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A method for measuring satellite status in metropolitan regions McGovern, Peter David 1958

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A METHOD FOR MEASURING SATELLITE STATUS IN METROPOLITAN REGIONS by PETER DAVID McGOVERN Report on a Project Submitted in l ieu of a Thesis in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF SCIENCE in the Department of COMMUNITY AND REGIONAL PLANNING We accept this report as conforming to the standard required from can-didates for the degree of MASTER OF SCIENCE Members of the Department of Community and Regional Planning THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA Apri l , 1958 ABSTRACT 1. The aim of the study i s to formulate a quantitative d e f i -n i t i o n of a s a t e l l i t e town as a guide f o r planning p o l i c y , and to demonstrate a method for measuring the amount and effect of e x i s t i n g l i n k s with the parent c i t y when s i t e s f o r planned s a t e l l i t e towns are being selected and developed. 2. A review of the ideals aimed at i n the planning of s a t e l -l i t e towns suggests that a survey of e x i s t i n g linkage i s a basic requirement i n order to show where new or expanded s a t e l l i t e s can be located so as to take advantage of e x i s t i n g t i e s and minimize the disruption of the settlement pattern. 3. A comprehensive short-cut measure of economic and s o c i a l linkage between a metropolis and i t s hinterland i s provided by data on i n t e r a c t i o n , and t h i s i s available i n records of inter-community telephone c a l l s . Such data are used i n a survey and analysis of the Lower Mainland of B.C., part of the hinterland of Vancouver. 4 . By analogy with physics, a s a t e l l i t e town i s defined as a community under the influence of a central c i t y but having an equal balancing force which maintains i t s status as a fully-fledged urban centre. Such a force might be the power of the s a t e l l i t e as a l o c a l i n d u s t r i a l or service centre, or, i n terms of i n t e r a c t i o n , an equal number of contacts with other areas to balance those with the c i t y . i i 5. The gravity concept of,human int e r a c t i o n i s considered as one possible method of arranging hinterland areas according to the strength of t h e i r linkage with the metropolis. However, t h i s shows potential rather than actual i n t e r a c t i o n , and t e l l s nothing about the q u a l i t y of linkage. 6. A better measure of linkage i s one based on the assump-t i o n that the strongest l i n k s are those which e x i s t i n spite of distance or c u l t u r a l b a r r i e r s to i n t e r a c t i o n . An index i s devised to measure t h i s , which shows the potential locations f o r s a t e l l i t e towns, other things being equal. 7. The ecological concepts of dominance and sub-dominance provide the basis f o r an analysis of the structure of the Lower Mainland Region, to show what economic and s o c i a l development should take place on the potential locations i n order to maintain or create the balance essential to s a t e l l i t e status. 8. In applying these d e f i n i t i o n s and methods to the selec-t i o n of s i t e s f o r s a t e l l i t e towns the areas most strongly linked to the metropolis are examined i n order to determine whether: (a) they have enough suitable land, (b) t h e i r populations are below the optimum, (c) they are at an optimum distance from the metropolis. 9 . The data on inter-community telephone c a l l s i s shown to i i i be of use to the planner, and suggestions are made as to the further uses and refinements which might be introduced i n future research. 10. The methods formulated i n t h i s study show that i t i s feasible f o r practising planners to take interaction into account, and by doing so to gain further knowledge about the ecological structure of c i t y regions. i v In presenting t h i s thesis i n p a r t i a l fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t f r e e l y available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of t h i s thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representative. I t i s understood that copying or publication of t h i s thesis for f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. P.D.McGovern Department O f f w 1 n i t j anH Rscrinnal Planning The University of B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver 8, Canada. Date May 1st, 1958 CONTENTS Page Abstract i i Acknowledgements v i i INTRODUCTION; Aims of the Study 1 Methods and Data 6 PART ONE A REVIEW OF THE SATELLITE CONCEPT Chapter I . The S a t e l l i t e Concept i n Planning 1 2 I I . Definitions and Applications of the S a t e l l i t e Concept . . . 2 4 PART TWO THE MEASUREMENT OF SATELLITE STATUS IN THE VANCOUVER REGION I I I . Strength of Linkage between Vancouver and i t s Hinterland . 40 IV. Dominance and Subdominance i n the Vancouver Region . . . . 59 PART THREE APPLICATIONS AND IMPLICATIONS V. General Applications 78 VI. Implications f o r the Vancouver Region 89 CONCLUSION . . 1 0 1 Appendix Tables 105 Glossary 1 1 6 Bibliography 117 . v MPS Page Location Map . . . . . . . . . . . . . v i i i 1. Linkage to Vancouver 52 2. The Dominance of Vancouver 72 3. Locations f o r S a t e l l i t e Towns i n the Lower Fraser Valley . . . 97 GRAPHS 1. The Relationship of Actual and Expected Interaction between Vancouver and i t s Hinterland . . . . . . . . 47 2. Variation i n the Dominance of Vancouver i n Distance Zones i n i t s Hinterland 74 3. Variation i n the Dominance of Vancouver correlated with the percentages of Business Telephones i n Hinterland Areas . 74 TABLES IN TEXT 3 - 1 . Areas i n the Hinterland of Vancouver arranged by Strength of Link to Vancouver ^ 51 3 - 2. Analysis of Linkage between Vancouver and Areas i n i t s Hinterland i n 1957 54 4- 1. Telephone C a l l s to Vancouver and New Westminster from Areas i n the Lower Fraser Valley i n July 1957 70 TABLES IN APPENDIX 1. Areas i n the Hinterland of Vancouver arranged by Actual Interaction and by Expected Interaction 106 2. Population Estimates f o r Telephone Exchange Areas i n the Hinterland of Vancouver, 1951-1957 107 3. Strength of Link to Vancouver i n 1954 108 4. Strength of Link to Vancouver i n 1955 109 5. Strength of Link to Vancouver i n 1956 110 6. Strength of Link to Vancouver i n 1957 I l l 7. Telephone C a l l s between Exchange Areas i n the Lower Fraser Valley, B.C., i n July 1957 112 v i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This study would have been impossible without ready access to s t a t i s t i c s of telephones and telephone c a l l s i n the Lower Main-land of B r i t i s h Columbia. The Bi.C. Telephone Company provided the data very w i l l i n g l y , and also supplied much information on the t e l e -phone services i n the region. Grateful thanks are accorded to the Company and, i n p a r t i c u l a r , to Mr. W. Staveley of the Commercial Engineering Department. Helpful guidance and c r i t i c i s m was received i n connection with the study and i n the preparation of the report from Professor I r a Robinson of the Department of Community and Regional Planning at the University of B.C. I greatly appreciate the i n t e r e s t which he has shown i n my work and the care with which he has reviewed i t . Thanks are also due to Dr. H.P. Oberlander, Associate Professor of Planning, University of B.C., f o r assistance i n the i n i t i a l and f i n a l stages of the project, and to Dr. J . Ross Mackay, Department of Geography, f o r i n s t r u c t i o n i n the geographical i n t e r -pretation of the gravity concept. Mr. J.W. Wilson, Director of the Lower Mainland Regional Planning Board, has been most h e l p f u l i n advising on matters of regional planning theory and i n supplying a large amount of information on the Lower Mainland Region.. v i i L O W E R M A I N L A N D R E G I O N O F B . C . M O U N T A I N S A N D L A K E S TELEPHONE EXCHANGE AREAS 1. Abbotsford 7. Haney 13. New Westminster 2. Agassiz 8. Hope 14.. Port Coquitlam 3. Aldergrove 9. Ladner 15. Port Moody 4. Chilliwack 10. Langley 16. White Rock 5. Cloverdale 11. Mission 17. Yarrow 6. Hammond 12. Newton 18. Gtr. Vancouver MUNICIPAL AREAS D. Delta S. Surrey P. P i t t Meadows R. Richmond POPULATION 1956 One' dot represents 1000 people L O C A T I O N M A P Source: Lower Mainland Regional Planning Board and B.C. Telephone Company. -1-INTRODUCTIQN The Aims of the Study The building of planned new towns for one reason or another, is no longer confined to Utopian thinkers and philanthropic indus-tr ia l i s t s . At the present time, new communities of various sizes are being established by private firms and public bodies in such diverse regions as the Canadian Northland, sub-tropical India and the English Midlands. Some of them are on previously undeveloped and often uninhabited sites, while others are developing around a nucleus of an established community. Many of these new towns are independent communities far from existing cities; others are virtually independent because they have local resource-based industry of their own. A third group of planned, new towns are conceived as satel-l ites of a larger city or a metropolis. The satellite concept implies some degree of subordinate status and a measure of dependence on the parent city, although the aim is usually a fully-fledged balanced community, (l) Satellite towns develop naturally around most large cities, and a planned satellite town may be either an expanded exis-ting centre or a development on a completely new site. The development of satellite towns is a firm principle in the thinking of most planners, and yet the satellite idea, as at present formulated, is a nebulous ideal and a very vague guide (l) See Glossary. -2-for planning policy. One of the principal deficiencies is the lack of a rigorous definition of what is meant by a satellite town. It is one of the postulates of this study that such a definition has to be in quantitative terms in order to provide a goal to aim at, a standard against which to measure the development of the individual satellite, and a basis for comparing the status of one satellite with another. A further deficiency is that town and regional planners have been making plans for satellite towns without knowing much about the structure of regions. In recent years attempts have been made to build on foundations provided by the many geographers and sociologists who have studied the relationships between communities and the influence of one area on another. Such studies have produced a considerable body of knowledge and a steady refinement of the techniques used in applying i t . However, much more research i s needed before the findings and methods can be considered conclusive and adequate for planning purposes. The practising planner has l i t t l e time for such basic research, and consequently he has often to use crude methods in his surveys and adopt unproven concepts as the basis of his plans. The study project described in this report i s conceived as a piece of basic research into the meaning of the satellite con-cept and its implications for planning policy, and as an opportunity for formulating and testing a method by which the planner can measure and describe satellite status. This is essentially a study of some of the more technical aspects of a policy for the development of satellite towns. We do -3-not argue for or against such a policy. However, the principal reasons for planning satellite towns, and the principal aims of a satellite development policy, determine the meaning which i s attached to the term 'satel l i te ' . Part One of the study, therefore, reviews previous thought on this subject, and considers the problems which have been encountered and the lessons which have been learned in applying the satellite concept in various countries. A major indaequacy of the satellite concept in planning is found in the process, by which towns and areas are chosen for development as satellites. This i s a very hit-and-miss process which pays l i t t l e or no attention to the existing links between the communities in the region. For several important reasons, discussed towards the end of Part One, i t is very desirable to start with the existing pattern and trends, and to choose potential satellites from amongst the 'natural' satellites which wi l l undoubtedly be found around any large city. In order to trace these places we need a measure of interaction which wi l l show linkage to the central city in terms of the number of contacts between i t s population and that of the communities in i ts hinterland. Such interaction has rarely been considered in the selection of sites for new or expanded satel-l i t e towns. There is also a need for a more precise description of the type of community that planned satellite towns are meant to be. Here again, linkage with other communities should be a basic con-sideration. Planners must be concerned, in particular, with the relations between the satellite and its parent city. The concept of metropolitan dominance, discussed in Part Two, sets a framework -4-f o r planning pol i c y by showing the r e l a t i o n between the population size and location of hinterland communities and the extent to which they are dependent on the metropolls. A method i s required f o r measuring the importance of l i n k s to the central c i t y i n the external i n t e r a c t i o n of communities, and f o r analysing the effe c t of t h i s on t h e i r i n t e r n a l structure. Perhaps one of the reasons f o r v i r t u a l l y ignoring i n t e r -action i n planning surveys to date, i s the expense and time required to measure i t . Planners have learned the importance of preliminary survey i n connection with most aspects of t h e i r work, and i n land use planning i n p a r t i c u l a r the emphasis i s r i g h t l y placed on working with existing trends as much as possible. However, i t i s always necessary to j u s t i f y each p a r t i c u l a r survey i n order to minimize the cost of planning and speed up the planning process. A detailed investigation of the complicated relationships between communities would require many interviews and studies to determine the extent, nature and significance of the economic and s o c i a l interdependence. This vrould c e r t a i n l y be a lengthy and costly business, and i n many cases the information gathered would be out-of-date before-, the survey was completed. There i s , therefore, a need f o r short-cut methods to measure a minimum of v i t a l f a c t o r s . In Part Two of t h i s study, various theories concerning i n t e r a c t i o n are adopted as the basis of a r a t i o n a l short-cut method for selecting and developing sit e s f o r s a t e l l i t e towns. In formu-l a t i n g such a method we have adopted an e c l e c t i c approach and borrowed concepts from other f i e l d s of study. The suggested d e f i n i t i o n of a s a t e l l i t e town and the optimum relationship between i t and the -5-parent c i t y are based on the characteristics of a natural s a t e l l i t e as described by Newtonian physics. (2) In analysing the basic struc-ture of the metropolitan community and the place of the planned s a t e l l i t e towns within i t , we adopt the concepts of dominance and sub-dominance as formulated by the bio-ecologists. (3) In order to demonstrate the various methods and indices arrived at, we present i n Part Two a survey and analysis of the Lower Mainland Region of B r i t i s h Columbia. This region comprises, i n the Lower Fraser v a l l e y , part of the hinterland of Vancouver. This i s a r e l a t i v e l y small region compared with the average metropolitan hinterland and, f o r the purposes of t h i s study, i t i s divided into seventeen areas. From the s t a t i s t i c a l point of view, t h i s i s a small sample and consequently no rigorous s t a t i s t i c a l analysis can be made. The region i s sharply delimited by physical features, and i s f a r away from other large c i t i e s . This gives the Vancouver metropolitan area a v i r t u a l monopoly of dominance over the region and i n t h i s respect i t i s hardly t y p i c a l of other metropolitan regions. However, t h i s very fact makes the Lower Mainland a very a i i t a b l e region i n which to test a method for surveying and analysing i n t e r -action between a p a r t i c u l a r metropolis and communities i n i t s hinter-land. - In Part Three, we consider i n Chapter VI the implications of the findings f o r planning p o l i c y i n the Lower Mainland Region. (2) See Chapter I I I . (3) See Chapter IV. -6-However, in view of the special features of this region, we also consider, in Chapter V, how the methods might be applied in other metropolitan regions. Methods and Data In this study, interaction between a metropolis and areas in i ts hinterland are measured by records of telephone calls beWeen them. Many writers have made use of such data for similar purposes. (4) The advantages and limitations are obvious. Statistics of telephone calls between exchange areas are usually readily available from . local telephone companies. They can be obtained, therefore, easily and cheaply, and so they meet the requirements for a short-cut method. They are a comprehensive measure in two respects; they include a l l kinds of economic and social interaction, and they record, this over a twenty-four hour day and a seven-day week. Most other measures (4) H.L. GREEN, "Geographic use of point-to-point telephone-call data", Annals of American Association of Geographers. Vol.43 No.2, June 1953, pp.169-70. H.L. GREEN, "Hinterland boundaries of New York and Boston", Economic Geography. Vol.31, 1955, PP.283-300. J.D. CARROLL, "Spatial interaction and the urban-metropolitan regional description", Papers of Regional Science Associa- tion. Vol .1 , 1955. G.K. ZIPF, "Some determinants of the circulation of information", American Journal of Psychology. Vol.59 No.3, 1946, pp.401-21. LOWER MAINLAND REGIONAL PLANNING BOARD, The need for river  crossings in the central part of the Fraser valley. New Westminster, 1956, Appendix 5. -7-which have been used show only one type of interaction, social or economic. The use made of the telephone may be assumed to vary with the charge rate system in operation. People wi l l use the telephone in preference to interacting by telegraph, mail or visiting when a telephone call yields the greatest u t i l i ty (satisfaction) per unit of cost. When the telephone subscriber pays a fixed monthly rent for the service regardless of the number of local calls made he wi l l naturally tend to use the telephone a great deal for purposes of local interaction within his community (or free-call area). This may be expected to make him more telephone-conscious and more liable to use the telephone for inter-community interaction also. The fact that such so-called 'long-distance1 calls are charged on a time and distance basis provides an indication of the value to the caller of the particular interaction experience afforded by the . ca l l . On this assumption, the cost of calling different areas i s used as a weight in the analysis of telephone cal l statistics in Chapter IV. A further consideration is that telephone calls are made, of course, only by people who have access to telephones, and these are available only where income levels are high enough and, apart from radio telephones, where roads exist which the wires can follow. However, i t i s a basic principle of planning survey that a suitable method for one region may not be suitable for another. Therefore, in those regions where the telephone i s , in fact, commonly used, the planner can reasonably make use of records of calls. The problem remains of deciding whether a particular region -8-is telephone-orientated. Three approaches are possible to this problem. In the f irst place, we might calculate the telephone den-sity, as for example the number of telephones per 1000 population, for the various parts of the region and relate this to the estimated number of households. Places with many business telephones w i l l , of course, have higher than average density figures. In the Lower Mainland Region of B.C. nearly a l l areas have over 200 telephones pec 1000 people (5), and this would appear to make the telephone a commonly-used item. Secondly, we could find out how much of the regions' lies within, say, one mile of a telephone. However, this information could be collected for only a small sample area and generalisations could not easily be made from the results. Thirdly, we could consider the physical and cultural character of the region. In the Lower Mainland we have a region with a high proportion of urban residents, intensive and prosperous agriculture, and easy accessibility to a l l inhabited parts. These considerations also appear to justify the use of data on telephone calls in a survey of interaction in this region. An arbitrary division of the Lower Mainland Region has had to be accepted in using the available data on long-distance telephone calls. The latter are defined, by the telephone companies, as calls between exchange areas. Consequently, the statistics used-in this study show interaction between the 18 exchange areas in the region. The boundaries and names of the areas are shown on (5) Figures for 1957 are shown in Appendix Table 6. the Location Map (page v i i i ) . As a result, one cannot separate the community, which is the nucleus of the area, from the rural area around i t . This means that the statistics could not be used for the purpose of delimiting a precise sphere of influence around a community. However, they do show the amount of influence exerted by a community in areas beyond its immediate hinterland, i . e . beyond i t s exchange area. We are, in any case, primarily concerned with measuring the amount of interaction between various parts of the region and the Vancouver area as part of the process of selecting the most suitable general locations for planned satellite towns. Therefore, there are advantages in dealing with zonal areas rather than with communities, and i t could be argued that the telephone exchange areas are no more arbitrary than the municipal areas. A further limitation of the data is that they show calls between hinterland areas and the 'Vancouver Terminal Area'. This comprises, as shown on the Location Map, Vancouver, the North Shore, about half of Burnaby, and the greater part of Richmond. It i s , therefore, not possible to show interaction between these areas. However, separate data are available for the New Westminster, Port Moody and Port Coquitlam areas. The data on telephone calls between areas were collected by the B.C. Telephone Company by means of a continuous check during 20 working days in July each year. At that time of year people may tend to interact by visiting rather than by telephoning, and some people who regularly interact may be away on holiday. However, the figures probably give a good indication of the relative amount -10-of in t e r a c t i o n which normally takes place between d i f f e r e n t parts of the region and the Vancouver area. I t i s , of course, impossible to obtain information on the type of people who c a l l each other, and on the reasons f o r the c a l l , but i n future studies i n t e r e s t i n g refinements might be introduced by making some sort of d i v i s i o n on the basis of the number of telephones of various types. The numbers of telephones i n each area have also been obtained from the records of the B.C. Telephone Company. The only thing that need be said about these figures i s that the number of business telephones i n each area includes a l l non-domestic telephones This i s an advantage i n that the percentage of 'business' telephones can be used as a measure of the amount of a l l economic and s o c i a l f a c i l i t i e s i n the area. Here also further research might obtain i n t e r e s t i n g r e s u l t s by breaking down the figures of 'business' telephones into separate types. However, t h i s would require a laborious study of l o c a l telephones books or of the detailed records of the telephone company. -11-PART ONE A REVIEW OF THE SATELLITE CONCEPT -12-CHAPTER I  The S a t e l l i t e Concept i n Planning During the l a s t 60 years, since Ebenezer Howard put f o r -ward h i s ideas on Garden C i t i e s , much has been written i n favour of the development of new towns, ( l ) Sociologists, philosophers and planners have argued that a new form must be given to urbqn growth and settlement patterns; one which w i l l eliminate the bad effects of present trends i n c i t y development, and provide a better environment for human beings to l i v e i n . (2) Some planners have had the opportunity of making plans which incorporate such i d e a l s , and i n recent years a few of these have been adopted as o f f i c i a l government po l i c y . (3) In the lengthy debates i n council chambers and public forums, new p u b l i c i t y has been given to the theories (1) E. HOWARD, Garden c i t i e s of tomorrow, London Faber, 1902. C.B. PURD0M, The building of s a t e l l i t e towns. London, Dent, 2nd Edn., 1949. MINISTRY OF TOWN AND COUNTRY PLANNING, Reports of the New Towns  Committee. London, H.M. Stationery O f f i c e , 1946, Cmd.6759, 6794, 6876. (2) L. MUMFORD, The culture of c i t i e s . London, Seeker and Warburg, 1940. J . DAHIR, Communities f o r better l i v i n g , New York, Harper, 1950. (3) P. ABERCROMBIE. Greater London plan 1944. London, H.M. stationery O f f i c e , 1945. E. STEIN, Towards new towns f o r America, Liverpool University Press, 1951. H.W. WALKER, "Canadian new towns", Community Planning Review. Vol.4, 1954, pp.80-87. -13-and plans. The public has shown much interest i n them and i n the administrative and f i n a n c i a l arrangements which are necessary to put them in t o practice. An important d i s t i n c t i o n must be made between the idea of planned new towns and that of planned s a t e l l i t e towns. As already mentioned i n the Introduction, the former may not always be completely new towns, and much has been said f o r and against expanding exis-t i n g established communities by building the elements of a new town around them. (4) In a developed and densely populated country new si t e s may be hard to f i n d . However, considerable problems arise i n integrating the old with the new, and although i n some places a satisfactory a r c h i t e c t u r a l solution has been found (5), many acute s o c i a l c o n f l i c t s have arisen. (6) Most of the supporters of the new town or garden c i t y ideas have favoured completely new towns, and they have also intended that these should be independent, balanced communities. However we may define a s a t e l l i t e town, i t i s obvious that i m p l i c i t i n the term ' s a t e l l i t e 1 i s the idea of subordinate status. A s a t e l l i t e town has some sort of relationship with a parent c i t y , and the nature of that relationship i s the subject of t h i s study. Although i n f a c t few new towns can be wholly independent, (4) MINISTRY OF TOWN AND COUNTRY PLANNING, op.cit. , Cmd.6876, para. 10-15. (5) SIR THOMAS BENNETT, F.R.I.B.A., Crawley New Town 1957. Crawley , Development Corporation, 1957. (6) H. ORLANS, Utopia Ltd. The story of the English new toxm of Stevenage, Yale University Press, 1953. the strong emphasis placed on t h i s makes much of the w r i t i n g and thinking on the subject of new towns irre l e v a n t i n a discussion of the desirable characteristics of s a t e l l i t e towns. As a r e s u l t of a l l the a r t i c l e s and books which have been written, and a l l the debates which have been held, i n connection with the s a t e l l i t e town idea, the p r i n c i p a l arguments behind i t are now widely known. Less p u b l i c i t y has been given to the counter-arguments which cast some doubt on the f e a s i b i l i t y , and even on the d e s i r a b i l i t y , of attempts to control the size and spacing of c i t i e s . Some economists and sociologists remain highly s c e p t i c a l of the extent to which governments can influence the d i s t r i b u t i o n of economic a c t i v i t y and the s o c i a l structure of communities i n democratic countries. (7) There i s no doubt that a large body of controls i s required i n order to encourage industry and certain s o c i a l groups to s e t t l e i n new or expanded s a t e l l i t e towns, and also that s t r i c t controls of a permanent nature w i l l be needed to create and preserve the physical size and appearance which the s a t e l l i t e concept demands. There i s a great danger that the delicate structure of a private enterprise economy w i l l be harmed by such controls. There i s also (7) ROYAL COMMISSION ON THE DISTRIBUTION OF THE INDUSTRIAL POPU-LATION, Barlow report, London, H.M. Stationery O f f i c e , 1940, Cmd.6153, pp.88-90. J.H. HOWARD, "The planner i n a democratic society", Journal of  the American I n s t i t u t e of Planners, Vol.21, 1955, pp.62-5. J.P. JEWKES, Ordeal by planning. New York, Macmillan, 1948. -15 -a danger that measures to influence the distribution of social classes between communities, and between parts of each community, wi l l only magnify class conflict and increase the amount of social maladjust-ment. (8) It is indeed far from certain that the development of satellite towns wi l l in fact increase the sum total of human happi-ness, but this wi l l remain uncertain unti l such a policy is put into effect and empirical knowledge obtained from a study of the results. It is also uncertain whether a l l the benefits visualized by the supporters of the satellite idea wi l l be realized in the types of town they have in mind, but this too requires a careful study of actual communities with the type of environment which i s recommended. The new towns policy which was adopted by the British Government in 1946 has as one of i ts aims the development of eight new or expanded satellite towns around London. It i s too early yet to assess the fu l l effects of this policy, but several writers have studied its achievements and limitations to date. (9) Some of the benefits which are expected to result from a satellite development policy are not at a l l doubtful, and i t i s these which have appealed to the imagination of the public and gained (8) H. ORLANS, op.cit . , p.95. (9) L. RODWIN, The British New. Towns policy. Cambridge, Mass., Harvard University Press, 1956.. F.J . OSBORN, "The significance of the New Towns", Town and Country Planning, Vol.24 No.141, 1956, pp.6-9. -16-the support of p o l i t i c i a n s , i n d u s t r i a l i s t s , and municipal economists. Such widespread enthusiasm f o r the s a t e l l i t e town idea has developed as a result of increasing discontent with one or other aspect of l i f e i n the big c i t i e s . The advantages which s a t e l l i t e towns are expected to provide are simply those aspects of a s a t i s -factory environment which are lacking i n the very large, extensive and congested c i t i e s . A l l the e v i l s of l i f e i n the great metropolis are attributed to size and density. Although the many supporters of the s a t e l l i t e idea d i f f e r i n the d e t a i l s of the design and organi-zation of t h e i r i d e a l communities, they are united i n the b e l i e f that a l i m i t should be placed on the further growth of the largest c i t i e s , and that any remaining growth potential should be diverted to new s a t e l l i t e towns at some distance from the central c i t y . (10) The c r i t i c i s m of the size and density of the metropolitan community has taken four major forms. Each of these has influenced the development of s a t e l l i t e towns. As such they provide valuable guides when the meaning of a s a t e l l i t e town i s being considered, and when techniques are being evolved f o r measuring s a t e l l i t e status. (10) C.B. PURDOM, op.cit., p . 9 . L. GERTLER, "Why control the growth of c i t i e s " , Community  Planning Review, Vol . 5 , December 1955, pp.151-54. COMMUNITY" PLANNING ASSOCIATION OF CANADA, The case for s a t e l - l i t e towns, Ottawa, 1952. -17-Reduction i n the populations of large c i t i e s The p r i n c i p a l objection i s against the continuous growth of the populations of the largest c i t i e s . The majority of writers on the subject of s a t e l l i t e towns, and on the problems of large c i t i e s have followed Lewis Mumford (11) i n arguing that 'megalopolis 1 - the overgrown c i t y - generates more economic and s o c i a l problems than i t solves. I t i s , of course, obvious that many of the economic and c u l t u r a l amenities of the great c i t y can be provided only because of the huge market available i n the c i t y where thousands or m i l l i o n s of people l i v e i n close proximity. But the frustrations of l i f e i n the great c i t y are also attributed to i t s huge size and extreme congestion. Mumford believes that a l l attempts at improvement w i l l be frustrated i f the natural tendency f o r further aggregation and cent r a l i s a t i o n i s not controlled. He recommends that the e f f o r t to reconstitute the metropolis should proceed i n t h i s way: I t must work against population increase, against multi-plying the mechanical f a c i l i t i e s f o r congestion, against the expansion of the urban area, against unmanageable big-ness and i r r a t i o n a l 'greatness'. (12) The recommended solution i s dispersal of people and employ-ment to s a t e l l i t e towns which w i l l have a considerably smaller popu-l a t i o n . No one i s sure what i s the optimum size f o r a c i t y , but here again t h i s should not prevent a l l attempts to control the size of our c i t i e s . Undoubtedly, more studies are needed of l i f e i n c i t i e s of various sizes, and i f more new towns are planned and b u i l t (11) MUMFORD, op.cit., pp.248-52. (12) IBID., p.296. -18^  before such s t u d i e s can be made, the a d d i t i o n a l number of c i t i e s w i l l widen the f i e l d of research. The range of recommended s i z e s f o r s a t e l l i t e towns has been put at 30,000 t o 100,000 p o p u l a t i o n (13)j t h i s range i s discussed i n Chapter V of t h i s study. The aim i s t o develop a town w i t h a l a r g e enough po p u l a t i o n to support urban f a c i l i -t i e s , but not too l a r g e f o r u n i t y and frequent f a c e - t o - f a c e c o n t a c t s . A l l these i d e a l s and standards are h i g h l y c o n t r o v e r s i a l , but the d e t a i l e d f i g u r e s are i r r e l e v a n t to t h i s present study. The c o n c l u -s i o n must be t h a t i f i t i s decided t o l i m i t the s i z e and d e n s i t y of the c e n t r a l c i t y because extreme s i z e and high d e n s i t y are ' e v i l 1 , then the s a t e l l i t e towns developed as an a l t e r n a t i v e must be p h y s i -c a l l y and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e l y separated from the c i t y as w e l l as s m a l l e r i n p o p u l a t i o n and more s p a t i a l i n l a y o u t . Reduction i n the areas of l a r g e c i t i e s C o n s i d e r a t i o n of the s p a t i a l p a t t e r n of the s a t e l l i t e b r i n g s forward the question of the t o t a l area of the c i t y and the second major c r i t i c i s m of the form of m e t r o p o l i t a n development. Many s t u d i e s have been made i n recent years of the r a p i d expansion of the t o t a l b u i l t - u p area of the l a r g e c i t i e s . I t would appear t h a t the o v e r a l l d e n s i t y of the metropolis w i l l continue t o decrease as more people move out from the centre ( o r i n from the country) to l i v e i n the suburbs. However, congestion i n the c e n t r a l p a r t s of the c i t y w i l l at the same time i n c r e a s e as the l a r g e r p o p u l a t i o n (13) P U R D 0 M , o p . c i t . , p . 9 . makes use of the f a c i l i t i e s located there. Much has been written about the economic and s o c i a l problems of the urban fringes (14): the high cost of servicing sprawling dormitory areas, the s o c i a l deficiencies of these areas, the harmful effects of the long journey to work, and the loss of good a g r i c u l t u r a l land. Once again the development of s a t e l l i t e towns i s recom-mended i n order to make i t possible to stop further extension of the continuously built-up area of the metropolis. A l l sorts of ends are to be achieved with t h i s p o l i c y . I t i s assumed that people move to the suburbs i n order to f i n d a better environment than that of the more central parts of the c i t y . I f so, then a s a t e l l i t e town would of f e r a s t i l l better environment with a sounder economic base and more varied s o c i a l structure than the average suburb. Municipal finances would be healthier i n balanced towns than i n the dormitory, sprawling suburbs. With l i t t l e further expansion round the edges of the large c i t i e s t h e i r populations would have easier access to open country, and the best a g r i c u l t u r a l land could be more e a s i l y preserved. The Greater London Plan (15), as an example of a large-(14) LOWER MAINLAND REGIONAL PLANNING BOARD, The economics of urban sprawl, New Westminster, 1956. N. PEARSON, " H e l l i s a suburb", Community Planning Review, Vol.7, September 1957, pp.124-8. MINISTRY OF WORKS AND PLANNING, Report of the Committee on  land u t i l i s a t i o n i n r u r a l areas, (Scott Report), London, H.M. Stationery O f f i c e , 1942, Cmd.6378. (15) ABERCROMBIE, op.cit. - 2 0 -scale application of the s a t e l l i t e concept, shows how s a t e l l i t e towns which are developed as an alternative to growth on the fringes of c i t i e s require the same characteristics as those developed to reduce the t o t a l population size of these c i t i e s . The s a t e l l i t e s must, of course, be physically separated from the central c i t y or they w i l l be merely further fringe development. They should also be balanced communities with a variety of employment and s o c i a l classes or they w i l l have the same kind of deficiencies as the average suburb. Preservation of a green belt One of the most popular planning concepts i s that of the green be l t around and between c i t i e s . In the United Kingdom the creation and preservation of such features i s now declared govern-ment policy, and t h i s i s being put into practice by the l o c a l planning authorities i n t h e i r statutory development plans. (16) The green bel t solution has been accepted as the best way of preventing 'shape-le s s giantism', the term used by Mumford i n describing the v i s u a l appearance of the great c i t y . (17) At the present time the green bel t i s e s s e n t i a l l y a contribution to solving problems belonging to the town. I t s three main purposes are: (a) to check the further growth of a large built-up area; (16) MINISTRY OF HOUSING AND LOCAL GOVERNMENT, Green b e l t s , London, H.M. Stationery O f f i c e , 1955, C i r c u l a r No.42. (17) MUMFORD, op.cit., p .233. ' -21-(b) to prevent neighbouring towns from merging into one another; (c) to preserve the special character of a town. In the past, more emphasis was placed on the function of the green belt as an area of amenity and open space for the benefit of the population of the city, and on the preservation of the rural countryside for i ts own sake. Howard's Garden Cities were to be surrounded by a belt of agricultural land which would supply produce to the city as well as delimit the urban area. The well-known Scott Report (18) discussed the concept in these terms: We conceive the green belt to be a tract of ordinary country, of varying width, round a town, and as a tract where the normal occupations of farming or forestry should be continued so that here, as elsewhere in rural land, the farmer is the normal custodian of the land . . . . (However) The townsman himself is vital ly concerned in the maintenance of the open character of the land and the belt wi l l naturally include golf courses and open common land primarily for his use. The emphasis currently placed on the green belt as an urban 'fence' as i t were, does, of course, lead to the preservation of an encircling zone of countryside with considerable amenity value, and i t i s obvious that a green belt policy, like the other policies already mentioned, can achieve a variety of desirable and comple-mentary ends. In relation to the location of satellite towns, a green belt has been recently defined as a rural belt which wi l l "by i t s outer edge keep satellite developments at a suitable distance". (19) (18) (19) Scott.Report, op.cit . , p.71. B.J. COLLINS, "A talk on green belts", Town Planning Review. Vol.27, 1957, p.222. -22-In saying t h i s , the author has drawn attention to the implications of a green belt policy. I t i s obvious that a green b e l t will need to be prescribed around only those c i t i e s which would otherwise become larger. In such cases some of the frustrated development w i l l no doubt take place i n the nearest alternative location, that i s , i n the s a t e l l i t e towns beyond the green b e l t . What the ' s u i t -able distance 1 may be w i l l be considered i n Chapter V. At present i t i s s u f f i c i e n t to note that a s a t e l l i t e development poli c y i s a necessary c o r r o l l a r y to a green b e l t policy, and that the l a t t e r automatically places the s a t e l l i t e s at some considerable distance from the parent c i t y . Dispersal f o r defence A more recent argument against the natural trend towards increasing c e n t r a l i s a t i o n i n large c i t i e s i s concerned with t h e i r v u l n e r a b i l i t y to a i r attack i n time of war. M i s s i l e or bombing attacks on the great conurbations my be expected to disrupt the national economy as w e l l as r e s u l t i n heavy loss of l i f e . Most urbanised countries are now adopting a national defence poli c y aimed at locating important industries outside the main c i t i e s . At the same time, attempts are being made to encourage c i t i e s to l i m i t t h e i r size and pursue an active s a t e l l i t e development p o l i c y . A recent publication sponsored by the Defence Research Board, Ottawa,suggested that f o r the purposes of defence there should be dispersal to a r i n g of s a t e l l i t e towns distr i b u t e d around and apart from the regional centres so as to ensure a measure of safety. ^23-The report recommends that such a ri n g around a c i t y of 250,000 population should have a radius of 15 to 20 miles. (20) This i s probably too short a distance when attack may take the form of launched missiles and involve radioactive f a l l - o u t over a wide area. However, i t could be argued that even under such an attack there would prob-ably be l e s s disruption, damage and panic i f the population and a c t i v i t y were dispersed amongst s a t e l l i t e towns. Once again the optimum distance f o r the s a t e l l i t e s i s unknown, but i t i s obvious that a s a t e l l i t e developmsnt p o l i c y related to defence requires that the s a t e l l i t e s should have much the same basic characteristics as those required f o r the ather aspects of t h i s p o l i c y . These can be summarised at t h i s stage as: physical separation from the central c i t y , self-government, and a balance i n i n t e r n a l structure and external relationships. (20) COMMITTEE ON PHYSICAL PLANNING, McGILL UNIVERSITY, A guide to urban dispersal, a report to the Defence Research Board, Ottawa, October 1956. Review i n Community Planning Review, Vol.7 N9.2, June 1957, pp.101-3. -24-CHAPTER I I Definitions and Applications of the S a t e l l i t e Concept A s a t e l l i t e development policy with some or a l l of the aims outlined i n the previous chapter has been frequently recommended by planning theorists and consultants. Some of the l a t t e r group have presented plans which recommend-that certain e x i s t i n g towns or under-developed s i t e s i n the hinterland of the major c i t y should be expanded or developed as s a t e l l i t e towns. In many cases, con-siderable care has been taken i n selecting the p a r t i c u l a r s i t e s to be developed i n t h i s manner, and the planners have t r i e d to con-sider and weigh most of the factors which they have found relevant and measurable i n the time available. In the f i r s t part of t h i s chapter some of the meanings which have been given to the name 1 s a t e l -l i t e town 1, and the methods by which potential s a t e l l i t e s have been selected, are b r i e f l y reviewed. The second part analyses certain additional factors which should also be considered when defining and measuring s a t e l l i t e character. The adjective ' s a t e l l i t e ' seems to have been f i r s t applied to human communities by G.R. Taylor i n 1915 to describe certain i n d u s t r i a l suburbs which were being developed near Chicago and some other large American c i t i e s . The study was mainly f a c t u a l and l i t t l e attempt was made to consider the p o s s i b i l i t y of a more precise use of the term, or the f u l l implications of a s a t e l l i t e development p o l i c y . (1) (1) C.B. PURDOM, The building of s a t e l l i t e towns. London, Dent, 2nd Edn., 1949, p.22. -25-The satellite idea was actually discussed at an earlier date by Ebenezer Howard when he was considering how to limit the size and extent of his Garden Cities. His solution was to place an inviolable zone of agricultural land around the ^Central City 1 of 30,000 to 50,000 population and accomodate growth in a cluster of smaller cities grouped around the centre. Howard gave l i t t l e guidance as to the location of the minor cities. In the early (1898) edition of his book he printed a diagram which showed:.a circular system of six separate towns, each with a population of 32,000, located only four miles from the centre of the parent Garden City which was to have 58,000 people. (2) However, this diagram was not included in the 1902 edition and in i ts place Howard merely stated that the minor cities should be "some l i t t l e distance beyond i t s own zone of country". (3) The complicated interrelations between communities, and the implications of dominant and subdominant status, were not fully considered by Howard, but there was some reference to the importance of interaction in the statement: that each inhabitant of the whole group, though in one sense living in a town of small size would be in reality living in , and would enjoy a l l the advantages of a great and beautiful city. (4) (2) E. HOWARD, Tomorrow. London, Faber, 1898. Quoted in T. SHARP, Town and countryside, London, Oxford University Press, 1932, p.171. (3) E. HOWARD, Garden cities of tomorrow, London, Faber, 1902, p.142. (4) Loc.cit . -26-Although Howard did not c a l l h is towns s a t e l l i t e s , the Garden C i t y Association which he founded adopted the term from Taylor and applied i t to the Welwyn Garden C i t y , established i n England i n 1919. In the campaign f o r funds from the public and the govern-ment t° enable, t h i s town to go ahead much emphasis was placed on the contribution which i t would make to a solution of the post-war housing problem. The s i t e chosen for the town was only 20 miles from the centre of London, and i t was r e a l i z e d that i n providing houses f o r some of London's homeless f a m i l i e s , Welwyn would be strongly linked to the economic and s o c i a l l i f e of the metropolis. In view of t h i s linkage, the term s a t e l l i t e was obviously appropriate. Welwyn has developed as a commuter's dormitory: a suburban community very highly dominated, and almost engulfed by London. Howard and h i s followers continually emphasised that the Garden C i t i e s should be independent balanced communities: a major aim was the removal of the s o c i a l and economic dichotomy between home and work-places. In t a l k i n g about s a t e l l i t e towns, they were v i s u a l i z i n g the independent but linked c i t i e s clustered around the p r i n c i p a l garden c i t y which had been recommended by Hoxirard i n 1902. One of the most enthusiastic supporters of the Garden C i t y movement has defined a s a t e l l i t e i n t h i s way: (5) The term does not mean a v i l l a g e , because a v i l l a g e has mot the functions of a town, neither does i t mean a suburb or any form of community that i s absorbed or i n process of absorption into another community, and lacks i t s own l o c a l government, even though i t may have a (5) PURDOM, op.cit., p.24.. -27-d i s t i n c t name. The word ' s a t e l l i t e ' i s used i n the sense of a body under the influence of a more powerful body but possessing i t s own i d e n t i t y . This d e f i n i t i o n summarizes the main characteristics which many other writers have attributed to s a t e l l i t e towns, but i t provides l i t t l e guidance as to the precise relationship between a s a t e l l i t e and i t s parent c i t y . Two Garden C i t i e s , Letchworth and Welwyn, were established i n England by private companies whose shareholders included many l o c a l residents and other supporters of the Garden C i t y movement. The s i t e s selected were the best that private persons could f i n d , and the choice was necessarily r e s t r i c t e d to the land available on the market. (6) C.B. Purdom, whose views on the meaning of s a t e l -l i t e garden c i t i e s have been quoted i n the previous paragraph, has recommended that s i t e s f o r s a t e l l i t e towns should be chosen by a special body with an appropriately s k i l l e d s t a f f , and that a national and regional plan should be prepared to guide i t i n i t s x\rork. Purdom suggests that consideration should be given mainly to the physical s u i t a b i l i t y of the land, and the a c c e s s i b i l i t y to e x i s t i n g centres of population. A c c e s s i b i l i t y has to be considered i n order to assess the s u i t a b i l i t y of the s i t e f o r industry and as a receiving area for dispersal from the central c i t y . The implications of a c c e s s i b i l i t y , and i n p a r t i c u l a r the influence of t h i s on the independence, balance and s t a b i l i t y of the s a t e l l i t e town, require very careful consideration. Purdom (6) PURDOM, op.cit., p .383 -28-fee l s that i t should be made easy and inexpensive f o r the popula-tions of the s a t e l l i t e s to v i s i t - t h e metropolis, and that as these s a t e l l i t e s of the c i t y are "dependent to some extent upon i t , the interflow of population should be provided f o r " . (7) The d i f f i c u l t y here l i e s i n determining how much interflow i s desirable, and how to measure potential advantages for interflow when selecting s i t e s from a l l the possible locations f o r a s a t e l l i t e toxvn i n a c i t y ' s hinterland. A more recent examination of the s a t e l l i t e concept was made by Patrick Abercrombie i n his plan for the London Region. (8) This plan i s based on the assumptions that measures w i l l be taken to l i m i t the further growth of London's population and area, and that a s a t e l l i t e development poli c y w i l l be i n s t i t u t e d i n order to channel new growth, and ' o v e r s p i l l ' from redeveloped areas, to small- communities outside the green b e l t . These new and expanded towns were to have a population of 30 ,000 to 6 0 , 0 0 0 , and to be suf-f i c i e n t l y f a r away from the metropolis to deter people from t r a v e l l i n g backwards and forwards d a i l y . Although there i s no precise d e f i n i t i o n of a s a t e l l i t e town i n the Greater London Plan, emphasis was placed on the need fo r intimate linkage with the central c i t y i n order to enable the populations of the e n c i r c l i n g towns to r e l y on i t for t h e i r major (7) PURDOM, op.cit., p . 3 8 5 . (8) P. ABERCROMBIE, Greater London plan 1944, London, H.M. Stationery O f f i c e , 1945. -29-amusements and c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s . Considerable importance was also attached to the s o c i a l and psychological advantages of linkage. I t was f e l t , f o r instance, that people would move more rea d i l y to a new town located on the same side of the metropolis as t h e i r present home because there would then be "less sense of i s o l a t i o n " . (9) Abercrombie also gave much thought to the process of selec-t i n g the s i t e s f o r nevr s a t e l l i t e towns. The complexities of t h i s matter are emphasised throughout the report on the London plan, and no e f f o r t i s spared i n attempting to j u s t i f y the selection process and i n explaining why one s i t e rather than another was chosen. A basic consideration was to select those s i t e s which contain i n themselves the seeds of success. By t h i s is: meant the actual and potential s u i t a b i l i t y of the s i t e f o r the physical form and economic and s o c i a l a c t i v i t y desirable i n a s a t e l l i t e community. The p r i n -c i p a l factors considered were the topography of the s i t e , the trans-port l i n k s with sources of supply of raw materials and with markets, the balance of the labour force, the size of the community, the a t t r a c t i o n to people to l i v e there and to i n d u s t r i a l i s t s and business-men to work there, and the r e l a t i o n to and separation from other communities (10), yet here again we f i n d no guidance as to how these c r i t e r i a can be measured and co-ordinated. While Great B r i t a i n has l e d the way i n putting a large-scale s a t e l l i t e development pol i c y into e f f e c t , planners i n other (9) ABERCROMBIE, op.cit. , p . l 6 l (10) IBID., p.7. -30-countries have also written much on the subject of s a t e l l i t e towns. Their thinking has been greatly influenced by the theories of Howard and Abercrombie and the application of these theories i n the work of the statutory provisions f o r the development of new towns, and the expansion of e x i s t i n g towns, which are now being implemented i n B r i t a i n . The United States, as a country with many large ra p i d l y growing c i t i e s , provides some examples of the theory and practice of s a t e l l i t e development. The best known s a t e l l i t e towns which have been established i n the United States are undoubtedly the Green-b e l t Towns b u i l t i n the 1930s by the Federal Government. The purposes i n building these towns were primarily to provide employment and low-rent housing, and secondarily, to demonstrate i n practice the soundness of planning and operating towns i n accordance with Garden C i t y p r i n c i p l e s . This meant that the new towns were to be balanced communities with the f a c i l i t i e s and status of independent centres. They must, on the other hand, be site d near the large c i t i e s f o r whose populations they were to provide homes and employment. An attempt was made to choose s i t e s with some potential attractions for industry, but before t h i s study could be completed, p o l i t i c a l pressure forced a start on the only three communities b u i l t under t h i s programme, ( l l ) These three 'garden c i t i e s ' are Greenbelt, Maryland, 13 miles from the centxte of Washington; Greendale, Wiscon-s i n , seven miles from Milwaukee; and Greenhills, Ohio, f i v e miles (11) STEIN, C. Towards new towns f o r America. Liverpool University Press, 1951, p.103. -31-from Cin c i n n a t i . Although they remain monuments of a contemporary r e s i d e n t i a l layout, they have never developed as fu l l y - f l e d g e d s a t e l -l i t e towns, Lacking industry and other f a c i l i t i e s they a re, i n settlement terms at l e a s t , suburban i n character. The p r i n c i p l e s of Garden C i t y layout had already been demonstrated i n America by the work of Clarence Stein and Henry Wright. Their f i r s t major experiment was the building of Radburn i n New Jersey, some 16 miles from New York. Radburn was conceived as an application of Howard's ideas but i t was found impossible to put them a l l into practice. The s i t e , a large t r a c t of good farm-land, was chosen "after examining some 150 possible s i t e s " (12), but i t was not large enough to provide a protective green b e l t around the town. Radburn has also become simply a suburb, although an impressive one, without industry and inhabited mainly by 'white-c o l l a r ' commuters. Stein has described the deficiencies of the s i t e selection process i n t h i s way: The f a i l u r e of Radburn to become a garden c i t y , and i t s l i m i t a t i o n s as a suburb of New York, emphasize the dominant importance of the convenient and economic r e l a t i o n of working and l i v i n g places i n the choice of any new town.... I t was not only at Radburn, but i n the choice of s i t e s f o r the three Greenbelt towns, that the economic and i n d u s t r i a l studies were not s u f f i c i e n t l y s p e c i f i c and r e a l i s t i c . (13) In other countries planners and governments are also think-ing i n terms of a s a t e l l i t e development p o l i c y as the only means of preventing the growth of great conurbations such as those which have (12) STEIN, op.cit., p.39 (13) IBID., p . 4 1 . raised so many d i f f i c u l t planning problems i n the more urbanised countries. In Canada, the province of Alberta i s now developing new and expanded towns to provide locations f o r incoming population and industry as an alternative to continued expansion of the central c i t y . The choice of si t e s to be developed as s a t e l l i t e toxvns i n a r e l a t i v e l y sparsely populated hinterland i s not as d i f f i c u l t a matter as i t i s around, f o r example,London or New York. Although the a c c e s s i b i l i t y of the s i t e s may be less sa t i s f a c t o r y , there w i l l be fewer problems a r i s i n g from disruption of the e x i s t i n g pattern of interaction and linkage. An attempt i s being made to develop some of the unbalanced and uneconomic fringe settlements around Edmonton and Calgary as new s a t e l l i t e towns. This may be a suitable alternative to amalgamation i n a metropolitan from of government. However, i t has been recently pointed out that imbalance i s generally greater i n those communities which l i e near the central c i t y (14), and i t i s u n l i k e l y that such places could f l o u r i s h as independent s a t e l l i t e s . This i s , at any rate, the main lesson which has been learned as a resu l t of the application of the s a t e l l i t e concept during the past 60 years. Experience has also revealed the complexities of the int e r - r e l a t e d factors which should govern s i t e selection. There i s more to the successful establishment of a s a t e l l i t e town than the finding of a s i t e with suitable physical cha r a c t e r i s t i c s f o r (14) G.E. SHORTT, "Review of 'The report of the Royal Commission on the metropolitan development of Calgary and Edmonton"1, Community Planning Review, Vol.6 No.41, December 1956, • P. 171. the type of layout which the planner would l i k e to create. There i s more to i t than the careful study of i n d u s t r i a l potential and trends, and a c c e s s i b i l i t y . The e x i s t i n g patterns of linkage between communities must also be studied before the s i t e s are selected, and the desired amount of linkage should influence the way i n which the chosen site s are developed. A quantitative d e f i n i t i o n and measure of s a t e l l i t e status Survey before plan i s now an established part of planning procedure; but there i s s t i l l a wide difference of opinion between planners as to the desirable scope and d e t a i l of the survey. However, i t i s generally agreed that before a reasoned planning decision can be made, information must be collected about the e x i s t i n g con-di t i o n s and about the potential of the area. The l a t t e r aspect i s usually f a i r l y w e l l covered, and there has also been considerable refinement of suitable techniques f o r surveying such things as present patterns of land use, i n d u s t r i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n and population move-ments. Less importance has been attached by planners to the detailed investigation of s o c i a l relationships within a c i t y and the amount of linkage between communities i n a region, although many studies have been made by sociologists and geographers. Bogue's study of the influence of a metropolis on i t s hinterland (15) has provided valuable information concerning the general pattern, but his method (15) D.J. BOGUE, The structure of the metropolitan community. Ann Arbor, University of Michigan, 1950, -34-could not be e a s i l y used by the planner intent on understanding the detailed pattern of one metropolitan region. Bbgue's findings are further considered i n Part Two of t h i s study. That the e x i s t i n g l i n k s between parts of a region are of basic importance when plans are being made i s one of the main pos-tulates of t h i s study. Information concerning these l i n k s i s especi-a l l y needed when s i t e s f o r new s a t e l l i t e towns are being selected. In making a land use plan, the planner s t a r t s from the e x i s t i n g use pattern i n order to disturb t h i s as l i t t l e as possible, and a s i m i l a r attitude i s needed i n connection with plans f o r the s e t t l e -ment pattern. Two additional reasons f o r a survey of e x i s t i n g linkage can be mentioned. From the l a i s s e z f a i r e economic point of view i t may often be the case that e x i s t i n g settlements w i l l have developed at the 'best 1 locations f o r the performance of t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r functions, and linkage between settlements may be presumed to be that which best meets the effective demand of the inhabitants. By planning the settlement pattern, s o c i a l and other factors can be given due weight, and planning can also make i t easier f o r people to f i n d what they need, but i t must be recognized that i n many cases a s a t e l l i t e town w i l l have more chance of success i f i t i s an. expanded •natural' service centre. A second good reason (mentioned by S i r Patrick Abercrombie and already referred to) i s the need to prevent newcomers to a s a t e l l i t e town from f e e l i n g a sense of i s o l a t i o n . I t i s suggested that t h i s can best be done by encouraging them to s e t t l e i n a town which has strong e x i s t i n g l i n k s with t h e i r place of o r i g i n . In the sense i n which i t i s used i n the preceding paragraph, -35-'linkage' means e s s e n t i a l l y i n t e r a c t i o n , that i s , contact between two people by spoken or written word. Interaction between two com-munities takes place when a person from one of them has some sort of contact with a person from the other. The value of such contact can be argued i n philosophical terms, but f o r the purposes of t h i s study i t i s assumed that interaction i s desirable. In any case i t i s a major influence i n the success of any s a t e l l i t e development p o l i c y — t o o l i t t l e i n t eraction denies a s a t e l l i t e the benefits of linkage to the metropolis, while too much reduces i t to suburban status. This concept of a s a t e l l i t e to\m as having i n some sense an optimum equilibrium i s found throughout the l i t e r a t u r e . The review i n the f i r s t part of t h i s chapter has shovm the emphasis which has been placed on the s a t e l l i t e as a balanced communityj balanced both', i n i t s i n t e r n a l structure and i n i t s external r e l a -tions.' The former requirement i n p a r t i c u l a r has been the subject of some dispute, but there i s more agreement on the l a t t e r . Most writers have implied that there i s some point at which a s a t e l l i t e town has an optimum amount of linkage with i t s parent c i t y . How-ever, there i s a need for a precise statement of what the optimum might be. Such a statement would be a quantitative d e f i n i t i o n of one essential characteristic of a true s a t e l l i t e . I t would be a standard f o r the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of towns by t h e i r e x i s t i n g s a t e l l i t e status, and a target f o r development po l i c y . The term ' s a t e l l i t e ' was borrowed, consciously or uncon-sciously from the natural sciences, and i t i s therefore l o g i c a l to consider whether i t s s c i e n t i f i c meaning i s of any help i n describing -36-the desirable attributes of a s a t e l l i t e town. A natural s a t e l l i t e i n the solar system i s a body which moves i n an o r b i t around a more powerful planet (16), and the relationship between the two masses i s described i n physics by Newton's Law of Universal Gravitation. This shows that a s a t e l l i t e i s linked to i t s planet by the force of gr a v i t a t i o n a l a t t r a c t i o n acting on the masses of the two bodies. The res u l t i s that the s a t e l l i t e i s pulled towards the planet and made to describe a more or less c i r c u l a r o r b i t . At the same time there i s an "equal and opposite reaction" (17), usually c a l l e d cen-t r i f u g a l force, which pull s the s a t e l l i t e away from the planet. In simple terms, then, a natural s a t e l l i t e i s characterised by a balance between these two opposing forces. Such a balance of inward and outward p u l l s i s what i s usually aimed at i n the development of s a t e l l i t e towns. C.B. Purdom has stated (as already quoted on p.27) that: "The word ' s a t e l l i t e ' i s used i n the sense of a body under the influence of a more power-f u l body but possessing i t s own i d e n t i t y . " I t can now be postulated that the optimum amount of such linkage i s achieved when the p u l l to the parent c i t y i s just balanced by l i n k s with other areas. In terms of interaction the optimum i s an equal number of contacts with the c i t y and with other areas. I t should be possible to refine t h i s d e f i n i t i o n i n order to weigh the r e l a t i v e importance to a community of d i f f e r e n t types (16) Van Nostrand's S c i e n t i f i c Encyclopedia. New York, Van Nostrand, 1947. (17) G.R. NOAKES, A text-book of general physics. London, 1953, p.155. -37-of linkage. There are obvious l i m i t s to the extent to which scien- , t i f i c laws and de f i n i t i o n s can describe the relations between human indiv i d u a l s and communities. But i n some respects the characteris-t i c s of the solar system describe very w e l l the features of s e t t l e -ment patterns. Geographers, following C h r i s t a l l e r 1 s lead, have shown that settlements tend to be distributed i n a pattern estab-li s h e d by inter-dependence which results i n towns of each size group being surrounded by several smaller places. Planners have recognised the advantages of such a planetary system, and have learned to plan i n terms of constellations of communities. (18) In view of t h i s , Newtonian physics i s an appropriate source of a d e f i n i t i o n and measure of s a t e l l i t e status. As already stated, planners must continually j u s t i f y the time and money spent on basic surveys. No doubt many planners who have been selecting s i t e s for s a t e l l i t e towns have wished to inves-tigate e x i s t i n g linkage between the central c i t y and i t s hinterland, but have been discouraged by the cost and complexity of such a survey. A f u l l - s c a l e survey of the c i t y ' s influence on the small towns around i t would require a detailed study of the l a t t e r ' s economic base, employment, finances, and s o c i a l l i f e , and t h i s would be an expen-sive and time-consuming business. A short-cut method i s required which would provide an ind i c a t i o n of the present position and trends i n the linkage throughout the region. An approximate idea of such linkage would c e r t a i n l y be better than having to ignore t h i s matter (18) B.J. COLLINS, "A t a l k on green b e l t s " , Town Planning Review. Vol.27, 1957, p.227. -38-completely. One possible method i s formulated and demonstrated i n Part Two of t h i s study. PART TWO THE MEASUREMENT OF SATELLITE STATUS IN THE VANCOUVER REGION -40-CHAPTER I I I Strength of Linkage between Vancouver and i t s Hinterland The aim of the survey and analysis presented i n t h i s chap-t e r i s to measure the strength of the linkage between the Vancouver area and various parts of the Lower Fraser v a l l e y . This region i s part of the eastern sector of Vancouver's hinterland. I t s charac-t e r i s t i c s are discussed i n the Introduction. In t h i s chapter and the following one the technical aspects of the study are described i n order to demonstrate how the d e f i n i t i o n and measure of s a t e l l i t e status outlined i n Chapter I I might be applied by the planner seek-ing basic data f o r a s a t e l l i t e development policy. I t has been postulated i n Chapter I I that the most suitable towns for develop-ment as planned s a t e l l i t e s are l i k e l y to be those which are already most closely linked to the c i t y , other things being equal. I f t h i s be agreed, then the f i r s t step must be to f i n d out the r e l a t i v e amount of linkage between different parts of the hinterland and the major c i t y . In order to arrange places i n a hierarchy on the basis of the number of contacts between them and the central c i t y a measure of interaction i s required. As already stated, s t a t i s t i c s of t e l e -phone c a l l s between places and the c i t y are suitable material f o r such a measure. However, consideration must also be given to a more general measure evolved from a t h e o r e t i c a l approach to the study of human in t e r a c t i o n . -41-The gravity concept The most relevant theory i s one founded on the gravity concept; a physical law adopted by the proponents of ' s o c i a l physics'. In human terms t h i s concept describes a tendency rather than a law. I t states that interaction between two centres of population con-centration varies d i r e c t l y with some function of the population size of the two centres and inversely with some function of the distance between them, ( l ) This i s w e l l known as the P1P2/D hypo-thesis (2), where P-j_ and P2 are the populations of two areas and D the distance between them. This relationship has recently been stated i n a more precise and more in c l u s i v e form by S.C. Dodd, and i t i s his so-called 'interactance hypothesis' which w i l l now be considered. (3) By interactance i s meant expected or potential i n t e r a c t i o n . This w i l l tend to vary with population s i z e , the distance (or f r i c -t i o n b a r r i e r ) , the pace and l e v e l of l i v i n g and average a c t i v i t y , and the c u l t u r a l and technical f a c i l i t i e s which make in t e r a c t i o n possible. Dodd sought to take these other variables as w e l l as population and distance into account by multiplying P]_ and P2 by (1) G.A.P. CARROTHERS, "An h i s t o r i c a l review of the gravity and potential concepts of human in t e r a c t i o n " , Journal of the  American In s t i t u t e of Planners, Vol.22 No.2, 1956, pp.94-102. (2) G-.K. ZIPF, "The P1P2/D hypothesis: on the i n t e r c i t y movement of persons", American Sociological Review, Vol.11 No.6, December 1946, pp.677-86. (3) S.C. DODD, "The interactance hypothesis: a gravity model f i t t i n g physical masses and human groups", American Sociological  Review, Vol.15 No.2, A p r i l 1950, pp.245-56. - 4 2 -relevant values for the f a c i l i t i e s and a c t i v i t y of each place, and he claimed that P;^/^ with t h i s modification would be proportional to the actual measured interaction between the places. The i m p l i -cation i n t h i s i s that places can be arranged i n order of the inten-s i t y of the inter a c t i o n , or i n other words the strength of the l i n k , between them by finding values for P^P^D. I f t h i s i s so, i n t e r -action could be estimated even when records of actual interaction could not be readily obtained. The r e l i a b i l i t y of P1P2/D as an index of the r e l a t i v e l e v e l of interaction between places can be tested by calculating the correlation c o e f f i c i e n t r e l a t i n g values of P1P2/D to correspon-ding l e v e l s of actual i n t e r a c t i o n . (4) A co e f f i c i e n t of unity sug-gests that P1P2/B i s an exact measure. Various tests of t h i s nature have been made using several different types of data on actual i n t e r -action, and high coe f f i c i e n t s have usually been obtained. For example, some tests (5) have made use of data on long-distance telephone c a l l s as a measure of actual interaction and have shown that f o r approximately 300 pairs of c i t i e s a correlation greater than 40.9 relates t h i s data to interaction measured by P1P2/D. There i s no doubt that the gravity concept provides a v a l i d approach to many planning problems which require an estimate (4) DODD, op.cit., p.245. (5) J.A. CAVANAUGH, "Formulation, analysis, and tes t i n g of the interactance hypothesis", American Sociological Review, Vol .15 No..'6,, December 1950, pp.763-66. G.K. ZIPF, "Some determinants of the c i r c u l a t i o n of information", American Journal of Psychology, Vol . 59 No.3, 1946, pp.401-21. -43-to be made of potential or expected i n t e r a c t i o n . Several planning studies have already applied the concept to the, measurement of market potential, t r a f f i c flow, and the effects of proposed land use changes, and further r e f i n i n g and tes t i n g of the hypothesis i s now going on. (6) The question arises as to whether the P ] ^ ^ / 0 formula can be used to determine which communities and areas have most i n t e r -action with a central c i t y i f , as i s assumed, t h i s information i s required i n order to show potential s a t e l l i t e towns. The formula has the advantage of s i m p l i c i t y , and uses data which i s usually readily available. However, i f further research shows that a con-siderably closer ' f i t ' i s obtained by extending the formula to include the additional variables suggested by Dodd, and by giving the distance factor an exponent other than unity (7), both these advantages may be l o s t , A more important consideration must be whether the gravity formula shows int e r a c t i o n of the type, and with the precision, which are required for our present purposes. The aim here i s to reveal the patterns of inte r a c t i o n x^hich exist at the time of survey, and which place each part of a metropolitan hinterland i n a certain position i n the hierarchy of linked settlements. However, the P^F^/D formula shows expected, or potential i n t e r a c t i o n ^ and at any one time part of t h i s potential may be s t i l l undeveloped f o r one reason or another. I f t h i s be so, then the r e l a t i v e positions of the surveyed (6) CARROTHERS, op.cit., p.94. (7) IBID., p.97. -44-areas arranged i n order on the basis of the values given by the formula may not be the same as those i n which they would be placed following a detailed study of actual i n t e r a c t i o n . However, i n view of the cost and d i f f i c u l t y of the l a t t e r the use of the formula method may often be preferable; p a r t i c u l a r l y i n those regions and cultures where there i s a high degree of a c c e s s i b i l i t y and mobility between populations, because i n such regions the actual interaction w i l l be closer to the p o t e n t i a l . The degree of r e l i a b i l i t y and precision which can be expected from the gravity formula have already been referred to i n discussing the tests of the interactance hypothesis. The high correlation c o e f f i c i e n t obtained by these tests v/ould appear to j u s t i f y the use of the formula i n circumstances where a large number of i n t e r -acting pairs can be included. In such cases the few differences between the actual and expected i n t e r a c t i o n w i l l often be s t a t i s -t i c a l l y i n s i g n i f i c a n t , and the; graphing of the data may be expected to reveal that the values are grouped clo s e l y around a straight l i n e with a slope of unity. However, with a r e l a t i v e l y small number of populations the l i n e a r relationship may not be at a l l apparent, and i n assuming that i t does i n fact exist many important deviations may be obscured. The gravity formula does not provide, f o r a small sample, precise values proportional i n every case to the actual interaction currently taking place i n the region. However, that i s the information which i s required i n order to arrange areas i n terms of t h e i r linkage with the central c i t y . Many metropolitan hinterlands could provide a large number of potential s a t e l l i t e locations including s i t e s f o r new towns and e x i s t i n g communities which might be expanded. But i f the choice of areas i s narrowed down right at the st a r t by preconceived ideas about the maximum distance that a s a t e l l i t e can be from i t s parent c i t y , or by some other requirement which must be met, the number of populations i n a survey of interaction might be reduced to too small a number for the satisfactory application of the gravity formula In the hinterland of a r e l a t i v e l y small metropolis i n an under-popu-lated region the choice of locations may also be reduced, and t h i s w i l l also be the case where natural boundaries of mountain, sea or desert reduce the extent of the habitable hinterland. In these cases, the P } ^ / ^ method may not be satisfactory. In order to test the s u i t a b i l i t y of t h i s method for a survey of existing linkage i n the Lower Mainland of B.C., values have been computed for P;?/0 where P2 i s the population of each t e l e -phone exchange area and D i s the highway mileage distance between each area and Vancouver. (8) The boundaries and location of each area are shown on the Location Map (page v i i i ) , and the implications of these boundaries are discussed i n the Introduction. In t h i s example, P-|_ would be the population of Vancouver but there i s , of course, no need to multiply, each f r a c t i o n P2/D by the same P]_. The f u l l l i s t of values f o r -*-s shown i n Appendix Table 1, column 3, and the values are also shown for various other calculations using modifications of the basic formula. The position of areas (8) Population estimates are shown i n Appendix Table 2; distances between Down-town Vancouver and the major community i n each area are taken from the Regional I n d u s t r i a l Index of B.C.. ( V i c t o r i a , Bureau of Economics and S t a t i s t i c s , 1957) - 4 6 -i n terms of t h e i r P2/D values i s shown against t h e i r position i n a sequence using actual telephone c a l l s to and from Vancouver i n a sample period i n 1957. The P 2/D values and the data on telephone c a l l s are correlated on Graph 1. This graph shows a d e f i n i t e relationship of the expected order between the data on actual interaction and that on expected interaction.. Although the values on the abscissa are those arrived at with the gravity formula i n i t s simplest form, Appendix Table 1 shows that the other forms f o r which values have been computed do not produce any better f i t . Considering then the relationship between Pjp/D and the number of c a l l s i t may be agreed that there i s a general tendency for the values of the former to be proportional to the l a t t e r . An attempt has been made to ' f i t ' an appropriate l i n e to the scatter diagram on Graph 1 by eye, and a l i n e of unitary slope i s added for comparative purposes. There could be no gain from an attempt to define the relationship f o r only 17 units i n more precise terms by f i t t i n g a l i n e by mathematical methods or by calculating a cor-r e l a t i o n c o e f f i c i e n t . However, i n view of the small size of the sample i t can be conclude/that P2/D gives a good idea of the order i n which the areas standiin terms of ex i s t i n g i n t e r a c t i o n , notwith-standing that there are a few obvious deviants. The agreement of the two l i s t s i s closer at the top and bottom, and i t i s , of course, the most and least linked areas that one would be mainly concerned with i n developing s a t e l l i t e towns. Thereforewe would conclude that the gravity formula might, be used as a method of estimating linkage between a c i t y and parts of i t s hinterland, but f o r the reasons already mentioned only approximate conclusions could be reached. -47-GRAPH 1 The relationship of actual and expected interaction between Vancouver and its hinterland KEY: 1. Abbotsford 2. Agassiz 3. Aldergrove 4. Chilliwack 5. Cloverdale 6. Hammond 7. Haney 8 . Hope 9 . Ladner 10. Langley 11. Mission 12. Newton 13. New Westminster 14. Port Coquitlam 15. Port Moody 16. White Rock 17. Yarrow P 2 / D -48-The quality of linkage The gravity concept, as a measure of interaction or linkage, shows only the r e l a t i v e amount, or i n other words the quantitative aspects of such linkage. This i s c e r t a i n l y better than not measuring exi s t i n g linkage at a l l , but the r e a l need i s for an index which w i l l give some expression to certain q u a l i t a t i v e characteristics of i n teraction between populations. The deficiencies of the gravity concept i n t h i s regard have been the subject of some study by Dodd (9), and his interactance hypothesis was an attempt to modify the basic mass P]_P2 ^7 relevant variables of a qua l i t a t i v e nature. I t has been argued that much expansion of the basic gravity formula i n t h i s way destroys i t s main advantages. Very considerable and complicated modifications would be required i n order to construct a version of the gravity formula which would provide ;a more complete measure of the r e l a t i v e s u i t a b i l i t y of various potential locations f o r s a t e l l i t e towns. In any case, population and distance, the bases of the formula, may not be the most important factors to consider when assessing the various locations. One of the postulates of t h i s study, which was repeated at the beginning of t h i s chapter, i s that s a t e l l i t e towns w i l l have most chance of success i f they are developed i n those areas most closely linked to the parent c i t y at the time of the survey. There-fore, the required measure of interaction should show the qu a l i t y of the r e l a t i v e strength of the l i n k between the hinterland areas (9) DODD, op.cit., p.245 -49-and the city. One apparently satisfactory measure would define a strong link as one which endures over time in spite of a strong opposing friction barrier. A measure of this nature would show the significance of the linkage, because i t is reasonable to assume that interaction which takes place in spite of difficulties represents a stronger link than interaction under easy conditions. At any rate, i t can be assumed that an area with the former type of linkage must have some compelling reason for interacting with the central city. Because of this, such an area may provide a suitable environment for the planned growth of a satellite town. Some of the main friction barriers to interaction are the time and cost of covering the distance between one place and another^ and the lack of the cultural or technical equipment which makes interaction possible. In terms of the telephone, one of the main channels for interaction, the barrier is greater the higher the cost of calling the other area, and the lower the number of telephones per capita. An index of the relative strength of the link between a metropolis and various parts of its hinterland might, therefore, take this form: L . ND T where: L is the linkage index N i s the number of telephone calls between the city and an area during a sample period D is the cost of the ca l l T is the telephone density (telephones per 1000 population of the area) In order to test whether this index gives meaningful .results, i t has been used in a further survey of linkage between Vancouver and hinterland areas in the Lower Fraser valley. Records are available -50-of the number of telephone c a l l s between exchange areas during a sample period i n July each year, and data has also been collected on the number of telephones i n each area, and the cost of c a l l s between the areas and Vancouver. The f u l l computations i n respect of the four years 1954 to 1957 are shown i n Appendix Tables 3, 4, 5 and 6. The f i n a l column of each of these four tables shows the r e l a t i v e strength of the l i n k between each area and Vancouver. Table 3 - 1 has been prepared i n order to show the position of the areas when they are arranged by strength of linkage. This table also shows the extent to which an exchange area's position i n the hierarchy of linked areas i s maintained over the four-year period.. This period i s , of course, too short to show any d e f i n i t e trends i n linkage pattern, but i t i s probably long enough to show whether the l i n k i s well-forged and enduring. There are, i n f a c t , very few changes i n the positions of the areas. Minor switching of positions has taken place, but the same areas are consistently found i n certain parts of the l i s t . The results f o r 1957 are also shown on Map 1. This map i s a f i r s t attempt to analyse the arrangement of areas by correlating on one map the values of the linkage index, the distance and d i r e c t i o n of each area from Vancouver and the size of i t s population. The actual populations are shown i n Appendix Table 2, and the strength of the l i n k s i n Appendix Table 6. I t w i l l be noted that there i s a close relationship between linkage and population s i z e . The areas at the top of the l i s t , namely Chilliwack and Newton, have a strong l i n k and a r e l a t i v e l y large population. However, New Westminster, -51-TABLE 3 - 1 Areas in 'the Hinterland of Vancouver arranged by Strength of Link to Vancouver Ordinal Position 1954 1955 1956 1957 (Note i) (Note'ii) Area Area Area Area 1 12 4 12 4 2 4 12 4 12 3 1 1 1 1 4 16 16 16 16 5 11 11 11 7 6 10 7 10 11 7 7 10 7 10 8 14 15 14 14 9 15 34 15 15 10 5 5 5 8 11 3 8 8 5 12 9 9 9 9 13 8 3 3 3 14 17 17 13 13 15 6 13 17 17 16 13 6 6 6 17 2 2 2 2 Key to Areas; 1* Abbotsford 7. Haney 13. New Westminster 2. Agassiz 8. Hope 14. Port Coquitlam 3. Aldergrove 9. Ladner 15. Port Moody 4. Chilliwack 10. Langley 16. White Rock 5. Cloverdale 11. Mission 17. Yarrow 6. Hammond 12. Newton Notes; (i) Linkage diminishes from the 1st to the 17th positions. ( i i ) Ful l computations for the linkage indices are in Appendix-Tables 3 to 6. M O U N T A I N S A N D L A K [. S -53-which has a very much larger population than any other area, has a r e l a t i v e l y weak l i n k and i s , therefore, placed f a r down. I t i s also apparent from the map that both strongly and weakly linked areas are found close to the c i t y as w e l l as at the greater distances, and that while both Chilliwack and Newton have strong l i n k s and large populations the former l i e s 64 miles from Vancouver and the l a t t e r only 18. I t i s obvious, therefore, that other factors as w e l l as population size and distance are responsible f o r the amount of i n t e r a c t i o n between various parts of the v a l l e y and Vancouver. A detailed analysis i s not possible here, but a b r i e f consideration of some of the possible factors i s desirable i n as much as these are influences on the character of the potential s a t e l l i t e s . Table 3 - 2 shows the strength of the l i n k s i n 1957 compared with population s i z e , distance from Vancouver, and two additional variables, namely, business telephones as a percentage of the t o t a l number of telephones i n the area, and an index of subdominant status. C h r i s t a l l e r was one of the f i r s t geographers to recognize the value of the number of telephones as a measure of the status of a town when he used the t o t a l number of telephones i n a formula expressing the c e n t r a l i t y of a place. (10) However, i n regions where the t e l e -phone i s commonly found i n domestic as w e l l as commercial establish-ments, the number or percentage of business telephones i s probably a better measure of the extent to which a place acts as a service (10) W. CHRISTALLER, Die Zentrale Orte i n Siiddeutschland. Jena, 1935. Cited i n L. KEEBLE, Prin c i p l e s and practice of  town and country planning, London, Estates Gazette, 1952, p.169. -54-TABLE 3 - 2 Analysis of Linkage between Vancouver and Areas in i ts Hinterland in 1957 Distance Business Areas in order Linkage Estimated from telephones Subdominant of strength of index Popn. Vancouver % of total status linkage (Note i) (Note i i ) (Note iii)((Note iv) (Note v) thous miles % Chilliwack 35.00 22.0 64 25 * 3 Newton 32.57 20.5 18 13 -14 Abbotsford 22.90 12.4 44 24 + 2 White Rock 18.57 11.7 27 18 -11 Haney 17.02 10.5 28 20 -10 Mission 16.95 9.9 42 23 - 9 Langley 16.36 12.8 26 18 -13 Port Coquitlam 13.51 8.5 17 16 - 8 Port Moody 9.78 6.5 10 16 - 7 Hope 9.55 2.3 85 33 - 1 Cloverdale 9.00 6.1 23 21 - 5 Ladner 7.96 6.4 20 16 - 6 Aldergrove 7.21 5.1 35 15 - 3 New Westminster 6.94 86.1 10 25 + 8 Yarrow 5.64 5.2 57 10 - 4 Hammond 4.73 4.1 22 12 - 2 Agassiz 4.67 2.1 76 47 0 Notes; (i) From Appendix - Table 6, col.8 ( i i ) From Appendix - Table 2, col.5 ( i i i ) Highway distance to named community as given in B.C. Regional Industrial Index. (iv) From figures supplied by B.C. Telephone Company. (v) + values show the number of areas dominated - values show extent to which area fai ls to exercise i t s potential power to dominate centre. I t i s used here for that purpose. The percentage of business telephones f o r the region as a whole (excluding Vancouver and New Westminster because of t h e i r special features) i s 20%, ( l l ) I t i s assumed that areas with a higher value than 20% are l o c a l service centres, and that those with a lower number are r e l a t i v e l y lacking i n urban f a c i l i t i e s . i s t i c s of Chilliwack and Newton. The former would appear to be a service centre of some importance while the l a t t e r with only 13% business telephones i s v i r t u a l l y sub-urban. I t may be surmised that while Newton i s strongly linked to the metropolitan area because i t lacks commercial and other f a c i l i t i e s of i t s own, Ch i l l i w a c k 1 s equally strong l i n k s i g n i f i e s that i t acts, on behalf of Vancouver, as a service centre f o r the upper v a l l e y . However t h i s does not explain why New Westminster, which has the same percentage of business t e l e -phones as Chilliwack, Is not at a l l strongly linked, to Vancouver. Part of the explanation may be that New Westrainster, being so close to Vancouver, has less opportunity of acting as a subdominant over (11) 1957 Figures from B . C . Telephone Co. An important difference i s now apparent i n the character-Area Region excluding Vancouver Area and New Westminster 6768 33695 20 Vancouver Area and New Westminster 83890 266444 31 Total Region 90658 300139 30 -56-part of Vancouver's hinterland. (12) In order to check,this, a measure of subdominant status has been evolved. This i s based on the assumption that the extent to which a place A dominates other places, B, i s shown by the number of B1 places xtfhich have more telephone c a l l s to A than to any other place except the dominating c i t y ( i n t h i s case Vancouver). A further assumption i s that when two places are each thessubdominant influence on the other, the place with the larger population i s the true sub-dominant. The s t a t i s t i c s of c a l l s between areas i n 1957 are shown i n f u l l i n Appendix Table 7. From these data i t appears that New Westminster i s the subdominant over 8 areas; Chilliwack i s the sub-dominant over three; Abbotsford i s the sub-dominant over two. (13) No other area acts as a subdominant beyond i t s boundaries, and there-fore a negative value can be assigned to each one based on the extent to which i t f a i l s to exercise i t s potential power to dominate. In a region vriLth a r e l a t i v e l y homogeneous culture i t i s probably reason-able to assume that t h i s power i s greater the larger the area's own population. With t h i s reasoning Newton has a subdominant status of -14 because i t f a i l s to dominate 14 places smaller than i t s e l f . The negative values i n the l a s t column of Table 3 - 2 are (12) The meaning and o r i g i n of t h i s concept w i l l be discussed i n Chapter IV; suffice i t f o r the moment to mean a service centre secondary only to the metropolis. (13) New Westminster Chilliwack Abbotsford Cloverdale Newton Agassiz Aldergrove White Rock Hammond Hope Mission Port Moody Haney Yarrow Port Coquitlam Ladner not beyond dispute but the positive values assigned to Chilliwack, Abbotsford and New Westminster are thought to give a f a i r l y accurate idea of the r e a l subdominants i n t h i s region. Previous studies have also concluded that Chilliwack and Abbotsford exert considerable influence (14), and there can be l i t t l e dispute that New Westminster has a s t i l l greater influence over much of the region. I t would now appear that New Westminster's weak l i n k with Vancouver, as noted above, i s due to the fact that i t has such high subdominant Status. Thus, generalizing from the findings presented above xd.th respect to the Lower Mainland Region, i t i s perhaps reasonable to conclude that the following relationships may i n fact e x i s t i n the hinterland of a large c i t y : Linkage to Subdominant status Characteristics Central C i t y (a) Very high (+)• V i r t u a l l y independent Low (b) High (•) Sub-regional representative High (c) Low (-) Dependent: on the central c i t y High or on (b) Low (d) Very low (-) Sub-urban High Summary In t h i s chapter an attempt has been made to formulate and tes t a method by which planners could assess the strength of the l i n k (14) J.W. WILSON, The ecological structure of the Lower Mainland  Region of B.C., Unpublished study, March 1951. LOWER MAINLAND REGIONAL PLANNING HOARD; The need for r i v e r  crossings i n the central part of the Fraser Valley. New Westminster, 1956. -58-between a central c i t y and various parts of i t s hinterland. The results of the test appear to be meaningful i n as much as most of the strongly linked areas are those places which are usually assumed to be closely linked to Vancouver, for one reason or another. In selecting the locations f o r new or expanded s a t e l l i t e towns the places at the top of the l i s t of linked areas should be considered f i r s t . The amount of suitable available land i n each area w i l l , of course, be a primary consideration i n choosing between them. Assuming that the land requirements can be met, a further choice remains as to the amount and type of development which should take place i n each area. The quantitative d e f i n i t i o n of a s a t e l l i t e town which was suggested i n the f i r s t part of t h i s study provides a stan-dard f o r dealing with t h i s problem. The way i n which t h i s standard might be used isyfche subject of the next chapter. - 5 9 -CHAPTER IV Dominance and Subdominance i n the Vajicouver Region This chapter i s concerned with the effects of linkage to a central c i t y on the character and a c t i v i t y of the linked areas. In the previous chapter we estimated, i n terms of interaction by telephone, the amount and strength of linkage between various hinter-land areas and the central c i t y . In t h i s chapter we analyse each area's t o t a l i n teraction with a l l other areas i n order to determine the extent to which each area i s dominated by the central c i t y . With an index such as that used i n constructing the hie r -archy of linked areas for the Lower Fraser v a l l e y , the planner could discover which areas are most strongly linked to the central c i t y . This information together with an analysis of the factors respon-s i b l e f o r the established pattern would reveal much about the eco-l o g i c a l structure of the region. I t i s , of course, essential that as much as possible should be known about the structure of a region, as of a bu i l d i n g , before attempting to add to i t or to change either i t s form or time a c t i v i t y that goes on within i t . Basic to the success of any polic y f o r the development of s a t e l l i t e towns i s a knowledge of the strength of the l i n k between the c i t y and a l l parts of i t s hinterland, but i n f o r -mation i s also needed about the extent to which the parts are depen-dent on the c i t y . This would appear to require a survey of the f u l l pattern of interrelationships over the region as a whole, but a detailed study of t h i s would obviously be impossible within the time and budget normally available for planning surveys. However, some -60-idea of the external relationships of an;\area i s needed before i t can be decided whether the development of further l i n k s with the central c i t y i s desirable. I t was suggested i n Chapter I I that a s a t e l l i t e town should have a balance between i t s linkage to the parent c i t y and to other areas to enable i t to benefit from asso-c i a t i o n with the c i t y without losing i t s status as a fully-fledged community and becoming sub-urban. In order to use t h i s standard we need to know the r e l a t i v e significance of the i n t e r a c t i o n between the town and the c i t y . I t i s not necessarily the case that the most strongly linked places w i l l be the most dependent on the c i t y , and so another index, complementary to that showing strength of linkage, i s required. In constructing and using such an index, we are attempting to measure the amount and type of influence which a c i t y exercises over the area around i t . I t has been suggested that a l l c i t i e s serve an area outside themselves even though they may not have been established or developed for that purpose, ( l ) There can be no disputing that t h i s i s the case, at least i n populated hinterlands, and that the larger the c i t y , the larger i t s t r i b u t a r y area w i l l tend to be. (2) Many studies have been made of the t r i b u t a r y areas, or spheres of influence, and the service functions of urban places (1) A.E. SMAILES, "Analysis and delimitation of urban f i e l d s " , Geography. Vol.32, 1947, p.151. (2) E.L. ULLMAN, "A theory of location of c i t i e s " , American Journal of Sociology, Vol.46, 1941, p.854. -61-of a l l sizes. (3) On the basis of t h i s research the valuable con-cept of the c i t y region has been developed, and t h i s has been defined i n the following manner i n respect of the largest c i t i e s : a metropolitan region... i s an area within which the conditions of manufacturing, trade, transportation, labour and l i v i n g , i n b r i e f the d a i l y economic and s o c i a l l i f e , are predominantly influenced by the cen-t r a l c i t y . (4) Empirical studies of c i t y regions i n Europe and North America have shown that the influence of the c i t y i s apparent i n the types of r u r a l land use and farm economy i n the surrounding areas, and i n the s o c i a l and economic structure of the v i l l a g e s and towns affected. (5) The amount and extent of influence have been measured by a variety of methods. Geographers have mapped the areas served by the trade, f i n a n c i a l and c u l t u r a l establishments of the c i t y (6); planners have taken population movement and t r a f f i c (3) See, f o r example, the following, and other works l i s t e d i n the Bibliography to t h i s report: H.L. GREEN, "Hinterland boundaries of New York and Boston", Economic Geography. Vol.31, 1955, pp.283-300. F.H.W. GREEN, "Bus services as an index to changing urban hinter-lands", Town Planning Review. Vol.22, 1951-52, pp.345-56. SASKATCHEWAN ROYAL COMMISSION ON AGRICULTURE AND RURAL LIFE, Service Centers, Regina, Queen's P r i n t e r , 1957, Report No.12. (4) Report dated 1926 by the I n d u s t r i a l Bureaus of the U.S. Chambers of Commerce. Quoted i n R.E. DICKINSON, P i t y Region and  regionalism, London, Kegan Paul, 1947, p.198. (5) (6) DICKINSON, op.cit., p.192 R.E. DICKINSON, "Regional functions and zones of influence of Leeds and Bradford", Geography. Vol.15, 1930, pp.548-57. flow into account (7); and sociologists and others have compared indices of population density, f e r t i l i t y and age r a t i o s , income le v e l s and per capita economic and s o c i a l a c t i v i t y at various d i s -tances from the c i t y . (8) The most recent major study of the metropolitan sphere of influence i s that carried out by D.J. Bogue working at the Uni-v e r s i t y of Michigan. (9) This was a large-scale study of 67 metro-polit a n areas i n the United States; the aim being to test the hypo-thesis that great c i t i e s dominate the s o c i a l and economic organization of technologically advanced s o c i e t i e s . (10) One of the most i n t e r -esting features of t h i s study was the application of the ecological concepts of dominance and subdominance to the analysis of i n t e r -relationships i n the metropolitan region. This concept and many of Bogue's findings are p a r t i c u l a r l y useful i n the survey and analysis of linkage i n connection with a s a t e l l i t e development policy.. The concept of metropolitan dominance In bio-ecology a dominant unit i s that species which i s best adapted to the physical environment i n which i t develops. (7) H.M. MAYER, "Urban nodality and the economic base", Journal of the American Institute of Planners. Vol.20 No.3, 1954, pp.117-21. (8) R.D. McKENZIE, The metropolitan community. Nex^  York, McGraw-H i l l , 1933. (9) D.J. BOGUE, The structure of the metropolitan community, Ann Arbor, University of Michigan, 1949. (10) IBID., p.13. -63-As a result i t not only f l o u r i s h e s , but also modifies and controls the conditions under which other associated species e x i s t . The d i s t r i b u t i o n , types, and characteristics of these species are, there-fore, i n large measure the resul t of the influence wielded by the dominant. The subordinate species of a plant or animal association may play, however, an important part i n maintaining the conditions under which the major species flo u r i s h e s . There i s , i n f a c t , a community of interdependent units l i v i n g under the shade or influence of the dominant member. Some of the other members, or species, w i l l have adapted themselves so w e l l to the conditions imposed by the dominant one that they, i n turn, exercise a secondary dominance over part of the area, ( l l ) Bogue's approach to the study of the metropolitan region was founded on the assumption that t h i s region i s si m i l a r to the b i o l o g i c a l community i n as much as i t i s dominated by the metropolis, and t h i s dominant: • modifies and organizes i t s habitat, thereby establishing l i f e conditions which set l i m i t s to the a c t i v i t i e s of the other communities and of the dispersed populations occu-pying the same habitat. (12) On the basis of the studies of small town spheres of influence, which have been already referred to, i t was further assumed that certain hinterland c i t i e s act i n a similar manner to the subdominants (11) F.E. CLEMENTS and V.E. SHELFORD, Bio-ecology. New York, Wiley, 1939. A.H. HAWLEY, "Ecology and human ecology", Social Forces, Vol. 23, May 1944, pp.398-405. (12) BOGUE, op.cit., p.13. -64-i n a plant association. These hinterland communities have the charac-t e r i s t i c s of s a t e l l i t e towns i n as much as they are places with functions and f a c i l i t i e s of t h e i r own to balance t h e i r l i n k s with the central c i t y . In order to measure the effect of a dominant c i t y on i t s hinterland, Bogue studied the v a r i a t i o n i n the d i s t r i b u t i o n of popu-l a t i o n and of selected types of a c t i v i t i e s . In analysing the patterns he attempted a multiple correlation with four variables, namely, size of the metropolis dominating the region, size of the nearest subdominant hinterland c i t y , distance zones and dir e c t i o n sectors. As a result of t h i s detailed survey and analysis, Bogue found that on the average as distance from the metropolis increases, the number of persons per square mile of land area decreases, and each square mile supports steadily decreasing average amounts of basic sustenance a c t i v i t i e s . (13) I t was also found that with increasing distance from the metropolis the hinterland c i t i e s provide more of the f a c i -l i t i e s demanded by people within t h e i r sphere of influence. Within about 35 miles from most metropolitan c i t i e s there was more or less 'direct p a r t i c i p a t i o n ' i n the f a c i l i t i e s provided by them; dormitory towns were numerous, and communities were r e l a t i v e l y d e ficient i n l o c a l trade and services. Between 35 and 64 miles there was a change from dependence on goods and services provided d i r e c t l y by the metro-p o l i s to a dependence on l o c a l intermediaries supplying a r t i c l e s obtained i n bulk from the metropolis. In t h i s zone c i t i e s were just (13) BOGUE, op.cit., p.31 -65-outside the rin g of direct metropolitan influence, yet s u f f i c i e n t l y close to the metropolis to benefit from i t s f a c i l i t i e s ; industries located here could share i n the l o c a t i o n a l advantages of the metro-p o l i s , and yet the c i t i e s could act as subdominants with the a t t r i -butes and status of semi-independent centres. (14) In a study already referred to (15), Bogue's methods were used i n order to test whether his findings applied to part of the hinterland of Vancouver. I t was found that, i n 1949 at l e a s t , there was a steady decrease i n population density i n the Lower Fraser v a l l e y with increasing distance from the c i t y , and that the amount of sustenance a c t i v i t i e s per square mile also decreased i n conformity with the decrease i n population. I t was shown that the influence of Vancouver was f e l t strongly throughout the region although towns tended to be increasingly independent with distance from the c i t y . There were indications from the per capita values f o r trade and service that Chilliwack had the status of a subdominant i n the upper part of the v a l l e y , and t h i s impression was reinforced by a comparison of the various indices for Chilliwack with the average of the values for a l l parts of the region. I t was concluded that the r e s t r i c t e d size and shape of the region and the f a i r l y adequate transportation system which served i t probably accounted for the absence of any other r e a l subdominant. One of Bogue's basic assumptions was that i f there i s , (14) BOGUE, op.cit., pp.54-5 and 103-4. (15) WILSON, op.cit. -66-i n fact, dominance by a metropolis over the area around i t , this w i l l be shown by non-random variations i n human sustenance a c t i v i -t i e s . In his study he investigated r e t a i l and wholesale trade, services and manufacturing because of their basic sustenance nature, and because of the av a i l a b i l i t y of data concerning them, (16) It was realized that many other conditions of l i f e are modified by the central city, and that a f u l l e r idea of dominance would be obtained by studying such functions as finance, government, education, religion and social a c t i v i t i e s . However, a study of the variations i n a l l these items between one part of a region and another would require a very lengthy and careful survey and analysis, and yet planners concerned with selecting sites for new or expanded s a t e l l i t e towns in one particular region ought to make a more comprehensive study of dominance and subdominance than Bogue was able to do for the 67 regions that he studied. If i t i s reasonable to assume that the influence of one community on another arises from, or gives rise to contacts between individuals by v i s i t s , letters or telephone cal l s etc., then dominance can be measured by the amount of inter-action between the two populations. A measure of interaction.would take into account the whole range of functions by which a c i t y exercises influence over i t s hinterland. It would also include 'round-the-clock' a c t i v i t i e s . The obvious disadvantage i s that only an overall view of influence would be obtained, and l i t t l e would be known about the 'fields' (16) BOGUE, op.cit . , p.23. -67-i n which the main influence i s f e l t . However, i f i t i s f e l t that too much dominance of any kind by the central c i t y over a potential s a t e l l i t e i s undesirable then we need a measure of the t o t a l amount of dominance and the r e l a t i v e importance of t h i s i n the external relationships of the community. Some of the reasons why high linkage, or dominance, may be undesirable have been mentioned i n the e a r l i e r parts of t h i s report; i t i s obvious that the character of the com-munity w i l l suffer and that there w i l l be a high flow of t r a f f i c to the metropolis. I t was the basis of the:.survey and analysis of strength of linkage presented i n Chapter I I I that inter-community telephone c a l l s provide a good short-cut index of i n t e r a c t i o n . Such data are also very suitable f o r measuring, i n terms of i n t e r a c t i o n , the amount of dominance and subdominance experienced by each part of a metropolitan hinterland. With such information i t would be possible to decide which of the areas most strongly linked to the metropolis could absorb further linkage-generating development without being drawn so f a r into the metropolitan atmosphere as to lose whatever s a t e l l i t e status they may have. The dominance of Vancouver I t might be expected that interaction between hinterland areas and the central c i t y on a per capita or area basis would show the same reduction with distance as Bogue found when he studied selected a c t i v i t i e s i n t h i s way. However, i t i s not possible to take that approach i n the present study. We are, i n any case, con--68-cerned with measuring the significance of each area's i n t e r a c t i o n as a basis f o r planning policy rather than with general r e l a t i o n -ships. In Appendix Table 7, s t a t i s t i c s are presented i n respect of telephone c a l l s between exchange areas i n the Lower Fraser v a l l e y during a sample period i n 1957. Such a table as t h i s shows under each area's column the t o t a l number of telephone c a l l s to and from a l l other places including the Vancouver area. I t i s , therefore, a record of the inter-relationships between parts of the region';, and, as such, i t has considerable potential usefulness i n planning research and survey. Much time could be spent on tracing the pattern of linkage and the influence of one area on another from the data i n t h i s table,, and considerable refinements could be introduced i n i t s form and content i n order to sho\\r, f o r example, types of in t e r a c t i o n and the r e l a t i v e value of c a l l s to and c a l l s from each area. The pattern of dominance and subdominance can also be quickly and e a s i l y traced i f the c a l l s between an area and each other area are expressed as a percentage of the area's t o t a l c a l l s . This approach has been used i n order to discover the extent to which Vancouver dominates the Lower Fraser v a l l e y . In applying a general method i n the survey of actual con-ditions the special characteristics of the region have to be considered. This i s p a r t i c u l a r l y necessary i n studying the Lower Fraser v a l l e y . Linkage patterns i n t h i s region may be expected to be very different from those i n other metropolitan hinterlands which are less r e s t r i c t e d by physical features and nearer the economic heart of a country. One of the most important factors i s the v i r t u a l monopoly of power possessed -69-by Vancouver because of the great distance to other large c i t i e s . This would c e r t a i n l y be part of the reason f o r a high amount of dominance by Vancouver over the whole region. I t could be argued from the figures shortly to be presented that New Westminster i s so much of a subdominant that i t acts as another metropolis would, and exerts a ' p u l l ' of i t s o\m to counteract that of Vancouver. However, because of the location of New Westminster the resu l t of i t s influence i s simply to p u l l more t r a f f i c i n the same dir e c t i o n as Vancouver, and to make the hinterland even more dominated by and dependent on the metropolitan area. Some of the implications of t h i s w i l l be considered i n the next chapter, but f o r the reasons already given, i t has seemed desirable to include New Westminster with the Vancouver area i n computing the extent to which the l a t t e r dominates the region. Table 4 - 1 shows the percentage values f o r each area's c a l l s to the Vancouver area, to the New Westminster area and to both areas together. I t also shows weighted values arrived at by multiplying the c a l l s between areas by the cost of making the c a l l . The actual values of t h i s money-cost measure of i n t e r a c t i o n are shown i n the second column ".under each area i n Appendix Table 7. These weighted figures and percentages are to some extent a measure of the value which people i n different areas attach to i n t e r a c t i o n with Vancouver. There are obvious l i m i t a t i o n s to t h i s reasoning; for example, the weights probably give an exaggerated idea of the s a t i s f a c t i o n which people i n the more distant parts receive from contacts with the c i t y . However, i n order to have any voice-to-voice or face-to-face contact they have to spend a f i x e d sum of -70-TABLE 4 - 1 Telephone Calls to Vancouver and New Westminster from Areas in the Lower Fraser Valley in July 1957 % Calls to % Calls to Vancouver New Westminster Totals Area. Un- Weighted Un- Weighted Un- Weighted weighted by cost weighted by cost weighted by cost -1- -2- - -3- -4- -5- -6- -7-1. Abbotsford 31 54 8 11 39 65 2. Agassiz 32 61 4 7 36 68 3. Aldergrove 21 43 7 13 28 56 4. Chilliwack 41 63 7 10 48 73 5. Cloverdale 28 42 31 28 59 70 6. Hammond 39 55 22 20 61 75 7. Haney 48 60 21 17 69 77 8. Hope 46 63 6 8 52 71 9. Ladner 64 60 21 20 85 80 10. Langley 32 48 17 17 49 65 11. Mission 33 55 7 10 40 65 12. Newton 38 52 49 35 87 87 13. New Westminster 17 11 - — — -14. Port Coquitlam 42 56 36 26 78 82 15. Port Moody 47 53 41 33 88 86 16., White Rock 44 52 23 27 67 79 17. Yarrow 18 44 4 9 22 53 Note: The fu l l data from B.C. Telephone Company survey i s given in Appendix - Table 7. - 7 1 -money even though t h i s may be more than the contact i s worth to them. I t i s a matter of a l l or nothing. Marginal u t i l i t y analysis always faces t h i s problem of i n d i v i s i b i l i t i e s , but t h i s i s a feature of our economy. (17) There are i n fact few differences i n the positions of the areas when they are arranged by unweighted percentage l i n k s to the metropolis. The weighted t o t a l s of Table 4 - 1 are the data used i n preparing Map 2. That map shows for each telephone exchange area a c i r c l e proportional to the t o t a l number of c a l l s between the area and a l l other areas and a d i v i s i o n of the c i r c l e s to show the r e l a t i v e amount of linkage to the Vancouver area, and to the New Westminster area. I t has already been shown i n Chapter I I I that both Chilliwack and Abbotsford exert considerable influence over the areas around them. They appear to merit the t i t l e of subdominants, and the extent of t h e i r influence i s also shown on Map 2„by the r e l a t i v e size of the red wedges i n the symbols for the affected areas. These red portions represent the proportion of a l l long-distance telephone c a l l s to and from the area which go to or come from the subdominant centre. No f u l l e r study of the interrelationships within the region can be attempted at the present time. But i t i s thought that within the l i m i t s of t h i s study, the methods and data used i n preparing t h i s map give a good idea of the dominance of Vancouver and of the extent of subdominance i n the Lower Fraser val l e y . (17) In economics the concept of marginal u t i l i t y describes the relationship between changes i n t o t a l s a t i s f a c t i o n received and a small change i n expenditure. M O U N T A I N S A N D L A K E S M E T R O P O L I T A N A R E A • 10 U S A 16 17 0 2 4 6 8 10 1 ' • i i i MILES T O T A L C A L L S T E L E P H O N E C A L L S 10-14 VANCOUVER - 3 - 6 6-IO -< 3-THOUS N E W W £ ? T M ' N ? T E S U B D O M I N A N T A R E A O T H E R A R E A S D O M I N A N C E OF VANCOUVER -73-I t i s impossible to attempt a f u l l analysis of the factors responsible for the extent to which each area i s dependent oh Van-couver and New Westminster. As i n the analysis of the strength of linkage i n the previous chapter i t must be assumed that numerous factors are involved, including h i s t o r i c a l development, s i t e l ocation and c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , and the transport network. Graph 2 , which correlates the percentage of c a l l s between each exchange area and Vancouver with the distance of the area from the metropolis shows that there appears to be a reduction i n Vancouver's dominance with increasing distance from the metropolis. This i s more or l e s s what one would expect as a result of Bogue's study. In view of the l i m i t e d width of the region and the small number of units involved there i s no opportunity f o r further analysing the e f f e c t s ^ distance by di v i d i n g the hinterland into sectors. The relationship between the percentage c a l l s to the metro-p o l i s and the percentage of business telephones i s also f a i r l y d i r e c t , and t h i s i s shown on Graph 3. Generally speaking, the areas highly dominated by Vancouver and New Westminster have a low number of business telephones. The lack of l o c a l commercial and other f a c i l i t i e s would c e r t a i n l y mean considerable dependence on the metropolis, but further research would be needed i n order to discover whether such a deficiency i s a cause or effect of metropolitan dominance. I t may be speculated that other factors, and p a r t i c u l a r l y l o c a t i o n , may be major determinants of both the i n t e r n a l structure and the external relationships of the hinterland communities. In aiming at a balance i n the external relationships of s a t e l l i t e towns i n order to maintain a force against too much p u l l -74-GRAPH 2 Variation in the dominance of Vancouver in distance zones in the Lower Fraser valley Key; 1. Abbotsford 7. Haney 14. Port Coquitlam 2. Agassiz s. Hope 15. Port Moody 3. Aldergrove 9. Ladner 16. White Rock 4. Chilliwack 10. Langley 17. Yarrow 5. Cloverdale 11. Mission 6. Hammond 12. Newton GRAPH 3 Variation In the dominance of Vancouver correlated with the percentage of business telephones in hinterland areas to the metropolis we must remember that such a force may be present i n the i n t e r n a l structure of the town. I f i t i s a place with strong community f e e l i n g and a balanced economy, i t w i l l be able to adjust to the conditions imposed on the region by the metropolis without being too highly dominated by i t . In terms of our present indices such a community might w e l l have a high percentage of business t e l e -phones as w e l l as a high percentage of c a l l s to the c i t y . There are apparently no instances of t h i s type of relationship i n the Loiter Mainland. A high percentage of business telephohes tends to be associated with a r e l a t i v e l y low percentage number of c a l l s to Vancouver and New Westminster, and the places with the above-average percentage of business telephones are subdominant service centres rather than balanced i n d u s t r i a l communities. Summary In t h i s chapter the nature of metropolitan dominance and of subdominance within a metropolitan hinterland have been considered. A method has been evolved for measuring these phenomena i n terms of interaction between parts of the hinterland i n order to deter-mine the extent to which they are dependent on the c i t y . Data have been presented and analysed i n respect of in t e r a c t i o n by telephone i n the Lower Mainland of B.C., and i t has been shown that some parts of the region are highly dominated by Vancouver and New Westminster and at the same time lacking i n commercial and other f a c i l i t i e s of t h e i r own. A s a t e l l i t e development poli c y should attempt to -76-create a better balance i n the i n t e r n a l structure and external relationships of some of these areas and the way i n which t h i s might be done i n the Lower Mainland w i l l be considered i n Chap-te r 7 1 . -77-PART THREE APPLICATIONS AMD IMPLICATIONS -78-CHAPTER V  General Applications This study has been primarily concerned with the formu-l a t i o n of methods by which various theories concerning human i n t e r -action could be applied to planning practice. In t h i s chapter some of the problems of applying the methods, and some of the implications of the findings w i l l be b r i e f l y discussed. We- have investigated two theories i n Chapters I I I and IV, which have been recently evolved to describe the structure and int e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s of groups of human coiiimunities, and an attempt has been ma.de to synthesize the two independent approaches to provide quantitative measures as a basis f o r the development of a po l i c y towards s a t e l l i t e towns. The c r i t e r i a which have been arrived at must, of course, be combined with other c r i t e r i a to ensure that the best s i t e s are chosen f o r the s a t e l l i t e s . Some of these additional considerations are discussed i n the following pages. I t i s perhaps desirable at t h i s stage to re-emphasize the sp e c i f i c nature of the study. F i r s t l y , the basic assumption i s that for one reason or another s a t e l l i t e towns are to be developed as part of a long-term planning programme f o r a metropolitan region. Some of the p r i n c i p a l reasons f o r such a po l i c y have been discussed i n the f i r s t chapter, and i t has been an i m p l i c i t assumption that the p o l i c y would be implemented by a public authority with adequate statutory powers and f i n a n c i a l resources. These matters cannot be further considered i n t h i s study although they are of course basic to the success or f a i l u r e of a s a t e l l i t e development p o l i c y . -79-Secondly, the p o l i t i c a l and other arguments f o r and a g a i n s t the planning and b u i l d i n g of s a t e l l i t e towns are not i n v e s t i g a t e d i n t h i s study. I n any a c t u a l case these would have t o be taken i n t o account because they may r e q u i r e , o r prevent, a p a r t i c u l a r approach to the problem. T h i r d l y , i n a p p l y i n g the methods t o an a c t u a l r e g i o n , the Lower Mainland o f B.C., c e r t a i n assumptions have been n e c e s s a r i l y made concerning the f u t u r e growth of i t s urban nucleus. No attempt can be made to present a comprehensive p l a n f o r the r e g i o n , and yet such a plan would be very d e s i r a b l e before any steps were taken to encourage s a t e l l i t e development. However, as we are o n l y con-cerned w i t h demonstrating a few of these s t e p s , we can take the o v e r a l l framework f o r granted. I t i s proposed to show here how planned s a t e l l i t e towns might be developed i n the Lower F r a s e r v a l l e y t o the east o f Van-couver. This i s a re g i o n i n a r e l a t i v e l y e a r l y stage o f development, and t h i s suggests t h a t : (a) a s a t e l l i t e development p o l i c y could be e a s i l y implemented, but (b) very few people are e n t h u s i a s t i c about doing so. This area i s , t h e r e f o r e , not e n t i r e l y t y p i c a l o f the m a j o r i t y o f m e t r o p o l i t a n regions where: (a) advanced develop-ment makes d i s p e r s a l v e r y d i f f i c u l t , and (b) many people are' i n favour o f i t . I n view o f t h i s d i f f e r e n c e we w i l l f i r s t d i s c u s s the c r i t e r i a which should be used i n developing s a t e l l i t e towns, i n the second type o f r e g i o n and then consider how these c r i t e r i a might be a p p l i e d i n the Lower F r a s e r v a l l e y . -80-Land. population and distance By the methods which have been demonstrated i n the previous chapters a planner could discover which communities are most strongly li n k e d to the central c i t y , the extent to which the l a t t e r dominates t h e i r external relationships, and the r e s u l t i n g imbalance i n t h e i r i n t e r n a l a f f a i r s . He would thus have a good idea of the socio-economic structure of his region. However, i n order to select actual s i t e s f o r new or expanded s a t e l l i t e towns a detailed knowledge of the physical structure i s also obviously needed. This aspect of the planning survey has been given perhaps more attention than any other i n recent years, and many refinements have been made to ways and means of c o l l e c t i n g , analysing and presenting data on physiography, hydrography and land use. In view of t h i s , and as vie are primarily concerned with the v i r t u a l lack of methods for taking non-physical aspects into account, no detailed consideration need be given to the type and quantity of land required f o r new s a t e l l i t e towns, ( l ) However, i t i s obvious that towns can be b u i l t only where suitable land i s available. Therefore, a l o c a t i o n desirable on other grounds may have to be foregone i f the required amount of buildable land cannot be obtained there, or i f f o r one reason or another the land i s to be preserved from b u i l d i n g . Under these circumstances i t might not be possible to develop s a t e l l i t e towns i n the areas ( l ) Much has been written on t h i s aspect of new town development. See f o r example: MINISTRY OF TOWN AND COUNTRY PLANNING, F i n a l report of the New Towns Committee, London, H.M. Stationery O f f i c e , 1946, Cmd.6876, para.26-29. -Sl-at the top of the l i s t of those most strongly linked tp the city. Throughout this study we have emphasised that existing linkage should be the deciding factor, other things being equal. In other words, i f there i s more than one area with suitable land, linkage should be taken into account in choosing between them. Where land is scarce, a site may have to be chosen from an area further down the l i s t of linked settlements. In that case, where natural linkage does not exist, heavy stimuli in the form of improved accessibility, subsidised housing, or a pull-and-push industrial location policy may be needed to launch the planned satellite. A second important consideration in selecting sites for new or expanded satellite towns is the size of the existing popu-lation on or near the potential sites. It has been shown in Chapter I that one of the major purposes of a satellite development policy is to reduce the size of the major metropolitan cities, and that a great deal of thought has been given to the optimum size of a planned central city and the satellites which would surround i t . Most writers have attempted to establish a relationship between the size of a planned toim and the facil it ies which i t is intended to provide for i ts population. Factors which have governed the upper limit of the suggested range of sizes include easy access to a l l parts of the town, easy access to the surrounding countryside, civic conciousness and unity, and speed in construction and completion. A lower limit is chosen which wi l l s t i l l allow an adequate standard and variety of social, cultural and economic services, and a balance -82-of employment and s o c i a l groups. (2) This i s the basis f o r the range of 30,000 to 100,000 i * i i c h has been suggested by several •. wr i t e r s . (3) In choosing a target population from a wide range such as t h i s some further c r i t e r i o n must obviously be used. I t • would appear to be a reasonable assumption that the population size of a successful, balanced s a t e l l i t e town must bear some sort of r e l a t i o n to the population size of the parent c i t y . This was appa-re n t l y i n the minds of the New Towns Committee of Great B r i t a i n when they decided that: i f a town... i s near a b i g centre with ample s o c i a l and educational amenities, i t s population can be smaller than that of a more iso l a t e d town and yet have a l l essential amenities within i t s reach. (4) However, the r e s u l t would be a highly dominated suburb rather than a f u l l y fledged town. I f we define a s a t e l l i t e town as one linked to a larger c i t y but having a balancing force to counteract the p u l l to the c i t y , then the optimum size of the s a t e l l i t e may be d i r e c t l y rather than inversely proportional to the size of the central c i t y . In other words the stronger the p u l l the larger the s a t e l l i t e may have to be. Something l i k e t h i s i s apparently the natural ten-dency as Bogue discovered i n h i s study of metropolitan communities: The large metropolis not only has more c i t i e s i n i t s hinterland than does the small metropolis; i t also has, (2) MINISTRY OF TOM AND COUNTRY PLANNING, op.cit. , para.16-18. (3) C.B. PURDOM, The building of s a t e l l i t e towns. London, Dent, 2nd. Edn., 1949, p . 9 . (4) MINISTRY OF TOM AND COUNTRY.PLANNING, op.cit., para .19. -83-on the average, larger hinterland c i t i e s than does the small metropolis. (5) Considerable further research w i l l he needed i n order to determine whether the optimum size of a s a t e l l i t e town's.popu-l a t i o n can be precisely related to that of the parent c i t y . U n t i l t h i s i s known the planner i s probably j u s t i f i e d i n planning commu-n i t i e s with populations around the lower l i m i t of the established range, namely 30,000, when the metropolis i s under about 500|000. The implication of a l l t h i s i s that the hierarchy of areas linked to the central c i t y would have to be further sieved i n order to eliminate those with populations already above the maximum aimed at. The decision should be to make any desirable improvements to the balance of these places without bringing about any large increase i n t h e i r populations. The areas with populations lower than the maximum, and with suitable land, are the only remaining potential locations f o r new s a t e l l i t e s . A t h i r d screening i s , however, necessary i n order to e l i m i -nate those areas which are too near or too f a r from the parent c i t y to function successfully as s a t e l l i t e towns as defined i n t h i s study. L i t t l e more i s known about optimum distance than about optimum size of population. However, there can be l i t t l e dispute that a s a t e l l i t e town should be physically separated from i t s parent c i t y . If one of the p r i n c i p a l aims of a s a t e l l i t e tievelopment p o l i c y i s to stop further expansion of the area of the central c i t y then an i n v i o l a b l e (5) BOGUE, op.cit., p.98 -84-green be l t should be placed around i t and further growth should be accommodated on s i t e s beyond t h i s b e l t . Linked to t h i s aim i s that of providing i n the planned s a t e l l i t e towns the advantages which are l o s t i n the large c i t i e s . This purpose would be defeated i f the new towns were allowed to coalesce with each other or with the metropolis. I t has been suggested that the optimum size of the population of a hinterland community varies d i r e c t l y with the size of the metropolis, and there i s probably a si m i l a r relationship between the l a t t e r and the optimum distance at which balanced com-munities can f l o u r i s h . Thomas Sharp has concluded that: The desirable distance of s a t e l l i t e from centre i s probably i n a rather loose proportion to the size of the centre (though a distance of three miles might be regarded as a minimum), and i s c e r t a i n l y influenced by the comparative times taken for t r a v e l on the con-gested l i n e s between centre and the ordinary suburb, and between centre and s a t e l l i t e on the freer main l i n e s of communication. (6) A l l areas i n the hinterlands of the larger metropolitan communities w i l l tend to be more accessible than the hinterlands of the smaller ones, by vir t u e of having more highly developed systems of highways and ra i l r o a d s . Therefore, s a t e l l i t e s developed around the larger c i t i e s should probably be further from the c i t y than those around the smaller urban centres. In more s p e c i f i c terms the optimum location for s a t e l l i t e towns l i e s probably just beyond the average d a i l y commuting distance, and t h i s varies with acces-s i b i l i t y (including mode of transportation) and the nature of the (6) T. SHARP, Town and countryside, London, Oxford University Press, 1932, p.176. -85-employment available i n the metropolis. (7) No more d e f i n i t e statement can be made u n t i l further research throws more l i g h t on the structure of c i t y regions. However, f o r our present purposes i t i s s u f f i c i e n t to agree that s a t e l l i t e towns should be physic a l l y separated from the central c i t y . This means that those.areas which are high up i n the l i s t of areas linked to the central c i t y but which adjoin the present, or future, planned extent of the l a t t e r cannot be developed as successful s a t e l l i t e s . Development i n those areas would be simply peripheral growth, and consequently undesirable. E x i s t i n g communities i n such locations w i l l almost c e r t a i n l y be sub-urban. Local government Although s a t e l l i t e towns must be physica l l y separated from t h e i r parent eJity they do not have to be p o l i t i c a l l y separated. The aim i s to b u i l d balanced communities with d i s t i n c t i v e charac-ter and c i v i c consciousness, and to create at the same time a region of i n t e r r e l a t e d parts. The idea of association i s a basic element i n the s a t e l l i t e concept. Hinterland communities are naturally linked to each other and to the central c i t y f o r economic and s o c i a l purposes, and complementary p o l i t i c a l linkage has been advocated: Though the town ought to be a l o c a l government e n t i t y and not part of the l o c a l government of a parent c i t y , (7) K. LIEPMAK; The .journey to work. London, Kegan Paul, 1944. D.R. MCGREGOR, "Daily t r a v e l : study i n time and distance around Edinburgh", Scottish Geographical Magazine, 1953, pp.117-27. -86-the association of s a t e l l i t e towns with each other and with the parent c i t y i s , however, another matter; f o r the federation of towns and c i t i e s i n regions i s a develop-ment of governments that i s to be desired. (8) The question of metropolitan and regional government can-not be f u l l y discussed i n the present study. However, i t i s a r e l e -vant consideration f o r two reasons. F i r s t l y , the character and consciousness of a hinterland community w i l l depend, i n part, on the power and r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of i t s government. A community lacks balance and urban status i f i t s economic and s o c i a l a f f a i r s are very highly dominated by the metropolis. P o l i t i c a l and administrative dominance by the metropolitan government w i l l have the same r e s u l t s . Therefore, care must be taken to ensure that the representatives of the planned s a t e l l i t e towns i n a regional federation are not continually out-voted by the representatives of the metropolis. Some form of non-proportional representation i s probably the answer. Secondly, the survey methods which were formulated and demonstrated i n Part Two can also be used to determine which parts of a hinterland should be included i n the metropolitan area f o r administrative or census purposes. We are now distinguishing the metropolitan area from the metropolitan region which would include i d e a l l y the whole hinterland, and be governed by a regional federation. I f i t i s also decided that a metropolitan government i s desirable, some r a t i o n a l method should be used i n delimiting the area to be included. I t may be postulated: ( i ) that the exi s t i n g conurbation, which includes those (8) PURDOM, op.cit., p.,25 -87-areas not separated from the central city by a green belt, should be the nucleus of the metropolitan area; ( i i ) that the proposed green belt, i f any, should be included in order to control development therein; ( i i i ) that other areas which adjoin the outer edge of the green belt should be included as and when they become highly dominated by the metropolis. The measures of interaction used in Chapter IV show the extent to which areas are dominated by the metropolis, and provide data by which the metropolitan area and the metropolitan region could be delimited. Summary As a result of the process of site selection outlined in this chapter, some of the areas most strongly linked to the metro-polis wi l l be found to be poor locations for planned satellite towns because they lack sufficient suitable land. Others wi l l have too high a population already. A third group wi l l be too near or too far from the metropolis. The remaining areas wi l l include those with the most poten-t i a l advantages for the establishment of a successful satellite; the latter being a community with an optimum population size, located at an optimum distance from the metropolis, and with a balanced internal structure or external relationships with other areas to counter by an equal force the dominating force exerted by the popu-lation mass of the metropolis. -88-From those relatively few remaining areas the areas most strongly linked to the metropolis should be selected for f irst development as planned satellite towns. Each area should be given that type of development itfhich may be expected to maintain or bring about an internal balance and a more or less equal division in i t s interaction with the metropolis and a l l other areas. Finally, i t has been shown how measures of interaction could be used in delimiting the metropolitan area and the metro- . politan region. -89-CHAPTER VI  Implications for the Vancouver Region In Part Two an attempt has been made to show the relative strength of linkage between the city of Vancouver and areas in the Lower Fraser Valley, and to show the extent to which each of these areas is dominated by the metropolitan area. In this concluding chapter the data presented in Part Two are used as the basis for certain recommendations in connection •with a policy for developing satellite towns in the Lower Fraser Valley. The limitations of the data have been discussed in the introduction to the study. The special characteristics of this region are i t s res-tricted size and shape, its relative isolation and i t s relatively undeveloped state. Some of the features of the results obtained from the surveys of interaction and dominance are no doubt due to these special characteristics. However, in the analysis of the results we have virtually ignored these local influences, and concentrated on correlations which wi l l probably be found in any metropolitan region. This approach would appear to be justified as we are concerned with investigating certain general methods rather than with the preparation of a plan for the Vancouver region. As we are not making a comprehensive survey of the growth potential and planning problems of this region, assumptions have had to be made, and statements have had to be taken on trust from various planning reports. The major assumption i s that a satellite development policy is desirable in this region in order to enable a limit to be placed on the population size and areal extent of the -90 -metropolitaii area i n and around the Burrard Peninsula, ( l ) In f a c t , t h i s i s an i d e a l not l i k e l y to be re a l i z e d because of the growing importance of the Greater Vancouver area as Canada's major P a c i f i c port. (2) However, the capacity of t h i s area which includes the Peninsula, the North Shore and Richmond has been estimated to be s l i g h t l y more than a m i l l i o n people ( 3 ) , and recent estimates have shown that t h i s number w i l l probably be reached shortly a f t e r 1971. (4) After that, further growth w i l l have to take place elsewhere. At some time i n the not too distant future i t should be possible, therefore, to divert development to selected areas i n the Lower Fraser Valley. Unfortunately, i n the absence of planning control an unplanned decentralisation i s already taking place i n the form of low density sprawl on the southern and eastern fringes of the Burrard Peninsula. (5) I t seems obvious that a s a t e l l i t e development poli c y i s required immediately i n order to arrange both the size and spacing of communities, and to produce a safe and health-f u l environment f o r l i v i n g . An additional and equally important reason f o r b u i l d i n g (1) See Location Map ( p . v i i i ) f o r a l l places mentioned i n t h i s chapter. (2) LOWER MAINLAND REGIONAL PLANNING BOARD, The Lower Mainland looks ahead, New Westminster, 1952, p.47. (3) L o c . c i t . (4) LOWER MAINLAND REGIONAL PLANNING BOARD, Population trends i n the Lower Mainland Region 1921-71, New Westminster, 1957, p . 7 . (5) LOWER MAINLAND REGIONAL PLANNING BOARD, The economics of urban sprawl, New Westminster, 1956. -91-planned s a t e l l i t e towns i n the Lower Fraser Valley at the present time i s the need to conserve the land best suited, by high s o i l q u ality and low r e l i e f , f o r agriculture. There i s a tendency f o r new suburbs to sprawl over areas of good s o i l which are i d e a l f o r agricxilture but not i d e a l for housing. S u f f i c i e n t land f o r housing does, i n f a c t , e x i s t : We can f i n d 60 square miles of land f o r towns: land which xd.ll not take food from our own mouths by sprawling on to farm land: which w i l l be r e l a t i v e l y high and fog-free, and which can be separated by open country so as to produce safe, l i v a b l e communities. (6) As a detailed investigation of the amount and type of land available i n d i f f e r e n t parts of the Valley i s not possible, we are assuming, on the basis of the above statement, that the land requirements could be met i n any area which i s shown by other c r i t e r i a to be a suitable location f o r a planned s a t e l l i t e town. Optimum population size In following the systematic process f o r selecting s i t e s which was o u t l i n e ^ i n the previous chapter we shouldimow consider which places i n the l i s t of hinterland areas linked to the Vancouver area meet the requirements i n regard to size of population and distance from the c i t y . The former raises few problems i n t h i s p a r t i c u l a r (6) LOWER MAINLAND REGIONAL PLANNING BOARD, The Lower Mainland  looks ahead, op.cit., p.47. Also see: COMMUNITY PLANNING ASSOCIATION OF CANADA (B.C. DIVISION), A . brief to the Royal Commission on Canada's economic prospects. Vancouver, 1955. -92-region because a l l parts of the hinterland are under-developed and they have relatively small populations. No municipal area, apart from Surrey, had more than 20,000 people in 1956, and the majority had well under 10,000. (7) When some municipal areas are grouped into the generally recognized sub-regions most of the populations are s t i l l far below 20,000 and only the Chilliwack area and the Surrey-Delta area are above this. (8) Appendix Table 2 shows the estimated populations for the telephone exchange areas used as regional sub-divisions for the purposes of this study. Apart from New West-minster, only Chilliwack with 22,000 people, and Newton with 20,500, have populations above 20,000.v 'The Newton area comprises the southern part of the N.W. Surrey and E. Delta sub-region. The remainder i s included in the New Westminster telephone exchange area. The optimum population size for hinterland areas in the Lower Fraser Valley should be related to the size of the population of the Vancouver area. No attempt can be made to determine what the optima are at the present time, when the population of Greater Vancouver is around 600,000, or what they wi l l be when i t reaches a million. However, i t would appear that considerable expansion to the existing population of most areas could take place without the areas losing any of the advantages which small town status may (7) DOMINION BUREAU OF STATISTICS, Census of Canada 1956. Bulletin 1-6, Ottawa, 1957. (8) Chilliwack City and District 23.4 thousand Surrey and Delta 57.6 " N.W. Surrey and E. Delta 32.7 " Source; LOWER MAINLAND REGIONAL PLANNING BOARD, Population  trends in the Lower Mainland region 1921-71. op.cit. -93-afford. We can even postulate that a considerable expansion would be very desirable in order to increase the ability of each area to flourish under the dominance of Vancouver. The populations can certainly be allowed to rise to about 30,000. By the time that figure is reached we may have more knowledge of the desirable rela-tionship between the sizes of the hinterland communities and that of the central city. If we now review the l i s t of areas arranged by strength of linkage to the Vancouver area (as shown on Table 3 - 2 , page 54) in order to determine which of the areas are unsuitable locations for a planned satellite town because they have a too large population, we find that, in thisyparticular region, only Nexv Westminster is eliminated by this criterion. The population of the city of New Westminster on i t s own is over 30,000 and that of the whole telephone exchange area is 86,000. The latter includes roughly 12,000 people living in N.W. Surrey across the Fraser River, and this area should be considered together with the Newton area which adjoins i t to the south. The latter has an estimated population of 20,500 and, there-fore, this combined area also has already more than 30,000. We shall see that other criteria force us to the same conclusion that the Newton area is not a good location for a planned satellite towi even though i t is second in the l i s t of strongly linked areas. The New Westminster area, i t wi l l be noted, has a relatively weak link with Vancouver. A l l the other areas are potentially suitable locations in as much as they could absorb more people. - 9 4 -Optimum distance Table 3 - 2 shows the mileage distance, via the major highway, between Vancouver and the principal community in each tele-phone exchange area. The locations of the areas in relation to the city are shown on the Location Map (page v i i i ) . We have to decide which of the areas with linkage to the city are likely to remain physically separated from i t . The major problem is to arrive at some idea of the probable future extent of the metropolis. If there were an agreed regional plan which laid down a maximum population and area for the metro-polis, and i f there were adequate powers to enforce these provisions, we should know exactly where not to put planned satellite towns. In the absence of such a plan we can only make a reasoned guess at the direction and the desirable extent of future development. The water barriers of the Pitt and Fraser Rivers provide a natural break in the spread of the more or less continuously built up area. However, these do not f u l f i l l the functions of a green belt because of their limited width and the lack of visual contrast when both banks become built up. The estuary of the Fraser below Annacis Island, is probably a satisfactory belt in view of i ts con-siderable width and the low banks which border i t . We are assuming that the whole area to the north of the Fraser River, including Richmond, and to the west of the Pitt River wi l l be used eventually for urban purposes. There is no doubt that some of the first-class low-lying agricultural land in Richmond would be better kept in agricultural use, but although an attempt is now being made in this -95-area to zone for a g r i c u l t u r a l purposes there i s no certainty that such a polic y w i l l be continually enforced. Much low density sprawl has already taken place south of the Fraser on the uplands of N.W. Surrey and E. Delta. This area i s i d e a l for urban pruposes as i t i s high, well-drained, and not the best a g r i c u l t u r a l s o i l , and close to harbour and i n d u s t r i a l developments. In the f i r s t outline plan f o r the region, the planners allocated only part of t h i s area f o r urban development i n order to prevent i t "becoming a featureless mass of houses". ( 9 ) I t i s more than l i k e l y that such a r e s t r i c t i o n w i l l not be maintained, and, therefore, the whole of the area above the 5 0-foot contour l i n e ( 1 0 ) i s assumed to be part of the ultimate metropolitan area. Although no precise statements have been made by the c i t y and regional planners concerning the desirable size and extent of the metropolis, a l i m i t i n g green b e l t was, i n f a c t , proposed i n the 1 9 5 2 Regional Plan:, ( l l ) This took the form of a b e l t of a g r i -c u l t u r a l land l y i n g i n the Serpentine and Nicomekl River v a l l e y s . These valleys curve round the eastern and southern sides of the Surrey uplands. With the addition of Delta and P i t t Meadows we have a potential green b e l t completely e n c i r c l i n g the metropolitan area from the sea to the mountains. There i s a good chance that (9) LOWER MAINLAND REGIONAL PLANNING BOARD, The Lower Mainland looks ahead, op.cit., p.41. (10) As shown on Map Sheet 92 G/2 West Half, 1:50,000, Army Survey Est., AHQ, Ottawa, 1949. (11) LOWER MAINLAND REGIONAL PLANNING BOARD, op.cit. , map facing p.52. -96-t h i s green belt w i l l remain i n v i o l a t e ; i t i s a d i s t i n c t topographical area of f i r s t - c l a s s a g r i c u l t u r a l s o i l which i s not suitable f o r building because of drainage problems and poor outlook. The approxi-mate location of t h i s potential green be l t i s shown on Map 3. We are now i n a position to apply the c r i t e r i a of physical separation and optimum distance to the hierarchy of linked areas. Map 3 shows that the metropolitan green b e l t w i l l include the t e l e -phone exchange areas of Ladner, Hammond, the southern h a l f of Newton, and the northern part of Cloverdale. The remainder of Newton, and the whole of New Westminster, Port Moody and Port Coquitlam areas l i e within the green b e l t , that i s , within the metropolitan area. Therefore, none of these areas are physically separated from the metropolis and so none of them i s a suitable location f o r a planned s a t e l l i t e town. Of the strongly linked areas, Newton i s again eliminated. The other areas rejected by t h i s c r i t e r i o n are, i n any case, r e l a t i v e l y weakly linked to Vancouver and, therefore, they lack a 'climate 1 --conducive to s a t e l l i t e growth. From the point of view of optimum distance, some of the areas outside the ultimate green be l t may s t i l l be too close to Vancouver to develop as fully-fledged s a t e l l i t e s with a balanced i n t e r n a l structure and balanced external relationships. Others may be too f a r away to benefit from the services provided by Vancouver. In his study of metropolitan communities i n the United States (12), Bogue reached the conclusion that hinterland communities f l o u r i s h (12) BOGUS, op.cit., p.103. M O U N T A I N S A N D L A K E S 4 6 i i_ U L T I M A T E M E T R O P O L I T A N A R E A C O M M U T I N G A R E A S n CZ3 G R E E N B E L T D I S T A N T A R E A S A R E A S S T R O N G L Y L I N K E D TO M E T R O P O L I S LOCATIONS FOR SATELLITES MAP 3 -98-best in the 35 to 65-miles zone. In the Lower Fraser Valley, the principal hinterland communities are found between 25 and 65 miles, and the areas beyond 65 miles are s t i l l strongly linked to Vancouver. We may presume that the latter is due to the monopoly of Vancouver over the whole region, and the peculiar position of Hope as a service centre for the Fraser Canyon communities. At distances beyond about 65 miles, the average person cannot participate much in the activity of the metropolis and, therefore, we should probably eliminate these far distant areas from the l i s t of potential locations for satellite towns. Areas outside the green belt but at less than average commuting distance wi l l be difficult to develop as balanced communities until such time as industry and other employment find i t advantageous to locate in these areas rather than in the metropolis. In the Lower Fraser Valley, White Rock, Haney and Langley are usually presumed to be mainly commuters1 toxvns. Although the data on the percentages of business telephones (shown in Table 3-2) do not suggest that they are too badly off in this respect, there is a danger that as the metropolitan area f i l l s up and spreads outwards these towns wi l l become merely dormitories. However, with effective powers to implement a satellite development policy these towns could attain a measure of balance, and consequently lire are not eliminating them from the l i s t of potential locations even though they l i e at a less than optimum distance. -99-Selected locations f o r s a t e l l i t e towns Map 3 shows the areas eliminated f o r one reason or another from the l i s t of hinterland areas linked to Vancouver. The remaining areas are the locations i n which planned s a t e l l i t e towns might be expected to f l o u r i s h . We have presumed throughout t h i s study that, other things being equal, the most strongly linked areas should be chosen f i r s t . We have now taken some of these bther things into account and, therefore, we can choose between the remaining areas purely by strength of linkage. On a l l counts considered, the Chilliwack, Abbotsford and Mission areas would appear to be very suitable locations f o r planned s a t e l l i t e towns. These areas are strongly linked to Vancouver and at about an optimum distance from i t . A l l three have an above average percentage of business telephones, si g n i f y i n g a good measure of i n t e r n a l balance. Their external relationships are f a i r l y w e l l balanced as shown by the percentage d i s t r i b u t i o n of telephone c a l l s on Table 4 - 1 (page 70) . I f suitable land for housing and industry, and adequate transportation f a c i l i t i e s are, i n f a c t , available i n t h i s part of the v a l l e y a s a t e l l i t e development programme should concentrate on these areas. The nature of the development, and the types of industries and s o c i a l a c t i v i t y attracted to these areas should be that which w i l l continually maintain, or i f possible, improve the i n t e r n a l and external balance of the designated communities. In order to check progress i n t h i s respect, regular surveys of i n t e r -action should be made. The Aldergrove and Yarrow areas also l i e at a more or -100-less optimum distance from Vancouver. They have a relatively low-link to the city because they are strongly orientated to the sub-dominants Abbotsford and Chilliwack. In view of this, they are l i t t l e dominated by the metropolitan area, but they lack facil it ies of their own. These two areas would probably benefit from further development i f sites could be found in them sufficiently far from the subdominants. White Rock-, Haney and Langley need more internal balance to make them fully-fledged towns. The first two are even now rather highly dominated by the metropolis, and this dominance w i l l increase over time unless more local facil it ies are established to counter the influence of the metropolis. It i s , of course, possible, as already suggested, that these places are too close to the metropolis for the successful establishment of such faci l i t ies . This and many other facts we shall not know untiih further studies are made of the * effect of Vancouver on its hinterland. -101-G O N G L U S I O N -102-We have shown in this study how linkage between satellite towns and their parent city can be measured by data on interaction and how such data can be used in the formulation of a quantitative definition of satellite status. The review of the satellite concept in planning has shown that in selecting sites for planned satellite towns planners have paid l i t t l e attention to existing linkage, and in developing the sites they have had no precise idea of the optimum amount of linkage aimed at. As a result of this study, we conclude that linkage is as important a consideration as the various other factors which are usually taken into account. The concepts of interaction and dominance are of great value to the planner, and in this study we have attempted a synthesis by using data on interaction to measure the patterns of dominance and subdominance in a metropolitan region. These are appropriate concepts for a study of the ecological structure of such regions. A great deal more needs to be known about the structure and functioning of these regions and about the relationship between one community and another. One aspect of this was covered in Chapter III where we show how the planner might estimate potential interaction and use these data in order to arrange settlements in a hierarchy according to the quality of their linkage to the central city. An attempt was made to formulate a better measure of this based on the nature of the barrier overcome by the interaction. -103-The survey and analysis of dominance in Chapter IV yielded some interesting results, but this now needs to be followed up by a more detailed study of the particular aspects of a community's l i fe which are dominated by other communities. In this respect i t would appear that interaction as shown by data on telephone calls merits much close consideration by both practising planners and those engaged in planning research.. The data and methods used in this study provide satisfactory short-cut methods of survey and analysis of regional structure. Some of the possible refinements have been discussed in the Introduction. One of the most urgent fields of planning research is the effect of human interaction on the well-being of the participants. In the f irst instance we need to discover the correlation between levels of interaction and economic, social and physical characteristics. Beyond this l ies the relationship to mental and physical health. From the point of view of regional planning the units are human communities rather than individuals, but there are communities xfhich lack moral integration and economic adaptation to their environment just as there are maladjusted and backward individuals. We know very l i t t l e about the optimum size and spacing of communities, and about the inter-relationships between size and distance, interaction, characteristics, and well-being. Until we gain knowledge by inductive reasoning and from empirical studies, we must apply theories with care and make flexible plans. However, incomplete knowledge of the structure of human communities and city regions should not prevent us from trying to eliminate undesirable - 1 0 4 -elements. To do this efficiently and with nrijiimum disturbance to the existing structure we need refined survey methods and quanti-tative measures and definitions. -105-A P P E N D I X T A B L E S - 1 0 6 -APPENDIX - TABLE 1 Areas i n the Hinterland of Vancouver arranged by Actual Interaction and by Expected Interaction Actual P2/D P 2/D 2 TP2/D TP2/D2 Inter-action Order Value Order Value Order Value Order Value - 1 - -2 - - 3 - -4- -5 - - 6 - -7 - -8- - 9 -12 13 8.61 13 86.100 13 236.81 13 23.68 13 12 1.14 15 6.500 12 38.53 12 2.14 16 15 P .65 12 6.327 4 18.97 15 0.97 15 14 0.50 14 3.571 10 15.44 10 0.59 7 10 0.49 10 1.892 16 10.55 14 0.45 4 16 0.43 16 1.603 15 9.71 16 0.39 9 7 0.38 9 1.600 7 9.54 7 0.34 10 4 0.34 7 1.339 1 8.95 4 0.30 5 9 0.32 • 5 1.152 14 7.60 9 0.26 14 1 0.28 6 0.845 5 5.70 5 O.25 1 5 0.27 1 0.638 11 5.53 1 0.20 11 11 0.24 n 0.561 9 5.17 11 0.13 6 6 0.19 4 0.535 6 2.10 6 0.10 8 3 0.15 3 O.4L4 3 1.56 3 0.05 3 17 0.09 17 0.159 17 0.53 17 0.009 2 2 0.028 2 0.036 8 0.23 2 0.0027 17 8 0.027 8 0.031 2 0.21 8 0.0026 1. Abbotsford 7. Haney 13. Nexv Westminster 2. Agassiz 8. Hope 14. Port Coquitlam 3. Aldergrove 9. Ladner 15. Port Moody 4. Chilliwack 10. Langley 16. White Rock 5. Cloverdale 11. Mission 17. Yarrow 6. Hammond 12. Newton Notes; ( i ) A l l figures are f o r 1957. ( i i ) Col.. 1 shows the ranking of areas as measured by the number of telephone c a l l s to Vancouver. ( i i i ) The numbers i n cols.1,2,4,6, and 8 refer to the Areas i n the Key. (iv) Each column has the most link e d Area at the top and the least linked at the bottom. (v) P2 i s the population of each Area (see Appendix Table 2). D i s the distance i n miles between each Area and Vancouver. T i s the number of telephones i n each Area. -107-APPENDIX - TABLE 2 Population Estimates for Telephone Exchange Areas in the Hinterland of Vancouver, 1951-1957 P O P U L A T I O N (in thousands) Telephone E^xchange Area 1956 1951-6 1954 1955 1957 increase -1- -2- -3- -4- -5-1. Abbotsford 12.2 1.2 11.72 11.96 12.44 2. Agassiz 2.0 0.4 1.84 1.92 2.08 3. Aldergrove 5.0 0.4 4.84 4.92 5.08 4. Chilliwack 20.0 1.0 16.00 18.00 22.00 5. Cloverdale 6.0 0.7 5.72 5.86 6.14 6. Hammond 4.0 0.6 3.76 3.88 4.12 7. Haney 10.0 2.5 9.00 9.50 10.50 8. Hope 2.2 0.7 1.92 2.06 2.34 9. Ladner 6.0 1.8 5.28 5.64 6.36 10. Langley 12.4 2.1 11.56 11.98 12.82 11. Mission 9.7 0.8 9.38 9.54 9.86 12. Newton 18.7 9.0 15.10 16.90 20.50 13. New Westminster 84.4 8.4 81.04 82.72 86.08 14. Port Coquitlam 8.2 1.6 7.56 7.88 8.52 15. Port Moody 6.3 1.2 5.82 6.06 6.54 16. White Rock 11.0 3.3 9.70 10.35 11.65 17. Yarrow 4.5 3.6 3.06 3.78 5.22 Notes for column: 1. Calculated from Census figures given in Lower Mainland Regional Planning Board report, Population Trends in  the Lower Mainland Region, 1921-1971, and from the Popu-lation Distribution Map in that Report. 2. Calculated from percentage changes given in L.M.R.P.B. Report. 3. Taken as column 1 minus 2/5 of column 2. 4. Taken as column 1 minus 1/5 of column 2. 5. Taken as column 1 plus 1/5 of column 2. -108-APPENDIX - TABLE 3 Strength of Link to Vancouver in 1954 Total Total Cost Telephone Long- Calls of Number Estd.Popn. Telephone Strength Exchange Distance to Call of in 1954 Density of Link Area Calls Vane. Vane. Tele- (Note i i i ) (T) ND (Note i) (N) (D) phones Cols.5/6 T -1- -2- -3- -4- -5- -6- -7- -8-$o;5o thous. 1. Abbotsford 28318 9240 2301 11.7 196.7 23.49 2. Agassiz 4870 1731 0.70 639 1.8 355.0 3.41 3. Aldergrove 11049 2452 0.40 591 4.8 123.1 7.97 4; Chilliwack 22279(v) 9866 0.65 4025 16.0 251.6 25.49 5. Cloverdale 31210(v) 9829 0.25 1666 5.7 292.3 8.41 Hammond 7267(v) 3064 0.30 825 3.8 217.1 4.23 7. Haney 17466(v) 8754 0.30 1661 9.0 . 184^ 6 14.23 8. Hope 4984 2270 0.90 627 1.9 330.0 6.19 9. Ladner 14612 10078 0.15 1226 5.3 231.3 •6.54 10. Langley 28644 9928 0.30 2343 11.6 202.0 14.74 11. Mission 21547 7454 0.45 1758 9.4 187.0 17.94 12. Newton 35704(v) 15162 0.20 1768 15.1 117.1 25.90 13. New Westminster67452 8395 0.10 17776 81.0 219.5 3.82 14. Port Coquitlam 14746 6266 0.20 940 7.6 123.7 10.13 15. Port Moody 14517 8127 0.15 - 796 5.8 137.2 8.89 16. White Rock 25126(v) 12110 0.25 1537 9.7 158.5 19.10 17. Yarrow 3507(v) 797 0.65 295 3.1 95.2 5.44 Notes: (i) Col.2 includes calls to and from a l l Areas listed plus the Vancouver Area. ( i i ) Source of data in cols.2,3,4 and B.C. Telephone Co. ( i i i ) See Appendix - Table 2. (iv) Ordinal ranking by strength of link i s shown in Table 3 - 1 (v) Includes an estimated figure for calls between adjacent Areas served by the same Central Office. -109-APPENDIX - TABLE h Strength of Link to Vancouver in 1955 Total Total Cost Number Telephone Strength Telephone Long- Calls of of Estd.Popn. Density of Link Exchange Area Distance Vane. Call Tele- in 1955 (T) ND Calls (N) (D) phones Cols.5/6 T -1- -2- -3- -4- -5- -6-thous. -7- -8-1. Abbotsford 31095 9200 $0.50 2557 12.0 213.1 21.59 2. Agassiz 5674 1857 0.70 680 1.9 357.9 3.63 3. Aldergrove 13594 2772 0.40 753 4.9 153.7 7.21 4. Chi Thwack 26287 11551 0.65 4540 18.0 252.2 29.77 5. Cloverdale 34955 10199 0.25 1816 5.9 307.8 8.28 6. Hammond 8210 3499 0.30 879 3.9 . 225.4 4.66 7. Haney 21855 10895 0.30 1991 9.5 209^6 15.59 8. Hope 5961 2687 0.90 670 2.1 319.0 7.58 9." Ladner 17555 11778 0.15 1346 5.6 240.4 7.35 10. Langley 33073 10356 0.30 2598 12.0 216.5 14.35 11. Mission 24505 7997 0.45 1952 9.5 205.5 17.51 12. Newton 45540 19158 0.20 2292 16.9 135.6 28.26 13. New Westminster 84562 12984 0.10 20690 82.7 250.2 5.19 14. Port Coquitlam 17809 7561 0.20 1044 7.9 132.2 11.44 15. Port Moody 22031 13014 0.15 934 6.1 153.1 12.75 16. White Rock 29237 13881 0.25 1827 10.4 175.7 19.75 17. Yarrow 3862 769 0.65 358 3.8 94.2 5.31 Notes; as on Appendix - Table 3. -110-APPBNDIX - TABLE 5 Strength of Link to Vancouver in 1956 Total Total Cost Number Estd. Tele- Strength Telephone Long- Calls to of of Popn. phone of Link Exchange Area Distance Vancouver Call Tele- i n Density ND Calls (N) Vane, phones 1956 (T) T (D) Cols.5/6 -1- -2- -3- -4- -5- -6-thous -7- -8-1. Abbotsford 33199 9928 #0.50 2921 12.2 239.4 20.74 2. Agassiz 6876 2169 0.70 736 2.0 368.0 4.13 3. Aldergrove 15373 2961 0.40 890 5.0 178.0 6.65 4. Chilliwack 30164 11914 0.65 5083 20.0 254.2 30.46 5. Cloverdale 41230 11523 0.25 2019 6.0 336.5 8.56 6: Hammond 9719 3938 0.30 1010 4.0 252.5 4.68 1. Haney ?/i?«4 11744- 0.30 2312 10.0 231.2 15.23 8. Hope 7985 3224 0.90 753 2.2 342.3 8.48 9. Ladner 20784 13410 0.15 1473 6.0 245.5 8.19 10. Langley 37887 11996 0.30 2838 12.4 228.9 15.73 11. Mission 25133 8480 0.45 2224 9.7 229.3 16.64 12. Newton 58015 235H 0.20 2686 18.7 143.6 32.76 13. New Westminster I05955(vi) 17573(vi) 0.10 23354 84.4 276.7 6.35 14. Port Coquitlam 23484 10071 0.20 1259 8.2 153.5 13.94 15. Port Moody 23833 U652 0.15 1173 6.3 186.2 9.39 16. White Rock 31793 14092- 0 . 25 2059 11.0 187.2 18.81 17. Yarrow 4668 804 0.65 401 4.5 89.1 5.86 Notes; (i) to (v) as on Appendix - Table 3. (vi) Estimated figures. Col.2 i s 1955 total plus the 1954-55 increase as New Westminster i s within the Vancouver free-call system from 1956. -111-APPENDIX - TABLE.. ,6 Strength of Link to Vancouver i n 1957 t o t a l Total Cost Number Estd. Tele- Strength Telephone Long- Ca l l s to of of Popn. phone of Link Exchange Area Distance Vancouver C a l l Tele- i n Density ND C a l l s (N) Vane. phones 1957 (T) T (D) ( 0 0 0's)Cols. 5/6 -1- -2- -3- -4- -5- -6- -7- -8-1. > Abbots'ford 38364 11764 io.50 3184 12.4 256.8 22.90 2. Agassiz 7303 2350 0.70 740 2.1 352.4 4.67 3. Aldergrove 18135 3802 0.40 1075 5.1 210.8 7.21 4. Chilliwack 33170 13536 0.65 5531 22.0 251.4 35.00 5. Cloverdale 45617 12687 0.25 2151 6.1 352.6 9.00 6. Hammond 11033 4340 0.30 1128 4.1 275.1 4.73 7. Haney 28539 13745 0.30 2544 10.5 242.3 17.02 8. Hope 8345 3842 0.90 833 2.3 362.2 9.55 9. Ladner 21034 13396 0.15 1616 6.4 252.5 7.96 10. Langley 41513 13368 0.30 3138 12.8 245.2 16.36 11. Mission 26776 8914 0.45 2343 9.9 236.7 16.95 12. Newton 71212 26871 0.20 3383 20.5 165.0 32.57 13. New Westminster 131765 22162 0.10 27504 86.1 319.4 6.94 14. Port Coquitlam 28576 12677 0.20 1520 8.5 178.8 13.51 15. Port Moody 31782 14981 0.15 1494 6.5 229.8 9.78 16. White Rock 34759 15462 0.25 2436 11.7 208.2 18.57 17. Yarrow 5363 965 0.65 579 5.2 111.3 5.64 Notes; ( i ) to (v) as i n Appendix Table 3. (vi) New Westminster's figures are estimatesj Col.2 i s 1956 t o t a l plus the increase 1954-55. -112-APPENDIX - TABLE 7 Telephone calls between Exchange Areas in the Lower Fraser Valley, B.C. , i n July 1957 -1- -2- -3- -4-Area Abbotsford Agassis Aldergrove Chilliwack Total Calls Calls x Cost 1. Abbotsford - - 210 # 74 5462 : $ 546 4742 1 t 948 2. Agassiz 210 1 * 74 - *• 31 12 3164 354 3. Aldergrove 5462 546 31 12 - 377 113 4. Chilliwack 4742 948 3164 354 377 313 _ -5. Cloverdale 586 347 8 4 582 87 199 90 6. Hammond 128 32 13 6 50 8 78 27 7; Haney 589 147 78 35 158 24 345 121 8. Hope 227 136 252 50 70 46 3583 1002 9, Ladner 82 37 7 5 118 41 85 55 30. Langley 1731 346 35 18 4703 470 442 177 11. Mission 7678 836 764 229 615 62 1414 283 12. Newton 395 138 21 11 368 92 265 133 13. New Westminster 2927 1171 280 196 1343 470 2363 1418 14. Port Coquitlam 69 24 16 9 39 14 62 28 15. Port Moody 107 43 27 18 21 8 69 35 16. White Rock 366 92 20 11 231 35 171 77 17. Yarrow 1292 258 27 4 I64 49 2363 236 18. Vancouver 31764 5882 2350 1645 3802 1521 13536 •8798 Totals 38364 $10857 7303 12681 18135 #3598 33170 #13895 continued... -113-TABLE 7 (continued) -5- -6-Area Cloverdale Hammond No.  Total Calls Calls X Cost 1. 586 #147 128 C$32 2. 8 4 13 6 3. 582 87 50 8 4. 199 90 78 27 5. - — 125 13 6. 125 13 -7. 251 25 1200 120 s: 60 45 17 11 9. 592 118 58 17 10. 8420 871 198 20 11. 173 43 455 91 12. 1588 159 190 29 13; 13928 2089 2416 483 14. 103 15 1437 154 15. 109 16 219 33 16. 6173 617 96 10 17. 17 8 12 4 18. 12687 3172 4340 1302 Total: 45617 $7519 11033 $2360 -7- -8- -9-Haney Hope Ladner 589 $147 227 $136 82 $37 78 35 252 50 7 5 158 24 70 46 118 41 345 121 3583 1002 85 55 251 25 60 45 592 118 1200 120 17 11 58 17 - - 91 59 47 14 91 59 — - 7 6 47 14 7 6 -529 53 75 53 400 100 2953 591 150 83 56 22 377 57 44 33 1270 191 5906 1181 494 445 4457 669 1610 182 10 8 84 17 470 71 44 37 55 11 126 13 30 23 318 64 29 10 51 18 4 3 13745 4124 3842 3458 13396 2009 28539 $6827 8345 $5513 21034 $3345 continued... -114-TABLE 7 (continued) Area Number -10-Langley -11-Mission -12-Newton -13-New Westminster Total Galls Calls X Cost 1. 1731 $346 7687 $836 395 $138 2927 $1171 2. 35 18 764 229 21 11 280 196 3. 4703 470 615 62 368 92 1343 470 4. 442 177 1414 283 265 133 2363 1418 5.. 8420 871 173 43 1588 159 13928 2089 6. 198 20 455 91 190 29 2416 483 7. 529 53 2953 591 377 57 5906 1181 8. 75 53 150 83 44 33 494 445 9. 400 100 56 22 1270 191 4457 669 10. - - 417 83 2318 232 6914 1383 11. 417 83 - - 158 47 1987 695 12. 2318 232 158 47 — — 34971 3691 13. 6914 1383 1987 695 34971 3691 - _ 14. 134 20 233 70 258 26 10287 1132 15. 88 18 165 58 338 34 12965 1386 16. 1658 415 109 27 1739 174 8047 2012 17. 67 27 111 22 26 13 191 124 18. 13368 4010 8914 4011 26871 5374 22162 2216 Totals 41513 $8296 26776 $7253 71212 : $10434 131765 $20761 continued.., -115-TABLE 7 (continued) -14- -15- -16- -17-Area Port Number Coquitlam Port Moody White Rock Yarrow Total C a l l s C a l l s X Cost 1. 69 124 107 $43 366 $92 1292 $258 2 . 16 9 27 18 20 11 27 4 3. 39 14 21 8 231 35 I64 49 4 . 62 28 69 35 171 77 2363 236 5. 103 15 109 16 6173 617 17 8 6. 1437 154 219 33 96 10 12 4 7. 1610 182 470 71 126 13 29 10 8. 10 8 44 37 30 23 51 18 9. 84 17 55 11 318 64 4 3 10. 134 20 88 18 1658 415 67 27 11. 233 70 165 58 109 27 111 22 12. 258 26 338 34 1739 174 26 13 13. 10287 1132 12965 1386 8047 2012 191 124 14. - — 2023 202 114 17 13 6 15. 2023 202 - — 86 13 3 2 16. 114 17 86 13 — _ 7 3 17. 13 6 3 2 7 3 18. 12077 2415 14981 2247 15462 3866 965 627 Totals 28576 14339 31782 $4232 34759 #7469 5363 i $1414 Source; B.C. Telephone Company survey during 20 working days i n J u l y 1957. -116-GLOSSAKT Balanced community. A c i t y or town containing a variety of employ-ment opportunities and s o c i a l classes. Dominant c i t y . One which exercises the major influence over the region of which i t i s part, and by doing so affects the form and functions of the other communities i n the region. Subdominant c i t y . Has a s i m i l a r effect over part of the region while being i t s e l f influenced by the dominant c i t y . Ecological structure. The inter-relationships between the parts of a region and the physical, economic and c u l t u r a l environ-ment. Gravity concept. The assumption that contact between communities tends to be greater the larger t h e i r populations and the smaller the distance between them. Interaction. Contact between two or more individuals by mail, cable, telephone or v i s i t i n g . Linkage. Economic or s o c i a l connections between two communities. Metropolitan area. The built-up area of a metropolis and i t s sub-urban fri n g e . Metropolitan region. The wider area over which the metropolis i s the dominant c i t y ; more or less synonymous with 'sphere of influence' and 'hinterland'. S a t e l l i t e status. The extent to which a community has more than or l e s s than a defined optimum amount of dependence on the central c i t y . Settlement pattern. The d i s t r i b u t i o n of population, and c i t i e s , towns and v i l l a g e s i n a region. S o c i a l physics. The study of the s i m i l a r i t i e s between some of the actions of human populations- and physical masses. -117-BIBLIOGRAPHY Government publications CANADA, COMMITTEE ON PHYSICAL PLANNING, McGILL UNIVERSITY, A guide  to urban dispersal, a report to the Defence Research Board, Ottawa, October 1956. CANADA, DOMINION BUREAU OF STATISTICS, Census of Canada 1956. Ottawa, Queen's Pr i n t e r , 1957, B u l l e t i n 1-6. CANADA (B.C.), BUREAU OF ECONOMICS AND STATISTICS, Regional indus- t r i a l index of B r i t i s h Columbia, V i c t o r i a , 1957. CANADA (B.C.), LOWER MAINLAND REGIONAL PLANNING BOARD, The Lower  Mainland looks ahead. New Westminster. 1952. CANADA (B.C.), LOWER MAINLAND REGIONAL PLANNING BOARD, The economics  of urban sprawl, New Westminster, 1956. CANADA (B.C.), LOWER MAINLAND REGIONAL PLANNING BOARD, The Greater  Vancouver metropolitan community, New Westminster, 1954. CANADA (B.C.), LOWER MAINLAND REGIONAL PLANNING BOARD, The need f o r  r i v e r crossings i n the central part of the Fraser Valley, New Westminster, 1956. CANADA (B.C.), LOWER MAINLAND REGIONAL PLANNING BOARD, Population trends i n the Lower Mainland Region, 1921-1971. New Westminster, 1957. CANADA (SASKATCHEWAN), ROYAL COMMISSION ON AGRICULTURE AND RURAL LIFE, Service Centers, Queen's Pr i n t e r , 1957, Report No.12. GREAT BRITAIN, MINISTRY OF HOUSING AND LOCAL GOVERNMENT, Green b e l t s . London, H.M. Stationery Office, 1955, C i r c u l a r No.42. GREAT BRITAIN, MINISTRY OF TOWN AND COUNTRY PLANNING, Reports of the New Towns Committee, London, H.M. Stationery O f f i c e , 1946, Cmd.6759, 6794 and 6876. GREAT BRITAIN, MINISTRY OF WORKS AND PLANNING, Report of the Committee  on Land U t i l i s a t i o n i n Rural Areas, (Scott Report), London, H.M. Stationery Office, 1942, Cmd.6378. GREAT BRITAIN, ROYAL COMMISSION ON THE DISTRIBUTION OF THE INDUSTRIAL POPULATION, Barlow Report. London, H.M. Stationery O f f i c e , 1940, Cmd.6l53. -118-Books and pamphlets ABERCROMBIE, P., Greater London plan 1944, London, H.M. Stationery-O f f i c e , 1945. BOGUE, D.J., The structure of the metropolitan community. Ann Arbor, University of Michigan, 1950 CLEMENTS, F.E., and SHELFORD, V.E., Bio-ecology, New York, Wiley, 1939. COMMUNITY PLANNING ASSOCIATION OF CANADA, The case f o r s a t e l l i t e  towns, Ottawa, 1952. COMMUNITY PLANNING ASSOCIATION OF CANADA (B.C. DIVISION), A b r i e f  to the Royal Commission on Canada's Economic Prospects, Van-couver, 1955. DAHIR, J . , Communities f o r better l i v i n g , New York, Harper, 1950. DICKINSON, R.E., C i t y region and regionalism. London, Kegan Paul, 1947. HOWARD, E., Garden c i t i e s of tomorrow, London, Faber, 1902. JEWKES, J.P., Ordeal by planning. New York, Macmillan, 1948. LIEPMAN, K., The .journey to work, London, Kegan Paul, 1944. McKENZIE, R.D., The metropolitan community. New York, McGraw-Hill, 1933. MUMFORD, L., The culture of c i t i e s , London, Seeker and Warburg, 1940. ORLANS, H., Utopia Ltd. The story of the English new town of Stevenage, Yale University Press, 1953. PURDOM, C.B., The building of s a t e l l i t e towns, London, Dent, 2nd. Edn., 1949. RODWIN, L., The B r i t i s h new towns pol i c y , Cambridge, Mass., Harvard University Press, 1956. SHARP, T., Tovm and countryside, London, Oxford University Press, 1 9 3 2 . SHARP, T., Town and country planning, London, Penguin Books, 1940. STEIN, C , Towards new towns f o r America, Liverpool University Press, 1951. -119-WILSON, J.W., The ecological structure of the Lower Mainland Region  of B.C., Unpublished study, March 1951. ZIPF, G.K., Human behavior and the p r i n c i p l e of least e f f o r t . Cambridge, Mass., Addisqn-Wesley Press, 1949. Periodicals BOLLENS, J.C., "Relating c i t y areas to functions", Journal of the American I n s t i t u t e of Planners, Vol.17 No.l, 1951, pp.13-23. CARROLL, J.D., "Spat i a l interaction and the urban-metropolitan regional description", Papers of Regional Science Association. Vol.1, 1955. CARROTHERS, G.A.P., "An h i s t o r i c a l review of the gravity and potential concepts of human in t e r a c t i o n " , Journal of the American I n s t i t u t e  of Planners, Vol.22 No.2, Spring 1956, pp.94-102. CARRUTHERS, I . , " C l a s s i f i c a t i o n of service centres i n England and Wales", Geographical Journal, Vol.123, Pt.3, September 1957, pp.169-70. CAVANAUGH, J.A., "Formulation, analysis, and t e s t i n g of the i n t e r -actance hypothesis", American Socio l o g i c a l Review. Vol.15 No.6, December 1950, pp.763-66. COLLINS, B;.J., "A t a l k on green b e l t s " , Town Planning Review. Vol.2?, 1957, pp.219-30. COPLAND, B.D., " P r a c t i c a l application of the theory of hinterlands", Geographical Journal. Vol.120, 1954, pp.476-83. DICKINSON, R.E., "Regional functions and zones of influence of Leeds and Bradford", Geography. Vol.15, 1930, pp.548-57. DODD, S.C, "The interactance hypothesis: a gravity model, f i t t i n g '. physical masses and human groups", American Socio l o g i c a l Review, Vol.15 No.2, A p r i l 1950, pp.245-56. GERTLER, L., "Why control the grovrth of c i t i e s ? " , Community Planning  Review. Vol.5, December 1955, pp.151-54. GREEN, F.H.W., "Bus services as an index to changing urban hinter-lands", Town Planning Review, Vol.22, 1951-52, pp.345-356. GREEN, H.L., "Geographic use of point-to-point telephone c a l l data", Annals of American Association of Geographers, Vol.43 No.2, June 1953, pp.169-70. -120-GREEN, H.L., "Hinterland boundaries of New York and Boston", Economic  Geography. Vol.31, 1955, pp.283-300. HAWLEY, A.H., "Ecology and human ecology", S o c i a l Forces. Vol.23, May 1944, pp.398-405. HIGGINS, B'., "Towards a science of community planning", Journal of the American I n s t i t u t e of Planners, Vol.15 Mo.3, F a l l 1949, pp.3-13. HOWARD, J.H., "The planner i n a democratic society", Journal of  the American I n s t i t u t e of Planners, Vol.21, 1955, pp.62-5. LEPAWSKY, A., "Redefining the metropolitan area", Rational Municipal  Review. Vol.25, July 1936, pp.417-22. MACGREGOR, D.R., "Daily t r a v e l : study i n time and distance around Edinburgh", Scottish Geographical Magazine. 1953, pp.117-27. MAYER, H.M., "Urban nodality and the economic base", Journal of the American I n s t i t u t e of Planners. Vol.20 No.3, 1954, pp.117-21. OSBORN, F.J., "The significance of the new towns", Town and Country  Planning. Vol.24 No.141, 1956, pp.6-9. PEARSON, N., "H e l l i s a suburb", Community Planning Review. Vol.7, September 1957, pp.124-8. RODWIN, L., "England's Town Development Act 1952", Journal of the  American I n s t i t u t e of Planners, Vol.18 No.4, F a l l 1952, and Vol.19 No.l,-Winter 1953. SHORTT, G.E., "Review of 'The report of the Royal Commission on the Metropolitan Development of Calgary.and Edmonton'", Community  Planning Review, Vol.6 No.41, December 1956, p.171. SMAILES, A.E., "Urban mesh of England and Wales", Transactions of the I n s t i t u t e of B r i t i s h Geographers. Pub. No.11, 1946, pp.85-101. SMAILES, A.E., "Analysis and delimitation of urban f i e l d s " , Geography. Vol.32, 1947, pp.151-61. STEWART, J.Q., "Empirical mathematical rules concerning the d i s t r i -bution and equilibrium of population", Geographical Review. Vol.37 No.3, Ju l y 1947, pp.461-85. ULLMAN, E.L., "A theory of location of c i t i e s " , American Journal  of Sociology, Vol.46, 1941, pp.854-64. WALKER, H.W., "Canadian new towns", Community Planning Review, Vol.4, 1954, pp.80-87. -121-ZIPF, G.K., "Some determinants of the c i r c u l a t i o n of information", American Journal of Psychology. Vol.59 No.3, J u l y 1946, pp.401-21. ZIPF, G.K., "The P^P^D hypothesis: on the i n t e r c i t y movement of persons", American Sociological Review. V o l . U No.6, December 1946, pp.677-86. 

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