UBC Theses and Dissertations

UBC Theses Logo

UBC Theses and Dissertations

An evaluation and analysis of the neighbourhood unit concept McConnell, Robert Shean 1958

Your browser doesn't seem to have a PDF viewer, please download the PDF to view this item.

Item Metadata

Download

Media
831-UBC_1958_A6_7 M2 E9.pdf [ 6.82MB ]
Metadata
JSON: 831-1.0106145.json
JSON-LD: 831-1.0106145-ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): 831-1.0106145-rdf.xml
RDF/JSON: 831-1.0106145-rdf.json
Turtle: 831-1.0106145-turtle.txt
N-Triples: 831-1.0106145-rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: 831-1.0106145-source.json
Full Text
831-1.0106145-fulltext.txt
Citation
831-1.0106145.ris

Full Text

AN EVALUATION AND ANALYSIS OF THE NEIGHBOURHOOD UNIT CONCEPT by R. SHEAN McCONNELL REPORT ON A PROJECT SUBMITTED IN LIEU OF A THESIS IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF SCIENCE in the Department of COMMUNITY AND REGIONAL PLANNING We accept this report as conforming to the standard required from can-didates for the degree qf MASTER OF SCIENCE Members of the Department of Community and Regional Planning THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA Apri l , 1958 A B S T R A C T The neighbourhood u n i t concept was developed by Clarence Perry i n 1929> and the formula has since been used by planners i n the designing of r e s i d e n t i a l communities i n many parts of the world. The concept was based on e x i s t i n g examples of s u c c e s s f u l planning and on s o c i o -l o g i c a l w r i t i n g s and precepts; and i t became a new poin t of contact f o r the s o c i o l o g i s t and the planner. A f t e r the l a s t war the planners set to work with increased vigour, and model neighbourhoods were created i n many c o u n t r i e s . At the same time.the concept began to be s e r i o u s l y c r i t i c i s e d , and by 1950 i t had been v i r t u a l l y discarded by the t h e o r i s t s - although new neighbourhoods were s t i l l being designed i n accordance with the supposedly outmoded concept by p r a c t i s i n g planners. The purpose of t h i s t h e s i s i s to evaluate the usefulness of the concept i n r e l a t i o n to present-day needs and to analyse i t s components - a l l the time keeping i n focus contemporary p r a c t i c e i n Canada, the United Kingdom and the United States. The neighbourhood i s examined i n both i t s s o c i o l o g i c a l and p r a c t i c a l aspects, and the h i s t o r i c a l - i i -developments which contributed to the concept are traced. The s o c i o l o g i c a l theme weaves together the people i n t h e i r r o l e s as neighbours and as members of the fa m i l y l i f e - c y c l e ; and r e l a t e s them to t h e i r homes and to the l o c a l f a c i l i t i e s which they re q u i r e f o r the attainment of good l i v i n g , i n both a p s y c h o l o g i c a l and a p h y s i c a l sense. The d e s i r a b i l i t y of homogenous s o c i o l o g i c a l u n i t s i s d i s -cussed, and the problem of segregation i s untangled from i t s i m p l i e d a s s o c i a t i o n with the concept. The p r a c t i c a l aspects are concerned with the p r o v i s i o n of schools, churches, shops, open space and r e c r e a t i o n a l needs and l o c a l employment p o s s i b i l i t i e s . The neighbourhood i s then r e l a t e d as a geographic u n i t to the greater urban mass, and i t s patt e r n analysed i n t o i t s component p a r t s . In the f i n a l synthesis t h i s t h e s i s i s seen to be a defence of the concept; and the author b e l i e v e s that the neighbourhood u n i t concept has been wrongly condemned and that i t i s as v a l i d today as i t ever was. In presenting t h i s thesis i n p a r t i a l fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the Library s h a l l make i t f r e e l y available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of t h i s thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representative. It i s understood that copying or publication of t h i s thesis f o r f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my written permission. Department of Community & Regional Planning The University of B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver 8, Canada. Date A p r i l , 1958. - i i i -P R E F A C E The planned community i s a c r e a t i o n of the planner; and by the communities of the future w i l l the planners be judged. P a r t - a r t i s t and p a r t - s c i e n t i s t , part-dreamer and part-craftsman, part t e c h n i c i a n and part-e x e c u t i v e , the planner moulds the urban lineaments i n t o the elements of a c i t y which i s good to i n h a b i t . The d i f f e r e n c e s between the c i t y and the city-planned i s that the l a t t e r i s b e t t e r both as a f u n c t i o n i n g u n i t and as an a e s t h e t i c c r e a t i o n . L i k e some of the o l d o r g a n i c a l l y -grown c i t i e s of the world the planned c i t y provides a rewarding environment: u n l i k e some of these o l d c i t i e s , i t a l s o contains the best which the a r t i s t - t e c h n i c i a n can produce to meet the t r i a l s of the modern era. P r i m a r i l y the c i t y i s f o r l i v i n g and producing; but t h i s t h e s i s i s only concerned with i t s p o t e n t i a l as a place i n which to l i v e . Man by nature i s gregarious, even though there i s a l i m i t to the amount of people whom he can get to know.' In the unplanned c i t y many peoples' s o c i a l i n s t i n c t s were suppressed or f r u s t r a t e d , and e v i l s r e s u l t e d . When thrown onto h i s own resources, man found that he could not cope. Some reacted, and these became the deviants T deviants from mass anonymity. Denied the warmth of belong-- i v -i n g , they wandered away from the c o l d path of moral and l e g a l righteousness; and they were condemned. However, now we are t o l d that i t was the c r e a t i o n s of man, and not man himself which were to blame - the manmade, barren urban deserts were at f a u l t . The s o c i o l o g i s t s have pointed t h e i r accusing f i n g e r s at the massive rock of u r b a n i t y which was crushing man down, and i n whose shade only i l l s and e v i l s could e x i s t . I t i s the planners who have to b r i n g those barren deserts to l i f e and to remove that oppressive rock of urbanity so as to allow the s u n l i g h t to penetrate back i n t o the urban t i s s u e s . We have to remodel the c i t y so that i t becomes a place f o r man to lead a f r u i t f u l , contented l i f e . I t was during the search f o r t h i s e l i x i r of w e l l -being f o r the c i t y that the concept of the neighbourhood u n i t was created, i n s p i r e d by examples from the past. Gradually the idea grew, drawing sustenance from many d i f f e r e n t sources. The concept was defined on paper and created on the ground. I t was a defined u n i t f o r man to l i v e i n and i n which to expand h i s p e r s o n a l i t y . The concept of the neighbourhood u n i t f i n a l l y came i n t o f u l l flower i n the United States i n the 1 9 3 0 ' s , as the climax of s e v e r a l decades of growth. Then the war began; - V -and i t was not u n t i l a f t e r peace had f i n a l l y been assured that planners and s o c i o l o g i s t s s e t t l e d down to t h i n k again. New governments and i d e o l o g i e s arose a l l over the world out of the ashes of pre-war systems and b e l i e f s ; and o l d theories were suspect - and one of these theories was that of the neighbourhood u n i t concept. I t was i r o n i c a l that at the same time as the urban neighbourhood was being acclaimed as the i d e a l i n Great B r i t a i n , Holland, South America, A u s t r a l i a and i n many other c o u n t r i e s , i t was under such c r i t i c a l s c r u t i n y and attack i n the country of i t s o r i g i n . Eminent people l i k e Svend Reimer and Ruth Glass (both s o c i o l o g i s t s : Reimer, American, and Glass, one of the very few E n g l i s h c r i t i c s ) , and i n p a r t i c u l a r Reginald Isaacs, now Professor of Planning at Harvard U n i v e r s i t y , l e d the o f f e n s i v e , and the whole concept was supposedly found wanting - and thus was condemned and d i s -carded. I t became fashionable i n North American planning c i r c l e s to r e f e r to the neighbourhood u n i t i n such terms as "a fad picked up by t e c h n i c i a n s " . ^ ^ "The neighbour-hood u n i t must be r e j e c t e d f o r i t s s t r u c t u r a l inadequacies, s o c i o l o g i c a l i m p o s s i b i l i t i e s and the proven f a c t that i t (2) lends i t s e l f as an instrument of segregation". The c r i t i c i s m was not very l o g i c a l , but i t i s mainly due to ( l ) Reginald Isaacs. "Are Urban Neighbourhoods P o s s i b l e ? " J o u r n a l of Housing, J u l y , 19^8. (2) I b i d . - v i -Isaacs's s e r i e s of attacks that the concept has been regarded as superseded f o r the l a s t ten years - i n s p i t e of the many counter arguments and r e b u t t a l s which followed, but which d i d not receive as much p u b l i c i t y . I t i s shameful that the schools of planning thought can have been so f i c k l e . The concept of the neighbourhood u n i t i s as v a l i d today as i t was i n 1929i when i t was f i r s t introduced, and i t has been found success-f u l i n a p p l i c a t i o n i n many parts of the world. I t i s the purpose of t h i s t h e s i s ( w r i t t e n by one who has used the concept i n p r a c t i c e i n Edmonton, A l b e r t a ) to uphold the neighbourhood u n i t , to attempt to plead i t s defence, and furthermore to show by a n a l y s i s and e v a l u a t i o n how a p t l y i t can meet the problems inherent i n p r o v i d i n g a framework f o r contemporary r e s i d e n t i a l development. I f the d i s c u s s i o n appears to be overemphasized at any po i n t i t i s because the w r i t e r f e e l s that h i s arguments are important. - v i i -ACKNOWLEDGMENTS For encouragement, guidance and f o r help i n preparing t h i s t h e s i s , I would l i k e to acknowledge grate-f u l indebtedness to the f o l l o w i n g : To Mr. W.R. Brown, Town Planner to the C i t y of Edmonton, A l b e r t a , f o r h i s t r u s t and guidance when I was designing my f i r s t r e a l neighbourhoods; To a l l the other good f r i e n d s i n the happy Edmonton C i t y Planning Department, and perhaps e s p e c i a l l y to Miss Yvonne Morin f o r many gentle design c r i t i c i s m s and to Michael Rogers and Harold Verge f o r inf o r m a t i o n f o r t h i s work; To Professor B.Y. Card of the F a c u l t y of Education at the U n i v e r s i t y of A l b e r t a f o r p r o v i d i n g an extensive b i b l i o g r a p h y ; To Dr. L.C. Marsh, Dr. S. Jamieson and Professor Richard I . Ruggles of t h i s U n i v e r s i t y f o r ideas; To Miss M. Dwyer, Senior L i b r a r i a n , and to a l l the other U.B.C. l i b r a r i a n s f o r constant patience and ever good humoured a s s i s t a n c e ; To Dr. H. Peter Oberlander, Associate Professor - v i i i -of Planning and Design, f o r assistance i n formulating the goals of t h i s t h e s i s and f o r c l a r i f y i n g some of my ideas; To Professor I r a M.. Robinson, A s s i s t a n t Pro-fessor of Planning, f o r sympathetic, d e t a i l e d and always c o n s t r u c t i v e c r i t i c i s m of every part of t h i s work; L a s t l y , but by no means l e a s t , to Mr. and Mrs. Hendrie Leggat f o r t r a n s l a t i n g a very untidy manuscript i n t o c lean, typed pages, and to Mrs. P a t r i c i a S t a r t i n f o r v e t t i n g and typing t h i s f i n a l copy i n a very capable and i n t e l l i g e n t manner. TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ABSTRACT . i PREFACE i i i ACKNOWLEDGMENTS v i i Chapter I The Neighbourhood Unit Concept: I t s O r i g i n s , And Some C r i t i c i s m s . . . . 1 Chapter I I ' People i n the Neighbourhood Neighbourhood I n t e r a c t i o n 24 Homogeneity or Heterogeneity . . . . . f>2. ' The L i f e Cycle 38 Chapter I I I Homes i n the Neighbourhood . . . . . . '5^  Chapter IV The F a c i l i t i e s i n the Neighbourhood The Schools 71 The Churches 8 l Recreation - The Play Areas, Parks, and Community Centre 90 The Shopping Centre 103 Industry and Employment 109 Chapter V The Pa t t e r n of the Neighbourhood . . 113 Chapter VI Summary and Conclusion - The Neighbourhood Unit Concept i s S t i l l the I d e a l 127 APPENDICES I A Comparison of Neighbourhoods i n Edmonton, A l b e r t a 13^ I I Land Use i n the Neighbourhood by Acreage 137 I I I Notes on the Implementation of the Concept . I38 BIBLIOGRAPHY 1^1 I L L U S T R A T I O N S To f o l l o w page i The Neighbourhood Unit Concept as seen by Clarence A. Perry 10 i i Sherbrooke Neighbourhood, Edmonton, A l b e r t a -"Planned Scheme" 115 i i i West Green Neighbourhood, Crawley New Town, England - a B r i t i s h Example 126 IN szp&Afirg C/9S£ BT-FQGJBBg-^g-3ACK OF TKESIS: i v "Community and Neighbourhood Boundaries", Edmonton, A l b e r t a v "Proposed Neighbourhoods", Winnipeg, Manitoba v i "A Map of the D i s t r i c t M u n i c i p a l i t y of K i t i m a t " , B.C. - i n c l u d i n g a diagram of "Neighbourhood 'A'" AN EVALUATION AND ANALYSIS OF THE NEIGHBOURHOOD UNIT CONCEPT - 1 -Chapter I THE CONCEPT: ITS ORIGINS, AND SOME CRITICISMS The o r i g i n s of the neighbourhood u n i t concept were many and complex, but the d e t a i l s of some of the threads which were woven i n t o the f i n a l concept have been recorded and evidence of others can be detected. Clarence Perry, the o r i g i n a t o r of the concept i n i t s c l a s s i c a l form gives c r e d i t to three sources which had i n f l u e n c e d h i m ^ ^ : f i r s t l y , the community centre movement; secondly, f i r s t hand experience of having l i v e d i n a s u c c e s s f u l neighbourhood, Forest H i l l s Gardens i n the Borough of Queens, New York C i t y ; and t h i r d l y , the w r i t i n g s of the e a r l y urban s o c i o -l o g i s t s - i n p a r t i c u l a r Charles Horton Cooley. The design for Forest H i l l s Gardens i n i t s turn owed something to the in f l u e n c e s of other even e a r l i e r planned suburbs - f o r instance the e a r l y B r i t i s h examples. The general i d e a of neighbourhoods i n the c i t y was i n f l u e n c e d by the s o c i o -l o g i s t s ' impressions of the ethnic settlements i n c e r t a i n American c i t i e s and by t h e i r knowledge of community l i f e i n many of the older c i t i e s of other parts of the world. Even P l a t o and A r i s t o t l e wrote about urban communities; and a l l through man's h i s t o r y designs f o r Utopian c i t i e s have been (1) Clarence Arthur Perry. Housing For The Machine Age, R u s s e l l Sage Foundation, New York, 1939, Ch. 9. - 2 -prepared and r u l e s f o r human communities' drawn up. But i t i s with Clarence Perry that t h i s t h e s i s s t a r t s ; and i t was h i s work with community centres which f i r s t i n t e r e s t e d him i n the neighbourhood concept. The Community Centre Movement o r i g i n a t e d with Toynbee H a l l , which was organised by Canon Barnett and h i s associ a t e s i n the East End of London i n 1885 to provide a place where the i n h a b i t a n t s could meet f o r r e c r e a t i o n , (2) education and f o r s o c i a l o u t l e t s . . In 1909 Perry was set to i n v e s t i g a t e s i m i l a r a c t i v i t i e s being c a r r i e d on i n conjunction with school b u i l d i n g s i n New York, and the (3) movement f i n a l l y received i t s name i n Rochester. In 1922, Perry, working f o r the R u s s e l l Sage Foundation, s t a r t e d on preparations f o r h i s part of the Regional Plan of New York and i t s Environs, and h i s s o l u t i o n was i n s p i r e d by h i s experiences of Forest H i l l s Gardens. For the s o c i o -l o g i c a l background he was much i n f l u e n c e d by the w r i t i n g s of Cooley and e s p e c i a l l y by h i s theory of the i n t i m a t e , face-(4) to-face community. Cooley and the s o c i o l o g i s t s of the pre-war days had c a r e f u l l y analysed the components of the (2) J.A.R. P i m l o t t , Toynbee H a l l - 30 Years of S o c i a l Progress, Dent, London, 1935• (3) Perry, Op. C i t . , Ch. 9. (4) Charles Horton Cooley, S o c i a l Organization, 1920, and S o c i a l Process, 1918, S c r i b n e r s , New York. - 3 -human q u a l i t y of l i f e i n the country, e s p e c i a l l y as found i n the s o - c a l l e d r u r a l neighbourhoods, and had decided that the l a c k of t h i s r u r a l neighbourliness was what was wrong with urban l i v i n g . As Homans l a t e r wrote: " S o c i a l d i s i n t e g r a t i o n i s marked by a decli n e i n the number of ( i f a ) a c t i v i t i e s i n which the members of a group c o l l a b o r a t e " . Such a de c l i n e c h a r a c t e r i s e s urban l i v i n g . R u ral Neighbourhoods had sprung up o r g a n i c a l l y around a cross roads, near a pioneer farmstead or a good w e l l . One or more fu n c t i o n s were provided l o c a l l y ; u s u a l l y a school and often a church, and maybe some s o r t of l o c a l i n d u s t r y - a saw and g r i s t m i l l , a grange or creamery maybe. For other functions the neighbours had to t r a v e l to the nearest community centre; but i n the e a r l y days of horse transport and muddy tra c k s most f a m i l i e s were almost s e l f -s u f f i c i e n t . The neighbourhood was a seemingly a c c i d e n t a l m a n i f e s t a t i o n of the n a t u r a l gregariousness of mankind - a (5 ) d e s i r e f o r the 'we-feeling' which Charles Horton Cooley used to e x p l a i n the in t i m a t e face-to-face a s s o c i a t i o n s and cooperation which are c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of primary groups. Gregariousness i s one of.the b a s i c c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s (4a) George C. Homans, The Human Group, Harcourt, Brace & Co., New York, 1950. (5) S o c i a l Organization, Op. c i t . , Ch. 3* - k -of the human being i n every part of the world and at a l l periods of man's long h i s t o r y : whether he be a Pigmy i n A f r i c a , or an Eskimo, a Nomadic Mongolian moving wi t h h i s herds or an I r i s h R a t h l i n Islander whose family have l i v e d i n the same c l u s t e r of stone cottages f o r longer than any record e x i s t s . As Cooley s a i d , and i t a p p l i e s to man i n any context: "We are dependent f o r moral h e a l t h upon ult i m a t e a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h a group of some s o r t , u s u a l l y c o n s i s t i n g of our f a m i l y , neighbours and other f r i e n d s . I t i s the interchange of ideas and f e e l i n g s with t h i s group, and a constant sense of i t s opinions that makes standards of r i g h t and wrong seem r e a l to us". He continued: "When we move to town, or go to another country i t i s not at a l l c e r t a i n that we s h a l l form new r e l a t i o n s equally i n t i m a t e and cogent with the o l d . A common r e s u l t , t h e r e f o r e , i s a p a r t i a l moral i s o l a t i o n and atrophy of moral sense". This i d e a l of neighbouring - the warmth, comfort and intimacy of everyone knowing everyone e l s e , and the inf o r m a l s o c i a l c o n t r o l s which were unseen but powerful i n r e t a i n i n g the elementary framework of s o c i a l laws - came to be looked upon as being the healthy and necessary i n g r e d i e n t of human i n t e r - r e l a t i o n s h i p s which made the countryside a good place to l i v e and work i n and the l a c k of which e q u a l l y (6) S o c i a l Process, Op. c i t . , p. 180. - 5 -were responsible f o r the moral degeneration and wrongness of urban l i f e . However, r e c e n t l y a survey undertaken during the ( 7 ) period 194-1-1951 threw some doubt on the meaningful existence of r u r a l neighbourhoods as such i n c e r t a i n l o c a l -i t i e s and i t was a l l part of the general r e a c t i o n against the s u p e r f i c i a l s c i e n t i f i c s o c i ology of the pre-war peri o d that the neighbourhood has been questioned i n both i t s r u r a l (8) and urban v a r i a t i o n s . Bruce L. Melvin w r i t e s c a t e g o r i c a l l y . "Neighbourliness was a c u l t u r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of r u r a l America; i t could not be mapped". He says a l s o : "The aim of the neighbourhood s t u d i e s has been to f i n d a way of con-s e r v i n g the values - c a l l them e t h i c s , f e e l i n g of duty, sense of o b l i g a t i o n , regard f o r the p e r s o n a l i t y of the other f e l l o w , h e l p f u l n e s s , sympathy, neighbourliness - that were indigenous to r u r a l c u l t u r e i n the United States .... I t remains f o r the s o c i o l o g i s t s . . . . to f i n d more adequate methods to r e a l i z e s i m i l a r aims. I f s p e c i a l - i n t e r e s t , o r g a n i z a t i o n a l , i n s t i t u -t i o n a l and f r i e n d s h i p groups dominate today's l i f e , these are the groups to be stud i e d " . There i s no doubt though that due (7) Slocum, Walter L. & Case, Herman H., "Are Neighbourhoods Meaningful S o c i a l Groups Throughout R u r a l America?" Ru r a l Sociology-, V o l . 18, March 1953• ( 8 ) Melvin, Bruce L., "The Rural Neighbourhood Concept", R u r a l Sociology, V o l . 19, Dec. 195 ,^ pp. 52-59. - 6 -to the m o b i l i t y of the car-owning farmer today, the neighbourhood's importance has dwindled, and many of the old neighbourhood contacts have been t r a n s f e r r e d to the trade centre or have gone completely. However, whatever the f i n a l a n a l y s i s of the r u r a l neighbourhood i s , i t i s c l e a r that neighbourly f e e l i n g s are c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of rather a wider community than the American s o c i o l o g i s t s i n d i c a t e d . These neighbour-i n g q u a l i t i e s are also found i n the v i l l a g e . Whether found i n the North American V i l l a g e or not, they are d e f i n i t e l y present i n the o l d v i l l a g e communities of most of the r e s t of the o l d world. One th i n k s of the E n g l i s h thatched-roofed v i l l a g e ; the Swiss c h a l e t c l u s t e r s ; the stone cottages of the Hebrides or the white, c l o s e l y c l u s t e r e d w a l l s of the S i c i l i a n v i l l a g e . These a l l have the s p i r i t of neighbourliness, and so equal l y have the mud huts of the Congo and other p r i m i t i v e communities. Even i n the New World the v i l l a g e s l i k e those of the Spanish S.W. St a t e s , the Mormon communities l i k e Amana, and the other s p e c i a l l y s e t t l e d groups, a l l have neighbourliness. The neighbourhood may be d i f f i c u l t to define - but not neighbourliness. I t i s the l a c k of t h i s s p i r i t of neighbourliness which was s a i d to account f o r the anonymity, the s t r e s s e s and s t r a i n s , the degeneration and a l l the other l e s s e r and greater e v i l s of urban l i f e . I t was to combat these e v i l s and the long dreary s t r e e t s and the acre upon acre of form-l e s s h a b i t a t i o n s , which housed and provided the c o n d i t i o n s f o r these nSxious urban i l l s , that the urban neighbourhood u n i t concept was formulated. Many of the older c i t i e s of the world had grown o r g a n i c a l l y over the c e n t u r i e s , e n g u l f i n g whole l e s s e r com-munities i n t h e i r slow sprawl. These l e s s e r communities remained undigested as i t were i n the metropolitan mass, each r e t a i n i n g an i n d i v i d u a l i t y - each remaining a neighbour-hood. P a r i s , Florence, Venice, London, the c i t i e s of Spain and many more came i n t o t h i s category. London i s perhaps the best example of the spreading metropolis e n g u l f i n g whole v i l l a g e s , l i k e Chelsea and Isleworth, i n i t s sprawl. The o l d mediaeval c i t i e s of Spain and I t a l y have ra t h e r smaller neighbourhoods, each centred on a square or old market-place; each one a p a r i s h with i t s own d i s t i n c t o r g anisations and i t s own f l a v o u r . The problem was how to introduce some of these in-urban, almost s e l f - c o n t a i n e d com-munities i n t o the new c i t i e s of North America, Europe and elsewhere. Thus the neighbourhood u n i t i d e a l was introduced to attempt to create neighbourhoods i n the c i t y which, be-cause of t h e i r f e e l i n g of being e n t i t i e s i n themselves, would f o s t e r the r u r a l - t y p e q u a l i t i e s which accompany neighbouring. - 8 -Another type of neighbourhood which had im-pressed the s o c i o l o g i s t with i t s f i e r c e we-feeling was the ethnic settlement, many of which had grown up i n the l a r g e r c i t i e s of the north eastern United States. I r i s h , Swedish, I t a l i a n , e s p e c i a l l y S i c i l i a n , Greek, Negro and at the present Puerto Rican are a l l n a t i o n a l i t i e s which at one time have grouped themselves i n c e r t a i n s p e c i f i c areas i n c i t i e s l i k e Chicago, only eventually to disperse - u s u a l l y being ejected by the newcomers of a d i f f e r e n t race. The Chinese are one race which s e t t l e permanently and the I t a l i a n s are another stubborn group. Jews too, formed ghettos, often i n s e l f -defence. These neighbourhoods were c h a r a c t e r i s e d by t h e i r c lose neighbourliness; the women gossiped, the k i d s played, and the men drank together. They spoke t h e i r own language and continued t h e i r own customs. However, as the older generations died, and the younger ones became we a l t h i e r and i n f l u e n c e d by American ways, so the group broke up. The warm, close f e e l i n g s which c h a r a c t e r i s e d these ethnic groups, the v i l l a g e - i n - t h e - c i t y atmosphere, had im-pressed the s o c i o l o g i s t s who wondered i f such a w e - s p i r i t could be i n s t i l l e d i n t o u n i t s of suburban areas. F i n a l l y , the neighbourhood concept owes a l o t to the e a r l y planned suburbs - to Forest H i l l s Gardens of - 9 -course, the suburbs of Bedford Park and Harapstead Garden Suburb i n London, R i v e r s i d e i n Chicago and Kev/ Gardens i n New York. These had a l l emphasized the a e s t h e t i c q u a l i t y of urban housing layouts - trees along the s t r e e t s , parks and house groupings. In the United Kingdom, the ideas of Ebenezer Howard^^ and Raymond U n w i n ^ ^ also had t h e i r e f f e c t on the germinating of the neighbourhood u n i t i d e a . The development of Letchwor'th i n 1 9 0 3 a^ cL Welwyn Garden C i t y i n 1 9 1 9 according to Howard's conception brought i n t o being the prototypes of the post-war B r i t i s h New Towns. Hampstead Garden Suburb designed i n 1 9 0 7 by Barry Parker, Raymond Unwin and Edwin Lutyens was the e a r l i e s t and best of many s i m i l a r suburban developments. The concept was eventually c r y s t a l l i s e d i n Perry* s book, Housing f o r the Machine Age,^"*"^ which i s now accepted as the Genesis of the l i t e r a t u r e on the Urban Neighbourhood U n i t . This book was the f i r s t major p u b l i c a t i o n concerned s o l e l y with the concept of the Neighbourhood U n i t , and yet almost none of i t s s o c i a l and planning i m p l i c a t i o n s have become outdated i n the twenty years which have now intervened since i t was w r i t t e n . ( 9 ) Ebenezer Howard, Garden C i t i e s of Tomorrow, ( o r i g i n a l l y published, I898), Faber & Faber, London, 19^+6. (10) Raymond Unwin, Nothing Gained by Overcrowding, London 1 9 1 8 . ( 1 1 ) Perry, Op. c i t . - 1 0 -The Neighbourhood U n i t - "a scheme of arrangement f o r the f a m i l y - l i f e community" - was a c t u a l l y f i r s t described i n one of the three monographs that made up volume 7, Neighbourhood and Community Planning, of The Regional Survey of New York and I t s Environs, which was w r i t t e n by Clarence ( 1 2 ) Perry and published i n 1 9 2 9 . In Housing For The Machine Age Mr. Perry develops h i s theory as one l i n k i n a chain of the o r i e s which together c o n s t i t u t e h i s ideas on the improving of the l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s of the man i n the s t r e e t - or the ' Scroggins Family' , who are the puppets he uses to b r i n g to l i f e the average family's s t r u g g l e s with the c i t y environment. Perry had been able to t e s t and evaluate h i s concept i n i t s a p p l i c a t i o n to the r e s i d e n t i a l development of Forest H i l l Gardens i n the Borough of Queens, New York C i t y , planned by the R u s s e l l Sage Foundation i n 1 9 1 0 ; and i t s widespread use i n North America, the United Kingdom, the B r i t i s h Common-wealth and elsewhere has been proof of i t s u n i v e r s a l appeal and p o t e n t i a l i t i e s . Perry developed s i x p r i n c i p l e s - i l l u s t r a t e d on the f o l l o w i n g page - which b r i e f l y are: 1 . SIZE: A r e s i d e n t i a l u n i t development should pro-vide -housing f o r that population f o r which ( 1 2 ) Clarence Arthur Perry, "The Neighbourhood U n i t " Mono-graph 1 i n V o l . 7 , Neighbourhood and Community  Planning, The Regional Survey of New York and I t s Environs, New York, 1 9 2 9 ' To f o l l o w page 10 / AREA IN OPEN DEVELOPMENT PREFERABLY 160 ACRES • • IN ANY CASE IT5H0UL0 HOUSE ENOUGH PEOPLE TO REQLHRt ONE ELEMENTARY SCHOOL ° EXACT SHAPE NOT ESSENTIAL BUT BEST WHEN ALL SIDES ARE FAIRLY EQUIDISTANT FROM CENTER-A SHOPPING- DISTRICT MIGHT BE SUBSTITUTED FOR CHURCH SITE SHOPPING DISTRICTS IN PERIPHERY AT TRAFFIC JUNCTIONS AND PREFERABLY BUNCHED S|N FORM y \ ONLY NEIGHBORHOOD W^ INSTITUTIONS AT x^ COMMUNITY CENTER. kTEN PERCE OF AREA TO RECREATION AND PARICSPACE v -INTERIOR. STREETS NOT WIDER THAN REQUIRED FOR SPECIFIC USE AND GIVING EASY ACCESS TO SHOPS AND COMMUNITY. CENTER. s ' A t A ^ * ^ | of h n > TO BUSINESS CENTER ARTERIAL STREET TRAFFIC JUNCTION • T H E N E I G H B O R H O O D U N I T A S S E E N B Y C L A R E N C E A . P E R R Y - 1 1 -one elementary school i s o r d i n a r i l y r e -quired, i t s a c t u a l area depending upon i t s population d e n s i t y . 2 . BOUNDARIES: The u n i t should be bounded on a l l sides by a r t e r i a l s t r e e t s , s u f f i c i e n t l y wide to f a c i l i t a t e i t s bypassing, i n s t e a d of pen e t r a t i o n , by through t r a f f i c . 3. OPEN SPACES: A system of small parks and r e c r e a t i o n spaces, planned to meet the needs of the par-t i c u l a r neighbourhood, should be provided. k. INSTITUTION SITES: S i t e s f o r the school and other i n s t i t u t i o n s having s e r v i c e spheres c o i n c i d i n g with the l i m i t s of the u n i t should be s u i t a b l y grouped about a centre p o i n t , or common. 5. LOCAL SHOPS: One or more shopping d i s t r i c t s , ade-quate f o r the population to be served, should be l a i d out i n the circumference of the u n i t , p r e f e r a b l y at t r a f f i c j u n c t i o n s and adjacent to s i m i l a r d i s t r i c t s of a d j o i n i n g neighbour-hoods . 6. INTERNAL STREET SYSTEM: The u n i t should be provided with a s p e c i a l s t r e e t system, each highway being proportioned to i t s probable t r a f f i c l o a d , and the s t r e e t »e-t as a whole being - 12 -designed to f a c i l i t a t e c i r c u l a t i o n w i t h i n the u n i t and to discourage i t s use by through t r a f f i c . Perry stated that these p r i n c i p l e s , i f complied wi t h , w i l l r e s u l t i n "A neighbourhood community i n which the fundamental needs of the f a m i l y l i f e w i l l be met more com-p l e t e l y , i t i s b e l i e v e d , than they are now by the usual r e s i d e n t i a l s e c t i ons i n c i t i e s and v i l l a g e s . In t h i s scheme, the neighbourhood i s regarded both as a u n i t of a l a r g e r whole and as an e n t i t y " . Clarence Perry was not content to merely develop a theory f o r r e s i d e n t i a l development; but he devised thorough-l y p r a c t i c a l systems f o r the s e t t i n g up of l e g a l and economic means to achieve the neighbourhood - i . e . to gain c o n t r o l of the land and to f u r t h e r the c o n s t r u c t i o n of the houses. These considerations are discussed i n d e t a i l i n the r e s t of Housin-g  For The Machine Age and t h e r e i n Perry c l e a r l y demonstrated that he was no c a s t l e s - i n - t h e - a i r dreamer. He was concerned about the quick d e c l i n e i n urban property values and the r e s u l t i n g b i i g h t and slum c o n d i t i o n s ; and he hoped that the success of the neighbourhood as an e c o l o g i c a l u n i t would mean that i t was such a good place to l i v e i n that i t s l i f e as a u n i t f o r healthy h a b i t a t i o n would be extended. This he thought would also be of i n d i r e c t b e n e f i t to the taxpayer i n that the rateable value of the p r o p e r t i e s would remain high. (13) Perry, Op. c i t . , pp. 51-2. - 13 -Housing For The Machine Age a l s o provided an e a r l y and thoughtful d i s c u s s i o n on making the apartment a s u i t a b l e home f o r the f a m i l y ; and schools, p l a y i n g f i e l d s , and open space, were to be provided as i n t e g r a l parts i n the develop-ment of a l a r g e scale apartment block neighbourhood u n i t . Clarence Perry's ideas a l l seem to r i n g t r u e . He quoted Cooley: "We are dependent f o r moral h e a l t h upon int i m a t e a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h a group of some s o r t , u s u a l l y con-s i s t i n g of our f a m i l y , neighbours, and other f r i e n d s . I t i s the interchange of ideas and f e e l i n g s w i t h t h i s group.... (14 that makes standards of r i g h t and wrong seem r e a l to us". Such a group cannot f u n c t i o n anywhere i n a c i t y so e a s i l y as i n a s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t and planned neighbourhood; where the c h i l d r e n l e a r n and play together; where t h e i r mothers become acquainted and maybe l i f e l o n g f r i e n d s ; where even t h e i r f a t h e r s can get together around t h e i r cars and l e t o f f steam, generated i n the oppressive c i t y o f f i c e . This i s a place which f a m i l i e s w i l l not so f r e q u e n t l y wish to move away from; f o r the neighbourliness i s a warm t h i n g -one f e e l s secure and part of a greater i n s t i t u t i o n . One's c h i l d r e n are s a f e r , and the dangers of unknown and undesir-able i n f l u e n c e s are fewer. Newcomers w i l l be g r a d u a l l y made (14) Cooley, Op. c i t . , p. l8o. - Ik -welcome and oldtimers are given a st a t u s - due veneration. A s o c i e t y i s created, and i t i s a good one. I t has many of the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the r u r a l - t y p e neighbourhood which f i r s t i n s p i r e d the s o c i o l o g i s t s . The urban neighbourhood u n i t a l s o contains many of the same functions as i t s r u r a l counterpart with one notable exception. Both are f u l l y equipped with elementary schooling; both have some type of organized s o c i a l organ-i z a t i o n ; both have s t o r e s , although while the r u r a l dweller i s able to supply himself with much of h i s food, the urban-i t e i s dependent on the grocery - however, both have to go outside the neighbourhood f o r c l o t h e s , f u r n i t u r e , auto-mobiles, and the other o c c a s i o n a l requirements. Both have a church, even i f t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r church may be i n the next or the next but one neighbourhood; and both have s e r v i c e s t a t i o n s which may be more dependent on passing trade than on l o c a l custom. The one exception i s that while the r u r a l f o l k (mostly farmers) work i n t h e i r community, the c i t y dweller has to t r a v e l outside the neighbourhood to f i n d work - except f o r a very few who work i n the l o c a l s t o r e s , school or s e r v i c e s t a t i o n . This i s the weakness of the urban u n i t . However, although i t i s becoming d i f f i c u l t to acc u r a t e l y define the r u r a l u n i t on a map of the country-- 15 -s i d e , the boundaries and e s o t e r i c s t r e e t p a t t e r n of the urban counterpart give i t a pr e c i s e geographical l o c a t i o n on the c i t y map. I t s i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s with the other neighbourhoods and with the parent city-body are c l e a r and i t s organic s t r u c t u r e i s s e l f contained. A f t e r Perry's concept was published, the neigh-bourhood u n i t was adopted i n many parts of the world. The Plan f o r Wythenshawe, near Manchester, England, was de-signed i n the mid 1930's using the neighbourhood as i t s basic p r i n c i p l e . Abercrombie used the concept i n h i s Greater London Plan and when the New Towns of post-war B r i t a i n came to be considered, the neighbourhood u n i t was accepted as the framework of the r e s i d e n t i a l areas. In the United States, Clarence S t e i n and Henry Wright had developed the concept f u r t h e r f o r use i n t h e i r designs f o r Sunnyside and Radburn. The Neighbourhood U n i t Concept had become one of the accepted p i l l a r s of town planning theory and was one of the f i r s t planning t h e o r i e s which was equal l y accepted by the s o c i o l o g i s t s . Thus i t was a l l the more of an up-heaval when a f t e r World Vi/ar I I the concept began to be questioned by l e a d i n g s o c i o l o g i s t s both i n the United Kingdom and e s p e c i a l l y i n the United States. - 16 -The c r i t i c i s m s of the neighbourhood u n i t concept as a planning device have been d e l i v e r e d from such i n -f l u e n t i a l sources that i n many planning schools i n North America the concept of the neighbourhood u n i t has been d i s c r e d i t e d . Since Reginald Isaacs, Chairman of the Department of C i t y Planning at Harvard U n i v e r s i t y , was the o r i g i n a l and by f a r the most vehement of the c r i t i c s i t i s proposed to study h i s comments i n d e t a i l . His widely pub-l i c i s e d c r i t i c i s m s appeared i n jo u r n a l s devoted to planning, housing and land economics during 19^+8 and 19^ 9 • ^  A l -though h i s c r i t i c i s m s were wide he reduced the p o i n t s on which he thought that the concept was most f a u l t y and most required re-examination to three questions: "1. Is i t s o c i o l o g i c a l l y p o s s i b l e to create neigh-bourhoods i n the complex urban s t r u c t u r e ? 2. Is the neighbourhood u n i t adequate as a p h y s i c a l concept f o r planning? 3. Should the concept be challenged on the b a s i s that i t lends i t s e l f to the purposes of d i s c r i m -i n a t i o n since i t s most widespread a p p l i c a t i o n r-^S) has been i t s methodical use f o r segregation?". (15) Reginald Isaacs: "Are Urban Neighbourhoods P o s s i b l e ? " , J o u r n a l of Housing, J u l y & August, 19^8; "The Neighbourhood Theory", J o u r n a l of the American  I n s t i t u t e of Planners, Spring,19^8; " F r o n t i e r s of Housing Research - the Neighbourhood Concept i n Theory and A p p l i c a t i o n " , Land Economics, V o l . 25, February, 19^9. (16) Isaacs, Land Economics, Op. c i t . , p. 73. - 17 -He also had other more or l e s s s p e c i f i c c r i t i c i s m s : 4. That the school cannot be the focus of the neigh-bourhood ; 5. That the church cannot be planned to f i t i n t o a neighbourhood u n i t system. The second part of t h i s t h e s i s i s devoted to an a n a l y s i s of the neighbourhood u n i t , and t h e r e i n Isaacs's c r i t i c i s m s 1, 2, 4 and 5 are s y s t e m a t i c a l l y evaluated. How-ever, before considering these other c r i t i c i s m s of the con-cept, at t h i s p o i n t the t h i r d of Isaacs's three questions -the problem of segregation and the neighbourhood - i s exam-ine d . Isaacs's t h i r d c r i t i c i s m i s h i s most lengthy, h i s most ardent but perhaps a l s o h i s l e a s t p e r t i n e n t . "The neighbourhood concept gained i t s i n i t i a l impetus concurrently with the f i r s t major Negro migration since the C i v i l War to Northern c i t i e s and with the f i r s t expressions of concern by r e a l estate i n t e r e s t s over the ' i n vasion' of white r e s i d e n t i a l (17) areas", he wrote i n the Jo u r n a l of Housing. This xs probably true; but to imply that the success of the concept was due to i t s usefulness as a t o o l f o r the s e g r e g a t i o n i s t s i s s u r e l y such a grave and i r r a t i o n a l accusation that one agrees with the comment of one well-known town planner, .who (17) Isaacs, Op. c i t . , August, 1948. - 18 -a f t e r reading the p r e l i m i n a r y d r a f t of one of Isaacs's a r t i c l e s on the subject, wrote to Isaacs: "As your manu-s c r i p t stands i t s t r i k e s me as wholly unconvincing and harmful to your r e p u t a t i o n f o r r a t i o n a l i t y . . . . P o s s i b l y ( l 8 ) Chicago has got you down". The lengthy quotations of evidence of segregation-i s t t a c t i c s , e s p e c i a l l y of plans to s u b s t i t u t e such t a c t i c s f o r the r e s t r i c t i v e covenants which had been declared un-enforceable by the Supreme Court i n May 19^8, lead one to thi n k that Isaacs would have been b e t t e r to have w r i t t e n a denouncement of the s e g r e g a t i o n i s t s g e n e r a l l y - a worthy crusade, but one u n f a i r l y and i l l o g i c a l l y used as a whip wit h which to beat the neighbourhood concept. One i s tempted to atta c h a p s y c h o l o g i c a l explanation to t h i s p a r t of these a r t i c l e s , f o r Isaacs w r i t e s as an angry man who i s per s o n a l l y s e n s i t i v e to such statements.which he quotes, as: "... and other inharmonious person (who should) continue to l i v e i n h i s confined ghetto". This could account f o r the l a c k of balance and l o g i c i n h i s argument. One tends to agree with James Dahir's comments on these a r t i c l e s when he w r i t e s of "Mr. Isaacs's emotional involvement i n the issue of segregation .... I t i s c l e a r that the subject ( l 8 ) Isaacs, Journal of the American I n s t i t u t e of Planners, Spring, 19^8, p. 15. - 19 -means a great deal to him and, unf o r t u n a t e l y , colours h i s t h i n k i n g and h i s w r i t i n g about the neighbourhood u n i t " . Dahir suggests to Isaacs that: "Perhaps your r e a l o b j e c t i v e i s to point out the abuses to which the neighbourhood u n i t (19) plan can be and i s being put". Thus i t i s that Isaacs's t h i r d major b a s i s on which he disputes the neighbourhood concept appears to be one which he sees with such indignant eyes that he f a i l s to see the p r o v e r b i a l wood because of one or two groups of badly d i s t o r t e d t r e e s . 'Burn the wood down' he says, i n s t e a d of 'prune those d i s t o r t e d s e g r e g a t i o n i s t t r e e s ' . One should not challenge the usefulness of a bed on the ba s i s that i t lends i t s e l f to the purposes of s l e e p i n g - i n i n the mornings: equal l y one should not d i s c a r d the concept of the neighbour-hood u n i t because i t has been abused i n i t s a p p l i c a t i o n i n c e r t a i n areas i n the United States. During the peak of the neighbourhood u n i t contro-versy, i n 19^8-19^9J other planners committed themselves i n the Journal of Housing as being e i t h e r f o r , or ag a i n s t , the . (20) concept. (19) Journal of Housing, October, 19^8, p. 272. (20) Journal of Housing, December, 19^8, pp. 300-303. - 20 -Hans Bluraenfeld wrote: " I do not share Mr. Isaacs' s opinion that the neighbourhood concept i s respon-s i b l e f o r t h i s ( s e g r e g a t i o n i s t ) a t t i t u d e " . On the other hand, Henry S. C h u r c h i l l wrote: " I have yet to see any r e a l a p p l i c a t i o n of the neighbourhood theory except on paper". Henry Cohen was against Isaacs: "The misuse (segregation) cannot be considered as inherent i n the neigh-bourhood concept as a f l e x i b l e working model". E l b e r t Peets summed up the problem: " I t (the neighbourhood) i s indeed an almost i n e v i t a b l e r e s u l t of planning f o r s p e c i f i c func-t i o n s .... (and) i t i s incomprehensible to me that any planner should wholly r e j e c t so p l a s t i c a planning motive as the neighbourhood .... (and) I f i n d that the concept has value even when i m p e r f e c t l y r e a l i s e d " . R.J. Hacon i s another s o c i o l o g i s t who was im-p a t i e n t with the neighbourhood theory: "The purpose of t h i s a r t i c l e i s to suggest that the concept 'neighbourhood u n i t ' has been based upon convenient s t a t i s t i c s at the expense of (21) s o c i o l o g i c a l f a c t s " . In England, Ruth Glass, i n l e c t u r i n g at the (22 School of Planning and Research f o r Regional Development, claimed that there were two major elements i n the use of the (21) "Neighbourhoods or Neighbourhood U n i t s " , S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, V o l . 3-4 N.S., p. 235. (22) Derived.-.'from notes taken by C S . Rodgers, Asst. Town Planner, Edmonton C i t y , (London, 1950/51). - 21 -neighbourhood u n i t . F i r s t l y , i t was p r a c t i c a l , and secondly, she a l l e g e d that i t was based on sentiment - i t was used to r e v i v e s o c i a l 1 community' and to produce a safe and convenient arrangement of homes. She thought that i t was v a l i d only i n a l i m i t e d sense, and that the boundaries were f i x e d i n an a r b i t r a r y way, taking no notice of other c o n s i d e r a t i o n s . Mrs. Glass d i d not think that the u n i t s needed to be s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t , and she claimed that the planner, i n designing u n i t s , was f o r g e t t i n g the town as a whole; and that excessive, un-economical d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n was the r e s u l t . To conclude t h i s d i s c u s s i o n ; Svend Reimer, now Professor of Sociology at the U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a at Los Angeles, wrote i n 19^9: " I f we f e e l compelled to ponder the c o r r e c t s i z e of the neighbourhood u n i t before we have even i n v e s t i g a t e d whether there i s such a t h i n g as a neighbourhood u n i t , and i f i t i s of any s o c i o l o g i c a l s i g -n i f i c a n c e , we are apt to s t a r t with a foregone c o n c l u s i o n " . But i n the same a r t i c l e he s t a t e d : "The neighbourhood concept f i t s e x c e l l e n t l y i n the c l a r i f i c a t i o n of the prac-t i c a l problem a r i s i n g where a p r o j e c t of l a r g e - s c a l e r e s i d e n t i a l c o n s t r u c t i o n on assembled land; c a l l s f o r s u i t a b l e (2-5) design". The f o l l o w i n g year he was w r i t i n g : "Neighbour-(23) Land Economics, V o l . 25, 19^9, P« 72. - 22 -hood planning i s an attempt to make s p a t i a l arrangement (24) subservient to s o c i a l f u n c t i o n " ; but when he wrote The Modern C i t y he st a t e d : "There are two f a i r l y c o n s i s t e n t trends.... that are apt to encourage the f u r t h e r development of neighbourhood planning.... of these two trends, one i s p r i m a r i l y economic, the other p r i m a r i l y s o c i a l i n nature. Economically, the savings i n -volved i n large scale r e s i d e n t i a l planning are so compelling as to promise the perseverance of current developments. S o c i a l l y the t r a n s f e r of func t i o n s from the i n d i v i d u a l f a m i l y home to community f a c i l -i t i e s i s so thoroughly based upon current needs of the urban f a m i l y that a r e v e r s a l of t h i s trend i s p r a c t i c a l l y unimaginable. Neighbourhood planning i n some shape or form i s here to stay".(25) A f t e r h i s various v a c i l l a t i o n s , Reimer has come down on the side of the neighbourhood u n i t , but i t i s t y p i c a l of the complexities of the controversy that i n e f f e c t he has had to c o n t r a d i c t himself. As a concluding quotation, Henry Cohen sagely wrote: "In the f i n a l a n a l y s i s , however, the misuse cannot be considered as inherent i n the neighbourhood concept as a f l e x i b l e working model. I f i t has been misused t h i s i s the r e s u l t of compromising along the way and the ease with which many planners may s e l l design schemes f o r t h e i r s o u l s . . . . Nothing i s immune to cor-rupt subversion. The neighbourhood concept i s as v u l -nerable as any other good idea to the onslaught of s e l f i s h and ignorant men. Are we then to stop t h i n k i n f o r fear that our proposals w i l l be s o l d down the pro-v e r b i a l r i v e r ? Or are we to go along and support our ideas f e a r l e s s l y and f o r c e f u l l y , so that the advantage (24) Land Economics, V o l . 26, 1950, p. 197. (25) Svend Reimer, The Modern C i t y , P r e n t i c e H a l l , New York, 1952. - 23 -we think inherent i n them w i l l have a chance to take root?"(26) (26) Journal of Housing, December, 1948, p. 304. - 2k -Chapter I I PEOPLE IN THE NEIGHBOURHOOD Neighbourhood I n t e r a c t i o n The neighbourhood i s designed f o r the use of people; and homes and f a c i l i t i e s are provided according to the requirements of those people. The p r a c t i c a l success of the u n i t depends very much on how w e l l these r e q u i r e -ments are met; however, the neighbourhood has to succeed i n other ways a l s o . I t has to be a good place i n which to l i v e , both because of the f a c i l i t i e s which are o f f e r e d and also because of the s o c i o l o g i c a l advantages which are i n -herent i n i t . These advantages can be summed up g e n e r a l l y i n the term 1 neighbourliness' ; and i n t h i s s e c t i o n i t i s proposed to discuss t h i s i n t a n g i b l e q u a l i t y . At the same time i t i s hoped to re f u t e Isaacs's f i r s t c r i t i c a l question: " I s i t s o c i o l o g i c a l l y p o s s i b l e to create neighbourhoods i n the complex urban s t r u c t u r e ? " Since neighbourliness i s s a i d to have reached i t s z e n i t h i n r u r a l areas, the r u r a l neighbourhood w i l l be the s t a r t i n g p o i n t f o r t h i s d i s c u s s i o n ; and since the problem of mixed c l a s s e s , income groups, c o l o u r s , creeds and races have been c l o s e l y i n t e r t w i n e d with the abuse of the neigh-bourhood concept, these f a c e t s of human i n t e r a c t i o n are also to be examined. F i n a l l y i t i s hoped to r e l a t e the (1) See Ch. 1. - 25 -neighbourhood to the human 1 l i f e - c y c l e ' . Since the whole concept of neighbourliness was f i r s t a t t r i b u t e d to the r u r a l environment, i t i s appro-p r i a t e to define the r u r a l neighbourhood: "An area co n t a i n i n g a small number of f a m i l i e s char-a c t e r i s e d by 'neighbouring' and mutual a i d . . . . I t may be composed of s e v e r a l c l i q u e , f r i e n d s h i p , or k i n s h i p groups". (2) "An area i n which people 1 neighbour' with one another; that i s , the area i n which people v i s i t , borrow and exchange t o o l s and equipment and co-operate i n various ways. T y p i c a l l y , neighbourhoods include from h a l f a dozen to s e v e r a l dozen f a m i l i e s . A f t e r the family i t i s the smallest l o c a l i t y group".(3) Another d e f i n i t i o n i s : "A r e s t r i c t e d l o c a l i t y whose few f a m i l i e s are known to a ssociate more c l o s e l y with each other than with f a m i l i e s or groups outside the area. Often the neighbourhood centres around an open-country schoo l , church, s t o r e , m i l l or i n s t i t u t i o n . A hamlet of a dozen or a score of houses, too small to be considered a v i l l a g e , i s one type of neighbourhood. Many r u r a l neighbourhoods began as groups of k i n s f o l k l i v i n g on adjacent farms around t h e i r f i r s t a n c e s t r a l home". (4) Those are examples of r u r a l neighbourhoods; but from the onset i t i s admitted^ and indeed s t a t e d most cate-g o r i c a l l y , that the concept of the urban neighbourhood u n i t (2) Glossary d e f i n i t i o n from Charles P. Loomis and J . A l l a n Beegel. Rural Sociology, P r e n t i c e - H a l l , Englewood C l i f f s , N.H., 1957-(3) I b i d . , p. 32. (4) Dwight Sanderson & Robert A. Poison, R u r a l Community Organisation, Wiley, New York, 1939, p. 53. - 2 6 -i s f a r broader and much l e s s r e s t r i c t e d and pe r s o n a l i z e d than the r u r a l u n i t . Perry was i n f l u e n c e d by Cooley i n s o f a r as the s o c i a l aspects of h i s concept were concerned, and Cooley's the o r i e s revolved around the ' we-feeling' - the face-to-face r e l a t i o n s h i p s and the primary groups. There should be a f e e l i n g of belonging. The human i s possessive: we l i k e to speak of our shopping centre, our l o c a l s c h o o l , our church, our h a l l , our clu b , our s t r e e t , our neighbours, our f r i e n d s , our garden, our house, our f a m i l y , our parents, our wives, our c h i l d r e n . 'Our' and 'we' are magic words breathing the contentment which harbours the rewards of l i f e . There are, of course, the m i s f i t s and the indrawn, the unsociable and the s o - c a l l e d independents. These i t i s true l i v e a l i f e of t h e i r own. The s o c i o l o g i s t says that t h e i r s i s a bad l i f e , but that i s immaterial i n t h i s con-t e x t . The point i s that they are the m i n o r i t y , and one hard, basic f a c t of l i f e i n t h i s world i s that the ma j o r i t y wish i s the one which i s implemented ev e n t u a l l y . I t i s f o r the m a j o r i t y that the s o c i a l aspects of the neighbourhood apply. The m i n o r i t y i n t h i s reference do not enter the p i c t u r e . To i l l u s t r a t e h i s case, Isaacs prepared a map on which he demonstrated the wide geographic range of the - 27 -a c t i v i t i e s of a fa m i l y . He asks r h e t o r i c a l l y : "Can any one 'neighbourhood' contain a l l the a c t i v i t i e s of a t y p i c a l f a m i l y ? " And of course the answer i s no. Perry and no one else ever pretended otherwise. N a t u r a l l y people w i l l leave the neighbourhood to work; f o r weekend l e i s u r e ex-curs i o n s ; to v i s i t f r i e n d s ; to go f o r s p e c i a l t r a i n i n g (Isaacs c i t e s a trade school) or higher education; f o r b i g shopping sprees; to see shows, or to attend club meetings. Some people w i l l leave f o r l e s s e r reasons; but no one ever suggested that the neighbourhood should be a s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t community - f o r t h i s i t could never be. The poin t i s that people should belong to a u n i t i n which as many as p o s s i b l e of t h e i r requirements are met - where the c h i l d r e n go to school and play, forming f r i e n d s h i p c i r c l e s w i t h i n the safe confines of the neighbourhood; where the housewives can shop, r e l a x and f i n d s o c i a l o u t l e t s ; where the husband and father can also r e l a x , f i n d a c t i v e and passive r e c r e a t i o n a l o p p o r t u n i t i e s and f e e l that he and h i s f a m i l y are part of a defined and wider human e n t i t y . There w i l l of course be occasions when they must look elsewhere f o r t h e i r r e q u i r e -ments; but that i n no way de t r a c t s from the purpose of the neighbourhood. - 28 -" L o y a l t y to l o c a l e appears to be an i n e v i t a b l e outgrowth of any human community. The neighbourhood u n i t , e a s i l y i d e n t i f i a b l e and standing out i n r e l i e f against the r e s t of the c i t y , i s conducive to open and e n t h u s i a s t i c i d e n t i f i c a t i o n , e s p e c i a l l y on the part of i n d i v i d u a l s who come to f e e l that t h e i r happi-ness.... i s c l o s e l y t i e d up with the neighbourhood.... Few r e s i d e n t s would confine t h e i r l i v e s e x c l u s i v e l y to t h i s area.... Working members of the f a m i l y would c e r t a i n l y c i r c u l a t e outside the neighbourhood, while a t t r a c t i v e c u l t u r a l f a c i l i t i e s would draw a l l r e s i d e n t s i n t o the wider community". (4a) Thus t h i s argument of Isaacs' s i s another which l a c k s purpose, since nobody would disagree with him; f o r what he says does not c o n s t i t u t e a m a t e r i a l c r i t i c i s m of the neighbourhood concept. He merely s t a t e s f a c t s . J u d i t h Tannenbaum has examined the neighbourhood from the s o c i o - p s y c h o l o g i c a l viewpoint and i n p a r t i c u l a r the non-physical problems of c i t y l i f e . Her p a p e r ^ ^ i n i t s e l f seems to be a very adequate answer to Reginald Isaacs' s second query about the s o c i o l o g i c a l aspects of urban neighbourliness. She uses the term ' anomie' , derived from Emile Durkheim's "Le S u i c i d e " ( P a r i s : L i b r a i r e F e l i x A l c a n ) , to describe the s p i r i t which i s predominant i n a (4a) J u d i t h Tannenbaum, "The Neighbourhood: A Socio-P s y c h o l o g i c a l A n a l y s i s " , Land Economics, V o l . 24, 1948, (p. 365). (5) I b i d . - 29 -weak group i n t e g r a t i o n where people l i v e w i t h themselves r a t h e r than as p a r t of a group - as i n a J e w i s h g h e t t o . I n s e c u r i t y , even t o the extreme of s u i c i d e , i s c o r r e l a t e d w i t h anomie. An anomic s o c i e t y i s t y p i c a l of the most i m p e r s o n a l type of urban l i v i n g p a t t e r n . Tannenbaum says t h a t the a d v o c a t e s of the n e i g h -bourhood c o n s i d e r e d t h a t the s o c i a l b e n e f i t s o f the u n i t (6) were " a f t e r t h o u g h t s which c a n ' t h u r t and may be h e l p f u l " and t h a t they c o n s i d e r e d i t s main v a l u e to l i e a l o n g p h y s i c a l grounds. Tannenbaum t h i n k s t h a t the s o c i a l bene-f i t s can become the r a i s o n d ' e t r e of the concept by g i v i n g the i n d i v i d u a l i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i t h something b o t h l a r g e r t h a n h i m s e l f b u t not so l a r g e t h a t i t i s too g r e a t f o r him to b r i n g i n t o the f o c u s of h i s d a i l y l i f e . As A scher w r i t e s ; one s h o u l d " p r o v i d e a s t a g e of s u f f i c i e n t l y i n t i m -a t e s c a l e so t h a t the c i t i z e n can master i t and p l a y h i s (7) r o l e " . w ' The a d v o c a t e s o f the neighbourhood concept have never attempted t o b r i n g the " p h y s i c a l and s o c i a l a m e n i t i e s of the c o u n t r y s i d e i n t o the c i t y " , but m e r e l y t o p r o v i d e an urban s e t t i n g which MAY be c o n d u c i v e t o a type of n e i g h -b o u r l i n e s s which c o u l d be found i n c e r t a i n r u r a l g r o u p i n g s . (6) I b i d . , p. 361. (7) I b i d . , p. 363. (8) I s a a c s , J o u r n a l A.I.P., Op. c i t . - 30 -(9) As many s o c i o l o g i c a l surveys have shown the extent of neighbourly f e e l i n g v a r i e s from person to person. Some think only of the people next door, or two doors away, as being neighbours, while others i n c l u d e an area of about two blocks around t h e i r home as being w i t h i n a neighbourly c i r c l e . The p o i n t i s that each l i t t l e 'we-centred' u n i t i s a l s o part of another or other u n i t s - l i k e a l i n k i n a chain. This chain i s only broken by f a i r l y s u b s t a n t i a l b a r r i e r s l i k e a school, park, a shopping centre or main roadway; and thus w i t h i n an area bounded by main t r a f f i c a r t e r i e s there i s a s e l f - c o n t a i n e d u n i t i n which neighbour-l i n e s s can very slowly expand l i k e an i n c r e d i b l y l a g g a r d l y chain nuclear r e a c t i o n . This I s j u s t what Perry envisaged and h i s p r i n -c i p l e No. 2 s t a t e d that "the u n i t should be bounded on a l l sides by a r t e r i a l s t r e e t s , s u f f i c i e n t l y wide to f a c i l i t a t e i t s bypassing, i n s t e a d of p e n e t r a t i o n , by through t r a f f i c " . Thus, w i t h i n the u n i t bounded by t r a f f i c a r t e r i e s , r a i l w a y s , a c o n f l i c t i n g land use, parks, e t c . , there w i l l be an e n t i t y i n which the yeast germ of neighbourliness can very grad-(9) e.g. Svend Reimer, " V i l l a g e s i n M e t r o p o l i s " , B r i t i s h  J l . o f Sociology, March, 1951. Denis Chapman, " S o c i a l Aspects of Town Planning", A r c h i t e c t s J l . V o l . 108, London, Seipt, 19^8, p. 316. Svend Reimer, J l . of Housing, Dec. 19^8, p. 301. - 31 -u a l l y a f f e c t the whole - seeping around the perimeter of open spaces; being h a l t e d by r e c e n t l y vacated houses; leapfrogging whole blocks as people meet one another at the school, the s t o r e , or best of a l l , at one of the com-munity centre f u n c t i o n s , and eventually being able to i n f e c t even the hardest cores of a n t i - s o c i a l s e l f - r e l i a n c e . This of course i s an unattainable i d e a l (but one purpose of i d e a l s i s negatived i f they are a t t a i n e d : new i d e a l i s e d goals then have to be set up), f o r with the per-p e t u a l m o b i l i t y of households there w i l l always be c o l d pockets of r e s i s t a n t newcomers who i n t h e i r turn w i l l grad-u a l l y warm with we-feeling only eventually to move them-selves . The p o i n t i s that the o p p o r t u n i t i e s must be created. I t i s s u r e l y the almost sacred duty of planners and s o c i o l o g i s t s to provide a framework f o r l i v i n g i n which humans are able to experience l i f e at i t s r i c h e s t - a frame of l i f e i n which c h i l d r e n who are happy, healthy and w e l l adjusted may grow up i n t o u s e f u l and f r u i t f u l c i t i z e n s h i p ; where the p i t f a l l s of marriage may be made shallower; where the t e r r i b l e i n e v i t a b i l i t y of o l d age and c l o s e r death may be brightened and f o r g o t t e n . - 32 -Homogeneity versus Heterogeneity Of a l l the aspects of the neighbourhood contro-versy the problem of homogeneity or heterogeneity i s the one most fraught with 'red herrings' and d i f f i c u l t i e s . To begin with i t i s a quite separate problem, and Isaacs, i n h i s arguments, l i n k e d segregation and the neighbourhood much too c l o s e l y to be f a i r .or accurate. There are two major problems. The f i r s t i s that of colour, creed or r a c i a l segregation, while the l a t t e r concerns c l a s s and income group mixing. Except f o r c e r t a i n r e a l t o r s and the whites i n the Southern S t a t e s , South A f r i c a and other s i m i l a r l y troubled areas there are few people who w i l l defend r a c i a l or colour segregation - a l -though there i s more l a t e n t s e g r e g a t i o n a l i s t f e e l i n g than i s apparent. Creed segregation can take various forms: Protestant v. Roman C a t h o l i c , and v i c e versa; C h r i s t i a n v. Jew: Hindu v. Moslem, e t c . I t i s almost always true that while Protestant and C a t h o l i c work, play and l i v e h a p p i l y and u n s e l f c o n s c i o u s l y together, n e i t h e r i s keen f o r t h e i r c h i l d r e n to have the o p p o r t u n i t i e s of meeting and f a l l i n g i n l o v e , l e a d i n g onto the u l t i m a t e s t i l e of one having to change f a i t h before marriage. This bugbear of the fear of change of f a i t h or d e c l i n e i n i n t e r e s t i n b e l i e f s i s r e -- 3 3 -sponsible f o r i n e v i t a b l e wariness i n m u l t i - r e l i g i o u s areas. Jews want t h e i r c h i l d r e n to marry Jews and Pro t e s t a n t s do not want C a t h o l i c grandchildren. The m i n o r i t y w i l l tend to group i n t o c l u s t e r s over the course of time. C a t h o l i c s g r a d u a l l y form a c l u s t e r around the nucleus of a church, school or, e s p e c i a l l y , around both i f they are together. Mormons gather around t h e i r L a t t e r Day Saint churches and Jews around the synagogue. These are examples of n a t u r a l patterns which may a f f e c t the neighbourhood. I f an R.C. church i s b u i l t the area w i l l tend to become c a t h o l i c i n f l a v o u r : i f a B a p t i s t church i s b u i l t where there i s an a n t i - P a p i s t pastor, the area w i l l tend to lose i t s catho-l i c population over the 'course of the years. There are no p o s s i b l e arguments f o r a c t i v e creed-segregation; but i t w i l l come about, and when i t occurs i t i s a n a t u r a l process. The whole problem i s too d e l i c a t e f o r the planner to allow himself to become a c t i v e l y i n v o l v e d i n . R a c i a l and Colour Segregation are more or l e s s l i n k e d . The prime example of t h i s i s the Negro segregation to be found i n parts of the world where Black and White l i v e together i n competition. The examples thrown at the neighbourhood concept are derived from the United S t a t e s , - 3^ -and people tend to f o r g e t that they are l o c a l r a t h e r than n a t i o n a l manifestations. C e r t a i n reputable r e a l t o r s are of the d e f i n i t e opinion that the i n v a s i o n of a r e s i d -e n t i a l area by coloured or other " d i f f e r e n t " persons w i l l cause a slump i n property p r i c e s - at any r a t e f o r a p e r i o d u n t i l the newcomers are dominant, whereupon p r i c e s recover and the area i s classed as a s p e c i a l one s u i t a b l e f o r c e r t a i n peoples only; but very s u i t a b l e f o r them, hence the p r i c e recovery. Other r e a l t o r s do not agree with t h i s theory and quote examples of areas where bla c k and white l i v e as good neighbours. The problem i s d i s -cussed with a l l i t s r a m i f i c a t i o n s i n an a r t i c l e by Charles Abrams i n the J u l y 1951 number of The A p p r a i s a l J o u r n a l . The colour problem i s perhaps easi e r to overcome than the creed one, f o r one can more s u c c e s s f u l l y lead one's c h i l -dren to understand that while they may be good f r i e n d s with people of another colour i t i s unwise to marry them i n some cases ( i f one does th i n k t h i s to be unwise) than to make them understand the more a b s t r a c t problems of creed d i f f e r -ences. The problem of mixed income group neighbourhoods (10) See a l s o Charles Abrams, Forbidden Neighbours, Harper, New York, 1 9 5 5 . - 55 -i s almost purely a s o c i o l o g i c a l i d e a l which sometimes occurs a c c i d e n t a l l y but which cannot e a s i l y be planned, and i s probably desired by few people. I t seems wrong to have c h i l d r e n p l a y i n g together from homes widely separated by the amount of income which flows i n t o each. One c h i l d may have masses of expensive toys which, whether he shares them or not, w i l l create the environ-ment f o r a maladjusted c h i l d to develop a l l manner of complexes. Who does c l a s s mixing b e n e f i t ? The r i c h c h i l d r e n may l e a r n t o l e r a t i o n and democracy and the poor c h i l d r e n may become ambitious to a t t a i n wealth with a l l that i t seems to b r i n g with i t . That w i l l b e n e f i t the r i c h c h i l d more than h i s playmate. The r i c h parents are u n l i k e l y to wish to as s o c i a t e with t h e i r poor neighbours and the poor cannot a f f o r d to a s s o c i a t e . A v i c i o u s "Let's t r y to l i v e up to the Joneses f o r Johnny's sake" may develop. The Marxian arguments f o r a c l a s s l e s s s o c i e t y seem more v a l i d than those f o r mixing people of d i f f e r e n t and i r r e c o n c i l a b l e standards of l i v i n g . Indeed the true s o c i a l i s t s are as much against mixing ' cla s s e s ' as are the s e n s i t i v e r i c h ; f o r the whole concept of having a b i g house f o r the r i c h and a small one f o r the poor man beside i t reeks of c l a s s d i s t i n c t i o n . The s o c i a l i s t answer i s to have only small houses and t h i s i s the only method - 36 -of achieving ultimate u n i s t r a t i f i c a t i o n . One of Catherine Bauer's reasons f o r mixed areas i s so that the wealthy w i l l f i n d i t easi e r to obtain d a i l y s e r v a n t s : ^ ^ ^ Cordon Campleman has come to the conclusion that mixed-class neighbourhoods w i l l not r e s u l t i n the s o c i a l (12) p a r t i c i p a t i o n of a l l s t r a t a ; and i n England i n s e v e r a l surveys i t was found that no s o c i a l c l a s s wished to be (13) mixed with another - and the money snobbery of North America i s even more acute than the c l a s s snobbery of Europe. As Campleman s a i d , the planner's c o n t r i b u t i o n to a s o l u t i o n to the problem i s by "an a l l - r o u n d r a i s i n g of en-vironment standards, and d i m i n i s h i n g the g u l f between upper ( 1 4 ) and lower c l a s s standards of housing". The planner de-signs layouts without regard to the ' c l a s s ' of person who w i l l l i v e there; but he cannot a f f o r d to l e t go of r e a l i t y , f o r even l o t s i z e r e f l e c t s income. The most cogent argument f o r mixed c l a s s neighbour-hoods i s that tax rg-turns- from low-cost houses (or low-(11) "Good Neighbourhoods", Annals of the American Society of P o l i t i c a l and S o c i a l Science, Nov. 1 9 V ? , p. 10fc (12) Campleman, "Mixed Class Neighbourhood Planning" S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, Vol. - ^ 3 * 1951, p..191. (13) e.g.: Harold Orlans, Utopia L t d . Yale U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1953, Ch. k. (1*0 Campleman, Op. c i t . , p. 199-- 37 -r e n t a l ) do not y i e l d enough to provide the s e r v i c e s r e -quired ( e s p e c i a l l y i f the plan contains park areas and other necessary amenities) and that therefore more luxury type residences are r e q u i r e d to s u b s i d i s e t h e i r neighbours.^ However, l o c a l a p p r e c i a t i o n of t h i s f a c t w i l l not do much to f o s t e r a community s p i r i t of f r i e n d l i n e s s . The people w i l l probably s e l l t h e i r l a r g e houses which w i l l i n a l l probab-i l i t y be d i v i d e d , l e g a l l y or i l l e g a l l y , i n t o s u i t e s ; and the general tone of the d i s t r i c t may drop even lower i n the eyes of the r e a l t o r than i t was p r e v i o u s l y . The tax base argument i s sound; but a whole u n i t of expensive houses w i l l j u s t as e a s i l y s u b s i d i s e a low-cost housing neighbourhood two miles away without anyone 1 s : f e e l i n g s being hurt. The answer appears to be a mixing of homogeneous c l a s s u n i t s throughout the c i t y i n such a way that no area can be damned by having the c i t y ' s t o t a l agglomeration of, say, low r e n t a l apartment p r o j e c t s . F i n a l l y , the problem of homogeneity seems to be resolved best by breaking down the b a r r i e r s of colour and r a c i a l segregation by every means p o s s i b l e ; but als o by r e c o g n i s i n g creed segregation as a n a t u r a l sequence where (15) See Henry S. C h u r c h i l l & Roslyn I t t l e s o n , Neighbour-hood Design and C o n t r o l , N a t i o n a l Committee on Housing, New York, 1944. - 38 -i t occurs, and by a p p r e c i a t i n g the f u t i l i t y and probable u n d e s i r a b i l i t y of attempting to mix people of widely d i f f e r e n t income groups. The L i f e - C y c l e Who are these people whom the neighbourhood i s designed f o r ; how o l d arethey, and what are t h e i r r e q u i r e -ments? Perhaps the w r i t i n g s of Lewis Mumford can help with the answer: " I f a consciousness of the human l i f e c y c l e does nothing else i t may at l e a s t serve as a check l i s t of requirements: enabling one to spot the weak places i n a seemingly admirable design.... a consciousness of the phases of l i f e may perhaps a l t e r the planners' a t t i t u d e towards both the methods and the ends of planning.... an organic conception of c i t y planning .... i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p between the phases of l i f e , f o r each plateau of l i f e has i t s own s p e c i a l r e q u i r e -ments". (16) Mumford broke down the l i f e - c y c l e i n t o f i v e d i f f e r e n t phases - ' i n f a n t ' , ' school c h i l d ' , ' adolescence' , .'imaturity' and 'senescence' - each r e q u i r i n g s p e c i a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n . I t i s i n s t r u c t i v e to examine t h i s l i f e - c y c l e breakdown wi t h s t a t i s t i c a l help; and the table below shows an age-group s u b d i v i s i o n , which i s comparable with Mumford's, f o r Canada, the United States and the United Kingdom. (16) Lewis Mumford, "Planning f o r the Phases of L i f e " , Town Planning Review, V o l . 20, A p r i l 19^9' - 39 -AGE GROUP NATIONAL Age Group Breakdown With Percentage Of T o t a l CANADA ( I ) (1956) U.S.A. ( I I ) (1956) U.K. ( I l l ) (1955) Pre-school 0 - 4 1,948,000 12.4% 18,680,000 11.2% 3, 851,000 7%+ School age 5 - 1 9 4,404,000 27.5% 43,190,000 3^.2% 11,099,000 22% C h i l d - b e a r i n g 20 - 44 5,683,000 35% 57,766,000 25.4% 17,600,000 35% Middle-aged . 45 - 64 2,766,000 17.3% 34,828,000 20.6% 12,653,000 25% E l d e r l y 65+ 1,243,000 7.8% 14,426,000 8.6% 5,765,000 11%+ TOTAL 16,080,791 168,091,000 50,968,000 ( I ) . Canada Year Book, 1956, Dominion Bureau of S t a t -i s t i c s , Ottawa. ( I I ) . S t a t i s t i c a l A b s t r a c t of the United S t a t e s , 1957, U.S. Department of Commerce.?. Washington, D.C. ( I I I ) . Annual Abstract of S t a t i s t i c s , 1956, No. 93, H.M.S.O. , London. -. While t h i s s t a t i s t i c a l breakdown w i l l hold true f o r the sum t o t a l of a l l the neighbourhood populations i n any c i t y i t w i l l not be true f o r each of them. The reason f o r t h i s i s that as the c i t y grows the people move out - ko -with the new developments. In a new housing area the population w i l l mainly c o n s i s t of younger married couples with younger c h i l d r e n . ^ ^ a ^ However, twenty-five years l a t e r the same people, those who have not moved, w i l l be middle-aged and most of the o r i g i n a l c h i l d r e n w i l l have married and moved out to newer areas to have and r a i s e t h e i r own c h i l d r e n . And i n yet another twenty-five years the c h i l d r e n of the second area - the grandchildren of the people i n the o r i g i n a l "new" area - w i l l have i n t h e i r turn set up house and s t a r t e d a family i n a s t i l l newer suburb. There w i l l be four generations: the c h i l d r e n and t h e i r young parents i n the brand-new f r i n g e housing es t a t e ; the grandparents, who i n these days w i l l s t i l l be a c t i v e people, p o s s i b l y s t i l l capable of u p s e t t i n g the t i d y gener-a t i o n p a t t e r n by having another c h i l d themselves, i n the s e t t l e d , comfortable suburb i n t h e i r house b u i l t to a 1 9 3 0 s t y l e (assuming the process began at the beginning of t h i s century); and the great-grandparents i n t h e i r o r i g i n a l e a r l y 2 0 t h century residence i n the e a r l i e s t neighbourhood. This of cou-r-s'e i s an i d e a l i s e d p i c t u r e which may be true of only a small percentage of the urban population -e s p e c i a l l y when one considers the high rate of m o b i l i t y of ( 1 6 a ) See W i l l i a m H. Whyte, J r . , "How the New Suburbia S o c i a l i z e s " , Fortune, August 1 9 5 3 , P» l 8 6 . - kl -people today. For example, i n the United States "about one person i n every f i v e s h i f t s residences over a year's time. About three-quarters of our urban c i t i z e n s were l i v i n g i n 1950 i n places i n which they d i d not re s i d e i n (17) 1940". However, i t i s true that the population break-down i n t o age groups w i l l tend t° give d i f f e r e n t r e s u l t s from one neighbourhood to another depending on the vintage of the neighbourhood, as seen i n Appendix I . This trend i s n a t u r a l l y only a wide g e n e r a l i s a t i o n f o r there w i l l be young c h i l d r e n i n the o l d areas and some middle-aged and e l d e r l y f o l k i n the new es t a t e s . The older areas w i l l contain c h i l d r e n of l a t e r married couples, grand-c h i l d r e n , and p a r t i c u l a r l y c h i l d r e n of the f a m i l i e s who have moved i n to succeed those who move out and of f a m i l i e s who are occupying rooms, basements and a t t i c s i n some of the l a r g e r o l d houses. However, as Appendix I i l l u s t r a t e s , the percentage of c h i l d r e n i n Prince Rupert Neighbourhood, an older d i s t r i c t i n Edmonton, i s a l o t l e s s than that i n the newer areas of Holyrood and Sherbrooke i n the same c i t y . There may be a human tendency which does help to strengthen the trend of the population of a c i t y being (17) Peter H. R o s s i , "Why F a m i l i e s Move, The Free Press, Glencoe, I l l i n o i s , 1955? p. 1.-o youngest on the growing perimeter. I t i s that housebuyers have a probably unconscious i n c l i n a t i o n to s e t t l e i n areas where they w i l l approximately correspond with the average age i n the area: i . e . , young newcomers to a c i t y w i l l buy a new house i n a new area i f they can a f f o r d to do so, while t h e i r parents would be more l i k e l y to buy a house i n a s e t t l e d , w e l l - e s t a b l i s h e d neighbourhood which has weather-ed the previous couple of decades w e l l - where the boulevard trees are l u x u r i a n t and the sidewalks and s t r e e t s p r o p e r l y paved. Young parents seem to p r e f e r areas where there w i l l be other young playmates f o r t h e i r c h i l d r e n : o l d e r f o l k seem to p r e f e r the quiet of an area where there are not ten youngsters tumbling around at every s t r e e t corner. In gen-e r a l people seem to avoid buying houses which obviously were s t y l e d f o r a previous generation, old-fashioned; except i n i s o l a t e d instances where an area e i t h e r has r e t a i n e d or achieves a fashionable s t a t u s l i k e Chelsea i n London or Beacon H i l l i n Boston. Young people w i l l more c h e e r f u l l y put up with the inconvenience of a l l the mud and d i s o r d e r of a new housing p r o j e c t and the longer distance to work from an o u t l y i n g suburb than w i l l older people. By and l a r g e therefore the older a neighbourhood i s the older w i l l be i t s i n h a b i t a n t s , and correspondingly - k3 -d i f f e r e n t w i l l be the func t i o n s which i t has to perform. The raw u n i t j u s t beginning to appear i n patches of new sown green from out of the brown, muddy foundation w i l l have to cater mainly to the young (about 4-5 per cent, of the t o t a l population, according to Appendix I ) and to the yo u t h f u l f a m i l i e s , those most c l o s e l y t i e d to t h e i r homes. In short, every age group poses i t s own set of problems, and i t i s now proposed to examine each group i n t u r n . The PRE-SCHOOL AGE GROUP - the i n f a n t s : This i s the back garden, back yard, category. As a group, these have to be p e r p e t u a l l y supervised and guarded. While they w i l l sometimes tag along w i t h t h e i r older brothers and s i s t e r s , or with the young g i r l from next door, they u s u a l l y are dependent on t h e i r mother's a t t e n t i o n , e i t h e r c r a w l i n g around the house or i n a pl a y -pen, i n an enclosed part of the garden, or s l e e p i n g . These are the ones who s u f f e r most i n an apartment and f o r whom most p u b l i c open spaces have l i t t l e value. The exception are the p u b l i c t o t l o t s where, under s u p e r v i s i o n , they can play i n the sandpits or on the safe play equipment. These w i l l be o c c a s i o n a l l y supervised by paid employees, but more often by volunteers - u s u a l l y the mothers on a r o t a system. Frequently older s i s t e r s or other responsible neighbouring g i r l s w i l l act as nursemaid to the i n f a n t s . Sometimes the - Mf -neighbourhood community o r g a n i z a t i o n or the l o c a l a u t h o r i t y w i l l provide pre-school t r a i n i n g and supervisors to teach games to the Toddlers - l i k e the B r i t i s h type Nursery Schools. The needs of the mother and the i n f a n t are c l o s e l y l i n k e d . S i r Charles R e i l l y i s known perhaps most widely f o r h i s concept of p u b l i c open spaces - R e i l l y Greens - wherein sandpits, barricaded from c a t s , would be provided f o r the t o d d l e r s . Lewis Mumford's i d y l l i c p i c t u r e of young mothers s i t t i n g "under a b i g tree or a pergola, to sew or gossip, while t h e i r i n f a n t s s l e p t i n a pram or t h e i r runabout c h i l -( l8) dren grubbed around i n a p l a y p i t " i s a d e l i g h t f u l i f s l i g h t l y u n l i k e l y one. Most mothers of today are probably a l i t t l e too busy, even with t h e i r labour-saving devices, fo r such pleasures - but the idea i s a good one even i f i t only a p p l i e s to the few volunteers who have time to act as wardens f o r the afternoon. SCHOOL AGE - school c h i l d and adolescent: This group s t r e t c h e s from the t i m i d Grade 1 c h i l d to the f i r s t - y e a r u n i v e r s i t y undergraduate. Although many of the g i r l s i n the 18-19 bracket w i l l be married, the i n -c l u s i o n of the nineteen year olds i n t h i s group (apart from (18) Mumford, Op. c i t . , p. 6. - k5 -the s t a t i s t i c a l reasons) v / i l l represent the c o l l e g e students population, although most of them w i l l not graduate u n t i l they are twenty-two. While the pre-school i n f a n t s are dominated by t h e i r homes and t h e i r mothers, t h i s school age category i s i n f l u e n c e d as much or more by the school environment - by the other K i d s , by the customs of t h e i r age group - by t h e i r ( l8 a) peers i n t h i s o t h e r - d i r e c t e d generation - by t h e i r teachers and by what they l e a r n . Their most v i t a l f o c a l p o i n t swings more and more from home to the i n c r e a s i n g l y important school a c t i v i t i e s as they ascend the grades. With adolescence, the o u t l e t of nearly a l l t h e i r s o c i a l a c t i v i t i e s can be found at school. There i s of course competition from an a c t i v e f a m i l y c i r c l e - the larg e f a m i l y group with a l l the perpetual coming and going and happenings which are c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the f r e e r atmosphere to be found i n a house with many c h i l d r e n . There are church groups, ethnic a s s o c i a t i o n s and boy scouts, g i r l guides and the l i k e . However, the important f o c a l p o i n t of the average c h i l d ' s l i f e w i l l be the events which are centred on school. As the youngster turns more and more away from the parents (l8a) See David Riesman (et a l ) , The Lonely Crowd, Doubleday, New York, 1955* - k6 -so i n c r e a s i n g l y w i l l the i n f l u e n c e of the school s o c i e t y be important i n forming the young a d u l t . This age group encompasses Mumford's second (19) and thxrd phases - the School C h i l d and Adolescence. I t i s f o r the f i r s t group that he advocated the back a l l e y walk, where among the rubbish heaps and garages, the c h i l d can l e a r n about the v a r i e d patterns of l i f e . This f i r s t phase w i l l provide the denizens of the 1 adventure' p l a y -grounds where the k i d s can make houses and ships out of boxes, b r i c k , and o l d timber; d i g tunnels i n the earth, and where the games of 'Cowboys and Injuns' and the r e s t can proceed, unhampered by beds of d a h l i a s or passing t r u c k s . J u s t as c h i l d r e n d e l i g h t i n rubbish dumps, b l i t z e d areas and contractor's yards so the play areas must have a disorder about them i f they are to succeed. They should also be hidden from p u b l i c view f o r obvious amenity reasons. Apart from school and play area, the school c h i l -dren and more e s p e c i a l l y the adolescents require sports areas f o r f o o t b a l l , b a s e b a l l , the f l y i n g of model a i r c r a f t and the r e s t . The school u s u a l l y provides such areas, but where i t does not - perhaps where m i n o r i t y groups who do not attend the l o c a l - s c h o o l are excluded from the s p o r t s -f i e l d s - then play areas must be provided i n conjunction (19) I b i d . , ps. 7 & 8 . - h7 -with the community centre. Adolescence broadens the range of a c t i v i t i e s , and with added maturity the confines of the neighbourhood may become l e s s important. Going downtown has a great a t t r a c t i o n i n i t s e l f and the owning of a car w i l l f u r t h e r expand the l e i s u r e time h o r i z o n . The adolescent w i l l have l e f t the elementary school and i t i s more than l i k e l y that both the Ju n i o r High and c e r t a i n l y the Senior High Schools w i l l be lo c a t e d outside the neighbourhood. Even i f the Junior High School i s s i t u a t e d l o c a l l y , there w i l l probably be k i d s from other areas attending, and thus the f r i e n d -ship and e s p e c i a l l y the dating c i r c l e w i l l widen. I t i s a l l part of growing up that the c h i l d r e n become impatient of the well-worn, once safe but now r e s t r i c t i v e , f a m i l y c i r c l e . At weekends they w i l l go o f f i n gangs of t h e i r own, and the home becomes a mere h o t e l . Mumford makes two unusual suggestions of things that should be done f o r t h i s age group. F i r s t l y , that they be used as voluntary or £,ox_ced labour to see to the upkeep of the park areas and he continues by s t a t i n g that the " c h i e f b e n e f i c i a r i e s would be the youths themselves, at t h e i r next phase of growth: that marked by (20) .Ibid., p. 9 - 48 -courtship In the open country, l o v e r s have l i t t l e d i f f i c u l t y i n f i n d i n g places of e x c l u s i o n that match t h e i r mood, but the l a c k of such walks and r e -t r e a t s i n our c i t i e s , even i n our parks, makes court-ship too often e i t h e r b r i e f or f u r t i v e , harassed;;or embarrassed to the p o i n t of desperation I f planners were conscious of the phases of l i f e , they would not be so blank as to the need of adolescence f o r places of secluded beauty, accentuating and ex-panding, and yet tempering t h e i r e r o t i c needs; and e n r i c h i n g , with happy v i s u a l images, t h e i r e r o t i c r e -wards". ( 2 1 ) The idea i s a s t a r t l i n g one, and one that n e i t h e r the ( 2 2 ) c o u n c i l nor the p u b l i c might approve. In a most i n t e r e s t i n g survey c a r r i e d out across (23) Canada i n 1 9 4 5 - 1 9 4 6 f o r the Canadian Youth Commission (chairman, Sidney E. Smith), the l e i s u r e requirements and h a b i t s of Canadian youth, French and E n g l i s h , aged 1 5 to 2 4 , were studied. I t i s hard to b e l i e v e how l i t t l e phy-s i c a l energy t h i s age group uses up. Of the a c t i v i t i e s upon which more than an hour a day was spent, t a l k i n g was f i r s t with 40 per cent; l i s t e n i n g to the r a d i o ( s u r e l y watching T.V. today) 3 3 per cent.; reading 24 per cent.; s o c i a l contacts, p a r t i c u l a r l y dating 22 per cent.; making things 1 7 per cent.; dancing, l o a f i n g , team and i n d i v i d u a l ( 2 1 ) I b i d . , p. 9 « ( 2 2 ) Note: L i k e the lady i n the v i l l a g e i n the i n t e r i o r of B.C. who, on being t o l d that the Centennial P r o j e c t would be a park, declared that i n that case should would not c o n t r i b u t e . Instead, she s a i d , she would give her donation to the home f o r unmarried mothers, f o r that was what would be needed. ( 2 3 ) Youth and Recreation, Ryerson Press, Toronto, 1 9 4 6 . - k9 -games (each 8 per c e n t . ) , and qui e t games f o l l o w i n g i n that order. Of the i n d i v i d u a l s p o r t s , s k a t i n g , s k i i n g , tennis and b i c y c l i n g were most popular, with s k i i n g r e s t r i c t e d to areas where ski-runs were a v a i l a b l e . The lessons to be l e a r n t from t h i s survey w i l l be discussed l a t e r ; but i t i s c l e a r that what was wanted most (s t a t e d s p e c i f i c a l l y by 25 per cent.) was improved communal f a c i l i t i e s f o r r e c r e a t i o n - a place to meet i n f o r m a l l y , dance, play games, or j u s t t a l k . What b e t t e r than a neigh-bourhood centre? I t may be that schools and churches w i l l f u l f i l some of the requirements - but these both s p e l l ex-c l u s i o n f o r those of d i f f e r e n t b e l i e f s , educational grade d i f f e r e n c e s , e t c . , and a neighbourhood centre could and should be a f o c a l point f o r a l l the school agers and the young a d u l t s . The neighbourhood f u l f i l s both the p h y s i c a l and p s y c h o l o g i c a l needs of the s c h o o l c h i l d . As Henry D. McKay wrote: "The neighbourhood furnishes the s e t t i n g i n which the c h i l d i s educated e i t h e r f o r conventional or fo r delinquent behaviour. I f the values of the neighbourhood ax.e ^consistent, t h i s consistency i s l i k e l y to-be r e f l e c t e d i n conventional behaviour".(23a). (23a) Hatt & Reiss (Eds.), C i t i e s and S o c i e t y , Free Press, Glencoe, 111., 1957, p. 825. - 50 -The CHILD-BEARING AGE GROUP - maturity: This i s a loose c l a s s i f i c a t i o n which i n c l u d e s both those who are married, with and without c h i l d r e n , and those who are not yet married but are of c h i l d -producing age. The i n t e r e s t s of these are d i f f e r e n t ; however, the older unmarried men are l i k e l y to have l e f t home and some of the g i r l s w i l l have done the same, while the c h i l d l e s s couples are l e s s l i k e l y to l i v e i n a planned neighbourhood than the couple with a f a m i l y . The married couples who do not have, and e s p e c i a l l y those who do not want, a family w i l l tend to l i v e i n the m u l t i p l e d w e l l i n g areas nearer the c i t y centre - however, they would f i t ad-mirably i n t o the m u l t i p l e u n i t s which should be provided i n every neighbourhood, as w i l l be discussed l a t e r . Lewis Mumford d i v i d e s h i s c o n s i d e r a t i o n s of t h i s group i n t o 'work' , 'domestic' , ' s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n ' and 'personal' phases. The r u r a l and urban neighbourhoods d i f f e r most s t r o n g l y i n respect of the work phase, f o r while the r u r a l man very often works on or near h i s own property, the urbanite may have to t r a v e l a long, weary (24) distance to h i s job. The authors of "Communitas" • { • " ' (24) Goodman, P e r c i v a l & Paul, Communitas, U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago Press, 1947. - 51 - . suggest that houses and f a c t o r i e s should be united around ' c i t y squares'; but t h i s appears to have only l i m i t e d a p p l i c a t i o n . However, the contemporary planner i s perhaps too i n c l i n e d to want to zone a l l forms of s e r v i c e and i n -d u s t r i a l e n t e r p r i s e s i n great 1 blobs' of dark colour i n one s e c t i o n of the o f f i c i a l zoning map. There i s d e f i n i t e l y an argument f o r l o c a t i n g c a r e f u l l y l i m i t e d and screened types of unobjectionable and small area-covering i n d u s t r i e s of a s e r v i c e or l i g h t category adjacent to r e s i d e n t i a l areas so as to enable some of the l o c a l people to l i v e c lose to t h e i r employment. This would e s p e c i a l l y b e n e f i t the working housewife and the part-time working high school k i d and part-time mother. This problem w i l l be discussed l a t e r . Unfortunately the m a j o r i t y of men i n each neigh-bourhood w i l l have to t r a v e l some distance to work. The l o c a l i n d u s t r i a l jobs, as o u t l i n e d above, and the employment i n the l o c a l shops, s e r v i c e s t a t i o n and businesses, w i l l be l i m i t e d . The only obvious candidates f o r l o c a l employment w i l l be the l o c a l school teachers, the church m i n i s t e r s and the people who w i l l run the community league. The l a t t e r three phases of 'domesticity' , ' s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n ' and 'personal' are not r e a l l y separate. - 52 -Mumford pleads f o r the need f o r s o l i t u d e so that the i n t r o v e r t can withdraw and brood. However, while many of us l i k e to have moments of inner contemplation the best that the planner can do i s to provide t r e e - l i n e d s t r e e t s and a few parks, so that a gently r e f l e c t i v e walk at dusk can be accompanied by a worthy s e t t i n g . Footpaths thread-i n g through the inner area may not be as q u i e t as Mumford hopes; f o r both h i s human l o v e r s and the amorous c a t s , which he mentions i n a d i f f e r e n t connection, w i l l be there too. A l l of us would l i k e a winding North Saskatchewan River V a l l e y , a creek or glade, a mountainside v i s t a or a glimpse of the turbulent ocean w i t h i n a few minutes walk of our homes - i f not w i t h i n f u l l view of the p i c t u r e window -but only the fortunate few can a t t a i n such p e r f e c t i o n . Another of Mumford's arguments i s that "a good plan w i l l m u l t i p l y the spontaneous occasions f o r m i n g l i n g (25) and mixing". This i s true and r i g h t . Both the watching of t e l e v i s i o n and mass viewing of p r o f e s s i o n a l sport are of s o c i a l advantage i n t h e i r v/ay but n e i t h e r can compete wit h the p s y c h o l o g i c a l advantages of an evening p l a y i n g games, square dancing, debating, or the l i k e , w i t h a crowd of f r i e n d s at a l o c a l h a l l * Here newcomers can meet t h e i r ( 2 5 ) Mumford, Op. c i t . , p. 13' - 53 -neighbours; those with a f l a i r f o r o r g a n i s a t i o n can arrange things; the so c i a b l e can t a l k , laugh and r e l a x ; the women have a chance to show o f f c l o t h e s and themselves, and the men can have t h e i r egos r e s t o r e d by being g a l l a n t to the l a d i e s who l i v e across the s t r e e t . There w i l l be some who w i l l f i n d these a c t i v i t i e s a bore or altogether too chummy -but these are probably a m i n o r i t y - and they need not attend. I t i s perhaps the women who most need these out-l e t s , f o r the men have the s o c i a l contacts of t h e i r working hours - having coffees and lunches with people - while the housewife, except f o r the ever-companional)le t e l e v i s i o n s e t , (25a) r a d i o , and the ' g i r l s ' who come i n f o r c o f f e e , i s much more confined. The emancipated American club-woman has found a way of escape; but i t i s not one to s u i t everyone, and probably i s a l o t l e s s s a t i s f a c t o r y to personal w e l l -being than an evening of r e l a x a t i o n at the l o c a l community meeting place. ELDERLY AGE GROUP - senescence: This group i s the one most i n need of sympathy and of being planned f o r . In previous c e n t u r i e s and i n most (25a) See Whyte, "How the New Suburbia S o c i a l i z e s " , Fortune, Op... c i t . - 54 -c i v i l i s a t i o n s the three or even four generations u s u a l l y l i v e d together - the young and vigorous supporting t h e i r aged and f a i l i n g parents and grandparents. In these modern days of m o b i l i t y and r e s t l e s s n e s s the o l d are l e f t alone i n t h e i r o l d homes, while the young l i v e t h e i r own l i v e s . Modern houses with a bedroom f o r the parents and one each f o r the boys and f o r the g i r l s are not adaptable to the housing of an e l d e r l y dependent. Because of t h i s the f a i l i n g years have become more useless and more unhappy. An a c t i v e grandmother who helps with the housework and a grandparent who i s l e f t i n charge of the c h i l d r e n i n the evenings i s a valuable member of the fa m i l y : one who l i v e s alone i n h i s or her own aged house, eking out the o l d age pension or t h e i r savings to buy a few crumbs of food, i s a superfluous and an unwanted and therefore unhappy human being. At the moment only 7»8 per cent, of the Canadian (26) population come i n t o t h i s category, but the marvels of modern medical care are d a i l y extending the l i f e s p a n and thus the percentage of the over 65 1s. An example of the s t a r t l i n g trend i s found i n one Ontario township where the average age of the farming population i s now s i x t y - f i v e . The usual s o l u t i o n i s to place the e l d e r l y i n (26) 10.8 per cent, i n B.C. - 55 -some s o r t of i n s t i t u t i o n ranging from a municipal home to a luxury Sunset H o t e l . The o l d f o l k have l i t t l e to do other than to feed on t h e i r memories and watch t h e i r new f r i e n d s die one by one l i k e a grimly inexorable and only too r e a l v e r s i o n of "Ten L i t t l e Niggers". What i s the a l t e r n a t i v e to t h i s ? And have the problems of the aged anything to do with the neighbourhood? The answer i s that a planned neighbourhood u n i t i s the a l t e r n a t i v e to the i n s t i t u t i o n , and t h e r e i n the problems of the aged can w e l l be overcome. The i d e a l has been form-u l a t e d i n Holland and i n the United Kingdom of a l l o c a t i n g 5 per cent, of a l l the d w e l l i n g u n i t s i n a neighbourhood f o r o l d people. These w i l l be discussed l a t e r , but they c o n s i s t e i t h e r of separated or terrace cottages or s p e c i a l apartment blo c k s , and are l o c a t e d i n some busy part of the area rather than i n an i s o l a t e d cul-de-sac. Here they can see and share i n the b u s t l e of d a i l y l i f e - the c h i l d r e n on t h e i r way to and from school, the housewives b u s t l i n g to the stores or to the bus stop, the car s , the d e l i v e r y trucks and the postman and d e l i v e r y boys on t h e i r rounds. In the summer they can s i t i n f r o n t of t h e i r open doorways and t a l k to one another and the passers-by. The younger-k i d s q u i c k l y s t r i k e up acquaintanceships with the f r i e n d l y - 56 -o l d t i m e r s , and through the c h i l d r e n some of the mothers and fathers w i l l get to know the o l d people. This could a l l happen i n any r e s i d e n t i a l area, but the d i f f e r e n c e i n a d i s t i n c t neighbourhood i s that the re s i d e n t s begin to think of the o l d ones as being t h e i r old people - the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and charge of the u n i t as a whole. The o l d men and women are always the most r e l i a b l e users of a community centre, and a s p e c i a l room or f a c i l -i t i e s can be reserved f o r t h e i r use at c e r t a i n hours i f necessary. The o l d women can band together as a baby-s i t t i n g s e r v i c e , and can have small o f f i c i a l d u t i e s around the community. The people i n the area can apply f o r accom-modation f o r t h e i r own parents and the three or four gener-a t i o n p a t t e r n can be r e - e s t a b l i s h e d . L i f e can become r i c h e r f o r everyone and w i l l be a l o t happier f o r the old people. - 57 -Chapter I I I HOMES IN THE NEIGHBOURHOOD A neighbourhood i s e s s e n t i a l l y a place f o r l i v i n g i n , and the possession of a house and a p l o t of land i s one of man's primary a s p i r a t i o n s . However, there are many who e i t h e r do not want or unfortunately cannot a f f o r d to l i v e i n a house on a p l o t of land. These people p r e f e r d i f f e r e n t types of homes ranging from a t r a i l e r to a luxur y apartment i n the Waldorf A s t o r i a Hotel i n New York. Even w i t h i n the Western Hemisphere, homes range from caves, as found i n the p o v e r t y - s t r i c k e n v i l l a g e s of northern Spain (e.g., Dos Hermanos) to boats as i n Holland and on the water-ways of parts of England. However, f o r the most p a r t , people i n the United States, C anada and the United Kingdom l i v e p r i m a r i l y i n houses or apartments. The house i n North America i s f o r the most part a s i n g l e , detached u n i t on a s i z e a b l e l o t ; but i n parts of t h i s continent and e s p e c i a l l y i n the B r i t i s h I s l e s , people als o l i v e i n semi-detached and e s p e c i a l l y terrace or row houses. In the ten years 1946-1955, almost a m i l l i o n new homes were b u i l t in'Canada, with the Canadian people showing an unmistakable preference f o r the s i n g l e detached house. About 70 per cent, of new housing was i n the form of home - 58 -o w n e r s h i p . I n 1935 there were 31,800 housing u n i t s completed, and i n 1956 there were 135,700. In t o t a l , 1,466435 u n i t s were b u i l t i n the period 1935-1956, and of o (2) these 389,051 were completed under the Housing Acts. I t has been estimated that w i t h i n the next twenty-five years, 1956-1981, the population of Canadian urban centres w i l l double and "the amount of urban housing to be b u i l t i n t h i s b r i e f span of time w i l l exceed i n ( 3 ) q u a n t i t y a l l that has been i n h e r i t e d from the past". The Government of Canada through i t s Housing Acts of 1935, 1944, and 1954, and with the establishment of the C e n t r a l Mortgage and Housing Corporation i n 1945, has taken i t s part i n the growth of housing i n the country and "at the present time about h a l f of the housing being b u i l t i n Canada i s , i n one way or another, aided by the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of (4) the n a t i o n a l Government". This a i d has been e i t h e r i n -d i r e c t ; by the Government (since 1954) i n s u r i n g mortgage loans o f f e r e d by lend i n g i n s t i t u t i o n s and banks, and thereby keeping some check on t h e i r l o a n i n g ; or d i r e c t , by a i d i n g i n (1) C e n t r a l Mortgage and Housing Corporation (C.M.H.C.), 10th Annual Report, 1955, Ottawa, p. 7« (2) CM.H.C, 11th Annual Report, 1956, Ottawa. (3) CM.H.C, Housing & Urban Growth i n Canada, ( B r i e f to the Royal Commission on Canada's Economic P r o s p e c t s ) , Ottawa, 1956, p. 5. (4) I b i d . , p. 7. - 59 -the postwar housing f o r veterans, and more r e c e n t l y by the con s t r u c t i o n of l o w - r e n t a l housing i n partnership w i t h prov-i n c i a l governments. A i d i s a l s o given i n slum clearance and re-development, ( e s p e c i a l l y under S. 23 of the N a t i o n a l Housing Act,) and i n housing f o r o l d people. Under the N a t i o n a l Housing Act, 1954, administered by the C e n t r a l Mortgage and Housing Corporation, the Federal Government p a r t i c i p a t e s i n housing i n f i v e ways: ( i ) C.M.H.C. underwriting the mortgage investments of lendi n g i n s t i t u t i o n s and banks f o r the construc-t i o n of new housing; ( i i ) C.M.H.C. d i r e c t loans to owners; ( i i i ) C.M.H.C. guarantees Home Improvement Loans made by banks and on c e r t a i n c o n d i t i o n s r e n t a l revenue; ( i v ) Government p r o v i d i n g 75 per cent, of costs of a c q u i s i t i o n of land and b u i l d i n g of housing f o r r e n t a l or f o r s a l e i n partnership with p r o v i n c i a l governments (as at L i t t l e Mountain, Vancouver); (v) Government making grants to m u n i c i p a l i t i e s f o r slum clearance and f o r research, e t c . (5) Broadly, the Federal Government's c o n t r i b u t i o n s to housing are of an economic character, while p r o v i n c i a l and municipal governments -are mostly concerned with the ad m i n i s t r a t i o n of urban growth through the planning pro-cedures, and by p r o v i d i n g s e r v i c e s . The Na t i o n a l B u i l d i n g (5) I b i d . , pp. 7 & 8. Checked with Mr. H i l l , C.M.H.C, Vancouver. - 60 -Code i s used as a standard i n which to base the minimum house-building requirements. I t i s thus seen how a l l l e v e l s of government are represented i n the b u i l d i n g up of Canadian r e s i d e n t i a l areas. In the United Kingdom perhaps the biggest d i f f e r -ence i s that p r i v a t e B u i l d i n g S o c i e t i e s are responsible f o r the m a j o r i t y of loans f o r house b u i l d i n g and there i s no equivalent of the C e n t r a l Mortgage and Housing Corpor-a t i o n . While the Government does s u b s i d i s e housing, the bulk of the burden of p r o v i d i n g l o w - r e n t a l accommodation l i e s with the l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s which have been b u i l d i n g (6) and l e a s i n g 1 c o u n c i l ' houses f o r h a l f a century. Although the average North American neighbourhood w i l l mainly comprise detached houses, there w i l l be some v a r i a t i o n of house types and of accommodation i n those houses, and there w i l l be other d w e l l i n g u n i t s which w i l l be i n the form of terrace or two-family d w e l l i n g s , apart-ments or o l d people's homes. This d i v e r s i t y i s very d e s i r -able f o r the attainment of a u n i t i n which ages and person-a l i t y - t y p e s are w e l l mixed, as found i n some European examples. (6) A' ' c o u n c i l ' house i s one constructed and leased on a short-term r e n t a l by a l o c a l a u t h o r i t y - i . e . by the c o u n c i l . - 61 -In t h i s chapter i t i s proposed to consider each of these types of homes; and as a s t a r t i t i s of i n t e r e s t to consult the housing s t a t i s t i c s prepared by the United Nations. The table below compares the- p r o p o r t i o n of dwe l l i n g u n i t s by room s i z e f o r Canada, the United Kingdom and the United S t a t e s . URBAN DWELLING UNITS BY SIZE^7"* T o t a l 1-2 rooms 3-4 rooms 5-6 rooms 7+ rooms Canada (1951) 2,155,055 5.6% 31-9% 43.1% 19.4% U.K. (1951) 11,153,397 7.4% 40.4% 44.9% 7-3% U.S.A. (1950) 29,044,249 10.6% .27.. 1% 39.7% 12.6% The most i n t e r e s t i n g f a c t ascertained from these comparative f i g u r e s i s that Canada has fewest of the 1-2 room dwellings and, i m p r e s s i v e l y , the greatest p r o p o r t i o n of the l a r g e r (7+ rooms) urban d w e l l i n g u n i t s . The Canada Year Book gives the break-down of the numbers and types of new dwe l l i n g u n i t s completed i n 1953 and 1955 r e s p e c t i v e l y : (7) "A dw e l l i n g u n i t i s u s u a l l y defined as a s t r u c t u r a l l y separated room or s u i t e of rooms used or intended f o r h a b i t a t i o n by p r i v a t e households ( c o n s i s t i n g of one or s e v e r a l persons) and having a separate access to the s t r e e t or a common passage-way.... Rooms inclu d e bedrooms, d i n i n g rooms, l i v i n g rooms, habitable a t t i c s and servant's rooms; u s u a l l y a l s o kitchens and other h a b i t a b l e space separated by w a l l s " . United Nations S t a t i s t i c a l Yearbook, 1956, p. 562. - 62 -1953 1955 S i n g l e - f a m i l y houses 55,967 90,292 Two-family houses 5,314 8,278 Row, or t e r r a c e , houses 99 1,547 Apartments 11,707 27,435 Conversions 3,215 4,340 TOTAL 73,087 127,552 SINGLE FAMILY HOUSES form the greater part of Canadian homes except i n the Province of Quebec. In 1956, the t y p i c a l house purchased under the N a t i o n a l Housing Act was one storey, with three bedrooms and a t o t a l l i v a b l e f l o o r area of 1,138 s q . f t . , s i t t i n g on a 60'0" l o t . I t was valued by C.M.H.C. at $12,259.00. The average t o t a l cost was $14,163.00, of which $2,041.00 represented the cost of the land. The average down payment was $3,811.00 and the loan was amortised over twenty-five years with monthly payments of p r i n c i p l e , i n t e r e s t and taxes coming to $81.00 per month. The average home purchaser or home b u i l d e r was aged 33»9 with 2.5 dependents and an annual i n -(8) come of $5,312.00. At 34 the man i s at h i s prime and i s approaching h i s senior s a l a r y l e v e l , and the fa m i l y i s be-coming l e s s mobile. The average u n i t p r i c e of the s i n g l e f a m i l y house (8) C.M.H.C., 11th Annual Report, Op. c i t . - 63 -s o l d by b u i l d e r s under the N a t i o n a l Housing Act increased by 29 per cent, from $10,456 i n the period 1951-1956. About one-third of t h i s d i f f e r e n c e represents the increase i n land costs; o n e - f i f t h the increase i n house s i z e , and 44 per cent, the r i s e i n c o n s t r u c t i o n c o s t s . In 195& only 5.1 per cent, of the houses were s o l d f o r under $10,000 o (9) while 5 per cent, cost over $18,000. TWO FAMILY HOUSES may be of s e v e r a l v a r i e t i e s : the side by side duplex, or B r i t i s h semi-detached; the up and down duplex, e i t h e r w i t h the lower residence being i n the form of a high basement, wit h steps up to the upper home, or the a t t i c or top f l o o r s u i t e being over the p r i n -c i p l e d w e l l i n g u n i t . The trouble with the l a t t e r v a r i e t i e s i s that they may have been constructed as a s i n g l e f a m i l y house and l a t e r converted. Almost any basement can become a s u i t e ; but the standards may be extremely bad - e.g., low c e i l i n g s , r e s t r i c t e d space, l a c k of a i r and v e n t i l a t i o n , no s u n l i g h t penetration, and damp w a l l s . There may be no bathroom or adequate washing or cooking f a c i l i t i e s . This type of accommodation may be popular w i t h immigrants and young couples, boarders, and others who are a t t r a c t e d by the low r e n t a l . (9) C.M.H.G., I b i d . - 6k -Shortage of a l t e r n a t i v e reasonably p r i c e d accommodation i n urban areas makes the e r a d i c a t i o n of these types of unsuitable h a b i t a t i o n s impossible i n s o f a r as the l o c a l c o u n c i l s are concerned. While i t may be compulsory to obtain permission from the l o c a l a u t h o r i t y f o r such conversions, many people go ahead without appro-v a l , and i t becomes a matter of p o l i t i c a l expediency f o r the c o u n c i l to r e f r a i n from t a k i n g any a c t i o n . Too many such conversions i n a neighbourhood i s d e f i n i t e l y a bad si g n f o r i t may i n d i c a t e that the f i n a n c i a l p o s i t i o n of the converters i s shaky enough to have made the e x t r a i n -come obtainable from r e n t i n g the s u i t e necessary, and i t a l s o w i l l b r i n g i n an i n f l u x of people who w i l l probably be t r a n s i e n t and d i s i n t e r e s t e d i n the neighbourhood and i t s a c t i v i t i e s and c a r e l e s s of i t s amenities. An area plagued by basement s u i t e s i s u s u a l l y one which i s deter-i o r a t i n g i n value and l o s i n g i t s neighbourhood we-feeling. Thus, conversions should u s u a l l y be discouraged by the planning a u t h o r i t y with the exception of the a l t e r a t i o n of b i g old-fashioned houses which are too large f o r the fam i l y of today. On the other hand, proper two-family u n i t s have a d e f i n i t e place i n the neighbourhood, since they provide d i v e r s i t y of accommodation. ' They are probably best l o c a t e d on the f r i n g e s and close to the shopping centre or schools - 65 -where t h e i r sometimes u n a t t r a c t i v e appearance w i l l not detra c t from the b e t t e r dwellings which form the nucleus of the u n i t . These houses w i l l tend to have at l e a s t one car per d w e l l i n g u n i t and the advantage of the l o -cations mentioned i s that there w i l l be more carparking space, i . e . , both sides of the roads surrounding a school are a v a i l a b l e f o r parking use of the one house opposite. ROW HOUSES are the terrace houses of B r i t a i n which c h a r a c t e r i s e the working c l a s s d i s t r i c t s of every town and c i t y i n the United Kingdom. Terrace houses are a l s o c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the gracious and world-famous Georgian d i s t r i c t s of Bath, London, Edinburgh, and indeed of many of the towns of the United Kingdom. The upper c l a s s v a r i a t i o n s had long gardens behind them with accom-modation f o r the c a r r i a g e s b u i l t at the end, and lane access. These houses had basements, a t t i c s , and three or four other s t o r i e s , while a l e s s e x c l u s i v e type had fewer s t o r i e s f o r more modest l i v i n g . This type of housing was introduced as the major part of the r e s i d e n t i a l accommo-dation of the post-war B r i t i s h New Towns. In i t s gracious v e r s i o n i t i s a l s o found, as the remaining hallmark of a bygone era, i n some of the c i t i e s of the north-eastern United States - Boston being a good example. - 66 -In Canada t h i s type of d w e l l i n g u n i t i s mainly constructed f o r low r e n t a l purposes, and c a r r i e s an un-warranted s o c i a l stigma i n some p a r t s . The Li m i t e d Div-idend (Low Rental) P r o j e c t s now encouraged by C e n t r a l Mort-gage and Housing Corporation may be of t h i s v a r i e t y . In the neighbourhood t h i s form of housing i s best l o c a t e d to one s i d e , and should be a w e l l designed u n i t . Although good d i v e r s i t y of accommodation i s assured, there i s the ob j e c t i o n that some of those who rent such accommodation, at l e a s t i n c e r t a i n p a r ts of Canada ( e s p e c i a l l y on the p r a i r i e s ) , are t r a n s i e n t s , and w i l l not s e t t l e i n t o the l i f e of the community. While t h i s i s true f o r c e r t a i n areas, i t should not exclude such a development from the neighbourhood; and indeed the c h i l d r e n who w i l l l i v e i n such dwellings are those who may most need the b e n e f i t s of the neighbourhood f e e l i n g . APARTMENTS should be, and very often are not, part of every neighbourhood. They o f f e r the accommodation required by the s p e c i a l households - the c h i l d l e s s couples, the e l d e r l y , the unmarried, and the f a m i l i e s who do not want the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and burden of house ownership. The parents may l i v e i n a house and t h e i r r e c e n t l y married c h i l d r e n i n an apartment or v i c e versa. As s t r u c t u r e s , - 67 -apartment blocks o f f e r d i v e r s i t y and i n t e r e s t to the area. They can u s e f u l l y overlook the school or perhaps be s i t e d i n the more t r a f f i c k e d areas f a c i n g or backing onto the commercial developments or the boundary a r t e r i a l roads. I f there are l i k e l y to be many c h i l d r e n , playareas should be provided close to the apartment b l o c k s , p r e f e r a b l y approachable without the n e c e s s i t y of c r o s s i n g a s t r e e t . OLD PEOPLES' HOMES. In by-gone days o l d peoples' homes were a r a r i t y , f o r old-people sat out t h e i r l a t t e r days i n the homes of t h e i r c h i l d r e n , t h e i r nephews or t h e i r nieces - even t h e i r grandchildren. Some, i t i s true, l i n g e r e d to a l o n e l y end i n an empty cottage or mansion, others ended up i n the Poor Houses or the other bleak i n s t i t u t i o n s f o r the aged and feeble. A few c h a r i t y almshouses are a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of almost a l l the o l d settlements of England. They were b u i l t by the 'gentry' - sometimes as an act of pious.and p r a c t i c a l philanthropy to house t h e i r doddering o l d r e t a i n -ers or tenants, and most are s t i l l i n use today. In Canada i t i s the l o c a l , P r o v i n c i a l and Fed-e r a l Government bodies which are now p r o v i d i n g senior c i t i z e n housing. Often the e n t e r p r i s e i s sparked o f f by some l o c a l a l t r u i s t i c a s s o c i a t i o n - the L i o n s , R o t a r i a n s , - 68 -Kiwanis, e t c . ; - or by the l o c a l Community Welfare body. There i s every chance of ob t a i n i n g a loan f o r t h i s housing under the Na t i o n a l Housing Act (S .9)> through the C e n t r a l Mortgage and Housing Corporation. C e r t a i n p r o v i n c i a l governments also make grants - e.g., one-third grant of the c a p i t a l costs from the B r i t i s h Columbia Government. In B r i t a i n the l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s , with govern-mental s u b s i d i e s , provide t h i s type of housing i n the same way as other r e n t a l accommodation, with a s p e c i a l l y adjusted r e n t . The type of o l d persons' home v a r i e s from i n -s t i t u t i o n s , humanely run, where each person has a s i n g l e or shared room with communal s i t t i n g and d i n i n g room, to completely s e l f - c o n t a i n e d one bedroom cottages. An i n t e r -mediate v a r i a t i o n i s a m o t e l - l i k e c l u s t e r i n g of dw e l l i n g s , u s u a l l y l i n k e d , around a c e n t r a l lodge which has rooms f o r those who are not able to take care of themselves, and d i n i n g f a c i l i t i e s f o r those who want them, with a communal s i t t i n g room. There i s u s u a l l y a nurse-cook i n attendance - very often a r e t i r e d nurse who rece i v e s help with the housekeeping. / A l l these types of accommodation f o r o l d f o l k - 69 -need c a r e f u l l o c a t i o n and a l l are s u i t e d to the urban neighbourhood. Old people l i k e to watch things and people and, as explained e a r l i e r , t h e i r homes should be s i t e d opposite the schools, the shopping centre, beside the church or even on the perimeter of the u n i t , p r e f e r -ably beside one of the foregoing, where they are a l s o close to p u b l i c transport and where the busy s t r e e t w i l l provide enjoyment. The s i t i n g requirements f o r o l d people.'.s accommodation f i t p e r f e c t l y i n t o the neighbour-hood because the best places f o r t h e i r homes are j u s t the places where f a m i l i e s do not want to l i v e - beside churches, shops, schools and t r a f f i c . In parts of Holland and the United Kingdom, o l d people's dwellings form 5 per cent, of a l l the homes i n a new neighbourhood;^"'""'"^ and the f i g u r e seems appropriate f o r Canada. To conclude, the neighbourhood i s f o r l i v i n g i n . "By p r o v i d i n g f o r d i f f e r e n t i a t e d housing...., r e n t a l as w e l l as owned housing, s i n g l e family s t r u c t u r e s as w e l l as m u l t i p l e d w e l l i n g s , the planner envisioned a neighbourhood to which the i n d i v i d u a l c i t y f a m i l y could adhere through a l l phases of i t s development. At f i r s t a r r i v a l i n the c i t y or during the f i r s t years of family formation, the c i t y dweller may w e l l be s a t i s f i e d with r e n t a l accommodations; l a t e r , he may (10) See W i l l i a m S . Goulding, "Housing f o r Older People", Canadian Welf are, Dec. 15,. 1952. (11) Goulding, I b i d . - 70 -want to buy a home of h i s own. Apartment l i v i n g may s u i t h i s needs while he i s s i n g l e or r e c e n t l y married, or l a t e r . . . . when h i s c h i l d r e n have l e f t the p a r e n t a l home". (12) In the w e l l designed and balanced neighbourhood, a l l these requirements can be met; and "as the fam i l y unfolds and sh r i n k s , neighbourhood t i e s w i l l not n e c e s s a r i l y have to be (13) severed". This i s the image of an i d e a l , of course -but what i s the use of s t r i v i n g , i f not towards j u s t such a goal? (12) Svend Reimer, The Modern C i t y , p. ^30. P r e n t i c e H a l l , New York, 1952. (13) I b i d . - 71 -Chapter IV  THE FACILITIES IH THE NEIGHBOURHOOD  The Schools One of Perry's o r i g i n a l p r i n c i p l e s was that the population of a neighbourhood should be the number r e -quired to support one elementary school and the w r i t e r t hinks that t h i s p r i n c i p l e i s s t i l l v a l i d . I f l o c a l custom.; d i c t a t e s large schools, then the neighbourhood u n i t w i l l be l a r g e , and v i c e versa. I f the r e l i g i o u s breakdown of the area i s such that Roman C a t h o l i c and P u b l i c Schools are required almost e q u a l l y , then the u n i t should perhaps be larg e enough to support both. I t i s very much a matter of l o c a l c o n d i t i o n s . Reginald Isaacs, i n the J u l y 1948 Journal of Housing (page 178), s t a t e s that the neighbourhood u n i t concept has been found wanting because of i t s inadequacy as a p h y s i c a l formula. The school and the church, as men-tioned at the end of Part I , are two aspects of the concept to which he takes exception. !,What i s to take place under t h i s dogmatic formula i n r e s i d u a l areas with too few c h i l -dren to e f f i c i e n t l y use a school?" he asks. " W i l l there be both p a r o c h i a l and elementary schools provided with i n s u f -f i c i e n t numbers of c h i l d r e n w i t h i n proper walking distances -- 72 - . or have the p u p i l s of p a r o c h i a l schools greater stamina f o r longer walks?". He concludes, "And.... which school i s chosen to be the focus of neighbourhood a c t i v i t i e s ? " The anser to t h i s l a s t question i s that the type of school chosen should be the one most re p r e s e n t a t i v e of the neigh-bourhood. In a dominant Roman C a t h o l i c area i t w i l l be the p a r o c h i a l school and v i c e versa; or, perhaps b e t t e r , the community centre w i l l be the independent f o c a l p o i n t and not the school at a l l . Although i n c e r t a i n areas there i s a movement f o r p a r o c h i a l schools f o r Protestant sects - Lutheran or Seventh Day A d v e n t i s t s , to quote two examples - f o r the most part the controversy concerns Roman C a t h o l i c separate schools or, as i n Quebec, Protestant separate schools. The a c t u a l l o c a t i o n a l problem i s not even as bad as the other more d i f f i c u l t questions of f i n a n c i n g the schools and the extremely vexatious problem of whether there should be separate schools at a l l . As learned a man as Dr. J.B. Conant, former President of Harvard U n i v e r s i t y , has s t a t e d , "The greater the pr o p o r t i o n of our youth who f a i l to attend our p u b l i c schools and who receive t h e i r ( l ) S i m i l a r l y quoted by Richard Dewey, "The Neighbourhood", Am.Sociological Review, August, 1950. - 73 -education elsewhere, the greater the threat to our domo-( 2 ) c r a t i c u n i t y " . A worse threat to democracy would s u r e l y be the p r o h i b i t i o n of freedom to choose where one's c h i l d w i l l be educated. However, the point i s that there i s s t i l l considerable controversy, even i n these days. A l -though denominational schools have to be p r i v a t e l y support-ed i n England and the United States they are i n the same f i n a n c i a l p o s i t i o n as the p u b l i c schools i n some Canadian provinces, e.g., A l b e r t a ; and i n Northern I r e l a n d , to quote an unusual example. In Canada, schools are a p r o v i n c i a l matter, according to the p r o v i s i o n s of the B r i t i s h North America Act. I t i s impossible to provide a ready-made answer to the school l o c a t i o n a l and f u n c t i o n a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s , f o r i t w i l l n early always be a l o c a l matter where the School Boards, P u b l i c and Separate, w i l l have d e f i n i t e p o l i c i e s as to s i z e , numbers of p u p i l s to be handled, r e l a t i o n s h i p with the community centre, and the l i k e . In new towns, or new areas without an e x i s t i n g l o c a l a u t h o r i t y , the planner may be able to formulate p o l i c y , but even then there w i l l be m i n i s t e r i a l s u p e r v i s i o n . (2) Conant, Education and L i b e r t y , Harvard U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1953, P« 8l, c i t e d i n John J . Kane, C a t h o l i c - P r o t - estant C o n f l i c t s i n America, Regnery, Chicago, 1955• - 74 -The f i r s t step a f t e r determining l o c a l school p o l i c y w i l l be to assess the numbers of p o t e n t i a l p u p i l s , using the average number of people per housing u n i t as the guide. Next, an estimate w i l l have to be made of the l i k e l y breakdown i n t o P r o t e s t a n t , Roman C a t h o l i c and any other sect which may provide separate.schools. As an example of the process, the data f o r Edmonton, a f a i r l y r e p r e s e n t a t i v e c i t y i n s o f a r as denominational balance i s concerned, w i l l be o u t l i n e d : EDMONTON PUBLIC SCHOOL BOARD STAT I S T I C S ^ ( i ) Elementary Schools (Grades 1-6) Id e a l s i z e 8-12 rooms of about 30-35 c h i l d r e n per room, with 5 acres basic + 1 acre f o r each 100 p u p i l s . Thus there w i l l be about 350 p u p i l s and 8>& acres. ( i i ) J u n i o r High Schools (Grades 7-9) Up to 20 rooms of 30-35 p u p i l s , with 8 acres b a s i c + 1 acre f o r each 100 p u p i l s . Thus there w i l l be about 600 p u p i l s and l 4 acres. ( i i i ) Senior High School (Grades 10-12, or 10-13 i n B.C. and Ontario) 35-40 rooms of 30-35 p u p i l s with 10 acres basic + 1 acre f o r each 100 p u p i l s . Thus there w i l l be about 1,200 p u p i l s and 22 acres. (3) From Tom Baker, Deputy Superintendent, Edmonton P u b l i c School Board, Edmonton, A l b e r t a . - 75 -I t may be i n s t r u c t i v e to r e l a t e t h e s e Edmonton f i g u r e s to the a p p l i c a t i o n of the neighbourhood u n i t con-cept. In the C i t y of Edmonton there are approximately: 23,250 Elementary school c h i l d r e n ; 8,000 Ju n i o r High, or 1/3 of Elementary; 5,000 Senior High, or 5/8 of Ju n i o r High. There i s about one elementary s c h o o l c h i l d from every two homes so that one elementary school ( s i z e , 350 p u p i l s ) serves approximately 700 homes or (@ 4.5 people per d w e l l i n g u n i t , as i n Appendix I) approximately 3,150 people. Thus, i t appears that an i d e a l Edmonton neigh-bourhood i s one of about 3,000 persons. There i s approximately one j u n i o r high schooler from every s i x homes ( l / 3 of elementary) so that each j u n i o r high school ( s i z e , 600 p u p i l s ) w i l l serve about 3,600 homes (600 x 6) or (® 4.5 persons per d w e l l i n g u n i t ) 16,200 people, which equals a l i t t l e over f i v e neighbour-hoods. There i s approximately one senior high schooler from every ten homes (5/8 j u n i o r high = 9«7) so that each school w i l l serve about 12,000 (1,200 x 10) homes or (@ 4.5 persons per d w e l l i n g u n i t ) 54,000 people, which - 76 -amounts to eighteen neighbourhoods. The Senior High Schools serve such a wide area that both o l d and new r e s i d e n t i a l i&reas w i l l be i n c l u d e d and a f a l l a c y i n the method' used above w i l l be revealed when c a l c u l a t i n g the number of older neighbourhoods needed to supply a High School. This a r i s e s , i f the lower f i g u r e of, say 3«5 people per housing u n i t i s used, and w i l l , i n the case of the Senior High School, show t h i s r e s u l t : 1,200 p u p i l s x 10 = 12,000 homes @ 3-5 per u n i t , gives 42,000 people or about fourteen neighbourhoods -four l e s s than i n the 4.5 persons per u n i t newer area. This i s obviously wrong, f o r there w i l l be fewer people i n the o l d neighbourhoods and one school w i l l serve more o l d neighbourhoods than new ones. I t i s thus c l e a r that the school l o c a t i o n a l p a t t e r n must be c a l c u l a t e d on the assumed f i g u r e of 4.5 persons per u n i t , and even then an adjustment w i l l probably be needed - as the average age i n a d i s t r i c t mounts up with the aging of the d i s t r i c t - to eventually increase the area served by schools i n the older d i s t r i c t s . This i s a l l l i n k e d with the current .problem of the 'bulge' i n the age pat t e r n of the Canadian population, which i s causing an overcrowding i n the schools and w i l l soon be responsible f o r - 77 -a s i m i l a r problem i n the u n i v e r s i t i e s . Probably the best s o l u t i o n i s to provide 1 temporary' classrooms at the schools which can eventually be removed when no longer needed. On the other hand, spare classroom accommodation at a school i s always u s e f u l and could perhaps be put aside f o r community use when the 'bulge' i n the c h i l d population has passed on - probably only to reproduce another p e r p e t u a l l y growing bulge when they reach the c h i l d - b e a r i n g years. Approximately 20 per cent, of the Edmonton c h i l d r e n are Roman C a t h o l i c s going to Separate Schools. These are often combined Elementary-Junior High and tend to be considerably smaller than the p u b l i c schools. In Edmonton, and i n many dioceses, i t i s the p o l i c y f o r the separate school and the Roman C a t h o l i c church to be ad-jacent i n each l o c a l i t y so that the nucleus of a denom-i n a t i o n c l u s t e r i n g i s s t a r t e d . The magnetic i n f l u e n c e of t h i s nucleus i s well-known i n r e a l estate c i r c l e s and there i s always a good market f o r houses w i t h i n walking distance of a C a t h o l i c church or school. In Edmonton i t has seemed to work out that there i s such an R.C. c l u s t e r i n every other neighbourhood. I t i s found to be an advantage i f the church-school combin-- 78 -a t i o n i s lo c a t e d on the perimeter of one of the u n i t s i n such a way that i t i s almost i n the centre of the se r v i c e area of the Roman C a t h o l i c f a m i l i e s which i t serves. This same method can be adopted i n the s i t i n g of a Protestant school i n a predominantly C a t h o l i c p a r t of the country. Thus- i t i s that Mr. Isaacs's comments on the off-balance s t r u c t u r e of school l o c a t i o n i n a mixed denominational .area seem to be over-stated. When there are small r e s i d u a l areas which have had to remain i n housing use and yet are divorced from the a d j o i n i n g neighbourhood u n i t the c h i l d r e n , i t i s t r u e , w i l l be forced to cross one main a r t e r y to attend the nearest school. This w i l l happen whether the neighbour-hood concept has been u t i l i s e d i n the design of the area or not (and w i l l occur l e s s f r e q u e n t l y when the concept has been used from the s t a r t ) and i s i n e v i t a b l e . Such r e s i d u a l areas, too small to be c l a s s i f i e d as school-o r i e n t a t e d u n i t s , are b e t t e r used f o r other than r e s i d -e n t i a l use i f at a l l p o s s i b l e . When Perry worked out h i s concept o r i g i n a l l y , i t was usual f o r schools>to be la r g e and a l l - i n c l u s i v e . Thus i t was that 1 0 , 0 0 0 was a r r i v e d at as being the best s i z e d population pool to supply a school and thus to form a neighbourhood u n i t . In B r i t a i n the concept has been - 79 -c l o s e l y studied and again 10,000 was the f i g u r e a r r i v e d at f o r school purposes - although up to 15,000 has been suggested. I t i s c a l c u l a t e d that out of every 1,000 B r i t i s h c h i l d r e n fourteen reach school-commencing age each year and, of these, 1.2 are absorbed by p r i v a t e ( i n c l u d i n g R.C.) and s p e c i a l schools, l e a v i n g 12.8 per 1,000 f o r the primary school. Assuming a c l a s s of t h i r t y p u p i l s f o r each year of age, n e a r l y 2,500 people are needed to support a 'one-stream' primary (elementary) school and 5,000 to support the more usual 'two-stream' school, i n which two new c l a s s e s of c h i l d r e n of the same age, but who are l a t e r d i v i d e d ac-cording to a b i l i t y , commence each year. The B r i t i s h Secondary School system i s complicated and v a r i a b l e . I d e a l l y there are three l e v e l s of school: the t r a d i t i o n a l Grammar School f o r the academic c h i l d ; the Secondary Modern for the not-so-clever, and the Technical f o r the c h i l d whose t a l e n t l i e s i n h i s hands or who, f o r want of any s c h o l a s t i c a b i l i t y at a l l , has to be content with a menial career. The s o c i a l pressure d i r e c t e d towards gaining entrance t& the Grammar School i s t e r r i f i c and the whole s t r u c t u r e has been under c r i t i c i s m since i t s i n c e p t i o n - 80 -i n the S o c i a l i s t Education Act of the mid-1940's. In London, f o r instance, a l l these c h i l d - t y p e s go to the same, enormous comprehensive school but are graded t h e r e i n . Thereby i t i s hoped that the stigma of not having a t t a i n e d a Grammar School i s removed. In the United Kingdom, many Secondary schools are d i v i d e d i n t o those f o r Boys and those f o r G i r l s , u n l i k e the co-educational system of North America. To g e n e r a l i s e : a 'three-stream' Secondary Modern School with classes of t h i r t y , one sex, covering f i v e years of age, contains 450 p u p i l s which, at 12.8 per 1,000 per year of age and assuming that only two-thirds go to the Secondary Modern (the other one-third d i v i d e d i n t o Grammar and Technical) r e q u i r e s a population of about 21,000 to (4) support i t . The s o l u t i o n used i s f o r a p a i r of such schools, one f o r each sex, to be l o c a t e d i n the open space between two neighbourhoods of 10,000 each. I t would appear f a r wiser to have four u n i t s of 5,000 people - the number req u i r e d to support one two-stream primary school - with one co-educational Secondary Modern School f o r every two neighbourhood u n i t s . The B r i t i s h Nursery School provides f o r pre-school (4) A l l these f i g u r e s derived from Lewis Keeble, P r i n c i p l e s  & P r a c t i c e of Town and Country Planning, E s t a t e s Gazette, London, 1952, ch. 16. - 81 -age c h i l d r e n - e s p e c i a l l y f o r c h i l d r e n of working mothers -and although attendance i s voluntary i t can form the nucleus f o r a sub-<neighbourhood, or 'area' as some B r i t i s h Planners have defined i t . While t h i s i s a u s e f u l breakdown f o r a 10,000-people u n i t , i t i s not l i k e l y to have a place i n the Canadian type 2,500-5,000 u n i t . In conclusion i t . i s seen that the s i z e of schools i s a v a r i a b l e f a c t o r ; but nevertheless the w r i t e r t h i n k s t h a t , by and l a r g e , the neighbourhood s i z e should be deter-mined by the population required to support an elementary school. For Western Canadian c o n d i t i o n s an Edmonton-type school w i l l y i e l d neighbourhoods of about 3,000 (2,000 to 5,000) people. However, the problem of s i z e w i l l be r e f e r r e d to l a t e r . The Church The de s i r e to worship i s one of Man's basic i n -s t i n c t s and the place of worship i s the f o c a l point of most settlements i n most of the areas i n the world. U n t i l t h i s century the C h r i s t i a n church was the f o c a l point of many settlements i n the Western Hemisphere - as the Roman Catho-l i c Church s t i l l i s i n much of Southern Europe. The p a r i s h church dominated the v i l l a g e or urban p a r i s h j u s t as the cathedral dominated the c i t y . Indeed the t r a d i t i o n a l - 82 -d e f i n i t i o n of a B r i t i s h c i t y was a large urban settlement with a cathedral - and places l i k e Canterbury and S a l i s -bury are not even very l a r g e . I t i s s a i d today that j u s t as the modern, t a l l c i t y b u i l d i n g s crowd over the now dwarfed cathedrals so equal l y man's v i s i o n i s now u p l i f t e d to man's own commercial skyscrapers rath e r than to the s p i r i t u a l heights of the church s p i r e . The s p i r e ' s gesture heavenwards has become ra t h e r p a t h e t i c beside the l o f t y apartment store or o f f i c e block i n whose shadow the Church of God i n now made to crouch. The va n i t y of man, as the V i c t o r i a n s would have s a i d , shows no s i g n of s t a b i l i t y or s a t i a t i o n . In Perry's concept the churches occupy a c e n t r a l p o s i t i o n and Isaacs's c r i t i c i s m that the s e r v i c e spheres of the churches do not coincide the the neighbourhood's i s j u s t i f i e d up to a p o i n t . However, Perry's p r i n c i p l e s were never supposed to be hard and f a s t . In the case of an ex-c l u s i v e l y Roman C a t h o l i c neighbourhood of 2,000-5,000 persons - as i n Quebec - the neighbourhood and the p a r i s h are l i k e l y to c o i n c i d e , and the churches and the neighbour-hood s t i l l have d e f i n i t e r e l a t i o n s h i p s even i n the mixed r e l i g i o u s areas of most of North America. I t i s i n s t r u c t i v e to study the f o l l o w i n g s t a t i s t i c a l breakdown of the denom-i n a t i o n a l complexity of the C h r i s t i a n Churches i n the United - 83 -Kingdom and North America, with the Jewish f i g u r e s i n c l u d e d . MAJOR CANADA (1951) U.S.A. (1955) U.K.(1956) DENOMINATIONS Church members: % of t o t a l Church members: Number of churches: Church members: Roman C a t h o l i c s : 6,069,496 43.3 33,396,647 21,086 4,393,270 Anglican; C. of E. or Ep i s c o p a l : 2,060,720 14.7 2,758,000 7,271 ? United Church: 2,867,271 20.5 -Methodist Bodies: - - 11,661,951 52,496 1,103,471 Pre s b y t e r i a n Bodies: 781,747 5.6 6,544,569 13,974 1,770,000 approx. Lutheran Bodies:- 444,923 3.2 6,940,000 15,763 -• B a p t i s t Bodies: 519,585 3-7 18,900,000 86,010 326,633 Eastern Churches: 359,000 2.6 2,402,000 1,191 -Jewish: 204,836 1.5 5,500,000 4,079 400,000 approx. Jehovah 1 s Witnesses: ? - 187,120 3,484 ? Other: ? - ? ? , 7 Note: Except f o r Jehovah's Witnesses, these f i g u r e s are f o r denominations with memberships of not l e s s than two m i l l i o n i n the Unites States and 200,000 i n Canada). (5) Canada Year Book; S t a t i s t i c a l A bstract of the U.S.; (U.K.) Annual Abstruct of S t a t i s t i c s and Whittakers Almanack. - 84 -6 l per cent, of the people of the United States are claimed as members by some church group or other; and 328 i s the s i z e of the average church congregation. I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to compare the s i z e of various denomin-a t i o n a l congregations - f o r i n s t a n c e , the Jehovah's Wit-nesses, who are rep r e s e n t a t i v e of many of the sm a l l e r , and thus u n l i s t e d , e v a n g e l i c a l free Protestant denomin-at i o n s only have an average congregation of 52 persons, while the Roman C a t h o l i c average i s 1,257. Thus, the l a t t e r s i z e d p a r i s h w i l l correspond with the neighbour-hood system quite conveniently while the smaller groups, with smaller congregations, may also f i t i n t o the network of neighbourhoods. By estimating the denominational breakdown of the population of any c i t y one may be able, very approximately, to plan f o r church d i s t r i b u t i o n . The table below i s derived from the previous one and i t shows the average s i z e of U.S. parishes by denom-i n a t i o n : (6 ) Average U.S. congregation Roman C a t h o l i c 1,257 E p i s c o p a l i a n 383 B a p t i s t bodies 210 Presb y t e r i a n bodies 467 (6) S t a t i s t i c a l A bstract of the U.S. ( d e r i v a t i o n ) . - 85 -Methodist bodies 283 Lutheran bodies 4-38 Jewish 1,375 Eastern Churches 2,000 Jehovah 1s Witnesses 52 I t i s seen that the organised and most u n i f i e d sects have the l a r g e s t congregations or p a r i s h memberships, as i l l u s t r a t e d by the t r a d i t i o n a l l y d i s c i p l i n e d Roman C a t h o l i c and Jewish churches. Of the schism-prone Prot-estant bodies the Presbyterians with t h e i r Moderator and Assembly and the Lutherans may be l e s s i n c l i n e d to break up i n t o f r a c t i o n s than the B a p t i s t s and Methodists, and t h i s may account f o r the l a r g e r congregations. With an e n t h u s i a s t i c body l i k e the Jehovah's Witnesses, and the other e v a n g e l i c a l sects which they t y p i f y , a small band of regul a r church attenders and workers can support a church, while an equal number of perhaps more d i l a t o r y E p i s c o p a l -ians might not have the enthusiasm to form an a c t i v e con-gregation. This may e x p l a i n the low f i g u r e of f i f t y - t w o f o r the average Jehovah's Witnesses Church. Another f a c t o r that has had a bearing on congregation s i z e was the tend-ency of c e r t a i n ethnic groups to have s e t t l e d i n commun-i t i e s , thereby supporting one la r g e church. This would f u r t h e r e x p l a i n the large Jewish congregations and e s p e c i a l l y those of the Eastern churches, whose o r i g i n a l parishes f o r the most part consisted of newly-arrived immigrants. - 86 -The church plays an a c t i v e p art i n the l i v e s of many people who may attend one or more Sunday s e r v i c e s and, i n a d d i t i o n , other church groups throughout the week. A church enthusiast i s u s u a l l y able to occupy him- or h e r s e l f with church a c t i v i t i e s almost every night of the week. However, i t i s impossible to generalise f o r the p o s i t i o n v a r i e s from person to person, p a r i s h to p a r i s h , and sect to s e c t . The members of the e v a n g e l i c a l churches are often so engrossed i n church a c t i v i t i e s that they have few i f any other l e i s u r e - t i m e i n t e r e s t s . Most Roman C a t h o l i c s attend s e r v i c e s every Sunday, but due to the number of masses, the peak attendance i s spread over s e v e r a l periods of worship. The An g l i c a n / E p i s c o p a l i a n memberships tend to embrace a great number of non-churchgoers or, at best, those who attend s e r v i c e s two or three times a year and the same tendency i s found i n the United Church of Canada, whose membership i s more or l e s s d i v i d e d i n t o r e g u l a r attenders and those who never or seldom attend. Another tendency of these l a t t e r denominations i s to have peak worshipping at the Sunday l a t e morning s e r v i c e , which means that f o r the other s e r v i c e s the churches are almost empty and f o r the 10.30 a.m. to 12.45 p.m. period there i s an acute car parking problem. The smaller Protestant groups on the other hand of t e n have t h e i r b i g or only s e r v i c e on Sunday evening. Thus, the hab i t of worship v a r i e s from l o c a l i t y to l o c a l i t y , depending on l o c a l custom and the prevalent denominations. - 8? -Isaacs wrote, " I t i s a d i f f i c u l t problem to plan (7) f o r the church w i t h i n the neighbourhood" - and that i s c o r r e c t . However, the church p a r i s h can be adapted to groupings of neighbourhoods i n a l l areas, and i n areas of a predominant f a i t h the p a r i s h and the neighbourhood w i l l c o i n c i d e . In c e r t a i n (but only very few) areas, Perry's notion of two churches i n a 10,000 population u n i t would work. In 1934 the average American, P r o t e s t a n t , l a r g e r c i t y church had an adult membership of 596, with 789 mem-bers f o r c i t i e s exceeding 300,000 population. The o v e r a l l average church congregation ( i n c l u d i n g r u r a l ) was 191 adult members, which compares i n t e r e s t i n g l y with the already quoted 1955 f i g u r e of 328 (which may inc l u d e c h i l -dren). The 1936 Census of R e l i g i o u s Bodies showed that the U.S. average f o r urban C a t h o l i c parishes was 1,939 members with metropolitan parishes varying from 2,000 to 20,000 members,- oi" which the l a t t e r f i g u r e i s considered f a r too l a r g e . Roman C a t h o l i c parishes sometimes acquire ethnic or s t r a t a q u a l i t i e s : I r i s h , P o l i s h , Negro or work-(7) Journal of Housing, J u l y 19^8, p. 1?8. (8) May and Shuttleworth, The Education of American M i n i -s t e r s , I n s t i t u t e of S o c i a l and R e l i g i o u s Research, New York, 193k. - 88 -i n g c l a s s , middle c l a s s , e t c . , due to e s o t e r i c settlement (9) pat t e r n s . The l o c a t i o n of churches i n the web of neighbour-hoods i s a matter of l o c a l c o n d i t i o n s , depending p r i m a r i l y on the o v e r a l l denominational breakdown i n the c i t y - but having regard to l o c a l area c o n d i t i o n s of settlement and t r a d i t i o n . As an example: i n Edmonton i t was found t h a t , by and l a r g e , assuming neighbourhoods of about 4,000 people, there would be approximately twelve or t h i r t e e n churches f o r every eight neighbourhoods. These would c o n s i s t of a Roman C a t h o l i c church f o r every two u n i t s ; one Anglican and one United f o r every four u n i t s ; one B a p t i s t , Lutheran and Presb y t e r i a n f o r every eight u n i t s ; and one or two others, u s u a l l y Eastern European (Greek R i t e C a t h o l i c - Uk r a i n i a n tongue - or Greek Orthodox) or E v a n g e l i c a l P r o t e s t a n t , es-p e c i a l l y Nazareen, Mormon or Seventh Day Ad v e n t i s t . These churches, except i n the dominant f a i t h areas, are b e t t e r l o c a t e d on the perimeter of the u n i t s , where they are r e a d i l y a c c e s s i b l e by main road. I f they are located adjacent to the l o c a l s t o res or s e r v i c e s t a t i o n s the Sunday worshippers can park t h e i r cars on the nearby parking areas. But even then there should be provided a (9) C.J. Nuesse & Thomas J . Harte, The Sociology of the P a r i s h , Bruce P u b l i s h i n g Co., Milwaukee, 1951. - 89 -church parking l o t , f o r otherwise the weekly church workers w i l l f i l l up the store parking spaces. When there i s no other a v a i l a b l e parking lot., a f i g u r e of one parking space f o r every ten members of the congregation i s d e s i r a b l e and one f o r every twenty imperative, otherwise the Sunday s t r i n g s of parked cars w i l l g r e a t l y harm the church's r e l a t i o n s h i p with the people l i v i n g nearby, whose driveways w i l l be blocked and whose gardens hemmed i n by the congregation's automobiles. I t i s because of t h i s that, l o t s beside a church are never" popular with the r e a l t o r . However, again, the p s y c h o l o g i c a l considerations of the worshipping h a b i t s of the denomination must be remembered - e i t h e r a crowd at 11.00 or 11.30 a.m., or at 6.3O or 7.00 p.m., or else an attendance spread over e a r l y masses commencing (with loud b e l l r i n g i n g ) at 7»00 or 8.00 a.m. As S i r S t a f f o r d Cripps s a i d : "There i s i n the C h r i s t i a n Church a r e s e r v o i r of goodwill which, i f harnessed to s o c i a l ends, could transform s o c i e t y " . i n t h i s r e -gard, the planners must co n t r i b u t e by p r o v i d i n g f o r and i n -t e g r a t i n g churches i n t o the neighbourhood patterns of our c i t i e s . I t w i l l be up to the m i n i s t e r s and the congrega-t i o n s to do the r e s t . (9a) The United Church of Canada, C h r i s t i a n C i t i z e n s h i p , 1953. - 90 -Recreation - the Play Areas, Parks and Community Centre I t i s hardly an exaggeration to say that the man of 1958 works so that he can a f f o r d to play. His grand-father worked to provide a home and h i s great-great-grand-father worked to eat. Today even a home i s assured to a l l but the unemployable (even i f i t does mean a p a i n l e s s twenty year debt to pay f o r i t ) and so now our dreams are moulded i n more e x c i t i n g terms - a 1958 automobile, a boat f o r the l a k e , a weekend cabin, a week's f i s h i n g , a motor t r i p to Yellowstone Park, a holid a y i n Mexico or three months i n Europe. Every sunny F r i d a y morning sets our pulses beating f o r the weekend: every Monday morning i s spent i n r e m i n i s c i n g - and by Wednesday the plans are being made again. We are t o l d that North America i s overproducing and that the men who know want everyone to have more l e i s u r e time so as to allow the i n d u s t r i a l Colossus to ease up. In 1850 the average man worked a 72 hour week: i n 1950 a kO hour week.^^^ Recreation i s good f o r our minds, nerves and bodies. We need time f o r c u l t u r e and new ideas; our nervous systems need r e l a x a t i o n from the pressure of modern l i f e and our bodies b e n e f i t from sun and good e x e r c i s e . We (10) Reimer, Op. c i t . - 91 -w i l l become an even h e a l t h i e r c i v i l i s a t i o n - strong i n mind and body, happy. Planners must plan f o r l e i s u r e . The r e c r e a t i o n and t o u r i s t i n d u s t r y today grows phenomen-a l l y . "Any e f f o r t to sum up modern trends i n American r e -c r e a t i o n must l a y emphasis upon i t s u n i v e r s a l i t y , i t s wide d i v e r s i t y of a c t i v i t i e s , ' a n d the tendency toward frequent, r a t h e r than o c c a s i o n a l , p a r t i c i p -a t i o n i n i t s enjoyment. Other aspects of almost equal importance are the wide vogue of amusements that provide t h r i l l s and excitement, the des i r e to be on the move and to seek d i v e r s i o n through t r a v e l to d i s t a n t places, the extra o r d i n a r y i n t e r e s t i n the outcome of competitive s p o r t s , both p r o f e s s i o n a l and amateur, the growing p o p u l a r i t y of forms of r e -c r e a t i o n that can be j o i n t l y p a r t i c i p a t e d i n by both men and women, the w i l l i n g n e s s to spend a consider-able proportion of the fam i l y income f o r r e c r e a t i o n , and the widespread use of the device of o r g a n i z a t i o n f o r the promotion of l e i s u r e - t i m e i n t e r e s t s " . (10a) What i s the neighbourhood 1s place i n t h i s l e i s u r e -pattern? The neighbourhood has d e f i n i t e l y s u f f e r e d due to the increased m o b i l i t y of the masses. Every weekend sees an exodus from the suburban home - but the trend must not be magnified, f o r there are many who cannot or do not want to j o i n i n t h i s weekly exodus. Those with young c h i l d r e n , men with weekend s h i f t work, working mothers, those with i n f i r m dependents, and those who do not have a car or do not l i k e the fuss and bu s t l e of the long, hot d r i v e s away from the c i t y - a l l these w i l l be spending most weekends at home. (10a) Jesse F. S t e i n e r , "Modern Recreation: Backgrounds 8c Modern Trends", C i t i e s and So c i e t y , Free Press, I l l i n o i s , 1957-- 9 2 -There i s another urban tendency which i s a l s o d r i v i n g the neighbourhood people back onto t h e i r own r e -sources and that i s the i n c r e a s i n g d i f f i c u l t y of g e t t i n g down town i n the evenings and f i n d i n g a car-parking place once one gets there. Not only are the neighbourhoods growing up f u r t h e r and f u r t h e r away from the metropolitan core so that the journey downtown, e s p e c i a l l y by p u b l i c transport, i s becoming a wearisome one but the congestion of t r a f f i c i n the c e n t r a l area grows annually worse. There w i l l always be the a t t r a c t i o n of the b i g theatres, the night clubs, the pubs and the earthy beat of the great urban heart i t s e l f . People w i l l s t i l l f l o c k to the s t a d i a to watch f o o t b a l l and b a s e b a l l , w r e s t l i n g and boxing, i c e hockey and bingo games i n t h e i r tens of thous-ands. Spectatorism, as Nero w e l l understood, i s one of, the d e s i r e s of man. The neighbourhood, though, has i t s own respons-i b i l i t i e s - not l e a s t to the c h i l d r e n , who besides the a c t i v i t i e s o f f e r e d by the schools want other play-areas, e s p e c i a l l y the young c h i l d r e n and those who do not attend the l o c a l school and may- thus be excluded from using i t s f a c i l i t i e s . - 93 -The Canadian Youth Commission l i s t e d ^ " ^ these outdoor non-team sports i n order of p o p u l a r i t y as chosen by a c r o s s - s e c t i o n of Canadian Youth ( E n g l i s h and French speaking, boys and g i r l s ) : s k a t i n g , swimming, boating, tobogganing, s k i i n g , t e n n i s , horse r i d i n g , horse-shoe throwing, t r a c k and f i e l d and g o l f . The indoor choices, i n order, were: cards, checkers, bowling, gym s p o r t s , b i l l i a r d s , boxing, w r e s t l i n g and chess. The outdoor choices r e f l e c t two of Canada's geo-g r a p h i c a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s - the col d weather needed f o r s k a t i n g , tobogganing and s k i i n g , and the areas of open water used f o r swimming and boating. Of these, the neigh-bourhood can and should provide: a winter s k a t i n g area; an a r t i f i c i a l toboggan-run can be made f o r the pre-school c h i l d r e n ; a swimming pool i s a luxury that every area should and does not have, due to the expense and the need fo r constant and t r a i n e d s u p e r v i s i o n ; tennis i s a d e f i n i t e n e c e s s i t y , but again r e q u i r e s a t t e n t i o n and i s c o s t l y ; horse-shoe throwing could be a l l i e d with the community centre, as could the indoor games and sp o r t s . Some of the above are s u i t a b l e f o r p r o v i s i o n by the schools or commun-i t y o r g a n i z a t i o n s ; others, l i k e boating, s k i i n g , r i d i n g and g o l f , do not come w i t h i n the scope of the neighbourhood. R e c r e a t i o n a l f a c i l i t i e s g e n e r a l l y are d i v i d e d - 9k -i n t o a c t i v e and passive. Standards f o r a c t i v e r e c r e a t i o n have been e s t a b l i s h e d , and accepted i n theory at l e a s t ; with a f i g u r e of ten acres per 1,000 persons being the i d e a l f o r the o v e r a l l c i t y p i c t u r e f o r both a c t i v e and passive r e c r e a t i o n . The NEIGHBOURHOOD PLAY-AREAS should provide:' (a) small space f o r pre-school c h i l d r e n - t o t l o t s ; (b) apparatus area f o r older c h i l d r e n ; (c) open space f o r i n f o r m a l play; (d) surfaced area f o r court games, such as t e n n i s , handball, v o l l e y b a l l , e t c . ; (e) p l a y i n g f i e l d f o r games, such as s o f t b a l l , touch f o o t b a l l , mass games, etc..'; ( f ) paddling pool; (g) s h e l t e r and changing b u i l d i n g with t o i l e t s , washing f a c i l i t i e s , d r i n k i n g fountains, and maybe an area f o r quiet games, i n s t r u c t i o n , c r a f t s , e t c . ; - although these a c t i v i t i e s are bet t e r c a r r i e d out i n part of the community centre, which should a d j o i n the playground. (12) Derived from: American P u b l i c Health A s s o c i a t i o n , Planning the Neighbourhood, P u b l i c A d m i n i s t r a t i o n S e r v i c e , Chicago, 1948, p. 48. - 95 -NEIGHBOURHOOD POPULATION F a c i l i t y 1,000 persons 3,000 persons 5,000 persons (13) Playground Area 2.75 acres 4 acres 6 acres Neighbourhood Park (Area i n normal housing develop-ment) (14) 1.50 acres 2.50 acres 3.50 acres Neighbourhood Park (Area i n m u l t i -f a m i l y development, where no p r i v a t e yards) (15) 2 acres 4 acres 6 acres (13) N a t i o n a l Recreation A s s o c i a t i o n Standard - see Planning the Neighbourhood, I b i d . , p. 48. (14) Committee on the Hygiene of Housing, A.P.H.A. -see I b i d . , p. 49. (15) I b i d . (Note: In the normal housing development i t i s assumed that the p r i v a t e l o t does not exceed )4 acre. The average f a m i l y s i z e had been taken at what seemed to be a low f i g u r e of 3«6 persons, derived from the 1940 U.S. Census f i g u r e s f o r the t o t a l urban p o p u l a t i o n ) . The NEIGHBOURHOODPARK i s to provide passive r e c r e a t i o n a l opportunity with maybe space f o r quie t games l i k e horseshoe p i t c h i n g , croquet, lawn bowls, e t c . For the most part i t w i l l be landscaped and planted with bulbs, shrubs, and shady and c o l o u r f u l t r e e s . Paths w i l l cross i t and seats should be s i t e d at appropriate l o c a t i o n s . This w i l l be the a e s t h e t i c nucleus of the neighbourhood where - 96 -people w i l l walk and b r i n g t h e i r f r i e n d s . A s i g n of com-munity s p i r i t w i l l be the s u b s c r i b i n g f o r a fountain f o r the park. The best houses w i l l , i n a l l l i k e l i h o o d , over-look t h i s green o a s i s , although i f i t i s combined with the noise-generating community centre there w i l l not be quite such a demand to b u i l d the more expensive type of house i n t h i s l o c a t i o n . The park, play-area and community centre may a l l be combined at the centre of the neighbourhood but other small amenity open spaces should be lo c a t e d at other parts of the u n i t i f there i s any hope of t h e i r being looked a f t e r - e i t h e r by the l o c a l a u t h o r i t y or by the people i n the area. This i s another f a c i l i t y the p r o v i s i o n of which depends to a great extent on l o c a l custom, and unless small park areas are to be looked a f t e r i t i s b e t t e r to omit them completely. In Edmonton, such areas are kept up by the C i t y Parks Department but i n perhaps the m a j o r i t y of c i t i e s there i s no such d e f i n i t e r u l i n g . Tot l o t s f o r the pre-school c h i l d r e n are also required i n more than the one c e n t r a l l o c a t i o n . The s i t i n g of these i s again a matter of l o c a l habit and f i n a n c i a l p r o v i s i o n . The recommended t o t a l of 6.50 acres f o r Playground Area and the Neighbourhood Park f o r a neighbourhood of 3,000 persons (as i n the Table) i s a l i t t l e more than w i l l be - 97 -customary i n most parts of Canada. i n Edmonton, f o r ins t a n c e , a 5-acre park combining both landscaped and play-areas i s considered c o r r e c t by the C i t y Parks Department f o r a neighbourhood of from 3,000 to 4,500 people approx-imately. In a d d i t i o n , however, there w i l l be the small amenity park areas and probably two a d d i t i o n a l t o t l o t s , OA acre i s suggested f o r t o t l o t s and 1/& acre f o r the Com-(17) munity League S i t e ) . Some designers advocate the use of 'greenways 1, which form a network of footpaths and open space behind tire houses, p r o v i d i n g safe walkways f o r s c h o o l c h i l d r e n and adding beauty to the area. The trouble i s that few l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s w i l l ;agree to look a f t e r such areas and the idea i s a l i t t l e too i d e a l i s t i c f o r general use. The r e l a t i o n s h i p of school and community i s im-portant i n t h i s connection. In Edmonton, the P u b l i c School Board and Separate School Board both work with the c i t y o f f i c i a l s c l o s e l y and sometimes combine t h e i r play areas with the neighbourhood's. The Junior and Senior P u b l i c High Schools grounds, i n p a r t i c u l a r , are o f t e n l i n k e d w i t h the community park. (16) i . e . , 4 acres per 3,000 population was recommended by the Committee of Recreation Executives; Report  to the Middle A t l a n t i c D i s t r i c t Recreation Conference, March 1954. (17) C i t y of Edmonton Town Planning Department, Report on A c t i v e and Passive Recreation, Park and Open Space  F a c i l i t i e s w i t h i n the C i t y of Edmonton, January 1955. - 98 -I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to compare B r i t i s h f i g u r e s on open space. In the C i t y of Manchester Plan, the neighbourhood i s to c o n s i s t of 10,000 persons - reducing ( l 8 ) these to equivalent f i g u r e s f o r a 3,000 population: Children's playparks V/z acres; Organised games 6 acres; Ornamental parks 6 acres; Allotments 3 acres; Minor Parkways 3 acres; Tota l 19# acres. This i s extremely high and r e f l e c t s the i d e a l -i s t i c tone of immediate post-war B r i t i s h planning. A l l o t -ments are a B r i t i s h i n s t i t u t i o n seldom required i n North American c i t i e s . They provide f o r the keen gardener whose small l o t does not s u f f i c e . Keeble suggests i n h i s f i n a l a n a l y s i s of neigh-bourhood space requirements that p l a y i n g - f i e l d s should be provided at k acres per 1,000 and parks at 3 acres per 1,000 - a t o t a l of 21 acres f o r our 3,000 people u n i t ; but adds: " I f , i n any p a r t i c u l a r case, s u b s t a n t i a l areas of open space were lo c a t e d to serve the town as a whole rather than the i n d i v i d u a l neighbourhoods, the f i g u r e s (19) would, of course, have to be reduced". (18) Keeble, Op. c i t . , p. 327. (19) I b i d . , p. 337. - 99 -These B r i t i s h f i g u r e s r e f l e c t the much higher density of B r i t i s h r e s i d e n t i a l u n i t s and e s p e c i a l l y the smaller l o t s and garden space i n the predominently t e r r a c e -house type development. The COMMUNITY CENTRE w i l l serve many of the r e c r e a t i o n a l requirements of the neighbours. "The term 'Community Centre' has a v a r i e t y of connot-a t i o n s . As i t i s being considered i n Canada today, i t i s u s u a l l y i n t e r p r e t e d as being a s i n g l e b u i l d i n g , which must serve a panoramic f u n c t i o n . Under one roof p r o v i s i o n must be made to meet the educational, s o c i a l and r e c r e a t i o n a l needs of the e n t i r e community. Included under these broad headings are l i b r a r y f a c i l -i t i e s , clubrooms f o r men and women, teenagers and c h i l d r e n ; equipped gymnasium, bowling a l l e y s , swimming-pools, auditorium, separate accommodation f o r nursery schools, health s e r v i c e s and c h i l d r e n ' s a c t i v i t i e s are a l l requirements of an e f f i c i e n t community centre .... and every allowance should be made f o r growth and change". (20) Probably a gymnasium i s unnecessary i n a neighbourhood f o r i t w i l l be provided at the school, and bowling a l l e y s would req u i r e a wider pool of people to support them than would be found i n a 3,000 population u n i t . However, i f l o c a t e d at the shopping centre i t could s e r v i c e a wide area and yet r e t a i n a l o c a l advantage. N a t u r a l l y not every neighbourhood could manage t h i s . The many arguments f o r school-community (20) Gwen F i f e , Community Centres i n Canada, Ryerson Press, Toronto, 19^5. - 100 -cobperation are epitomised i n the need f o r the p r o v i s i o n of an auditorium, h a l l , gymnasium, swimming po o l , l i b r a r y f a c i l i t i e s , and the outside tennis courts and p l a y i n g f i e l d s . These are required e q u a l l y by school and community centre and should be supported by each. The school gym, stage, l i b r a r y and p l a y i n g f i e l d s should i d e a l l y be a v a i l -able to everyone i n the area while the community centre would set aside s p e c i a l periods f o r school use of the swim-ming pool, h a l l , and the tennis courts and other p l a y i n g areas. The school-community r e l a t i o n s h i p s vary from area to area according to l o c a l p e r s o n a l i t i e s and t r a d i t i o n s . Quite often the schools j e a l o u s l y guard t h e i r premises against 1 l o c a l i n t e r f e r e n c e ' and i n such cases neighbourhood cobperation i s much reduced. One of the most important things i s to discover (21) what people want. In a war-time survey of over t h i r t y centres i n a l l types and s i z e s of communities from coast to coast, c e r t a i n needs made themselves f e l t . A c e r t a i n per-centage of the people surveyed required p r o v i s i o n f o r f a c i l -i t i e s under these general headings: (21) L i o n e l S c o t t , Community Centres i n Canada, I b i d . - 101 -Babies, c h i l d r e n , Young People 32.2% Health and Welfare 16.0% Community Service and war work 12.7% Sports 12.0% Miscellaneous Adult A c t i v i t i e s 11.6% Education and Study Groups 9.0% S o c i a l 6.5%. 136 d i f f e r e n t kinds of a c t i v i t i e s took place i n these t h i r t y centres, ranging from p r e - n a t a l c l i n i c s to garden clubs, c r e d i t unions, c h o i r s , chess clubs and j i t t e r -bug contests. More than s i x t y d i f f e r e n t e s t a b l i s h e d pro-f e s s i o n a l and l a y agencies contributed l e a d e r s h i p , resources or f a c i l i t i e s . The more important urban youth-serving organ-i s a t i o n s i n c l u d e : Y.M.C.A., Y.W.C.A., Church and R e l i g i o u s groups, J u n i o r Red Cross, Boy Scouts and G i r l Guides, l o c a l youth clubs and other o r g a n i s a t i o n s . The men's f r a t e r n a l clubs play a very important r o l e i n many community p r o j e c t s . The Community Centres Conference at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia i n 1946 l i s t e d the basic needs of the (22) i n d i v i d u a l around which a programme i s developed: the joy of c r e a t i o n , f e l l o w s h i p , adventure, sense of achievement, p h y s i c a l well-being., use of mental powers, emotional exper-ience, enjoyment of beauty, sense of s e r v i c e , and r e l a x a t i o n . (22) Report compiled by the Department of U n i v e r s i t y Exten-s i o n , U.B.C., (Community Centres Conference, June 1946). - 102 -A c t i v i t i e s were c l a s s i f i e d : a c t i v e games and s p o r t s , s o c i a l , musical, 'arts and c r a f t s , drama, dancing, nature outings, mental and l i n g u i s t i c a c t i v i t i e s , c o l l e c t i n g and se r v i c e a c t i v i t i e s . The age d i v i s i o n s were: pre-school; 6-9 (boys and g i r l s together); 9-12, (boys and g i r l s want to be separated); teenagers; young a d u l t s ; a d u l t s and seni o r c i t -i z e n s . "The programme must be b u i l t d e m o c r a t i c a l l y .... f i n d .... what they want to do, help them plan t h e i r own (23) programme". The Conference defined the community centre: "The process of neighbours coming together on an equal f o o t i n g to enjoy s o c i a l , r e c r e a t i v e and educational a c t i v i t i e s , e i t h e r as members of groups f o l l o w i n g p a r t i c u l a r hobbies and p u r s u i t s , or on the b a s i s of t h e i r common needs and i n t e r e s t s as human beings l i v i n g i n the same l o c a l i t y " . For the neighbourhood to have strong we-feeling there must be s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n , and the community centre i s the best place f o r t h i s to generate. Here the various s o c i a l and other groups can meet, and probably the most important f a c i l i t y which the centre provides i s a meeting place. Here the o l d can gather and chat and i n a separate room the youngsters can get together ( i n the d i s c u s s i o n (23) Youth and Education, Op. c i t . - 103 -e a r l i e r on the people of the neighbourhood i t was revealed that 25 per cent, of the Canadian youth wanted improved ( 23a ) communal f a c i l i t i e s ) . The young mothers can meet by day, and i n d i f f e r e n t c l o t h e s and i n a d i f f e r e n t r o l e they can meet again i n the evening with t h e i r husbands. The success of the centre i s 'something which cannot be p r e d i c t e d . Among the sparks re q u i r e d to s t a r t o f f an a c t i v e community movement the most important i s lea d e r s h i p from w i t h i n the neighbourhood, and there i s no s y n t h e t i c a l t e r n a t i v e to t h i s . I f there i s no l e a d e r s h i p there w i l l be no community centre s p i r i t and l i t t l e we-f e e l i n g . The neighbourhood w i l l have f a i l e d . For reasons which are quite beyond the resources of the planner the u n i t w i l l have f a i l e d as a s o c i o l o g i c a l e n t i t y . The plan-ner provides the s i t e on the plan; the people have to organise a group; the group has to r a i s e money ( u s u a l l y with municipal a s s i s t a n c e ) ; and the money b u i l d s a centre; the people have to support the centre, and then the neigh-bourhood w i l l be on i t s way to becoming a b e t t e r place i n which to l i v e . The Shopping Centre L o c a l neighbourhood stores are one of the most (23a) I b i d . - 104 -important f o c a l p o i n t s i n a r e s i d e n t i a l area and with a l i t t l e care they can be designed i n such a way that- t h e i r p o t e n t i a l as a s o c i a l meeting place w i l l be enhanced. The k i d s of the area a u t o m a t i c a l l y f l o c k to the c l o s e s t cafe where they can drink t h e i r cokes and l i s t e n to the 1 top f i f t y ' records on the juke boxes. Here too, the older adolescents w i l l meet with t h e i r dates and the adu l t s w i l l drop i n o f f and on f o r batchelor meals, c i g a r e t t e s and the l i k e . The i d e a l centre w i l l a l s o provide a casual conversational arena f o r the s o c i a b l e women to get together. The notion of having trees and some benches i n a green spot i n f r o n t of the stores i s a t t r a c t i v e . Here the women can pause to r e s t and chat, and the people w i l l have a reason to be proud of t h e i r centre. As explained i n Part I , the sphere of the shop-ping centre w i l l overlap s e v e r a l neighbourhoods. I t w i l l , however, be most s t r o n g l y i d e n t i f i e d with the u n i t i n which i t i s l o c a t e d . Such a centre has been defined as "a group of commercial establishments planned, devel-oped and managed as a u n i t , with o f f - s t r e e t parking provided on the property, and r e l a t e d i n l o c a t i o n , s i z e and type of shop to the trade area that the u n i t serves - gene r a l l y i n an o u t l y i n g suburban area". (24) The Urban Land I n s t i t u t e Technical B u l l e t i n (24) Urban Land I n s t i t u t e Technical B u l l e t i n No. 20, J u l y 1953, p. 6. - 105 -No. 24 was devoted to a study of shopping h a b i t s , which revealed that 80-90 per cent, of shopping i s done by women. They do most of t h e i r downtown shopping around noon and v i s i t suburban centres approximately between 4 and 6 p.m. One-third of purchasing i s impulsive, so that a wide s e l e c -t i o n of goods at a convenient l o c a l store w i l l pay o f f . Shopping t r i p s are u s u a l l y d i v i d e d i n t o e i t h e r the purchase of 'convenience' goods, which are u s u a l l y found l o c a l l y , and 'shopping' goods, which include merchandise u s u a l l y found downtown, such as c l o t h e s , f u r n i t u r e , e t c. The p a t t e r n of shopping hours at the neighbour-hood centres i n Houston i n d i c a t e d that the shopping peak was 5 p.m., with the volume of v i s i t o r s on F r i d a y s and Saturdays being as much as three times that of other week-days. At some new supermarkets, three-quarters of the week's business i s c a r r i e d out on these days. Generally, i t has been found that 'convenience' goods shopping centres have a greater d a i l y but l e s s of a seasonal v a r i a t i o n than (25) more s p e c i a l i z e d centres. Lawrence Smith has defined the neighbourhood shopping centre as: "A grouping of a number of small merchants, the c o l l e c t i v e i n f l u e n c e of which a t t r a c t s a p o r t i o n of the buying power of the populance w i t h i n the immed-i a t e area. I t i s a nuclear group c a r r y i n g s t a p l e (25) Urban Land I n s t i t u t e Technical B u l l e t i n No. 24. - 1 0 6 -and convenience goods with g e n e r a l l y not more than one store of each ki n d complementing i n s t e a d of competing with each other". (26) In such a grouping, the advantages are l o y a l l o c a l trade: convenience to customers, and adequate parking. The problem of the type and numbers of stores to be provided has been stud i e d . In England i t was estimated that about 170 people are r equired to support a store - i . e . , s i x stores per (27) 1,000 people - while Perry, i n the appendix to "Housing For The Machine Age" deduced one hundred people per store as the equivalent f i g u r e f o r the United S t a t e s . Harold B. Wess s t a t e s that consumer income i s approximately spent as f o l l o w s : ' ' Department store type merchandise 1 8 % ; F u r n i t u r e and household equipment 5 « 4 % ; C l o t h i n g and shoes 8 . 4 % ; Food and a l c o h o l i c beverages 3 1 « 3 % > Gasoline and o i l 3 % ; Car and parts 5 « 3 % > Tobacco . 2 . 2 % . The amount spent i n any one area depends on the l i m i t s and population of the area, the average income per f a m i l y , the t o t a l income of the area, and the competition from other nearby areas. However, as Mr. Wess poi n t s out, one must not underestimate the excitement of the housewife's down-town shopping escapades: the window shopping, the b u s t l e , colour, l i g h t s , and the people; meeting o l d f r i e n d s , e a t i n g or t a king i n a show, e t c . ( 2 6 ) "Valuation of Neighbourhood Shopping Centres", A p p r a i s a l J o u r n a l , October 1 9 5 1 • ( 2 7 ) Lewis Keeble, Op. c i t . , p. 3 3 0 . - 107 -Hugh P o t t e r , one-time President of the Urban Land I n s t i t u t e , has suggested that a conservative estimate f o r a neighbourhood shopping frontage i s 1 f t . f o r every f i f t y people - although he admits that up to 5 f t . has been used. There should be 2 s q . f t . minimum of parking, he wrote, f o r (28) every square foot of shop area, while 3 s q . f t . i s p r e f e r a b l e . In the same a r t i c l e , Robert W. Dowling l i s t s the type of shops, e t c . , f o r c e r t a i n populations. Using Dowling's s e l e c -t i o n as a guide and the author's Edmonton experience, an average Canadian neighbourhood shopping centre might c o n s i s t of: Supermarket 50' x 100' Drug Store 30' x 100' Cafe 25' x 100' Dry cleaning and laundry depot 15' x 100' Beauty Pa r l o u r and adjacent Barber 30' x 100' . In a d d i t i o n , one or more of these are p o s s i b i l -i t i e s : a second, u s u a l l y owner-operated and f r e q u e n t l y Chinese, g r o c e t e r i a ; a hardv/are s t o r e ; cobbler; c h i r o p r a c -teur; d e n t i s t , and more r a r e l y , doctor; bank and r e a l t o r . The second, or o c c a s i o n a l l y a thi r d , , small grocery, may sur-vive e i t h e r i n the centre of the u n i t on the main through-neighbourhood 'drag' or i n i t s own l o c a t i o n on the circum-ference. One strange f a c t i s that even with severe (27a) Harold B. Wess, "Consider the Consumer", Urban Land, June, 1955. (28) A r c h i t e c t u r a l Forum, Oct. 19^3, p. 77. - 108 -competition a new, e f f i c i e n t store w i l l always a t t r a c t a c l i e n t e l e - but n a t u r a l l y i f there are too many compet-i t o r s at l e a s t one w i l l not have a s u f f i c i e n t turnover to su r v i v e . Important commercial e n t e r p r i s e s of every neigh-bourhood are the s e r v i c e s t a t i o n s , which w i l l , however, cater almost as much to passing t r a f f i c as to l o c a l custom-ers. In the present motorised period one can f i n d up to four s e r v i c e s t a t i o n s at each major i n t e r s e c t i o n and, assuming (an unfortunate but fre q u e n t l y occuring) square-shaped u n i t s , there may w e l l be one gas s t a t i o n at each corner. P u b l i c houses or taverns are a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of B r i t i s h , European and some U.S. neighbourhoods. They are a major s o c i a l u n i t and have a d e f i n i t e neighbourhood-making e f f e c t . Their l o g i c a l l o c a t i o n i s adjacent to or part of the shopping centre. To summarize: i t looks as i f Mr. P o t t e r ' s (29) f i g u r e s f o r the p r o v i s i o n of shopping frontage © 1 f t , per f i f t y people i s low; but, on the other hand, the B r i t i s h s i x shops per 1 , 0 0 0 people produces a f i g u r e ( u n r e a l i s t i c on ( 2 9 ) I b i d . - 109 -t h i s continent i n the author's experience) of eighteen shops f o r a 3,000 people u n i t . ^ 0 ^ Taking a mean of 2.5 f t . frontage per f i f t y people, one deduces a f i g u r e of 250 f t . f o r 3,000 people. This could be d i v i d e d as f o l l o w s : Supermarket 50' P r i v a t e g r o c e t e r i a 30' Drug store 30' Cafe 25' Barber and Beauty Shops 30' Dry Cleaning & Laundry Depot 15' D e n t i s t , Doctor or Chiro- 20 practeur Bank or R e a l t o r 30' Other store 20' TOTAL 250' 9 establishments. Industry and Employment There i s one p o s s i b l e component of the neigh-bourhood u n i t which has been gen e r a l l y disregarded or h a s t i l y dismissed as being t o t a l l y a l i e n , and that i s l o c a l i n d u s t r y . As the Goodman brothers have s a i d , (31) "Quarantining the technology - quarantining the homes"; one from another. In mediaeval days and i n o l d r u r a l (.50) Note: A main reason f o r the divergence of the North American and B r i t i s h numbers of shops i s that the Supermarket, G r o c e t e r i a , and Drug Store replace the B r i t i s h 2 x Groceries, Baker, Butcher, Greengrocery, Dairy, Fishmonger, Confectioner, and Tobacconist-S t a t i o n e r , Chemist, Post O f f i c e and F i s h & Chip vendor; i.\e., 3 i n s t e a d of 11 p o s s i b l e commercial o u t l e t s . (31) Communitas, Op. c i t . , Ch. 7« - 110 -settlements, the homes and the work places were close and i n t i m a t e , and the Goodmans would l i k e to see a r e t u r n to t h i s s t a t e . Lewis Mumford has pleaded f o r some mixing of i n d u s t r y and housing on s o c i o - p s y c h o l o g i c a l grounds -(32.) f o r the healthy enlightenment of the youngsters - and i n the B r i t i s h Dudley Report ^33) ^  ^ s S U g g e s t e d that s i x acres be reserved i n 'outer r i n g ' neighbourhoods of 10,000 people f o r s e r v i c e i n d u s t r y and workshops. Service i n d u s t r y includes the l a r g e r s e r v i c e garages, b u i l d e r s ' yards, l a u n d r i e s , l o c a l a u t h o r i t y and other depots, and a l l other uses which, although they may not be s t r i c t l y i n d u s t r i a l according to l e g a l d e f i n i t i o n , m i n i s t e r to l o c a l needs r a t h e r than to those of the c i t y (34) g e n e r a l l y and which cannot be placed i n shops or o f f i c e s . There i s no good reason why t h i s type of deve l -/ opment should not be s i t e d i n the neighbourhood i n a se l f - c o n t a i n e d grouping i n t e g r a t e d with the s e r v i c e access to the shopping centre. The whole c o l l e c t i o n of i n d u s t r i a l u n i t s should be b u i l t f a c i n g i n t o a courtyard or s e r i e s of inner a l l e y s i n such a way that from the outside there i s no evidence of the disorder which i s i n c l i n e d to character-i s e such e n t e r p r i s e s . ((32) Op. c i t . (33) H.M.S.O., London, 1944. • (34) See Keeble, Op. c i t . , p. 336. - I l l -T r a d i t i o n a l l y , the planner has excluded i n d u s t r y from r e s i d e n t i a l areas, although i n many cases, as i n Edmonton, the f a c t o r i e s have followed the r a d i a t i n g roads and r a i l w a y l i n e s out from the centre i n such a way that they penetrate outwards through the r e s i d e n t i a l zones, often forming the outside boundary of neighbourhoods. Industry i s harmful when i t i s associated with noise ( e s p e c i a l l y at n i g h t ) , s m e l l , smoke, fumes and heavy t r a f f i c . When these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s are predominant, the i n d u s t r y may be zoned as obnoxious and i s r i g h t f u l l y ex-cluded from the whole urbanised area. When these t r a i t s are present, but not to an obnoxious degree, the i n d u s t r y should be grouped to the leeward side of the urban agglom-eration'. Here als o should be grouped the heavy and spec-i a l i z e d manufacturing processes r e q u i r i n g large s i t e s , s p e c i a l t r a n s p o r t a t i o n and s e r v i c e s , (e.g., sewerage and water) and the other personnel, labour-management and f i n a n c i a l - a d m i n i s t r a t i v e b e n e f i t s of the i n d u s t r i a l t r a d i n g es t a t e . However, there remain some of the s m a l l e r , l i g h t i n d u s t r i a l processes which not only are unobjectionable but which can be l o c a t e d i n small a t t r a c t i v e u n i t s which would be a c r e d i t to any area. I t i s the author's contention that a l i m i t e d number of such l i g h t i n d u s t r i a l p r o j e c t s can and should be located i n conjunction with the s e r v i c e - 1 1 2 -i n d u s t r y on the perimeter of the neighbourhood u n i t . These p l a n t s must not generate or a t t r a c t heavy t r a f f i c , and access must not be p o s s i b l e through the neighbourhood but only from the perimeter, p r e f e r a b l y combined with the shopping centre parking and d e l i v e r y area. Needless to add, there must be no s m e l l , smoke, fumes or noise whatso-ever and the standards of amenity w i l l have to be enforced ' by l e g a l covenants. Such a development, a l l i e d with the shops and businesses i n the shopping centre, would make a c o n t r i -b u t ion to remedying the basic defect of the urban neighbour-hood u n i t - the l a c k of l o c a l employment o p p o r t u n i t i e s . These e n t e r p r i s e s w i l l , of course, eventually have employees from a l l over the c i t y - the c o l d water treatment to a plan-ner 1 s dream - but the poin t i s that there w i l l be generated a c e r t a i n amount of l o c a l work, e s p e c i a l l y f o r the part-time High School k i d and the housewife. Furthermore, some of the employees w i l l l i v e l o c a l l y and, i f the neighbourhood proves i t s e l f as a good place i n which to l i v e , others w i l l buy houses or rent accommodation t h e r e i n . Thus, a l l the cost and the s t r e s s e s of the journey to work w i l l be removed f o r the fortunate and c l e a r - s i g h t e d few. The planner w i l l have f u l f i l l e d h i s r o l e of p r o v i d i n g the opportunity f o r a b e t t e r l i f e . He can do no more. - 113 -Chapter V THE PATTERN OF THE NEIGHBOURHOOD Like a c e l l the neighbourhood u n i t f i t s i n t o the organic t i s s u e of the urban mass. As part of t h i s l a r g e r mass i t i s interdependent with the surrounding u n i t s , with the urban whole and e s p e c i a l l y with the core of the c i t y from which a l l the nerve motivations o r i g i n a t e . The neighbourhood i s l i n k e d with the core and the other component parts of the urban whole by an a r t e r i a l network of communications which r a d i a t e out from the centre l i k e the f i laments of a spider's web. These draw the wealth and resources of the region i n t o the centre, which has the a t t r a c t i o n of a magnet. People are drawn i n to work, to shop, and to enjoy themselves. C a p i t a l i s drawn i n to fu r t h e r s w e l l the mighty core. In the c i t y downtown area are found the apices and climaxes of l i f e : b i r t h , working, l i v i n g and prospering - and death. Here are the mighty h o s p i t a l s ; here the top jobs and the highest density of workers; here i s l i f e at i t s extremes of f u l f i l l m e n t and depravity - here are the f u n e r a l p a r l o u r s with t h e i r most l u x u r i a n t trappings f o r i n e v i t a b l e death. Outside t h i s bloated urban heart the pace of l i f e grows more s l u g g i s h , more rhythmical; and i t i s here that the neighbourhood f i t s i n . The house i s one c e l l i n the neighbourhood and - 114 -the neighbourhood i s a u n i t of the urban mass. Each u n i t has c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of i t s own and each should i n s p i r e a f e e l i n g of belonging i n those who l i v e i n them. D As can be seen from the appended plans of the c i t i e s of K i t i m a t , Edmonton and Winnipeg, the r e s i d e n t i a l p a r ts of the urban whole are broken down i n t o nearly s e l f -contained u n i t s , each with a range of f a c i l i t i e s . In the case of Edmonton the neighbourhoods are grouped i n t o l a r g e r 'communities' which, i n turn, provide more s p e c i a l -i z e d f a c i l i t i e s . In Winnipeg most f a c i l i t i e s are provided at the community l e v e l . The u l t i m a t e l y s p e c i a l i z e d f a c i l -i t i e s are provided i n the downtown area or p o s s i b l y at some of f - c e n t r e l o c a t i o n . In both Winnipeg and Edmonton the o r i g i n a l g r i d s t r e e t p a t t e r n has s t r u c t u r e d the urban whole, and thus the neighbourhood breakdown i s l a r g e l y i n f l u e n c e d by the p o s i -t i o n s of major a r t e r i e s r a t h e r than by n a t u r a l f e a t u r e s . This i s a weakness of most Canadian p r a i r i e c i t i e s . The weakness l i e s i n the a r b i t r a r y regimented breakdown, which has no r e l a t i o n s h i p to the contours of the ground, and another weakness i s the odd areas remaining whenever n a t u r a l features l i k e r i v e r s or topography run contrary to the g r i d l i n e s . In the d e t a i l s of design the g r i d imposes r i g i d block and l o t depths, which r e s u l t i n a s e r i e s of hazardous - 115 -road i n t e r s e c t i o n s with long, s t r a i g h t s t r e e t s which are uneconomical, dangerous, noisy and d i r t y i n that each one i s a p o t e n t i a l through road or shortcut f o r the speedster. On the other hand, K i t i m a t i s a f i n e example of a f r e e l y designed urban agglomeration - as can be seen on the plan. The ' c l a s s i c ' planned neighbourhood i s that o r i g i n a l l y designed by Clarence Perry - as i l l u s t r a t e d i n Part I . A contemporary example - Sherbrooke Neighbourhood i n Edmonton, A l b e r t a . - i s i l l u s t r a t e d on the f o l l o w i n g page. The a r t e r i a l s t r e e t boundaries (Perry's p r i n c i p l e No. 2 ) ^ " ^ which lead a l l passing t r a f f i c around rathe r than through the neighbourhood can be c l e a r l y seen. Thus a l l heavy, f a s t , noisy, d i r t - p r o d u c i n g and dangerous t r a f f i c i s excluded from the r e s i d e n t i a l areas, which thereby become safe, clean and quiet f o r l i v i n g i n . The parents are freed from the fear of having t h e i r c h i l d r e n run over and the s t r e e t s acquire a personal s i g n i f i c a n c e ; f o r the t r a f f i c w i l l be purely domestic, concerned only with the people i n the area. The surrounding a r t e r i a l s t r e e t s i n the Edmonton (1) Op. c i t . Note: P r i n c i p l e No. 1 concerns s i z e of the u n i t . To f o l l o w page 115 PLANNED SCHEME 1. Sites ore provided for porks, playing fields and recreational areas. 2. Church sites are provided in convenient locations. 3. There is a central shopping area, with off-street parking. 4. Two school sites ar* provided, reasonably acces-sible from all parts of the neighbourhood. The Catholic school is off-centre because it .also serves adjacent neighbourhoods. 5. "Through" arterial highways, of adequate width, are separated from local service roads by limited access planted strips. Thus both "local" and "through" traffic are safeguarded. There are feeder roads for bus routes. Local residential streets are designed in such a way as to discourage "through" driving, yet remain adequate for local purposes. 6. At the corners of the area, there are intersections designed to keep "through" traffic moving. 7. One-family housing is created in an aesthetic, as well as a functional setting. Set-backs are arranged to allow for a "rhythmic variation". A buffer strip separates housing from an adjacent industrial zone. 8. There are also apartments and row housing in a variety of types. 9. A neighbourhood "focus" of larger buildings and open space is included as an essential ingredient of a well-designed residential SHERBROOKE NEIGHBOURHOOD, EDMONTON, ALBERTA - 116 -u n i t are f i n e examples of urban main roadways. The road i s d i v i d e d i n t o two 24'0" lanes by a 4' 0" centre s t r i p which prevents c r o s s i n g except at chosen places, keeps t r a f f i c to i t s own side of the road and keeps i t f l o w i n g . An even b e t t e r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of t h i s roadway i s that s e r v i c e roads are provided, so that access onto the a r t e r y i s l i m i t e d to a few places - a l i m i t e d access highway. This makes the l o c a l l y used s e r v i c e roads safe f o r c h i l d r e n and car owners a l i k e , keeps the p o s s i b i l i t i e s of accidents and slow-ups on the a r t e r y down to a minimum, and means that the distance between houses and main t r a f f i c i s i n -creased. The b e n e f i t s of t h i s are even greater when the boulevards are tree planted. By widening the centre s t r i p (2) to 20'0", i t too can be planted. Such roads are expen-s i v e but do a l o t f o r the attainment of the ' c i t y - b e a u t i f u l ' . The amenity of the roadways, and thus of the c i t y , has been lessened i n parts of Edmonton (not Sherbrooke) by backing the houses onto the a r t e r i a l boundaries. The aim was to f u r t h e r increase the distance between house and t r a f f i c and to face the f r i n g e dwellings towards rathe r than away from the neighbourhood. S o c i o l o g i c a l l y i t i s sound; but from the aspect of urban a e s t h e t i c s i-t' i s undesirable. (2) Approximate distance from house to edge of centre s t r i p : 25'0"; house set back 9 '0"; sidewalk 22'0"; s e r v i c e road 10'0"; boulevard and 24'0" s t r e e t = t o t a l of 90'0". =: 117 -Perry's s i x t h p r i n c i p l e i s that of an i n t e r n a l s t r e e t system whereby each road i s proportioned to i t s probable t r a f f i c load and the s t r e e t net as a whole de-signed to f a c i l i t a t e t r a f f i c w i t h i n tie u n i t and to d i s -courage i t s use by through t r a f f i c . There should be a main neighbourhood 1 drag 1 which takes one by a gently c i r c u i t o u s route i n t o the heart of the u n i t where the school, community centre, park and other e s o t e r i c neigh-bourhood f a c i l i t i e s w i l l be l o c a t e d . This w i l l form the s t a l k or feeding-vein f o r the neighbourhood ' l e a f - or the backbone of the u n i t , to use another s i m i l e drawn from nature. The only crossroads w i t h i n the e n t i r e u n i t should be r e s t r i c t e d to those s t r e e t s c r o s s i n g t h i s backbone, and even they can w e l l be e l i m i n a t e d . The reasons f o r t h i s theory (not i l l u s t r a t e d p r o p e r l y i n the Sherbrooke Plan) are that thereby the c o n d i t i o n s f o r t r a f f i c accidents are v i r t u a l l y e liminated and the domestic f e e l i n g of each part of the u n i t i s enhanced. Cross-roads s p e l l accidents and the l o n e l y corner houses are exposed on two s i d e s ; however, with every T-junction, one s t r e e t v i s t a i s terminated p l e a s a n t l y and an atmosphere of intimacy i s f o s t e r e d . Having e s t a b l i s h e d the o v e r a l l s k e l e t a l framework fo r the u n i t (using Perry's p r i n c i p l e s 2 and 6)^5)^ W h i c h ( 3 ) See above, Chapter I . - 118 -i s circumscribed e i t h e r by n a t u r a l f e a t u r e s , land use v a r i a t i o n s or by a r t e r i a l highways, one then s i t e s the f a c i l i t i e s i n the r e s i d e n t i a l network. Perry l i s t e d the f a c i l i t i e s as h i s p r i n c i p l e s J>i 4, and 5 - Open Spaces, I n s t i t u t i o n S i t e s and L o c a l Shops r e s p e c t i v e l y . OPEN SPACES w i l l be provided approximately according to the standards o u t l i n e d e a r l i e r (4 acres f o r playgrounds and 2 . 5 0 f o r amenity parks). The Playground w i l l be located c e n t r a l l y i n conjunction with the commun-i t y centre; but at l e a s t a quarter of the maximum of four acres w i l l be used to provide probably two t o t l o t s f o r the use of the pre-school c h i l d r e n i n the p a r t s of the u n i t l e a s t a c c e s s i b l e to the c e n t r a l play area. I f maybe the community centre and park are o f f - c e n t r e then the s i t i n g of the t o t l o t s i s even more obvious. These can be designed i n one of s e v e r a l ways and there i s l i t t l e agreement as to what i s best. They may be s i t e d at the rear of houses, f i l l i n g awkward spaces, but i n these p o s i t i o n s w i l l tend to q u i c k l y become the garbage dumps f o r the surrounding area and there i s l i t t l e hope of such s i t e s being kept up by e i t h e r the neighbours or the l o c a l a u t h o r i t y . They may be f i t t e d i n on house l o t s and i n t h i s l o c a t i o n w i l l probably be w e l l maintained; however, the view of the backs of the - 119 -houses behind w i l l d i m i n i s h t h e i r a e s t h e t i c q u a l i t i e s . They may be lo c a t e d on i s l a n d parks, and although there i s the problem of t r a f f i c these l o c a t i o n s can serve the dual purpose of t o t l o t s and beauty spots. The fe n c i n g can be hidden by j u d i c i o u s p l a n t i n g and the open s i t i n g w i l l i n s p i r e l o c a l a u t h o r i t i e s or neighbours to look a f t e r such s i t e s . Besides the t o t l o t s , other small amenity open spaces should be provided as the f o c a l p o i n t of ' c l o s e s ' , squares, crescents, culs-de-sac, and other enclosures which w i l l become the h i g h l i g h t s of the area and around which the most expensive houses w i l l c l u s t e r , forming n u c l e i of high value zones which w i l l help to preserve the tone and character of the e n t i r e u n i t . The numbers and acreages of such beauty spots depends very l a r g e l y on whether the l o c a l a u t h o r i t y w i l l pay f o r and maintain them. However, the maintainance may be undertaken by the nearby i n h a b i t a n t s . INSTITUTION SITES ( P r i n c i p l e No. k) i n c l u d e Schools, Churches, the Community Centre and, i n c e r t a i n i nstances, other h a l l s and r e c r e a t i o n a l b u i l d i n g s . As stated e a r l i e r , i n a sc h o o l - o r i e n t a t e d u n i t the school -u s u a l l y the Elementary school - w i l l be l o c a t e d c e n t r a l l y ; - 1 2 0 -and other schools - Junior and Senior High, denomin-a t i o n a l and s p e c i a l - w i l l be l o c a t e d on the perimeter i n such a way that they are c e n t r a l to t h e i r own s e r v i c e spheres comprising two or more neighbourhoods. The CHURCHES w i l l a l s o be l o c a t e d on the p e r i -meter, with ample parking space, except where the neigh-bourhood and church p a r i s h c o i n c i d e , as p o s s i b l y i n Quebec and other predominately one-denominational areas - i n which case the church w i l l be s i t e d i n a dominant, c e n t r a l l o -c a t i o n where i t s p o s i t i o n i n the community w i l l be unchal-lenged, l i k e the churches of o l d . U s u a l l y , however, the church w i l l be serving at l e a s t two u n i t s and r e q u i r e s c e n t r a l and a c c e s s i b l e l o c a t i o n . As mentioned, churches may best.be s i t e d beside shopping centres f o r two reasons. F i r s t , the p r a c t i c a l reason that there w i l l be parking space already provided; second, that a church b u i l d i n g w i l l most s a t i s f a c t o r i l y complete the shopping centre p i c t u r e from the v i s u a l and s o c i a l aspects. The COMMUNITY CENTRE w i l l n a t u r a l l y need a c e n t r a l p o s i t i o n except when i t provides wider than purely neigh-bourhood f a c i l i t i e s - i . e . , a pool h a l l , bowling a l l e y s , dance h a l l , e t c . Then i t should be l o c a t e d at the j u n c t i o n of the i n t e r - u n i t 'drag' and the a r t e r i a l boundary roadway, - 121 -and p r e f e r a b l y close to the shopping centre f o r the same reasons as with the choice of a church s i t e . Any other i n s t i t u t i o n s w i l l probably be w e l l s i t e d adjacent to and part of the shopping centre. The LOCAL SHOPS ( P r i n c i p l e No. 5) w i l l be l o c a t e d , as Perry advocated, on the perimeter, where they w i l l serve the surrounding u n i t s . Sherbrooke i s an example of an un-fortunate l o c a t i o n of a shopping centre, which has not yet been constructed i n s p i t e of the f a c t that the development of the area began i n 1952. The shopping s i t e i s a l t o g e t h e r too^accessible to the m a j o r i t y of people whose re g u l a r t r a v e l p a t t e r n i s southwards to - the c i t y centre. Shopping centres i n a l l recent Edmonton u n i t s have been lo c a t e d on the f r i n g e s of u n i t s e i t h e r f r o n t i n g onto or at r i g h t angles to a r t e r i a l roads. As mentioned, i t i s good planning to combine s e r v i c e s t a t i o n s , churches, h a l l s , e t c . , as one u n i t with the shops. Status and convenience as w e l l as v i s u a l i n t e r e s t w i l l then be assured. At the back of t h i s group should be l o c a t e d the s e r v i c e and any l i g h t i n d u s t r i a l establishments i n such a way that access and egress are from the a r t e r i a l roadway and that any untidy aspects of the rears of such undertakings are hidden i n a rear court-yard. One plan would be i n the form of a hollow square with - 122 -stores f r o n t i n g the i n t r a - u n i t drag and the i n d u s t r i a l concerns forming the other three s i d e s , f a c i n g outwards i n each case. The f i n a l and most important of the components of the neighbourhood are the DWELLINGS, the m a j o r i t y of which w i l l be s i n g l e f a m i l y i n a normal suburban neighbour-hood. S i t i n g requirements f o r the various types of mul-t i p l e d w e llings, apartments and terrace houses are s i m i l a r . Since the tenants of these r e n t a l homes w i l l tend to be mobile, they should be excluded from the heart of the u n i t and be l o c a t e d nearer to or on the a c t u a l outer f r i n g e of the area i n the s i t e s l e s s s u i t e d to s i n g l e family l i v i n g ; e.g., near the t r a f f i c and the shops. Somebody has to l i v e i n these i n f e r i o r p o s i t i o n s and thus those who are most mobile seem to be the most appropriate. Houses i n such l o c a t i o n s w i l l l o se value with the frequent changes of ownership. Two-family residences are included i n t h i s not-so-deserving category f o r these come i n between m u l t i p l e and s i n g l e family i n c l a s s i f i c a t i o n . They are good candi-dates f o r f r i n g i n g the school and community open spaces where parking on both sides of the road i s a v a i l a b l e and where the value of b u i l d i n g l o t s i s lower due to the d i s -turbance generated around such areas. In b e t t e r areas i t i s argued that apartments should be l o c a t e d i n p o s i t i o n s - 123 -where they overlook the p u b l i c open spaces. I t i s important to remember the design element i n the l o c a t i o n of apartment blocks f o r they give v e r t i c a l emphasis and i n t e r e s t to an otherwise very f l a t s k y l i n e and f o r t h i s reason can u s e f u l l y punctuate the c e n t r a l area of the u n i t . Old People's dwellings have already been men-tioned at some length i n the s e c t i o n on homes. The best s i t e f o r them i s very f r e q u e n t l y j u s t the worst s i t e f o r p r i v a t e houses - a busy, a c t i v e corner near the shops, church, school, or community centre. They must not be i s o l a t e d from the heart of the u n i t or from the people. These then are the components of the neighbour-hood u n i t and each has i t s own place i n the p a t t e r n . Their p r o v i s i o n and the amount of land devoted to each w i l l vary according to l o c a l i t y and the " c l a s s " of area; and one can-not a c c u r a t e l y g e n e r a l i z e . Another determinant i n both the p r o v i s i o n of f a c i l i t i e s and i n determining the optimum s i z e of the u n i t i s the d e s i r a b l e "walking distance" between the houses and the various f a c i l i t i e s as i l l u s t r a t e d on the f o l l o w i n g t a b l e : - 124 -TIME-DISTANCE STANDARDS Use or F a c i l i t y C o n t r o l l i n g Standards L o c a l Shopping Centre l£ mile or 10 minutes Elementary School Yz mile Junior High School 1 mile or 20 minutes Senior High School 20-30 minutes Playgrounds and L o c a l Parks iz mile P l a y f i e l d s and Recreation Centres 1 mile or 20 minutes P u b l i c Park or Reservation 30-60 minutes The SIZE of the neighbourhood i s , t h e r e f o r e , p a r t l y determined by the s e r v i c e spheres of the f a c i l i t i e s . The population of s e r v i c e spheres i s i n turn d i r e c t l y l i n k e d with the density of the area - f o r the maximum walking distance i s constant and thus the sphere w i l l em-brace many more people i n a high density than i n a low density area. Thus the higher the density the more people there can be i n the u n i t . This, however, i s checked by the other more important s i z e determinant - the school s e r v i c e area. One returns to Perry's f i r s t p r i n c i p l e that the u n i t should be of the s i z e needed to support an elementary (3a) Table from Stuart F. Chapin, Urban Land Use Planning, P r e n t i c e - H a l l , 1957, p. 297. See al s o footnotes (4) & (5) below (Keeble and Planning the Neighbourhood, p. 44). - 125 -school: " i t s a c t u a l area depending upon i t s population density". As seen i n the f i r s t s e c t i o n of Chapter I , a population of 2,000-5,000 appears best i n con d i t i o n s s i m i l a r to those i n Edmonton; but l o c a l c o n d i t i o n s w i l l always be the f i n a l determinant. Only i n the case of a very low density area w i l l the "walking d i s t a n c e " between home and s e r v i c e serve as a check on the school-determined u n i t s i z e . In t h i s instance e i t h e r the school w i l l have to be smaller or the "walking distance" maximum extended. The gross r e s i d e n t i a l DENSITY of the u n i t depends l a r g e l y on the prop o r t i o n of m u l t i p l e d w e l l i n g s , which i s l i k e l y to be low i n most of Canada - highest i n the French areas, e s p e c i a l l y Montreal. Appendix I i n d i c a t e s that the gross density i n Edmonton v a r i e s from 13«5 persons per acre i n the ex c l u s i v e r e s i d e n t i a l area (e.g., Windsor Park) to 21.9 i n the older areas where the l o t s are sm a l l e r , where many houses are occupied by more than one f a m i l y , and where open space p r o v i s i o n i s poor (e.g., Prince Rupert). (4) American f i g u r e s show v a r i a t i o n s ranging from eighteen persons per acre f o r one-family detached areas; kl persons f o r two-family areas; 69 persons f o r three-storey m u l t i p l e areas and 105 persons f o r f i f t e e n - s t o r e y m u l t i p l e (4) Planning the Neighbourhood, Op. c i t . p. 65. - 126 -areas. B r i t i s h f i g u r e s ^ ^ vary from 21 to 60 persons per acre f o r housing areas.. In the high density category the homes would be i n the form of t i g h t l y packed terrace housing, as i n the New Towns of post-war B r i t a i n . This i s i l l u s t r a t e d on the f o l l o w i n g page by West Green Neigh-bourhood, which was the f i r s t u n i t to be constructed i n Crawley New Town, England. There i s no such t h i n g as a stereotyped neigh-bourhood p a t t e r n , f o r not only w i l l the type, q u a n t i t y and q u a l i t y of the components vary with l o c a l circumstances but the topography of each i n d i v i d u a l s i t e w i l l g r e a t l y i n f l u e n c e each plan. Any design f o r any neighbourhood i s based p r i m a r i l y on the contours. The components are then added and the p a t t e r n adjusted i f necessary, and i f poss-i b l e . However, Perry's o r i g i n a l p r i n c i p l e s are s t i l l b a s i c a l l y sound and h i s own comments s t i l l hold true: "The s i x p r i n c i p l e s .... do not make a plan. They are p r i n c i p l e s which a p r o f e s s i o n a l planner - i f so disposed -can observe i n the making of a development p l a n . " ^ ^ They w i l l be a -guide i n formulating the p a t t e r n f o r each p a r t i c u l a r area. Beyond that the planner i s l e f t to h i s own knowledge, s k i l l , imagination and personal opinions. (5) Keeble, Op. c i t . , p. 326. (6) Perry, Op. c i t . , p. 51. To f o l l o w page 126 West Green Neighbourhood, Crawley. - 127 -Chapter VI SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION THE NEIGHBOURHOOD UNIT CONCEPT IS STILL THE IDEAL The purpose of t h i s t h e s i s has been to defend the concexjt of the neighbourhood u n i t by examining and eva l u a t i n g the c r i t i c i s m s of i t and by an a n a l y s i s of the components of the neighbourhood and t h e i r relevance to contemporary l i v i n g . I t has been found that few of the p u b l i c i z e d c r i t i c i s m s were v a l i d . They were e i t h e r somewhat i r r e l -evant or true only of c e r t a i n neighbourhoods i n c e r t a i n areas. I t i s only too sadly c o r r e c t that Perry's concept has very seldom been r e a l i z e d i n p r a c t i c e and that the term 'neighbourhood' has been borrowed by the r e a l estate men f o r t h e i r own purposes. I t i s equal l y admitted that some of these s o - c a l l e d 'neighbourhoods' have been misused by s e g r e g a t i o n i s t s i n various parts of the United States as frames to designate areas to be 'protected' by covenants r e s t r i c t i n g the type of people who are allowed to l i v e t h e r e i n . Furthermore, many of the 'planned' neighbourhoods have been inadequately conceived and the r e s u l t a n t u n i t s have e i t h e r been so la r g e and l a c k i n g i n cohesion that we-f e e l i n g was completely absent or else they were so small - 128 -that they were unable to support a school and other basic f a c i l i t i e s . The po i n t i s th a t , as E l b e r t Peet wrote i n 1948, "The concept has value even when i m p e r f e c t l y r e a l i s e d " . There are, indeed, two separate, and yet i d e a l l y l i n k e d , j u s t i f i c a t i o n s f o r the neighbourhood u n i t : f i r s t l y , on s o c i o l o g i c a l grounds, and secondly, on commonsense p r a c t i c a l grounds. Both have been c r i t i c i s e d . The s o c i o l o g i c a l c r i t i c i s m s were d i r e c t e d at the s e g r e g a t i o n i s t misuse of the neighbourhood - a c r i t i c i s m which has been dismissed as not being fundamental to the concept - and at the s o c i o -l o g i c a l concept of an urban neighbourhood as such. This l a t t e r concept i s a more complex controversy and i t i s tru e , as already admitted, that many neighbourhoods i n many areas e x i s t i n name only. The a p p l i c a t i o n of the con-cept does not and cannot i n i t s e l f guarantee a p e r f e c t u n i t fo r i d e a l h a b i t a t i o n . But i t w i l l provide a framework i n which, given the c o r r e c t i n f i l l i n g and e s p e c i a l l y the neces-sary animation, the i d e a l c o n d i t i o n s can be found or fo s t e r e d One of the more important s o c i o l o g i c a l s t u d i e s i n t h i s t h e s i s has been the equating of the family l i f e c ycle ( l ) J o u r n a l of Housing, Op. c i t . , pp. 300-303. - 129 -with the neighbourhood and i t s f a c i l i t i e s . Whether i n the long run a neighbourhood u n i t w i l l give i t s people a sense of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and belonging depends on many, many things: l e a d e r s h i p ; s u c c e s s f u l s o l u t i o n to the problem of mixed or unmixed u n i t s , and even the mood of the times - f o r i n a depression or during the hardships and shared d e p r i v a t i o n s of war-time people w i l l r e a l i s e t h e i r dependence on each other. The p o i n t to emphasize i s that a neighbourhood u n i t w i l l provide an environment i n which we-feeling and the other charac-t e r i s t i c s of a good s o c i o l o g i c a l neighbourhood have more chance of f l o u r i s h i n g than i n any other type of urban r e s i d e n t i a l u n i t . The c r i t i c i s m s of the concept i n i t s p r a c t i c a l a p p l i c a t i o n are e i t h e r very broad - " I s the neighbourhood (2) u n i t adequate as a p h y s i c a l concept f o r planning?" or else they concern the minor and already discussed problems of school, church, and other adjustments. I t has been found that Perry's s i x p r i n c i p l e s which c o n s t i -tuted the framework and the d e t a i l i n g of the o r i g i n a l , c l a s s i c a l Concept are as v a l i d today as they were i n 1929 when they were formulated, with a few minor exceptions -e.g., the church s i t i n g . I t has been shown that the (2) Isaacs, " F r o n t i e r s of Housing Research, e t c . " , Op. c i t . , p. 73« - 130 -f u n c t i o n of both r u r a l and urban neighbourhoods are very s i m i l a r ; each being formulated around people, t h e i r homes and the f a c i l i t i e s which they req u i r e close by. The f a c -i l i t i e s which c h a r a c t e r i s e the i d e a l r e s i d e n t i a l suburb have been found to f i t i d e a l l y i n t o a web of i n t e r r e l a t e d neighbourhood u n i t s ; and the p a t t e r n of the u n i t s i s seen to f i t l o g i c a l l y i n t o the geographically d e l i n e a t e d urban mass. There does not seem to be any doubt that the neigh-bourhood u n i t i s indeed more than adequate as a p h y s i c a l concept f o r planning. Apart from the p o s i t i v e reasons there i s a weighty negative reason f o r the r e t e n t i o n of the neighbour-hood concept - and that i s that no reasonable a l t e r n a t i v e has ever been proposed. Furthermore, the use of the con-cept i s i n i t s e l f a way of s o l v i n g many of the worst p l a n -ning problems which are to be found. The t r a f f i c problem i s kept under c o n t r o l i n new suburban areas i f Perry's r u l e s f o r the development of i n v i o l a t e n u c l e i of neighbour-hoods surrounded by broad, e f f i c i e n t a r t e r i a l highways are adhered to. The problem of future sprawl i s immediately negatived, and the f u t u r e p o s s i b i l i t y of the outer suburbs becoming, i n t h e i r t u r n , devalued slums becomes most un-l i k e l y i f the neighbourhoods i n f a c t become the i d e a l l i v i n g u n i t s which they are intended to be. - 131 -The usual a l t e r n a t i v e to the d i s c i p l i n e d p l a n-ning of r e s i d e n t i a l expansion by means of c a r e f u l l y designed and r e l a t e d u n i t s i s to permit development as i t i s proposed. This i s expediency-planning, and i t i s the everyday curse of most planning procedures i n most co u n t r i e s . Thereby land i s gobbled up f o r various types of r e s i d e n t i a l schemes which have l i t t l e r e l a t i o n s h i p e i t h e r to the e x i s t i n g urban f r i n g e s or to each other. New houses mushroom out of the green f i e l d s without r e -gard to any of the other human requirements which should (3) have been provided f o r . The u t i l i t y s e r v i c e s w i l l be c o s t l y to i n s t a l l because the development proceeded w i t h -out regard f o r e x i s t i n g main sewers, water mains, feeder power l i n e s , and the r e s t . The school boards w i l l have to pay an e x t o r t i o n a t e p r i c e f o r the school s i t e s which w i l l thus be kept down to the bare minimum i n s i z e . The m u n i c i p a l i t y w i l l probably be Unable to acquire land f o r parks, play areas and maybe not even f o r a community centre. S i m i l a r l y , the r e l i g i o u s a u t h o r i t i e s w i l l be too l a t e i n l o o k i n g f o r s i t e s and thus the area w i l l probably be l e f t as a church-less vacuum. Even i f the area i s fortunate enough to have some stores.nearby, (3) See W i l l i a m H. Whyte, J r . , "Urban Sprawl", Fortune, January, 1958, pp. 106 & 200. - 132 -there w i l l be no proper shopping centre; and the permit-t i n g of any type of i n d u s t r y i n t o such an unplanned area would be d i s a s t r o u s . The p i c t u r e envisaged of the unplanned develop-ment i s a dismal one of s t r i n g s of s i n g l e - f a m i l y , c r a t e -l i k e dwellings strung along monotonous s t r e e t s devoid of any hope of landscaping. There w i l l be no apartments or duplexes f o r v a r i e t y and f o r s o c i a l cohesion. The o l d people w i l l not be provided f o r and the c h i l d r e n w i l l have nowhere to play. The generations w i l l be unable to l i v e close to each other and smug, drab homogeneity i n the type of r e s i d e n t i s more than probable. The s e r v i c e s w i l l be expensive and the distance to work, to the shops, and to the r e s t of the c i t y w i l l be great. The schools w i l l be mean and there w i l l be no l o c a l churches. People w i l l move away as soon as they can a f f o r d to and those who remain w i l l be l e f t w ith t h e i r shame. Anomie w i l l f l o u r i s h and neighbourliness w i l l be a downtrodden, languid t h i n g . That i s the p i c t u r e of the suburb which r e s u l t s from ex-pediency-planning. Need more be said? The a l t e r n a t i v e i s the planned neighbourhood; and t h i s t h e s i s f l a u n t s the neighbourhood concept a l o f t , s a t i s f i e d that i t alone can come near to s o l v i n g the - 133 -problem of urban l i v i n g . I t has f a u l t s : i t w i l l not always be s u c c e s s f u l and i t i s open to abuse; but i t alone provides a v e h i c l e which appears to be capable of c a r r y i n g urban man f u r t h e r towards the goal of l i v i n g i n f r u i t f u l contentment. "In an age when mass 1 democracy' so often ex-(4) pects no more than the lowest common denominator" i t i s tempting f o r the planner to r e l a x too much and to forget that anything which i s worthwhile i s worth s t r i v i n g f o r . Such i s the neighbourhood u n i t . (4) H i l l e r , K.J.E., "The Planner's Function", Jou r n a l of  the Town Planning I n s t i t u t e , February 1958. A P P E N D I C E S - 134 -APPENDIX I A COMPARISON OF NEIGHBOURHOODS IN EDMONTON, ALBERTA 1957 Prince Rupert Hudson Bay Reserve (1) Park-a l i e n Windsor Park N. Holy-rood Sher-brooke TOTAL Population Adults C h i l d r e n 1,911 1,254 657 6,363 4,296 2,067 3,808 2,070 1,738 1,394 • 762 632 4,415 2,402 2,013 4,225 2,317 •1,908 % C h i l d r e n 34.6% 32.3% 44.3% 45% 45.7% 45.4% S i n g l e - f a m i l y Houses Persons i n Houses Persons per house Persons per net acre Houses per net acre 308 1,395 4.5 28.3 6.2 1,205 5,436 4.5 24.4 5.4 748 3,377 4.5 33.8 7.5 34l 891 3,590 4.0 20.5 5.0 800 3,625 4.5 30.5 6.8 % of t o t a l u n i t s 62.2% 76.3% 89.5%' - 80.7% 78.2% APARTMENTS: Persons i n apts. Persons per apt. 180 489 2.7 312 724 2.3 132 431 3.3 9 132 331 2.5 TERRACE HOUSES: Persons i n T-houses Persons per T-house - - -180 791 4.4 92 269 2.9 GROSS DENSITY: Persons per acre Units per acre Persons per u n i t O v e r a l l acreage 21.9 5.7 3-9 87.5 15.9 3.5 4.0 +00.5 20.6 4.8 4.7 18.3 13.5 3-3 10.3 17.2 4.3 4.0 256.4 20.8 4.9 4.1 210 ( l ) Hudson's Bay Reserve f i g u r e s are not as r e l i a b l e as the others. Note: This table i s derived from a 1957 research p r o j e c t c a r r i e d out by Harold Verge of the Edmonton C i t y Town Planning Department, C i t y H a l l Edmonton, A l b e r t a . In two Edmonton neighbourhoods designed by the author the f o l l o w i n g den-• -' s i t i e s were achieved: Balwin - net density (area i n c l u d i n g 33' 0", or Yz, of s t r e e t s and avenues surrounding area; but excluding land used f o r park, school and other n o n - r e s i d e n t i a l purposes) - 4.75 l o t s , or u n i t s , per acre. Gross density - 3.56 l o t s , or u n i t s , per acre. (Average l o t s i z e 50'0" x 120'0"). Delwood - Gross density - 3.45 l o t s , or u n i t s , per acre.. - 135 -These neighbourhoods vary i n age from the 'pre-planning' era to the mid 1950's. Prince Rupert was b u i l t according to the o r i g i n a l g r i d p a t t e r n and i s a neighbourhood u n i t according to the o r i g i n a l Edmonton concept - a quarter s e c t i o n . I t i s thus smaller than the i d e a l and does not have f u l l y f u n c t i o n i n g neighbourhood c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . The Hudson's Bay Reserve ( p o l l d i s t r i c t s kO-h-2.) i s much l a r g e r than a neighbourhood and was b u i l t before planning c o n t r o l was i n f o r c e . P a r k a i l e n was the f i r s t of the ' planned' u n i t s i n which the basic g r i d was twisted i n t o a s e r i e s of crescents. I t was recorded that there were boarders l i v i n g i n P a r k a l l e n i n the 1957 Survey. Windsor Park (Norlth) i s not a r e a l neighbourhood, but i s i n t e r e s t i n g i n that i t i s an example of an e x c l u s i v e housing area with l a r g e r l o t s (75 f t . to 95 f t . wide approx.) and much more expensive houses than i s normal - hence the low gross density. Holyrood and Sherbrooke were completed i n 1954 and 1953 approximately. Sherbrooke i n North-west Edmonton i s l e s s e x c l u s i v e than Holyrood i n the South-east, and the houses are l e s s a t t r a c t i v e . Both are complete neighbourhoods. Holyrood has the lower density and 0.5 fewer people per house. One of the most i n t e r e s t i n g f a c e t s of t h i s survey i s that i t r e v e a l s that i n a healthy new r e s i d e n t i a l u n i t , - 136 -with few boarders, about 45 per cent, of the t o t a l i n h a b i t a n t s are c h i l d r e n . With the exception of Holyrood, the newest, the average number of people i n each house i n a l l areas i s 4 .5 , which i s 0.5 more than the School Board and other a u t h o r i t i e s had allowed f o r . The number of people and of u n i t s per gross acre ( i n c l u d i n g land used f o r parks, schools, roadways, lanes, churches, s t o r e s , etc.) v a r i e s d i r e c t l y with the exclusiveness of the neigh-bourhood - the more expensive the houses are the l a r g e r the l o t s w i l l be, and thus the lower the d e n s i t y . - 137 -APPENDIX I I LAND USE IN THE NEIGHBOURHOOD BY ACREAGE Type of development United -States ( i ) United Kingdom ( i i ) Sherbrooke Edmonton ( i i i ) Neighbourhood population 3,000 5,000 3,000 5,000 5,000 approx. Dwellings ( l - f a m i l y houses) 76.3 127.1 (69.0) 75.0 125.0 139.0 (112.0) (Row houses) - (30.3) - - (17.5) (Apartments) - (27.8) - - (9.5) Elementary (primary) Schools 1.5 2.2 5-1 8.5 10.0 Churches - - 1.1 1.9 1.5 Community Centre 1.2 1.9 0.6 1.0) ) 2.0 P l a y i n g f i e l d s 4.0 6.0 12.0 20.0) Parks 2.5 3-5 9.0 15.0 4.0 Shops, e t c. 2.2 3.0 2.9 4.9 1.5 Service Industry - - 1.8 3.0 Main Roads (and Lanes) - - 20.4 34.0 52.4 Miscellaneous (planted i s l a n d s , e t c . - - 11.6 TOTAL 87.7 acres 143.7 = acres 207.9 acres 213.3 acres 222.0 acres ( i ) One- or two-family development;. "Planning the Neigh-bourhood" , Op. c i t . , Tables 11 and "16T ( i i ) Mixed d w e l l i n g u n i t s , Keeble, Op. c i t . , pp. 335 and 337. ( i i i ) Canadian Bank of Commerce, "Let us make our C i t i e s e f f i c i e n t " , Commercial L e t t e r , October 1955-- 138 -APPENDIX I I I NOTES ON THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE CONCEPT The reader may have read a l l t h i s wondering whether i t ever works i n p r a c t i c e . He i s j u s t i f i e d i n wondering - but i t does work. F i r s t l y , the land i s r e q u i r e d . I f i t i s i n one ownership, with no houses or other developments e x i s t i n g and the l o c a l c o u n c i l has f u l l c o n t r o l of i t , the planner i s indeed fortunate. However, even i f i t i s s p l i t up i n t o a mass of ownerships and peppered with e x i s t i n g developments, the planner can s t i l l achieve h i s plan. This i s worked by the simple and r u t h l e s s expedient of r e f u s i n g to permit any development unless according to plan. The owners w i l l want to cash i n on the p r o f i t s from the sale of l o t s and, e v e n t u a l l y , a f t e r long weary months or even years, s u f f i c i e n t property owners w i l l agree to the plan. (The plan w i l l already have been amended to s a t i s f y the various u t i l i t y departments who vet i t to make sure that t h e i r s e r v i c e i n s t a l l a t i o n s can be economically constructed and maintained). Secondly, assuming that the land was i n s e v e r a l ownerships, the 1 r e - p l o t ' of ownership has to be under-taken. The l e g a l procedures f o r t h i s w i l l vary, but " - 139 -e s s e n t i a l l y i t i n v o l v e s swapping x s q . f t . of unsubdivided land f o r y_ s q . f t . of subdivided l o t s . There w i l l prob-ably be a percentage deduction f o r s t r e e t s and lanes and f o r other reasons - f o r the p r o v i s i o n of p u b l i c open space, or merely as a fee - which w i l l accrue to the l o c a l a u t h o r i t y . In Edmonton, 25 per cent, of unsubdivided acreage i s deducted f o r s t r e e t and lane allowances and 10 per cent, of p a r c e l s exceeding 5 acres f o r open space requirements. T h i r d l y , the l o c a l a u t h o r i t y , the school boards, the r e l i g i o u s bodies and the shopping centre promoters have to acquire the land f o r t h e i r purposes and f i n a l l y the b u i l d i n g contractors begin to b u i l d . The a c q u i s i t i o n of the land f o r parks and schools may be expensive i n a competitive open market and the l o c a l a u t h o r i t y i s w e l l advised to have bought land i n c e r t a i n areas w e l l i n advance of development which can then be used i n the r e - p l o t f o r the a c q u i s i t i o n of the s i t e s r e q u i r e d . Throughout these proceedings the l o c a l c o u n c i l i s kept informed and has to give i t s permission f o r the r e - p l o t negotiat-ions and, f i n a l l y , the survey to be c a r r i e d out. However, the d e t a i l s of these processes w i l l vary considerably from province to province. In Edmonton, the - iko -processes are: 1. Dr a f t Plan; 2. Consultations with U t i l i t y Departments, and t h e i r approval; 3. P r e l i m i n a r y Plan; h. Council approval and permission to commence r e - p l o t n e g o t i a t i o n s ; 5. Negotiations, and approval of m a j o r i t y (60. per cent, of owners of 60 per cent, of assessed land by value) of land owners; 6. Re-plot; 7 . C o u n c i l permission to authorize survey; 8. Survey by q u a l i f i e d A l b e r t a Land Surveyor; 9. R e g i s t r a t i o n of plan by Government Land R e g i s t r y O f f i c e ; 10. O f f i c i a l Plan; 11. Sale of l o t s and land f o r the various uses; 12. Permission f o r b u i l d i n g ; 13. Construction; Ik. H a b i t a t i o n ; 15. The New Neighbourhood. - 141 -B I B L I O G R A P H Y B i b l i o g r a p h i e s and Books of Reference Bureau of the Census C e n t r a l S t a t i s t i c a l O f f i c e Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s S t a t i s t i c a l Abstract of the United  States, 1957, U.S. Department of Commerce, Washington, D.C. Annual Abstract of S t a t i s t i c s , 1956, No. 93, H.M.S.O., London. Canada Year Book, 1956, Ottawa. Foreign Operations A d m i n i s t r a t i o n Government A f f a i r s Foundation Inc. S p i e l v o g e l , Samuel United Nations S e c r e t a r i a t Whitaker's Almanack Selected B i b l i o g r a p h i e s on  Community Development, Washington, D.C, 1955. Metr o p o l i t a n Communities, P u b l i c A d m i n i s t r a t i o n S e r v i c e , I l l i n o i s , 1957-A Selected B i b l i o g r a p h y on C i t y  and Regional Planning, Scarecrow Press, Washington, D.C, 1951-United Nations S t a t i s t i c a l Year-book, 1956, New York, 1956. Whitaker's Almanack, 1957, London. General Works i n Book Form Abrams, Charl© American P u b l i c Health A s s o c i a t i o n Committee on the Hygiene of Housing Chicago, -1948. Forbidden Neighbors, Harper Bros., New York, 1955. Planning the Neighbourhood, P u b l i c A d m i n i s t r a t i o n S e r v i c e , Housing an Aging Population, Lancaster Press, Lancaster, P.A. Brown, A.J. and Sherrard, H.M. Town and Country Planning, Melbourne U n i v e r s i t y Press, Melbourne, 1951. - 142 -C e n t r a l Mortgage and Housing Corporation Dahir, James The Dudley Report Duffus, R.N.. E r i c k s e n , E. Gordon Gibberd, F r e d e r i c k Gooman,Percival and Goodman, Paul Hatt, Paul K. and Re i s s , A l b e r t J . , J r . Hillman, Arthur Howard, Ebenezer Kane, John J . Keeble,Lewis Lewis, Harold M. Marx, Herbert L. (Ed.) Annual Reports, 1955 & 1956; a l s o , Housing and Urban Growth  i n Canada, Ottawa, 1956. The Neighborhood Unit Plan, R u s s e l l Sage Foundation, New York, 1947. The Design of Dwellings, H.M.S.O., London, 1944. Mastering a M e t r o p o l i s , Harpers, New York, 1950. Urban Behavior, Macmillan, New York, 1954. Town Design, A r c h i t e c t u r a l Press, London, 1955• Communitas, U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago Press, 1953. C i t i e s and Soci e t y - Revised Reader i n Urban Sociology, the Free Press, Glencoe, I l l i n o i s , 1957. Community Organization and Planning, Macmillan, New York, 1950. Garden C i t i e s of Tomorrow, Faber & Faber,London,1946. C a t h o l i c - P r o t e s t a n t C o n f l i c t s i n America, Regnery, Chicago, 1955• P r i n c i p l e s and P r a c t i c e of Town and  Country Planning, Estates Gazette, London, 1952. Planning the Modern C i t y , John Wiley, New York, 1949-Community Planning, The Reference S h e l f , V o l . .28, No. 4, H.W. Wilson, New York, 1956. - 143 -M i n i s t r y o f Housing and L o c a l Government Orlans, Harold Perry, Clarence A. Queen, Stuart A l f r e d , and Carpenter, David B a i l e y Riemer, Svend Simey, T.S. (Ed.) The Density of R e s i d e n t i a l Areas, H.M.S.O., London, 1952. Utopia L t d . , Yale U n i v e r s i t y Press, New Haven, 1953-Housing For The Machine Age, R u s s e l l Sage Foundation, New York, 1939. The American C i t y , McGraw-Hill, New York, 1953. The Modern C i t y , P r e n t i c e - H a l l , New York, 1952. Neighbourhood and Community, U n i v e r s i t y Press of L i v e r p o o l , 1954. General A r t i c l e s i n P e r i o d i c a l s Abrams, Charles Bauer, Catherine Bowman, M.W. Campleman, Gordon Canadian Bank of Commerce "The New 'Gresham's Law1 of Neigh-borhoods - Fact or F i c t i o n " , A p p r a i s a l J o u r n a l , V o l . 19, No. 3, J u l y , 1951. "Good Neighborhoods", Annals of  the American Academy of P o l i t i c a l  and S o c i a l Science, November, 1945. "What Windsor Does About Senior C i t i z e n Housing", Ontario D i v i s i o n , Community Planning A s s o c i a t i o n of Canada, Toronto. "Some S o c i o l o g i c a l Aspects of Mixed Class Neighbourhood Planning", S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, V o l . 43, 1957. "Let Us Make Our C i t i e s E f f i c i e n t " , Commercial L e t t e r , October, 1955, Toronto. Caplow T. and Forman, R. "Neighborhood I n t e r a c t i o n s " , American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, V o l . 15, Junk, 1950. - 144 -C a r r o l l , J . Douglas, J r . " R e l a t i o n of Homes to Work Places and the S p a t i a l P a t t e r n of C i t i e s " , S o c i a l Forces, V o l . 30, March, 1952. C o l l i n s o n , Peter "Town Planning and The Neighbourhood Unit Concept", P u b l i c A d m i n i s t r a t i o n , V o l . 32, Winter, 1954. Dewey, Richard "The Neighbourhood; Urban Ecology and C i t y Planners", American  S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, V o l . 15, August, 1950. Goulding, W i l l i a m S. Hacon, R.J. Isaacs, Reginald R. (et a l . ) "Housing f o r Older People", Canadian  Welfare, December 15, 1952. "Neighborhoods or Neighborhood U n i t s ? " (Methods of D e l i m i t a t i o n ) , S o c i o l o g i c a l  Review, N.S. V o l . 3, Dec. 1946. "Are Urban Neighborhoods p o s s i b l e ? " e t c . , J o u r n a l of Housing, J u l y , August, October & December, 1948. "The Neighborhood Theory", J o u r n a l of  the American I n s t i t u t e of Planners, Spring, 1948. " F r o n t i e r s of Housing Research - The Neighborhood Concept i n Theory and A p p l i c a t i o n " , Land Economics, V o l . 25, Feb. 1949. Kuper, Leo Mann, H. Peter Mumford, Lewis " S o c i a l Science Research and the Planning of Urban Neighborhoods", S o c i a l Forces, V o l . 29, Dec. 1951. "Concept of Neighborliness", American  Jo u r n a l of Sociology, V o l . 60, Sept. 1954. "Planning f o r the Phases of L i f e " , Town Planning Review, V o l . 20, A p r i l 1949. "For Older People - Not Segregation But I n t e g r a t i o n " , Community Planning Review, V o l . 6, No. 3, Sept. 1933. - 145 -Mumford, Lev/is "The Neighbourhood and the Neigh-bourhood Concept", Town Planning Review, V o l . 24, 1 9 5 ^ Rasmussen, S t e i n E i l e r Riemer, Svend S t r a t t o n , P.R.U. Tannenbaum, J u d i t h T y l o r , W. R u s s e l l "Neighbourhood Planning", Town  Planning Review, V o l . 27, Jan, 1957• "Hidden Dimensions of Neighborhood Planning", Land Economics, V o l . 26, May, 1950. " V i l l a g e s i n M e t r o p o l i s " , B r i t i s h  J o u r n a l of Sociology, March, 1951. "Housing For Senior C i t i z e n s " , Community Planning Review, V o l . 6, No. 5, Sept. 1956. "The Neighborhood: A Socio-P s y c h o l o g i c a l A n a l y s i s " , Land Economics, V o l . 24, 1948. "The Neighbourhood Unit P r i n c i p l e i n Planning", Town Planning Review, J u l y , 1959. F a c i l i t i e s i n the Neighbourhood B i b l i o g r a p h y Adency, Marcus (et a l . ) Community Centres i n Canada, Ryerson Press, Toronto, 1945. Canadian Youth Commission Youth and Recreation, Ryerson Press, Toronto, 1946. Chapin, F. Stuart "The Protestant Church i n an Urban Environment", C i t i e s and So c i e t y , (Hatt & R e i s s , Op. c i t ) . C l a i r e , W.H. and Shape, John -"Church Planning....", J o u r n a l  American I n s t i t u t e of Planners, Summer & F a l l , 1948. Cleveland P u b l i c L i b r a r y Shopping Centres and Their E f f e c t  Oh Urban Redevelopment, Business Information Sources, Cleveland, Sept. - Nov., 1954. - 146 -Coheny Saul B. Shopping Centres, ( B i b l i o g r a p h y ) , Kroger Co., Cin c i n n a t t i 1 , : 1957. The Protestant Church as a S o c i a l  I n s t i t u t i o n , Harper Bros., New York, 1935. "Neighborhood Shopping Centres", A r c h i t e c t u r a l Forum, V o l . 79, October 1943. S o c i a l R e l a t i o n s i n the Urban P a r i s h , U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago Press, 1954. C h r i s t i a n Citizenship,, United Church of Canada, 1953-The Community and I n d u s t r i a l Develop- ment, Urban Land I n s t i t u t e Technical B u l l e t i n , No. 21, Washington, D.C, Sept. 1953. "The Status of New Suburban Shopping Centres" ( V o l . 14, No. 6 ) , and "Impact of Suburban Shopping Centres", ( V o l . 15, No. 8), Urban Land, Urban Land I n s t i t u t e , Washington, D.C, June 1955 and Sept. 1956. Klineman, Rabbi Solomon F., "Churches and C i t y Planning", Planning, Newman, Wil l i a m K., and 1957, American Society of Planning F i c h t e r , The Rev. Joseph H. O f f i c i a l s , Chicago. Douglass, Paul H. and Brunner, Edmund de S. Dowling, Robert W. F i c h t e r , J.V. F i d l e r , Frank P. (Ed.) Garrabrant, Robert B. Hoyt, Homer K r a f t , Louis (Ed.) Nat i o n a l Commission on Chi l d r e n i n Wartime N a t i o n a l Housing Centre L i b r a r y N a t i o n a l Recreation A s s o c i a t i o n Aspects of the Jewish Community Centre, N a t i o n a l Jewish Welfare Board, P h i l a -d e l p h i a , 1954. State and Community Planning For C h i l d r e n  and Youth, U.S. Department of Labour, Washington, 1945. Community F a c i l i t i e s ( B i b l i o g r a p h y ) , N a t i o n a l A s s o c i a t i o n of Home B u i l d e r s , Washington, D.C, 1957-Community Sports and A t h l e t i c s , A.S. Barnes, New York, 1949. - 147 -Nuesse, C.J. and Harte, Thomas J . Smith, Larry-Smith Lawrence E, Tax Foundation Inc, The Sociology of the P a r i s h , Bruce P u b l i s h i n g Co., Milwaukee, 1951. "Analysing the Shopping Center Market", Urban Land, V o l . 16, No. 1, Jan. 1957-"Valuation of Neighborhood Shopping Centers", A p p r a i s a l J o u r n a l , V o l . 19, Oct. 1951. Factors A f f e c t i n g I n d u s t r i a l L o c a t i o n , ( B i b l i o g r a p h y ) , T a x Foundation Inc., New York, 1956. Voorhees, Alan M. (et a l . ) Shopping Habits and Tr a v e l P a t t e r n s , Urban Land I n s t i t u t e Technical B u l l e t i n No. 24, Washington, D.C, Match 1955. Warren, Roland L. Welfare Council of Metr o p o l i t a n Chicago Studying Your Community, R u s s e l l Sage Foundation, New York, 1955• Community Services f o r Older People - The Chicago P l a n , T/ilcox and F o l l e t t , Chicago, 1952. 

Cite

Citation Scheme:

        

Citations by CSL (citeproc-js)

Usage Statistics

Share

Embed

Customize your widget with the following options, then copy and paste the code below into the HTML of your page to embed this item in your website.
                        
                            <div id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidgetDisplay">
                            <script id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidget"
                            src="{[{embed.src}]}"
                            data-item="{[{embed.item}]}"
                            data-collection="{[{embed.collection}]}"
                            data-metadata="{[{embed.showMetadata}]}"
                            data-width="{[{embed.width}]}"
                            async >
                            </script>
                            </div>
                        
                    
IIIF logo Our image viewer uses the IIIF 2.0 standard. To load this item in other compatible viewers, use this url:
https://iiif.library.ubc.ca/presentation/dsp.831.1-0106145/manifest

Comment

Related Items