UBC Theses and Dissertations

UBC Theses Logo

UBC Theses and Dissertations

Alfonso el Sabio's ambitions and succession in the Castillian chronicles Goertz, Wolf 1961

You don't seem to have a PDF reader installed, try download the pdf

Item Metadata

Download

Media
[if-you-see-this-DO-NOT-CLICK]
UBC_1961_A8 G6 A5.pdf [ 4.85MB ]
Metadata
JSON: 1.0106223.json
JSON-LD: 1.0106223+ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): 1.0106223.xml
RDF/JSON: 1.0106223+rdf.json
Turtle: 1.0106223+rdf-turtle.txt
N-Triples: 1.0106223+rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: 1.0106223 +original-record.json
Full Text
1.0106223.txt
Citation
1.0106223.ris

Full Text

ALFONSO EL SABIO«S AMBITIONS AND SUCCESSION IN THE CASTILIAN CHRONICLES by Wolf Goertz B.A., The University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1958 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS In the Department of Romance Studies We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA A p r i l , 1961 In presenting t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements f o r an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree th a t the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r reference and study. I f u r t h e r agree that, permission f o r extensive copying of t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s understood tha t copying or p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l not be allowed without my w r i t t e n permission. Department of Romance Studies  The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver 8, Canada. Date A p r i l 5, 1961  i i i Abstract The second half of the thirteenth c e n t u r y i s a rather obscure period i n Spanish history. Only one f a i r l y detailed C h r i s t i a n chronicle exists f o r the reign of each of the three kings that ruled during that time. Since these works were not composed u n t i l the middle of the following century, especially the e a r l i e s t years which the author describes, the 1250*s and 1260's, are f u l l of anachronisms. The few other accounts that treat of the period are quite brief and of not much help. Alfonso e l Sabio had u n t i l 1275 most extensive foriegn i n  te r e s t s , and h i s plans have l e f t many traces i n the archives of other countries, especially of some of the cit y - s t a t e s of Northern I t a l y . From these foreign accounts many obscure points i n A l  fonso's reign can be c l a r i f i e d , since i t i s precisely on the int e r n a t i o n a l plane where the C a s t i l i a n chronicle of his reign f a i l s . Taking Antonio Ballesteros y Beretta's work on the i t i n  erary of Alfonso e l Sabio as point of departure, the present essay t r i e s to point out some of the shortcomings of C a s t i l i a n fourteenth-century historiography. i i i TABLE OF CONTENTS I. Introduction I I . C a s t i l i a n P o l i t i c s j£rom 1252-1284 I I I . The Chronicles' Picture of Alfonso E l Sabio's Reign IV. Appendix 1: Synoptic Table of f h ? j Contents of The Manuscripts of the Tres coronicas. V. Appendix 2: Genealogical Tables For The History of Ca s t i l e 1252-1284 VI. Bibliography I. Introduction The end of the Roman Empire meant at f i r s t also a stand s t i l l f o r the writing of history i n Northern and Western Europe. Whatever was composed i n the following centuries down to about 1200 was of rather i n f e r i o r quality. The Church was p r a c t i c a l l y the only i n s t i t u t i o n that upheld learning, and thus the writers were almost exclusively e c c l e s i a s t i c s . Although the Crown would usually make i t possible f o r one of the bishops to keep himself well informed about secular a f f a i r s , no great works have come down to present times. These authors lacked the insight of a Caesar or a Tacitus, l e t alone the powerful pre sentation of a Thukydides. Instead, b i b l i c a l or supernatural t a l e s were interspersed with h i s t o r i c a l accounts, or the i n t e r e s t shifted to wondrous stories of the l i v e s of Saints. From Central Europe many works are extant; from Spain, there aire very few. For the V i s i g o t h i c period Valdeavellano gives the names of a dozen more or less o r i g i n a l writers of h i s t o r i c a l works, among them Hidacio (about 388-470), Juan de Bjfclaro (about 520-621) and San Isidoro of S e v i l l e (560- 1 636). With the year 711 t h i s o r i g i n a l i t y stopped and i n the following centuries the most common form of historiography consisted of a few l i n e s f o r each year i n the annals of some monasteries. The number of these accounts increased with the advance of the Reconquest and they were always anonymous. There were also composed a few more extensive works, the most 1 . L u i s G. de Valdeavellano, H i s t o r i a deEs-pana (Madrid, 1952), pp. 42-43. 2 important of which are the Cronica mozarabe de 754, the Cronica  albeldense (883), the Cronica silense (1115?), the Chronica  Adephonsi imperatoris (1147), the Cronica najerense (1160?), the Liber regum (1200?) and the Chronicon mundi (1236) of Lucas, bishop of Tuy. These re l a t e t h e i r comtemporary history with greater d e t a i l , although s t i l l i n an annalistic form. In addition, the Albeldense and the Na.jerense, the Liber regum and the Tudense show t h e i r own age against i t s background of previous history. They go back to the beginning of the world, copying or paraphrasing the accounts of the V i s i g o t h i c authors, mostly of Isidore of S e v i l l e . •i ~ At the same time i n the South, at the Muslim courts, c u l t u r a l l i f e and thus also historiography were taking a d i f  ferent route. The r u l e r s were highly interested i n matters of the mind, wrote philosophy and history and surrounded themselves with the greatest i n t e l l e c t s of t h e i r day. This universal attitude probably impressed the austere and s o l d i e r l i k e ambula tory C h r i s t i a n court and may have induced Alfonso I I I , Vermudo II and Alfonso YII to employ an o f f i c i a l court historiographer. The great stimulus provided by Frederick I I ! s court i n the f i r s t half of the thirteenth century probably helped to start a new phase of Spanish historiography. But above a l l , t h i s was due to the court chronicler of Ferdinand I I I , Rodrigo Jimenez de Rada, archbishop of Toledo (1180?-1247), between St. Isidore and Pedro Lopez de Ayala (1332-1407) the only C a s t i l i a n who was capable of h i s t o r i c a l c r i t i c i s m . His Rerum i n Hispania  gestarum chronicon, or H j s t o r i a gothica, which ends i n 1237, 3 and his other works are most valuable because he compared the Ch r i s t i a n documents and annals with the Arabic chronicles and was very careful about the conclusions he reached. The standard he set was kept up or even raised by the Catalan chronicles of Jaime I and Pedro Desclot, both i n the second half of the t h i r  teenth century, and of Ramon Muntaner (1327). None of these four works made an attempt at universal history. Ramon Muntaner was the least objective of the group because as a courtier he f e l t obliged to pass over the events unfavourable to his master. A l l four, and especially Pedro Desclot, have a powerful way of presenting t h e i r argument and enliven t h e i r story with much v i v i d description. In C a s t i l e , from 1237 to about 1340, matters did not take such a lucky path, although the next king, Alfonso X, was a great patron of the a r t s . He gathered at his court an i n t e r  national crop of scholars - Christians, Moors and Jews - and instigated and supervised a l l t h e i r i n t e l l e c t u a l a c t i v i t y . In contrast to Frederick I I he did not write f o r the learned but f o r the people, and thus a l l works edited at his court were written i n Romance. This was not e n t i r e l y new, because from the tenth century on more and more documents had been issued i n the vernacular, the Liber regum. fin i s h e d about 1200, was written i n Navarrese and the Anonimo de Sahagun (1255) i n Cas t i l i a n , and drama and poetry had been composed i n Romance for over a hundred years. Alfonso's interest i n the C a s t i l i a n language may have been i n keeping with the Renaissance and i t s stress of individualism: other countries were developing t h e i r 4 national f e e l i n g and t h e i r own language; i f Spain was to be a counterweight - and Alfonso's Imperial aspirations showed the seriousness of his intentions - the Five Kingdoms must recognize t h e i r common history and become accustomed to a common language. As f a r as historiography was concerned, an unfortunate part was the lack of c r i t i c i s m with which the General estoria and the Estoria de Bspana were compiled. This lack becomes especially apparent i n those portions of the l a t t e r work where the collaborators followed the Toledano. For instance, where the archbishop's better judgment had caused him to suppress un l i k e l y incidents which the epic poems supplied i n large number, the Cronica general, i n the same place, interrupted the t r a n s l a  t i o n to insert these poems i n a f u l l length t r a n s c r i p t i o n . This gives the work at least a high l i t e r a r y value since except f o r the Poema del Cid a l l the Spanish epics are l o s t . Also some missing Arabic accounts can be reconstructed from i t . Because i t s most important sources are extant up to 1237, i t has the value of a primary h i s t o r i c a l source only from that date u n t i l 1252 where i t ends. Another unfortunate factor about Alfonso X's historiographic e f f o r t s i s that he forgot the p r a c t i c a l side over a l l his i n t e l  l e c t u a l i n t e r e s t s : there does not exist a good contemporary chronicle of his reign. Thus for C a s t i l e the e f f o r t s of the Toledano were almost l o s t u n t i l a hundred years l a t e r Alfonso XI ordered o f f i c i a l l y the resuming of historiography. Only one work of that period deserves to be mentioned; i t i s a continua t i o n of the Toledano by Jofre de Loaysa who carried h i s H i s t o r i a 5 de l os reyes de C a s t i l l a from 1248 to 1305. It had o r i g i n a l l y "been written i n Romance but i s extant only i n a Lat i n t r a n s l a t i o n . From the 1320's on there started to develop another centre of historiographic a c t i v i t y i n the West of the Peninsula. F i r s t there appeared the Cronica de don Dinis (1279-1325). Between 1340 and 1344 there was fi n i s h e d the Livro das linhagens which ends with the Battle of the Salado (Oct. 28, 1340). I t s composi t i o n had been directed by Pedro, Count of Barcelos (1278?-1354) i n the same way i n which Alfonso X had supervised his collabora tors. Under Pedro of Portugal's d i r e c t i o n was probably also • done the f i r s t rewriting of h i s great-grandfather's Primera  cronica general, the Cronica geral de Sspanha de 1344, completed on January 21 of that year. It has not yet been decided defin i t e l y whether the Cronica de veinte reyes and the Cronica de los reyes de C a s t i l l a which both end i n 1252, were u t i l i z e d by the compilers. Meanwhile i n C a s t i l e Alfonso XI (1312-1350) had come of age and f o r the f i r s t time since- Sancho I V s death ( A p r i l 25, 1295) the country was no longer being torn to pieces by the furious selfishness of the succeeding two kings' tutors or ad viso r s . With the- added stimulus of the great historiographic a c t i v i t y to the East and the West of C a s t i l e , an o f f i c i a l court chronicler was employed, the Segunda cronica general was trans lated from the Portuguese and the recording of the events of the reigns of Alfonso X (1252-1284), Sancho IV (1284-1295) and Fernando IV (1295-1312) was ordered. These l a s t three works are known under the name of the Tres coronicas. Outside of documents -6 i f he bothered to look f o r them - t h e i r author had only Loaysa's book which i s r a t h e r b r i e f , the Anales toledanos I I I and some minor c h r o n i c l e s to go by. So f a r i t has not been p o s s i b l e to a s c e r t a i n when e x a c t l y he wrote them. He says i n h i s prologue that he was compiling them on Alfonso X I ' s command. He r e f e r s to the k i n g as being a l s o l o r d of A l g e c i r a s ; i f t h i s has not been i n t e r p o l a t e d l a t e r , the work was w r i t t e n between March 27, 1344 and March 26, 1350, the date of Alfonso- l X I*s death. I t was prob ably w r i t t e n a f t e r 1317, because i n the Cronica de Sancho IV, chapter 9, the author mentions L u i s , the t h i r d son of Charles I I of S i c i l y , and says "que despue's . . . fue calonisado por santo", an event which took place on November 7, 1317. In that year, however, Alfonso XI was only a c h i l d of seven and, being chased a l l over h i s kingdom by the rapacious t u t o r s , was i n no c o n d i t i o n to i s s u e commissions f o r the calm i n v e s t i g a t i o n of h i s great grandfather's deeds. Thus i t seems probable that a few more years elapsed before the p r o j e c t was s t a r t e d . There i s one t h i n g about the Tres coronicas on which the a u t h o r i t i e s are unanimous: that they have been composed by one and the same man. On the question of h i s i d e n t i t y , however, there i s some d i f f e r e n c e of op i n i o n , but most scholars who have stu d i e d the subject have agreed on the c h a n c e l l o r Fernan Sanchez de Tdvar, ricohombre of V a l l a d o l i d , who died about 1359, as prob able author. There are s e v e r a l f a c t o r s which support the view that the three r e i g n s have been described by the same author. This o p i n i o n i s stated i n the prologue which serves as j o i n t i n t r o d u c t i o n f o r the whole work. The name i n d i c a t e s i t , thus 7 t h i s must have been the impression from the very beginning. The 1 three have been copied together i n most of the manuscripts, and i n some codices the enumeration of the chapters i s carried a l l the way through. They are a l l written i n the same a n n a l i s t i c form, and a special chronological system was employed to give the year 2 of ascendance of each of the three r u l e r s . Throughout the work the d i c t i o n i s rather dry and the language repetitious and awkward, although the author presents the development of the action with a certain s k i l l . He s t i c k s s t r i c t l y to the p o l i t i c a l events. There are no high flowing passages, and the only person to whom he shows d e f i n i t e a f f e c t i o n i s doffa Maria l a Grande. Another point i n favour of t h i s argument i s the gradual decrease of the number of errors as the author approached his own time. Antonio Ballesteros has pointed out the serious anachromisms that appear i n the Cronica de Alfonso X, especially i n the 1250's 3 and the 1260's. That sort of mistake does not occur i n the two l a t e r chronicles. The f i r s t one of t h i s s e r i e s . i s the one with which th i s essay i s concerned. 1. See appendix 1. 2. -This chronology, the so-called Spanish Era, was f i r s t used by Hidacio; i t s basis i s the year 38 B.C. The term has i t s o r i g i n i n the L a t i n word "aera", here r e f e r r i n g to the tribute that Augus tus i s said to have imposed i n that year on the Empire. The h i s - panization of the term by the early V i s i g o t h i c writers i s due to t h e i r b e l i e f that the end of the h o s t i l i t i e s i n Spain against Rome, which was achieved i n 28 B.C. already took place i n 38. See Ramon Menendez P i d a l , ed., H i s t o r i a de Espana (Madrid, 1940), I I I , XII-XIII. 3. Antonio Ballesteros, S e v i l l a en e l s i g l o XIII (Madrid, 1913), pp. 282, 289, 298-300, and by the same author, E l i t i n e r a r i o  de Alfonso el Sabio, (Madrid, 1935). 8 I I . C a s t i l i a n P o l i t i c s ffrom 1252-1284. Three main issues governed European p o l i t i c s either i n turn or side by side i n the l a t t e r half of the thirteenth century. One was the ever-present crusading s p i r i t , especially noticeable i n the actions of Gregory X and of St. Louis. The second was the struggle between Pope and Emperor to dominate I t a l y , a struggle which culminated on August 23, 1268 i n the destruction of the House of Hohenstaufen. The t h i r d was the attempt to reunite the Sastern and Western Churches which developed into a contest between Charles of Anjou and Michael VIII Palaeologus and came to an end on March 30, 1282 with the complete v i c t o r y of the l a t t e r . A l l other problems of those years were related to or at least i n some way influenced by these three issues. Spain was drawn deeply into the events. Its King, Alfonso X, was a grandson of P h i l i p p von Schwaben and was determined to make good his claim to th'e Imperial throne. The l a s t King of the Romans, V/ilhelm von Holland, had been s l a i n on January 28, 1256, and the Electors, f o r whom the whole matter was primarll^ya question of nand- 1 some bribery, had not been able to agree on any German noble. Two foreign princes therefore, attracted by the t i t l e , entered the bribing contest. On January 13, 1257, Richard of Cornwall received the support of three of the Electors, and on A p r i l 1 1. The p o s i t i o n of Holy Roman Emperor had been transferred by Leo III on Christmas Day of the year 800 from the Byzantine Empire to Germany. Since then, i n theory the Pope was obliged to confer the Imperial crown on whomsoever the German Electors would proclaim King of the Romans. In practice t h i s was enforced as long as any one dynasty stayed "am Reich". A few times, how ever, when there was a change i n the r u l i n g houses and the new king's p o s i t i o n i n Germany was s t i l l weak, the Pope was able to i n t e r f e r e by refusing to crown him or even by i n s t i g a t i n g the election-of a r i v a l king. 9 the rest proqounced i n favour of Alfonso X of C a s t i l e . They were both safe men on whom to confer the t i t l e since the H e c t o r s could be certain that neither would be able to i n t e r f e r e with t h e i r own powerful positions. In t h i s they were not deceived: Alfonso, f o r his part, never even entered Germany. He did, how ever pursue his claim f o r some years,, aided es p e c i a l l y by the North I t a l i a n Ghibellines a f t e r the death of Conradin. Richard of Cornwall died on A p r i l 2, 1272, and t h i s event started Alfonso off on a f i n a l attempt to persuade the Pope to crown him. But Gregory X, desirous of having his crusading ambitions r e a l i z e d bade the Electors to f i n d a strong man to rule Germany, or he would f i n d one f o r them. Thus on October 1, 1273 Rudolf von Habsburg was elected, and f i n a l l y i n September 1275 Gregory was able to persuade Alfonso to drop h i s claim.\ In Spain the effect of Alfonso's "fecho del imperio" was to alienate the king from his subjects by turning C a s t i l e away from i t s t r a d i t i o n a l ambition, the Reconquest. But f o r t h i s same reason the country became more of a f o c a l point of European p o l i t i c s than i t had ever been before: because Alfonso X needed support for his Imperial aspirations, he became entangled i n the rest of the complicated international r e l a t i o n s of h i s day. He did not r e a l i z e that i t was a hopeless undertaking to attempt to persuade the Papacy to entrust the high o f f i c e to him: h i s p o s i t i o n i n Spain was not secure enough to ins p i r e s u f f i c i e n t confidence for that. On the other hand, i f he had been strongly enough supported i n Spain, the Pope would have been too a f r a i d of his power to enlarge i t any more. As i t was, Alfonso had been pursuing h i s claims to Swabia since 1254, and i n 1256 he had concluded a treaty with Pisa f o r the conquest of S i c i l y 10 Crom'Mdnfred'ivontHohenstatifiea. "/hat Alfonso saw was that i f he were to succeed, he must be able to count on the benevolence of the Papacy, the friendship of the Eastern Emperor which would ra i s e h is own prestige (and f o r which he had been playing already i n 1246 when Baldwin II v i s i t e d Spain), and the support of the North I t a l i a n Ghibellines.-.. These l a t t e r consisted of a number of towns from the County of Savoy down to Tuscany under the leadership of the Marquis of Montferrat, the Count of Savoy, and of Pisa. For the sake of convenience, and out of opposition to Venice, which was t r a d i  t i o n a l l y G-uelf, Genoa too was mainly Ghibelline during the years i n question and thus played an important r o l e . i n Alfonso's c a l - culations. The three ports of Genoa, Pisa, and Venice had attained importance when the armies of the crusades had to be f e r r i e d across the Mediterranean to the Holy Land, In the long i n t e r v a l s between the crusades the ships were free, and i t was then that a great impulse was given to the trade of these c i t i e s . Venice played a hand i n the diversion of the forces which i n 1203 had been supposed to go on the fourth crusade against the I n f i d e l but which instead went and conquered Greek Catholic Constantin ople. Thus u n t i l July 25, 1261 the L a t i n Empire was a Venetian trading monopoly, and Genoa had to expand i t s trade elsewhere. I t turned to the south and west and established i t s predominance over the various Muslim powers of those areas. Greek pressure on the L a t i n Empire moreover was very strong, and the Papacy did not furnish much help to the l a t t e r f o r two reasons: because no v i s i b l e progress had been made towards the 11 reunion of the Eastern and Western Churches, and because i t had not been possible to use Constantinople as a stepping-stone f o r a crusade. Desperately i n need of cash, Baldwin II had found i t necessary to mortgage his only son, P h i l i p of Courtenay, i n about 1248, to some Venetian merchants. Between June 1258 and May 1, 1261 P h i l i p ' s mother, Marie of Brienne, toured the Western courts, hoping to f i n d someone to redeem him. This was the opportunity Alfonso X, now already proclaimed King of the Romans, had been looking f o r : he was able to place i n his debt an Empress who, being related to him by t h e i r grandparents, Alfonso IX of Leon and Berenguela of C a s t i l e , would leave no stone unturned to work i n his favour. In order to exploit t h i s opportunity to the f u l l e s t extent, he gave her the f u l l amount required - prob ably f i f t e e n thousand l i v r e s tournois - and t o l d her to return to Alexander IV and to St. Louis the two th i r d s of that sum, 1 which they had already advanced. He also established c o r d i a l r e l a t i o n s with some of the Emperor's f r i e n d s : on September 21, 1258 he gave spe c i a l p r i v i l e g e s to Hugh IV, Duke of Burgundy, while on November 6 Guy de Dampierres, Count of Flanders, received ten thousand l i v r e s tournois and became his vassal. But those were not the only connections that Alfonso was preparing at that time. On March 31, 1258 h i s e f f o r t s f o r an a l l i a n c e with a r u l e r i n Northern Europe culminated i n the marriage of Alfonso's T~. Robert Lee V / o l f f , "Mortgage and Redemption of an Emperor's Son" t ->fSpeculum-7 (Cambridge* 1954), XXIX, 52, gives the following f i g u r e s : the average annual expenses of the French crown between 1255 and 1259 were 113.785 l i v r e s tournois, the average d a i l y ex pense on a cms;ad<e3 was over 1.000 l . t . , and St. Louis' ransom i n Egypt was probably about 200.000 l . t . 12 brother Felipe to C h r i s t i n a of Norway. In the same year Alfonso established f r i e n d l y r elations with Padua and Siena, and con cluded an a l l i a n c e with Ezzelino d i Romano. He also attracted to h i s side Johann, Duke of Luneburg, and Albert, Duke of Braun schweig, and on October 23, 1258 he gave ten thousand l . t . to hi s cousin, Heinrich von Brabant, whom he had made his v i c a r i n the Empire on October 15, 1257. Also Gaston, Count of Beam, and Guy, Viscount of Limoges received s p e c i a l attentions. On March 14, 1259 Alfonso gave ten thousand l . t . to Frederick II, Duke of Lorraine. In September of the same year Jaime I of Aragon found i t necessary to take steps against his son-in-law's attempts to combine a l l Spain under his rule. It must have seemed i n those years to Alfonso that his investments would bring him a handsome gain, especially since Marie of Brienne had agreed to a marriage between her son, the future Emperor of Constantinople, and Alfonso's daughter Berenguela. The C a s t i l % n n o b i l i t y , how ever, could not be made to see Alfonso's point of view at a l l , e s p e c i a l l y at a time when the Muslim wars were s t a r t i n g again. In July 1258 Abu Yusuf Ya'qub had succeeded to the Marinid throne i n Morocco, and Alfonso's f i r s t encounter with him was unfortunate: his c a r e f u l l y planned attack on Sale brought him possession of that important port f o r exactly twelve days (Septem ber 10-21, 1260)'. Thus, i n spite of his treaty with Pisa of 1256, Alfonso's schemes were not as securely based as i t may have seemed to him. Meanwhile, on June 2, 1259 Manfred von Hohenstaufen, King of Naples and S i c i l y , had married Helen, the eldest daughter of Michael II Angelus, Despot of Epirus, and a l i t t l e l a t e r William 13 II Villehardouin, Prince of Achaia, had married Anna, another daughter of the Despot. These a l l i a n c e s sealed the c o a l i t i o n of the three r u l e r s against Michael "VIII Palaeologus, Emperor of Nicaea. The l a t t e r , however, crushed the c o a l i t i o n completely i n the Battle of Pelagonia, sometime i n the second half of 1259. He was now free to devote a l l h i s e f f o r t s to the destruction of the L a t i n Empire, and thus of the trade of Venice. To t h i s end he formed on March 13, 1261 an a l l i a n c e with Genoa, the Convention of Nymphaeum, which was r a t i f i e d i n Genoa on July 10. On July 25, 1261, Michael's troops entered Constantinople. It was not only Alfonso's c a r e f u l l y arranged plans that were shattered by t h i s event, which came as a surprise even to Michael. The strongest power i n the Western Mediterranean was s t i l l Manfred von Hohenstaufen. A l l I t a l y was under his control, and. espec i a l l y i n Lombardy and Tuscany his power was securely founded. Urban IV was confined to Rome, but could not even be certain of the support of that c i t y . I t was only natural that Baldwin II and Guelf Venice should turn to him f o r help. On June 13, 1262 Manfred's daughter Constance married Pedro of Aragon, and thus that strong country became the fourth partner i n the group. If Urban IV had not been so t e r r i f i e d by the name of Hohenstaufen, he would have i n s i s t e d on a crusade for the recovery of Constanti nople. As i t was, he had to content himself for the time being with the excommunication of Michael's a l l y , Genoa. Michael, however, seeing the f a i l u r e of his ef f o r t s to stop Manfred's preparations was against him, and r e a l i z i n g the danger i n which he stood, started i n the summer of 1262 to s t i r up hopes i n Urban IV f o r the reunion of the Churches. This was Michael's 14 l a s t resort, and he promised only very l i t t l e at a time. Urban, growing impatient, was again considering a crusades against him i n May 1264. Michael immediately n o t i f i e d of t h i s turn of a f f a i r s , through his excellent spy system, gave the Pope new hopes and also made mention of h i s intended aid i n a crusade to the Holy Land. Urban IV was relieved. He had been h o r r i f i e d by the idea of a Hohenstaufen Constantinople, and had been much shaken by the discovery i n 1264 of the plot of the Genoese podesta Guercio to betray Constantinople to Manfred, the f r i e n d l y r elations between Michael and Genoa having slackened considerably i n the course of 1263. Now Urban IV eagerly declared a crusade against Manfred, and in v i t e d Charles of Anjou to take possession at 1 once of the throne of S i c i l y . On July 18, 1265 the conditions f o r a truce between Michael and Venice were worked out, but the pact was not r a t i f i e d by the l a t t e r because the c i t y now hoped that under Charles of Anjou i t might regain i t s old predominance i n Constantinople. The C a s t i l i a n Icing's actions were also influenced by the suspense i n which Europe was held as the climax of the deadly feud between the House of Hohenstaufen and the Papacy drew near. In his po s i t i o n as King of the Romans, Alfonso was, of course, h o s t i l e to Manfred. He had, f o r instance, already on September 9, 1260 t r i e d to persuade his father-in-law, Jaime I, King of Aragon, not to proceed with the proposed marriage of his hei r Pedro to Manfred's daughter Constance. That h o s t i l i t y also Baldwin II was made to f e e l when he came to C a s t i l e i n 1262-63 T~, From 1254 to December 18, 1258 Alexander I V s candidate for the throne of S i c i l y had been Edmund of England. 15 to seek the help of his son's future father-in-law. In the f i r s t place, Alfonso had l i t t l e use f o r Baldwin since P h i l i p would i n a l l p r o b a b i l i t y never rule his Empire, and secondly he could not afford to keep up these relations now that Baldwin was such a good f r i e n d of the King of S i c i l y , f o r fear of offending the Pope. Thus Alfonso abandoned h i s marriage plans with the House of Courtenay. It was convenient for him that a Papal dispensation was needed i n such cases, and Clement IV on March 31, 1266 re fused t h i s on grounds of consanguinity, the bride and bridegroom being second cousins. On the other hand, a f t e r Manfred's death on February 26, 1266 Baldwin and Marie r e a l i z e d that only Charles of Anjou, i f anybody, would be strong enough to reconquer t h e i r l o s t Empire f o r them. Therefore they on t h e i r part abandoned the marriage plans and sought the friendship of the Pope, at whose residence the Treaties of Viterbo were concluded (May 24 1 and 27, 1267). The second of these was a pact between Charles of Anjou, Baldwin I I , William II and Clement IV, and had as i t s aim the conquest of the Byzantine Empire. It was to be sealed by the marriage of P h i l i p of Courtenay and Beatrix of Anjou, which took place on October 15, 1273. Thus Alfonso X was released from his obligations to the House of Courtenay. As i t turned out, a f t e r Manfred's death ~. On May 17, 1267 Clement IV wrote to Michael i n s i s t i n g on his submission to the L a t i n Church. Ten days l a t e r he issued the plans f o r the conquest of his Empire. Deno John Geanakoplos, Emperor Michael Palaeologus and the West (Cambridge, 1959), p. 200, comments upon the Pope's rf?le as follows: "... i t was Clement's p o l i c y to hasten subordination of the Greek Church by playing up the ambitions of Charles, and, at the same time, through union to bar Charles from Constantinople.". 16 he did not f i n d himself any more at ease with Charles of Anjou, although f o r a d i f f e r e n t reason. On January 31, 1246 Charles had married Beatrix, the youngest of the four daughters of Ramon Berenguer V, Count of Provence, and had acquired the county.v The eldest of these four daughters was Margaret, the wife of St. Louis, and she - as well as the Duke of Burgundy - was furious at Charles' usurpation of that t e r r i t o r y . Alfonso X who formed an a l l i a n c e with the Imperial c i t y of M a r s e i l l e s i n 1256 was also furious: but most furious of a l l were the Germans, fo r Lower Burgundy was an Imperial f i e f . As things stood at the moment, Alfonso could no longer af f o r d to pursue his private ambitions. Al-Andalus had r i s e n i n r e b e l l i o n i n the spring of 1264, and Alfonso had already embittered too many of his nobles with h i s expensive obsession. By the end of the summer about three hundred places had been overrun by the Muslims. These were driven back, however, and f o r the follow ing year i t was agreed that Alfonso should invade Granada, and Jaime Murcia. While Jaime f u l f i l l e d his part of the agreement and fought u n t i l the c i t y of Murcia capitulated i n February, Alfonso, p a r t l y because he was short of money, pa r t l y because of trouble among the Muslims, came off r e l a t i v e l y l i g h t l y . By the -Treaty of A l c a l a i n September 1267 Muhammad I resumed his vassalage and started paying again his two hundred and f i f t y thousand maravedies per annum of t r i b u t e , which made up prob ably half the revenues of Granada. Thus a f t e r he had been forced to focus h i s attention on Spain f o r three years, Alfonso X thought himself free once more 17 to pursue his private ambition with a l l h i s might. The f a r t h e r he stretched out h i s f e e l e r s , among the European rulers, the more he found signs of Charles of -Anjou's influence and schem ing. The places where t h i s was most annoying and unbailable to Alfonso were Northern I t a l y and Lower Lorraine. In the course of Charles' preparations f o r an attack on Michael Palaeologus, t h i s mutual aversion between Charles and Alfonso grew ever stronger. Soon a f t e r his vic t o r y over Manfred, Charles had started getting ready f o r the contest with Michael. The f i r s t thing to do was obviously to secure a stepping-stone i n Greece. There existed a p o s s i b i l i t y of doing t h i s through Manfred's widow, who was now a prisoner of Charles. Helena, daughter of Michael I I Angelos, Despot of Epirus, had brought Manfred as dowry the towns of Butrinto, Avlona and Suboto i n Epirus, together with the islan d of Corfu. Her father was now i n favour of an a l l i  ance against Michael Palaeologus, which was to be sealed by Helen's marriage to Enrique of C a s t i l e , a younger brother of Alfonso X. Enrique, at odds with his brother Alfonso over his inheritance, had gone to I f r i q i y a and amassed a huge fortune under the Hafsid r u l e r s as commander of the C h r i s t i a n m i l i t i a . In February 1266 he had employed h i s wealth to help Charles of Anjou conquer S i c i l y , and by October the Angevin party was hoping that he would use i t again to aid them i n the recovery of Constan ti n o p l e . But while the marriage arrangements were i n progress, the governor of these t e r r i t o r i e s was murdered, not long a f t e r his marriage to a sister-in-law of Michael Angelus: the Despot 18 evidently did not want to lose these t e r r i t o r i e s . But the governor's son turned the t e r r i t o r i e s over to Charles, who now had no need any more to entrust t h i s key po s i t i o n to Enrique. Helena appears to have married another brother of Alfonso X, Fadrique, but i f so, she was not very fortunate i n the choice of t h i s husband either: Fadrique was strangled on Alfonso X's orders i n 1276. Enrique was naturally angry at the treatment he had received. Charles had not yet repaid the debts he had incurred i n the conquest of S i c i l y . By now the r i c h and daring C a s t i l i a n prince had come to be well known i n It a l y and was be coming very popular e s p e c i a l l y among the lower classes of Rome •which 1 •:; shared his h o s t i l i t y towards the Angevins. In June 1267 t i i o i r spokesman Angelo Oapuccio offered him the senator- ship, to the great d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n of the n o b i l i t y and clergy. On the a r r i v a l of Conradin von Hohenstaufen i n It a l y , Enrique soon joined forces with him. After the ba t t l e of TagliacozzQ Enrique was imprisoned by Charles i n Canossa where he was kept u n t i l 1293; i n July 1294 he went back to Spain. The I t a l i a n adventure of Enrique of C a s t i l e did not i n i t s e l f have any direct connection with his brother's p o l i t i c a l machniations. His imprisonment, however, did; i t was another addition to the long l i s t of grievances Alfonso X had against Charles of Anjou. V/hen a l l his and Jaime of Aragon's e f f o r t s to l i b e r a t e the unfortunate prince availed nothing, they pro voked conspiracies against Charles among the North I t a l i a n Ghibellines. But Clement IV took care of his protege and i n 1268 bestowed on him f o r ten years the Imperial v i c a r i a t e over 19 Tuscany. This was c l e a r l y beyond h i s powers since t h i s t e r r i t o r y belonged to the Empire, but Germany was at the time torn by c i v i l s t r i f e . In any case, the measure served i t s purpose. But what r e a l l y outmaneuvred Alfonso and Jaime was the treaty Charles' new a l l y Baldwin concluded with the King of Navarre, Count Theo bald of Champagne, i n March 1269, According to t h i s agreement, Theobald would take an active part i n the conquest of Michael's Empire and would be rewarded with one fourth of the t e r r i t o r i e s conquered. Thus the French could record t h e i r f i r s t v i c t o r y : they had driven a wedge i n between the kingdoms of the Iberian Peninsula. But during the course of that same year Louis IX had s t i l l another success: he managed to persuade Alfonso to promise to supply Baldwin with three hundred knights, two hundred men at arms and one hundred a r b a l e s t i e r s whose expenses Charles of An.jjou would pay. Michael h a s t i l y got i n touch with Jaime I l e s t he, too, should side with the Angevins, but he did not need to worry: the differences between Charles and Alfonso were too numerous, and St. Louis'., e f f o r t s led to nothing. In 1269 Charles of Anjou was c l e a r l y at the height of his power. He was preparing f e v e r i s h l y f o r h i s attack on Constan t i n o p l e . There was no Pope to b r i d l e his ambition. His f l e e t was reaching formidable proportions and he succeeded i n getting another a l l y by a double marriage with Hungary(September 15, 1 1269). But already i n the l a t e summer of that year the f i r s t successes of the opposition appeared. Frederick of Saxony 1. Charles the Lame married Maria, and Ladislas Isabella. 20 established contact with the Ghibellines of Lombardy with the re s u l t that the l a t t e r stopped paying homage to Charles. At the same time Alfonso X proposed a marriage between his daughter Beatriz and 7/illiam VIII, Marquis of Montferratj the most important Ghibelline leader of the North except f o r the Count of Savoy. The marriage took place i n Spain i n October 1271, and Alfonso X, as King of the Romans, conferred upon his son-in-law the Imperial v i c a r i a t e , which Clement IV had bestowed upon Charles of Anjou i n 1268. However, n e i t h e r A l f o n s o nor his brother-in-law, Pedro of Aragon, the husband of Constance von Hohenstaufen, carried out t h e i r promise to back up the Marquis with two thousand knights. Thus he was not able to do Charles any immediate serious harm. One success Charles had was that an i l l e g i t i m a t e son of Jaime I, Ferran Sancho, signed a pact with Baldwin I I on A p r i l 4, 1270, by which he promised to f i g h t with one hundred men f o r one year i n the Greek Empire or i n S i c i l y (.'), beginning i n August of that year. Another was that although he had l o s t h is hold over Lombardy, by the end of 1270 Charles was fi r m l y established i n Piedmont and Tuscany, to whose c i t i e s , Florence, Lucca and Siena, he granted trading p r i v i l e g e s i n S i c i l y . But t h i s caused Genoa, which f e l t i t s e l f defrauded, to revive i t s important and p r o f i t  able a l l i a n c e with Michael: t h i s had been renewed i n the summer of 1267 and was i n fac t to l a s t t i l l a f t e r 1453. But the event most favourable to Charles was the death of h i s brother, the King of France, on August 25, 1270, before Tunis. St. Louis had been, i n the absence of a Pope, the only person able to r e s t r a i n the attack on Constantinople. Now there was nothing to stop the invasion, and Michael was f i l l e d with despair, f o r h i s c a p i t a l 21 was p r a c t i c a l l y indefensible against an attack from the sea. His only a l l y , the Genoese, had hired out a considerable mnber of ships to Louis IX, and had l o s t many men by the disease.: that had also caused the king's death. But again Charles' e f f o r t s were fr u s t r a t e d : on November 27, 1270 his f l e e t , returning from Tunis, was caught i n a storm off Trapani. The losses i t suffered were so severe that the invasion had to be postponed. This was, a f t e r the loss of Lbmbardy, Charles' second defeat. Nov; Alfonso X prepared f o r another setback on the i n t e r n a t i o n a l plane. In his long battle f o r the Imperial throne he now had come to r e a l i z e that Charles of Anjou, should his intended attack on Constantinople succeed, would be the most serious of a l l h i s opponents. He therefore established contact with a number of Charles' enemies and proposed a series of dynastic a l l i a n c e s , ready to stake his unmarried children to s a t i s f y his ambitions. To secure the aid of North I t a l y , he had already arranged f o r the marriage between the Marquis of Montferrat and his daughter Beatriz. This a l l i a n c e was made even more secure by a further marriage i n 1281 between Alfonso's son Juan and the Marquis' daughter Isabel. Very l i k e l y Alfonso also had a hand i n the marriage between his brother Manuel and Beatriz of Savoy, the daughter of the other great Ghibelline leader of the North: t h i s took place i n 1275. Alfonso also proposed a marriage between his daughter Berenguela - who had already been engaged to a son of Louis IX and to P h i l i p of Courtenay - and Andronikos, the eldest son of Michael VIII Palaeologus. But Michael was t r y i n g to break up the friendship between S i c i l y and Hungary and married 22 h i s h e i r i n November 1272 to Anna, the youngest daughter of Stephen V. Berenguela of C a s t i l e entered a nunnery to avoid further disappointments. Two further proposals of Alfonso were the marriage of a daughter of his to the son of the Duke of Bavaria, the guardian of Conradin, and the marriage of another of h i s daughters to the Great Khan, the enemy of the King of Hungary, so f a r s t i l l Charles' a l l y . These l a s t two marriages were highly hypothetical - the daughters Alfonso had i n mind were probably infants, born between 1265 and 1268 - and the negotiations did not bring the desired r e s u l t . They did, however, cause a clear ing of the s i t u a t i o n ! f*rom 1272 onwards, the encirclement of Charles by h i s enemies was becoming c l e a r l y v i s i b l e . The North I t a l i a n Ghibellines had of course to bear the greatest s t r a i n . From the end of 1272 on there was open war also between Charles and the Genoese, who had u n t i l then hoped for a possible recovery of t h e i r S i c i l i a n market. The war i n the North forced Charles to keep a permanent army - an expense which he could i l l afford, s t r i v i n g as he was to rebuild his f l e e t . But North I t a l y was important i n s t i l l another respect: i t was the place where Spain and Constantinople met, through t h e i r respective a l l i e s , Montferrat and Genoa, by a treaty con cluded on October 10, 1273. A l l t h i s a c t i v i t y of his enemies would have been s u f f i c i e n t to keep Charles busy. But what t i e d his hands was that i n 1271 a Pope had been elected who was employing his entire power to organize another crusade, and who r e a l i z e d that t h i s could be done only with the help of the Greeks. Their Emperor was s t i l l 23 f e a r f u l o f C h a r l e s ' p r e p a r a t i o n s , and t h u s o n J u l y 6, 1274 G r e g o r y X ' s e f f o r t s l e d t o t h e u n i o n o f t h e E a s t e r n and W e s t e r n C h u r c h e s a t t h e C o u n c i l o f L y o n s . T h i s meant t h e end o f C h a r l e s ' p l a n s u n t i l t h e d e a t h o f G r e g o r y , s i n c e he c o u l d n o t a f f o r d t o b r e a k w i t h t h e Pope as l o n g a s N o r t h e r n I t a l y was o u t s i d e h i s c o n t r o l . He d i d , n e v e r t h e l e s s , s c o r e one d i p l o m a t i c t r i u m p h : o n M a r c h 10, 1274 h i s son P h i l i p m a r r i e d I s a b e l , a d a u g h t e r o f W i l l i a m I I V i l l e h a r d o u i n , and t h e c o n d i t i o n s o f t h e m a r r i a g e c o n t r a c t were t h a t A c h a i a was t o f a l l t o C h a r l e s o f A n j o u i f h i s s o n s h o u l d d i e b e f o r e h i m w i t h o u t i s s u e . As i t t u r n e d o u t , P h i l i p d i e d i n 1277, and h i s f a t h e r - i n - l a w on May 1, 1278, a n d C h a r l e s t o o k p o s s e s s i o n o f A c h a i a . A p a r t f r o m t h i s s u c c e s s , C h a r l e s was a t a d i s a d v a n t a g e i n G r e e c e . G r e g o r y X was t r y i n g t o e s t a b l i s h p e a c e f u l r e l a t i o n s between C h a r l e s and h i s enemies as b a s i s f o r h i s c r u s a d e , >j u at---, a a > fce;; to&Q. p.v e s se do t h e e j l e cation o f a German K i n g , and a c t u a l l y p e r s u a d e d b o t h h i m and M i c h a e l t o s i g n a one y e a r ' s t r u c e (May 1, 1 2 7 5 ) . Under i t s p r o v i s i o n s , C h a r l e s was n o t a l l o w e d t o t a k e any a c t i o n a g a i n s t M i c h a e l , w h i l e t h e l a t t e r f e l t a t l i b e r t y t o send t r o o p s a g a i n s t C h a r l e s ' f r i e n d s i n S o u t h e r n and W e s t e r n G r e e c e . G r e g o r y t r i e d t o make up f o r C h a r l e s ' d i s a d v a n t a g e by e x c o m m u n i c a t i n g t h e M a r q u i s of M o n t - f e r r a t and t h e c i t i e s o f Genoa and A s t i , w h i c h had i n J a n u a r y 1275 sworn a l l e g i a n c e t o A l f o n s o X t o g e t h e r w i t h No v a r a , P a v i a , M a n t u a and V e r o n a . G r e g o r y d i d , n o t , h o w e v e r , f u l f i l l C h a r l e s * w i s h t o be c o n f i r m e d a g a i n a s I m p e r i a l v i c a r s i n c e i n t h e mean t i m e R u d o l f von H a b s b u r g had been e l e c t e d K i n g o f t h e Romans, and t h e Pope f o u n d t h i s an e x c e l l e n t e x c u s e f o r p r e v e n t i n g 24 Charles from securing his hold over Northern I t a l y . By now t h i s t e r r i t o r y was v i s i b l y s l i p p i n g from Charles' grasp. The Genoese f l e e t sacked Trapani and even appeared before Naples i t s e l f . By summer of 1276 Charles' troops held i n a l l Piedmont only the towns of Cunco, Cherasco and Savigliano and a few v i l l a g e s . Thus the machinations of Charles' enemies had been quite 1 e f f e c t i v e . But help came i n d i r e c t l y to him: from the summer of 1275 on, the King of C a s t i l e was too busy with his own troubles, and a f t e r that date he was unable to t r y his hand any more at international p o l i t i c s . In C a s t i l e the discontent of the people had grown so f a r that a number of the n o b i l i t y had taken vassalage with the Muslim king of Granada. Alfonso X underwent exactly the same experience as would b e f a l l Charles Y when he sought to make Spain a f o c a l point of European p o l i t i c s . Alfonso's subjects had no intere s t whatsoever i n seeing t h e i r king crowned Holy Soman Emperor, and they resented deeply that so much money was leaving the country i n pursuit of t h i s obsession. They wanted a king who would lead then i n t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l war against the Muslims i n t h e i r own country. But Alfonso scarcely con cerned himself with th i s unless i t became a matter of l i f e or 1 . S t e v e n Runciman, The S i c i l i a n Vespers (Cambridge, 1958J, pp. 169-70, -ooints out another reason - outside of the Pope's fear of what might happen i f Charles-.became too strong - f o r Gregory X'sattitude towards the King of S i c i l y : i f Charles f a i l e d i n Greece and found the going i n North I t a l y too hard, he might be induced to direc t his attention to the Holy Land. To make M s more desirable f o r uharles, he persuaded Maria of Antioch to s e l l (.') to him her claim to the uncomfortable kingdom of Jerusalem. On March 18, 1277 she turned over to him her rights f o r one thou sand pounds of gold and an annuity of four thousand l i v r e s tournois, and Charles at once took the t i t l e of King of Jerusalem. 25 death, and neither did he pay much attention to the private quarrels of his troublesome and ambitious n o b i l i t y . Instead, he was interested i n r a i s i n g Spain's prestige by proving that i t s history could be traced straight down from ancient Rome, i n much the same way i n which Rome and B r i t a i n had t r i e d , at d i f f e r  ent times, to trace t h e i r history back to 'i'roy. It was his disregard f o r h i s subjects' feelings that ultimately cost Alfonso his throne. The coming to a head of the trouble i n C a s t i l e was p r e c i p i  tated by the differences among the Spanish Muslims. The grand father of the then reigning king of Granada had married a member of another noble Muslim house, the banu Ish q i l i w l a , a branch of the Tujibids who had governed i n the tenth century the region between Zaragoza and Pamplona i i i the service of the caliphs of Cordoba. In the years following t h i s union, various members of the clan were granted the governorship of certain towns of Granada, f i r s t of ALmunecar, then.of Guadix, Malaga and Comares. The proud family, however, although so closely t i e d to the royal house, was not content w i th \ t h i s p o s i t i o n and kept s t i r r i n g up as much trouble as i t possibly could9. . Ifrieh Muhammad I died on January 20, 1273, his successor could only be proclaimed with the help of the discontented C a s t i l i a h ridbles who were l i v  ing at the court of Granada. (February 25, 1273). Accordingly the banu I s h q i l i w l a became vassals of the Sultan of Morocco, Abu Yusuf Ya' qub who, however, at that time was not yet i n any po s i t i o n to cross over to Spain. There followed a period of truce between the two r i v a l f a m l i e s i n Granada, u n t i l early i n 26 1275 Jaime I , then i n a l l i a n c e with the sultan, attacked C&uta, which so f a r had not submitted to the banu Marin. Jaime did not conquer the c i t y but destroyed the Almohad navy, thus unin tentionally opening the S t r a i t s to the Marinids. Aragon, being t h e i r a l l y , would be safe i n the case of an invasion, but C a s t i l e would be the object of any attack, and f o r that reason Alfonso had already concluded a treaty with Abu Yusuf Ya'qub'so worst enemy, Yagmurasin of Tlemsen. But i n the spring of 1275 these two agreed to a truce, and i n July and August the sultan crossed the S t r a i t s and met with his vassals, the I s h q i l i w l a governors of Guadix and M a l a g a . Abu Yusuf Ya'qub disregarded the Kasrids and marched straight against C a s t i l e whose king at that time had just l e f t f o r France, where he was hoping to persuade Gregory X f i n a l l y to crown him as Holy Roman Smperor - t h i s being almost two years aft e r the e l e c t i o n of Rudolf von Habsburg as King of the Romans. Unfortunately f o r C a s t i l e , just at t h i s c r i t i c a l moment the he i r to the throne, Fernando de l a Cerda, who had been i n command of the army, f e l l i l l and died. The Muslims achieved a victo r y , at iScija, and slew the archbishop of Toledo, prince Sancho of Aragon, with the r e s u l t that Alfonso X, from f a r away Beaucaire, hastened home to conclude a two year truce with the sultan, who was l e f t with Algeciras and T a r i f a . This l e f t the l a t t e r i n command of a considerable portion of Spain's scputhern coast, and he could return to Morocco well s a t i s f i e d with the outcome of h i s expedition. Alfonso X, on the other hand, received s t i l l another defeat: Gregory X f i n a l l y managed i n September to convince him of the f u t i l i t y of his aspirations to 27 to the Imperial throne. At the f r o n t i e r , the sit u a t i o n had been saved by Alfonso's younger son Sancho who at the news of his brother's death had hastened to the scene and had taken over the command of the f r o n t i e r . Upon his return from France, Alfonso immediately had him recog nized as heir to the throne despite the fac t that he himself had l a i d down i n his Sjete partidas that the throne i n such a case should belong to the eldest son of the crown prinqe. The inopportune death of Fernando de l a Oerda was to bring C a s t i l e an immense legacy of trouble: f o f years the partisans of the young prince^ Alfonso de l a Cerda ; continued i n t r i g u i n g , at home and abroad, to bring about his succession to his i n h e r i  tance. For the time being he and his brother Fernando were s t i l l i n the care of th e i r mother, Blanche, a s i s t e r of P h i l i p III of France, and of one of the greatest Spanish nobles, Juan Nunez de Lara, whom the dying prince had asked to defend the right s of h is infant son. Another person who had a deep concern f o r the rights of the young prince was his grandmother, Alfonso X's wife, Violante of Aragon, and when Alfonso's attitude did not change, the three went to Aragon,in.January 1277, taking the prince and his brother with them. This caused a certain tension among the C a s t i l i a n n o b i l i t y , which was p a r t i c u l a r l y unfortunate since the power of the Marinids was becoming more and more threatening. In the f a l l of 1277 the truce between the two countries would expire, but already i n June and July the sultan again crossed over to Spain. Muhammad II was s t i l l at odds with the banu Ish q i l i w l a , the sultan's vassals, but again Abu Yusuf 28 Ya*qub disregarded^limv. toiv:la;u*iclied?>;three;.cfiii?p'aigns-aLg»inatiethe Christians. During the course of these operations Muhammad thought i t better to come - at least nominally - to f r i e n d l y terms with the sultan because he was s t i l l hoping to recover Malaga, Guadix and Comares from the banu I s h q i l i w l a . He was, however, unable to detach the troublesome r i v a l family from the sultan, but at least these d i f f i c u l t i e s among themselves caused the Muslims to conclude another truce with C a s t i l e . Since his schemes had mis f i r e d , Muhammad I I now had to t r y to f i n d other a l l i e s , and his f i r s t choice was - l o g i c a l l y - Abu Yusuf Ya'qub's worst enemy, Yagmurasinj Emir of Tlemsen. And he was also able to int e r e s t the ingenious merchants of Genoa enough i n his cause to con clude a treaty with him (A p r i l 18, 1278). As i t happened, both his new a l l i e s were friends of his old enemy, Alfonso X. This may not have been accidental: Muhammad II Was hoping to estab l i s h better r e l a t i o n s with C a s t i l e , once the down-to-earth 1 Sancho should take the place of his far-planning father. So f a r , however, no approximation between the two countries was allowed to take place. It was s t i l l the old king, now near- ing sixty, who determined the foreign p o l i c y , and he was doing his best to benefit from the quarrel between the King of Granada and the banu Is h q i l i w l a . During some time i n 1277 the governor of Malaga even seems to have been his vassal. With his help Tl Professor Livermore i n his History of the Kingdom of  Granada, notes that although at t h i s moment Muhammad II's "policy agreed with that of C a s t i l e to the extent of barring the S t r a i t s against new Marinid invasions, i t quickly diverged: Alfonso's object was to conquer Algeciras and thereby lock the gate to Europe, Muhammad's was to recover Malaga". 29 and that of the Genoese, Alfonso blockaded Algeciras from July 1278 to July 21-22, 1279, t r y i n g to force the Marinids to give up t h e i r bridgehead i n Spain, and thus to make more d i f f i c u l t further attempts at an invasion. The'blockaders were forced to stay at sea almost continuously, and t h i s i s probably one of the reasons why i n the f i n a l encounter the Marinid navy proved to be the stronger. Another reason may have been that the C a s t i l i a n troops had not been paid f o r some time, due to a coup of Sancho. The ambitious prince did not wish his claim to rest solely on hi s father's good-will: i t was convenient f o r him that his r i v a l Alfonso de l a Cerda had been taken to Aragon. Sancho got along very well with the King of Aragon, h i s uncle, Pedro I I I , and h i s only problem was to get his mother, Queen Violente, Pedro's s i s t e r , to return from Aragon. But her serious need for cash gave her son a basis f o r negotiations. To provide her with the required amount, Sancho put himself i n possession of the reve nues of C a s t i l e and Leon, with which his father had intended to pay his troops at Algeciras. Queen Violante returned to C a s t i l e , and Blanche and the two princes were shut up i n the castle of Jativa f o r the rest of Pedro's reign. In t h i s way also the fury of the King of France, who wanted to see his nephew on the throne of C a s t i l e , was f r u s t r a t e d . These obvious l i b e r t i e s on Sancho's part do not seem to have strained to any considerable extent h i s r e l a t i o n s with his father. Both went together to meet Pedro III at Campillo and again at Agreda and turned over to him several border towns as a reward for his helpfulness i n the case of the infantes de 30 l a Cerda. Sancho was the leader of Alfonso's campaigns against Muhammad II during the summers of 1280 and 1281, i n which again the old king's p o l i c y was followed: the help of the banu I s h q i l i w l a of Guadix and Comares was employed, Malaga having been lo s t by them to t h e i r royal cousins during the siege of Algeciras. The campaigns went well, e s p e c i a l l y that of 1281, when Abu Yusuf Ya'- qub was away besieging Yagmurasin i n his c a p i t a l ; and accordingly Alfonso revived for one l a s t time a shadow of his old dream. P h i l i p of Courtenay was now t i t u l a r Smperor of Constantinople, his father having died i n the l a s t days of 1273. When Charles of Anjou had seemed the, man who could reconquer Constantinople from the Greeks, P h i l i p had been married to one of his daughters. Now the reconquest was becoming more and more doubtful. Besides, Beatrix had died between November 16 and December 13, 1275, and thus Alfonso X again started negotiations for the marriage of P h i l i p to one of his daughters, and i n addition^ f or the marriage of his h e i r Sancho to a daughter of Charles of Anjou. Before these steps could lead to any resu l t , however, c i v i l war broke out i n Spain and ended Alfonso's plans f o r good and a l l . In any case, his plans had not at a l l found favour with his brother- in-law, Pedro III of Aragon, Charles' b i t t e r e s t enemy, who i n a l e t t e r to Alfonso X of August 2, 1281 had given his consent to the marriage plan only with the greatest reluctance. In the meantime, the King of C a s t i l e had slowly changed his mind about the hereditary rig h t s of his grandson Alfonso de l a Cerda. It may be that he had been urged i n t h i s d i r e c t i o n by P h i l i p I I I of France, whom he had met i n December 1280 and with whom he had discussed t h i s question. Whatever may have caused 31 him to do so, at the Cortes at S e v i l l e i n November 1281 Alfonso proposed to give the young prince the t e r r i t o r y of the old diocese of Jaen, just to the North of Granada, and c a l l i t the Kingdom 1 of Jaen. Sancho, who has not without reason come to be known by the name of "the Fierce", was in f u r i a t e d and from that moment on took the reins into his own hand. He was young and resolute and promised great rewards to anybody who would follow him. He had proven his power of decision at the moment of his brother's sudden death, and his valour i n the face of d i f f e r e n t enemies. It i s not altogether surprising that he was soon the master of the sit u a t i o n . He made peace with Muhammad II, who had been hoping f o r t h i s for a long time. His father, l i k e Alfonso "VI two cen t u r i e s before, abandoned by most of the nobles, took refuge i n S e v i l l e . In A p r i l 1282 Sancho was declared regent f o r his father at the Cortes at Va l l a d o l i d . In May Alfonso appealed to Abu Yusuf Ya'qub f o r help, and the sultan came immediately. The only way i n which Alfonso was able to take part i n the war was by mortga ging his crown to the sultan i n return for the assistance of Moroccan troops against his son. The ensuing campaigns had as t h e i r aim the conquest of Cordoba, but, when the defences of t h i s town proved to be too strong, the Moroccan invaders overran the C a s t i l i a n t e r r i t o r i e s a l l along the northern l i m i t s of the Kingdom of Granada, thus causing Muhammad I I , Sancho's a l l y , to appeal f o r help to the sultan's son, Abu Ya'qub Yusuf. The l a t t e r crossed over tc Tl Prof. Livermore, op. c i t . , suggests: "This proposal i n d i r e c t l y resuscitated Alfonso's claim to the Imperial right of di v i d i n g the royal patrimony, a claim that had always been re sist e d by the old aristocracy of C a s t i l e " . 32 Spain i n May 1283 with another army, and a separate peace was made. Then the war against Sancho renewed, hut again the two a l l i e s were unable to force any place of importance. This was the more surprising because Sancho had lost a great number of his supporters since i t had become clear that the old king was not going to give i n e a s i l y . His brother Jaime's signature reappeared on his father's documents from March 4, 1283 on, and his other brother Juan's after September 1. The rest of h i s r e l a t i v e s must have abandoned h i s cause about the same time. Thus Sancho was hard pressed, f o r i n addition to the war i n the South he must speedily re e s t a b l i s h his hold over C a s t i l e i f he were to remain regent. During late summer and f a l l of 1282 he was besieging Badajoz which had gone over to h i s father i n July. F i n a l l y i n June 1283 he appealed to his uncle Pedro I I I f o r help, but even t h i s step turned out to do his cause more harm than good. As f a r as m i l i t a r y strength was concerned, the King of Aragon was a safe man to r e l y upon, but there was one drawback connected with an a l l i a n c e with him. Because of Pedro's t i e s to the House of Hohenstaufen he had played a leading.xoTe i n the downfall of the Angevins which had taken place with the S i c i l i a n "Vespers (March 30, 1282): he was therefore the b i t t e r e s t enemy of France and of the Papacy. Con sequently aft e r h i s a l l i a n c e with his uncle, Sancho could not hope any more for Martin IV's support, which he needed badly i n hi s insecure position. He had married i n July 1282 a second cousin of h i s father, Maria de Meneses. V/ith Alfonso de l a Cerda's claim to the throne s t i l l very much i n the a i r , Papal dispensation f o r his marriage was imperative; but Martin IV f l a t l y refused to give i t . Without i t , Sancho's hei r would have a hard time i n 33 obtaining recognition. But the Pope expressed his displeasure i n a much more di r e c t way yet: i n August 1283 he excommunicated Sancho. It was very fortunate for the regent that the Marinids returned home to Morocco i n October and November, leaving only a garrison to hold Algeciras. On November 8, 1283 Alfonso X made his testament, cursing h i s son f o r his e v i l deeds: " ... whosoever d i s i n h e r i t s his father and mother, should die on account of i t " . He disinherited Sancho, leaving C a s t i l e to his two grandsons de l a Cerda. And " i f the sons of don Fernando should die without children who might i n h e r i t , l e t the King of France take t h i s country because he comes i n a d i r e c t l i n e from where We come, from the Emperor of Spain, and he i s a great-grandson of King Alfonso of C a s t i l e , as well as We, 1 since he i s the grandson of his son". But on January 21, 1284 Alfonso made a second testament i n which he changed his tone considerably. It now appeared not at a l l improbably to him that Sancho would become king a f t e r h i s death, but he i n s i s t e d that i n t h i s case the regions that had been l o y a l to him should never come under his son's rul e . Shortly a f t e r t h i s Sancho f e l l i l l , and i t was even reported to his father that he had died. At t h i s moment the old king's r e a l feelings about the loss of his strong h e i r showed themselves, and suddenly the future of C a s t i l e seemed very dark to him. IM March Sancho recovered, and undoubtedly having heard about his father's mourning, started apparently out on h i s way to see him, when Alfonso himself f e l l i l l . He died on A p r i l 4, 1284, and Sancho was immediately recognized as king. T~. On May 23, 1200 Alfonso VIII»s daughter Blanca had married King Louis VIII of France. 34 I I I . The Chronicles' Picture of Alfonso e l Sabio's Reign The Chronicle of Alfonso X, and i n c i d e n t a l l y Loaysa's book as well, mentions hardly any of the international complica tions which the king was involved i n . It st i c k s to l o c a l events, but even these are on various occasions dated wrongly, and the fac t s are often incorrect. Frequently the names, especially i f they are i n Arabic, are mutilated and hardly recognizable. However, many documents are extant, and they, as well as the remarks found i n foreign annals, help to c l a r i f y the picture which the Chronicle gives. But the main d i f f i c u l t y s t i l l re mains: the story i s t o l d i n a roundabout way, and the f a u l t of the age i s the lack of accuracy i n expression. c . l Not mentioned i s the war with Portugal which had arisen 1252 over the tr i b u t e that Alfonso I I I had f a i l e d to pay f o r the t e r r i t o r y Ferdinand I I I had conquered for him. The chronicle describes the coins i n use i n C a s t i l e , and says that Muhammad I was obliged to pay half his revenues i n tri b u t e , 250.000 maravedies per annum. This i s not quite true, because the Nasrid did not resume his payments u n t i l the campaign of 1253. c.2 The chronicle t a l k s about the campaign against Tejada, 1253 but f a i l s to mention that Jerez, Arcos, L e b r i j a and Moron also capitulated: the .conquest of these four towns i s related under the year 1255. It says also that Alfonso feared that h i s wife would be unable to bear him children, and for that reason he opened negotiations with the King of Norway proposing to marry his daughter. This i s incorrect, because i n 1253 Yiolante gave b i r t h to a daughter. Furthermore, the negotiations 35 between Hakon IV and Alfonso X were not opened u n t i l 1257. c.3 Under the year 1254, the chronicle t e l l s of the a r r i v a l 1254 of the Norwegian princess i n Spain, and says that Alfonso married her to h i s brother Felipe , since by now the Queen had borne her f i r s t daughter. Apparently at the time when the chronicle was compiled, not much was remembered i n C a s t i l e of Alfonso's highflowing plans. The reason f o r his negotiations with the King of Norway was- his desire to f i n d a strong a l l y . i n Northern Europe who would be able to back him up i n his struggle for the Imperial dignity. Alfonso's ambassadors arrived i n Nor way i n the second half of February, 1257. The plan which Alfonso proposed was, "... ut rex Hacon filiaSL.. suam domicellam Christinam, 1 a l i c u i ex f r a t r i b u s suis nuptum dare". The King of Norway gave his consent. Ch r i s t i n a arrived i n Burgos on December 24, 1257, and on March 31, 1258 she was married to Alfonso's brother F e l i p e , u n t i l 1257 archbishop of S e v i l l e , The chronicle goes on to mention the names of Alfonso's " children, and agrees with Loaysa's account about the number, which t o t a l s eleven, although i t d i f f e r s i n one name. The chronicle mentions corre c t l y Alfonso e l Nino, while Loaysa has a.Constanza f o r whose existence so f a r no proof has been established. Also, Loaysa places i n the year 1254 what the chronicle re l a t e s under the year 1268, the year, so the author thinks, i n which Fernando de l a Cerda married Blanche of France. Loaysa mentions, with the obvious purpose of showing the fame of the King of C a s t i l e , IT Ballesteros. I t i n e r a r i o , p. 195. " : ~ ~~ 36 that the King of Granada, Edward of England and P h i l i p of Courtenay v i s i t e d the court of C a s t i l e , and that they were knighted by Alfonso X, together with h i s two sons Fernando de l a Cerda and Sancho e l Bravo. The King of Granada and Edward of England were there, but P h i l i p of Courtenay was s t i l l mortgaged i n Venice, and the two infantes were i n 1254 not even born. According to Loaysa, further vassals of Alfonso X were: Gaston VIII of Mon- cada, Viscount of Beam-, af t e r 1253, Alphonse, Jean and Louis de Brienne a f t e r 1255, and Guillermo VII of Montferrat. He also rel a t e s that Rudolf von Habsburg was with the embassy that an nounced to the King of C a s t i l e his e l e c t i o n as King of the Romans at Burgos on August 21, 1257, and that he was knighted by Alfonso X . c.4 As before mentioned, chapter four contains the conquest of 1255 Jerez, Arcos and L e b r i j a which had already taken place i n the spring of 1253. It does not r e l a t e the revolt of the infante Enrique which must have occurred i n 1255, because a f t e r January 20, 1256 the prince's signature does not appear any more on the 1 royal documents. c.5 The chronicle speaks of a general r i s e i n prices, and of 1256 Alfonso's unsuccessful attempt to provide a remedy. c.6 The Bayan and various documents also show that the conquest 1257 of Niebla, contained i n chapter six, did not take place u n t i l the winter of 1261-62. Alfonso's election as King of the Romans i s not mentioned by the chronicle. T~. Ballesteros. ET i t i n e r a r i e , pp. 145-146. 3 ? c.7 In Chapter seven the anachronisms are more numerous than 1258 , i n Chapter s i x . According to i t , Sancho II Capel&of Portugal, deposed by his brother ^-Afonso III i n that year, asked Alfonso X f o r help.], and that ^Afonso I I I , to prevent the Castil'i.am' s t intervention,: married the l a t t e r * s natural daughter Beatriz. F i r s t of a l l , Sancho was deposed by a Papal decree i n 1245 be cause of h i s trouble with the clergy, and died on January 3, 1248 i n Toledo. The marriage between . Afonso I I I and Beatriz took place between 1253 and June 3, 1254, the princess being ten to thirteen years old. Alfonso X gave his daughter as dowry - and i n t h i s the chronicle i s correct - the part of the Algarve f o r which the King of Portugal was obliged to pay t r i b u t e . The chronicle t e l l s also that Alfonso took the burgaleses out of c i r c u l a t i o n and substituted them with a different coinage. c.8 Under the year 1259 i s related the r e b e l l i o n of the infante 1259 Enrique. This had a c t u a l l y already taken place i n the year 1255. c.9 The chronicle places i n t h i s year the publication of the 1260 Siete partidas and the beginning of the great l i t e r a r y a c t i v i t y at the court of C a s t i l e . c.10 The great Muslim revolt of 1264 i s spread out i n the chroni- 1261 c l e over the years 1261-64. No hint i s given as to the causes. to It i s not very l i k e l y that Alfonso was planning an offensive c.14 against the Muslims. The King of Granada met with him every 1264 year, and was paying his t r i b u t e regularly. However, Muhammad might have been involved i n some conspiracy, and t h i s p o s s i b i l i t y i s suggested by the fact that i n 1259 Murcia had ceased to pay t r i b u t e to C a s t i l e , and that i n 1263 i t began to recognize 38 the overlordship of Granada. Alfonso, although wrapped up i n his dreams, probably suspected something and may have intended to look into the matter. Three l e t t e r s of the spring of 1264 are extant and are concerned with his navy. Two were written i n Genoa, on A p r i l 29 and on May 16, and they discuss a loan f o r the King of C a s t i l e f o r the purpose of building three galleys. The t h i r d was written by Alfonso himself, on May 16, i n S e v i l l e , and from t h i s i t becomes clear that the town council of Oviedo had contributed 1.000 maravedies f o r the maintenance of the navy. There may have been other small contributions for the same pur pose. Another d e t a i l the chronicle f a i l s to report i s that at the meeting place i n S e v i l l e , where both appeared with about f i v e hundred picked men, either Muhammad I was almost captured by Alfonso X, or vice versa. In any case, the annual negotiations did not take place that year, and the Muslims suddenly attacked with such force and speed, that the Christians were driven out of about three hundred places. However, most of these were soon recovered, and on September 2,2, Medina Sidonia was recaptured, While Jerez was taken on October 9. The chronicle states c o r r e c t l y (but i n chapter 13, under the year 1263) that Muhammad I asked Abu Yusuf Ya'qub for help and rewarded the men the l a t t e r sent so l a v i s h l y that he caused unrest among his own people, and c.15 especially among the banu I s h q i l i w l a . These then, the chronicle 1265 goes on to say, sent to Alfonso to offer him t h e i r vassalage, and he at once had Nuffo Gonzalez de Lara with one thousand men march to t h e i r help. A f t e r t h i s correct account the chronicle suddenly diverges from the truth and t e l l s how Alfonso i n a l l i a n c e 39 with Muhammad I conquered Murcia: t h i s was i n r e a l i t y done by Jaime I of Aragon to whom Alfonso had appealed f o r help. c.16 During 1266 Alfonso i s stated to have stayed i n Murcia and 1266 to have supervised i t s repopulation. The chronicle also reports that Alfonso made use of the differences between the royal family and the banu Is h q i l i w l a , using the l a t t e r to keep the Nasrid king i n check. But some of the C a s t i l i a n n o b i l i t y under the leadership of the House of Lara, discontented with Alfonso's p o l i t i c s , joined forces with Muhammad I. c.17 Loaysa makes Edward of England v i s i t C a s t i l e i n 1254; the 1267 chronicle places his v i s i t i n 1267 and 1268. In the same year i s placed Marie of Brienne's v i s i t (which took place between June 1258 and May 1, 1261), and here i t i s not her son who i s mortgaged to the Venetians, but her husband who i s a prisoner of the sultan. Alfonso gave her the money, and the praise of his generosity and nobleness resounded so loudly throughout Christendom that i t was the reason he was elected "Emperor" (he had been elected King of the Romans on A p r i l 1, 1257). The d e t a i l s are, here as elsewhere, somewhat inaccurate, but the way i n which his el e c t i o n i s commented upon deserves mention: "And although t h i s gave the King don Alfonso a great reputation i n other lands, t h i s and other l i k e things which t h i s king did caused a great impoverishment i n the Kingdoms of C a s t i l e and Leon". c.18 Under the year 1268 the chronicle relates the marriage of 1268 Fernando de l a Cerda and Blanche of France (which took place on November 29, 1269). As i n Loaysa's account under the year 1254, 40 a splendid, congregation of the aristocracy of Europe i s described, only here with many more nobles p a r t i c i p a t i n g . The chronicle states here that the Marquis of Montferrat had already married Alfonso's daughter Beatriz (which he did i n October 1271): that Alfonso was o f f i c i a l l y n o t i f i e d i n Burgos of his election as King of the Romans (which had been done on August 21, 1257): that the nobles concluded a pact against the king and sealed i t with the marriage of Lope Diaz de Haro and Juana of C a s t i l e (which, took place i n 1269): and that the discontented nobles were joined by the princes "Fernando, Manuel, Fadrique and F e l i p e . c.19 Alfonso's troops sacked Cadiz and held i t f o r four days. 1269 Then the king went to S e v i l l e where his r e b e l l i o u s r e l a t i v e s and grandees were staying. Dinis of Portugal, who was then not "twelve or t h i r t e e n " years old but eight, came there, was knighted, and asked to have the t r i b u t e cancelled that Portugal so f a r had had to pay to C a s t i l e . Alfonso was i n favour of granting t h i s request, and did ao i n spite of opposition. Thus he furnished the discontented nobles with another cause f o r grievance. Abu Yusuf Ya'qub received word about the hard feelings that existed on the side of the nobles. It does not seem as i f Alfonso was even aware of t h e i r discontent. c. 20 1270 If Alfonso had hat known about the hard feelingsthat his extravagancies were causing among his nobles, he soon learned about them. The chronicle r e l a t e s that his stay i n Murcia i n 1270 afforded the grandees the opportunity to form an a l l i a n c e against the king at Lerma and that they hesitated whether to send t h e i r allegiance to the King of Navarre or to the King of 41 Granada. The infante Felipe i s now the only member of the roy a l family mentioned i n connection with the rebels. Alfonso, f i n  a l l y r e a l i z i n g the imminence of the conspiracy, returned to c.21 C a s t i l e at the end of the year. There he met with the rebels 1271 and they swore to be his f a i t h f u l servants, asserting that they had been misunderstood owing to the calumnies of e v i l tongues. The King believed them, and they, thus reassured, immediately wrote again to the Kings of Morocco and Granada, and also to the King of Portugal, hoping that he would attack C a s t i l e . Alfonso, c.22 the chronicle goes on, with his mind already set on the "ida a l Imperio", was taken by surprise by the sudden invasion of a small Moroccan force. He immediately sent f o r his grandees who declined to help him, and soon afterwards a messenger was i n t e r  cepted with l e t t e r s from Morocco to the infante F e l i p e , Nuffo Gonzalez de Lara, Lope Diaz de Haro, JlmemoSuiz de los Cameros, c.23 Ssteban Fernandez and G i l Gomez de Roa. In t h i s way Alfonso knew of t h e i r intrigues. F i n a l l y a meeting was arranged between the king and the rebellious nobles: meanwhile Felipe had again gone to Navarre. The grievances named were these: some of the new laws that Alfonso ^had:promulgated were resented; no C a s t i l i a n judges accompanied the court; the taxes that were due to the infantes impoverished the country; the ten per cent sales tax was b i t t e r l y hated; the royal judges and the tax co l l e c t o r s were doing much harm; the farming of taxes i n Leon and i n G a l i c i a c.24 had reduced the income of the n o b i l i t y of these kingdoms. It seemed to Alfonso that he was s a t i s f y i n g his subjects with his answers and promises. In answer to t h e i r questions about his 4 2 Imperial aspirations, he told, them that they should support him i n his e f f o r t s to r a i s e Spain's and t h e i r own prestige, c.25 instead of trouting themselves about his occasional g i f t s of money. In order to gain time, the nobles asked the king to convoke Cortes and to repeat there his answers o f f i c i a l l y . This Alfonso agreed to do, but now the rebels came f o r t h with new requests. Even i f the greater part of the f i r s t complaints had been reasonable, the second set was obviously an excuse to delay the r e c o n c i l i a t i o n . It was, the chronicle states, clear to everybody present that the king was right and that the law was on his side. Don F e l i p e and the other rebels r e a l i z e d t h i s c.26 and l e f t the- Cortes and went to Campos. The clergy seem to have been the r e a l causers of the f a i l u r e ; they were hoping that Alfonso would grant them anything they might demand. The king, however, did not do so. A committee of representatives of a l l classes was nominated, the queen among them, to decide on a l l complaints voiced. c.27 Meanwhile, messengers from the rebels had asked the king f o r a period of grace of forty-two days during which they might leave the country. This was granted by the king but not observed by the rebels, who devastated the regions through which they marched, i n spite of the presence of a small royal escort. c.28 A f t e r the departure of the rebels, Alfonso kept on t r y i n g to re- to c.36 move the differences that had arisen. He sent l e t t e r s to his brother F e l i p e and the other rebels, reminding each one i n d i v i  dually of the benefits they had had from the royal house, and c.37 reproaching them f o r t h e i r ingratitude. But Felipe's answer c.38 showed that f o r the time being a l l was i n vain. The rebels 1872 moved southward, raid i n g the countryside. A l f o n s o sent a f t e r them his two sons Fernando de l a Cerda and Sancho e l Bravo and several other persons of high rank, t r y i n g to stop them from c.39 joining the Muslims. He sent a l e t t e r granting them a great deal of what they had demanded, but they would not be stopped and presented a t h i r d l i s t of grievances. They l e f t C a s t i l e c.40 and went to Granada, taking with them a l l the loot. The king to c.42 sought the advice of his wife, of Sancho of dragon, archbishop of Toledo, and of his brothers Fadrique, and Manuel, and granted a l l the additional demands, expressing the hope that they would c.43 support him i n the "fecho del•Imperio". Meanwhile, the rebels had formally paid allegiance to the King of -ranada, who asked them to go and devastate Guadix, which belonged to Alfonso X's a l l i e s , the banu I s h q i l i w l a . The l a t t e r complained to Alfonso, who sent word to the rebels that he would do as much damage t o t h e i r possessions as they did t o those of his vassals. At the same time Muhammad I, old and sick, asked them t o return to Granada. He died shortly a f t e r t h e i r a r r i v a l (in r e a l i t y c.44 on January 20, 1273). The rebels then took a hand in.the el e c t i o n of Muhammad II . A f t e r t h i s they seem to have received the l e t t e r s containing Alfonso's grant of t h e i r t h i r d l i s t of grievances. Now they could hardly help giving t h e i r consent to t h e i r King's plea f o r r e c o n c i l i a t i o n , although they s t i l l had no enthusiasm f o r the s t i p u l a t i o n that they should accept the "i d a " . c.45 As soon as Alfonso thought that he could again count on 44 the support of a l l h i s n o b i l i t y , he t r i e d to reach an agreement with Muhammad II. This was rather d i f f i c u l t because the Masrid wanted to recover the land that the banu I s h q i l i w l a were hold ing, while Alfonso was interested i n keeping them as strong as possible i n order to have a lever with which to handle the King of Granada. This was another reason why i t was so unbearable to Alfonso to think of his nobles as vassals of Muhammad II . c.46 Sometime during those months, the chronicle says, the rebels had already given Muhammad II assistance i n subduing the banu Ish q i l i w l a of Malaga. c.47 By now a l l Alfonso's actions were directed towards one aim: the Imperial crown. He was determined to leave soon f o r Germany, and he needed vast sums of money. He cal l e d another meeting, at Almagro, to take a vote on the c o l l e c t i o n of more revenue, c.48 and on the levying of the sales tax. He found i t i n t o l e r a b l e that one of his brothers and several of his grandees had become vassals of the King of Granada, and was impatient to end t h i s state of a f f a i r s . But f o r the time being a l l he could obtain from Muhammad was a promise of t r i b u t e . Since the King of c.49 Granada would not hear of releasing the emigrants from t h e i r oath, of allegiance, Alfonso, assuming that they wanted to re turn to C a s t i l e , sent l e t t e r s to them and proposed that he should drop the banu Is h q i l i w l a i f they would return to C a s t i l e c.50 bringing enough money from Muhammad I I to cover a l l the expenses. 1273 ^ Fernan Ruiz de Castro and a group of the lesser n o b i l i t y returned to C a s t i l e , but the majority stayed i n Granada, and Alfonso de cided to appeal again to the King of Aragon, and to attack Granada. 45 c.51 In the meantime Fernando de l a Cerda had sent the Grand Master of Calatrava to try to come to terms with Muhammad I I and the rebels. The l a t t e r , wishing to secure a truce, abandoned c.52 the banu I s h q i l i w l a and accepted the of f e r of terms. Alfonso was furious, and wrote Fernando a l e t t e r i n which he explained to his son his own p o l i t i c a l motives and those of his adver sar i e s , as he saw them, giving him at the same time advice on how to conduct further operations. c.53 The Marquis of Montferrat wrote to Alfonso saying that every day he delayed h i s voyage to Germany, hi s chances of being crowned Emperor were growing s l i g h t e r . A f t e r receiving t h i s message, Alfonso became extremely anxious to end the struggle with h i s nobles. He immediately sent his wife to Fernando de l a Cerda, who had his headquarters i n Cordoba, i n the hope that the two of them might be able to clear up the annoying s i t u a t i o n . c.54 The queen was fortunate enough to bring Nuno Gonzalez de Lara around to her side. He assured her that he would follow Alfonso on his "ida", and gave her some hints about the following nego t i a t i o n s with Muhammad II . Also a l l the complaints of the nobles c.55 were again discussed. Alfonso rejoiced at the expectation of at l a s t removing the remaining obstacles to the f u l f i l l m e n t of c.56 h i s l i f e ' s dream. He postponed a proposed meeting with the King c.57 and Queen of England. He did, however, go to see Jaime of Aragon whose help he needed i n order to keep the Muslims i n check during c.58 h i s absence, because he had had word of a probable Marinid inva- 1274 sion. Then he went to S e v i l l e where he met h i s wife and Fernando de l a Cerda, the King of Granada and the emigrant nobles. Muhammad 46 II promised to be his vassal forever, and to pay 300.000 marave- dies a year. He also handed over a l l that he had f a i l e d to pay during the previous two years, and i n addition gave Alfonso an extra 250.000 maravedies f o r the rtida". He released the rebels from t h e i r oath^ of allegiance, and they again became Alfonso's vassals. However, afte r a l l was settled, a t r i c k was played on the King of Granada. Queen Violante, Fernando de l a Cerda, Prince Felipe and Nuno Gonzalez de .Lara had a "private" t a l k with Muhammad, acting as i f Alfonso did not know about t h i s , and pressed him to give the banu I s h q i l i w l a a two years' truce. The Muslim King was very annoyed at t h i s demand, but having a l  ready handed over the large amount of money that had been agreed upon, he was a f r a i d that the C a s t i l i a n s would turn around and make war on him with his own money, and he f i n a l l y consented to c.59 a one year's truce. Alfonso then selected f i v e hundred men who 1275 were to accompany him, and arranged everything f o r the voyage. He advised Fernando de l a Cerda again to follow his policy of using the banu Ish q i l i w l a to keep Muhammad II i n check, and started out for Germany. The chronicle only recounts what occurred i n Spain during the time of his absence, because "... what he did and what happened where he was going, the writer did not know nor did he put i t here". c.60 Fernando remained responsible f o r the government of Leon c.61 and C a s t i l e , and was not suspecting any trouble. But Muhammad II was already making good use of the fact that the King of Ca s t i l e had l e f t the Peninsula. He hoped to be able to subdue the banu I s h q i l i w l a by the time Alfonso got back, but the pact 47 which he had been forced to sign made t h i s impossible. He therefore t r i e d a d i f f e r e n t approach. He n o t i f i e d Abu Yusuf Ya'qub of a l l that had happened. Then he signed pacts of friendship with the banu Ish q i l i w l a who were relieved by t h i s , since they had been a f r a i d of an attack while Alfonso was not there to defend them. F i n a l l y he offered Algeciras and T a r i f a to Abu Yusuf Ya'qub, i n v i t i n g him to come and make war on the Christians. The sultan came immediately, being followed by 17,000 men. He planned to r a i d the Kingdom of S e v i l l e , s t a r t - c.62 ing at j^cija, while Muhammad was to attack the bishopric of Jaen. In May, at the f i r s t encounter, at i c i j a , the Marinids defeated a C h r i s t i a n force smaller than t h e i r s . Among the dead on the C a s t i l i a n side was the Adelantado Mayor de l a c.63 Frontera, don Nuno Gonza'lez de Lara. The death of t h i s exper ienced s o l d i e r was a hard blow. Soon afterwards the archbishop of Toledo, prince Sancho of Aragon, had an encounter with a much superior Granadine force. He was defeated and taken p r i s - i oner, but was s l a i n when hi s captors began to quarrel among themselves about whether he was to be sent to Abu Yusuf Ya'qub or to Muhammad II . Loaysa places t h i s incident i n the f a l l , giving the date of his death as October 21. c.64 Meanwhile Fernando de l a Cerda, who had been i n Burgos at the moment of the invasion, had quickly started to organize the defense and was slowly moving southward, waiting f o r his men to catch up with him. He went as f a r as V i l l a Real; there he stopped and was getting h i s army ready when he f e l l seriously i l l . He died i n August. Before his death he had asked Juan Nunez de Lara to act as tutor to his oldest son^ Alfonso de l a Cerda, and to ensure that he would become king aft e r Alfonso X's death, c.65 Sancho e l Bravo had stayed i n Burgos, waiting f o r some of his vassals to a r r i v e . Be had just started on his way south, when he learnt about h i s brother's death and hastened to V i l l a Real, He was close friends with Lope Diaz he Haro, whom he now asked to support him i n his attempt to succeed to the throne. Then he took over the command, r e i n f o r c i n g a l l towns and getting the navy ready to stop Marinid t r a f f i c across the S t r a i t s . He prepared to f i g h t should the Muslims again cross the Guadalquivir. The sultan saw that now a l l the C a s t i l i a n troops had arrived at the scene and that the time f o r easy raids was over, and returned to Algeciras. c.66 Alfonso X did not know that Sancho had managed to force the sultan to retreat. In any case, he was disheartened because he had found out "that he had been misled about the fecho del Imperio". He returned from Beaucaire, only stopping at the grave of his father-in-law, Jaime of Aragon, and renewing his good r e l a - c.67 tions with the new king. When he arrived back i n C a s t i l e he 1276 secured immediately a two years' truce from Abu Yusuf Ya'qub, who was quite s a t i s f i e d at t h i s r e s u l t : h i s supplies had started to run short because of Sancho's blockade. In the meantime Lope Diaz de Haro had worked among the mobles to prepare the way f o r Sancho's succession, and f i n a l l y had put the proposition to the king himself. Alfonso was at f i r s t doubtful, but he was proud of c.68 his son's conduct at the time of danger, and soon consented whole-49 heartedly. When the kingdoms had taken the oath of allegiance to Sancho, the queen and Fernando's widow, Blanche of France, took the two infantes de l a Cerda and went to Aragon. After t h i s the chronicle mentions that Alfonso had his brother Fad- rique strangled and a noble, Simon Ru'fz de los Cameros, burnt a l i v e , "because he knew certain things about them": t h i s i s related i n Loaysa's account and i n the Anales toledanos III as having taken place i n 1277. c.69 Alfonso X wanted to drive Abu Yusuf Ya'qub out of Algeciras 1277 and T a r i f a and prepared f o r war. He gathered a large f l e e t , and i n October he started to blockade Algeciras from the seaside (in r e a l i t y the blockade lasted from July 1278 to July 21-22,' c.70 127$. At the beginning of A p r i l Alfonso began to besiege the 1278 c i t y , also from the landside, the army being under his son Pedro's command. c.71 Sancho i n the meantime had secretly negotiated with h i s uncle, King Pedro of Aragon, f o r the safekeeping of the infantes de l a Cerda. But his uncle wanted f i r s t to have h i s s i s t e r , the Queen of C a s t i l e , out of the way. Violante was w i l l i n g to come back to Spain, too, but she owed money i n Aragon "because she had stayed there for two years", and she also needed some cash f o r the t r i p . To provide t h i s , Sancho got hold of his father's t a x - c o l l e c t o r f o r C a s t i l e and Leon and ordered him to hand over the revenue money that he had with him and that was meant as pay f o r the forces at Algeciras. Violante returned, the infantes were l a i d up i n the castle of Jativa, and Blanche went to France. "And the queen and the infante don Sancho 50 t r a v e l l e d through the towns of C a s t i l e demanding justice'.'."' c.72 Because of his shortage of money Alfonso could neither pay nor feed nor clothe h i s men properly, and t h i s had espec i a l l y t e r r i b l e r e s u l t s f o r the navy. After having spent a winter at sea, the s a i l o r s were suffering from disease and the ships were r o t t i n g to pieces. Abu Yusuf Ya'qub found out about the sorry state of the f l e e t , ordered h i s fourteen galleys to attack, and won a complete victory. Alfonso had to withdraw his troops. He r e a l i z e d that i t would not be possible f o r him to expel the c.73 the Marinids from Spain, and therefore made a treaty with them 1279 and turned against the King of Granada. He assembled h i s troops i n Cordoba, but the campaign was delayed by a quarrel which King Dinis of Portugal had with his mother, a natural daughter c.74 of Alfonso 2. In June of 1280 Sancho was ready for the war,- 1280 but Alfonso f e l l i l l with a disease of the eyes and could not p a r t i c i p a t e . Sancho took the command and a f t e r one defeat i n the beginning of the campaign, was v i c t o r i o u s . Alfonso now f i n a l l y had found his t a x - c o l l e c t o r and ordered him to be k i l l e d before Sancho's eyes. Meanwhile King P h i l i p III of France had been complaining continously about the treatment of Alfonso de l a Cerda: he wanted to see his nephew on the throne of C a s t i l e . Alfonso thought he could persuade him and the King of England to accom pany him on a crusuade against Morocco, and wanted to do every thing i n his power to s a t i s f y P h i l i p . Alfonso met him i n Decem ber i n Bayonne: he did not t e l l Sancho that they would be d i s  cussing the claim of Alfonso de l a Cerda. The chronicle inserts 51 here that Alfonso X had secretly;,- sent l e t t e r s to a l l parts of his kingdom, and that on a certa i n Saturday a l l synagogues were seized and that the king started a t r i a l which cost the Jews 12.000 maravedies per day. Then the chronicle goes on to re lat e that P h i l i p I I I sent P h i l i p of Anjou to Alfonso to discuss Alfonso de l a Cerda fs claim ( P h i l i p of Anjou had died i n 1277). . In any case, Alfonso's idea was to give Alfonso de l a Cerda the "Kingdom" of Jaen and make him a vassal of himself and of Sancho. Sancho was naturally very angry. It appears that Alfonso simply asserted that, as king, he could do whatever he wanted with his kingdom. After t h i s the meaning of the text becomes obscure. c.75 In 1281 both the infantes Pedro and Juan married, and oh'.this 1281 occasion Alfonso behaved very generously, which his r e l a t i o n s and the n o b i l i t y , as before, did not approve of at a l l . He then met with Pedro of Aragon and concluded pacts of f r i e n d  ship with him. In June his army was ready f o r another campaign against the King of Granada, but t h i s time Sancho had only command of part of the troops, the king himself and the infantes Pedro, Juan and Alfonso e l Nino leading the rest. The greatest successes, however, were won by Sancho's men, and i t was due to these that Muhammad I I asked for a truce, o f f e r i n g to pay annually one t h i r d of a l l his revenues. But Alfonso demanded i n addition a l l the castles of the f r o n t i e r , and t h i s caused the breakdown of the negotiations. He then summoned Cortes at S e v i l l e and again demanded an increase of taxation, on the ground that he wanted to f i n i s h the war with Granada once and f o r a l l . Furthermore, he wanted to coin i n the future, two kinds 52 of money, one of s i l v e r and one of copper. The representatives consented to a l l t h i s , "more out of fear than out of love". After Alfonso had arranged his f i n a n c i a l a f f a i r s to his l i k i n g , he wanted also to carry out his intention to please the Pope and the King of France by making Alfonso de l a Cerda King of Jaen. Sancho to l d him f l a t l y that he would never consent to t h i s , whereupon his, father, i n a sudden f i t of temper, t o l d him that i f he did not agree to i t he would disinherit him. This caused a complete breach between the two. The representatives were immediately on Sancho's side, because Alfonso had been pressing his subjects very hard with his ever growing need f o r money. Sancho to l d them to go and do everything Alfonso would t e l l them, while he would go to Cordoba and from there would l e t them know what to do. Then he asked h i s father's permission to go to that c i t y , and also to send to the King of Granada and arrange f o r a truce on the basis of the payments the l a t t e r had offered. Alfonso gave him leave, and Sancho immediately started negotiations with Muhammad II. He was soon joined i n Cordoba by h i s brothers Pedro and Juan. c.76 In' 1282 Prince Juan was sent by Sancho to Leon to persuade 1282 a l l the towns of that kingdom to come over to Sancho's side. He was everywhere successful except i n Zamora, where he used the t r i c k that l a t e r was to give him the name Juan of T a r i f a . The Lady of Zamora had a one week old c h i l d , and when she refused to carry out Juan's request to hand over the castle, he took the ch i l d and threatened to k i l l i t . Needless to say, the castle was handed over, and soon most of Alfonso's possessions had sworn 53 a l l e g i a n c e to Sancho. For the f o l l o w i n g A p r i l he suiaiioned Cortes at V a l l a d o l i d . The Kings of P o r t u g a l and Aragon at once recognized him, and the Cortes at "Va l l a d o l i d gave him the r i g h t to c a l l himself King. Sancho then married Maria, the daughter of the i n f a n t e de Molina. His s i s t e r V i o l a n t e he married to Lope Diaz de Haro. He was a l s o godfather to Juan Manuel who was born at that time. Then Badajoz returned t o Alfonso's side,, h i s brothers Juan and Pedro, and a l s o Lope Diaz de Haro turned against him, and Alfonso and ^bu Yusuf Ya'qub proceeded to besiege Cordoba,.where Sancho had l e f t h i s w i f e . He h u r r i e d there i n a f o r c e d march and had hardly entered the c i t y when the besiegers a r r i v e d . A f t e r a f u t i l e siege of twenty-one days, they turned to sack the countryside. A f t e r t h i s the s u l t a n returned to Morocco and Alfonso withdrew to S e v i l l e . Sancho had a u e e t i n g w i t h Muhammad I I to whom he gave the c a s t l e of Arenas i n order to r e t a i n h i s f r i e n d  s h i p . c.77 Alfonso had been t h i n k i n g of making P r i n c e Pedro King of 1283 Murcia, and only a f t e r Sancho had made him h i s c h a n c e l l o r and had given him T o r d e s i l l a s as h e r e d i t a r y f i e f , d i d Pedro r e t u r n to h i s s i d e . But p r i n c e Juan and many nobles l e f t Sancho. His l u c k was at i t s lowest ebb during summer and f a l l of 1283. Abu Yusuf Ya'qub returned t o Spain, and t h i s time he and Alfonso d i r e c t e d t h e i r a t t a c k s against Muhammad I I . Sancho could not help him very much, because he himself had s u f f e r e d a defeat j u s t o u t s i d e of Cordoba, at the hands of a C h r i s t i a n f o r c e . Now a l s o Sancho's brother Jaime turned against him, and more nobles were l e a v i n g h i s side every day. 54 I n t h e meantime P e d r o o f A r a g o n had become K i n g o f S i c i l y and was a t war w i t h F r a n c e . E i s s u g g e s t i o n t o d e c i d e e v e r y t h i n g by s i n g l e combat between h i m s e l f and C h a r l e s o f A n j o u p r o d u c e d no r e s u l t , and t h u s h i s c o u n t r y was t h r e a t e n e d w i t h an i n v a s i o n by F r a n c e . He a p p e a l e d t o Sancho f o r h e l p and was sent more t h a n 2,000 men. F o r t u n a t e l y f o r P e d r o , i n P h i l i p ' s army t h e r e were a number of S p a n i s h n o b l e s who r e f u s e d t o f i g h t a g a i n s t Sancho i n p e r s o n , a l t h o u g h t h e y were w i l l i n g t o r a i d h i s l a n d s . A t a b o u t t h i s t i m e P r i n c e P e d r o d i e d ( O c t o b e r 19, 1 2 8 3 ) . By now Sancho's s p i r i t s h a d sunk so low t h a t he c o u l d o n l y be r e  l i e v e d a t t h e d i s a p p e a r a n c e o f one o f h i s enemies. S h o r t l y a f t e r w a r d s ( a c t u a l l y i n A u g u s t ) Sancho was excommunicated by t h e F r e n c h Pope M a r t i n IV, and a l l h i s f o l l o w e r s and h i s l a n d s were p l a c e d u n d e r t h e i n t e r d i c t . A g a i n s t t h i s he r e a c t e d v i g o r  o u s l y ; he w r o t e t o Rome, a d v o c a t i n g t h e e l e c t i o n o f a new Pope. A c c o r d i n g t o t h e c h r o n i c l e , Sancho would have l i k e d now t o come t o t e r m s w i t h t h e k i n g , b u t t h i s was a l t o g e t h e r a g a i n s t t h e i n t e r e s t s o f t h e n o b l e s on e a c h s i d e . Thus f a t h e r and s o n t r i e d t o e s t a b l i s h c o n t a c t t h r o u g h i n t e r m e d i a r i e s , A l f o n s o t h r o u g h h i s d a u g h t e r B e a t r i z o f P o r t u g a l , and Sancho t h r o u g h h i s w i f e M a r i a de Meneses who had j u s t t h e n g i v e n b i r t h t o t h e i r f i r s t d a u g h t e r . But b e f o r e t h e s e a t t e m p t s c o u l d l e a d t o a n y t h i n g , Sancho f e l l i l l , and was by h i s own d o c t o r r e p o r t e d dead t o h i s f a t h e r . I n t h i s moment t h e l a t t e r showed h i s r e a l f e e l i n g s a b o u t h i s s o n whom he c a l l e d " t h e b e s t man o f h i s w h o l e f a m i l y " . But Sancho r e c o v e r e d , and s o o n a f t e r A l f o n s o h i m s e l f f e l l i l l . P r i n c e J u a n a s k e d t o be made K i n g o f S e v i l l e and B a d a j o z , b u t A l f o n s o d i d n o t c o n s e n t . He p a r d o n e d Sancho and a l l h i s f o l l o w e r s f o r e v e r y t h i n g t h e y had done t o him, r e c e i v e d t h e extreme u n c t i o n and d i e d Appendix I t Synoptic t a b l e of the contents of the manuscripts of the Tres coro'niQjas B i b l i o t e c a N a c i o n a l B i b l i o t e c a B i b l i o t e c a d e l P a l a c i o de l a Real de Oriente Academia de l a H i s t o r i a B i b l . d e l Real Monasteries de B l i S s c o r i a l Cronica de F er nando I I I C r o n i c a de A l  fonso X to ro Ul H M • • • • o O CP Oi • • • o -O i—1 M o -<3 Ul Ul Ol to o 03 Ul <3 to to to to H 53 Kj w Ul to i I 1 1 i 1 1 w H H M M H Ul M H 1 H ! 1 1 H 1 Ul 1 I> o I to H 1 1 03 Q 1—' W H i to O 00 to H H I t—1 Ul I H H M I H H I H H H I tS3 I H M H I 1—1 to Prologo Texto de l a Cronica x x x x X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X Primer Test- amento Segundo Test- amento Croni ca de San cho IV Cronica de Fer nando IV Cronica de A l  fonso XI x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x X X X x x x x X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X • 1. Casto M. d e l R i v e r o , "Indice de l a s .Personas, l u : gares y coaas notables, que se mejncionan en l a s Tres Crunicas de l o s reyes de Cast i l i a : Alfonso X, Sancho IV y Fernando IV", H i s p a n i a (Madrid. 1942), IX, 591. x x x x x x x x x x x x x X X Ul Ul 56 Appendix 2: Genealogical tables f o r the history of C a s t i l e 1252-1284 Abbreviations used i n the genealogical t a b l es: d. = daughter •x : born K. - King oo = married m. = mayor "- divorced n. = natural • + =. died S . : : son; succeeds (a) : : concubine Afonso III, *5 V 1210 +16 IE I 1279, s. of Afonso II of Portugal and Urraca of C a s t i l e 1245 regent- by papal decree 1248 succeeds a f t e r the death of his brother Sancho II (3 I 1248) ••(1) 1235,f> 1245 Matilda, d. of Rennaud de Dammartin, + 14 I, a f t e r 1262 oo {Z) 1253-3 VI 1254 Beatriz, n.d. of Alfonso X of C a s t i l e , * 1241-44, + 24 VIII 1302 or 27 X 1303 "T2l Blanca,* 25 II 1259 + 17 IV 1321 Abbess of las Huelgas i)Pero tfunez Carpintero JJ) Fernando -X 1 and -f before V 1262 ( 2 j ~ Dinis, * 9 X 1261, + 7 1 1325, s. 1279 «*> (a) Gracia de Froes <*24 VI 1282 Isabel, d. of Pedro III of Aragon,^1271, t 4 VII 1336 (1) Constanza + before 23 XI 1271 (T5 : Afonso,* 8 II 1263, +2 XI 1312, <*> Violante, d. of the infante Manuel de C a s t i l l a —jj) : Sancha, #2 II 1264 •+ 1302 ~T2) Maria * 21 XI + 6 VI 1264 1304 (2) Vincente #22 I 1268 -P 23 XI 1271 Juan Nunez, maestre de Calatrava Pedro * 1278? + 1354 Count of Barcelos ool328 • Blanca, d. Constanza, * 3 I 1290, + 17-18 XI 1313 «* 1302 Fernando IV K of C a s t i l e , * 6 XII 1285,* 7 IX 1312 Afonso IV,* 8 II 1291 + 28 V 1357, s. 1325 •»1£ IX 1309 Beatriz, d. of Sancho IV of C a s t i l e , * 1293,+25 X 1359 Afonso -t 1300 of Pedro of C a s t i l l a , and Maria of Aragon Maria (1) T e l l o de Molina + 1314 «*(2) 1315 Fernando de Haro Isabel + before 1367 Juan de Cas t i l l a e l Tuerto + 1336 Constanza «* Nuno Gon zalez I I de Lara e l Ma yor, -f- 1291, Lisbon Beatriz <«» Pedro Fernandez de Castro + 1343 see no descent see 57 Fernando I I I , *1199, +30 V 1252, s . of A l f o n s o IX of C a s t i l e and Berenguela La Grandsa. K of C a s t i l e 1217, of Leon 1230 ' " (1) 30 XI 1219 E l i z a b e t h ( B e a t r i z ) , d. of P h i l i p p von Schwaben * 1202, + 1234(35?) (2) 1237 Juana de Ponthieu, d. 0 f the Count Simon de Aumale, + 1278 tn Sancho, arch- bishop of To ledo, 1259, c a n c i l l e r m, of C a s t i l e 4- 1262 (1) Berenguela, abbess of l a s Huelgas — n n Manuel see (1) Lenor 4- childc . 3 Maria .+ a l i t t l e before her mother r_]  Fernando + 1260- 1269 <* Laura de Mont f o r t ; count of Aumale 1252 —m~ Leonor •f 29 X 1290 oc 18 X 1254 Eduard I K of England, * 16 VI 1239 + 7 V I I 1307 n x ~ Alfonso X *• 23 XI 1221, + 4 IV 1284 see — m Fadrique, * 1224 -f 1276 s t r a n g l e d by Alfonso ; , 0 v - r X; o»(i) C a t a l i n a 1243 d. .of P e t e r of Roumania, 0 0 (2) Helena, widow of Manfred of S i c i l y , d. of Michael UAngelos of Spirus? — m Fernando * 1227 +.' a f t e r 124.3 " T i l ~ Enrique,*1230 + 8 V I I I 1304 0 0 (a) Mayor Rod ri g u e z Pecha; °o 1299 Juana Nunez l a P a l o m i l l a B e a t r i z Fadrique * / ( l ) A l f o n s o T e l l e z de Meneses *> (2) Simon Ruiz de l o s Cameros Alfonso Fadrique (a) 1 Enrique Enriquez, <*> 1300- 1301 E s t e f a n i a Rodriguez de C e b a l l o s , widow of Juan Mathe de Luna Enrique Einriquez, l o r d of V i l l a l b a and Nogales Adelantado m. de l a F r o n t e r a oo Urraca, d. of Pero Pe'rez Ponce (1) Felipe,-*1229 +28 XI 1274 bishop of S e v i l l e un t i l 1257; «9 (1) 31 I I I 1258 C r i s - t i n a , d. of Hakon IV of Norway ,*1234 +1262; <*(2) 1269-70 Leo nor Rodriguez de Castro, d. of Rodrigo Fernandez de Castro, f 1275 B e a t r i z de Castro (21 L u i s , •* a l i t t l e before 1243 °° Juana Gomez de Manzanedo 1292 count of Ponthieu Juan de Ponthieu, or de C a s t i l l a count of Aumale <*>Ida de Meullen, lady of Fontaines Juana de Acre Juan de Ponthieu and Aumale °° C a t a l i n a de A r t o i s • Alfonso de C a s t i l l a , s. of Alfonso IX of C a s t i l e and Berenguela l a Grande. + 1272 at Salamanca « o(l) Mafalda Manrique de Lara, <*» (2) Teresa Gonzalez de Lara, o» (3) Mayor Alfonso de Meneses lady of Molina d. of Gonzalo Nunez and Mesa y and Marina Draz de Haro? TIT T 2 T TST T3T Blanca, + middle of V 1293 *» .Alfonso el Nino, s. of Alfonso X of C a s t i l e , +1281 1273 lady of Molina Juana °<> 1269 Hope de Haro I s a b e l , + I I 1293 0 0 end of 1290 Juan de Lara e l Mozo Nunez II Alfonso de Meneses «• Teresa Perez, d. of Per Alvarez de Asturias, l o r d of Norona_, -f-1286, and of Sancha Kodriguez de Lara Maria' de Meneses •+ 1 VI 1321 <*> VII 1282 Sancho IV of C a s t i l e Upon Blanca's death Sancho gives the senorio to his wife see No descent Fernando Alfonso, n.s. of Alfonso IX of C a s t i l e and Maura Dean of Santiago, archdean of Salamanca "^Aldara Lopez de Ulloa Juan Fernandez Cabellos de Oro Mayordomd m. of Sancho IV of (1) Maria Andre's de Castro "Castile, d. of Andres Fernandez de Castro 0 0 (2) Juana Nunez de Lara, d. of Nuno Fernandez de Lara and Ines Iniguez de Mendoza Juan Fernandez Fernan Fernandez Alfonso Tellez de Meneses <*> (1) Mayor Gonza'lez Giro'n «o (2) Maria Anez de Limia Maria Alfonso de Meneses *» (1) Juan Garcfa, lord of Ucero «* (a) Sancho IV of Ca s t i l e Mayor Alfonso de Meneses (3)<* Alfonso de C a s t i l l a Ta) Violante Sanchez oo 1293 Fernan Rodriguez de Castro, s. of Esteban Fernandez de Castro, pertiguero m. de Santiago,-^ 4, I I - 9 V 1291, and of Aldonza Hodriguez -r 1305 at V i l l a l b a , f i g h t i n g aginst the infante Felipe Ped*o Fernandez de Castro, el de l a Guerra see Teresa Sanchez P»(l) Juan Alfonso, s. of Rodrigo Anes, lord of Alburquerque, and of Teresa Martinez de Soverosa, +1304 oo (2) Ruy G i l de Villalobos Violante Sanchez " i n Teresa Martfnez Ines de Castro, + 7 1 1355 oa 1 I 1354 Pedro I of Portugal 61 Alfonso X, * 23 XI 1321, + 4 IV 1284, s. of Ferdinand III of C a s t i l e and Elizabeth von Schwaben succeeds 1 VI 1252 King of the Romans 1257 oo (a) Marfa de Aulada? • **> (b) Mayor Guillen de Guzman *26. XI 1246 Violante, d. of Jaime I of Aragon, * 1235, +1300. Papal dispense given 25. I 1249 (tf) ~~ Alfonso Fernandez e l Ninoj signatures from 1254 on, +1281 <b Blanca, lady of Molina TbT Beatriz «*- Afonso III of Portugal see see Berenguela,-* 6 XII 1253 S e v i l l e , Engaged(1) to a son of Luis IX of France, (2) to Phi l i p of Courtenay, s. of Balduin II, E. of Constantin,, and of Marie de Brienne. Abbess of las Huelgas, lady of Guadalajara (=Leonor) Beatriz,, *1254 + about 1280 "0*1271, William VIII Marquis of Montferrat, + 1292 Fernando de l a Cerda * 4 I 1256, + 25 VII 1275 see Sancho IV * 12 V 1258 + 25 IV 1295 s. 5 IV 1284 see Pedro,-if 1261 +19 X 1283 «b 1281 Mar- gareta of Narbona, d. of the v i s  count Ayme- ri c o VI of Narbona and of S y b i l l e of Foix Sancho e l de l a Paz + young oo Maria (Juana?) Juan 1264 + 25 VI 1319 see Isabel . Jaime +7 VIII 1284 Sancho Perez Violante + before 1308 w 1282 Diego Lopez de Haro + 1309 see s. of Ferdinand III of C a s t i l e and Elisabeth von Schwaben Manuel, +21 1283, " (l),„ponstanza, d. of Jaime I of Aragon 0 9 (2) ABeatriz, d. of the count Amadeus IV of Savoy, 23 Ad&lantado m. de lalFrontera II 1292 Alferez m. Mayordomo m. del re; — m Alfonso + 1275 (Oct.?) JJ] " Violante * Afonso, s. of /Afonso I I I of Portugal and of Beatriz of C a s t i l e , * 8 II 1263,-f 2 21 1312 at Lisbon see ( 1 ) ' Juan Manuel, * 5 V 1282, + 1349? In Cordoba? Summer 1294 Adel& ntado M. i n Murcia Mayordomo m, del rey «o (1) Isabel, d.of Jaime II of Mallorca, -t-soon *» (2) Contanza of A r a g o n , d. of Jaime II and Blanca de Anjou 00 (3) 1328 Blanca de l a Cerda, d<.. of Fernando de l a Cerda and Juana de Lara Constanza Manuel -r 13 21 1345. «o 24 VIII 1339 Pedro I de Por tugal, -*18 IV 1320, +18 I 1367 Juana Manuel * 1339+1381 * Enriqucg, -II de Trastama- . ra, K of Cas t i l e , *13 I 1334, + 29 V 1379 Fernando Manuel Prince of V l l l e - na, succeeds his father as Adelantado m. i n Murcia + 1350 Enrique Manuel count of Sin- tra , Portugal Sancho Manuel lord of Carrion 63 (?) Alfonso Sanchez (2)"> Maria Diaz, d. of Diego Lo pez de Salce,do and Teresa Alva rez Podestad ( ? ) , Juan Sanchez (a) Violante Sanchez see (at) t Teresa Sanchez see Sancho IV, *12 V 1258]. +25 IV 1295, s. of Alfonso X of C a s t i l e and Violante of Aragon 1269 engaged to Guillerma, d. of Gastoni* VII, viscount of Bearn; ©o (a) Maria Alfonso d« of Alfonso T e l l e z de M M V I I 1282 Maria Alfonso de Meneses,+1 VI 1321, d. of the infante Alfonso de C a s t i l l a succeeds 5 IV 1284 eses Isabel, *1283- 84 Toro, 0 0 (1) 1291 Jaime II, 4» 1296 <*> (2) Juan II I , Duke of Breta- na, +1328 Fernando IV * 6 XII 1285 Sevilla,+ 7. IX 1312 Jaen «*'1302 Con stanza of Portugal, * 3 I 1290, + 17 XI 1313 Alfonso, *• 19 XII 1286 = 7 1 1287 Val l a d o l i d , +22 VI - 15 LX 1291 Valladolid Enrique X 16 IX - 10 XII 1288, + 1299 mute Pedro, * end VII beg. VIII 1290 Valladolid,+ 25 VI 1319 Granada «>^25 XII 1311 Ma r i a , d. of'Jaime II of Aragon, Mayordomo m. of Fernando IV, Tutor of Alfonso XI Blanca oo 1328 Pedro of Portugal, count of Barcelos, * 1278? -fr 1354 F e l i p e , * 28 V .1292 S e v i l l a •f before 5 VI 1327, «* 1311- 15 Margarita de l a Cerda, d, of Alfonso and Maf alda; Tutor of A l  fonso XI No descent Beatriz, * 8 X - XII 1293 Toro, + 25 X 1359 Lisbon «*12 IX 1309 _,Afonso IV of Portugal, * 8 II 1291 + 28 V 1357; Engaged i n 1297 64 Fernando de l a Cerda,-* 4 1 1256,4-25 VII 1275, s. of Alfonso X of C a s t i l e and Violante of Aragon 60-?lJt ?S Blanca, d. o& Xeuis^IX-'df .France^anteMargarita, de Provence. -Jf 1253, +17, VI 1320 Alfonso de l a Cerda •f shortly after 23 XII 1333 °oMafalda de Narbona, lady of Lunel Alfonso Fernandez Fernando de l a Cerda •f VI 1322 °o 1308 Juana Nunez de Lara, l a Palomilla see Luis de la Cerda, count of Clermont and of Tilmant Founder of the Ducal House of Medinaceli Juan Alfonso de^la Cerda Alfonso lord of Gibraleon, Huelva, de l a e l Real de Manzanares Cerda Margarita de l a Cerda °»1311-15 Felipe, s. of Sancho IV of Cas t i l e , - * 28 V 1292, + before 5 VI 1327 Ines de l a Cerda Lady of Bembibre, * Fernan Rodri guez de V i l l a l o - bos Maria de l a Cerda lady of V i l l a f r a n c a and Valcarcel, «> Alfonso llenendez de Guzman 65 TIT" Alfonso, lord of Valencia de don Juan and Msnsilla, Mayordoiao m. of Alfonso XL/Ooleresa Nunez de Lara, d v of Juan Nunez I and Teresa Alvarez de Azagra +• 1315 no legitimate descent Nuno Lopez lo r d of Lara and Vizcaya A l f e r e z and'mayordomo m. of Pedro I of C a s t i l e i Juan "de T a r i f a " , ,* 1264, +• 25 VI 1319, s. of Alfor "° (1) 1281 Margarita, d. of William VIII Marquis of Montferrat. and Isabel of mnf-fister. , ^^abe Glo.cester. oo (2) 1287 Maria iDiaz, d. of Lope Diaz de Haro and Juana Alfonso nso X of C a s t i l e and Violante of Aragon [21 Juan e l Tuerto de C a s t i l l a l o r d of Vizcaya k i l l e d 1336 Toro by Alfonso XI, oo Isabel of Portugal, d. of the infante Alfonso and Violante M a n u e l b e f o r e 1367 — r s y Lope (2) Isabel? / < v Engaged to Juan Nunez at the age of three, but -+- Maria Diaz lady of Vizcaya. <*> Juan Nunez de Lara Juana Nunez «» Telle-, s. of Alfonso XI lady of Lara and Vizcaya Isabel de Lara lady of Vizcaya * Juan, s. of Alfonso IV of Aragon and Leonor of C a s t i l e . Alferez m. de C a s t i l l a Adelantado m. de l a Frontera Nunc- Gonzalez I de ••Teresa Alfonso, n Adelantado m. de Lai Lara, e l Bueno,+®1275 E c i j a , s. of Gonzalo Nunez and Maria Dfaz de Haro of Alfonso IX of C a s t i l e Frontera Juan Nunez, e l Gordo, e l Mayor , * Teresa Alvarez de Azagra, of Alvaro Perez de Azagra and Ines, n.d. of Teo- baldo I of Navarre Alvar Nunez + 1287 Juan Nunez II el Mozo, e l de l a Barba + 1315; Mayordomo m. de Fernando IV, Ade lantado m. de l a Frontera <* (l) end 1290 Isabel de Molina <» (2) Maria Diaz de Haro Nuno Gonzalez I I I Juan Nunez III see previous page Juan Nunez Nuno Gonzalez II e l Mayor, •+1291 Lisbon, after7III. <*> Constanza, d. of Alfonso of Portugal and Violante Manuel No descent Juana NuHez l a Palomilla * about 1284 1291 plans to marry her to the infante Alfonso,* 1286 + 1291; <*(1) 1299 Enrique e l Senador,* 1230,+ 8 VIII 1304;«w(2) 1308, Fernando de l a Cerda, *• VI 1322 Fernando svicceeds her i n the senorio de Lara 2) Teresa 00 Alfonso s. of the Juan Nunez, + 1315 de C a s t i l l a infante don Ferran Nunez? No legitimate descent, Blanca ••1328 Juan Manuel Margarita Maria , countess of Estampes and Monzon, see Lope Diaz de Haro, Cabeza brav§ :,-f- 1236- , / «e Urraca Alfonso de Leon, n.d. of Alfonso IX and Ines Iriiguez de Mendoza Diego Lopez, e l de Banares (because he died there) Constanza de Bearne, d. of Guillermo de Moncada Alfonso Lopez Margarita (Teresa?) Alvarez Simon de los Gameros Lope Lopez e l Chico Lope Diaz, + 8 VI 1288 Alfaro; Count 1 I 1287 <*> 1269 Juana, d. of A l  fonso de Molina Diego Lopez + soon a f t e r hi s father Maria Diaz (2)«" 1287 Juan de C a s t i l l a Diego Lopez,+ 1309 Algeciras; 0 0 Violante, d. of Alfonso X of Castile,+ 1308 Alferez of Sancho IV U r r a c a v Diaz,+ 1284 oo Fernan Ruiz de Castro, s. of Ro- drigo de Castro Pedro, dies at 15 Mencia jde Paredes),+ before 1270 °o (1) Alvar Perez de Castro W s o o n ) *> (2) Sancho II de P o r t u g a l , 8 IX 1207 + (3) I' 1248, to whom, she remains f a i t h f u l a f t e r his deposition (1245) Juan Alfonso °» Mayor• Alfonso, d. of Alfonso T e l l e z de Cordoba y Maria Yanez B a t i s e l a Maria <*> Ruy G i l de V i l l a l o b o s , t h i r d s. of G i l Manrique and Teresa Fernandez Manzanedo Lope Diaz 0 0 Teresa de V i l l a  lobos Mayordomo m. de Fer nando IV Fernando Maria Diaz °o/ Juan Nunez II e l Mozo Juan Alfonso Alvar Di az Alfonso T e l l e z Maria several children, among them: Ruy G i l , *o Teresa Sanchez, widow of Juan Alfonso de Albur- querque see No descent No descent No descent Guillen Pe'rez de Guzman •f 1812, las Navas de Tolosa Pedro Nunez ricohombre, Adelantado m. de C a s t i l l a <*» (1) Teresa Ruiz de Brizuela <• (2) Juana Fernandez de Viedm'a. «» (a) Maria Garcia de Roa TT) : ~ : ~7T2i ; : ta) Fernln Perez Alvar Perez Pedro Nunez Adelantado m. de Murcia 7 XI 1285 t i l l a f t e r 27 IV 1288 °> Sancha Rodriguez de Cabirera,d. of Ruy Fernandez e l Feo de Valdona Juana Fernandez Pedro Alfonso Isabel Juan Alfonso Leonor "<> iClvar Dfaz de * 1284-84 Castaneda + Tarifa? i 68 Mayor Guillen 00 Alfonso X, K + 4 IV 1284 of C a s t i l e , * 23 XI 122a, "(?) I 1256,+ 19 IX 1309 Alfonso Perez,-* 23 1 1 i n the Sierra de Gancfa <" 1282 (?) Maria Alfonso Coronel Since 3-13 VII 1293 Alcalde de T a r i f a B e a t r i z , * 1241-44 + 24 VIII 1302 or 27 X 1303 00 before 3 VI 1254 „ & o n s o III K of Portugal Beatriz Teresa Alfonso «o Juan de Ortega, s. of Juan Mathe de Luna see 69 Bibliography I. Chronicles 1. Babbitt, Theodore, ed., La cronica de veinte reyes (New Haven, 1936). 2. Cirot, George, ed., "La chronique l l o n a i s e " , B u l l e t i n  Hispanique (Bordeaux 1911),.XIII, 133-56, 381-439. 3. , "Une chronique l a t i n e inedite des r o i s de C a s t i l l e " , B u l l e t i n Hispanique (Bordeaux, 1912), XIV, 30-46, 109-18, 244-74, 353-74. 4. , "Une chronique l l o n a i s e inedite", B u l l e t i n Hispanique (Bordeaux, 1909), XI, 259-82. 5. Elorez, Henrique, ed., "Chronicon Albeldense", Espana  Sagrada (Madrid, 1816), XIII, 417-66. 6. T, "Chronicon del obispo Sebastian", Espana Sagrada (Madrid, 1816),.XIII, 466-92. 7. , "Chronicon del Silense", Espana Sagrada (Madrid, 1763), XVII, 264-330. 8. , "Chronicon Iriense", Ssparfa Sagrada (Madrid, 1765), XX, 598-608. 9. . "Continuacion del Biclarense", Bspana Sagrada (Madrid, 1751), VI, 419-32. 10. Grismer, Raymond L. and Mildred B., ed., Juan Manuel. Cronica abreviada (Minneapolis, 1958). 11. Hui c i , Miranda, Ambrosio, t r . , "Ibn 'IdSri al-Marrakusi al-Bay§n al-Mugrib", Coleccion de cronicas arabes de l a Re- oonquista (Tetuan, 1954), I I I . 12. Lindley Cintra, Luis B i l i p e , ed., Cronica Geral de  Espanihac.de 1344 (Lisboa, 1951-54). 13. Mene*ndez P i d a l , Ramon, ed., Prlmera Cronica General de  Espana (Madrid, 1955). 14. Mommsen, Theodor, ed., "Chronica Gothorum pseudo- i s i d o r i a n a " , Monumenta Germaniae H i s t o r i c a (Berlin, 1894), XI 377-90. 15. , "Continuatio hispana", Monu ment a Germaniae h i s t o r i c a , (Berlin, 1894), XI. 16. Morel-Eatio, A., ed., "Chronique des Rois de C a s t i l l e (1248-1305) par Jbfre' de Loaisa", Bibliotheque de l'Scole des  Chartes (Paris, 1898), LIX, 325-78. 70 17. Muntaner, Ramon, Cronica (Barcelona, 1927-51). 18. Pertz, G-eorgius Heinricus, ed., "Chronicon Moissiacense", Monumenta Germaniae K i s t o r i c a (Hannover, 1826), I. 19. Puyol, J u l i o , ed., C r o n i c a de Sspana por Lucas, obispo  de Tuy (Madrid,' 1926). 20. Rosell, Cayetano, ed., "Crcfnicas de los reyes de C a s t i l l a " , B i b l i o t e c a de Autores Sspanoles (Madrid. 1953), LXVI. 21. Sanchez Belda, Luis, ed., Chronica Adefonsi Impera- t o r i s (Madrid, 1950). 22. Schottus, Andreas, ed., "D. Roderici Ximenez, Rerum i n Kispania Gestarum L i b r i IX", Hispaniae I l l v s t r a t a e (Frank f u r t , 1603), I I , 25-148. 23. Serrano y Sanz, M., ed., "Cronicon V i l l a r e n s e : Liber regum", Boletfn de l a Real Academia Espanola (Madrid, 1919), VI, 172-220; (Madrid, 1921), VIII, 367-82. 24. Tercera Cronica General (Valladolid, 1604). 25. Ubieto Arteta, Antonio, ed., Cronica de los estados .peninsulares (Granada, 1955). I I . Documents 1. A r i g i t a y L a s a , D. Mariano, Cartulario de don Felipe  I I I (Madrid, 1913). 2. Beneyto Pe'rez, Juan, ed. , Textos p o l i t i c o s de l a ba,ja  Edad Media (Madrid, 1944). 3. Castro y Castro, Manuel de,' ed., Juan G i l de Zamora, De nreconiis Hjspanie (Madrid, 1955). Memorial Hjstorico Espanol (Madrid, 1852), I I I , 421-68. 5. Naf, Werner, ed., Herrschaftsvertrage des Spatmittelal- i t e r s (Bern, 1951). 6. Rey, Agapito, ed., Castigos e documentos para bien  v i v i r ordenados por e l rey don Sancho IV (Bloomington. 1952). I I I . Secondary sources 1. Altamira y Crevea, Rafael, H i s t o r i a de Espana y de  l a c i v i l i z a c i 6 / n e-spafTola (Barcelona, 1900-02^. 4. Sancho e l Bravo 71 2. Aschbach, Dr. Joseph, Geschichte Spaniens und Portugals (Frankfurt a. M'. , 1833). 3. Ballesteros y Beretta, Antonio, E l i t i n e r a r i o de  Alfonso el Sabio (Madrid, 1935). . 4. , S e v i l l a en e l s i g l o XIII (Madrid, 1913). 5. Benavides, Antonio, Memorias de don Fernando IV de  C a s t i l l a (Madrid, I860). 6. Buhler, Johannes, Deutsche Geschichte (Berlin, 1954). 7. C a r t e l l i e r i , Otto, Peter von Aragon und die s i z i l i a n - ische Vesper (Heidelberg, 1904). 81 Daumet, Georges, Memoire sur les re l a t i o n s de l a France  et de l a C a s t i l l e de 1255 a 1520 (Paris, 1913). 9. Fuertes Montalban, Juan, and Gimeno Besses, Joaquin, Bl renacimiento espanol y e l sigl o XIII (Madrid, 1954). 10. Gaibrois de Ballesteros, Mercedes, H i s t o r i a del reinado  de Sancho IV de C a s t i l l a (Madrid, 1922-28). 11. , Maria de Molina (Madrid, 1936). 12. , " T a r i f a y l a p o l i t i c a de Sancho IV de C a s t i l l a " , Boletin de l a Heal Academia de l a H i s t o r i a (Madrid, 1919), LXXIV}°; 418-36, 521-29, LXXV, 349-55; (Madrid, 1920), LXXVI, 53-77, 123-60, 420-49, LXXVII, 192-215. 13. Geanakoplos, Deno John, Emperor Michael Palaeologus  and the West (Cambridge, 1959). 14. Gimenez Soler, Andres, La Edad Media en l a corona de  Aragon (Barcelona, 1944). 15. Guzman y Gallo, J. P. de, "La princesa C r i s t i n a de Noruega y e l infante don Felipe, hermano de don Alfonso e l Sabio", B o l e t i n de l a Real Academia de l a H i s t o r i a (Madrid, 1919), LXXIV, 39-65. 16. Isenburg, Dr. Wilhelm K a r l Prinz. von, Stammtafeln >  zur Geschichte der europaischen Staaten (Marburg, 1953-57JT 17. Lafuente, Modesto, H i s t o r i a general de Espana desde  los tiempos primitivos hast'a l a muerte de Fernando VII (Bar celona, 1888). 72 18. "La Reconquista espanola y la. repoblacion del pais". Cursos del Instituto de Bstudios Pirenaicos (Zaragoza, 1951), 19. Lindner, Theodor, Deutsche Geschichte unter den Habs- burgern und Luxemburgern (Stuttgart, 1890). 20. Livermore, Harold V i c t o r , History of the Kingdom of  Granada (in manuscript). 21. Maravail, Jos! Antonio, E l concepto de Espana en l a  Edad Media (Madrid, 1954). 22. Menendez P i d a l , Ramon, Cronicas G-enerales de Espana (Madrid, 1918). 23. , E l Imperio hispa'nico y los Cinco Reinos (Madrid, 1950). 24. , H j s t o r i a y epopeya (Madrid, 1934). 25. , "La Cronica General de 1404", Revista de Archivos, Bj'oliotecas y Museos (Madrid, 1903), IX 34-55. 26. La Espana del Cid (Madrid, 1947). 27. , La leyenda de los infantes de Lara (Madrid, 1934). 28. M i l l e Gimenez, Isabel, "Guzman e l Bueno en l a h i s t o r i a v en l a l i t e r a t u r a " , Revue Hispanique (New York, 1930), LXXVIII, •3-1-1—488. 29. Procter, Evelyn S., Alfonso X of C a s t i l e (Oxford, 1951). 30. Ranke, Leopold von, WeItgeschichte (Leipzig, 1910). 31. Rivero, Casto Maria del, "indice de las personas, lugares y cosas notables que se mencionan en las Tres Cronicas de los reyes de C a s t i l l a : Alfonso X, Sancho IV y Fernando IV", Hispanic, (Madrid, 1942), I I , 163-235, 323-406, 557-618. 32. Runciman, Steven, The S i c i l i a n Vespers: a History of  the Mediterranean World in~the l a t e r thirteenth Century (Cam bridge, 1958). 33. Russell, J. C., "Chroniclers of Medieval Spain", His panic Review (Philadelphia, 1938), VI, 218-35. 34. Sanchez.-islonso, Benito, H i s t o r i a de l a h i s t o r i o g r a f l a  espanola (Madrid, 1941). 35. Schlosser, F. C.. Weltgeschichte (Frankfurt a.M., 1857). 73 36. Solalinde, Antonio G., Antologfa de Alfonso X e l Sabio (Buenos Aires, 1946). 37. Soldevila, Ferran, Els grans r e i s del segle XIII: Jaume  I, Pere e l Gran (Barcelona. 1955). 38. , H j s t o r i a de Espana (Barcelona, 1952-). 39. Valdeavellano, Luis G. de, H j s t o r i a de Espana (Madrid, 1952). 40. Wolff, Robert Lee, "Mortgage and Redemption of an Emperor's Son: C a s t i l e and the L a t i n Emnire of Constantinople", Speculum (Cambridge, 1954), XXIX, 45-84. 

Cite

Citation Scheme:

    

Usage Statistics

Country Views Downloads
United States 12 2
Germany 8 114
Canada 8 0
China 4 0
Brazil 2 0
Czech Republic 2 0
Ukraine 1 0
Spain 1 0
City Views Downloads
Unknown 13 114
Vancouver 8 0
Clarks Summit 7 0
Ashburn 3 0
Beijing 2 0
Shenzhen 2 0
Wilkes Barre 1 0
Seville 1 0
St Louis 1 0

{[{ mDataHeader[type] }]} {[{ month[type] }]} {[{ tData[type] }]}
Download Stats

Share

Embed

Customize your widget with the following options, then copy and paste the code below into the HTML of your page to embed this item in your website.
                        
                            <div id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidgetDisplay">
                            <script id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidget"
                            src="{[{embed.src}]}"
                            data-item="{[{embed.item}]}"
                            data-collection="{[{embed.collection}]}"
                            data-metadata="{[{embed.showMetadata}]}"
                            data-width="{[{embed.width}]}"
                            async >
                            </script>
                            </div>
                        
                    
IIIF logo Our image viewer uses the IIIF 2.0 standard. To load this item in other compatible viewers, use this url:
http://iiif.library.ubc.ca/presentation/dsp.831.1-0106223/manifest

Comment

Related Items