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A comparitve study between the degree of assimilation and the self image. Adams, Margaret Belle (Baxter) 1958

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A COMPARATIVE STUDY BETWEEN THE DEGREE OF ASSIMILATION. AND THE SELF IMAGE by MARGARET BELLE (BAXTER) ADiJMS B.A., University of B r i t i s h Columbia, l$5k» A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n the Department of ANTHROPOLOGY, CRIMINOLOGY AND SOCIOLOGY We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA A p r i l , 1958, ABSTRACT This thesis investigates the relationship between the s e l f image and the degree of assimilation i n children. There are two parts to the hypothesis: f i r s t l y , there are self image characteristics which are common to members of one national group that distinguish them from members of other national groups, and sec-ondly, these distinguishing characteristics decrease as the members of one national group become assimilated with another national group. The hypothesis was tested i n the Vancouver shool system. An i n t e r -viewing program was undertaken with three matched groups of school c children! German immigrants, sett l e d Canadians, and migrant Canadians. The purpose of the f i r s t two groups was to form a basis on which to compare the s e l f images of children who were w e l l assimilated and children who were poorly assimilated. The main function of the t h i r d group was to provide a basis on which to distinguish any se l f image characteristics which may be common to a l l children who are 'uprooted 1 and not only to children who immigrate to another country. I f such characteristics were found they could not be regarded as distinguishing characteristics of any one national group. The s e l f images of the Canadian and German children were found to d i f f e r i n t h e i r s o c i a l and i n s t i t u t i o n a l i d e n t i f i c a t i o n . The poorly assimilated German children i d e n t i f i e d mainly within the home and familyj while the Canadian children i d e n t i f i e d withinmany additional i n s t i t u t i o n s and people. As the German children became - i i i -better assimilated their identification broadened. Therefore, a limited amount of evidence was found to support both parts of the hypothesis. In p r e s e n t i n g - t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements f o r an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree th a t the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r reference and study. I f u r t h e r agree that permission f o r extensive copying of t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the Head of my. Department or by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e . I t i s understood that copying or p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my w r i t t e n permission. Department of Anthropology. Criminology and Sociology The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver £, Canada. Date Mav 6. 1958. TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE Introduction 1 1 Assimilation 16 The Findings 23 Questionnaire B 36 Questionnaire C 1|3 2 The Self Image 66 ,3 Research Method and Findings 81 k Self Image and Assimilation 10k 5 Summary and Conclusions ' 112 Chart 1 D i s t r i b u t i o n of Subjects According to Age, Sex and Basic Group 133 Chart 2 Fathers' Occupations 13k Chart 3 Teachers' Ratings of Academic A b i l i t y 135 Chart k Teachers' Ratings of Citizenship 136 Chart 5 Number of Children i n Each Family 137 Appendix A Development of the Method . 138 Appendix B Functional Analysis of the New Canadian Class 160 Consent Form 169 Bibliography 170 ACKNOWLEDGEMENT I am greatly indebted to many people f o r t h e i r a s s i s t -ance, advice, and encouragement i n the present study. I t would be impossible to mention a l l these people, however, I would l i k e to take t h i s opportunity to thank my adviser, Dr. K.D. Naegele. Without h i s unti r i n g assistance, patience, and understanding, t h i s study would never have been completed. Thanks are also due to the administrators, teachers, and students of the Vancouver school system who assisted so w i l l i n g l y during the f i e l d work f o r the study. I would p a r t i c -u l a r l y l i k e to thank Dr. S.A. M i l l e r , Director of the Vancouver School Board's Department of Research and Special Services, f o r his i n s i g h t f u l guidance with the organization of the f i e l d work program, and Mr. G.T. Jamieson, school p r i n c i p a l , f o r h i s kind co-operation throughout the f i e l d work program. I am very grateful to the Department of C i t i z e n -ship and Immigration f o r a research grant which they kindly provided. INTRODUCTION This essay i s an investigation of the s e l f image, the process of assimilation, and the relationship between the two. The primary aim of the study i s to increase the knowledge of these sub-j e c t s , rather than to reach d e f i n i t e conclusions. This study compares three groups of school children: German immigrants, who have been i n Canada one year or les s , Can-adian migrants who have arrived i n Vancouver from other provinces of Canada with i n the l a s t year, and se t t l e d Canadians who have attended school only i n Vancouver. The three groups are t o com-pared on the basis of the s e l f image and the degree of assimilation. Also, the relationship between the two concepts, the s e l f image and the degree of assimilation, w i l l be explored. There are three basic assumptions underlying t h i s study. F i r s t l y , the study assumes that the s e l f image i s a r e s u l t of s o c i a l experiences. Secondly, i t assumes that the members of the host society are better assimilated than immigrants or migrants. F i n a l l y , i t assumes that i t i s possible to make meaningful compar-isons between the s e l f image and the degree of assimilation. The hypothesis of t h i s study has two parts: f i r s t l y , there are s e l f image char a c t e r i s t i c s which are common to members of one national group and which distinguish them from members of other national groups, secondly, these distinguishing character-i s t i c s decrease as the members of one national group become assim-i l a t e d with another national group. The f i r s t part of the hypothesis as X - a -'based on the idea that the differences i n s o c i a l environments of countries w i l l manifest themselves i n the s e l f images of members of the p a r t i c u l a r country. Differences between the s e l f images of immigrants and members of the host society that are not the r e s u l t i of mobility are l i k e l y to be due to different national environments. In the present study, comparisons w i l l be made between immigrants and host members. I f differences are found, part one of the hypothesis suggests that the differences between the s e l f images of the two groups of children would be less between w e l l assimilated immigrants and members of the host society, than between the poorly assimilated immigrants and members of the host society. I f the second part of the hypothesis proves to be correct then the s e l f image would be valuable i n studying the process of assimilation. Only a l i m i t e d number of studies have discussed the s e l f image and the degree of assimilation, and none have considered the relationship between the two. Because of the l i m i t e d amount of l i t e r a t u r e i n the f i e l d , p a r t i c u l a r l y with reference to the study of children, the present study w i l l endeavour to acquire additional information and suggest implications f o r further study, rather than draw p o s i t i v e conclusions. The groups of subjects p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n the project are l i m i t e d i n size and do not intend to be represent-ative samples. I t i s hoped, however, that i n spi t e of i t s l i m i t a t i o n s the study w i l l make a worthwhile contribution to the understanding of the s e l f image, assimilation, and the relationship between the two. In the course of ^ he investigation, data about the s e l f image and assimilation arose which d i d not r e l a t e d i r e c t l y to the hypothesis. However, these factors were considered and discussed i n the study as i t was f e l t that they contributed to the understanding of the subject under discussion even i f they did not add to the proof of the hypothesis. DEFINITION OF TERMS Self Image: f o r the purpose of t h i s study s e l f image means 'that which I believe I am1. The s e l f image i s composed of a l l the b e l i e f s one holds about himself regardless of t h e i r basis* These b e l i e f s do not necessarily constitute a r e a l i s t i c picture of the i n d i v i d u a l , nevertheless they do form an important part of h i s personality. Assimilation: i n t h i s study i t has a very broad meaning. I t involves both the ind i v i d u a l ' s physical and mental acceptance of the host society. There are f i v e areas of assimilation considered i n t h i s study: f i r s t l y , 'the degree of incorporation 1 which i s concerned with the extent to which the immigrants and migrants are associating with the ehildren of t h e i r new environment, secondly, 'degree of occupiedness* which i s concerned with the extent of p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n s o c i a l a c t i v i t i e s by the newcomers i n t h e i r new environment, t h i r d l y , 'culture preference' deals with the children's l i k e s and d i s l i k e s i n respect to the locaJifcles. i n which they have previously lived,, fourthly, 'comparison between cultures' i s concerned with the differences which the ehildren consider to ex i s t between the two localities; i n which they have l i v e d , and f i n a l l y , 'homesickness' i s the extent to which the — Ij. ** children miss t h e i r former homes. The f i r s t two areas are concerned with the outward manifestations of assimilation. The l a s t three areas are concerned with the more subtle factors of assimilation. Basic Group: i n t h i s study i t i s used i n reference to any one of the three groups of children: German immigrants, Canadian migrants, and settle d Cariadians. New Canadian Classes: the New Canadian Classes are special classes f o r immigrant children who do not speak English w e l l enough to part i c i p a t e i n regular classroom work. Since t h e i r inception into the Vancouver school system i n 191*7, these classes have continued to increase i n number. At the present time there are thirte e n classes. They are located i n various elementary schools throughout the c i t y . The maximum number of students allowed i n a New Canadian Class i s twenty. Once a l l the exi s t i n g classes are f i l l e d , the School Board accepts the names of prospective New Canadian Class students u n t i l a l i s t of twenty names i s compiledj then another New Canadian Class i s established® These children, whose names are on the waiting l i s t , attend regular school classes u n t i l a New Canadian Class i s able to accommodate them. When non-English speaking school age children arrive i n Vancouver, they are required to regist e r at the Vancouver School Board o f f i c e s . Then, they are placed i n a New Canadian Class nearest to t h e i r home. However, i f there i s no opening i n a New Canadian Class, they are placed i n a regular class i n the elementary school of th e i r d i s t r i c t u n t i l an opening i s available i n the New - 5 -Canadian Class. These children stay i n the New Canadian Class u n t i l the teacher f e e l s that they are able to eope with the work of the regular c l a s s . When they are placed i n the appropriate grade i n the same school, they must s a t i s f y the teacher and the p r i n c i p a l that they are capable of doing the regular grade work. They are then transferred to the school i n t h e i r home d i s t r i c t and enrolled i n the same grade. Children between the ages of nine and twenty-one years are e l i g i b l e f o r r e g i s t r a t i o n i n the New Canadian Classes. The school administrators have found that children under nine years of age are able to learn the English language very r a p i d l y i n the regular classes. There seemr to be two reasons f o r t h i s : f i r s t l y , the nature of the work i n the primary grades allows the children to learn the English language as part of the school work, secondly, s i x to eight year old children are less i n h i b i t e d than the older children and f o r t h i s reason are more w i l l i n g to practice o r a l English among the English speaking children than the older immigrants. New Canadian students between the age of eighteen and twenty-one years must pay a fee of ten dollars per month. Immigrants over . twenty-one years of age are not admitted to the day school classes. However, there are classes i n the night school f o r these older immigrants. As a general rul e , the students stay i n the New Canadian Classes from s i x to eight months. The teachers of the New Canadian Classes are required to have the same q u a l i f i c a t i o n s as the teachers of the regular classes. - 6 -The most essential personal q u a l i f i c a t i o n i s an abundance of patience. Since children are placed i n Neis Canadian Classes without regard to t h e i r national o r i g i n , a teacher i s l i k e l y to be confronted with a class whose members speak many diff e r e n t languages. I t requires a great deal of patience to teach lessons thoroughly enough f o r a l l the children to understand. Contrary to what might be expected, the school administrators do not f e e l that there i s any advantage i n having these teachers speak other languages, i n addition to English. In f a c t , at times i t has been found that a b i l i n g u a l teacher i s less ef f e c t i v e i n teaching New Canadians because she w i l l u t i l i z e her second language i n d i f f i c u l t situations rather than p e r s i s t i n g with English. I f the teacher's second language i s the same as the New Canadian students' native language, i t tends to retard progress. The aim of the New Canadian Classes i s to teach the English language and to give the students the necessary fundamentals i n other academic subjects, which w i l l enable them to do the work as members of the regular school classes. The New Canadian Classes also teach the children to become informed members of the society. They do t h i s by discussing current events, teaching the fundamentals of Canadian government, and explaining int e r e s t i n g facts about Canada. The school administrators f e e l that the New Canadian Classes i n t h i s province are succeeding i n achieving t h e i r objectives. SUBJECTS The subjects of t h i s study are Vancouver school children ranging i n age from nine to fourteen years* They are organized into three matched groups of f i f t e e n children. The f i r s t group consists of f i f t e e n German children, mostly members of New Canadian Classes i n Vancouver. This p a r t i c u l a r national group was chosen because there were more German ehildren enrolled i n the New Canadian, Classes than any other ethnic group. The age group of nine to fourteen years was selected because the non-English speaking immigrant children under nine years of age are enrolled i n the regular classes, and children over f i f t e e n years of age are not required to attend school. After the age of fourteen years-, i t was f e l t that the children would be a less representative group. The German children had a l l been i n Canada less than one year. The second group, the migrant Canadian children, was made up of children who had arrived i n Vancouver from other provinces of Canada within the l a s t year. The t h i r d group, the settle d Canadian children, was composed of children who have always l i v e d i n Vancouver. Each of these groups included eight g i r l s and seven boys. The children i n these three basic groups were matched on the basis of sex, age, father's occupation, academic grades,':: and c i t i z e n s h i p ratings. A l l of the children had made normal school progressj and according to the school medical authorities, they were i n good health. METHOD The structured interview was the method used i n t h i s - 8 -study. There were two interviews conducted with each of the subjects; the f i r s t interview was designed to ascertain the degree of assimilation of each c h i l d into h i s present environment, the second interview was designed to obtain information about the se l f image of each c h i l d . The f i r s t interview with each c h i l d was the interview concerning assimilation. The second interview was held approximately two weeks l a t e r . ORGANIZATION OF THE THESIS Chapter one discusses the process of assimilation and examines ce r t a i n r e l a t e d studies. The data compiled from the assimi-l a t i o n interviews i n the present study are examined by content analysis. Special reference i s made to Robert K.Merton's "Theory 1 of Reference Group Behavior", and to S.N.Eisenstadt's study, The 2 Absorption of Immigrants. This chapter considers the immigrants 1 and migrants' views of t h e i r own situations and the settled Canadians' views of the immigrants and the migrants. Chapter two dicusses the concept of the s e l f image. I t considers previous studies which r e l a t e to the s e l f mage. Content analysis i s made of the responses compiled i n t h i s area of the project. A l l of the responses given by the children are discussed i n seven categories, namelyi body image, s o c i a l relationship, disposition, ambition, s p a t i a l relationship, a c t i v i t i e s , and fact u a l statements. The answers from the three basic groups are compared for s i m i l a r i t i e s and differences on the basis of these seven categories. The t h i r d chapter considers the relationship between the - 9 -s e l f image and assimilation. Three separate comparisons are made i n t h i s chapters f i r s t l y , the w e l l assimilated children are compared with the poorly assimilated children, secondly, the w e l l assimilated immigrants and migrants are compared with the w e l l assimilated s e t t l e d Canadian children, and t h i r d l y , the w e l l assimilated migrants are compared with the poorly assimilated immigrants. PERMISSION TO UNDERTAKE THE STUDY Once the i n i t i t i l planning of the study was completed, i t was necessary to obtain permission from the Vancouver School Board to interview the children i n the schools. In order to do t h i s , l e t t e r s were written by my adviser and myself to the Superintendent of the Vancouver School Board. The proposed project was explained through these l e t t e r s and subsequent personal interviews to the Superintendent and Director of Research.. After thoroughly considering the matter, the o f f i c i a l s decided that the proposed study should be presented to the Vancouver Board of Trustees f o r approval. O f f i c i a l permission was granted with the following reservations: 1. Questions to be discussed i n the interviews must f i r s t be submitted to the Vancouver School Board's Director of Research. 2. Controversial issues, such as r e l i g i o n must be avoided i n the interviews with the children. 3. The study must not int e r f e r e with the subjects 1 school work. U. The written consent of the subjects' parents must be obtained before interviewing them. 5. Names of pupils and schools must not be mentioned i n the thesis. Once permission had been granted, i t was necessary to - 10 -decide the schools from which the subjects were to be selected. The i n i t i a l criterion used i n making this decision was the school or schools in which the German immigrant children were located. With the assistance of Dr. Mil l e r , Director of Research, two schools were decided upon. Later i t was found necessary to increase the number of schools to four in order to secure an adequate number of subjects for the study. An interview was arranged with the principal of the school that accommodated most of the German children. He offered his f u l l co-operation and introduced the investigator to the teachers of the New Canadian Classes. Helpful information i n selecting the subjects for the study was provided by this school principal. FIELD WORK The German immigrant children were the f i r s t subjects considered. The school f i l e s were used to help determine which of the German children would be suitable subjects for the study. This was done with the permission of the school principal. The children who were to be selected must satisfy the following requirements: less than fifteen years and more than eight years of age, be healthy, have regular school progress, and have arrived i n Vancouver from Germany within the last year. A l l of the children who f u l f i l l e d these qualifications were selected and assembled i n one of the classrooms. A German speaking teacher explained briefly the study 3 and the purpose of the consent forms which were distributed. Twenty-one children were present at the meeting. When a l l the consent forms had been returned, i t was found that there were only two negative responses. The remaining 11 -nineteen German children were matched with settled Canadian children. They were compared on the basis of sex, age, father's occupation, academic grades, and citizenship rating. Then, consent forms were sent to the parents of the selected settled Canadian children. The f i n a l group to be chosen was the Canadian migrants. Although a l l the schools used i n this study were i n transitional areas of the city, there were very few children who f i l l e d the necessary requirements as Canadian migrants. Only children who had moved to Vancouver from other provinces within the last year tjere acceptable. Most of the children enrolled i n these schools who were from other provinces, had either been i n Vancouver more than one year, or they had lived i n Vancouver prior to moving to another part of Canada, which auto-matically excluded them from the study. It was necessary to include four schools i n the study before the required number of migrants .could be located. When the three groups of subjects were f i n a l l y selected there were twenty-one boys and twenty-four g i r l s . The distribution of the subjects i s h shown i n chart, number one. Interviewing was started as soon as the consent forms from the parents had been received. To decrease contamination of responses, children i n the same class were interviewed with the minimum lapse between interviews % The two short interviews were decided upon in preference to one long interview; because> the attention span of younger children i s limited, secondly, the shorter interview lessened the possibility of discussion of the questions - 12 -among the subjects. The interviews were conducted i n a casual atmosphere. The children were not r e s t r i c t e d i n t h e i r answers. They were encouraged to t a l k f r e e l y and to discuss any ideas they had on the topic. The research i n the schools lasted s i x weeks. During t h i s time the investigator worked i n close co-operation with the p r i n c i p a l and the teachers of the schools which the subjects atten-ded. Although every e f f o r t was made to cause as l i t t l e inconven-ience as possible to the teachers, o c c a s i o n a l l y i t was necessary to disturb a class several times during the day to excuse children f o r interviews. The teachers were vary co-operative and patient, i n s p i t e of the resultant interruptions of classroom routine. The pr i n c i p a l s of the schools were most h e l p f u l i n making the school f i l e s available} i n providing interviewing rooms, and i n a s s i s t -ing w i t h d i f f i c u l t i e s that arose. CHARTS There are f i v e charts at the end of t h i s thesis (pp. 133-137) which i l l u s t r a t e the d i v i s i o n of the subjects on the basis of: age and sex, father's occupation, teacher's r a t i n g of academic a b i l i t y , teacher's r a t i n g of c i t i z e n s h i p , and f i n a l l y the number of children i n each family. I t should be expalined before considering the material contained i n these charts that these factors were not the only c r i t e r i a used i n matching the children. Two other factors considered were good health, and average school progress.. Chart I shows the d i s t r i b u t i o n of the children i n the three basic groups according to age and sex. - 13 -Chart number two outlines the occupations of the fathers of the children. Only the occupations i n which the fathers were presently employed were considered. It i s realized that this criterion does not give a very true picture of the German and migrant families because the father may not be employed i n his usual type of work. However, the present occupation was the only gauge for an approxi-mation of the families' economic status. Therefore, i t was accepted with that interpretation. In the sample group there was a high concentration i n the labouring and tradesmen class. There were no professional people i n the group and very few white collar workers. The majority of each of the three basic groups f e l l into the trades-men class. Chart number three outlines the academic a b i l i t y of the children as rated by their teachers. Again, this rating has a weakness. Each teacher i s l i k e l y to have a different standard for rating the children. However, this xi/as the only available method by which the children's academic a b i l i t y could be determined. From these ratings i t i s noted that the subjects were ranked slightly above the average mark of 'C. The mode was 'B'. The members of the three basic groups were f a i r l y evenly distributed on the basis of the teachers' academic ratings. Chart number four tabulates the teachers' ratings of citizenship of the subjects based on their behavior at school. Again, the marks for the subjects were higher than the average mark of 'C. The mode of the citizenship marks was 'B'. The marks were - Ik -f a i r l y evenly distributed between the three groups. Chart number five l i s t s the number of children i n each of the subjects 1 families. The size of the family was the last factor considered i n matching the children because i t was believed to be the least influential. The main issue here was to avoid matching •only' children with children from large families, which was possible i n most cases. The subjects came from families ranging from one to five members. The mode i n this category was two children and the average was three children. - 15 -FOOTNOTES 1. Robert K.Merton and Alice S.Kitt, "Contributions to the Theory of Reference Group Behavior", Continuities i n S o c i a l Research, eds, R.K.Merton and P.F.Lazarsfeld. The Free Press, Glencoe, I l l i n o i s , 1950, pp. L l to 105. 2. S.N.Eisenstadt, The Absorption of Immigrants, The Free Press, Glencoe, I l l i n o i s , 1955. 3 . See Appendix A, p . l 6 9 . U. See Chart I, p. 133. - 16 -CHAPTER ONE ASSIMILATION This chapter discusses interviews conducted with children i n the Vancouver Schools on the topic of assimilation. The interviews are analysed i n the terms of Robert K. Merton's, "Theory of Reference 1 - ,.. Group Behavior" , and S.N. Eisenstadt's theory of the relationship 2 between family s o l i d a r i t y and predisposition to Change. Previous studies of assimilation have considered only -the adult immigrants, disregarding the children who immigrate to strange countries. The present study endeavours to gain some insight into the world of the immigrant children. The data were collected through interviews with three matched groups of childrenj German immigrant, Canadian migrant, and settled Canadian children. The data collected i n these interviews were scaled to determine which children were w e l l assimilated and which were poorly assimilated. Since the settl e d Canadian children hare assumed to be w e l l assim-i l a t e d , they are used as a guide i n judging the degree of assim-i l a t i o n of the other children. The present study was conducted e n t i r e l y within elementary schools. Therefore, the factors of assimilation investigated, were li m i t e d to those which could be studied i n a school setting. Another important l i m i t a t i o n , was the investigator's i n a b i l i t y to speak the German language. Since most of the German children were unable to' speak English f l u e n t l y , i t was necessary to conduct the interviews - 1 7 -i n very simple English, or to supply the children with German translations of the questions. Both of these methods were used and occasionally i t was necessary to have the children write their answers i n German and have translations made later. If these methods failed, i t was possible to have a translator assist. However, this was rarely Necessary. The preferred method was to conduct the interviews i n English. In most cases this method was used. Since the data aretobeanalysed with reference to the theories of Merton and Eisenstadt, the discussion w i l l begin by outlining these two theories. The f i r s t , "The Theory of Reference 3 Group Behavior" , i s concerned with the relationship between individuals and the groups with which they identify themselves. Merton states that the individual's frame of reference may involve any one or more, of a l l the various kinds of groups and status which are either different from, or the same as his own. There are three distinctive types of reference groups: namely, those with whom you are i n actual association, those i n the same status or social category, and those i n different status k or social category. If many divergent or contradictory norms and standards are taken as a frame of reference by the individual, somehow these discrepancies must be resolved. The section of the theory which i s most relevant to the present study i s the concept of relative deprivation. The essence of this concept i s that i t i s not the deprivation which i s of primary importance to an individual but, the fact that he - 18 -has less i n r e l a t i o n to members of h i s reference groups. In Merton's words, "...deprivation i s the i n c i d e n t a l p a r t i c u l a r i z e d component of the concept of r e l a t i v e deprivation, whereas, the more s i g n i f i c a n t nucleus of the concept i s i t s stress upon s o c i a l and psychological experience as r e l a t i v e " . Merton c i t e s the examples of promotion i n the army. The less the promotional opportunity afforded by a branch, or combination of branches, the more favourable the opinion tends to be toward the opportunity of promotion. The branches with the highest rate of promotion were most c r i t i c a l of the chances f o r promotion. The men who had good education were more c r i t i c a l than men without, even though the rate of promotion was higher among them. The reason given f o r t h i s i s that a generally high rate of promotion wit h i n the frame of reference induces excessive hopes and expectations among the members of the group, so that each member i s more l i k e l y to experience a sense of f r u s t r a t i o n i n h is present p o s i t i o n and d i s a f f e c t i o n with chances of promotion. Such feelings represent a relationship between expectations of the group members to others ' i n the same boat' with them. Although a l l Merton's examples are c i t e d fron the army setting, the theory i t s e l f i s applicable i n many other areas, one,of which i s the study of assimilation. The immigrant i s i n some ways comparable to the army r e c r u i t discussed by Merton. The immigrant i s uprooted from h i s f a m i l i a r setting and placed i n a completely new environment, just as the army r e c r u i t . The immigrant, similar to the r e c r u i t i n t h i s respect^ must learn to accept new rules and - 19 -regulations i f he i s to be accepted by the other members of his new environment. But the recruit and the immigrant are i n a state of personal upheaval for some time after they arrive i n their new environment. Because of these similarities between the immigrant and the army recruit, Merton's theory, which was successful i n analysing the attitudes of the army recruit, may be (equally suc-cessful i n analysing the attitudes of the immigrant. Also, there i s another similarity between the recruits studied by Merton and the immigrants of the present study. The soldiers were placed in 'replacement depots' before they were transferred from one group to anotherj the immigrant children are placed i n New Canadian Classes before they are transferred to a regular class. Merton said the 'replacement depots' served to lessen former group ties, and thus make the soldier more amenable to ready 6 absorption into his combat unit. The recruits grew very dissatis-fied with temporary posting to the 'replacement depots' and were an-xious to be placed i n a permanent group, regardless of the type of group. The uncertainty of not knowing where they were to be transferred, seemed to work a great hardship on the recruits. This same desire for membership i n a permanent group may be present in the immigrant children who are members of the New Canadian Classes. Also, i t i s possible that these classes which are composed of children of many different ages and national groups, serve to lessen former group loyalties and make the immigrant children more ready for absorption i n a regular school class. If such i s the case, - 20 -the immigrant children who have spent some time i n the New Canadian Classes are l i k e l y to be more amenable to absorption i n the regular class than the migrant Canadians who are placed directly into the regular classrooms upon ar r i v a l i n their new environment. Consideration w i l l now be given to Eisenstadt's theory which concerns the relationship between family solidarity and predisposition to change. The part of Eisenstadt's theory which i s relevant to the present study i s a minor section of his study of the immigrants i n Israel. In this particular section, Eisenstadt studies two types of families* the solidary family and the non-solidary family. The former i s a cohesive group, the existence of which i s perceived by i t s members as an end i n i t s e l f . "Their activities and relations are oriented towards the maintenance and . 7 : perpetuation of the coll e c t i v i t y , with i t s common goals and norms." The latter type of family has a low degree of cohesion and i t s existence i s mainly perceived as a means for attaining the goals of each member. Eisenstadt found a high correlation between positive predisposition to change (willingness to accept necessary alterations) and membership i n a solidary family and negative predisposition to change and membership i n a non-solidary family. Eisenstadt's research demonstrated that a determining factor of an immigrant's acceptance of his new environment i s the amount of affection and social security which he receives i n his family. If the immigrant i s accepted within the family group, and i s assured of a constant - 21 -flow of affection and protection, he acts within a relatively secure social f i e l d . However, i f the immigrant does not have a solidary family group (his relationship to the other members of the family depend upon his achievements outside of the family) he does not have a 'base of security' i n the times of stress. He must continually be proving his own worth outside of his family i n order to retain his position i n i t . Consequently, he clings to symbols which assure him of acceptance by the family. His predisposition to change i s mainly negative.^ THE INTERVIEW The present study of assimilation explores five areas. The f i r s t area i s called the 'Degree of Incorporation', which means the extent to which the children associate with members of the host society. The second area, 'Degree of Occupiedness', i s concerned with the extent to which the children participate i n the activities available to them i n their present environment. The third area, 'Culture Preference', deals with comparisons between the present and the former environments as defined by the children, with special reference to the preference shown for one over the other. The fourth area, 'Comparison between Cultures', explores the differences between the two environments as perceived by the children. The f i n a l area of assimilation, 'Homesickness', considers the children's satisfaction with their present environment, and the desire for their former homes. - 22 -The interviews on assimilation were approximately twenty to t h i r t y minutes i n length, depending upon the loquaciousness of the child being interviewed. Most of the children answered the questions without d i f f i c u l t y and were very keen participants. The interview questions were divided into two sectionss f i r s t l y , a set of nine questions given to each of the children, secondly, a set of indirect questions which varied for each of the three groups. The f i r s t set of questions was designed to gain some knowledge of each child's degree of assimilation. Each of the nine questions required an answer which could be classified as either 'positive' or 'negative'. The positive answers indicated a higher degree of assimilation than the negative answers. The answers were scored i n the following manners a positive answer was given a plus mark, a negative answer was given a minus mark, and an indifferent answer or no answer was given a zero. On this basis, i t was presumed that the migrant children would have a greater number of plus answers than the German children because there would l i k e l y be fewer tensions in resettling i n their own country than i n settling i n a different country. Since i t had been assumed that the group of settled Canadian children were more highly assimilated than the other two groups of children they were tested simply as a check on the validity of the questionnaire. - 23 -THE FINDINGS The to t a l scores for each of the groups were as follows: Positive answers 6JU German children Negative answers 6? Indifferent h Positive answers 6k Migrant Canadian children Negative answers 67 Indifferent k Positive answers 97 Settled Canadian children Negative answers 36 Indifferent 2 The total number of positive answers of the settled Canadian children was considerably higher than either of the other two groups, thus confirming the v a l i d i t y of the test. The scores of the other two groups, however, did not meet expectations. The total scores of the German and Migrant Canadian children were equal. This equality of scores i s very surprising when we consider the greater change undergone by the German children than the Migrant Canadian children. The members of the former group have settled i n a country which has many different social customs to their former homeland, different cultural heritage, and even a different language. The latter group i s merely resettling i n a country, and has comparatively few changes with which to become accustomed. In order to determine the reasons for the equal total scores of the immigrants and the migrants, the individual questions must be discussed. The nine questions on the questionnaire w i l l not be discussed i n order of occurrence, but, according to the area into which they f a l l . The f i r s t area, 'Degree of Incorporation' includes - 2k -three questions; 1. Who i s your best friend? 2. When you are not at school with whom do you spend most of your time? 3. With whom do you usually play at school? The answers to the f i r s t question were considered with respect to the location of the friend mentioned, that i s , whether the friend was i n the present environment of the interviewee or in the former environ-ment. The answers given by each of the groups of children were as follows: Group Answer Number Rating German children Best friend i n Vancouver 13 plus Best friend i n Germany 1 minus No best friend 1 zero Migrant Canadian Best friend i n Vancouver 9 plus children Best friend i n the East h minus No best friend 2 zero Settled Canadian Best friend i n Vancouver 15 plus children Best friend elsewhere 0 minus No best friend 0 zero Four times as many Migrant as German children named best friends i n their former places of residence. This may be an indication that the German children give up their old ties more readily than the Migrant children. Five of the Migrant children named as best friends, classmates, as compared with nine of the German children. One of the German children mentioned his parents as his best friends: none of the Migrant children mentioned family members. Perhaps both of these factors indicate that the German children's friendship circles are more limited than those of the - 25 -Migrant children. From the results of this question, i t appears that the German children accept more completely their change of environment than do the Migrant children. Apparently, the Migrant children try to retain their past environment. The answers to the second question, "When you are not at school with whom do you spend most of your time?" were analysed on the basis of whether or not they referred to family members. The answers were as follows: Group German children Migrant Canadian children Settled Canadian children Answer Family members Friends Both Family members Friends Both Family members Friends Both Number Rating-8 5 2 5 9 1 h 11 0 minus plus zero minus plus zero minus plus zero The fact that ten immigrants, six Migrants, and four settled Canadians named members of their own families in answering this question suggests that the lives of the German children centre more around their homes than do the lives of the Canadian children. This i s probably partly a result of liv i n g i n a strange city, however, since the Migrants are less family centred than the Germans, i t cannot be a function of the strange environment entirely. The language d i f f i c u l t y of the German children also,v;may have been a contributing factor i n spending more time with their families than the other - 26 -groups of children. Because the German children had to struggle a l l day at school with the English language, they were probably relieved to spend out of school hours with their families speaking their native language. Fourteen out of fifteen German children spoke the German language at home. The German children mentioned classmates only oncej the Migrants mentioned classmates four times, and the settled Canadian children three times. This fact i s in part explained by the composition of the New Canadian Classes. These classes are composed of children from widely separated areas of the c i t y . Since there are only Special Classes for Immigrants i n a few of the city schools, the children i n these classes generally do not liv e as close together as the children i n the regular classes. Because of the distance from their classmates1 homes, i t i s impossible for many of the children i n the New Canadian Classes to carry their friendships beyond the school hours. Three of the settled Canadians named classmates, and nine mentioned children outside of their classes. These children have had more time to make friends i n the city, therefore, are not so confined to their families and classmates as the other two groups of children. The f i n a l question i n this section was, "With whom do you usually play at school?". The answers to this question indicate that the friendship circles of the new arrivals to the city are less varied than the Settled Canadian children. The answers were scored only on the basis of whether the interviewee played with friends at - 27 -school, or spent his play time alone. The answers were as follows? Group German children Migrant Canadian children Settled Canadian children Answer With friends Alone Indifferent With friends Alone Indifferent With friends Alone Indifferent Number Rating lk 1 0 l 0 15 0 0 plus minus zero plus minus zero plus minus zero Almost a l l of the children did have friends i n the school with whom they spent most of their play time. The two exceptions i n this case were, a thirteen year old Migrant g i r l and a nine year old German boy. The g i r l had only been i n the school a short time and had not yet been able to make many friends. The boy, on the other hand, had friends but he was happier alone. Most of the friendships were within the classes? t h i r -teen of the German children, twelve of the Migrant children, and nine of the settled Canadian answered that, they usually played at school with classmates. The high percentage of friendships within the classes of German children can be explained by the fact that most of these children were members of New Canadian Classes, and were unable to speak English well enough to make friends with the Canadian children. The two exceptional answers i n this case were from gi r l s J the f i r s t of these g i r l s had been i n Canada for almost a year and spoke English well enough to be i n a regular class. She < - 28 -had a Canadian g i r l f r i e n d who was a year ahead of her i n school. Most of the g i r l s i n her own classroom were younger than she. The other g i r l was i n a New Canadian Class and had a f r i e n d i n another New Canadian Class i n the same school. A l l the remaining G-erman children, from regular classes had non-German friends. The answers to t h i s question demonstrates that most of the children do have friends at school. The friendships of the migrants and immigrants, however, are more r e s t r i c t e d than those of the s e t t l e d Canadians, because of t h e i r mobility. Further l i m i t a t i o n s are placed on the Germans by t h e i r language difference. This i s one reason why they spend most of their time with t h e i r families and with other German speaking people. Merton's theory of reference groups i s useful i n explaining the reasons f o r the immigrants accepting t h e i r new environment (as suggested by the answers to question one) more r e a d i l y than the migrants. The migrants may be less accepting of the new environment than the Germans because they compare themselves to d i f f e r e n t groups. I t i s possible that the migrants f e e l that since they are Canadians they should be accepted completely by the members of the host society. When they f i n d d i f f i c u l t y i n making friends they become frustrated and look back with fondness to the past. The case i s di f f e r e n t f o r the German children because they have the obvious handicap,' language difference, i n making friends with the Canadian children. However, t h i s does not make the German children long f o r the past, but merely look forward to the time when they can speak the English language. - 29 -fluently and make many new friends. This i s demonstrated i n the remark of one l i t t l e boy, "I think i t w i l l be easy to make friends when I speak English better". The second area to be discussed i s called "Degree of Occupiedness". There are three questions to be analysed in this sections 1. Do you belong to any clubs? 2. Do you take any lessons outside of school? 3. Do you have a job after school or on Saturdays? The answers to the f i r s t question were analysed on the basis of whether or not the interviewee had membership i n at least one club. Group Answer Number Rating Yes 2 plus German children No 13 minus Indifferent 0 zero Yes 9 plus Migrant children No 6 minus Indifferent 0 zero Yes 1U plus Settled Canadian No 1 minus children Indifferent 0 zero The above st a t i s t i c s suggest that the settled Canadian children are much more club conscious than the other two groups. The majority of the settled Canadians belong to at least one club. The migrant children join social groups more quickly than the German immigrant children, but not to the same extent as the settled Canadians. The only two German children who were club members belonged to clubs which were a f f i l i a t e d with the school. The reason that more German children did not belong to social clubs may have been that they did not l i v e i n the same d i s t r i c t i n which they attended school. Therefore, they did not have the same opportunity to participate as the other children who attended school i n t h e i r home d i s t r i c t s . The German children who are i n New Canadian Classes form most of t h e i r friendships w i t h i n these classes and, because t h e i r classmates are from widely separated areas they are unable to form s o c i a l groups outside of school hours. I t i s also possible to explain the discrepancies i n club membership i n terms of Eisenstadt's theory. As previously stated Eisenstadt maintains that members of a solidary family are l i k e l y to have a more p o s i t i v e predisposition to change than members of a nonsolidary family. The German family appears to be stronger than the Canadian family, therefore, the German children may not experience the need for the club membership that the Canadian children experience. The f a c t that the German children do spend more time with t h e i r families (as demonstrated by the answers to ID question number two on 'incorporation') may be an indication that the German family i s a more solidary group than the Canadian family. The second question i n the area of 'occupiedness', namely, "Do you take any lessons outside of school?" received the following answers: Group German children Migrant children Settled Canadian children Answer Number Rating Yes 1 plus No l k minus Indifferent 0 zero Yes 0 plus No 15 minus Indifferent 0 zero Y e s 6 plus N o 9 minus Indifferent 0 7p« n - 31 -The settled Canadian children are more occupied with lessons outside of the school than are the children i n the other two groups. However, the number of children participating i n such activities i s too limited to be of significance i n indicating degree of assimilation. The only immigrant child who was taking lessons was attending Saturday afternoon religious lessons at her church. The settled Canadian children were taking either music or dancing lessons. The third and f i n a l question i n this section, "Do you have a job after school or on Saturdays?" received the following answers: Groups German children Migrant children Settled Canadian children Answer Yes No Indifferent Yes No Indifferent Yes No Indifferent Numbers 1 Ik 0 7 8 0 h 11 0 Rating plus minus zero plus minus zero plus minus zero Since the settled Canadian children have lived i n Vancouver longer and thus, have had greater opportunity to obtain jobs, i t i s expected that more of them would have jobs than children of the other two groups. However, this does not prove to be the case; more migrant children than settled Canadian children have jobs. This finding may be partly explained by the area of the city where the study was conducted. Although the children were matched on the basis of their fathers' 32 -occupations i t may be that the permanent residents of t h i s particular' area were of a lower socio-economic class than the migrants. The l a t t e r probably remained i n t h i s area while they established permanent homes i n other sections of the c i t y . Another possible explanation:^ or t h i s f i n ding i s that the migrant children were forced to go out and earn t h e i r own spending money as t h e i r parents were1, more f r u g a l than the parents of the s e t t l e d Canadians. The German children did not hold jobs, probably because they were unable to speak English w e l l enough to q u a l i f y f o r the jobs. The only boy who did have a job was working i n a b i l l i a r d h a l l 'posting b i l l s ' . Although he was a member of a New Canadian Class he spoke English quite w e l l . I t i s interesting to compare the number of children of each basic group who held jobs with the number who took lessons outside of school. There were more migrant children holding jobs than children of the other two groups combined. On the other hand, no migrant children took lessons outside of the school, while children from the other two groups participated i n lessons outside of school. Perhaps, one reason f o r the migrant children not p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n out-of-school lessons was t h e i r plan of temporary residence i n the present area. Since most lessons are costly, the parents may have f e l t that i t was not worthwile to s t a r t the children i n lessons which would be terminated i n a short time when they would move to another area. This transience of migrants i s shown by school attendance records. Many fa m i l i e s remained only a few months i n - 33 -one school d i s t r i c t before moving to another. The t h i r d section to be discussed i s c a l l e d 'Culture Preference 1. There are two questions to be considered under t h i s heading. 1. Cf a l l the places you have l i v e d , which one do you l i k e the most? 2. I f you had a choice of l i v i n g i n any place you have ever l i v e d , which would you pick? The f i r s t question was answered as follows: Group Answer Number Rating Present home 11 plus German children Former home h minus Indifferent 0 zero Present home $ plus Migrant children Former home 10 minus Indifferent 0 zero Present home 10 plus Settled Canadian Former home h minus children Indifferent 1 zero The migrant children appear to be the least s a t i s f i e d of the three groups, while the German children appear to be the most satisfied. The answers to t h i s question further suggests that the German children are more w i l l i n g to accept t h e i r new envir-onment than the migrant children. Since none of the s e t t l e d Canadians had l i v e d i n any other place, t h e i r answers refer only to t h e i r homes i n Vancouver. A comparison of the answers to t h i s question from the three basic groups i s not a true comparison, as many of the settled Canadians have l i v e d i n only one house and a l l of them have l i v e d i n only one c i t y . The second question, " I f you had a choice of l i v i n g - 3U -- i n any place you have ever l i v e d , which would you pick?" received the following answers! Answer Number Rating n T.-TJ Present homes 10 plus German children „ . i . Former homes h minus Indifferent 1 zero Present homes 5 plus Migrant children Former homes 9 minus Indifferent 1 zero Present home 11 plus Settled Canadian Former home 3 minus children Indifferent 1 zero In t h e i r preference f o r place of residence, the migrants again showed themselves to be the least s a t i s f i e d of the three groups. The set t l e d Canadians appeared as the most s a t i s f i e d group. In accordance with Merton's theory, the dissatisfactions of the migrant children may be explained i n terms of frustrated expecta-tions. The migrant children probably came to Vancouver expecting to f i n d many new friends, whereas, the German children l i k e l y r e a l i z e d they would not make friends e a s i l y because of the language b a r r i e r . In any case the German children are able to place the blame f o r most of t h e i r d i f f i c u l t i e s on the language problem. The migrants have no such obvious explanation f o r t h e i r d i f f i c u l t i e s and therefore, are frustrated. The f i n a l area to be discussed, 'Homesickness' includes only one question: 1. Of a l l the places you have l i v e d , i n which do you think you f e l t most at home? - 35 -"The answers received were: Group Answer Number Rating Present home 7 plus German children Former home 8 minus Indifferent 0 zero Present home 6 plus Migrant children Former home 9 minus Indifferent 0 zero Present home 11 plus Settled Canadian Former home h minus children Indifferent 9 zero Again, the settled Canadians show the greatest attachment to t h e i r present homes, while the migrants show the least attachment. I t i s interesting to rote that almost half of the German children said they f e l t more at home i n Vancouver. In view of the language problem, one would expect the German children to seriously miss t h e i r previous homes, however, t h i s did not prove to be the case. The answers to the l a s t three questions concerning 'Culture Preference' and 'Homesickness' varied independently f o r each c h i l d . There was no consistent pattern observed i n the answers to the questions. For example, a c h i l d who said that he l i k e d Vancouver better than any other c i t y i n which he had l i v e d , would not necessarily choose Vancouver when given a choice of l i v i n g in Vancouver or i n h i s former place of residence: nor would he necessarily f e e l most at home i n Vancouver. In summary, there are indications i n the above answers that the immigrants accept t h e i r present environment more r e a d i l y - 36 ->,than the migrants. The migrant children appear to be reluctant to accept their role as the stranger, whereas, the German children accept the stranger role quite willingly. Perhaps, this difference is partly explained by the fact that the immigrants have the language d i f f i c u l t y on which to pin their frustrations, while the migrants have no obvious explanation for their frustrations. At the beginning of this chapter i t was predicted that there would be fewer positive answers to the above set of questions, from the immigrants than from the migrants. This hypothesis, based on the belief that there are fewer tensions involved i n resettling i n the same country, than i n settling i n a different country, proved to be false. There appears to be as many tensions involved i n moving from one section of a country to another as i n moving from one country to another. QUESTIONNAIRE B. Six short answer questions composed the second section of the questionnaire on assimilation. These questions were asked of the German and migrant Canadian children. The aim of the questions was to gain further information from the children about their feelings toward their present and past environments. The question f e l l into three categories! culture preference, comparison between cultures, and homesickness. - 37 -Culture Preference The f i r s t question, "Would you l i k e to go back to Germany (the East) to l i v e ? " was answered as follows: Answer German children Migrant children Yes 1 k No 1U H Most of the children from both groups preferred to stay i n Van-couver, rather than return to t h e i r former places of residence. A s l i g h t l y higher percentage of the migrant children said they would l i k e to return to thei r former homes, i n comparison to the i German children. Again, the migrant children appear to be less s a t i s f i e d with t h e i r present environment than the immigrants. On the basis of the answers to the two previous questions concerning culture preference, one would not expect the children to show such a strong preference to remain i n t h e i r present environment. The r e p l i e s to the question, "Of a l l the places you have l i v e d , which one do you l i k e the most?" were: Answer German children Migrant children Vancouver 11 5 Former home h 10 - 38 -the second question, " I f you had a choice of l i v i n g i n any placd you have ever l i v e d , which would you choose?" the children answered: Answer German children Migrant children Vancouver 10 5 Ferfflgp home | 10 fhe answers of the German children i n every case indicate a. preference f o r Vancouver. The migrant children are less decisive i n theis* f e e l i n g S i The majority of them said that they l i k e d tfse East better than Vancouver and that they preferred to l i v e there, brat, they would not l i k e t o move. back. These answers at fie-st appear eofltradictory. However, when?, the wording of each question is analysed, some differences appear i n tHe meaning;., fhe two qftest^otiS; aQ£ a l l the. places you have l i v e d , wftlctti one d© yona. lifee the mosrt?ro and nl£ yon had a dfroi.ee of l i v i n g i?m amy jpTLae© jywa Ihasve newer ~MsmS^ wM.ch wauld1 y©M dbgXDa&ft1* require only retrospective comparisons-fey the interviewees. The e a r l i e r q^B%ion>, '"fco&djaym l i k e to go back to the East to> l i v e ? " has more dynamic implications;. This question forces % e respondent to make a decision about h i s possible future actionsj of leaving the present environment behind, and, going back t© re-establish himself i n h i s former environment. The other two questions require the respondent te merely l&ek back on his past environment and decide i f 3ie prefers i t to h i s present environment, without requiring him to consider the negative factors involved i n leaving one place of residence and going -to another. The difference i n the wording of the questions may also account for the f a c t that a higher percentage of German children showed favoritism f o r Vancouver i n ffoeir answers to the f i r s t question* than to either of the other two questions. - 39 -Comparison Between Cultures There are three questions to be discussed which involve comparisons between the fonroer and the present, environments of the children* 1. ©o y^ na. have as much fum with your friends i n Vancouver as you had with your friends i n Germany (the East)?? 2. Do yep. enjoy l i v i n g &h Canada (Vancouver) as much as i n Germany (time East)? 3« Is i t easy to make friends In Vancouver? The f i r s t question, "Do you have as much fun with your friends i n Vancouver as you had with your .friends i n -the East?" received the f ollLowing amswgBss Answers Germans children Migrant children Yes 10 7 N& 5 8 Agadirat the migrant's are ©town to reminisce alboiat t h e i r former homes with greater fondness than the immigrants. There were three reasons given by the migrant children f o r t h e i r answers. They said they had more fun i n the East because: one, there were more children i n the neighborhood where they used to l i v e , two, there -were more a c t i v i t i e s i n which to participate, three, the children spent less time watching t e l e v i s i o n . The German children preferred Vancouver because there was more T©cm to play, and the children were nicer. The second question, "Do you enjoy l i v i n g i n Canada (Vancouver) as much as i n Germany (the East) ?" received the following answers*:. -Answers German cMldren Migranit children Yes 7 11 N© 8 k ®ne wc™Ml expect that the migrants wottM have less d i f f i c u l t y i n - ho -making friends in Vancouver than the immigrants because they do not have the language barrier. Many of the immigrants said that i t was difficult to make friends in Vancouver because they could not speak English. However, they felt that once they had mastered the language i t would be easy to make friends. The German children who said that i t was difficult to form friendships in Vancouver had been in Canada less than five months. The situation was quite different with the migrants. The individuals who answered negatively had been living in Vancouver for various lengths of time, ranging from one month to one year. Age did not appear to be a significant factor in determining the answers to this question. The only noteworthy factor in this respect was that a l l migrants who gave negative answers were in the age group of eleven to fourteen years. Perhaps, this was because the younger children were more flexible and therefore, made friends more quickly than the older children. Homesickness To the question, "Are there certain things which you did in Germany (the East) which you would like to do here but are not able to?" the children answered: Answer German children Migrant children Yes 10 13 No 5 2 The majority of the children said they missed certain customs or practices of their previous residence. Most of the children mentioned some particular sport in which they used to participate, eg.football, ice skating, and skiing. One l i t t l e German boy said that he missed - i l l -having German books to read. Some of the German children missed the social clubs in which they had been members. A higher percentage of the migrant children than the German children said they missed activities in which they used to participate at their previous residence. Perhaps, Vancouver offered a greater novelty to the German children than to the migrant children, and this probably accounted for the fact that the German children missed their former activities less. It seems more plausible however, that the immigrant children are more satisfied with their present environment because they have not had their expectations frustrated as have the migrants. It was previously suggested that the migrants may hot have been as well prepared for the difficulties of settling in a different city as the immigrants who have moved a much greater distance and probably have prepared themselves for major changes. The preparation has probably helped the immigrants to accept the loss of many customs and preactices. The answers to the second question, "Are there certain people in Germany (the East) whom you miss?" was answered as follows: Answer German children Migrant children Yes 9 111 No 6 1 Most of the children of both groups missed either friends or relations. The migrant children again showed a higher degree of homesickness. The replies to each of the questions suggest that the German children are adjusting more readily to their new environment than the migrant childreim, who are inclined to long for their former - L2 -homes. This may be partly explained by Merton's theory of reference groups; the immigrant children regard themselves as being different from the Canadian children because they are not able to speak English very well, therefore, they do not expect to be fully accepted by the other children and are prepared for some difficulties of adjustment. The migrant children, on the other hand, regard themselves as members of the host society, therefore, they are not prepared to make any sacrifices in their period of adjustment. Because of their willingness to accept the difficulties of adjustment, the immigrant children meet with fewer frustrations in their new environment and appear to assimilate with fewer tnesions than the migrants. Another significant factor in the assimilation differences between the two groups is the different school classes in which they are enrolled when they arrive in Vancouver. The immigrant enters a class composed entirely of fellow immigrants, whereas, the migrant,: enters a regular class. It is possible that this New Canadian Class serves a similar purpose to the immigrant child as a replacement depot does to the soldier in the army, i.e. i t lessens the former group ties and thus makes him more amenable for ready absorption in a new group. It appears that the longer the children remain in these classes the more amenable they are to the Canadian culture. - U3 -QUESTIONNAIRE C The third set of questions was designed to gain knowledge firstly, of the German and migrant Canadian children's feelings about settling in a new environment and secondly, of the settled Canadian children's feelings regarding the new arrivals. These questions required more extensive answers than those previously discussed. Since the questions for both the immigrants and the migrants were parallel, they will be discussed concurrently. The questions f a l l into four categories: degree of incorporation^ culture preference, comparison between cultures, and homesickness. Degree of Incorporation Three questions regarding incorporation into the new environment were asked: 1. What language is usually spoken in your home? 2. Do you think that Canadian children treat you any differently than they treat other children who have always lived in Canada? 3 . Do you feel any differently about this country than when you f i r s t arrived? To the f i r s t of these questions, a l l the migrants said that the only language used in their homes was English. One German child said that English was used in her home, and a l l others said that German was the only language spoken in their homes. There were four subsections to this question which were asked only of the German children: a) Is any other language ever used? Answers German children Yes 3 (English, Ukranian,German) No 12 - hh -b) What language do your parents use in speaking to each other? Answer German children German 1$ c) What language do your parents use in speaking to you? Answer German children German 12" English and German 3 d) What language do you use in speaking to your parents? Answers German children German 12 English and German 3 All of the migrant children spoke English to the exclusion of a l l other languages. The Germans, on the other hand, spoke German at home at least part of the time. None of the German parents spoke English to one another. In fact, most of them spoke German to the children a l l of the time. Several of the children said that their fathers, but not their mothers spoke English. The second question, "Do you think that Canadian children treat you any differently than they treat other children who have always lived in Canada?" received the following answers: Answers German children Migrant children Yes 13 3 No 2 12 None of the children who gave positive answers to this question said they were treated better than the other children. The chief complaint from the German children was that the Canadians did not play with them, or try to make friends. Another complaint was that the Canadians laughed at them and called them names. Also, they said that the Canadians did not like them to speak in German. - h$ -The three migrants who said they were treated differently, complained about the other children not being friendly. These answers indicate that the Germans felt much less liked than the migrants. This feeling was probably justified because the immigrants were a distinctive group in the school: whereas, the migrants were enrolled immediately into the regular classes and incorporated as much as possible into the regular classroom routine. The final question in this section, "Do you feel any differently about this country than when you fi r s t arrived?" was answered as follows: Answers German children Migrant children Yes 11 lk No h 1 All of the German children who gave affirmative answers to this question said that they liked Vancouver better. Most of these children liked i t better now, in comparison to when they fi r s t arrived, because they were now able to speak the English language and had more acquaintances. None of the German children said they liked the country less. Twelve of the migrant children said they liked Vancouver better now than when they f i r s t arrived. Two said they liked i t less, and only one said that his feelings were unchanged. Most of the children said they liked i t better now because they were acquainted with the city and with some Vancouver children of their own age. One child said she liked i t better now because, "At f i r s t I thought that there would be too many dope addicts". Only one = 1*6 -9f the children who said that he l i k e d the c i t y less could give a reason f o r his fe e l i n g s , " I t f i r s t I l i k e d i t here, bmrt, now, a l l the kids seem to be against me".. Both of the gy?m$§ were s i m i l a r i n that they l i k e d the c i t y better now than they d i d previously. The common reason ifcor "this preference «as that they were more f a m i l i a r witfe the c i t y and), were acquainted with more people. Culture Preference There are three questions to be cBLscuissed under t h i s heading: 1. Are yon glad you moved to Vancouver? Why? 2. What i s the nicest part of l i v i n g i n Vancouver? 3. What i s not so nice about Vancouver? To the f i r s t of these questions the children answered: Answers ffleremaaai eMIdtreaai Migrant children Ties W 11 1 3 Undecided 0 1 The majority of each group was glad that thiey had moved to Vancouver. Tftexns were three main types of answers given by the German children: one concerned geographic and) climatic conditions, another concernied! (escape from Germany, and the t h i r d concerned r e l a t i v e s i n ithe c i t y . The f i r s t type of answer received the most r e p l i e s . The chilcOrem referred to such things as the l o v e l y mountains;, the gardens i n tike c i t y , which were not seen i n the German c i t i e s , and the mild weather. The second reason given by the children concerned escape from Germany. They gave such answers as: '"I have nothing i n Germany", and "there i s no shooting over here l i k e tfoere was i n Berlin...- I did not wish to be k i l l e d by the shooting;™. The tMrd l type of answer referred to other members of t h e i r f a m i l i e s , e,g» "My brothers were here and I wanted to see them", and " I have r e l a t i v e s over here". The only negative response from a German c h i l d was given •by a l i t t l e boy who said that he was not glad to be i n Vancouver because Canadian boys were bad to him J he did not l i k e the school, and he f e l t the c i t y was too big. The migrant chil d r e n showed less concern about the climate and the physical surrounding's t&ara the German children. There were only two migrant children' who referred to Vancouver's olimate. One of the children s a i d she d i d not l i k e Vancouver's climate, while the other said she l i k e d Vancouver because there was not too much snow. SeWFadL of the migrants said), they l i k e d %nciauveif' because Uiey f e l t i t was an improvement over t h e i r previous environment. These children were happy to leave the ijeatber conditions of the Ea>st. The fourth question, "What i s the mijcea* part- ateu* l i v i n g i n Vancower?" wag designed to gain information about the aspect of l i f e i n Vancouver, which was enjoyed by each of tfee children. The findings of t h i s question indicated that the. wording of i t had not been s p e c i f i c enough. The children's interpretations of i t varied a great deal. Some thought the question referred t o aspects of l i f e i n Vancouver and some thought that i t referred to physical locations i n Vancouver. The answers that referred to physical locations* mentioned), tfte mountains^ and Stanley Park more of tea t&sn any other place i n the city* tyth@i? places mentioned!, were* Kiisl-iaYTS' Seach, Burnaby, North V/ancouver, and!. Eraser "Sttf&et^ Mcra* of the aniswers whilefe concersiiecJ. tift® broader interjp* retation of the question f e l l into two categoriesi one, comforts and opportunities of the city, and two, the geographical setting %£ Vancouver, There were more answers to the f i r s t category than to tfoe second. Many of the children mentioned the convenient location of things in the city, e.g, "The stores are so close to home", "There are so many parks around here to play i n M , and, HThe buses are alwayg so handy whenever you want to go anywhere". Many of the children mentioned the numerous acti v i t i e s i n which they could participate, such as skating, hockey, and riding i n cars', The second category, the lovely scenery, also> received several answers* fhe eMdld^en said1 they liked- the sea, the moun-taiinsy andl tike gps&em aaroiondl tfee city/*' ^tftes? ssfflfiem which Mdl notfc f a l l , into any category were' '*ifte people me affll n i c e \ "1: the friercdly/ cats on ttiie street 1^ and! m$^F$iMng. is; cheaper-t& buy/- herej^. In. the f i r s t , category- of amswyers^  geographic and!, giimatic conditions, both groups; talked about:, th\e mountains;, the; sea and the mild weather. The difference between the answers givreni by t&® tws> groups; jis thalfc the German children stressed the spaciousness of the city, while the migrant children ignored i t , fiii the second category of answWs", opportuMti'es; andl comforts. ibe migrants men-fcioned the educational, opportunities; of the c i t y , the social clubs; which one could joi n , and the movies one; could attend.; the immigrants referred to the: conveniences of' "Uie shop-ping centers i n the city* and tfee number of acti v i t i e s im which one CQittM participate. These seemi to be; the; significamt differences; i n the answers to the question; In answer to tfre question, "Wat i s not so nice about Vancouver?11 both immigrants and migrants said, rathe rain", more; frequently than anything else. The German children expressed fieweir disKJkes ithan the migrants* In fact, five of them said they liked everything about Vancouver. Only one of the migrants had!, no) dlsliftes; toward Vancouver. Besides the rain, the German children had only one common complaint, the heavy t r a f f i c . Several of the migrants disliked various aspects of l i f e i n Vancouver, e.g. "There are so many things going on*, that ^©U cannot participate i n them a l l " , "the tempo i s quieter, more busine§s»like, and stricter than what I'm used to", "I don't l i k e having to g© such a long way to school". Two of the migrants mentioned that the Vancouver students were (different. One said that they seemed older than children of the same age i n the East. The other said that the interests of the Vancouver children differed from her own. The dislikes of the two groups are similar; f i r s t l y , the rain, and secondly, factors which <are an in t r i n s i c part of every large c i t y , e.g. the heavy itraffic and the 'business-like attitude' of the people. The German cMldren did not complain 50 -about their fellow students, but two of th>.e migrants found them different than they expected. The migrant children had a greater number of dislikes than the German children, and there were more migrant children who expressed dislikes, fhe migrant children again appear to be less satisfied with their present surroundings than, the immigrant children!. (Comparison Between Cultures • - There i s (only one 'question to The discussed under this heading, "Do you think that because you used to live in Germany yO'u are any different from children who have always lived in Vancouver, e.g. you may have different ideas or ways of doing things?" Answers German children Migrant children Contrary to what, might be expected, more <s£ the migrants than tfoe immigrants thought that they were different from the members of the kj^st society.' There; were tww differences referred to by the German cMldren:: firstly, they referred t<© German activities wMdh were unknown to the Canadians, and secondly they referred1 to the different personal habits of the Canadian cMldren. A particularly interesting answer came from a ten year old gir l , she' explained the difference between1, the German, and! C'anad'iani children; by saying, "Hin germany the children are more friendly. Canadian), children taHfe wis em you wear to school a coat that is not so good. In Germany th-ey talk i f you wear dirty shoes, they don't in Canada". f e s N'Oj 7 8 10 5 - 51 -The same story was t o l d by one of the boys, who said, "Canadian children are d i r t y and they do not have as good manners as we have." These two quotations c l e a r l y express the sentiments of many of the German children who f e l t that the Canadian children were i n c l i n e d to be messy and d i r t y . Contrary to what might be expected, none of the German children mentioned the language difference. The migrant children's comparisons of themselves to members of the host society were l i m i t e d largely to the academic f i e l d . Many of the children said that they were ahead of t h e i r present class' work and that they had been studying d i f f e r e n t subjects i n t h e i r previous classes. Two of the older children r e -ferred to t h e i r sense of l o y a l t y to t h e i r homes. They f e l t that t h i s d i f f e r e n t i a t e d them from the native Vancouver children. Many of the immigrants and migrants f e l t that there were differences between themselves and the members of the host society. A greater number of the migrant children spoke of these differences. The differences were generally l e s s personal than those referred to by the German children. The German children spoke of the a c t i v i t i e s i n which they participated and t h e i r personal neatness and cleanliness, while the migrants spoke almost exclusively about the i r school work. Homesickness There are two questions referring to homesickness to be discussed: 1. What was there i n Germany (the East) which you did not l i k e to leave? 2. What do you miss about Germany (the East)? In answer to the f i r s t question the children said: Answer There was something There was nothing German children 10 5 Migrant children 1 Again, more of the migrant children showed signs of home-sickness than the German children. The German children mentioned relatives and friends whom they missed. Two of the children said they missed participating i n certain ac t i v i t i e s , and another said she missed her pet dog. Generally, the German children seemed to feel more contented about l i v i n g i n Vancouver than the migrant children, and they had no 'real* regrets about having l e f t Germany. whom they had l e f t behind; none of them said they missed relatives. Some of these children missed the snow and the very hot weather which they enjoyed i n the East. Also, they mentioned former schools and social groups. The migrant children seemed to desire what they had l e f t behind to greater extent than the German children. The f i n a l question, "What do you miss about Germany (the East)?" received the following answers: Answer German children Migrant children I miss something 13 10 I miss nothing 2 k No answer 0 1 The answers to this question were very similar to the answers just discussed. The main difference here was i n the total Many of the migrant children said they missed friends - 5 3 -•i scores of each group. More German children than migrant children said they missed friends and relatives when the question was asked i n this manner, which partly accounted for the discrepancy i n the t o t a l scores. VIEWS OF THE SETTLED CANADIAN CHILDREN REGARDING THE IMMIGRANTS AND  MIGRANTS The following questions were asked i n the hope of gaining some knowledge about the attitude of the settled Canadian children toward the immigrant and migrant children. The questions w i l l be discussed under the following headings rather than i n the order of occurence: knowledge about the immigrants and migrants, interaction between Canadians and immigrants, perception of difference, and social benefits* Knowledge about Immigrants and Migrants There are four questions which are concerned with the Canadian students' awareness of the immigrant students. 1. Did you know that there was a class i n your school especially for New Canadians? 2. Do you know any students who are i n this class or who used to be i n i t ? 3» Do you know any other children who came to Canada from other countries? L. Do you know any children who have come from distant parts of Canada? A l l the children answered that they knew a New Canadian Class existed i n their school and they knew the purpose of the class. Fourteen children said they were acquainted with children who were •6k -new Canadians. One c h i l d said that she did not know any immigrants personally, but she did know some of them by sight. In response to the t h i r d question, eight of the respon-dents said they knew children from foreign countries other than students i n the New Canadian Classes, while seven of the respondents did not know any. Eleven of the children said they knew children i n Vancouver who came from distant parts of Canada. A l l the children, however, knew of migrant Canadian children who were enrolled i n the school. From these responses i t i s evident that a l l the children were aware of the Immigrant children i n t h e i r environment, and that the majority of the children knew at l e a s t one immigrant, personally. The answers also indicate that most of the children were acquainted with immigrant children through the school and not outside of i t . F i n a l l y , the answers showed that most of the children knew one or more migrant children personally, and that a l l respondents were aware of migrant children i n the school. Interaction Between Canadians and Immigrants There are two questions which involve the i n t e r a c t i o n between Canadians and migrants. The f i r s t question i s , "Do you think that the children i n t h i s class (the New Canadian Class) t r y to make friends with the r e s t of the students i n the school or do they stay i n t h e i r own group?" The answers were as follows: Yes:: Fo. IT T - 55 -The majority of the Canadian children f e l t that the immigrants tried to make friends with the Canadians. There were only two children who thought that the immigrants did not endeavour to gain friends. Both of these children f e l t that the new Canadians continued to associate with students i n the New Canadian class even after they had been transferred into the regular classes. The second question which asked about the interaction between the settled Canadian children and the immigrant children focused on the other side of the picture. To the question, "Do you think that the children i n this school try to get to know the students who are i n the New Canadian class?" received the following answers: Yes No Indefinite T 1 8 Most of the children thought that the attitudes of the Canadian children toward the immigrants varied. They thought that a few of the Canadians made an effort to become acquainted with the immigrants, but the majority of them did not. Only six of the children believed that the Canadians generally tried to make friends with the New Canadians. One of the respondents thought that the Canadians ignored the immigrants. In the answers to these questions, there many indications that the Canadian children f e l t they were being very kind to the immigrants i f they offered to play with them. Answers such as, "We le t the New Canadians play baseball with us", and "we get tired of trying to teach them our games", were common. Some degree of pre-judice appears to exist i n the feelings of the Canadians toward the - 56 -immigrants. The children who stated that a limited number of the Canadian children were friendly toward the immigrants indicated, that the New Canadians were more anxious to gain the friendship of the Canadians, than were the Canadians to gain their friendship. Most of the interviewees inferred that they f e l t obliged to be friendly with the immigrants. Since they had not been friendly i n the past, they were inclined to have feelings of remorse about this unfriendliness. One of the children expressed the feelings of the group particularly well i n the following quotation: A few (Canadians) try to make friends with them. The teachers t e l l us to ask them to play with us. Most of the Canadians don't because they don't know our games, and we get tired of trying to teach them, but then, after, we f e e l that we should have played with them. Some of the children said that the new Canadians were treated unkindly. We don't put on any special effort. We get mad at them easily. When they play and act stupid or some-thing, we get mad at them. Another boy answered, "Not very many, some do, some are pretty mean to them". The settled Canadian children f e l t that the new Canadians were a separate group of students who should be accepted into their friendship c i r c l e , but were not. The Canadians appeared to have some feeling of guilt over their social discrimination to the immi-grants, but they were reluctant to exert the effort necessary to make friends with the immigrants. Most of the Canadians f e l t that the immigrants were anxious to have them for friends. - 57 -Perception of Difference Three questions were asked which concerned comparisons between the Canadians and the immigrants. These questions endeavoured to ascertain the social distance between the immigrants, migrants and settled Canadians, as seen by the Canadian children. If they regarded themselves as different from the immigrants, they were asked to explain the differences. The three questions asked were: 1. Do you think that these children (the immigrants) are any different from the other children i n the school? 2. Do you think that these children are any different from children who have always lived i n Canada? 3. Do you think that children who have grown up i n distant parts of Canada are any different from children who have always lived around Vancouver? To the f i r s t question, the answers were as follows: Yes No i r n The eleven respondents who said that the immigrant children were different from other children i n the school mentioned three main differences: language, friends, and clothes. Seven of the children thought that the immigrants were different because they spoke,a different language. Three thought they were different because their friends were other immigrants. Two of the children thought they were different because they wore clothes which were unlike those worn by the Canadians. To the second question the children answered: Yes No No Answer y r — i — - 58 -The chief reason given by the children for considering the immigrants to be different was the language they spoke. Another type of difference that was was mentioned quite frequently involved personality character-i s t i c s . One child said that the immigrants had feelings of superiority and acted as though they belonged i n Canada and the settled Canadians did not. The last onmment was an exceptional one because of i t s dero-gatory nature. A l l of the other statement, regarding personality differences were complementary to the immigrants. Some typical comm-ents were: "They are friendlier than the Canadians", "They have some different ideas about how to do things", and, "They are well mannered and tidy". Two of the children said that the immigrants wore different types of clothes. The f i n a l question, "Do you think that the children who have grown up i n distant parts of Canada are any different from children who have always lived around Vancouver?1* received the following answers: Yes No 10 5 The reasons given by the children for regarding the migrants as different, varied a great deal. A number of the children said that they thought the migrants were different because of the different types of schools they had attended. They said that the migrants often came from one room schools, and that they often were a grade ahead of other children of their own age i n the school. Several of the respondents said the migrants had different personality charac-t e r i s t i c s from themselves. Two children said that the migrants were - $9 -more conscientious workers than the s e t t l e d Canadians. One child;, said that the migrants spoke with s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t accents, and another c h i l d said that they were more tr u s t i n g of other people because they did not lock t h e i r doors at night. One of the respon-dents said that the migrants were d i f f e r e n t because they had d i f f -erent past expereinnes than the Canadians. Most of the s e t t l e d Canadian children regarded the immigrants and migrants as d i f f e r e n t from themselves. The main reasons f o r considering the immigrants as di f f e r e n t were tha&r language and t h e i r various personality t r a i t s . The migrants were considered d i f f -erent c h i e f l y because of t h e i r d i f f e r e n t academic backgrounds. The differences mentioned by the children were generally complementary to the immigrants and migrants. S o c i a l Benefits The three questions to be discussed under t h i s heading are a l l concerned with the benefits derived by theimmigrants and the members of the host society, as seen by the Canadians. The f i r s t question was, "Do you think that you learn anything from the new Canadian students?" The answers were as follows: Yes No 10 5 Ten of the fourteen Canadian children who knew immigrant students personally thought that they gained some knowledge from the New Can-adians. Four of the children said they learned d i f f e r e n t games and - 60 -ways to play from the immigrants. Five children said they learned something about the homeland and customs of the immigrants. Several of the children referred to short speeches which some immigrants had made i n t h e i r s o c i a l studies classes. In these speeches the immigrant t o l d about the country from which they had emigrated. Only one c h i l d mentioned any awareness that acquaintances with the immigrants might lessen feelings of prejudice. Yes, to accept them the way they are. Learn not to be 'stuck up' to people. Learn to be f r i e n d l y and l i k e them j u s t as one of us. I f you went to t h e i r country you wouldn't want to be alone. The second question was, "Do you l i k e to get to know children from other countries? Why?" I t was answered as follows: Yes No Hi ; i The main reasons given f o r wanting to become acquainted with the immigrants were: the personal q u a l i t i e s of the immigrants, and the p o s s i b i l i t y of learning from them. Most of the answers given were concerned with the former reason. The children said, "they're kind and nice", "they act f r i e n d l y " , "they make better friends because they do not know very many people, therefore they can't afford to lose your friendship". The children who claimed, that they learned from the immigrants said, "They teach us other games and b i t s of t h e i r language", "they t e l l us about t h e i r countries so that i f we ever go over there we know something about them", and "they show us di f f e r e n t toys". The only negative answer to t h i s question came from a -61-fourteen year old boy, who said that he had .'enough friends 1 and therefore, he did not, "put on any effort" to get to know the immigrants. It i s interesting to note that only six of the Canadian children thought that most of the Canadians i n the school t r i e d to get to know the New Canadians, but fourteen of them said that they would l i k e , to get to know ine Immigrants. I t appears that these children f e l t an obligation to be friendly with the immigrants, but they realized they were not f u l f i l l i n g their obligation. The f i n a l question, "Do you think that these children enjoy l i v i n g i n a strange country? Why?" received the following answers: Yes No 11 . . k Most of the children who gave affirmative answers said that the New Canadians probably enjoyed the country better after they had been here long enough to learn the language. The respondents believed that the novelty of being i n a different country, where thea are different things to do and new pleasures to enjoy, would be very nice. One of the children thought that the immigrants would enjoy this country because "there are no wars here l i k e there were at home". I t i s interesting to compare these answers with the answers given by the immigrants to the question, "Are you glad you moved to Vancouver? Why?" The German children said: Yes No lk 1 They were glad that they had moved to Vancouver for three reasons: - 62 -f i r s t l y , they l i k e d the scenery and the mild weather, secondly, i t was an escape from Germany, and •thirdly, they had r e l a t i v e s i n Vancouver with whom they were glad to be reunited. The type of answers given by the German children varied a great deal from those given by the Canadian children. None of the Germans mentioned the pleasures of a new and d i f f e r e n t environment, which was considered by the Canadians to be an enjoyable aspect of l i v i n g i n a foreign country. However, they were correct i n assuming that the immigrants would enjoy the new country more, after they knew the language. This was suggested i n several of the answers of the German children to various questions. CONCLUSIONS The analysis of the interviews with the immigrants and the migrants has not supported the hypothesis that there are fewer tensions involved i n r e s e t t l i n g i n a s i m i l a r country than i n s e t t l i n g i n a different country. From the data collected i n these interviews the migrants appear to be labouring under a greater s t r a i n , although a less obvious one than the immigrants. The suggested explanations of t h i s difference were based on theories by Eisenstadt and Merton. F i r s t l y , because the immigrants have comparatively more solidary families (as suggested by the f a c t that the Germans spend more time with t h e i r f a m i l i e s than the migrants or the s e t t l e d Canadians), they are better able to accept the unsett-l i n g affects of l i v i n g i n a d i f f e r e n t country than are the migrants - 63 -whose families are less solidary. The other explanation offered, based on Merton's r e f e r -ence group theory, suggested that the immigrants were more capable of accepting t h e i r positions i n a strange c i t y because they have been better prepared f o r t h e i r s i t u a t i o n . The German children migrated to Canada expecting to f i n d things strange and new. Therefore, they accepted t h e i r r o l e as the stranger more r e a d i l y than the migrants, who were unprepared f o r t h e i r r o l e . The Germans also have the s a t i s -f a c t i o n of companionship i n t h e i r d i f f i c u l t i e s . They are placed i n classrooms with many other boys and g i r l s who are ' i n the same boat 1 as they are. The German, children come to i d e n t i f y with the chi l d r e n i n the New Canadian class and are able to share t h e i r new experiences with them. The migrant children are placed i n regular classes and do not have other children to share t h e i r new experdtences with them. The immigrant children are able to disperse t h e i r h o s t i l i t i e s by discussing them with other children who are having s i m i l a r experiences* the migrants do not have t h i s opportunity. This f a c t i s expressed very w e l l i n a remark made by one of the migrant g i r l s , "Whenever I mention anything about Winnipeg, everybody i s sure to say, "Well t h i s i s VancouverJ" The German children are also more fortunate than the migrants i n that they have an obvious explanation on which to p i n a l l t h e i r f r u s t r a t i o n s , the language d i f f i c u l t y . Although the difference of language appears to be a stumbling block to the i n t e -gration of the German children into the Canadian society, i t i n - 6k -r e a l i t y may be an aid to assimilation. During t h e i r f i r s t few menths of residence i n t h i s country, the German children are able to blame most of t h e i r d i f f i c u l t i e s on the language problem. This 'understan-ding' of t h e i r d i f f i c u l t i e s reduces t h e i r f r u s t r a t i o n s i n t h i s respectj however, the migrants have no such obvious explanation f o r t h e i r d i s -s a t i s f a c t i o n s . The interviews with the sett l e d Canadian children i n d i -cated that the children i n the schools f e l t they should make friends -with the New Canadians, but that most of them di d not bother to make the necessary e f f o r t , even though they enjoyed knowing the immigrant children. Many of the Canadians appeared to have fee l i n g s of g u i l t about the way they treated the immigrant children. At the beginning of t h i s chapter i t was hypothesized that the migrant children would be shown to have a higher degree of assimilation than the immigrant children, on the basis of these questions: however, t h i s was not supported. From the findings of the study then, i t would seem reasonable to predict that i f there i s relationship between the s e l f image and the degree of assimilation, there w i l l be no greater s i m i l a r i t y between the s e l f images of the migrants and the s e t t l e d Canadians, than between the Germans and the s e t t l e d Canadians. The s i m i l a r i t y w i l l e x i s t rather, between the w e l l assimilated of each of the three groups. - 65 -FOOTNOTES 1. Robert K. Merton, and A l i c e S. K i t t , "Contributions to the Theory of Reference Group Behavior", Continuities i n S o c i a l  Research, R.K.Merton, and P»F* Lazarfeld, (eds), The Free Press, Glencoe, I l l i n o i s , 1950, pp. kO-105. 2. S.N.Eisenstadt, The Absorption of Immigrants, The Free Press, Glencoe, I l l i c m o i s , 1955. " 3. Merton and K i t t , l o c , c i t . U. Ibid., p. k8. 5. I b i d . , p. 52. 6. I b i d . , p. 97. 7. S.N.Eisenstadt, op. c i t . , p. 233. 8. Ibid., p. 235. 9. See above, p. 2k* 10. See above, p. 25. 66 CHAPTER TWO THE SELF IMAGE This chapter discusses previous studies which have been conducted on the subject of the s e l f image, and c a r e f u l l y analizes the s e l f images of the ehildren who participated i n the present study. Theory of the Self The s e l f , according to G.H.Mead i s e s s e n t i a l l y an *on going process* which i s made up of two phases, the ' I * and the 'me'."*" The f i r s t phase, the ' I ' i s the actor or the reactor i n the community. The * I ' i s responsible f o r the element of novelty i n the s e l f . The • I " exists only i n the present time: once the moment passes the 'me' i s the part of the s e l f which i s known and recognized by other members of the community. I t i s the stable, conventional part of the s e l f and i t accounts f o r the element of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . The s t a b i l i t y of the 'me' makes the behavior of an i n d i v i d u a l i n some degree predic-table. The 'me' acts as a censor over the impulses of the ' I 1 . I t does not censor the ' I ' d i r e c t l y , but i n d i r e c t l y , through the individual's s e l f consciousness. Before acting an i n d i v i d u a l considers what i s expected of him on the basis of his previous actions and usually acts accordingly. When he does t h i s he i s being governed by the 'me'. I f an i n d i v i d u a l does not act i n accordance with his previous behavior pattern, he i s acting against the dictates of the 'me1. This i s l i k e l y to occur i f the censorship of the 'me1 becomes too great. The ' I 1 simply rebels and acts on i t s own impulses. In other words, the 'me' i s the part of the i n d i v i d u a l ' s s e l f which other members of the community consider to be the r e a l person. The ' I * i s simply the i n d i v i d u a l at the present moment j he i s never e n t i r e l y predictable. The two phases, the ' I 1 and the 'me' are not e n t i r e l y separable because one i s a component of the other. The 'me' i s a formulation of a l l the attitudes of others which the i n d i v i d u a l accepts. These attitudes are discovered through the 'I's int e r a c t i o n with the res t of the community. The 'me', then, i s an accumulation of experiences of the past ' I ' s . Since the 'me' i s the sum .total of the experiences of the predecessors to the present ' I ' , i t i s l i k e l y to have some effe c t upon the ' I 1 . According to Mead, the 'me' acts as a check upon the actions of the ' I ' . Mead's theory i s based upon the idea that the s e l f i s not innate, but a product of s o c i a l experience. Without a s o c i a l environment the s e l f would never develop. Mead maintains that i t i s possible f o r the body to e x i s t without the s e l f . He says that such a s i t u a t i o n would occur i f the i n d i v i d u a l developed with no s o c i a l experience. The s e l f , however, could continue to ex i s t even i n complete i s o l a t i o n once i t had developed. Mead claims that t h i s i s possible because the s e l f i s capable of producing i t s own s o c i a l experience; e.g., a c h i l d pretending to be two d i f f e r e n t people. The attitudes of others are the mirror of the s e l f . - 68 -The mirror's r e f l e c t i o n i s known to the in d i v i d u a l only through communication with others. Because awareness of the s e l f i s e s s e n t i a l to s e l f development, according to Mead, the language process i s indispensable. Mead says that there are two states to the development of the s e l f j and the language process i s an i n t r i n s i c part of both. F i r s t l y , the s e l f i s constituted simply by the organisation of the pa r t i c u l a r attitudes of other individuals toward himself. Secondly, the s e l f i s an organization of p a r t i c u l a r i n d i v i d u a l attitudes and s o c i a l attitudes of the'generalized other'. When f u l l y developed the s e l f becomes a r e f l e c t i o n of the general systemic pattern of the s o c i a l behavior of the society. The present study i s not priraarly concerned with the self] but, with the concept that an i n d i v i d u a l holds of himself, or the s e l f image. In a sense the s e l f and the s e l f image are insepar-able because of the mutual dependence of each on the other, i . e . without a s e l f there could never be a s e l f imagej and without a sel f image, the s e l f could not develop. In the present study however, attention i s focused on the s e l f image as a separate e n t i t y , without regard to the s e l f . Development and Function of the- Self Image The basis of the s e l f image i s l a i d during childhood, i n the primary groups. The child's f i r s t s o c i a l contacts make him aware of himself and determi ne the way i n which he w i l l perceive - 69 -himself. An example of the importance of the primary group i n the formation of the s e l f image i s the c h i l d who i s viewed as being unlovely and comes to view himself i n t h i s manner. I f t h i s picture continues to be reinforced i t may be impossible f o r the c h i l d to break h i s o r i g i n a l perceptual pattern. Although the i n d i v i d u a l i s often reluctant to change old ideas about himself, the s e l f image does develop and a l t e r with s o c i a l contacts. New s o c i a l contacts modify the ch i l d ' s former b e l i e f s and develop new areas of the s e l f image, but a l l of the l a t e r concepts are influenced by the e a r l i e r 2 b e l i e f s . The primary function of the s e l f image i s to serve as a c e n t r a l point of reference of the behavior of the i n d i v i d u a l . That i s , an i n d i v i d u a l uses h i s concepts of himself to decide h i s actions. He behaves according to what others expect of him# Self images vary a great deal i n accuracy; some individuals have very r e a l i s t i c p i c -tures of themselves while others have completely f a l s e conceptions. However, the s e l f image i s always an important determinant of behavior, regardless of i t s objective accuracy. Research on the Self Image Many studies have been made of the s e l f image. Three of these studies have been chosen f o r discussion because of t h e i r bearing on the present project. The experimenters who did the three studies are: H.H.Hyman, Manford Kuhn and Thomas McPartland. - 70 -1. Study by Hyman A s i g n i f i c a n t study r e l a t i n g to the development of the se l f image was done by H.H.Hyman i n 19U2. I t was the f i r s t study to focus on the 'subjective status' as a function of reference groups. By the term, 'subjective status' Hyman meant 1 a person's conception 3 of h i s own po s i t i o n r e l a t i v e to other i n d i v i d u a l s ' . A person's conception of h i s own status i s a very important part of the s e l f image. Hyman found that individuals formulate the status aspect of t h e i r s e l f image by comparing themselves with other i n d i v i d u a l s and reference groups, and not by comparing themselves with the t o t a l population. Hyman studied status i n several d i f f e r e n t areas. He began h i s study by interviewing thirty-one subjects on the topic of status. These interviews were very loosely structured i n order to allow the subjects free discussion and to get as much information about 'subjective status' as possible. From h i s data Hyman discov-ered s i x main areas of subjective status: economic, i n t e l l e c t u a l , s o c i a l , c u l t u r a l , physical attractiveness, and t o t a l standing. I t was also found that several variables must be taken into account i n understanding 'subjective status'. . One of these variables was r e f -erence groups.^ In order to test the importance of reference groups i n determining 'subjective status', Hyman devised a scale on which the - 71 -subjects charted t h e i r own status i n various areas. Hyman had f o r t y -one subjects chart t h e i r status on eighteen separate charts. There were three charts r e l a t i n g to each of the s i x d i f f e r e n t status areas. Each of these three charts represented a reference group within which the subjects were to compare themselves. ThB three reference groups used were: t o t a l population, occupational groups, and friends. Hyman compared the scale scores of the subjects with regard to the d i f f e r -ences i n scores when reference groups were changed. He found that the reference group variable was important i n the determination of status. The conception a person has of h i s own position, r e l a t i v e to others i s part of his s e l f image. Since t h i s affected by reference groups the s e l f image i s , at l e a s t p a r t l y determined by reference groups. I f Hyman's conclusions were correct the s e l f images of the children being studied w i l l be affected by the groups with which they i d e n t i f y . I f the children i d e n t i f y with members of the host society t h e i r s e l f images are l i k e l y to be di f f e r e n t than i f they i d e n t i f y with minority groups or with groups i n t h e i r former home environments. I t i s possible that there w i l l be c o n f l i c t s i n the s e l f images of the children who are transferring from one reference groups to another. In any case, on the basis of Hyman's study, the s e l f images of the children w i l l be affected by the groups with which they i d e n t i f y . 2. Studies by Kuhn and McPartland Secondly, the thesis considers a group of studies by - 72 -Manford Kuhn and Thomas McPartland. These studies are of primary importance to the present project f o r two reasons: f i r s t l y , because of the method used, and secondly, because of the data co l l e c t e d . The method used i n the studies has been discussed at some length elsewhere therefore emphasis w i l l be placed on the findings and the conclusions 7 of the studies at the present time. The studies of the s e l f image conducted by Kuhn and McPartland involved children and adults ranging i n age from seven years upwards. In each of the studies the "Twenty Statements Test of Self Attitudes" was used, -^ n every case a single sheet of paper was given to the subject with the following instructions at the top: There are twenty numbered blanks on the page below. Please write twenty answers to the simple question •Who am ..I?1 i n the blanks. Just give twenty diff e r e n t answers to t h i s question. Answer as i f you were giving the answers to yourself, not to somebody else. Write the answers i n the order that they occur to you. Don't worry about l o g i c or *" 'importance'. Go a l o n g . f a i r l y f a s t , f o r time i s l i m i t e d . 8 -The subjects were always given twelve minutes to complete the t e s t . The number of answers varied from one to twenty, with the median at seventeen. When the responses were content analysed they were found to f a l l / i n t o two categories: consensual references, and subconsensual references. The f i r s t of these categories referred to the answers which were s e l f explanatory, such as, "studentr", "husband", or " g i r l " , ^he second category, subconsensual references, referred to answers which had to be explained by the respondent i n order to be completely understood, such as, "happy", "bored", "too - 73 -heavy", or "good wife". The authors found that i n every case the respondent exhausted "toe consensual r e p l i e s before he made any subconsensual r e p l i e s . None of the respondents' answers fluctuated back and f o r t h between the two types, ^he consensual answers ( i f any) always came before the subconsensual answers ( i f any). The investigators believed that t h i s tendency to give a l l the consensual answers before the subconsensual answers was not simply a s u p e r f i c i a l carry-over from other questionnaires and forms, but that i t was a r e f l e c t i o n of the make-up of the se l f image. The authors maintain that the s e l f i s an " i n t e r i o r i z a t i o n of one's 9 positions i n the s o c i a l system". Self identifications therefore, are indications of the way i n which individuals i n our society regard themselves as part of certain reference groups. Because the consensual answers always were placed f i r s t , the authors believed that they were more important to the respondent than the subconsen-s u a l . Kuhn and McPartland r e j e c t the idea that because the consensual answers are e l i c i t e d more r e a d i l y than the subconsensual, they are more s u p e r f i c i a l s e l f attitudes. The authors say that the consensual answers are given f i r s t because they are more important to the res-pondent, therefore are thought of more re a d i l y . The present study does not accept t h i s idea as i t was' noted during the interviews with the subjects that many children made re p l i e s which they explained were more important than statements previously made. These occurences seemed to provide a v a l i d reason f o r p r a c t i c i n g cautiom when a t t r i b -uting importance to answers on the basis of order. In t h e i r experiments with the "Twenty Statements Test", Kuhn and McPartland found that the responses of the subjects f e l l i n t o f i v e categories: 1. S o c i a l categories and groups, e.g. age, sex, educat-i o n a l l e v e l , occupation, m a r i t a l status, k i n r e l a t -ionships, s o c i a l l y defined physical characteristics., race, national o r i g i n , r e l i g i o u s membership, p o l i t i c a l a f f i l i a t i o n , formal and informal group memberships. 2. Religious, philosophical and moral statements of an i d e o l o g i c a l character. 3. Interests and aversions and s e l f r e l a t e d objects, both p o s i t i v e and negative. k' Ambition and success themata. 5. Self-evaluations. These f i v e categories, p a r t i c u l a r l y the f i r s t one, are exteremely broad and f o r that reason t h e i r value i s questionable. However, many useful suggestions were offered i n these categories f o r the analysis of the data collected i n the present study. Kuhn and McPartland found that there were s i g n i f i c a n t v a r i a t i o n s i n the s e l f images of subjects when they were compared on the basis of age, sex, number of years of professional t r a i n i n g , and the type of professional t r a i n i n g . Their findings showed that the number of times age was mentioned varied with the age of the respondent. The maximum frequency of age reference was thirteen years. Also, they found that differences existed between the s e l f attitudes of males and females j females, more frequently and s a l -i e n t l y than males, i d e n t i f i e d themselves by sex and k i n , and l e s s frequently than males by race. Professional t r a i n i n g also provided a basis f o r clifferenees of s e l f attitudes* I t was found that s o c i a l work students gave more favorable s e l f evaluations than d i d law students* These findings suggest bases on which s e l f image compar-isons may be made, as w e l l as providing noteworthy material f o r comparison with data collected i n the present study. 3* Study by McPartland The f i n a l study to be discussed i s by Thomas McPartland. I t i s e n t i t l e d , The Self and S o c i a l Structure; an Empirical Approach. The hypotheses with which t h i s study deals are: 1) the s e l f concep-t i o n i s an organized set of attitudes towards the se l f as an object, 2) the self conception i s persistent, and 3) the self conception i s predictive."^* The f i r s t hypothesis states that the s e l f conception i s a formulation of attitudes which are related t o each other i n an orderly manner. The second hypothesis suggests that the s e l f concep-t i o n exists through time and does not a l t e r with s i t u a t i o n a l changes, however t h i s does not mean that the s e l f conception i s completely stable. The f i n a l hypothesis states that differences i n the s e l f conception s h a l l have a bearing on differences i n s o c i a l behavior, and s i m i l a r i t i e s i n the s e l f conception are li n k e d with s i m i l a r i t i e s i n actions. McPartland examines h i s hypothesis through the use of three separate t e s t s . The tests were administered to one hundred and f i f t y - f o u r students enrolled i n the introductory sociology course - 16 -at the University of Iowa. The subjects were f i r s t tested with the 'Twenty Statements Test'. Then they were given a large number of statements to either accept or rejec t as adequate descriptions of themselves. F i n a l l y , they were asked to report t h e i r behavior i n hypothetical s i t u a t i o n s . When they had completed the tests the stu-dents were asked to report age, sex, occupational goals, and r e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n or preference. Two months before he tested the one hundred and f i f t y -four students, McPartland tested a section of the same students with a set of s i m i l a r tests. These tests provided a basis f o r the t e s t -r e test scores upon which McPartland judged the persistence of the s e l f conception. McParftland l i m i t e d h i s study to four areas of s e l f attitudes: s e l f evaluation, adaptability-unadaptability, i n i t i a t i v e -conformity, and s e l f reference. The answers to the 'Twenty State-ments Test' and the check l i s t data were scored. I t was found that the scores i n each of the four areas were s i g n i f i c a n t l y associated with at le a s t one other area score. The scores made by the subjects on the various tests were compared and i t was found that the a t t i t u -d i n a l variables used made useful and r e l i a b l e discriminations among persons. He also found that the conception of oneself as r e l a t i v e l y adaptable i s associated with conceiving oneself as i n i t i a t i n g rather than conforming. I t i s also associated with r e l a t i v e l y high s e l f 12 evaluation, and with s e l f evaluation i n consensual terms. On the basis of these findings McPartland regarded t h i s f i r s t hypothesis as 77 proven. McPartland tested h i s second hypothesis through the use of the test-retest c o - e f f i c i e n t . That i s , he retested his subjects two months af t e r the f i r s t testing and obtained comparable responses to the 'Twenty Statements Test'. Therefore, McPartland considered the s e l f conception persistent, and the hypothesis supported. The evidence supporting the hypothesis however, was inconclusive. There were two reasons f o r t h i s : namely, the small homogeneous group of subjects studied, and the inconsistent method of t e s t i n g . F i n a l l y , the groups were compared on the basis of age, sex, and occupational goals. The scores d i f f e r e d s i g n i f i c a n t l y between the groups. Therefore, the t h i r d hypothesis, "the s e l f conception i s predic t i v e " was regarded as supported. Unfortunately, McPartland d i d not u t i l i z e the data collected regarding r e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n . This study does not off e r conclusive proof of i t s hy-pothesis, but i t does offer some en p i r i c a l knowledge of the s e l f image. In t h i s way i t helps to bridge the gap between theory and research on the topic. However, the study appears to overemphasize the proof of the hypotheses with the r e s u l t that some valuable data concerning the s e l f image i s neglected. This tendency to discuss s p e c i f i c data which refers only to the proof of the hypothesis should be avoided i n such an underdeveloped area of research as the present one. The main contribution of McPartland's research to the - 78 -present study i s i t s evidence regarding the p r e d i c t a b i l i t y of the sel f conception. In the areas of the s e l f image which were studied, McPartland demonstrated that the s e l f image was related to s o c i a l . behavior. In examining the s o c i a l behavior of h i s subjects i n the hypothetical situations, McPartland considered only the references that -toe respondents made to others, i . e . whether they referred to people who were present i n the hypothetical s i t u a t i o n or to people whose existence was j u s t i n f e r r e d by the s i t u a t i o n . He d i d not consider the content of the subjects' responses. This i s a quest-ionable gauge of s o c i a l behavior, but, McPartland does demonstrate the p r e d i c t a b i l i t y of the s e l f conception i n another wayj he comp-ares the s e l f image with age, sex, and occupational goals. I f Mc-Partland' s evidence i s correct i n demonstrating a relationship between the s e l f image as a s o c i a l behavior; by the same token, a relationship may exist between the s e l f image and assimilation. The above studies were chosen f o r discussion because of t h e i r bearing on the present project. These studies provide a background f o r the present study and a basis upon which to b u i l d . I t i s hoped that the present study w i l l further the understanding of the concept of the s e l f image, p a r t i c u l a r l y with regard to the relationship between the s e l f image and assimilation. - 79 -FOOTNOTES. 1. G.H. Mead, Mind, Self, and Society, (Posthumous j CM. Morris, (ed.), Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1931;, pp. 173-178. 2. Bingham, Daiy "Some Problems of Personality Development Among Negro Children n, Personality i n Nature, Society  and Culture, Clyde Kluckhohn, H.A. Murray, and D. M. Schneider, (eds.), New York, Alfred A. Knopf, 1953, pp. 5U7-1.8. 3. H.H. Hyman, "Psychology of Status", Archives of  Psychology, No. 38, June 19k2, No..269, New York, Columbia University, p. 51. k. I b i d . , p. 38. 5. Ibid., p. 5l. 6. Manford Kuhn and Thomas McPartland, "An Empirical Investigation of SelfrAttitudes", American Soci o l o g i c a l  Review, v o l . 19, 195U, pp. 68-76. 7. See Appendix A, pp. 138-lk7. 8. Kuhn and McPartland, op. c i t . , p. 69. 9. I b i d . , p. 72. 10. Thomas S.D. McPartland, The Self and So c i a l  Structure: An Empirical Approach, University Microfilms, Ann Arbor, Michigan, 1953. - 80 -FOOTNOTES 11. Thomas S.D. McPartland, The Self and Social  Structure: An Empirical jjfcproach, University Microfilms, Ann Arbor, Michigan, 1953, p. 37. 12. Ibid., p. 11. - 81 -CHAPTER THREE RESEARCH METHOD AND FINDINGS The method used i n t h i s study of the s e l f image was developed with the intention of obtaining information from children ranging i n age from nine to fourteen years. There were many problems encountered i n developing questions which would gain the desired i n f o r -mation. These problems were a r e s u l t of both, the subjects interviewed and the topics studied. In order to be effec t i v e the questions had to f u l f i l l three requirements: l ) avoid embarassing the subjects - as thi s discouraged responses - 2) be s p e c i f i c enough to gain comparable data from each c h i l d , 3) be within the comprehension of a l l the c h i l -dren. Many questions were tested by the t r i a l and error method before they f i n a l l y s a t i s f i e d the above requirements. The f i r s t requirement was f u l f i l l e d by giving the questions an imaginary s e t t i n g . The children seemed to f i n d i t much easier to describe themselves when they were given a 'pretend' s i t u a t i o n within which to frame t h e i r descriptions. The imaginary s e t t i n g apparently decreased t h e i r embarassment when discussing themselves. The second requirement was s a t i s f i e d by the use of separate questions, that i s , each was directed to a dif f e r e n t area of the s e l f . In order to obtain a f a i r l y com-plet e word picture of the s e l f image i t was necessary to include f i v e questions each dealing with a di f f e r e n t area. The f i n a l require-merit was s a t i s f i e d by testing children of various ages with sample questions. Wherever necessary these questions were altered u n t i l they proved successful i n gaining the desired information. Questionnaire on the Self Image The following questions were accepted because they seemed to f u l f i l l the three requirements s a t i s f a c t o r i l y : 1. I want you to imagine that you are j u s t leaving home f o r a meeting at the school when someone telephones you. You do not have time to t a l k to t h i s person over the telephone, so you i n v i t e him- to the meeting to ta l k with you. This person has never seen you before, therefore, you must describe yourself to him so that he w i l l be able to f i n d you, among a l l the people at the meeting. What would you t e l l him about yourself? 2. Let's say that t h i s person did f i n d you and he came over to t a l k with you i n order to f i n d out what sort of a person you were. After he talked to you f o r a while what are: a) some of the things he might f i n d out about you, b) some of the things he might think about you? 3. I f a person wanted to f i n d you f o r some important reason where are the places that he should look f o r you? k» Who are the people closest or most important to you? f>. What are the things that you spend most of your time doing? Each of the above questions was designed to probe a separate area of the s e l f image. The respective areas were: body image, s e l f evaluation, s p a t i a l relationship, s e l f reference, and a c t i v i t i e s . - 83 -These categories had to be altered and expanded when the data were analyzed because they were not broad enough. I t was also found, when the data were analyzed that the questions were nob1 .mutually-exclusive as had been expected. Since the responses from the f i v e questions overlapped, i t was necessary to analyse the data according to r e f -erence categories, without regard to the i n d i v i d u a l questions. Analysis of the Data on the Self Image 1. Body image: a) clothes - e.g. " I ' l l be wearing a jacket", " I ' l l have on a red s h i r t " . b) physical c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s - e.g. "I'm ten years old", "I'm about f i v e feet t a l l " . c) f a c i a l features - e.g. "My h a i r . i s brown", " I have blue eyes" 2. S o c i a l relationships: a) s p e c i f i c relatedness - e.g. "My mother", "My aunt" b) c o l l e c t i v e relatedness - e.g. "I'm German!.', "I'm -a member of Kivan Club". .  . . . 3. Disposition: a) concerning accomplishment - e.g. "I'm lazy", "I'm hardworking". - ~ b) concerning relatedness - e.g. "I'm f r i e n d l y " , "I'm nice". c) l i k e s and.dislikes - e.g. " I l i k e sports", "I'm fond of dogs". , h. Ambition: a) occupational goals - e.g. " I want to be a teacher". The categories used i n analysing the data on the s e l f image were: A. Reference categories: - Qh -5. Spatial relationships: a) i n s t i t u t i o n a l locations - e.g. "Home", "School1* b) physical po s i t i o n - e.g. "Standing at the back-- of the room", " S i t t i n g in.the f i r s t row". 6. A c t i v i t i e s : a) recreation - e.g. " I skip", " I watch T.V." b) other - e.g. "Helping my mother?, " I de l i v e r papers". . -7. Factual statements: a) ownership - e.g. " I have a gold watch". b) i d e n t i f i c a t i o n - e.g. "My name i s Jimmy". 6. Form categories: 1. Negative - e.g. "I'm not very b i g " 2. P o s i t i v e - e.g. " I l i k e school", " I used to l i v e i n Ontario?. The t o t a l number of answers to the questionnaire on the s e l f image was one thousand, three hundred and si x t y - f o u r . The answers received from the groups were as follows: Germans, three hundred and seventy-five, migrant Canadians, four hundred and s i x t y -eight, s e t t l e d Canadians, f i v e hundred and twenty-one. The discrep-ancy between the number of answers given by the German and the Cana-dian children was p a r t l y a language problem by the German children. I t i s l i k e l y that the German children would have expanded t h e i r r e p l i e s i f they had had greater command of the English language. The number of answers were f a i r l y evenly d i s t r i b u t e d when considered on the bases of age and sex. Since each c h i l d was encouraged to answer the questions as f u l l y as possible, there was considerable discrepancy i n the number of answers received from d i f f e r e n t i n d i v i d -u a l s . Body linage The number of answers received to each question i n t h i s section also varied considerably. The f i r s t question, which concerned physical appearance e l i c i t e d the largest number of statements from the subjects. The answers to t h i s question generally referred to features of the body image. Apparently the children found i t easier to describe themselves i n terms of the external or physical s e l f than they did i n terms of less tangible parts of the s e l f . I t i s not surprising, therefore, that the question which received the fewest answers was concerned with s e l f evaluation. Only a t h i r d as many references were made concerning s e l f evaluation as were made concer-ning physical appearance. The f i r s t reference category, body image was comprised largely of the answers to question one. The children i n each of the ethnic groups gave word pictures of themselves. They mentioned clothes, eye colour, h a i r colour, s i z e , height, and other facts pertaining to t h e i r physical appearance. Forty-three of the f o r t y -f i v e children mentioned the clothes they would be wearing as part of t h e i r physical descriptions. Many of these children gave very comprehensive descriptions of th e i r clothing; they mentioned several a r t i c l e s of clothing with a detailed description of each a r t i c l e . I t i a inte r e s t i n g t o note that the majority of the children mention-ed clothes before any other item i n t h e i r physical descriptions. - 86 -a) Clothes The two children who f a i l e d to mention clothes i n t h e i r s e l f description were two German g i r l s , both nine years old. Inter-estingly enough, these two l i t t l e g i r l s were quite d i s t i n c t i v e i n t h e i r unusual s t y l e of dress. They were the only children i n the school who wore long stockings, and dresses considerably shorter than those worn by the other g i r l s . The d i s t i n c t i v e clothing worn by the two l i t t l e g i r l s was noticed by both the German and Canadian children, as indicated by the remark of one of the older German g i r l s : " I don't l i k e the Canadian children when they tease Selma and Anna about the way they dress". This i s j u s t one example of what appeared to be a common tendency of the children to avoid mentioning ch a r a c t e r i s t i c s about themselves which alienated them from t h e i r school-mates. Only two of the c h i l -dren described t h e i r clothes as being unlike those of the majority of the children i n the school. These children were both German boys. One of the boys said, " I w i l l wear l i g h t brown shoes. German people do not wear so dark brown coloured shoes as the Canadians". The other boy said, " I w i l l wear my German sweater with a star pinned on the shoulder". These two boys were the only children who described t h e i r clothes as being d i f f e r e n t from the other children i n the school, although there were many observable difference between the dress of the German children and the Canadian children. The g i r l s gave a greater t o t a l number of responses regarding t h e i r clothes than the boys: i n spite of the f a c t that - 87 -the only two children who did not mention clothes Were g i r l s . The s e t t l e d Canadian g i r l s gave more attention to clothes than the migrant or German g i r l s . With the boys the s i t u a t i o n was reversed. The German beys gave more answers about t h e i r clothes than the migrants or the s e t t l e d Canadians. Generally, the answers concerning apparel were distributed evenly among the age groups, but s l i g h t l y unevenly between the boys and g i r l s of each basic group. The g i r l s i n each basic group gave more answers than the boys. A noteworthy fa c t o r i n t h i s category i s that the majority of children were 'clothes conscious', but wished to be undifferentiated from t h e i r classmates i n t h e i r type of dress. b. Physical Characteristics After describing t h e i r clothes most of the children mentioned physical ch a r a c t e r i s t i c s , such as age, sex, height and voice. Height and body b u i l d were the two c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s that were mentioned most frequently. Curiously, only one g i r l and four boys stated t h e i r sex. These f i v e children were i n the nine and ten year age-group. I t i s possible that the small number of statements about sex resulted from the wording of the question. Since the children were asked to describe themselves over the telephone, they may have assumed that the sex factor would be known to the l i s t e n e r simply by the sound of the voice. Although the sample group was too small to provide conclusive data, i t i s worth noting that the findings of - 88 -t h i s study regarding sex reference disagree with Kuhn and McPartland's findings. They found that sex references increased with agej the opposite was found i n t h i s study. In regard to age reference the same discrepancy of findings i s noted. Kuhn and McPartland found that age references increased with age. In the present study, age references decreased with age: - i n the nine and ten year age-grpup, seven children mentioned age - i n the eleven and twelve year age-group, four children mentioned age - i n the thirteen and fourteen year age-group, three children mentioned age. The data on the body image also disagreed with the findings of Kuhn and McPartland i n another respect. They found that the g i r l s iden-t i f i e d themselves by sex more frequently than the boysj the opposite was true i n the present findings. c) F a c i a l Features The f i n a l sub-category of the body image deals with f a c i a l features, e.g. h a i r colour, eye colour, scars. The majority of the subjects i d e n t i f i e d themselves by t h e i r brown hair and brown eyes. Although there was considerable difference i n the colour of the children's h a i r and eyes, only four stated that the colour of t h e i r h a i r or eyes was other than brown. This large number of answers r e f e r r i n g to h a i r and eye colour may have been a r e s u l t of previous association with formal procedure, such as school enrolment forms which usually require the respondent to state the colour of h i s eyes and h a i r . Eye glasses were mentioned by several children i n each group. In f a c t , they were mentioned so often by both, children who wore glasses and those who did not, that i t was f e l t that these answers may have been prompted by the investigator's own glasses. Hair styles were mentioned most frequently by the older g i r l s i n each of the basic groups. In t h i s sub-category i t was noted that the children described themselves by characteristics which are t y p i c a l of the group, e.g. brown hair, brown eyes, and white skin, rather than by more d i s t i n c t i v e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , such as f r e c k l e s , scars,big ears. I t i s interesting to note that the l a t t e r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s were men-tioned almost exclusively by migrant Canadians. This greater aware-ness of i n d i v i d u a l differences may be associated with the migrants' d i f f i c u l t y i n assimilating. They may be more aware of t h e i r personal d i s t i n c t i o n s because they are conscious of not being f u l l y accepted into the friendship groups of t h e i r classmates. a) Specific Relatedness This category i s composed c h i e f l y of the answers to the question, "Who are the people closest or most important to you?" The children seemed to have no d i f f i c u l t y i n answering t h i s question. They a l l named at l e a s t two people, and some named as many as twelve. The boys appeared to be less discriminating than the g i r l s i n naming 'close or important' people. They named many more people than the g i r l s . Perhaps the boys were more concerned about being 'well known' - 90 -than the g i r l s . The nine and ten year old g i r l s of each,ethnic group seemed to i d e n t i f y more d i r e c t l y with members of the conjugal family, e.g. mother, father, s i s t e r , than d i d the other children. The older g i r l s i d e n t i f i e d with members of the extended family and with friends outside of the family. In contrast to the g i r l s , the nine and ten year old boys i d e n t i f i e d , not only with the members of the conjugal family, but also with members of the extended family, e.g. aunt and cousin, and with other people outside of the family. The older boys . i d e n t i f i e d almost exclusively with r e l a t i v e s . The people l i s t e d most frequently as 'close or important 1 were mothers and fathers. Thirty-s i x children mentioned t h e i r mothers, while thirty-two mentioned t h e i r fathers. The order of the names does not appear to be s i g n i f i c a n t , since several of the children who omitted t h e i r parents' names u n t i l the end of t h e i r l i s t , assumed that t h e i r parents were included with-out mention. This was shown by the children's remarks. After they had given t h e i r answers to the question, "Who are the people closest or most important to you?" the l i s t was read to them. Many of the children who had not previously mentioned t h e i r parents made such comments as, "Of course, my parents too", or, "My mother and father, of course". Again, the s i g n i f i c a n t f a c t o r l i e s within the migrant group. They i d e n t i f i e d with more persons than the children i n either of the other two groups. They l i s t e d family members, friends, and - 91 -acquaintances. The migrants mentioned such professional people as teachers, doctors, dentists, and ministers. None of these people were mentioned by the German children or the s e t t l e d Canadian c h i l -dren. The German children i d e n t i f i e d almost exclusively with t h e i r conjugal f a m i l i e s , and with German friends i n Vancouver. The s e t t l e d Canadian children i d e n t i f i e d with r e l a t i v e s and friends also, but they mentioned a greater number of friends than the German children. b) Collective Relatedness This category includes a l l statements which concern group i d e n t i t y , e.g. n a t i o n a l i t y , school and s o c i a l clubs. Most of the statements i n th i s category were received i n answer to two ques-ti o n s , "What are some of the things he m i ^ i t f i n d out about you?" and "What are some of the things he might think about you?" The findings revealed that the Germans showed a greater degree of national i d e n t i t y than either the migrants or s e t t l e d Canadians. They mentioned several factors which i d e n t i f i e d them as being German, e.g. "We Germans are stronger", and " I am a Lutheran". Six of the migrants mentioned that they were from other parts of Canada, which i s a type of c o l l e c t i v e relatedness s i m i l a r to the national relatedness of the German children. The difference between a German saying, " I am from Germany" and a migrant saying, " I am from Winnipeg" i s that the German i s i d e n t i f y i n g himself with a d i s t i n c t national group, whereas the migrant i s i d e n t i f y i n g himself with a c i t y i n the same country. However, the s i m i l a r i t y of t h i s 92 -i d e n t i f i c a t i o n i s that both groups i d e n t i f i e d with t h e i r former envir-onments. The settled Canadians mentioned t h e i r n a t i o n a l i t y less than the German children, but they i d e n t i f i e d by s o c i a l clubs to which they belonged; they mentioned s o c i a l clubs more often than either of thei other two groups. The migrants showed less awareness of c o l l e c t i v e relatedness than the other two groups. They did not mention r e l i g i o n , n a t i o n a l i t y , or s o c i a l clubs. The strongest group i d e n t i t i e s were with the home and the school; followed by national i d e n t i t y f o r the German children, and s o c i a l clubs f o r the s e t t l e d Canadians. The migrants seem to have no c o l l e c t i v e i d e n t i t y beyond the home and the school. Disposition The t h i r d reference category, disposition, i s divided i n t o three sub-categories. The f i r s t one includes accomplishment evaluations, e.g. "I'm lazy", and "I help my mother". The second sub-category deals with relatedness to other people, e.g. "I'm fr i e n d l y " , and "I'm shy". The f i n a l sub-category i s concenred with the l i k e s and d i s l i k e s of the ehildren. The most noticeable f a c t o r of t h i s category i s that the children's s e l f evaluations were almost e n t i r e l y favourable. a) Accomplishment The number of statements about accomplishment was very small. Accomplishment seems to play a very minor role i n the s e l f - 93 -image of these children. They averaged less than one answer each on accomplishment. The answers f a i l e d to show any d i s t i n c t i v e pattern. Since the older children have been subjected to the pressures of competition f o r a longer period-of time than the younger children, one might expect to f i n d the former to be more conscious of t h e i r accom-plishments than the l a t t e r . However, t h i s was not the case. In f a c t , the younger children referred more often to accomplishment than the older children. Perhaps the compulsion of modesty acted on the older children to prevent them from mentioning t h e i r accomplishments. b) S o c i a l Relatedness From t h e i r statements the children showed considerable concern about t h e i r s o c i a l relatedness. They were able to make s e l f evaluations of t h e i r s o c i a l and personal relationships quite r e a d i l y . They used the words, "nice", and " f r i e n d l y " more often than any other words i n evaluating t h e i r dispositions. Some variations were noticed between the answers of the boys and of the g i r l s . The g i r l s increased t h e i r number of answers considerably with t h e i r age, while the oppo-s i t e was true f o r the boys. The migrant g i r l s gave twice as many answers as the other two groups, while the migrant boys gave fewer answers than the s e t t l e d Canadians. The migrant g i r l s appeared to be more sensitive to relatedness than either the Germans or the s e t t l e d Canadians. They were the only group to give negative answers, such as, " I don't argue", and "She may not want to associate with me". This denial of unfavourable s o c i a l t r a i t s was not present i n either - 9k -of the other basic groups' answers. Once again the migrant boys diff e r e d from the migrant g i r l s i n thei r responses. None of the boys mentioned unfavourable cha r a c t e r i s t i c s nor gave negative answers. The migrant boys gave fewer answers than either of the other two ethnic groups. There does not appear to be anydistinctive pattern concerning the three basic groups, but some differences exist between the boys and the g i r l s . At t h i s point i t i s d i f f i c u l t to of f e r any explanation regarding these differences, but possibly they can be accounted f o r when the children are considered i n d i v i d u a l l y i n the next chapter. The children i n t h i s study seem to be more concerned with the factors of di s p o s i t i o n r e l a t i n g t o int e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s , rather than those r e l a t i n g to accomplishments. This i s p a r t i c u l a r l y true of the German and migrant children, who made many more r e f e r -ences to relatedness than to accomplishments. A curious f a c t here was that the German children showed much less concern about accom-plishment than either of the other two basic groups. I f Eisenstadt's theory i s accepted, that members of stable families have less need to prove themselves outside of the family, then t h i s f i n d i n g i s e a s i l y understood as the German f a m i l i e s were shown to be more stable. c) Likes and D i s l i k e s This sub-category of di s p o s i t i o n concerns the l i k e s and d i s l i k e s of the children. The s e t t l e d Canadians made more statements which f e l l into t h i s category than either of the other two groups. - 95 -Most of the statements were i n answer t o the question, "What might he f i n d out about you?" Most of the answers were concerned with sports and a c t i v i t i e s such as, " I l i k e to read", " I l i k e d r i v i n g with my Dad", and " I l i k e p a r t i e s " . Some of the children said that they l i k e d school and others s a i d that they l i k e d l i v i n g i n Vancouver. There were i n s u f f i c i e n t statements i n t h i s category to make i t poss-i b l e to draw any conclusions about the l i k e s and d i s l i k e s of the children and t h e i r relationship to the s e l f image. Ambition The fourth category, ambition includes very few state-ments. Only three children mentioned t h e i r occupational ambitions. Each of these children was a s e t t l e d Canadian. A fourteen year o l d g i r l said, "I want to be a teacher", and a thi r t e e n year o l d g i r l said, "You might t e l l her about what you want to do af t e r graduation from high school". The only boy who mentioned h i s ambition was a twelve year o l d boyj he said, " I want to be a Mountie". This l i m i t e d number of references to personal ambitions deserves further consid-eration. There are three possible reasons f o r the children neglect-ing to mention t h e i r ambitions. F i r s t l y , the questionnaire d i d not give adequate opportunity for the children to discuss t h e i r ambitions. Secondly, the children were reluctant to reveal t h e i r ambitions. Thirdly, personal ambitions were not an important part of the c h i l d -ren' s s e l f images. Regarding the f i r s t explanation, the only opportunity - 96 -f o r r e f e r r i n g to personal ambition on the questionnaire was i n the question, "What are some of the things t h i s person may f i n d out about you?" There was no question r e f e r r i n g s p e c i f i c a l l y to ambitions, therefore the same opportunity was not given f o r the discussion of ambitions that was given f o r other topics, such as s p a t i a l r e l a t i o n -ships or a c t i v i t i e s . In reference to the second explanation, some children may have considered mentioning t h e i r ambitions during the interview, but did not because they feared appearing ludicrous or u n r e a l i s t i c . A c h i l d may think that an adult would consider h i s ambitions l u d i -crous i f he wanted to be a street cleaner i n order to f i n d a great deal of money. Also, a c h i l d may fear that the adult would consider him u n r e a l i s t i c i f he aspired to being a great actor when he had no dramatic a b i l i t y . This i s a possible explanation, however the ease with which the children discussed previous t o p i c s makes i t seem un-l i k e l y that they would be shy about discussing t h e i r ambitions. The t h i r d explanation suggests that the children d i d not mention t h e i r ambitions because they were unimportant. But i t cannot be assumed that ambitions were unimportant to the c h i l d r a i simply because they were not mentioned. On the contrary, ambitions may be of such obvious importance to the children that i t i s unnec-essary to mention them. A p a r a l l e l to th i s occurred where the c h i l d -ren did not mention t h e i r parents i n answer to the question regard-ing s p e c i f i c relatedness. Apparently the children did not mention t h e i r parents because they f e l t that t h e i r importance was generally - 97 -recognized. However, the lack of reference to the parents i s not completely analogous to the lack of reference to ambition. The f o r -mer was probably a conscious ommission by the children, because they believed that the question, "Who are the people closest or most impor-tant to you?" implied that t h e i r parents were automatically included. The second ommission cannot be explained i n t h i s way because ambitions were i n no way implied i n any part of the questionnaire. Therefore, i t seems l i k e l y that ambitions were not mentioned by most of the children simply because they were not s u f f i c i e n t l y important to warrant comment. There seems to be two main reasons f o r the l i m i t e d number of references to personal ambition. One i s the lack of oppor-t u n i t y given i n the questionnaire f o r references to ambition. The other reason i s the lack of importance of ambition to the children. Spatial Relationships The f i f t h category, s p a t i a l relationships i s divided into two sections. The f i r s t sub-category includes i n s t i t u t i o n a l locations, such as, "I l i v e on eighth street", and " I spend most of my time at home". The second sub-category includes such statements as, " I ' l l be standing at the front of the room", or " I ' l l be s i t t i n g i n the front row". In analysing the statements i n the f i r s t sub-category i t was found that a l l the children i d e n t i f i e d with two i n s t i t u t i o n s , the home and the school. Next i n importance to the home and school was the home of a fr i e n d , then, the home of r e l a t i v e s . - 98 -The migrants and s e t t l e d Canadians included places of employment and places of entertainment i n t h e i r statements, but the German children did not mention either. The s e t t l e d Canadians also ment-ioned places of learning oute'ide of the school, such as, "my dancing teacher's studio", or "the home of my music teacher". The places of entertainment mentioned by the migrant children d i f f e r e d from those mentioned by the s e t t l e d Canadian children. The answers of the mi-grant children included only pulhlic places of entertainment, such as, theatres, r o l l e r skating r i n k s , and the beach. The answers of the s e t t l e d Canadians referred to s o c i a l groups, such as, Boy Scouts Kivan Club, and C.G.I.T. The former statements a l l referred to places where no membership was necessary, while the l a t t e r referred to places which involved membership, regular attendance and a f e e l i n g of belonging. The German children appeared to be more l i m -i t e d i n t h e i r i n s t i t u t i o n a l i d e n t i f i c a t i o n than the child r e n of the other two groups. Apart from the school, the German children asso-ciated only with t h e i r homes, and homes of r e l a t i v e s . I t appears that the German children spend more time with the i r families than either the migrants or the s e t t l e d Canad-ians. This strengthens the argument stated i n the l a s t chapter that the German children are members of more stable famili e s than the children of the other two groups. Therefore, they are better equipped to withstand the strains of adjusting to a new s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l environment. - 99 -The second subsection, physical location, includes statements about s e l f locations within a room. Most of these state-ments were i n answer to the question about the body image. Nine of the children located themselves, either s i t t i n g or standing i n a pa r t i c u l a r section of the room. These statements were di s t r i b u t e d quite evenly among the children on the bases of age, sex, and basic group. A c t i v i t i e s The s i x t h category, a c t i v i t i e s i s composed mainly of statements i n answer to the question," What are the things that you spend most of your time doing?" Every c h i l d mentioned p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n a pa r t i c u l a r type of play or sport. The a c t i v i t y next i n impor-tance was watching t e l e v i s i o n . Seventeen migrants and Canadians watched t e l e v i s i o n , while fourteen spent time readingj seven went to the movies and two li s t e n e d to the radio. None of the German children mentioned t e l e v i s i o n or radio, and only two said that they went to movie pictures. S i x of the German children said they spent time reading. The German children appear to have l e s s variety i n t h e i r entertainment a c t i v i t i e s , . . which are centred l a r g e l y around the home and the school, e.g. "helping my mother", "playing with my s i s t e r " , and "stay at home and write l e t t e r s " . The a c t i v i t i e s of the Canadian and migrant children centre outside of the home to a great extent, e.g. "delivering papers", " r i d i n g ponies", " v i s i t i n g " , 100 -and "bike r i d i n g " . Only one c h i l d mentioned sleeping, probably because the children consider t h i s as doing nothing. Factual Statements The f i n a l category includes a l l the f a c t u a l statements about the s e l f . This category includes such statements as, "I have a gold watch", and "My name i s Jim". A very small number of c h i l d -ren mentioned t h e i r material possessions, and even fewer mentioned t h e i r names. This i s quite noteworthy when one remembers that the proper name i s the most common form of personal i d e n t i f i c a t i o n used i n our society. CONCLUSIONS The s e t t l e d Canadian children spoke more f r e e l y about themselves than either of the other two groups. The German children probably did not speak so f r e e l y because of the language b a r r i e r . There i s no such obvious explanation however, f o r the migrant c h i l d -ren who gave fewer answers than the s e t t l e d Canadians. The children studied i d e n t i f i e d p r i m a r i l y by charact-e r i s t i c s which d i d not have generally recognized negative or p o s i t -ive values. When i t was impossible to avoid s e l f evaluations, the children made more positive than negative evaluations. Even when confronted with such a question as, "What might t h i s person think of you?" many of the children t r i e d to avoid the necessity of making a s e l f evaluation by giving such evasive r e p l i e s as, "He might think - 101 -I have a cute l i t t l e brother", or "He might think that I help my mother". Another in d i c a t i o n of the children's h e s i t a t i o n i n eval-uating themselves was by the r e l a t i v e l y few answers received to the above question, as compared with any other question. The children volunteered information more r e a d i l y i n respect to the body image than t o any other aspect of the s e l f image. They seemed to f i n d i t much easier to speak about t h i s aspect of the s e l f than any of the other aspects studied. The home and the school seemed to be the two most impor-tant i n s t i t u t i o n s to a l l the children. The Germans are more aware of t h e i r national i d e n t i t y than are the Canadians. The probable reason being that the Germans are members of a minority group, whereas the two Canadian groups are members of the host society. A l l the s e t t l e d Canadian children i d e n t i f y with at least one organized s o c i a l group. They also i d e n t i f y with places of employment as do many of the mi-grants. The German children do not i d e n t i f y with places of employ-ment nor organized s o c i a l groups. The friendship c i r c l e s of the German children are more lim i t e d than those of the Canadian children. The German children are more family centred i n t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s than either of the other two groups. The Canadians p a r t i c i p a t e i n more a c t i v i t i e s which centre outside of the home. Such a c t i v i t i e s as, "going to the movies" "playing b a l l with the kids at Gordon House", and "waiting f o r papers at the shack", were mentioned by the Canadian children, ^he German - 102 children appear to have a more d e f i n i t e nucleus of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n . This nucleus includes the family, the school, and a few close f r i e n d s . The children i n the other two groups i d e n t i f y with many more diver-s i f i e d groups. There are factors found i n t h i s study of the s e l f image which support the explanation of why the migrants have as much, i f not more d i f f i c u l t y i n adjusting to t h e i r new environment than the immigrants. There are several indications that the immigrants have stronger family t i e s than the migrants. The children i n the former group indicate that they center t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s around t h e i r homes to a much greater extent than the children i n the l a t t e r group. The German children also have fewer close friendships outside of the home than the migrants. They do not i d e n t i f y with personal accom-plishments to the same extent as the migrants. These findings sup-port Eisenstadt's theory that the people with stable f a m i l i e s are better able to adjust to a strange s i t u a t i o n . Eisenstadt also claims that the people with stable f a m i l i e s are not as concerned with per-sonal accomplishments, because they have a f e e l i n g of s e c u r i t y which the people with the non-stable f a m i l i e s lack. The findings on the s e l f Image also support the idea that the German children do not i d e n t i f y with the host society as completely as the migrants. The people whom the German children regarded as 'close or important' were almost exclusively German people. Since the German children i d e n t i f y with a minority group, - 103 -they do not compare themselves with the s e t t l e d Canadians, who have always l i v e d i n Vancouver: as i n contrast to the migrant children who compare themselves to the Canadian children. This may be the reason f o r the German children appearing to be more s a t i s f i e d than the migrant children, i n t h e i r r o l e as the strangers. The prediction at the conclusion of the l a s t chapter stated that there would be no greater s i m i l a r i t y between the s e l f images of the migrant and the s e t t l e d Canadian children, than be-tween the German and the s e t t l e d Canadian children. The data from t h i s study does not establish conclusive evidence i n t h i s regard. However, i n at least three areas, the opposite seems to be the case. The German children are more family and home centred i n i d e n t i f -i c a t i o n than the other two groups, with regard to i n s t i t u t i o n a l i d e n t i t y , s o c i a l relationships and a c t i v i t i e s . The German children also d i f f e r from the other two groups by having a greater degree of national counsciousness. - 10k -CHAPTER FOUR SELF IMAGE AND ASSIMILATION This chapter discusses the relationship between the s e l f image and the degree of assimilation. In order t o study t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p , children with varying degrees of assimilation i n the Canadian culture are compared on the basis of the s e l f image. The aim of the chapter i s to discover s e l f image char a c t e r i s t i c s which are correlated with the degree of assimilation. The comparisons are concerned with f i v e aspects of the s e l f image discussed i n the previous chapter: body image, s o c i a l relationships, s p a t i a l relationships, a c t i v i t i e s and dis p o s i t i o n . The other two reference categories discussed i n chapter two, ambi-t i o n and f a c t u a l statements were omitted because of the lack of material i n these areas. The material discussed i n t h i s chapter i s based upon three comparisons; f i r s t l y , a comparison of the best assimilated s e t t l e d Canadian children with the poorest assimilated immigrant and migrant children secondly, a comparison of the f i v e best assim-i l a t e d immigrants and migrants with the f i v e best assimilated set-t l e d Canadians, f i n a l l y , a comparison of the f i v e best a s s i n i l a t e d immigrants with the f i v e poorest assimilated immigrants. I t i s hoped that these three comparisons w i l l shed some l i g h t on the question regarding the relationship between the s e l f - 105 -image and the degree of assimilation. Body Image The comparisons of the body image were made i n three separate areas: clothes, physical characteristics and f a c i a l f e a t -ures. The f i r s t area clothes, dealt with references made to wearing apparel, including jewelry and any other accessories. The area phys-i c a l c h a racteristics, includes descriptions of height, size, weight and any other aspect of the outer body. The area e n t i t l e d f a c i a l features includes a l l references to face, h a i r , ears, and glasses. There were more references made to the body image than to any other aspect of the s e l f image. However, no chara c t e r i s t i c s distinguished the body image of the w e l l assimilated children from that of the poorly assimilated children. There was a great deal of s i m i l a r i t y between the body images of a l l the children. Even the area discussed most extensively - clothes, showed no s i g n i f i c a n t difference on the basis of the children who were w e l l assimilated and those who were poorly assimilated. I t appears that no cor r e l a t i o n exists between the body image and the degree of assimilation. However, i t must be rememb-ered that the present findings are based on data collected from children who are f a i r l y homogeneous i n physical appearance and dress. Possibly some body image differences would be apparent i f the groups studied were less homogeneous*, f o r example, a comparison involving groups of A s i a t i c children and Canadian children. In such a 106 -comparison, any difference i n the body image would be more apparent because of the actual physical differences. S p e c i f i c and Collective Relatedness In the two areas of s o c i a l relationships studied, s p e c i f i c relatedness and c o l l e c t i v e relatedness, some differences were found between the children who were w e l l assimilated and those who were poorly assimilated. In each, the former group indicated a greater number of s o c i a l relationships than the l a t t e r . In the area of s p e c i f i c relatedness, that i s , i d e n t i f -i c a t i o n with other individuals, i t was fouhd that the poorly assim-i l a t e d c h i l d i d e n t i f i e d almost exclusively with members of h i s own family. The w e l l assimilated c h i l d i d e n t i f i e d not only with family members, but also with r e l a t i v e s and fr i e n d s . Neither group of c h i l d -ren revealed a consistent order or pattern of references. However, i t was noted that a greater i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with i n d i v i d u a l s outside of the family always occurred among the w e l l assimilated children. In the f i r s t comparison i t appeared that the w e l l assim-i l a t e d c h i l d always i d e n t i f i e d with a greater number of individuals than the poorly assimilated c h i l d . This however, did not hold true i n a l l cases studied. Some of the w e l l assimilated children ident-i f i e d with fewer people than the poorly assimilated. The difference was found to exists not i n the number of people with whom one ident-i f i e d , but the number of people outside of the family with whom one i d e n t i f i e d . Both groups of children included many family members i n - 107 -the s e l f image. But i t was found that the w e l l assimilated children i d e n t i f i e d with many non family members whereas, the poorly a s s i m i l -ated i d e n t i f i e d with only members of t h e i r f a m i l i e s . In the area of c o l l e c t i v e relatedness, that i s i d e n t i f -i c a t i o n with s o c i a l groups, some difference was noted between the w e l l assimilated and the poorly assimilated children. The primary difference was the number of groups with which the children of high and low degree of assimilation i d e n t i f i e d . The w e l l assimilated children i d e n t i f i e d with various s o c i a l groups outside of the family. The poorly assimilated children made reference to no other s o c i a l group. As the c h i l d becomes highly assimilated, he w i l l function within a greater number of s o c i a l groups, and consequently i d e n t i f y with more groups. A l l s e t t l e d Canadian children belonged to at l e a s t one s o c i a l club, and so d i d most of the w e l l assimilated immigrants and migrants. Many of the a c t i v i t i e s of the children were concentrated around these s o c i a l groups. This i s probably another manifestation of the w e l l assimilated children's greater i n t e r e s t outside of the family. That children i d e n t i f y with many in d i v i d u a l s and groups outside of the family may be another way of s t a t i n g that they are w e l l assimilated. However, i t i s s t i l l important to the present study because t h i s i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with others manifests i t s e l f as part of the s e l f image. Other characteristics of the degree of 108 -assimilation are not manifested i n the s e l f image. One of the aspects of the self image which i s in d i c a t i v e of the degree of assi m i l a t i o n i s an individual's i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with others. Friendship with others i s an in d i c a t i o n of a degree of assimilation. I t also forms a part of the s e l f image, and i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with others. S p a t i a l Relationships In the area of s p a t i a l relationships, that i s i d e n t i f -i c a t i o n with various i n s t i t u t i o n s , differences were found to e x i s t between the children of di f f e r e n t degrees of assimilation. A l l the children, regardless of the degree of assimilation i d e n t i f i e d with the home and the school. The differences occurred i n the children's i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with other i n s t i t u t i o n s . The w e l l assimilated c h i l d -ren i d e n t i f i e d with considerably more i n s t i t u t i o n s than the poorly assimilated children, and the former's a c t i v i t i e s were more often c a r r i e d on outside of the home. The poorly assimilated children centred t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s almost exclusively within the home and the schodj, with major emphasis placed i n the home. The difference between the children with varying degrees of assimilation was found to exist w i t h i n each ethnic group. Among the German children i t was found that the w e l l assimilated children made considerably more references to i n s t i t u t i o n s outside of the home and school than the poorly assimilated German children. A po s i t i v e correlation was noted among the German children. As a child's degree of assimilation increased so did the number of i n s t i -109 -tutions with which he i d e n t i f i e d . A c t i v i t i e s A relationship seems to ex i s t between the degree of assimilation, the type of a c t i v i t i e s i n which a c h i l d participates and the number of i n s t i t u t i o n s with which he i d e n t i f i e s . The w e l l assimilated c h i l d i d e n t i f i e s with many i n s t i t u t i o n s and a c t i v i t i e s . The poorly assimilated c h i l d r e s t r i c t s himself l a r g e l y to the home and the school. This d i s t i n c t i o n between the a c t i v i t i e s of the two groups i s c l e a r l y seen i n the remarks of the nine and ten year o l d children: M I play f o o t b a l l on the playground", and " I play down on the f l a t s with the kids". The poorly assimilated children made such remarks as: " I help my mother", " I do my homework", and "I'm usually at home". In determining the a c t i v i t i e s of the children of d i f f -ering degrees of assimilation, i t was found that the difference was mainly i n the place of a c t i v i t y and not the type. The w e l l a s s i m i l -ated group participates i n a c t i v i t i e s i n many di f f e r e n t areas, whereas the group of poorly assimilated children l i m i t s i t s a c t i v i t i e s almost exclusively to the home and the school. Disposition In the area c l a s s i f i e d as dis p o s i t i o n , references con-cerning personality q u a l i t i e s - either those involving a b i l i t y to re l a t e to others or personal accomplishments - are analysed. I t was - 110 -often d i f f i c u l t to categorize the references into the f i r s t or second of these areas. However, i t was decided that such references as, " I am a nice boy", " I am f r i e n d l y " , and "He might l i k e me" belonged i n the f i r s t category, while " I am a good athlete", and " I play the piano very w e l l " belonged i n the second category. One would expect the poorly assimilated children to show a greater awareness of s o c i a l relationships because of the tensions they are l i k e l y to be experiencing i n t h i s regard. However, the opposite was found to be the case. Comments t y p i c a l of the w e l l assimilated children were! " I am a good f r i e n d " , and " I am nice". Perhaps t h i s awareness, rather than being a manifestation of the strains f e l t i n adjusting to a d i f f e r e n t environment, as previously suggested was an a i d to the assimilation process. Possibly the c h i l d who i s most aware of h i s a b i l i t y to relate to others i s the one who i s able to adjust most re a d i l y to a novel s i t u a t i o n , because he per-ceives what personal q u a l i t i e s are necessary f o r membership i n the group. The children d i d not show much concern with t h e i r personal accomplishments. Conclusions On the basis of the above findings i t must be concluded that no general correlation exists between the s e l f image and the degree of as s i m i l a t i o n . However, i n certain areas of the s e l f image, correlations do e x i s t . Of the f i v e s e l f image areas investigated: body image, s o c i a l relationships, disposition, s p a t i a l relationships - I l l and a c t i v i t i e s , correlations were found i n four areas: s o c i a l r e l a -tionships, s p a t i a l relationships, a c t i v i t i e s , and disposition. In the area of s o c i a l relationships a p o s i t i v e c o r r e l a t i o n was found between the number of people with whom one i d e n t i f i e s and the degree of assimilation. In the area of s p a t i a l relationships the w e l l assim-i l a t e d children were found to i d e n t i f y with several i n s t i t u t i o n s beyond the home and the school, while the poorly assimilated iden-t i f i e d only with these two. As the degree of assimilation increased, the a c t i v i t i e s of the children extended beyond the home and the school. Generally speaking, the poorly assimilated children confined t h e i r references within the home and the family, while the wel l assimilated children made references to many other areas. They referred to several other in d i v i d u a l s , i n s t i t u t i o n s and a c t i v i t i e s . Another difference between the two groups was the greater concern with disposition r e l a t i n g to s o c i a l relationships among the w e l l assimilated children. They placed much more emphasis on t h e i r a b i l i t y to develop friendship with others. o - 112 -CHAPTER FIVE SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS The Subjects The children studied were Vancouver school pupils who ranged i n age from nine to fourteen years. The subjects were organ-ize d into three matched groups: German immigrants, Canadian migrants and native Vancouverites. The children i n the f i r s t group had emigrated from Germany to Vancouver within the l a s t year. They were a l l members or former members of New Canadian Classes. The children i n the second group, the migrant Canadians were children who had migrated to Vancouver from Alberta, Saskatchewan, Ontario and Prince Edward Island within the l a s t year. The t h i r d group, the native Vancouverites or s e t t l e d Canadians included only children who had always l i v e d i n Vancouver. In each of the groups there were seven boys and eight g i r l s . The children i n the three groups were matched on the bases of age, sex, father's occupation, academic grades, and school c i t i z e n s h i p ratings. Each child's school progress was normal, and h i s health was good according to school medical records. A l l of the subjects seemed interested i n the study and were very co-operative. The Problem The study was a q u a l i t a t i v e rather than a quantitative onej that i s , i t was designed to investigate the relationship 113 -between two concepts rather than to reach conclusions about a part-i c u l a r problem. The two concepts studied were the s e l f image and the degree of assimilation. I t was hoped that by studying these concepts independently, and then by comparing them to each other that i t would be possible t o ascertain the importance of an i n d i v i d u a l ' s s e l f image i n determining h i s rate of assimilation into a culture. The c r i t e r i a used to determine the degree of a s s i m i l -a tion were: p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n community a c t i v i t i e s , number of f r i e n d -ships within the community, s a t i s f a c t i o n with the present environment and homesickness. The children who were found to have d i f f e r e n t degrees of assimilation were compared on the basis of the s e l f image. I f s e l f image differences were found between the two groups they were analysed to ascertain t h e i r bearing on the degree of assimilation. The areas of the s e l f image studied were: body image, s o c i a l r e l a -tionships, disposition, ambitions, s p a t i a l relationships, and a c t i v i t i e s . Three basic assumptions underlie t h i s study. F i r s t l y , i t i s assumed that the s e l f image develops as a r e s u l t of s o c i a l experience. Secondly, i t i s assumed that the children of the host society are better assimilated than the immigrants or migrant c h i l d -ren. F i n a l l y , i t i s assumed that meaningful comparisons may be made between the s e l f image and the degree of assimilation. The Hypothesis There are two parts to the hypothesis of the study. The - n u -f i r s t part states that there are s e l f image c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s which are common to members of one national group , and these features d i s t i n -guish them from members of another national group. The second part states that these distinguishing characteristics decrease as the members of one national group become assimilated with another national group. Summary of the Findings In the study of assimilation i t was found - contrary to expectations - that the migrant children were more seriously affected by tensions i n r e s e t t l i n g i n t h e i r home country, then the immigrants were i n s e t t l i n g i n a strange country. In f a c t , i n certain instances the migrants were found to have greater d i f f i c u l t y i n adjusting to the new environment than the immigrants. There were f i v e areas of assimilation discusseds degree of incorporation, degree of occupiedness, preference f o r culture, comparison between cultures, and homesickness. In the area of incorporation i t was found that the migrants i d e n t i f i e d with people i n t h e i r former places of residence to a greater extent than the immigrants. The immigrants, therefore, appear to give up th e i r former t i e s much more r e a d i l y than the migrants. Social Relationships Both the immigrants and the migrants were found to have more l i m i t e d friendship c i r c l e s than the s e t t l e d Canadians. The - 115 -German children were more family-centred i n the i r friendships than either of the other two groups. A probable reason f o r the Germans being more family-centred i s the language difference. Over ninety per cent of the German children spoke German when they were at home. Very l i k e l y they enjoyed spending t h e i r out of school hours with people who spoke t h e i r native language, after having spent the school day struggling with the English language. When asked i f the s e t t l e d Canadian children treated them d i f f e r e n t l y than native Vancouverites, the majority of the German children answered affirmatively. They said that the Canad-ian children mistreated them. Only three of the migrant children thought that they were mistreated by the s e t t l e d Canadian children, and none sai d that they were treated better than the s e t t l e d Canad-ians. I t i s possible that the German children did receive poorer treatment from the native Vancouverites than the migrants because they formed a d i s t i n c t minority group i n the school. The German children were members of the New Canadian Class, whereas the migrants became indistinguishable members of the regular classrooms. A c t i v i t i e s In the area of occupiedness - p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n s o c i a l a c t i v i t i e s - i t was found that s o c i a l clubs played a very important r o l e i n the l i v e s of the sett l e d Canadian children. Every c h i l d i n the settled Canadian group belonged to one or more clubs. The oppo-s i t e was the case with the German children; none of them belonged - 116 -to s o c i a l clubs. Some of the migrants became members of clubs, but none of the immigrants did. Possibly the lack of s o c i a l group mem-bership among the immigrants resulted from two fac t o r s ! the language b a r r i e r , and the geographic distance between the homes of the New Canadian Class students. I t was inte r e s t i n g to f i n d that more migrant children were working i n remunerative employment than s e t t l e d Canadian c h i l d -ren. There was no apparent reason f o r t h i s , but i t may have been a r e s u l t of different s o c i a l values between the two groups of children. Perhaps, the migrant children who were l i v i n g i n the t r a n s i t i o n a l zones studied, had different s o c i a l values than the s e t t l e d Canadian children who were l i v i n g i n these areas. This p o s s i b i l i t y i s sugg-ested by the school attendance records. They indicate that ordin-a r i l y the migrant children stay only a few months i n the schools of these t r a n s i t i o n a l areasj then they transfer out of the school and either move to a better r e s i d e n t i a l area, or leave the c i t y e n t i r e l y . Only one of the immigrant children was employed. The lack of rem-unerative employment among the immigrant children was, at least p a r t l y explained by the language b a r r i e r . Environmental Comparisons In the area of culture preference - l i k e s and d i s l i k e s i n respect to the countries l i v e d i n - the migrants seemed to be the least s a t i s f i e d of the three groups, and the Germans the most sat-i s f i e d . However, the majority of both groups were glad that they - 117 -had moved to Vancouver. When asked what they l i k e d most about l i f e i n Vancouver, the children's answers varied a great deal. Some of the children talked about ce r t a i n geographical areas i n the c i t y , some mentioned the comforts and opportunities of the c i t y , some mentioned the geographical setting and climate, while others mentioned the people i n the c i t y . The German children placed greatest importance on the comforts and opportunities of the c i t y . The migrants attached greater importance to the geographic and clima t i c conditions. The aspects of the c i t y which the children d i s l i k e d were: r a i n , heavy t r a f f i c , and the f a s t tempo of the c i t y l i f e . The majority of both the migrants and the immigrants said that they enjoyed l i v i n g i n Vancouver as much as i n t h e i r former homes. But more German children than migrant children said that they enjoyed l i v i n g i n Vancouver. There appeared to be some ambivalence i n the feelings of the migrants toward t h e i r preference f o r former or present environment. I t was observed that the d i r e c t i o n of t h e i r preference altered with the wording of the questions. The more dynamic the question, i . e . i f the question implied a return to the former home, then the greater the preference shown toward t h e i r present environment, Vancouver. I t seemed that the children l i k e d to reminiscence about t h e i r former homes, but they did not wish to return to them. The migrant and German children had di f f e r e n t views regarding friendships with Vancouver children. More migrants than 118 -Germans thought that i t was easy to become friends with the Vancouver children. There was a p o s i t i v e c o r r e l a t i o n between the length of time a German c h i l d was i n the c i t y and the b e l i e f that friendships with Vancouver children were easy to develop. Therefore, i t seems l i k e l y that the b e l i e f was affected by the children's a b i l i t y to speak English. Probably the German children found i t easier to make friends i n Vancouver after they had l i v e d i n the c i t y long enough to learn to speak the English language. No c o r r e l a t i o n existed between the time a migrant c h i l d had been i n the c i t y and h i s f e e l i n g s regarding friendships with Vancouver children. I t was also found that most of the migrant children thought they had more fun with t h e i r former friends than with the friends i n Vancouver. This was not true of the German children. They said that they enjoyed t h e i r Vancouver friends equally as much as t h e i r friends i n Germany. These findings suggest that the migrant children reminiscence about t h e i r former hones with greater fondness than the Germans. The German children seem to accept t h e i r new environment more w i l l i n g l y than the migrants. Self Comparisons Contrary to what may be expected, more migrants than immigrants considered themselves d i f f e r e n t from the s e t t l e d Canad-ians. Perhaps, differences were more apparent to the migrants be-cause they were able to compare themselves with s e t t l e d Canadians more readily than were the Germans. Because of the s i m i l a r i t y be-tween the backgrounds of the two groups of Canadian children, the - 119 -migrants were able to make more detailed comparisons. The migrant children were able to focus their attention on the school arid make many comparisons between themselves and the settled Canadians on this ba basis. The German children were not able to make such detailed comparisons because their former and present situations were too dissimilar to make minor differences apparent. For this reason their comparisons had to be made on a more personal basis. Environmental Adjustment Both groups of children gave evidence of homesickness. Most of them said they f e l t more at home i n their previous places of residence than i n their present ones. They missed people or things which they l e f t behind in their former environment. The German children missed relatives, while the migrant children's chief regret was the loss of their friends. In the area of home-sickness the migrant children again indicated a much greater degree of dissatisfaction with their present environment than the Germans. The conclusion drawn from this study of assimilation was that the migrant children were under greater strain i n adjust-ing to their new environment than the immigrant children. There appears to be two explanations for this difference. The f i r s t ex-planation was based on Bisenstadt's theory of the relationship between family solidarity and predisposition to change. Because the immi-grants have more solidary families (as suggested by the greater amount of time the German children spend with their families) 120 -they are better able to accept the disturbing affects of l i f e i n a strange country than the migrants, whose families are less solidary. Another reason f o r theimmigrants being able to accept t h e i r p o s i t i o n i n a strange c i t y much better, may be due to t h e i r greater prepar-ation f o r change. The German children probably came to Canada ex-pecting to f i n d everything strange and unusual. Therefore, they were more able to adjust to the new s i t u a t i o n than the migrants who were unprepared. The German children also have t h e i r adjustment d i f f i c u l t i e s eased by association with children i n the New Canadian Classes who are i n a s i m i l a r s i t u a t i o n . The German children iden-t i f y with other immigrants who are i n t h e i r class at school, and are able to share t h e i r experiences and f r u s t r a t i o n s . Another poss-i b l e explanation f o r the German children having fewer tensions than the migrants i s the language factor. The German children have the language c a r r i e r on which to p i n a l l t h e i r f r u s t r a t i o n s , whereas the migrants have notj they must seek more subtle explanations f o r t h e i r f r u s t r a t i o n s i n the r e s e t t l i n g s i t u a t i o n . The s a t i s f a c t i o n of 'understanding' t h e i r f r u s t r a t i o n s may r e l i e v e many of the tensions of the German children. Self Image ' In the study of the s e l f image more information was received from the s e t t l e d Canadian children than from either of the other two groups. They spoke more f r e e l y about themselves than either - 121 -the Germans or the migrants. Seven areas of the s e l f image were studied, body image, s o c i a l relationships, disposition, ambition, s p a t i a l relationships, a c t i v i t i e s , and f a c t u a l statements. The f i r s t area, body image was discussed more extensively by the c h i l d -ren i n each of the basic groups than any other area.But there was no s i g n i f i c a n t differences between the body image answers of the various groups. In the area of s o c i a l relationships i t was found that the group regarded as most important by the children was the family. Each of the s e t t l e d Canadian children i d e n t i f i e d with at least one s o c i a l group or club, as w e l l as the family. None of the German children i d e n t i f i e d with s o c i a l clubs; however, many i d e n t i f i e d themselves as members of the German nation. The migrants i d e n t i f -i ed with clubs, and several of them regarded themselves as being Easterners. The migrants were found to i d e n t i f y with a greater number of people than the children of the other two groups. Perhaps they d i d not have the strong family and group t i e s that the other children had, therefore they found i t necessary to i d e n t i f y with groups outside of the family. A l l the children placed more emphasis on t h e i r success i n s o c i a l relationships than on t h e i r accomplishments i n any other area. The group of children least concerned with t h e i r personal accomplishments was the German group. This supports Eisenstadt's theory that the people with the most solidary f a m i l i e s are the l e a s t 122 concerned with personal accomplishments because they f e e l secure i n t h e i r family status, and have no need to prove themselves i n order to r e t a i n t h i s status. However, a l l the children showed some concern with t h e i r a b i l i t y to associate with others; such statements as " I am nice", "I'm f r i e n d l y " , and "I'm easy to get along with" were com-mon. The i n s t i t u t i o n s with which the children i d e n t i f i e d most frequently were the home and the school. Two of the groups, the settled Canadians and the migrants also i d e n t i f i e d with places of employment and places of entertainment. The German children i d e n t i f i e d with homes of r e l a t i v e s and friends, as well as t h e i r own homes. Also, t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s centred around the home to a greater extent than the a c t i v i t i e s of the other two groups. The Canadian children spent much more time at theatres, clubs, jobs, and other places outside of the home than the Germans. These data again support the suggestion that the immigrants have stronger family t i e s than members of the other two groups} therefore, the Germans are able to withstand the d i f f i c u l t i e s of s o c i a l adjustment much better. The s e l f image findings support the suggestion that the German children do not i d e n t i f y with the host society as com-p l e t e l y as the migrants. The people regarded as close or important by the German children were almost exclusively German people. Since the Germans i d e n t i f i e d with a minority group, i t seems possible that - 123 -they may not expect pr i v i l e g e s equal to those of the host society members. Perhaps t h i s i s one reason why the German children appear to be more s a t i s f i e d i n t h e i r r o l e as the stranger than the migrants. Settled Canadian Children's Views of the Immigrants and Migrants A l l the s e t t l e d Canadian children were aware of the presence of the immigrant children i n the school and most of them were personally acquainted with some of the immigrants. They usually met the immigrant children through the school. The majority of the se t t l e d Canadians were also acquainted with migrant children person-a l l y , and a l l were aware that some migrant Canadians attended t h e i r school. Most of the Canadians f e l t that the immigrants endeav-oured to become friends with the other students i n the school. But, the Canadian children stated that they f a i l e d to reciprocate t h i s f r i e n d l i n e s s . The Canadian children gave indications that they had g u i l t y feelings regarding t h e i r treatment of the immigrants, part-i c u l a r l y when they did not welcome the immigrant children into t h e i r friendship c i r c l e s . The majority of the Canadian children thought that the immigrants were di f f e r e n t from themselves i n three ways* the lang-uage difference, the personality differences, and the differences i n wearing apparel. Many of the Canadians thought that the immi-grant children possessed more admirable personal q u a l i t i e s than themselves. - 12k -Most of the Canadian children thought tiiat the immi-grants enjoyed l i v i n g i n a strange land. The reason they gave f o r t h i s was that they thought the immigrant children enjoyed the nov-e l t y of a different country, and the excitement of p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n new a c t i v i t i e s . I t i s interesting to note the discrepancy between t h i s reason and those given by the immigrants, themselves. None of the German children mentioned the excitement or the novelty of the s i t u a t i o n , instead they mentioned geographic and clim a t i c factors, opportunities and comforts, and the people i n t h e i r new environment. None of these reasons were mentioned by the s e t t l e d Canadians. The discrepancy i n the answers i s probably accounted f o r by the f a c t that the se t t l e d Canadians had l i v e d i n only one c i t y , therefore l i f e i n a strange land was only an imaginary ex-perience. On the other hand the immigrant children had experienced l i f e i n two separate countries, and l i f e i n a strange land was a r e a l and ordinary experience. Therefore, they were able to eval-uate the benefits of one country over another i n s p e c i f i c terms with reference to thei r own l i v e s . The Canadians were able to think of l i f e i n a strange country only i n a general and imaginable way, as an adventure f i l l e d with new and exc i t i n g experiences. The discussions with the s e t t l e d Canadian children suggested that they f e l t obliged to be f r i e n d l y with the immigrant children, but they were not w i l l i n g to exert the necessary e f f o r t to f o s t e r friendships. Although many of the children said they - 1 2 5 enjoyed associating with the immigrants, most of them were f a i l i n g to take advantage of these friendship opportunities. Perhaps the children were a f r a i d of losing status i n t h e i r peer groups i f they associated with the immigrant children. The Canadians appeared to have some g u i l t y feelings regarding t h e i r treatment of the immigrants but they were unwill i n g to encourage them into t h e i r friendship c i r c l e s . Mary of the s e t t l e d Canadian children said that the imitfc. grants were either ignored or mistreated by the Canadian students. This agrees with the statements made by the immigrants themselves^ they also believed that they were mistreated by the Canadians. The chief complaint was that the Canadians d i d not play with them or t r y to make friends with them. The German c h i l d -ren however, were optomistic i n believing that t h i s s i t u a t i o n would change once they learned to speak English f a i r l y w e l l . Probably, they were p a r t l y correct since one of the reasons the Canadians gave f o r not i n v i t i n g the Germans to play games was that i t was very d i f f i c u l t to explain the rules of the game to them. This d i f f i c u l t y would be eliminated once the immigrants learned to speak English. Relationship Between the Self Image and the Degree of Assimilation There i s no general c o r r e l a t i o n between the s e l f image and the degree of assimilation, but i n ce r t a i n areas a relationship appears to e x i s t . Six areas of the s e l f image of highly assimilated children were compared to the same areas of poorly assimilated - 126 -children to determine the relationship between the s e l f image and the degree of assimilation. The s i x s e l f image areas compared were: body image, s o c i a l relationships, d i s p o s i t i o n , ambitions, s p a t i a l relationships, and a c t i v i t i e s . Correlations were found i n three areas: s o c i a l relationships, s p a t i a l relationships, and a c t i v i t i e s . In each of these areas the differences noted between the highly assimilated children and the poorly assimilated ones were dependent upon t h e i r family relationships. The poorly assimilated children were more family and home centred i n a l l t h e i r enterprises than the w e l l assimilated children. As the degree of assim i l a t i o n increased so did the degree of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n outside of the home and family. Conclusions of the Study I t i s d i f f i c u l t to draw any stolidly grounded conclu-sions on such a l i m i t e d study i n t h i s f i e l d . However, certain conclusions can be deduced which are applicable w i t h i n the l i m i t -ations of the present study. From the study i t can be concluded that the children experience many adjustment d i f f i c u l t i e s when they move to an un-f a m i l i a r environment. These d i f f i c u l t i e s are experienced, both by children r e s e t t l i n g i n the same country and by those who are s e t t l i n g i n a strange country. There are indications that the former group i s subjected to greater tension than the l a t t e r group. Three reasons account f o r the discrepancy i n tensions experienced; f i r s t l y , the immigrant children studied have stronger kinship t i e s , -127 secondly, they are better prepared for t h e i r r o l e as the stranger and t h i r d l y , they 'tinderstand 1 t h e i r d i f f i c u l t i e s . The children with the stronger family t i e s w i l l accept the p o s i t i o n designated to them by the host society, because they have a greater f e e l i n g of security than the children who have less stable f a m i l i e s . The migrant children studied, lacked the family s o l i d a r i t y of the immigrant children. Therefore, they d i d not have the same support when contending with disturbing influences. The second reason f o r the immigrants being l e s s d i s -turbed by t h e i r present sit u a t i o n was the lengthly preparation they underwent before emigrating to Canada. I t i s probable that the immigrants made more elaborate preparations f o r t h e i r adven-ture than the migrants, because of the immigration requirements which they must meet and the great expense involved i n moving to Canada from Germany. Because of the time, thought, and e f f o r t involved i n making these preparations, the immigrants are l i k e l y to be better prepared physically and mentally than the migrants. There i s also the possiblity>that the prospective immigrants who are not l i k e l y to adjust to a new environment w i l l be prevented from emigrating, because they can not f u l f i l l the l e g a l require-ments. A t h i r d reason f o r the immigrants experiencing fewer tensions than the migrants i s that they 'understand' t h e i r d i f f -i c u l t i e s . Although the language problem faced by the immigrants appears to hinder the process of assimilation, i t may ac t u a l l y a i d - 128 i t by decreasing the tensions involved i n adjusting to a strange environment. The language b a r r i e r provides the immigrants with sa t i s f a c t o r y explanation for t h e i r d i f f i c u l t i e s . Thus, i t makes them f e e l that once they conquer the language of the country, t h e i r problems w i l l be solved. The migrants do not have such an explan-ation f o r t h e i r assimilation d i f f i c u l t i e s , therefore, they become frustrated by them. Another possible reason f o r the immigrant children experiencing fewer d i f f i c u l t i e s than the migrants i s t h e i r ident-i t y with a minority group. They i d e n t i f y almost exclusively with other immigrants. Therefore, they are not disturbed i f they do not receive treatment equal to that received by the Canadian c h i l d -ren. The migrant children i d e n t i f y with the members of the host society; therefore, they are fr u s t r a t e d by the d i f f i c u l t i e s i n -volved i n the role of the stranger. The s e l f image of the wel l assimilated children d i f f e r s i n scope with the poorly assimilated children. The former have more diffuse points of reference than the l a t t e r . The poorly assimilated children focus t h e i r i d e n t i t y with t h e i r f a m i l i e s , homes, and school while the w e l l assimilated children i d e n t i f y with many additional groups and i n s t i t u t i o n s . As the degree of assimilation increases, so does the scope of the s e l f image. The findings indicate that the se l f images of the German children are more family centred than those of the Canadian - 129 -children. From the present study i t i s impossible to know i f t h i s greater degree of family and home i d e n t i f i c a t i o n i s t y p i c a l only of the German immigrant children or of a l l immigrant children. However, these findings do support the f i r s t part of the hypothesis which states that there are se l f image char a c t e r i s t i c s which are common to members of one national group, and these features d i s t i n -guish them from members of another national group. The second part of the hypothesis states that the d i s -tinguishing characteristics of one national group decrease as i t s members become assimilated with another national group. The primary difference found between the s e l f image of the German children and the s e l f image of the Canadian children was the l a t t e r ' s greater degree of i d e n t i f i c a t i o n outside of the home and family. I t was also found that as the degree of assimilation of the German children increased t h e i r i d e n t i f i c a t i o n beyond the home and family also In-creased. In other words, the s e l f image differences between the two groups decreased as the degree of assimilation increased. This negative correlation between s e l f image differences and degree of assimilation, supports the second part of the hypothesis. C r i t i c i s m and Suggestions f o r Further Study Unfortunately, there was some unforeseen overlap i n the data collected about the s e l f image and the degree of assim-i l a t i o n . When the questionnaires were designed they were intended - 130 -to e l i c i t information about two separate concepts. The f i r s t was to gain information about the s e l f image (the picture that each c h i l d had of himself). The second was to gain data about the degree of assimilation (the extent to which an i n d i v i d u a l has become part of the culture i n which he l i v e s ) . However, when the data were analysed i t was found that some of the questions asked i n one of the questionnaires gained s i m i l a r information to questions asked i n the second questionnaire. The only difference between the i n f o r -mation, being the form i n which i t was presented; one example of t h i s overlap i s i n the areas of 'degree of occupiedness' ( a s s i m i l -ation questionnaire) and ' a c t i v i t i e s i d e n t i f i e d with' ( s e l f image questionnaire). Two of the questions asked i n order to determine a child's degree of occupiedness were! "Do you have a job after school or on Saturdays?" and "Do you take lessons outside of school?" To determine the a c t i v i t i e s with which a c h i l d i d e n t i f i e d the question, "What are the things that you spend most of your time doing?" was asked. I f a c h i l d answered af f i r m a t i v e l y to the f i r s t two questions he would l i k e l y mention both, h i s job and his lessons i n answer to the t h i r d question. In t h i s way some of the same factors were considered both i n determining the degree of a s s i m i l -ation and as part of the s e l f image. Some overlapping also occurr-ed between the areas of s p a t i a l i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and degree of occu-piedness, and between s o c i a l relationships and degree of incorpor-\ - 131 -a t i o n . In future studies, t h i s overlapping should be avoided. Possibly, t h i s could be done by developing a more objective method of determining the degree of assimilation. A probably weakness of the study i s the sampling technique. I t i s doubtful that immigrant children and migrant children attending school i n a t r a n s i t i o n a l area are of a comp-arable s o c i a l class to permanent residents of the area. However, t h i s s i t u a t i o n was unavoidable because of the technical d i f f i c u l -t i e s involved i n studying children from many different school d i s t r i c t s i n the c i t y . The foregoing suggests, that when additional research i s undertaken with immigrant children, to test further the r e l a -tionship between the degree of assimilation and the s e l f image these weaknesses should be r e c t i f i e d . Tests which are mutually exclusive should be used, i f at a l l possible. In future studies, the modified "Who Am I " test could be used, but another t e s t of assimilation should be devised. Perhaps t h i s test could be based on such factors as the tetention of old world customs, s t y l e of clothes, and a b i l i t y to speak English. I t would also be valuable to study a dif f e r e n t ethnic group, i n order to know i f the element of family centredness exists i n a l l immigrants to a higher degree than i n the native members of a society. I t would also be very interesting to study matched groups of German children who had l i v e d i n Canada f o r various - 132 -lengths of time. The modified "Who Am I " t e s t could again be used. I t i s possible that progressive changes i n the self image occur over a period of time spent i n a foreign country. I t would also be worthwhile to do a long range study of immigrant children; probably l a s t i n g over a ten year period. In such a study the s e l f image of a c h i l d could be tested upon a r r i v a l i n Canada, then ten years l a t e r t e s t him on h i s success as a Canadian c i t i z e n . A study of t h i s kind would determine whether or not i t i s possible to predict a p a r t i c u l a r individual's a b i l i t y to assimilate into another culture by studying his s e l f image. - 133 CHART I DISTRIBUTION OF SUBJECTS ACCORDING TO AGE, SEX AND BASIC GROUPS. AGE GERMANS MIGRANTS SETTLED CANADIANS 9 & 10 years 2 G i r l s 3 Boys 2 G i r l s 3 Boys 2 G i r l s 3 Boys 11 & 12 3 G i r l s 3 G i r l s 3 G i r l s years 2 Boys 2 Boys 2 Boys 13 & lit 3 G i r l s 3 G i r l s : 3 G i r l s years . 2 Boys 2 Boys 2 Boys - 13k -CHART 2 FATHERS' OCCUPATIONS 1. GERMANS Age Labourers Tradesmen .iWhite Co l l a r workers Professionals 9 and 10 years 1 k 0 0 11 and 12 years 1 k 0 0 13 and Hi years 3 2 0 0 5 10 0 0 2. CANADIAN MIGRANTS Age Labourers Tradesmen White C o l l a r workers Professionals 9 and 10 years 1 k 0 0 11 and 12 years 3 1 1 0 13 and 11* years 1 3 1 0 5 8 2 0 3. SETTLED CANADIANS Age Labourers Tradesmen White Co l l a r workers Professionals 9 and 10 . years 1 3 1 0 11 and 12 years 2 1 2 0 13 and Hi years 2 3 0 0 5 7 3 0 TOTAL 15 25 5 0 - 135 -CHART 3 TEACHERS' RATINGS OF ACADEMIC ABILITY 1. GERMAN CHILDREN . Age A., B , C/ C C- D In Years [ \ ' 9 & 10 0 1 2 0 0 2 11 & 12 O k 1 0 0 0 13 & Ik 0 3 2 0 0 0 Net Total 0 8 5 0 0 2 2. CANADIAN MIGRANT CHILDREN Age A B C / C C- D In Years • •  9 & 10 0 2 2 0 1 0 11&12 0 2 1 2 0 0 13 & Ik 0 k 1 0 0 0 Net Total 0 8 k 2 1 0 3. SETTLED CANADIAN CHILDREN Age A B C/ C C- D In Years  9 & 10 0 1 2 1 1 0 11&12 0 2 3 0 0 0 13 & lk 0 2 3 0 0 0 Net Total 0 5 8 1 1 0 TOTAL 0 21 17 3 2 2 - 136 -CHART k TEACHERS' RATINGS OF CITIZENSHIP 1. GERMAN CHILDREN Age In Years A B C c- D 9 and 10 1 1 i 2 0 0 11 and 12 0 2 2 0 0 1 13 and l k 0 3 1 1 0 0 Net Total 1 6 k 3 0 1 2. CANADIAN MIGRANT CHILDREN Age In Years A B c/ C c- D 9 and 10 0 1 1 2 0 1 11 and 12 0 1 1 3 0 0 13 and 0 3 2 0 0 0 Net Total 0 5 k 5 0 1 3. SETTLED CANADIAN CHILDREN Age In Years A B <v c c- D 9 and 10 1 0 2 2 0 0 11 and 12 0 3 1 1 0 0 13 and l k 0 1 3 1 0 0 NET TOTAL 1 k 6 k 0 0 TOTAL 2 15 l k 12 0 2 - 137 -CHART $ NUMBER OF CHILDREN IN EACH FAMILY 1. GERMAN CHILDREN Age In Years . 1 Child , 2 Children , 3 Children, k Children 5 Children 9 and 10 1 2 0 2 0 11 and 12 1 1 1 2 0 13 and Hi 1 1 1 0_ 2 Net Total 3 h 2 U 2 2. MIGRANT CBNADIAN CHILDREN In Years 1 Child 2 Children 3 Children U Children 5 Children 9 and 10 2 1 1 0 1 11 and 12 1 3 1 0 0 13 and Hi __0 3 2 0 0 Net Total 3 7 h 0 1 3. SETTLED CANADIAN CHILDREN Age In Years 1 Child 2 Children 3 Children k Children $ Children 9 and 10 0 2 2 1 0 11 and 12 0 h 1 0 0 13 and Hi __0 2 1 2 0 Net Total 0 8 h 3 0 Itetal 6 19 10 7 3 138 -APPENDIX A Development of the Method  Self Image There were many problems encountered i n developing a suitable method with:,which to study the s e l f image of children. Since the s e l f image i s a highly personal concept, i t was decided that i t should be studied only through tests which allowed the interviewee as much freedom as possible i n deciding the aspects of the s e l f to be discussed, and the way i n which they should be discussed. With t h i s thought i n mind, an essay type t e s t was devised. The method was simply to have the subjects write an essay e n t i t l e d , '•Who am I M . Shis method was tested i n October of 1955 on a 'below average' class of grade s i x students. There were t h i r t y children i n the class, twenty-one boys and nine g i r l s . The children ranged i n age from eleven to f i f t e e n years with i n t e l l i -gence quotients from 72 to 109, the average being 9k» The group was composed of both white and Oriental children. The majority of the children were of Chinese o r i g i n . Although i t would have been possible to t e s t a class of brighter children, the present one was chosen because the teacher f e l t that these children were less i n h i b i t e d and therefore, more l i k e l y to answer the question, "Who am I " honestly and completely. The testing was conducted by the class teacher. She 139 -read the following instructions to the students: "Each of you i s to writ e a half page essay i n answer to the question, "Who am I ? " The essay i s to be a word picture of yourself. You may writ e a physical description of yourself, t e l l about the groups to which you belong, t e l l about the things you do, or anything else that you think answers to the question, "Who am I ? " Do not write a hi s t o r y of yourself. Do not be con-cerned about the grammar or s t y l e of the essay. The content of the essay i s the only part that i s impor-tant. Remember, you are not l i m i t e d to wr i t i n g about any p a r t i c u l a r part of yourself. Just ask yourself the question, "Who am I ? " and write as complete an answer as you can". Upon receiving these instructions most of the children seemed confused and were unable to begin w r i t i n g t h e i r essays. After a few minutes the teacher re-read the instructions and wrote some parts on the black-board. With t h i s extra assistance the children were able to commence w r i t i n g . Therewas a great deal of conformity i n the pattern of the essays. Perhaps t h i s conformity was a r e s u l t of the instructions given, p a r t i c u l a r l y those wr i t t e n on the black-board. The aspects of the s e l f which the children wrote about were: physical s e l f , friendships, a c t i v i t i e s , group membership, ambitions, and s e l f evaluations. Each c h i l d wrote about these aspects i n the same order as they are l i s t e d here. Variations i n the pattern of the essays occurred only when one or two of these were omitted. In analysing the essays i t was found that every c h i l d i d e n t i f i e d with a f a i r l y regular pattern of a c t i v i t i e s . Every - mo -c h i l d spent more time w r i t i n g about these a c t i v i t i e s than about any other topic. I t i s l i k e l y that the children wrote mainly about a c t i v i t i e s because they were more interested i n t h i s topic, than i n any other. I t i s also possible that the children found i t easier to write about t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s because they were less personal than the other topics suggested. I t was int e r e s t i n g to note that a l l the Oriental c h i l d -ren gave t h e i r r a c i a l o r i g i n , but only t h i r t y - s i x per cent of the white children indicated t h e i r r a c i a l heritage. Race, when mentioned was usually at the very beginning of the essay. Since the children l i v e d i n an area where there was a large Chinese population, one would not expect the Chinese children to be so much aware of t h e i r r a c i a l o r i g i n than the white children. The g i r l s i n t h i s group referred to t h e i r r a c i a l o r i g i n as often as the boys, contrary to the findings of the Kuhn and McPartland study.^ Sex was mentioned by approximately half of the children. The g i r l s , more often than the boys referred to t h e i r sex. This may have been p a r t l y due to the f a c t that there were considerably more boys than g i r l s i n the cl a s s . For t h i s reason, the g i r l s may have been more conscious of t h e i r sex than the boys. This same discrepancy i n sex references was found i n the Kuhn and McPartland study. Friendships were very important to the children. Twenty-nine of the t h i r t y children spoke about t h e i r friends. Twenty-one of these children mentioned a 'best f r i e n d ' . The best - li+l -f r i e n d was always a person of the same sex as the respondent. Only three of the children mentioned friendships involving a romantic in t e r e s t . These were a l l g i r l s who spoke about t h e i r 'boy f r i e n d s ' • The children made very few s e l f evaluations. Only three adjectives were used by the children to evaluate themselves. The words used were: "ugly", "stupid", and "just r i g h t " . Another way i n which the children judged themselves was by t h e i r popularity. Five of the children mentioned, whether or not people l i k e d them. Only one of these children thought that he was d i s l i k e d . This d i s -crepancy i n number may indicate that most of the children f e l t w e l l l i k e d . On the other hand, i t i s very possible that the children who believed themselves to be unpopular, simply did not mention popularity. I t was learned from the above study that information about the self image of children can only be gained by giving f a i r l y s p e c i f i c instructions. Therefore, i t was decided that the interview technique would be a more suitable means of studying i t . The interview technique seemed superior mainly because i t allowed f o r i n d i v i d u a l differences} that i s , i f a c h i l d d i d not understand a question i t could be reinterpreted for him without s e t t i n g a s p e c i f i c pattern f o r every c h i l d to follow, as i n the above exper-iment. Interview questions were drawn up with the hope of e l i c i t i n g a t r u e picture of the s e l f image of each respondent. I t - 112 -was decided that the f i r s t question i n the interview should be a very broad one which offered the interviewee a great deal of scope f o r h is own thoughts. The questions following t h i s one were to be more di r e c t . The opening questions which was f i n a l l y decided upon was, simply, "Who are you?" Since i t was impossible to t e s t t h i s method on school children i t was t r i e d on a small group of university students. In each case the f i r s t question proved to very d i f f i c u l t to answer and seemed to cause the respondent considerable embarrassment. Usually i t was necessary to offer a great deal of assistance before any reply was given to the question. Since t h i s question was asked i n order to gain a spontaneous response from the interviewee, i t s value was greatly deminished when prodding was offered. The res*-maining questions were more e x p l i c i t ^ and the students were able to answer them with less d i f f i c u l t y . However, the answers were s t i l l accompanied with some uneasiness and he s i t a t i o n . The above method may have been more successful i n interviewing school children than i t was with university students, but the chances of i t s success did not seem to warrant the time necessary f o r further testing. Since the topic of the s e l f aroused a f e e l i n g of uneasiness i n the interview s i t u a t i o n , the written questionnaire was once again considered. The "Twenty Statements Test of Self Attitudes", as introduced by Kuhn and McPartland was tested informally on a small number of adults and children. This - 11*3 -method i s simply to aske the subjects to write twenty answers to the question, "Who am I ? " . The instructions were read aloud as follows: There are twenty numbered blanks on the page below. Please write twenty answers to the simple questions "Who am I " i n the blanks. Just give twenty d i f f e r e n t answers to t h i s question. Answer as i f you were gi v -ing the answers to yourself, not to somebody else. Don't worry about l o g i c or importance. Go along f a i r l y f a s t , as your time i s limited.2 Twelve minutes was allowed f o r each person. This method was a l i t t l e more successful, but did not e l i c i t enough information from the subjects, and at times i t d i d not gain the type of information desired. One of the children wrote twenty pretend answers, e.g. "dog", "cat", and "monkey/. This test was only used on English speaking children, b u t . i t was f e l t that b i l i n g u a l children may have greater d i f f i c u l t y i n answer-ing the question, and also be more i n c l i n e d to write f i c t i t i o u s answers. Because of the lack of success of these d i r e c t quest-ions i t was decided that the problem must be attacked i n a more subtle way. I t seemed possible that some imaginary s i t u a t i o n would be h e l p f u l i n lessening the i n h i b i t i o n s of the respondents. With t h i s thought i n mind the question, "Who am I " was changed to: I want you to pretend that there i s a person i n t h i s c i t y who wants to f i n d you. A l l that t h i s persons knows about you i s that you l i v e i n North Vancouver. The only way that he w i l l ever know who you are i s f o r you to write a description of yourself f o r him. Now, what could you say about yourself that would make i t possible f o r t h i s person to f i n d you, out - m -of a l l the other people i n North Vancouver. This question along with the question, "What sort of a person are you?" was asked of a number of North Vancouver e l e -mentary school children. They ranged i n age from s i x to t h i r t e e n years. The f i r s t question was answered f a i r l y w e l l by some of the children, but others required a great deal of prodding before they were able to give any information. Another weakness of the question was that i t caused some of the children to spend considerable time and e f f o r t i n thinking of various ways to help a person locate them, rather than simply describe themselves. One c h i l d said he would send t h i s person a picture of himself, and another said he would send a note saying the place where he would be. At other times the children would give very elaborate descriptions of people or things dear to them. While these descriptions may have been s i g n i f -icant i n themselves, i t was necessary to l i m i t the time of the i n t e r -views, therefore some method had to be devised which would keep the thoughts of the children focused on themselves, and yet not be too l i m i t i n g . I t was decided that the question should be broken into more spec i f i c questions which would s t i l l incorporate the pretend element. The second question, "What sort of a person are you?" was intended t o gain q u a l i t a t i v e descriptions of the children, but i t was very unsuccessful. Less than a t h i r d of the respondents gave additional information to t h e i r previous answers. Perhaps, -IMS -i f this question was worded less directly, by the incorporation of a pretend element i t would be easier for the children to answer. With the above thoughts in mind a questionnaire was devised with four separate parts. Each part of question was desi-gned to probe a different area of the self image. The first of these parts was designed to gain a physical description: 1. I want you to imagine that you are at a meeting with all the other students from your school. Some-body telephones you. You invite him over to talk to you. This person has never seen you before so you must describe yourself to him in order that he can find you out of all the other people in the assembly. The second part of the interview was designed to gain a self eval-uation of the individual: 2. Let's say that this person did find you and he came over to talk to you in order to find out some-thing about you. After he talked to you for awhile, (a) What are some of the things that he might find out about you? (b) What are some of the things that he might think about you? The third question was asked in hope of discovering the institut-ions with which the respondent identified: 3. If a person wanted to find you for some important reason, where should he look? The fourth question was simply, "What are the things you spend most of your time doing?" The object was to learn the activities with which the child identified. Since the children had in pre-vious questionnaires spoken freely about their activities, i t was decided that this question could be asked directly. A fifth U16 -question was also tested: 5. I want you to pretend that you are w r i t i n g to a pen p a l f o r the f i r s t time. You are describing your-s e l f to t h i s person. What are the tings that you w i l l say? The f i r s t four questions were tested on some of the chM-ren who previously had answered the question, " I want you to pretend that there i s a person i n t h i s c i t y who wants to f i n d you... Now, what could you say about yourself that would make i t possible f o r t h i s person to f i n d you, out of a l l the other people i n the c i t y ? " The re s u l t s were very encouraging. The children found the four questions much easier to answer and gave more information about themselves. This new questionnaire proved to be superior to the former one i n two ways: i t was easier to answer, and i t directed the respondents' attention. This second feature was p a r t i c u l a r l y valuable because i t kept the respondents from becoming too involved i n any one area. In the o r i g i n a l questionnaire some of the children described i n great d e t a i l a r t i c l e s or people very remote from the s e l f image. The d i f f i c u l t y of directing the interviews was at le a s t p a r t i a l l y overcome through the use of these more direct ques-ti o n s . Since these more direct questions p a r t l y eliminate the necessity of probing f o r answers, they gained more r e l i a b l e responses. These f i v e questions were tested on a number of c h i l d -ren ranging i n age from eight to fourteen years. The r e s u l t s were very promising. Most of the children were able to answer the questions without d i f f i c u l t y . Some of the children were asked - Hit? -questions one to four, and others were asked the f i v e questions. The f i f t h question seemed to be the most d i f f i c u l t f o r the children to answer, regardless i f i t was placed f i r s t or l a s t on the quest-ionnaire. I f the question was asked f i r s t , i t was answered no bet-ter than the question, "Who am I " by the univ e r s i t y students. I f the question was asked after the other four i t produced a repetition of the answers to the previous questions. The only additional type of information e l i c i t e d throught t h i s question was i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with family members and fr i e n d s . In view of these findings, i t seemed reasonable that the f i f t h question should be replaced with a question which would e l i c i t information about the in d i v i d u a l s ' s o c i a l relationships with others. For t h i s reason, the question, "Who are the people closest or most important to you?" replaced the o r i g i n a l f i f t h question. These f i v e questions appeared to cover the topic ad-equately, and to be with i n the comprehension of the children. There-fore, they were used i n the f i n a l interviews. Assimilation Many c r i t e r i a of assimilation were considered before the f i n a l test was decided upon. Some of the c r i t e r i a considered were* teachers' ratings, a b i l i t y to speak and write the English language, physical appearance, manner, attachment to Vancouver, and homesickness. No single c r i t e r i o n seemed adequate f o r judging a - Hi8 -child's degree of assimilation; so i t was decided that a combin-ation of them must be used. The factors chosen to form the ltoasis of a questionnaire were; s a t i s f a c t i o n with Vancouver, homesickness, f o r native country, p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n s o c i a l a c t i v i t i e s of the pres-ent environment, friendships i n the present environment, and use of the English language. A test consisting of two parts was devised f o r study-ing these factors. The f i r s t part was i n the form of a questionnaire containing three sets of questions. The f i r s t set was f o r a l l the children. The second, f o r the German children, and the f i n a l set f o r the Canadian migrant children. The second part of tiie t est was designed f o r interview purposes and consisted of a number of sub-j e c t i v e questions about the children's feelings toward l i f e i n a strange country. There were three separate sets of questions within t h i s interview questionnaire. One set was f o r each of the three basic groups. The purpose of these sets of questions was to act as a check on the f i r s t questionnaire, and to gain further information about the problems encountered by the immigrant children. The o r i g i n a l set number one read: 1. Who are your good friends? 2. When you are not at school with whom do you spend most of your time? 3. With whom do you usually play at school? k» Do you belong to any clubs? What aiheitheir names? 5. Do you take any lessons outside of school? 6. What language i s usually spoken i n your home? a) Is any other ever used? b) What language do your parents speak to each other? - IkS c) What language do your parents speak to you? d) What language do you speak to your parents? 7• Of a l l the places you have l i v e d which one do you l i k e the most? 8. I f you had a choice of l i v i n g i n any place you have ever l i v e d i n , including where you are now l i v i n g which would you choose? 9. Of a l l the places you have l i v e d i n which d i d you f e e l most at home? German children only: 1. Would you l i k e to go back to Germany to l i v e ? 2. Would you l i k e to go back to Germany f o r a v i s i t ? 3. Do you have as much fun with your friends i n Vancou-ver, as you had with your friends i n Germany? i i . What do you l i k e most about Vancouver? 5. What don't you l i k e about Vancouver? 6. Are there p a r t i c u l a r people i n Germany whom you miss? Who are these people? 7. Are there certain things which you did i n Germany that you would l i k e to do here but are not able to? Migrant Canadian children: 1. Would you l i k e to move back to Eastern Canada to l i v e ? 2, Would you l i k e to go back to Eastern Canada f o r a v i s i t ? 3. Do you have as much fun with your friends i n Van-couver as you had with your friends i n the East? k' What do you l i k e most about Vancouver? 5>. What don't you l i k e about Vancouver? 6. Are there p a r t i c u l a r people i n the East whom you miss? 7. Are there certain things which you di d i n the East that you would l i k e to do here but are not able to? In t h i s group of questions many changes were necessary af t e r the f i r s t t r i a l test. Some of the questions were too d i f f -i c u l t f o r the children to understand; some were repetitious and some ambiguous. In making a comparison of the answers, some were not comparable with others. . Therefore they had to be analysed i n - 150 -a q u a l i t a t i v e way, Questions which e l i c i t e d such answers were moved to part two of the questionnaire. As a r e s u l t of t h i s f i r s t t e s t -ing new questions were added and o l d ones omitted. The o r i g i n a l plan was to have the f i r s t questionnaire given to a number of children simultaneously, and to have them write the answers. The second questionnaire was to be used on an interview basis and the children were to be encouraged to discuss the questions f r e e l y . However, because of the language d i f f i c u l t y of the German children, and the younger children's lack of experience with the answering of questionnaires, i t was decided that both quest-ionnaires should be used i n an interview s i t u a t i o n . In the f i r s t questionnaire, the question, "Who are your good friends?" was changed to "Who i s your best f r i e n d ? " This change was necessary i n order to f a c i l i t a t e the comparison of data. The o r i g i n a l question resulted i n a great discrepancy i n the number of friends mentioned by the i n d i v i d u a l children. The children's interpretations of a good f r i e n d seemed to vary a great deal. How-ever, the concept of a best f r i e n d seemed to be universal among the children, as indicated by the answers i n the essays written on the "Who am I " topic. Question number s i x was concerned with language, but i t was omitted from t h i s set of questions. Since the s e t t l e d Canadian children would i n a l l prob-a b i l i t y , be from English speaking homes there was no need to ask them t h i s question. Only one additional question was placed i n - 151 -t h i s set of questions, "Do you take any lessons outside of school?" Since one of the c r i t e r i o n used to evaluate a child's degree of assimilation, the number of community a c t i v i t i e s i n which he par-t i c i p a t e d , t h i s question seemed to present another means of d i s t -inguishing between the w e l l ass i m i l i a t e d and the poorly assimilated children. In the second set of questions which was given only to the German children, and the t h i r d set which was given only to the migrant Canadian children, several changes were necessary. The main reason f o r these alterations was that the questions d i d not a t t a i n the desired information, and they were not e a s i l y understood by the children. Many changes were necessary when the second part of the questionnaire was tested. The o r i g i n a l questionnaire which was de-signed f o r interview purposes read as follows: German children only 1. Did you l i k e moving to t h i s country? Why? 2. What did you f i n d most exciting about coming to Canada? 3. What did you regret most about coming to Canada? h. What was the nicest part about coming to Canada? 5. What was the worst part about coming to Canada? 6. Is i t easy to make friends i n Vancouver? 7. Do you f e e l any d i f f e r e n t l y about Vancouver than when you f i r s t arrived? 8. Do you think that Vancouver children treat you any d i f f e r e n t l y than they treat other children who have always l i v e d here? 9. Do you think that because you used to l i v e i n Germany you are any d i f f e r e n t from other children who have always l i v e d here? 10. What do you miss most about Germany? - 152 -Migrant children only; 1. Did you l i k e moving to Vancouver? Why? 2. What d i d you f i n d most exc i t i n g about coming to Vancouver? 3. What did you regret most about coming to Vancouver? k* What was the nicest part about coming to Vancouver? 5 . What was the worst part about coming to Vancouver? 6. Is i t easy to make friends i n Vancouver? 7. Do you f e e l any d i f f e r e n t l y about Vancouver than when you f i r s t arrived? 8. Do you think that Vancouver children treat you any d i f f e r e n t l y than they tr e a t other children who have always l i v e d here? 9. Do you think that because you used to l i v e i n Eastern Canada you are any different from other children who have always l i v e d i n Vancouver? 10. What do you miss most about the East? Settled Canadian children only, 1. Would you l i k e to move away from Vancouver? Why? 2. What would you miss about Vancouver i f you moved away? 3. What are the things you l i k e about Vancouver? k* What don't you l i k e about Vancouver? In the f i r s t two sets of questions, numbers one to f i v e had to be altered because the children interpreted them as r e f e r r i n g to t h e i r t r i p s to Vancouver and not i n the more general sense i n which they were intended. There were also several words and phrases which had to be changed because the children misinterpreted them. The set of questions, which was designed for the set-t l e d Canadian children had to be completely changed. When t h i s set was tested i t was found that the questions were not meaningful to the children. Since the children had never l i v e d i n any other place but Vancouver, they were unable to compare t h e i r present - 153 -environment with any other. Therefore, t h e i r answers were i n the realm of fantasy, and not comparable to the corresponding sets of questions given to the German and Canadian migrant children. I t was decided that information from the s e t t l e d Canadian children about t h e i r views of the immigrant and migrant children i n Vancouver would be more valuable. With t h i s i n mind an e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t set of questions was designed. I t was devised to gain some know-ledge about the Canadian children's feelings toward the immigrants and migrants, and t h e i r relationship with them. Samples of the tests which were used i n the actual study are included at the end of t h i s appendix. - 151* -INTERVIEW ON THE SELF IMAGE I want you to imagine that you are at a meeting with a l l the other students from your school. Somebody telephones you and you i n v i t e t h i s person over to t a l k with you. This person has never seen you so you must describe yourself to him so that he w i l l be able to f i n d you out of a l l the people at the meeting. What would you t e l l Mm about yourself? Let's say that t h i s person did f i n d you and he came over to t a l k t o you to f i n d out what sort of a person you ware. After he talked to you f o r a while what are: a) some of the things he might f i n d out about you? b) some of the things he might think about you? I f a person wanted to f i n d you f o r some important reason, where are the places that he should look f o r you? Who are the people closest to you? What are the things that you spend most of your time doing? - 155 •-QUESTIONNAIRE ON ASSIMILATION Part A 1. Who i s your best friend? 2. When you are not,at school with whom do you spend most of your time? 3. With whom do you usually play at school? L. Do you belong t o any clubs? ' < • 5. Do you take any lessons outside of school? 6. Do you have a job after school or on Saturdays? 7» Of a l l the places you have l i v e d which one do you lik e . t h e most? 8, I f you had a choice of l i v i n g i n any place you have ever l i v e d i n , which would you choose? Of a l l the places you have l i v e d , i n which do you think you f e l t most at home? Part B Canadian migrant children only: v 1. Would you l i k e to go back to the East to l i v e ? 2. Do you have as much fun with your friends i n Vancouver as you had with your friends i n the East? 3» Are there special people i n the East whom you miss? k» Are there ce r t a i n things which you did i n the East that you would l i k e to do here but are not able t o do? 5. Do you enjoy l i v i n g i n Vancouver as much as i n the East? 6. Is i t easy to make friends i n Vancouver? German children only: 1. Would you l i k e to go back to Germany to l i v e ? 2* Do you have as much fun with your friends i n Vancouver as you - 156 -had with your friends i n Germany? 3. Are there s p e c i a l people i n Germany whom you miss? l i . Are there c e r t a i n things which you did i n Germany that you would l i k e to do here but are not able to do? 5. Do you enjoy l i v i n g i n Vancouver as much as i n Germany? 6. Is i t easy to make friends i n Vancouver? Part C Canadian migrant children: 1. What language i s usually spoken i n your home? a) Is any other ever used? b) What language do your parents speak to each other? c) What language do your parents speak to you? d) What language do you speak to your parents? 2. Are you glad that you moved to Vancouver? Why? 3. What was there i n Eastern Canada that you did not l i k e to leave? i i . What i s the nicest part of l i v i n g i n Vancouver? 5. What i s there about Vancouver that i s not so nice? 6. Do you think that Vancouver children treat you any d i f f e r e n t l y than they treat other childrenwho have always l i v e d i n Vancouver? 7. Do you f e e l any d i f f e r e n t l y about t h i s country from when you f i r s t arrived? 8. Do you think because you used to l i v e i n the East you are any di f f e r e n t from children who have always l i v e d i n Vancouver? e.g. you may have di f f e r e n t ideas or ways of doing things. 9. What do you miss about the East? German immigrant children: 1. What language i s usually spoken i n your home? a) Is any other ever used? b) What language do your parents speak to each other? c) What language do your parents speak to you? d) What language do you speak to your parents? - 357 -2. Are you glad that you moved to Vancouver? Why? 3. What was there i n Germany that you did not l i k e to leave? k» What i s the nicest part of l i v i n g i n Vancouver? 5. What i s there about Vancouver which i s not so nice? 6. Do you think that Vancouver children treat you any d i f f e r e n t l y than they treat other children who have always l i v e d i n Canada? 7 . Do you f e e l any d i f f e r e n t l y about t h i s country than when you f i r s t arrived? 8. Do you think because you used to l i v e i n tBermany you are any di f f e r e n t from children who have always l i v e d i n Canada? e.g. you may have different ideas or ways of doing things. 9. What do you miss about Germany? Settled Canadian children only: 1. Did you know that there i s a class i n your school especially f o r New Canadians? 2. Do you know any students who are i n t h i s class or who used to be i n i t ? a) Do you think that the children i n t h i s class t r y to make friends with the rest of the students i n the school or do they stay i n t h e i r own group? b) Do you think that these children are any different from the other children i n the school? c) Do you think that you learn anything from these New Can-adian students? d) Do you think that the children i n t h i s school t r y to get . to know the students who are i n the New Canadian classes? 3. Do you know any other children who came to Canada from other countries ? h» Do you l i k e to get to know children from other countries? Why? 5. Do you think that these children are any d i f f e r e n t from children who have always l i v e d i n Canada? 6. Do you think that these children enjoy l i v i n g i n a strange country? Why? - 158 -7« Do you know any children who came from distant parts of Canada? 8. Do you "thinkewthatjichildEen who have grown up i n distant parts of Canada are any d i f f e r e n t from children who have always "Lived around Vancouver? - 159 -FOOTNOTES 1. Kuhn and McPartland, op.cit. p. 67. 2. Ibid, p.69. - 160 -APPENDIX B Functional Analysis of the New Canadian u l a s s The New Canadian Classes were incorporated into the Vancouver school system with the aim of instructing the non-English speaking immigrants i n English and c i t i z e n s h i p . The idea underlying the organization of these classes was that the immigrants could progress more quickly i n t h e i r studies i f they spent some time i n a class which placed emphasis on t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r problem. Although the classes were so constructed that the emphasis was on English and c i t i z e n s h i p , some other subjects are taught as w e l l . For example, i f one of the New Canadian Class teachers finds that a c h i l d i s up to a ce r t a i n grade l e v e l i n a l l subjects but one, she w i l l give that c h i l d s p e c i a l coaching i n that s p e c i f i c subject. The administrators believe that the classes are successfully f u l -f i l l i n g the function f o r which they were designed. Some of the immigrant children f e l t that they would progress more r a p i d l y i f they were enrolled d i r e c t l y i nto a regular c l a s s . This view was expressed very w e l l by one of the l i t t l e g i r l s interviewed: " I have two l i t t l e s i s t e r s who are seven and eight years old. They are i n regular classes at another school nearer our home" Question: "Do they speak English very well?" Answer: "Oh, they speak much better than me. They are i n regular classes and use English a l l the time. In the New Canadian class we always speak German at - 161 -recess and noon hour, sometimes during classes too. I t takes much longer to learn English t h i s way" Question: "You think i t i s easier to learn English i n regular class do you?" Answer: "Oh yes, i t i s much better to be i n regular c l a s s * I t i s nice, you get to know children who l i v e near you and you can play with them". This f e e l i n g was also voiced by many of the other children. Although most of them appeared to be quite happy i n th e i r present classes, they were a l l eagerly awaiting the time when they would be placed i n a regular class. The immigrants seemed to regard such a transfer i n the same way that the Canadian children regard a promotion i n t o a higher grade. From the point of view of the classroom teacher, the New Canadian Class i s a very welcome addition to the school system. She favours the class because, i t relieves her of the burden of t r y -ing to give special attention to the non-English speaking students while conducting regular lessons with the other t h i r t y to f o r t y students i n the class. The i n s t r u c t i o n of a c h i l d who cannot speak English presents a great problem to a teacher, especially i f she has a f a i r l y large c l a s s . She i s usually so busy with the cl a s s -room work that she does not have the time to devote to the sp e c i a l needs of the immigrant c h i l d . This problem can be p a r t i a l l y solved by encouraging the brighter children i n the room to assist the imm-igrant children. As w e l l as helping the immigrants with t h e i r immediate problems, such assistance i s l i k e l y to help them become - 162 -acquainted with the children i n t h e i r class. I t also gives the children i n the class some insig h t into the problems encountered by the immigrant children. However, even with the assistance of the members of the cla s s , there i s s t i l l a good deal of extra work for the teacher when she has a non-English speaking c h i l d i n her class * There i s a second reason f o r the teacher favouring the New Canadian Class; i t gives the school administrator an oppor-tunity to evaluate each child's academic c a p a b i l i t i e s before placing him i n a school grade. When a e h i l d from a foreign country enters a school, i t i s most d i f f i c u l t f o r the p r i n c i p a l to accurately evaluate his past work i n terms of the Canadian grading system. Even i f the c h i l d presents reports from h i s former school, they are not l i k e l y to be very meaningful because of the t r a n s l a t i o n and interpretation d i f f i c u l t i e s . I f the p r i n c i p a l places a c h i l d d i r e c t l y into a regular classroom, he i s l i a b l e to place the c h i l d i n the wrong grade. When t h i s happens, the teacher probably w i l l be struggling to teach a c h i l d work which i s too advanced f o r him, or boring him with unnecessary r e p e t i t i o n . In either case the sit u a t i o n i s an undesirable one f o r both the teacher and the c h i l d . The New Canadian classes help to decrease the incidents of such situations. The latent functions of the New Canadian classes seem to be two f o l d . F i r s t l y , to break down the children's former - 163 -group l o y a l t i e s and secondly, to a s s i s t the children to adjust to the Canadian system of education. The f i r s t of these functions i s suggested by the f a c t that the migrants express much stronger l o y a l t y to t h e i r former homes than the immigrants. The New Canadian Class seems to break down the former group l o y a l t i e s of the immigrants, and therefore, makes them more amenable to absorption i n the regular c l a s s . This apparently occurs i n the same way that the 'replacement depots' were found to break down the former group l o y a l t i e s of s o l -diers during the war. Secondly, the New Canadian Class gives the immigrant an opportunity to be with other children who are i n a si m i l a r s i t u a t i o n with himself during a period f i l l e d with adjust-ment problems. Because the immigrant children are able to t a l k over the i r d i f f i c u l t i e s with other children who share the same experience, they are l i k e l y to be less disturbed by them. Dysfunctions There are several dysfunctions of the New Canadian classes. Most important of these i s the tendency they have to distinguish the immigrant children as a d i s t i n c t minority group. Many indications were given during the interviews that the Canad-ians regarded the New Canadian Class as a d i s t i n c t group i n the school. Such comments as the following were common: The kids i n the New Canadian class pretty w e l l stay to themselves. Even when they come in t o the regular classes they play with the kids i n the New Canadian c l a s s . . . Most of them s t i c k to themselves and t a l k behind our backs. Most don't mix w e l l with the Canadians. - I6h -Because the Canadians regarded the immigrant children as members of a separate group i n the school they were i n c l i n e d to use the immigrants as scapegoats. They projected the blame f o r misbehavior on the immigrants. An example of t h i s scapegoating l i e s i n the remark of one boy who blamed the New Canadians f o r s t a r t i n g f i g h t s . "You just have to say sometMng to them and they s t a r t f i g h t i n g " . By distinguishing the immigrant as a separate group i n the school, the classes seem to prolong the time required f o r the Canadians to learn to accept the immigrants as equals. I f the immigrants were enrolled d i r e c t l y into the ifcegular classroom, they probably would be regarded as equals by the Canadian children as soon as they entered the school, instead of spending s i x to eight months as members of a minority group. However, another problem may r e s u l t i f these children were placed d i r e c t l y into the regular c l a s s j would the New Canadians be amenable to absopption into the class? Even i f the Canadians d i d accept them as equals, the immi-grants may not desire to become l i k e the Canadians. Indication was found i n the study that the New Canadian classes made the immigrants more amenable to absorption. However, th i s question could only be answered sati s f a c t o r i l y by a comparative study of two matched groups of immigrant children; one group composed of children who had spent several months i n a New Canadian Class and the other group composed of children who were enrolled .directly into a regular c l a s s . Another way i n which the New Canadian classes seem to - 165 -deter the absorption of the immigrants into the Canadian culture i s by r e s t r i c t i n g t h e i r friendships to fellow immigrants. These f r i e n d -ships between immigrants seem to continue even after the childrenare transferred i n t o regular classes. Many of the children who are placed i n regular classes continue t h e i r old friendships rather than c u l t i v a t e new friendships with t h e i r Canadian classmates. ?his ten-dency i s p a r t i c u l a r l y evident when a group of children are trans-f e r r e d into a regular class, at the same time. They seem to form a small group w i t h i n the class, and f o r sometime, associate only with i t s members. Another dysfunction of the New Canadian classes r e s u l t s from t h e i r d i s t r i b u t i o n throughout the c i t y . Often i t i s necessary f o r the children to t r a v e l a considerable distance across the c i t y to attend a New Canadian Class. The children who have to attend school outside of t h e i r home d i s t r i c t are handicapped i n develop-ing neighborhood friendships. Because of the lack of peer group friendships the children are forced to associate mainly with family members during out-of-school hours. This i n turn slows down the rate at which the children learn to speak English because they speak t h e i r native language almost exclusively when they are home. From the above analysis i t appears that there are several manifest and latent functions of the New Canadian classes, but there are also several dysfunctions. Probably the l a t t e r would be decreased i f the New Canadians could be brought into - 1 6 6 -closer relationship with the Canadian students. This could be arranged by placing the New Canadians i n regular classes f o r such subjects as physical education, music and art - subjects that do not require too much knowledge of the English language. For these subjects, each immigrant could be placed i n a class with children of his own age, Such an arrangement would acquaint the New Canad-ians with children who would be po t e n t i a l playmates f o r him. A l -though such an arrangement presents many administrative problems i t probably would offer many benefits to the immigrant children. Not only would t h i s arrangement help the immigrants and the Canad-ians become acquainted with each other, but i t would give the immigrant children greater opportunity to use the English language. The immigrants should also be given an opportunity to associate with the Canadian students i n the school during a weekly club period. I f the children were given one hour a week during school hours for a special interest club of t h e i r own choice the immigrants would have a chance to meet with Canadian children who have sim i l a r i n t e r e s t s . Once the immigrants have been introduced to the Canadians i n an informal club s i t u a t i o n , theyprobably would develop friendships with them on the playground. Another way i n which the school could a s s i s t the immigrants would be by helping the Canadian children understand and appreciate the New Canadians' d i f f i c u l t i e s . I f the Canadian children were taught about the c u l t u r a l heritage of these children they might become more interested i n developing friendships with - 167 -them and a s s i s t i n g them whenever possible. Such an educational program would have to consist of more than a lecture by the teacher t e l l i n g the children to be nice to the immigrants. I t would have to be a regular unit of study. Perhaps the services of the immi-grants could be enl i s t e d during the course of the educational pro-gram. I t seems that t h i s could be successfully incorporated i n t o the s o c i a l studies program f o r a l l school children. The immigrant children are usually kept i n the New Canadian classes from s i x to eight months} at which time the children are f a i r l y p r o f i c i e n t i n the use of the English language. From the above discussion i t seems l i k e l y that the interests of the immigrants would be better served i f they were removed from the immigrant classes before t h i s time. I f the c h i l d -ren were transferred to regular classes within approximately three to four months after t h e i r a r r i v a l i n the country they would s t i l l gain a basic understanding of the English language and receive a l l the other benefits of the classes without f a l l i n g f a r behind i n the regular school courses, nor being considered as members of a minority group f o r an extended period. The conclusions drawn from the present analysis are that the New Canadian classes should be continued as part of the school system but that certain modifications should be made. As suggested above, i t would be advisable to make arrangements f o r the New Canadian students to j o i n with other classes f o r such subjects - 168 -as physical education, music and a r t . During a weekly club period the immigrants should also be encouraged to associate with the Canadian students. Another way to approach the problem of immigrant assimilation i s through education of the members of the host society. The adjustment d i f f i c u l t i e s of the immigrants probably could be lessened i f the Canadian children understood and appreciated the immigrants' si t u a t i o n . This understanding probably could be f o s -tered by studying the c u l t u r a l background of these children during the s o c i a l studies classes. - 169 -Consent Form Dear Parent or Guardian: I am a s o c i a l science student at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, at present engaged i n a research study. The study i s a comparison between children who have always attended school i n Canada and New Canadian children who have formerly attended school i n another country. I t i s hoped that through t h i s study knowledge, useful i n helping New Canadian children adjust more rapidly, w i l l be gained. To continue t h i s study i t i s necessary to gain the co-oper-ation of many elementary school pupils. I would l i k e the children taking part i n the study to answer one questionnaire and p a r t i c -ipate i n one half hour interview. The questioning and interview-ing w i l l be done i n school at times which w i l l not i n t e r f e r e with the children's school work. In keeping with School Board regulations i t i s necessary to gain your permission before your c h i l d w i l l be allowed to participate i n t h i s project. I am looking forward to your co-operation i n t h i s undertaking and am free at your conven-ience to discuss the matter personally. Yours t r u l y , Margaret Baxter Please complete t h i s form and return i t to the school as soon as possible. Yes,my c h i l d has ray permission to participate i n this project. No, my c h i l d does not have permission to p a r t i c i p a t e i n t h i s proj ect. Signature. - 170 -BIBLIOGRAPHY Allport, Gordon. "The Ego and Contemporary Psychology", Psychological Review, vol.50, no. 5, pp. k 5 l - k 7 8 , Sept. mr. Brown, J.C., "An Experiment i n Role Theory", American  Sociological Review, 17, pp. 587-597, 1952. Bugental, J.F.F. and Zelen, Seymour L., "Investigations Into The Self-Concept", Journal of Personality, 18, pp. k83-k98, 1950. . Cameron, Norman, The Psychology of Behavior Disorders, Boston, Houghton M i f f l i n Co. 19U7. Chodorkoff, Bernard, "Self-Perception, Perceptual Defense, and Adjustment", Journal of Abnormal and Social  Psychology, vol. k9, pp. 508-512, July 195k. Eisenstadt, S.N., The Absorption of Immigrants, The Free Press, Glencoe, I l l i n o i s , 1955. Havighurst, R.J., Robinson, M. and Don, M., "Development of the Ideal Self i n Childhood and Adolescence", Journal of Educational Research, v o l . l 6 , No.kO, pp. 2kl-253, Dec. 19k6. ; Horowitz, R.E., "Racial Aspects of Self-Identification i n Nursery School Children", Journal of Psychology, vol. 11, pp. 91-99, 1539. . . Hsu, F.L.K., (ed.) Aspects of Culture and Personality, Abelard-Schuman, New York, 195k. Huntley, C.¥., "Judgements of Self Based on Expressive Behavior", Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, vol. 35, -pp. 398-k27, 19k0. Hyman, H.H., "Psychology of Status", Archives of Psychology, No.269, 19k2. . James, William, Psychology, Macmillan and Co. Ltd., London, 1906. Kluckhorn, C, Murray, H.A., and Schneider, D.M., (eds.) Personality i n Nature, Society, and Culture, Alfred, A. - 171 -Kuhn, M, and McPartland, T.S.D., "An Empirical Investigation of Self Attitudes", American Sociological Review, vol. 19, pp. 68-76, 1951*. Lindzey, Gardner, (ed.), Handbook of Social Psychology, Addison-Wesley Publishing Co. Inc. Cambridge 1*2, Mass., vol. 1 and 2, 1951;. McPartland, T.S.D., The Self and Social Structure; An Empirical  Approach, University Microfilms, Ann Arbor, Michigan, 1953. McQuitity, Louis, L., "A Measure of Personality Integration i n Relation to the Concept of the Self", Journal of Personality, vol. 18, pp. 1*61-1*82, 19U9/5C Mead, G.H., Mind Self and Society, (Posthumous, C.M.Morris, ed.) The University of Chicago Press, 1931;. Merton, R.K., and Alice S.Kitt, "Contributions to the Theory of Reference Group Behavior", Merton, R.K., and Lazarsfeld, P.F.(ed.) Continuities i n Social Research, The Free Press, Glencoe,.Illinois, 1950. Murphy, Gardner, Personality: A Biosocial Approach to Origins  and Structure, New York, Harper, 191*7. Newcomb, T.M., and Hartley, E.L., Readings i n Social Psychology, New York, H.Holt, 191*7. . Phelan, V.C., "Organization of Migration into Canada", Inter- national Labour Review, vol. LXV, No. 3, pp. 321r3l*7, March Ph i l l i p s , E.L., "Attitudes Towards Self and Others"; A Brief Questionnaire Report", Journal of Consulting Psychology, vol. 15, pp. 79-81, 1951. Russell, D.H., "What Does Research Say About Self Evaluation", Journal of Educational Research, vol. XLVI, pp. 561-573,. April 1953. Thompson, Clara, "Identification With the Enemy and Loss of the Sense of Self", The Psychoanalytic Quarterly, vol. 9, 191*0. Tyhurst,"Libusei ^Displacement and Migration", American Journal  of Psychiatry, vol. CVII, No. 8, pp. 561-568, Feb.1951. 

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