s worthy of notice, namely, the creation of the spectacular court pageants. Oddly enough the chief factor i n their development was the ancient foundation of the Chapel Royal, which supplied the r e l i g i o u s exercises of the court. Since the directors of the Chapel Royal were not just music directors but had at their disposal actors, producers, and writers, i t i s easy to understand how an establishment of t h i s nature became connected with the worldly plays of the court. Some idea of the importance attached to this school i s conveyed by the following extract from the Harleian manuscript 433, where Richard III empowered John Melynek, Gentleman of the Chapel Royal ... to take and seize for the king a l l such singing men and children expert i n the science of music, within a l l places of the realm, as well i n cathedral, churches, colleges, chapels,...exempt places or elsewhere 1. Flood, W. H. G., Early Tudor composers, Oxford University Press, 1925, p. 14. 117 At f i r s t , the men and boys were probably drawn into the dramatists' entertainment merely to add i n c i d e n t a l music, but by the end of the century they had begun to act. In the music of the f i f t e e n t h century the desire to bring some order into chord progressions and to re l a t e them to one another becomes evident. This composition by Lionel Power gives some i n d i c a t i o n of the attempts that were made at functional harmony. ft | 1 1 i / -/ L d ' d J J ° J * * J 1 d 6 * J t O- O' ? - ' San- ctus san- 1 L)' H P 4 H o. In vocal music attention was large l y concentrated on r / the sensuous e f f e c t of combining the d i f f e r e n t voices rather v than on the sentiments of the text. In fa c t , musicians of the f i f t e e n t h century paid l i t t l e or no attention to the text they were setting; the medieval balance of word and music was gone. Even Dunstable was g u i l t y i n this respect, for i n one bar of the following extract he twice places a rest i n the middle of a word. Apel and Davison, op. c i t . . No. 63 118 " ^  nt P S j> r I est de-vi-n * - um -< tc V i J 1 v: 3 me-di- c i - - na. For the rest, the old forms of secular music and poetry had not changed; the ballade, chanson, rondel, and v i r e l a i were what they had been i n the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, the rondel, for example being used i n Dunstable's settings of 0 rosa b e l l a and Puisque mfamour4. Moreover, the traditions of the church were carried on i n Damett's setting of the hymn Beata Dei g e n i t r i x and Dunstable's Sancta Maria**. With the coming of polyphony, then, the poets' and musicians' conception of the in t e r - r e l a t i o n s h i p of music and poetry was completely changed. Writer and musician, for example, were no longer a single person but were two a r t i s t s trained to exploit t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l a r t s . Although poets s t i l l knew a great deal about music (employing figures 3 This extract i s the top two l i n e s only of bars 118-120 of Dunstable's Veni Sancte S p i r i t u s found i n "Complete works of John Dunstable" MUsica Britannica, ed., M. Bukofzer, for Royal Musical Association and American Musicological Society, London, Stainer and B e l l Ltd., 1953 > p. 91. 4 Ibid., No. 54 and 55. ^ Apel and Davison, op. c i t . , No. 64 and 6 2 . 119 of speech borrowed from the language of music, using i t s rhythms for th e i r l i n e s , and simulating various musical sounds i n th e i r words), and musicians s t i l l employed texts for t heir songs, they no longer expected the two arts to be a single e n t i t y . Evidence of this changed outlook and practice may be found i n the appearance of purely Instrumental music (as i n the Estampies Lamento d i T r i s t a n and S a l t a r e l l o or the Organ Estampie^) and i n the development of poetry that was written according to i t s own metrical r u l e s 7 . The arts had f i n a l l y separated. ° Apel and Davison, op. c i t . . No. 59a, 59b, and 58. 7 Note, for example, how Chaucer i s thinking p a r t i c u l a r l y of the metre i n th i s passage from T r o i l u s and  Crlseyde when he suggests that his work might be either read or sung. Go, l i t e l bok, go, l i t e l myn tragedye, And for ther i s so gret d i v e r s i t e In Englissh and i n writyng of oure tonge, So prey I God that non myswrite the, Ne the mysmetre for defaute of tonge. And red wherso thou be, or e l l e s songe. Bk. 5, 11 . 1786-1797. B i b l i o g r a p h y / A r t i c l e s n o t c o n s u l t e d appear i n b r a c k e t s ^ H i s t o r i e s o f M u s i c and L i t e r a t u r e Adams, J . Q., Baugh, A. C , Buck, P. C , Guest, E., Hughes, Dom. A., M i l f o r d , H., M i l l e r , H. M., Morse, J. L., Sachs, C., S a i n t s b u r y , G., Ward, A. W. and W a l l e r , A. R., H i s t o r y o f E n g l i s h drama, B o s t o n , Houghton, M i f f l i n Co., 1924. ed., A l i t e r a r y h i s t o r y o f E n g l a n d , New Y o r k , A p p l e t o n - C e n t u r y - C r o f t s , 1948, Bk. I. ed., Oxford h i s t o r y o f music, O x f o r d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1929, I n t r o d u c t o r y volume. H i s t o r y o f E n g l i s h rhythms, ed., Rev. W. S k e a t , London, G. B e l l and Sons, 1882. ed., New Oxford h i s t o r y o f music, O x f o r d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1954, v o l . 2. ed., Oxford h i s t o r y o f music, Oxford U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1929, v o l . 1. ed., An o u t l i n e h i s t o r y o f music. New Y o r k , Barnes and Noble I n c . , 1947. ed., U n i v e r s a l s t a n d a r d e n c y c l o p e d i a , New Y o r k , U n i c o r n P u b l i s h e r s , 1955? v o l . 11. A s h o r t h i s t o r y o f w o r l d music, London, Dennis Dobson L t d . , 1949. H i s t o r y o f E n g l i s h prosody. New Y o r k , London, M a c m i l l a n Co., 1906, v o l . 1. ed., Cambridge h i s t o r y o f E n g l i s h  l i t e r a t u r e . Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1908, v o l . 1. Books on S p e c i a l S u b j e c t s A r i s t o x e n u s The harmonics o f A r i s t o x e n u s , ed., H. S. Macran, O x f o r d , C l a r e n d o n P r e s s , 1902. 121 Aubrey, P., Bukofzer, M. F., Chambers, E. K., Chaytor, H. J., Cohen, H. L., Duncan, E., F a r a l , E., Flood, W. H. G., /Frere, W. H., Gastoue, A., Gerold, T., Gibbon, J. M., Oakden, J. P., Pattison, B., P h i l l i p s , W. J., Trouveres et troubadours, Pari s , F e l i x Alcan Press, 1909. Studies i n medieval and Renaissance  music. New York, Norton and Co., 19WT English l i t e r a t u r e at the close of  the Middle Ages, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1945. The troubadours, Cambridge University Press, 1912. The ballade. New York, Columbia University Press, 1915. The story of minstrelsy, London, Walter Scott Publishing Co. Ltd., New York, C. Scribner's Sons, 1907. Les arts poetiques du x i i et du x i l i  s i d c l e , Paris, L i b r a i r i e Ancienne Edouard Champion, 1923. E a r l y Tudor composers, Oxford University Press, 1925. The Sarum use, Cambridge University Press, 1901, I n t r o d u c t i o n ^ Les p r l m i t i f s de l a musique francaise, Paris, L i b r a i r i e Paul Geuthner, 1922. La musiaue au Moyen Age, Pari s , L i b r a i r i e Ancienne Honore Champion, 1932. Melody and the l y r i c , London and Toronto, J . M. Dent and Sons Ltd., 1930. A l l i t e r a t i v e poetry i n Middle English, Manchester University Press, 1930 -1935. Music and poetry of the English Renaissance, London, Methuen, 1948. Carols; t h e i r o r i g i n , music and  connection with mystery plays, London, G. Routledge and Sons Ltd., 1921. 122 Pound, L . , Reed, E. B . , Reese, G. , Rossiter, A. P. , Rowthbothan, J . F . , Sachs, C , Smith, L . , Taig, T . , Winfred, D., Poetic origins and the ballad. New York, Macmillan Co., 1921. English lyric poetry. New Haven, Yale University Press, 1914. Music in the Middle Ages. New York, Norton and Co., 1940. English drama, London, Hutchinson House, 1950. Troubadours and courts of love, London, Swann Sonnenschein and Co., 1895. The rise of music in the ancient  world. East and West, New York, Norton and Co., 1943. Music of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, London, Toronto, Vancouver, J . M. Dent and Sons, 1931. Rhythm and meter, Cardiff, University of Wales, 1929. Church music in history and practice, New York, C. Scribner's Sons, 1937. Periodical Articles Bedbrook, G. S., Bukofzer, M., Davidson, C , Greene, H. C , Keith, A., "Nature of medieval music", Music  and Letter Series, April , 1945, pp. 78-88. "Music of the virelai", M.&L., April , 1938, pp. 130-132. "Studies in English mystery plays", Transactions, Connecticut Academy  of Arts and Sciences, 1892-1895, vol. 9, PP. 224-230. "The song of the ass", Speculum, 1931, vol. 6 , pp. 534-5'49l "Scottish ballads, their evidence of authorship and origin", English  Association Essays and Studies, 1926, No. 12, pp. 100-119. 123 Olson, C. C , "Chaucer and the music of the fourteenth century", Speculum, 1941, v o l . 16, pp. 64-91. Rankin, J. W., "Hymns of Saint Goderic", Publications of the Modern  Language Association, 1923, v o l . 38, pp. 6*69-711. Texts and Music Collections Apel, W. and Davison, A. T, A r i s t o t l e , Bede, Venerable Brown, C , Brown, C , Bukofzer, M. Cambrensis, G., ed., Anthology of music. Harvard University Press, 1950, (Revised e d i t i o n ) , v o l . 1. The p o l i t i c s , t r a n s l . Ernest Baker, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1946. E c c l e s i a s t i c a l history (Part 1), Old English t r a n s l a t i o n , ed., T. M i l l e r , London, published by K. Paul, Trench, Trubner and Co., for the Early English Text Society (Original Series), 1890, No. 95.96. ed., English l y r i c s of the  thirteenth century. Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1932. ed., Religious l y r i c s of the  fourteenth century, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1924. ed., "The complete works of John Dunstable", Musica Britannlca, published for Royal Musical Association and American Musicological Society, London, Stainer and B e l l Ltd., 1953, v o l . 8. Descrlptio Kambriae, t r a n s l . S i r Richard Colt Hoare, for Everyman's Library, London, J. M. Dent and Sons Ltd., 1935. Chambers, R. W., ed., Beowulf, Cambridge University Press, 1921. 124 Chappell, W., and Ebsworth, J. W., Chaucer, G., Child, F. J., Coussemaker, C. E. H., Dante, A l i g h i e r i Ellinwood, L., England, G., F u r n i v a l l , F. J., /Gerbert, M., Greene, R. L., Gower, J., Langland, W., ed., Hoxburghe ballads, Hertford, printed for the Ballad Society by S. Austin and Sons, 1871, v o l . 1. The poems of Chaucer, ed., F. N. Robinson, Boston, Houghton M i f f l i n Co., 1933. ed., English and Scot t i s h popular  ballads, Boston, Houghton M i f f l i n Co., 1882-1898, 5 vols. ed., Drames liturgi q u e s du Moyen  Age, Paris, V i c t o r Didron, I860 . "De vulgari eloquentia", The L a t i n  works of Dante, t r a n s l . A. G. Ferrers-Howell, London, J. M. Dent and Sons Ltd., 1904. ed., Musica Hermanni Contracti, New York, G. Schirmer Inc., 1936. ed., "Prima pastorum" and "Secunda pastorum", The Towneley plays, London, K. Paul, Trench, Trubner and Co., E.E.T.S. (Extra Series) 1897, No. 71 . ed., "Herod's k i l l i n g of the children", The Digby plays, London, K. Paul, Trench, Trubner and Co., E.E.T.S. (Extra Series), 1896, No. 70 . ed., Scriptores e c c l e s i a s t i c ! , de  musica, St. B l a i s e , 1784, v o l . I g / ed., The early English carols, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1935• Confessio amantis, ed., G. C* Macaulay, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1901, v o l . 3 . Piers Plowman, ed., W. Skeat, London, Trubner and Co., E.E.T.S. (Or i g i n a l S e r i e s ) , I898, A and B text, No. 28 .38 , C text, No. 54. 125 Manning, R., Manning, R., /Migne, J. P., Morris, R., Morris, R., Macrobius, /Nicomachus, /Nicene and Post, ^Nonant, Hugh de. Plato, Salisbury, John of Handling synne, ed., F. J. F u r n i v a l l , London, K. Paul, Trench Trubner and Co., E.E.T.S. (O r i g i n a l S e r i e s ) , 1901-1903, No. 119 .123. "Preface to Story of England, Pt. 2 " , ed., T. Hearne i n The works of Thomas Hearne, London, printed for S. Bagster, 1724, v o l . 3 . ed., Patrologiae cursus completus, Paris, Gamier Frdres, (Series Graeca) 1857-1866, v o l . 55, (Series Latina) 1844-1855, v o l . 12J ed., Early a l l i t e r a t i v e poems i n the W. Midland d i a l e c t , London, Trubner and Co., E.E.T.S. ( O r i g i n a l Series), 1864, No. 1. ed., Gawain and the green knight, London, Trubner and Co., E.E.T.S. (O r i g i n a l S e r i e s ) , 1864, No. 4. Commentary on the Dream of Scipio, t r a n s l . W. H. Stahl, New York, Columbia University Press, 1952. "The enchiridon harmonics", Muslci scriptores Graeci, ed., K. Jan, B. G. Teubneri, 1895,7 A select l i b r a r y of the Nicene  Fathers of the C h r i s t i a n church, ed., Schaff, P h i l i p et a l . , (Series I ) , New York, C. Scribner's Sons, 1886, v o l . 1^ 7 "Statutes" Lincoln Statutes, London, printed for her Majesty's Stationery Office by Eyre and Spottiswoode, 1895, v o l . 2J The works of Plato, London, G. B e l l and Sons, 1902-1908, v o l . 2 , "The republic", t r a n s l . H. Davies, v o l . 5, "The laws", t r a n s l . G. Burgess. P o l i c r a t l c u s , ed., C. C. J. Webb, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1909. 126 Sedgefield, W. J., Sharp, C. J., Stevens, J., ?/alpole, A. S., ed., An Anglo-Saxon verse-book, Manchester University Press, 1922. ed., English f o l k songs, London, Novello and Co. Ltd., 1916, v o l . 1. ed., "Medieval Carols", Musica  Britannica, published for Royal Musical Association, London, Stainer and B e l l Ltd., 1952, v o l . 4. ed., Early L a t i n hymns, Cambridge University Press, 1922. 

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