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Some cultural influences contributing to the dissolution of the dual monarchy Koerner, Nicholas Thomas 1958

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SOME CULTURAL INFLUENCES CONTRIBUTING TO THE DISSOLUTION OF THE DUAL MONARCHY by NICHOLAS THOMAS KOERNER B-.Avj University of B r i t i s h Columbia; 1910  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS  in the Department of Slavonic  Studies  We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA A p r i l , 1958  ii  ABSTRACT This inquiry i s concerned with some of the c u l t u r a l influences which contributed to the d i s s o l u t i o n of the Dual Monarchy,  Before an attempt could be made i n this d i r e c t i o n ,  a b r i e f h i s t o r i c a l survey had to precede the detailed analysis, to show the evolution of the Dual Monarchy of the Danube basin from an unpretentious p r i n c i p a l i t y to the "universal" realm i t ultimately became.  Highly important was the mis-  sion of the Hapsburgs, i n t h e i r sincere endeavours as defenders of the C h r i s t i a n f a i t h against the Turk. believed themselves  In this they  to be the champions of Western c i v i l i s -  ation - to them the process of empire building was  legitimate  and f i t t e d i n with the German drive to the East and the rulers thus were able to absorb numerous non-German peoples. Already by 1620 the state had nearly reached i t s greatest degree of expansion. The Hapsburgs during the ensuing centuries achieved much to make the disparate "ramshackle" of a whole: such was  state into some sort  the state-idea, t h e i r substitute f o r  the naturally evolved nation.  This was exemplified by the  dynasty with i t s experienced time tested paternalism, i n which the l a s t Hapsburg emperor, Pranz Joseph, was a past master.  Their system depended h e a v i l y on a conservative  bureaucracy nurtured through generations.  The Roman  Catholic Church served as a handmaiden in helping the  1  Hapsburgs achieve conformity among the many peoples of the  iii  realm i n a way comparable to the process of educational proselytism as practised i n the Army.  Abstract concepts such  as t r a d i t i o n , f i r m l y embedded i n a l l subjects of the Empire, helped i n the process of Gleichschaltung so that a l l the c i t i z e n s i n s t i n c t i v e l y knew t h e i r fixed place i n the state. During the whole nineteenth century convulsive outside influences beset the empirej of what was  to come.  these forces were the harbingers  The French Revolution led on to modern  nationalism, f i r s t only f e l t on an i n t e l l e c t u a l plane i n Central Europe. Eventually there were open revolts i n 18I4.8. Although the r i s i n g s came to nought, t h e i r repercussion great.  was  A f t e r l8£o the n a t i o n a l i t i e s within the empire were  an ever present explosive element and much of the thesis shows the part they played i n the break-up of the old regime. Nationalism was  ad-thar c e n t r i f u g a l , a f f e c t i n g those  p a r t i a l l y within the empire, who  wished to r e j o i n the  remainder of their brethren outside. were i n that p o s i t i o n .  nations  Even the Austro-Germans  It also affected the other two nations  completely within the empire; the Czechs, who  were asserting  themselves strongly and were ripe f o r the winning of independence;  the Hungarians enjoyed special r i g h t s thanks to the  Ausgleich of I867. The French and I n d u s t r i a l revolutions helped also to loosen other t i e s of the empire: the r i s e of industry and of c i t i e s led to a change i n the s o c i a l f a b r i c .  New  communi-  cations made enlightenment easy, even to the common man.  New  iv industry and growth of education man,  shaped the modern secular  a thinking s c e p t i c a l , mundane person, who  was  as d i s -  ruptive a f a c t o r as any; a force stimulating s o c i a l disintegration, already sapping the old t r a d i t i o n a l order. The influence of archaic feudalism and power of the church was waning. army was  Even the " p a t r i o t i c " cohesion achieved  to be challenged,  by  the  and a s p e c i a l appendix devoted  to Svejk w i l l show that the f e e l i n g of localism, also f o s tered by nationalism, would p r e v a i l over state and salism. This was  univer-  true f o r a l l monarchical i n s t i t u t i o n s - the  state could not keep abreast of the new  times, i t s subjects  were changing and were ready f o r r a d i c a l reform - instead of obedient children the state was  faced with doubting adults.  Some prescient diagnosticians foresaw that a catastrophe  was  inevitable.  Kafka and Musll, who i n d i v i d u a l was  Two  novelists are  discussed,  i n their writing demonstrated that the  u t t e r l y frustrated by the unhealthy and  anti-  quated environment around him. The musician, Mahler, was chosen to i l l u s t r a t e how  a r t i s t s were already conscious of  the impending collapse and transmitted  t h i s through his  innate pessimism and s p i r i t u a l uprootedness, of which his works are the vehicle.  F i n a l l y Masaryk i s the prime example  of the frustrated statesman whose outstanding  talents were  rejected because the State did not desire f o r t h r i g h t i n d i v i duals i n power.  The c o n f l i c t of Masaryk with the surviving  old order i s the pivot of the whole argument. f i e d the new  He exempli-  forces which could not be contained  i n the old  V  system, and the i n a b i l i t y of the regime to adjust i t s e l f to the new trends i s what made f o r i t s eventual downfall.  In p r e s e n t i n g the  t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of  r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r an advanced degree at the  University  o f B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree t h a t the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t freely  a v a i l a b l e f o r r e f e r e n c e and  agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may  study.  I further  copying of t h i s  be g r a n t e d by the Head o f  Department o r by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e .  be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n  Department o The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver 8, Canada. Date  d-ffxid  (95ff  my  I t i s understood  that copying or p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s f o r g a i n s h a l l not  thesis  financial  permission.  vi  SOME CULTURAL INFLUENCES CONTRIBUTING TO THE DISSOLUTION OP THE DUAL MONARCHY  CONTENTS CHAPTER I. II. III.  Page 1  HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION FACTORS FOR COHESION  1°  FACTORS FOR DISRUPTION  38  IV. V. VI.  APPENDIX APPENDIX  NATIONALISM IN ACTION  . . . . . 67 3  SEARCH FOR PERSONALITY  1 0  CONCLUSION  122  I. "THE GOOD SOLDIER" I I . STATISTICAL DATA  127 132  A. Population of the Dual Monarchy by n a t i o n a l i t i e s according to language, (1910) . . . . . . .  132  B. Table of r e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n s in the Dual Monarchy, (1910). .  136  C. Table showing d i s t r i b u t i o n of population i n the Dual Monarchy, (1910) 137 APPENDIX I I I . MAP OF DISTRIBUTION OF NATIONALITIES WITHIN THE DUAL'MONARCHY (191i+) . .  138  BIBLIOGRAPHY  139  vii  ACKNOWLEDGEMENT  This thesis has been written under the i n s p i r i n g supervision of Dr. W.J. Rose, whose wisdom and invaluable counsel have l e f t an i n d e l i b l e mark on my memory f o r which I must always remain deeply g r a t e f u l .  To Dr. J . St. C l a i r -  Sobell, Head of the Department of Slavonic Studies, goes my great appreciation f o r h i s patient assistance and constant good advice.  Dr. S.Z. Pech was at a l l times ready  to give me stimulating encouragement and h i s numerous suggestions were of r e a l value. I wish likewise to express my sincere thanks to a l l the members of the Department of Slavonic Studies of the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, under whose guidance I have had the advantage of working f o r the l a s t years.  I am also much indebted  three  to the Department of  History f o r sound teaching and valuable  help.  5  CHAPTER I. HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION The object of this study w i l l be to examine and analyse some of the many factors which contributed to the downfall i n 1 9 1 8 of the Dual Monarchy.  A s p e c i a l attempt  w i l l be made to show that, apart from others, c u l t u r a l and ethnic forces played a prominent part. Before proceeding  with this analysis which w i l l  deal primarily with the l a t t e r half of the nineteenth century and the f i r s t decade of the twentieth century, i t i s necessary to r e f e r by a short narrative to the h i s t o r i c a l background. 1.  x  Two basic questions come to mind here:  How did the Austro-Hungarian monarchy come into being?  2.  What r o l e i n i t did the Hapsburgs play? To answer the f i r s t question, I t may be said that  the Monarchy was a state " s u i generis".  The p r i n c i p a l and  unique feature was the m u l t i p l i c i t y of n a t i o n a l i t i e s i n the realm.  One may therefore ask oneself how did a l l these  nations become fused within the borders of that empire and what were the cohesive f a c t o r s . 1 There i s no continuous h i s t o r y of the Dual Monarchy. Useful as surveys are: Leger, L.P.M., H i s t o i r e de L^Autriche HongriB depuis l e s Orjgines lusau'd L * Anne e 1676. P a r i s . Hachette, 1 0 7 9 ; also Seton-Watson, R.W.. A History of the Czechs and Slovaks. London, Hutchinson, 19i|3. 1  The  geographical position  was the middle Danube  v a l l e y with Vienna as the f o c a l p o i n t , t h e r e f o r e i t was l o g i c a l t h a t i t should become a c a p i t a l ; l a t e r on even an I m p e r i a l one. We have to t h i n k of the Danube v a l l e y as the n a t u r a l p o i n t where E a s t e r n i n v a s i o n s of the f i r s t of the C h r i s t i a n  e r a concentrated.  ten centuries  The i n v a d i n g groups were  A s i a n nomads a c t i n g on the pressure o f movements emanating from as f a r as China. the Magyars.  Of these one o f the more r e c e n t were  By the t e n t h century there were two major  e t h n i c groups on the Danube: the S l a v s and the Magyars. Indeed attempts a t an o v e r a l l empire were a l r e a d y made i n the r e g i o n - e.g. the Moravian Empire o f Svatopluk. At the same time the eastward expansion West i s epitomized purveyors  by the spread  of the  of C h r i s t i a n i t y .  o f t h i s r e l i g i o n were the Germans.  These  The main people  a l s o brought t h e i r own c u l t u r e w i t h them. Thus we see i n 9 6 6 the appearance o f the " O s t a r r i c i , the i n h a b i t a n t s of the E a s t e r n German f e u d a l mark. d a r i e s approximated t o present day A u s t r i a *  I t s boun-  The margraves  of t h i s land were the Babenbergs, and the express purpose of t h i s outpost was the s a f e g u a r d i n g  o f the West from E a s t e r n  i n v a s i o n s , e s p e c i a l l y f r o m the T a t a r s .  I t I s t h i s purpose  by which the Hapsburgs l a t e r J u s t i f i e d the e x i s t e n c e o f t h e i r Empire.  Indeed the a n c i e n t c a s t l e  o f B e r n s t e i n and  others i n the p r o v i n c e o f Burgenland stand witness allegation  t o the p r e s e n t day.  of t h i s  3 The f i r s t decisive v i c t o r y by the Babenbergs over the Hungarians took place i n 955, and the formation of the O s t a r r i c i mark was the natural consummation of t h i s .  The  mark was joined to Bavaria, through some act of expediency of the Holy Roman Empire, but the mark regained Independence In the twelfth century.  The Babenbergs became extinct i n  12ij.6 and the vacant throne was claimed by Frederick I I , the Holy Roman Emperor. ing  Frederick had some d i f f i c u l t y In prevent-  the Margrave of Baden, Henry, from securing the unlawful  possession of the Duchy.  On Frederick's death Otakar of  Bohemia made himself master of the mark as well as of other territories.  From t h i s we can see that as yet the Danube  area was a sort of no-man's land: the empires were s t i l l f l u i d and there was always p o t e n t i a l c o n f l i c t f o r the mastery, Otakar's conquests were cut short In 1278. He was defeated on the Marchfeld by the new emperor, Rudolf, the founder of the House of Hapsburg.  This i s an important event  for not only did Rudolf's v i c t o r y c a l l a h a l t to Otakar's imperial ambitions but now f o r the f i r s t time a Hapsburg played an important role i n Central Europe.  Thus was  ushered i n an era of domination which was to go on u n t i l the breakup of their empire In 19l8< Although no further progress In Hapebiirg c o n s o l i dation was made u n t i l the sixteenth century; mention should be made of the Emperor Frederick I I I . This monarch cherished vast designs, most of which never came into being: but he did  coin the famous phrase, Austriae est imperare orbi  universe. - AEIOU, " I t i s f o r Austria to rule the whole world."  This phrase became something of a Hapsburg motto,  and we s h a l l discuss l a t e r i t s s i g n i f i c a n c e f o r Austrian nationalism. Another famous maxim of the Hapsburgs: " B e l l a gerant a l i i , tu f e l l x Austria nubel" - " l e t others make war, you fortunate A u s t r i a make marriages " came true when 1  Maximilian betrothed h i s son to a Spanish princess i n 1^-79, thus extending Hapsburg dynastic influence f a r a f i e l d .  It  was through the marriage-bed as well as conquest that the Hapsburgs acquired new  territories.  Charles V, the son of Maximilian, succeeded to the Spanish throne i n lf>19 and relinquished the Eastern part of the empire to Ferdinand. Polish-Hungarian  Ladislav I I , the son of the  king, Ladislas Jagellon, was drowned while  escaping from the f a t e f u l b a t t l e f i e l d of Mohacs i n lj?26. Ferdinand  was  thus enabled  Bohemia and Hungary.  to make good h i s claim to  With t h i s step the Austro-Hungarian  stateform took i t s beginning.  Accordingly 15>26 stands  with 1278 as a v i t a l date i n the genealogy of the Dual Monarchy. Why  did the Czechs and Hungarians not object to  the loss of their sovereignty at the hands of the Hapsburgs?  C h i e f l y because the n o b i l i t y of both countries  saw  many material advantages i n collaborating with them: i t could help them to maintain t h e i r feudal lordship.  The  Hungarians did object, but when i t came to the choice of  Hapsburg or Turk they chose the former.  Secondly because  nationalism as we know i t i n the nineteenth century was s t i l l undeveloped.  Such national feelings and sentiments  as did exist were r a p i d l y wiped out by the conquerors, witness the Czech defeat at Biia'Hora^ (1620) and i t s dire consequences, r e s u l t i n g i n the v i r t u a l extinction of the Czech nation.  The f i n a l conquest of Hungary also took  place by battle i n 168? at Budapest, when the Hapsburgs vanquished the Turks but simultaneously subdued the Magyars. The year 1620 thus signalled the successful bid of the dynasty f o r universal monarchy. The next important event i n our h i s t o r i c a l account Is the Pragmatic Sanction of 1713."*  This decree was issued  by the Emperor Charles VI who, having no male issue, settled h i s dominions on h i s daughter Maria Theresa. The avowed aim was the maintenance  of Hapsburg dominions, t h e i r  unity and i n d i v i s i b i l i t y . The important feature of this Pragmatic Sanction was i t s acceptance by the "dominions" - i . e . by the regional a r i s t o c r a c i e s , known as Estates.  The f i r s t to accept,  i n t e r e s t i n g l y enough, were the Croats: but the c r u c i a l d e c i sions were those made by the Hungarian Estates.  This body  Czech f o r "White Mountain," famous b a t t l e f i e l d i n near v i c i n i t y of Prague. 2  3 Pragmatic Sanction Is a solemn ordinance or degree of the head of a kingdom r e l a t i n g to either church a f f a i r s or to matters of state.  6 accepted  i t s own pragmatic sanction only In return f o r " a l l  existing r i g h t s , l i b e r t i e s , p r i v i l e g e s , immunities, tives and recognized  customs".  t r i e n n i a l parliaments,  preroga-  These included a pledge of  the establishment  of a Council of  lieutenancy of Pest, and above a l l s t r i c t maintenance of county autonomy - the bulwark of Hungarian l i b e r t i e s . Therefore, the pragmatic sanction may be regarded as the precursor of the Ausgleich of 1867,  of which more below.  I t Is one of  the acts which stamped an i n d e l i b l e mark on the structure of the l a t e r empire. Maria Theresa's p r i n c i p a l contribution, so f a r as i n t e r n a l a f f a i r s were concerned, was the creation of a bureaucratic system, a far-reaching project and feature of the Empire with which t h i s thesis i s concerned.  The f i r s t  step came In 171+8 with a f i n a n c i a l move - the Decennial F i n a n c i a l recess of Bohemia.  This was a move toward f i d u -  c i a r y centralism culminating i n the United Bohemian-Austrian Bureau, an o f f i c e located In Vienna, which remained the guiding body f o r Bohemia u n t i l l81j.8.  A new State Council  was also established, and justice was centralised i n the imperial c a p i t a l . defined.  In 175>1 the l o c a l administration was also  The Uj. provinces obtained  responsible to Vienna.  t h e i r Gubernia, but were  Under the Gubernia came the D i s t r i c t  o f f i c e s with captains at t h e i r head (Kreisamter and Kreishauptmanner r e s p e c t i v e l y ) . The bodies were responsible f o r the t o t a l administration of t h e i r domains, from public order to the control of weights and measures - thus running  7 through the whole gamut o f b u r e a u c r a t i c work. of  Uniformity  a d m i n i s t r a t i o n was the motto. The  aim o f Maria Theresa  was e n l i g h t e n e d  absolutism.  An I n t e r e s t i n g comparison might be made between h e r p o l i c y and  t h a t o f Catherine  of R u s s i a . k  With Joseph, Enlightenment reached  i t s highest  p o i n t ; a t o p i c which w i l l be d e a l t with more f u l l y f u r t h e r on, because h i s achievement provided f e r t i l e ground f o r seeds which grew i n t o the f l o w e r o f o p p o s i t i o n and d e s t r u c tion.  The s p i r i t o f l i b e r a l i s m was to have c u r i o u s f a r  reaching  consequences. Among Joseph's reforms were t h e s e :  1.  The p a r t i a l a b o l i t i o n o f f e u d a l i s m and serfdom.  2.  Church reform - the papacy was deprived o f c o n t r o l over the c l e r g y .  3.  Church e d u c a t i o n  1|.  Civil  5>.  R e l i g i o u s t o l e r a t i o n granted and  supervised by the government.  marriage. t o the P r o t e s t a n t s  Orthodox f a i t h s .  The years of Joseph's e v e n t f u l r e i g n , 1780-90, saw the e x p l o s i o n of the F r e n c h r e v o l u t i o n which i n f l u e n c e d  events  on the Danube d u r i n g the n i n e t e e n t h century j u s t as i t d i d i n the r e s t of Europe.  Of paramount importance from now  onward i s the emergence o f the n a t i o n a l i d e a . k A f t e r German AufklSrung shallow and p r e t e n t i o u s i n t e l l e c t u a l i s m , unreasonable contempt f o r a u t h o r i t y and t r a d i t i o n ; a p p l i e d e s p e c i a l l y t o the F r e n c h Philosophes of the e i g h t e e n t h century.  8 Out of the revolution came the r i s e of Napoleon and h i s eventual defeat. Hungary was  Notable f o r the h i s t o r y of A u s t r i a -  the d i s s o l u t i o n of the Holy Roman Empire by  Napoleon In 1806, which formally put an end to an I n s t i t u t ion long since moribund.  However, i t created the problem  of German hegemony i n the nineteenth century, by preventing the Hapsburgs from dominating  Greater Germany.  The defeat of Napoleon i n l8lf> was followed by the Congress system, whose watchdog was man  the Austrian states-  - the ever v i g i l a n t Prince Clemens Metternich.  He  epitomised the inherited idea of the Congress sytem i n the phrase "put the clock back", and t h i s he proceeded to do both In i n t e r n a l and external matters. was done by over-zealous bureaucracy,  In the former I t one further move In  tightening the administrative s t r a i t j a c k e t . Nevertheless new  ideas from the West were i r r e s i s t -  i b l y seeping through; the concept and practice of separate nationalism and the advent of the new the consequent growth of towns.  i n d u s t r i a l age with  Not only the small n o b i l -  i t y but the burghers could begin to absorb the new  ideas.  The combination  of Enlightenment and of nationalism was  bearing f r u i t .  The success of the Greeks i n the eighteen-  twenties and the Polish r i s i n g s of 1830-31 against Tsardom helped things on. The stimulus given by Johann Gottfried Herder,^ ^ Kohn, H., 1931,  pp.  The Idea of Nationalism. New York, Macmillan,  k27-1&T.  9 the  father of nationalism, to " f o l k cultures" fed the f i r e s  of romanticism i n l i t e r a t u r e ; thus the r e b i r t h of the Czech language culminated i n the creation of the Bohemian Museum and the Academy of Sciences. of  This also saw the appearance  the f i r s t Czech poetry of Jan K o l l a r . In  iQkk  the Hungarian d i e t began to carry on i t s  debates In Magyar, and there was a general clamour f o r Hungarian independence.  It.was therefore l o g i c a l that any  new revolutions i n the West would set o f f sparks i n the smouldering cinders of Central Europe and this i s exactly what happened  i n l8Ij.8.  The whole year was marked by insur-  rections i n Austria-Hungary. The main events were : March 18^3; a r i s i n g i n Vienna and a Hungarian proclamation of independence by Louis Kossuth; the famous 10 points of Francis Dea'k. A p r i l l81j.8; meetings i n Prague, the Czechs demand autonomy.  The Emperor eventually promises a constitution.  Vienna rebels from a "committee of safety". June l8Lj-8; the holding of the Pan Slav congress i n Prague - the f i r s t of Its kind. banded by m i l i t a r y action.  However i t was  dis-  The end i n view of the Congress  was equality of status under the Emperor. October l8ij.8; parliament assembly In Kromeriz'; leading to a proposed constitution which would adopt 6 Naialer, L., I 8 I 1 8 . Revolution of the I n t e l l e c t u a l s . Proceedings of the B r i t i s h Academy, v o l . XXX , 19I|4> PP« 1611  283.  10 federalization.  This was to happen In March I8I4.9 but the  constitution never materialised. The forces of reaction moved In to counteract the revolutionary steps.  General Prince Alfred Windischgratz  b r u t a l l y crushed the .Prague r i s i n g s immediately following the Pan-Slav Congress.  Indeed PieId-Marshall Johann  Radetzky put down r i s i n g s i n I t a l y during that f a t e f u l year. In A p r i l of  a Hungarian republic was pro-  claimed by the national p a t r i o t Kossuth, and this act led to a campaign against the Hungarians by the Hapsburgs. The Russians came to the aid of the dynasty, ostensibly to help fellow Slavs, the Croats. The revolts of I8I4.8 and l8I|.9 were abortive. E s s e n t i a l l y they were "a revolution of the intellectuals"'' to use the phrase of Professor Namier. in i n Austria.  7  Repression then set  The leading statesmen, Alexander Bach and  Prince P e l i x Schwarzenberg,  were reactionaries.  Emphasis  was l a i d on further bureaucracy and on Germanization.  For  example the Hungarians l o s t their h i s t o r i c a l i d e n t i t y and t h e i r state was temporarily abolished.  In l8f?5 a church  concordat was concluded giving the clergy more powers especi a l l y i n education. But external events profoundly affected i n t e r n a l business i n the Empire during the e i g h t e e n - f i f t i e s . Prussia wanted to weaken Austria to prevent her from having influence Namier, o£. c i t . . p. l 6 l .  11 i n German a f f a i r s .  B e r l i n therefore instigated I t a l y ,  together with Prance, to carry on Its campaign against Austria.  This proved disastrous f o r the l a t t e r  country.  At Solferino (185>9) A u s t r i a not only lost her b a t t l e but also had to give up Lombardy.  The  I t a l i a n v i c t o r y was  signal to Austria to put her house In order.  a  This was done  by two measures: 1. The October diploma of i860. of this measure was the provinces.  The essence  to give more autonomy to the Lander,  Each province was  allowed  to have a d i e t .  2. The February patent of 1861.  This made prov-  isions f o r each diet to elect representatives to the Reichsrath - the c e n t r a l parliament.  But there was  no d i r e c t representation; the franchise was  still  doctored.  In  Seton-Watson's f e l i c i t i o u s phrase " e l e c t o r a l geometry was f o r a generation to come one of Austria's leading industries",  and an emergency paragraph empowered the state  council ( i . e . i n e f f e c t the Emperor) to override p a r l i a ment. But the r i v a l r y with Prussia continued, and led to the war of 1866.  Bismarck defeated the Austrians at  Sadowa and thus put an end to Austria's hegemony i n Germany.  But the conqueror did not go on to Vienna, to  bring humiliation on the Emperor. Franz Joseph was now  forced to undertake a  thorough-going reform and steps were taken to reach the Seton-Watson, R.W.,  op_. c i t . , p.  199.  12  famous Ausglelch with Hungary.  The terms of t h i s  important  c o n s t i t u t i o n a l move were as follows: 1. The Magyars have dominant influence i n the ancient lands of St. Stephen, including the "subject peoples". 2 . Austria i s to dominate the remaining  1 7 provin-  ces according to the February patent. 3. A u s t r i a and Hungary were united i n a personal union under one monarch, but each was  to have i t s own army  units. if.. They share common m i n i s t r i e s of war, foreign a f f a i r s and finance. f>. Delegations from both sides were to meet,every two years to discuss subjects under (1+). These were to consist of 6 0 members from each of the Austrian and Hungarian d i e t s . 6. A mutual t a r i f f agreement. Such was  the Dual Monarchy framework which sur-  vived varying c r i s e s u n t i l the crowning one of 1 9 2 4 . sort of picture does i t present to us? Dual Monarch was  What  F i r s t of a l l the  a great power and ranked as such i n Euro-  pean diplomacy u n t i l i t s d i s s o l u t i o n .  This thesis w i l l  not deal with external a f f a i r s , but these did play t h e i r part: f o r instance the consequences of Sadowa as noted above, and the influence which i t had on the Ausgleich. F i n a l l y there was  the I t a l i a n "threat" a l l around the  Adriatic. We are concerned, however, with the i n t e r n a l structure of the Empire a f t e r  1867•  There were two  13 v i r t u a l l y independent u n i t s j 9 Austrian, Cisleithania, l e i than i a.  1 0  1.  The  the Western p a r t w h i c h  the Magyar dominated E a s t ,  was Trans-  o n l y l i n k s w h i c h h e l d them t o g e t h e r were:  The  d y n a s t y - a l l e g i a n c e t o the Hapsburgs.  2. The  army - p a r t i c u l a r l y r e g a r d i n g the i d e a  of common defence. 3.  Economic i n t e r e s t s .  The whole empire was more  or l e s s an economic u n i t .  Broadly  speaking,  the a g r i c u l t u r a l E a s t p r o v i d e d the raw materi a l s f o r the i n d u s t r i a l West.  Thus t h e r e  was  an exchange of i n d u s t r i a l goods and  agricul-  t u r a l raw m a t e r i a l s .  also a  m u t u a l l y arranged  And  t h e r e was  t a r i f f system t o take c a r e  o f the f l o w o f goods. Otherwise the two " h a l v e s . " (Austro-Germans),  t h e r e were s t r o n g d i f f e r e n c e s between The Western h a l f c o n s i s t e d o f A u s t r i a n s  C z e c h s , P o l e s , Slovenes  and I t a l i a n s .  The  c o n t r o l was v e s t e d i n German hands b u t w e s t e r n i z a t i o n and I n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n p l a y e d havoc w i t h t h i s .  The  nationalities  under the German yoke were a l r e a d y c o n s c i o u s of t h e i r p o l i t i c a l growth and of t h e i r p o t e n t i a l Concessions  independences.  were bound t o come and d u r i n g the l a t t e r  half  of the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y the " s u b j e c t " p e o p l e s began t o 9 C i s l e i t h a n i a - Lands west of R i v e r L e i t h a ; used i n s t e a d o f cumbrous term "The Kingdoms and l a n d s r e p r e s e n t e d by the R e i c h s r a t h , " i . e . the 17 p r o v i n c e s under the F e b r u a r y p a t e n t . T r a n s l e I t h a n i a - Lands e a s t of R i v e r L e i t h a , used i n s t e a d o f ''The' Lands under the Crown o f S t . Stephen," c f . C h a p t e r V. (on H u n g a r i a n n a t i o n a l i s m ) . 1 0  1^ enjoy more representation.  Also during this period further  educational p r i v i l e g e s were extended  to them, but only a f t e r  b i t t e r and prolonged c o n f l i c t . The Germans could not carry out a thorough and r e a l Germanization of the other ethnic groups.  These latter  were even suffered to develop i n d u s t r i a l l y , and a l l that they lacked was r e a l independence.  What they were expected  to do was to show due respect f o r the dynasty and the prev a i l i n g regime j they had to submit also to German hegemony, and to comply with the ordinary obligations of the c i t i z e n , f o r example, the paying of taxes. In marked contrast to this was the s i t u a t i o n prev a i l i n g i n the Eastern or Hungarian part of the Empire. Here the dominating people were the Magyars.  Under t h e i r sway  were the following Slav n a t i o n a l i t i e s : Slovaks, Croats and Ruthenians, l a t e r the Serbs and also the .Latin Roumanians. There were more Roumanians In the extreme south-east corner.  A l l these n a t i o n a l i t i e s were treated i n a more or  less equal way by the Magyars as subject peoples, as underlings.  The Magyars were by t h e i r h i s t o r y and t r a d i t i o n  rabid n a t i o n a l i s t s - a t y p i c a l Herrenvolk.  They believed  themselves to be the "chosen people", and their t r a d i t i o n i n the f i g h t f o r independence led to extreme chauvinism. the Hungarian dominated  and feelings of superiority  The form which t h i s took In  t e r r i t o r i e s was a deliberate and  b r u t a l imposition of Magyar culture on the subject peoples. A l l languages and cultures were suppressed, and the e x i s tence of a l l n a t i o n a l i t i e s other than Magyar was ignored.  This state of things might be tolerated i n pre-1789 Europe, but i t became increasingly d i f f i c u l t as the nineteenth century advanced. had to be found.  Some solution of the growing tensions  CHAPTER I I . FACTORS FOR COHESION Introduction I n t h i s p a r t o f the s t u d y we s h a l l d e a l w i t h some of the v a r i o u s f o r c e s i n the Hapsburg Monarchy w h i c h h e l d the empire t o g e t h e r , l i n k s w h i c h f o r g e d t h e d i s p a r a t e p a r t s i n t o some k i n d o f a whole. Much has been made o f the e x p r e s s i o n " r a m s h a c k l e " i n speaking  o f the A u s t r o - H u n g a r i a n empire.  has been a p p l i e d m a i n l y The  This  reference  t o the c o n g e r i e s o f n a t i o n a l i t i e s .  empire was a m u l t i - n a t i o n a l s t a t e p a r e x c e l l e n c e .  There  were a t l e a s t twelve d i s t i n c t n a t i o n a l i t i e s : Germans, H u n g a r i a n s , Czechs, S l o v a k s , R u t h e n i a n s , S l o v e n e s ,  Serbs,  C r o a t s , I t a l i a n s , Roumanians and J e w s .  ethnic  1  A l l these  groups had d i f f e r e n t p o i n t s o f v i e w f r o m each o t h e r , a l l may be s a i d t o have d i f f e r e n t " f o l k " c u l t u r e s a l s o , r o o t e d of course i n speech, t r a d i t i o n and h a b i t a t . was no apparent u n i t y , o n l y d i v e r s i t y .  I n s h o r t , there  I f t h e r e l i g i o u s and  g e o g r a p h i c a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s are i n c l u d e d we a r e f a c e d a political,  with  s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l chequerboard.  Nevertheless, groups and u n i t s .  some bonds u n i t e d a l l the d i s p a r a t e  I n t e r n a l and e x t e r n a l p r e s s u r e s were  There was no u n i t y o f o p i n i o n as t o whether the Jews should be c l a s s e d as a d i s t i n c t n a t i o n a l i t y o r r e f e r r e d t o i n terms o f J u d a i c r e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n . See C h a p t e r I I I on C e n t r i f u g a l N a t i o n a l i s m . 16 A  17 constantly at work on the empire, any of which could have made trouble or even wrought havoc with the whole. Notwithstanding t h i s , i t weathered a l l storms u n t i l the c r i s i s of  19U+-15.  H i s t o r i c a l l y these peoples of the Danube v a l l e y had been constrained to work and  l i v e together by the threat  of Islam which was not removed u n t i l the middle of the eighteenth century.  This did much to weld  neighbouring  peoples together i n defence of t h e i r land and f a i t h . came the period of Enlightenment. and influence of new  Then  This era of free-thinking  ideas made f o r changes.  Joseph II  unleashed forces which were larger and more potent than he was ever able to foresee.  One d i r e c t effect was  a  development of nationalism through'revivification of languages.  The grammarian Josef Dobrovsky, f o r example,  was a child of Enlightenment.  His work on r e v i v i n g the  Czech language l a i d a f i r m foundation f o r nationalism; yet these new  factors did not immediately loosen the bonds of  empire. Secondly, Enlightenment made men the clock forward".  It spread  think - i t "put  the idea that the. old order  was not by any means the best or the permanent one; i t led to p o t e n t i a l revolutionary movements but these did not come to f r u i t i o n either.  Why  did the freeing of men's minds  not undermine the empire at that time: e s p e c i a l l y since the emotional urge of Rousseau's teaching and the e x c i t i n g experience  of the revolution i n Prance stimulated n a t i o n a l i s t  16 ambitions  everywhere.  C l e a r l y the t i e s of empire must have  been strong and we s h a l l see i n a moment what they were. Actually i t was only the third French revolution (I8Z4.8) which precipitated open r e v o l t i n Central Europe as noted e a r l i e r but none of them r e a l l y were e f f e c t i v e against the p r e v a i l i n g order. Solferino defeat i n 18^9  External events such as the  at the hands of I t a l y meant loss  of t e r r i t o r y , but the body and f a b r i c of the empire were v i r t u a l l y unimpaired* the Ausgleich of 1867.  Sadowa i n 1866  had only one  The ship of state r e f i t t e d  effect— sailed  on u n t i l 192J4. and It might have gone on further but f o r the conflagration of 1914-18. In the nineteenth century nationalism was.becoming a power on the European scene.  P o l i t i c a l f r o n t i e r s of  the continent remained unchanged, but they were threatened by national f e e l i n g s and ambitions. were united.  I t a l y and Germany  The Ottoman empire i n Europe was  very largely by the n a t i o n a l i t i e s within i t .  cut down, The structure  of Austria, with more n a t i o n a l i t i e s than the Ottoman empire, stood as before while the Magyars achieved  their  ambition: to rule t h e i r h a l f of the monarchy regardless of the r i s i n g tide of discontent i n the national minority groups. It appears, therefore, that some potent forces were at work which held the empire together: what were they and how  did they operate.  The v i t a l i t y and  viability  of the realm was amazing and a f u l l explanation f o r this  19 should be offered. A glance at ecology and geography should give us a hint.  The Danube v a l l e y area i s a natural physical unit.  The Danube and i t s t r i b u t a r i e s , the. Morava, TIsza, Drava and Sava r i v e r s , are the artery and blood vessels respectively.  Even the geographic boundaries are w e l l -  defined; the Austrian Alps i n the west, the Bohemian saucer i n the north-east,  the Tatra and Carpathian mountain  defences against the Eastern invader.  There i s much rea-  son f o r physical togetherness. We have seen that the Hapsburgs were the chief architects of union.  Individually they were long-lived,  and the longevity of r u l e r s w i l l always have influence on tradition.  More than that, behind them were the shadows  of older empires of the past: the glory of the Roman Imperium, of the Holy Roman Empire and of Catholicism with i t s concept of universalism.  F o r dynamic they could also  count on the expansive force of the German peoples from the l a t e r Middle Ages, the natural drang nach Ost.en. gave them a l l the halo associated with pioneering.  This,  The  Ost Reich was only one, the most f r u i t f u l and successful one, of many German outposts i n Europe, from the shores of the B a l t i c to the A d r i a t i c .  ^ Steed, H.W., The Hapsburg Monarchy. London, Constable, 1919, which was written i n Vienna and f i r s t published i n 1913, i s an indispensable reference f o r t h i s section, as an o v e r a l l p o r t r a i t of the s i t u a t i o n at the time.  20 Tradition We have mentioned  t r a d i t i o n : what does I t mean?  L i t e r a l l y I t i s the action of handing over something from one generation to another: a long established custom or method of procedure, which at times seems to acquire the v a l i d i t y of a law. Dual Monarchy?  In what ways did this operate i n the  On whom did the impact of t r a d i t i o n f a l l  and what did i t mean f o r them? (l) The Common Man (for centuries a serf) In him we see l o c a l t r a d i t i o n at work.  He was  l o y a l to h i s family and to the land which fed him, he was adscriptus glebae.  His gaze was directed on h i s v i l l a g e  and on the castle above i t .  Before the coming of the  railways, lack of communications would preclude h i s knowing the outside world at a l l , except perhaps by hearsay. Of one t r a d i t i o n he was f u l l y cognizant: the f o l k element and h i s v i l l a g e .  He would know h i s native language,  although he was probably not conversant with German, Hungarian or c e r t a i n l y hardly Latin.  He would know some of the  f o l k songs, tales and legends; knew some l o c a l h i s t o r y and even was aware of national h i s t o r y on a wider sphere. But his f e e l i n g of community w i l l be l o c a l . The peasant i n a v i l l a g e owed allegiance to h i s master.  The feudal t r a d i t i o n prevailed: the commoner was  the f i e f and had to perform l o c a l m i l i t a r y service. I f  21 the master was benevolent, the vassal would w i l l i n g l y follow him; in,any case the former would be obeyed because the l a t t e r had h i s own existence to think about: the Brotfrage• Lastly there was  the parochial r e l i g i o u s f e e l i n g .  The commoner would think of h i s p r i e s t as confessor and teacher.  The r e l i g i o u s t r a d i t i o n of u n i v e r s a l i t y  the end of the pyramid here.  reached  The v i l l a g e p r i e s t was  the  lowest rung of the e c c l e s i a s t i c a l ladder, but i n many ways the most i n f l u e n t i a l .  He could teach the lessons of  paternalism, l o y a l t y to the dynasty and church, and f e a l t y to the Lord better than anyone else. In every part of the Monarchy, from Slovenia to Russia, the pattern was  the  same, with state and church wanting the v i l l a g e f o l k to remain children,  obedient and f a i t h f u l ^ and asking as few  questions as possible. (2) The n o b i l i t y and landowners Here the l o y a l t i e s were to the class and to the throne.  One might almost approach i t i n Marxist terras:  the objective of the landowner i s the status quo - opposition to anybody who  would want to take land away from him.  Therefore by t r a d i t i o n the landowner would c l i n g to the existing order: i . e . the dynasty, church,  loyalty  to h i s own class rather than national or r e l i g i o u s f e e l i n g . There was a free-masonry that cemented a l l "people of blood" together. Landowning by i t s e l f made f o r conservatism.  The  22 landowner d e s i r e d  c o n t i n u i t y of t e n u r e .  He knew t h a t  the  e s t a t e w h i c h he owned and managed^ had been e s t a b l i s h e d owned by h i s a n c e s t o r s . on t o h i s h e i r s .  He wanted, t h e r e f o r e , t o pass i t  There was  At the top, he would owe would be  and  a strong f a m i l y  tradition.  a l l e g i a n c e t o the emperor, he  "the K a i s e r ' s man"  - the most l o y a l of  servants  t o the monarch. (3)  Politics Here we  t h i n k p r i n c i p a l l y of V i e n n a , f o r i t was .' v  -  t  t h e r e t h a t the e s s e n t i a l i n s t r u m e n t s of s t a t e were l o c a t e d . F i r s t of a l l , V i e n n a was traditions  the I m p e r i a l c i t y . I t embodied  the  of the t h r o n e , hot as a l o c a l phenomenon but  one  embracing the whole r e a l m .  One  s i d e Rome, or even J e r u s a l e m , of s t a t e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n .  thought of V i e n n a V i e n n a was  a l s o the  t a x e s coming i n . T h i s  meant much s i n c e the whole s t a t e machine had there.  centre  There e x i s t e d a two-way t r a f f i c ,  of a d m i n i s t r a t i o n g o i n g out and  quarters  along-  V i e n n a was  c o n t r o l l e d the body p o l i t i c .  its.head-  the b r a i n w h i c h s u p e r v i s e d  A f t e r 1867,. the t h r e e most  i m p o r t a n t government f u n c t i o n s were d e f e n s e , f i n a n c e external a f f a i r s . Vienna.  As we  The  and  and  h e a d q u a r t e r s of a l l three were at  s h a l l see  the army t r a d i t i o n presupposed  above a l l l o y a l t y to the empire. J u s t i c e with a l l i t s trappings  was  also  rep-  r e s e n t e d i n V i e n n a by the sumptuous J u s t i z m i n i s t e r i u m . A c r o s s the f r o n t of the Hofburg g a t e were the words  23  J u s t i t i a Imperil Fundamentum.  In fact the palaces of the  Ring, most of them b u i l t i n the second h a l f of the nineteenth century represented  the complete picture of j/ienna's  .place i n the empire - the Hofburg, museums, u n i v e r s i t y and the Opera.  We come i d the Imperial Parliament:  Reichsrath.  the  To be sure, this body did not represent  democracy at i t s best; yet i t b u i l t up a formal semblance of representative government which would eventually have been realized In f a c t .  It did provide a forum f o r open  discussion, i n which men'like Masaryk could become famous. The bureaucratic t r a d i t i o n which also centred In Vienna Is a special topic.  This was  the executive arm of  the government f o r which a v e r i t a b l e hierarchy had grown up since Maria Theresa's day. teenth century developments.  It was nourished by nineAustria can claim to have  had the f i r s t railway i n continental Europe, Linz to Budweis (181+3) . This soon became a huge network l i n k i n g a l l the Important c i t i e s .  The government owned and ran i t ,  and a vast bureaucracy developed beginning with the humble but self-important station master and culminating i n the councillors i n the Viennese ministry.  Thus there  another t r a d i t i o n b u i l t up that transcended aries .  One  language was  spoken by those who  national boundran i t - German.  On the railways Germans or Magyars got but there was  was  preference  a chance f o r a l l , at least i n C i s l e i t h a n i a .  For instance, when the Czechs obtained educational e q u a l i t y i n the eighteen-eighties t h e i r capacity f o r work increased.  2k A l l the higher posts were i n Vienna so the o f f i c i a l  was  forced to move: therefore i n h i s climb up the ladder the Czech would become a true empire servant. At bottom the education given i n school and university was a moving force behind t r a d i t i o n . elementary  The  schools fostered i t i n the hearts of the young  by putting a halo around the emperor and h i s family. The chief task of the middle schools and u n i v e r s i t i e s came to be to prepare candidates f o r the c i v i l service, who would accept the great t r a d i t i o n . control.  A l l of these were under state  As f o r the l a t t e r , after 1882 when the Czechs  secured t h e i r own u n i v e r s i t y i n Prague, alongside the German, there were i n A u s t r i a eight u n i v e r s i t i e s i n a l l : Vienna, Innsbruck,  Graz, and Prague with German; Cracow  and Lvov with Polish; Zagreb with Croatian and Prague with Czech as a language of Instruction; tion was  The humanist t r a d i -  strong, a Catholic t r a d i t i o n was  taught i n Latin,  and the academic standards were equal to the best i n Europe. Catholicism We have indicated i n the f i r s t chapter why Hapsburg Empire flourished.  the  I t s raison d ' e t r e was i t s  role as the defender of Eastern Europe against the i n f i d e l in p a r t i c u l a r the Turk on the Danube.  Here the family f u l -  f i l l e d a mission f o r centuries, not only f o r themselves but also f o r Europe. Western c i v i l i z a t i o n grew out of a  combination  25 of a universal church and a universal state i n which the Church provided the formative influence.  This was  symbol-  ised already i n 800 A.D. by the crowning of Charlemagne as Emperor i n Rome.  The church meant union under one  Pope, one f a i t h , one hierarchy.  It also stood guard over  culture, and I t s one language - Latin - was a potent unifying force. The Hapsburgs were l o y a l servants of the Church and helped the Church i n t e r n a l l y and externally.  This  meant, i n p r i n c i p l e , a decided aversion to change or reform.  The dynasty could not overlook any i n t e r n a l  opposition: they would be quick to suppress dissent, and thus the Czech Protestant revolution (Hussites)* led up to the Hapsburg intervention which ..culminated "at B i l a :Hora (1620). But the p r i n c i p a l concern of the dynasty was empire building.  This was an eastward movement and  part of the struggle with Islam.  was  The climactic moments,  came when the Turks were repelled i n front of Vienna i n 1683, and i n the b a t t l e s of Zonta (1687) and Peterwardein (1716).  The r e s u l t of the former was the treaty of  Karlowitz when the Sultan ceded most of Hungary to Austria... The r e s u l t of Peterwardein was the treaty of Belgrade, by which the Hapsburgs were established along the r i v e r Sava, to remain there u n t i l  1908.  The hero of these battles was  Prince Eugene of  Savoy, "der edle R i t t e r " , who became a veritable legend.  «  26 Eugene i s a supranational figure - a Frenchman f i g h t i n g for Austria against the Turks.  He i s one of the heirs to  Charlemagne! But the prestige of the Church was also enhanced. The v i c t o r y over Islam was achieved i n i t s name.  I t was  acclaimed by the liberated peoples who were now not only r i d of the Invader, but confident that the dreaded v i s i t ations of plague from which they suffered under the Turks, would not return. The Church thus became more and more a r e a l cohesive and unifying force. alism was unquestioned. Latin.  Its universalism and u n i l a t e r -  I t employed only one  language:  Its allegiance was to the Pope through Vienna. I t  was supranational, i t s d i g n i t a r i e s were drawn from a l l n a t i o n a l i t i e s arid sent i f needed from one end of the empi r e to the other: a Slovak p r i e s t might go to Croatia, a Czech to G a l i c i a .  These men were "naturalised".  Church had i t s own" appurtenances  The  - the monasteries, nun-  neries and hospitals i n which prevailed a humanist togetherness.  Philanthropic work was done i n the name of humanity,  not of nations. The members of the dynasty worked hand i n hand with the clergy.  The emperors, with few exceptions, were  "good" Catholics and cooperated with the Church i n every way.  In return the Court i n Vienna was honoured by Rome  as being the prime p i l l a r of the f a i t h i n Europe,  The  w i l l of the emperor counted i n the Vatican, just as the w i l l of the Pope counted i n Vienna and Budapest.  There  was,  i t i s t r u e , one weak l i n k i n a l l t h i s " a x i s " , of  n a t i o n a l ! sm.  supra-  I t d i d not s u i t the book of Czech C a t h o l i c s  to be c h a n n e l l i n g t h e i r r e l a t i o n s w i t h Rome t h r o u g h V i e n n a . T h i s was  p a r t l y the l e g a c y of the p a s t , and  eliminated. I n Cracow and The  c o u l d not  be  On the o t h e r hand,, no such . f e e l i n g s e x i s t e d . s c a r c e l y any could be found i n Zagreb.  Army The. army and  i t s l e a d e r s should  from the p o i n t of v i e w of h i s t o r y .  a l s o be  The f i r s t  commander of importance t o the Hapsburgs was W a l l e n s t e i n , who  may. be rariked as one  n a t i o n a l f i g u r e s . . T h i s man,  approached  military Albrecht  of. the f i r s t  von  supra-  w i t h a l l h i s . o d d i t i e s , was  the s a v i o u r of the Hapsburgs. i n the T h i r t y Y e a r s War...Then, as we have seen above, i t was  P r i n c e Eugene and  army which,, a f t e r the s a v i n g of V i e n n a i n 1683, s i v e v i c t o r i e s o v e r the T u r k s and C h r i s t e n d o m i n the B a l k a n s .  secured  the A u s t r i a n won  deci-  the f r o n t i e r s of  A l l t h i s helped  to consolidate  the A u s t r o - H u n g a r i a n Empire as 1) a p o l i t i c a l u n i t , 2) the b u l w a r k of C a t h o l i c i s m , 3) the d e f e n d e r of C h r i s t e n d o m against, the i n f i d e l , e v e r y s o l d i e r c o u l d thus f e e l t h a t he was  a  "crusader".  S c a r c e l y l e s s g l o r y was  won  a century, l a t e r  by  the A u s t r i a n s , s i n g l e handed, a t A s p e r n (1809) a g a i n s t Napoleon's a r m i e s .  The F r e n c h Emperor h i m s e l f was  forced  to comment on the f i g h t i n g q u a l i t i e s and morale of the  28 Austrian troops i n that b a t t l e .  F i n a l l y , we have i n F i e l d  Marshal Radetzkythe nineteenth century h e i r of this t r a d i tion. Radetzky was the commander-in-chief from l 8 l i | on. His important v i c t o r i e s were won i n I t a l y , i n p a r t i c u l a r the decisive battle at Custozza which saved Lombardy f o r the Empire.  His were the only positive contributions to  I8I4.8 which, otherwise, was a gloomy year.  Small wonder  that G r i l l p a r z e r paid him the tribute of the famous line "In deinem Lager 1st Oesterreich"^ a s t i r r i n g and patr i o t i c commentary on h i s prestige as a soldier and a leading c i t i z e n . Sadowa (1866) was a serious defeat and i t would be interesting to speculate what would have happened i f Bismarck and h i s generals had marched forward to take Vienna: but the army was not to blame f o r what happened. We have seen that the d i r e c t r e s u l t of t h i s defeat was the famous (or infamous) Ausgleich, which favoured the people who had been d i s l o y a l , accommodating the Magyars while penalising the Slavs who had fought at t h e i r best.  The  defence of the Empire now became a common cause i n the monarchy, there was only one Ministry and one general s t a f f , but there were three d i s t r i c t army bodies formed after I 8 6 7 A (a) Joint or common Austro-Hungarian  army;  (b) Austrian defense army "Landwehr"; 3 "Austria i s i n your camp." This s t i r r i n g verse i s one of the few written by G r i l l p a r z e r exhibiting national f e e l ing. See Chapter V., on Austrian Nationalism. h Steed, CJD. c i t . . pp. 63-70.  29  (c) Hungarian defense array of "Honved". A s p e c i a l word should be said about the Honveds. The Magyars r i g h t l y glory i n the t r a d i t i o n of t h e i r own f i g h t i n g forces.  Their national hero was John Hunyady who,  in l i | 5 9 , repelled the Turkish onslaught and, l a t e r , made a memorable march through the Balkans, securing valuable t e r r i t o r y f o r Hungary.  In 181+8, the Hungarians had t h e i r  own army - the Instrument by which Kossuth t r i e d to win Independence.  However, a f t e r 1 8 6 7 , Deak assured the Hung-  arian Diet that this army fought against the Pragmatic Sanction and from then on there was a f a i r accommodation. By the terms accepted i n the Ausgleich, the Honved army was under the command of the Vienna chief of s t a f f and of the  Honved minister i n the Hungarian cabinet.  was responsible f o r the recruitment of troops.  This minister The Magyars  never ceased to demand more and more p r i v i l e g e s such as that promulgated i n 1903 by the Tisza government.  This  programme claimed such rights as the establishment of Hungarian cadet schools, and the recognition of the monarch's right to determine the language of command and service i n Hungarian regiments.  This l a s t was important, because  Budapest was bent on Magyar!sing the subject n a t i o n a l i t i e s i n t h e i r army as f a r as possible.  Thus the r e c r u i t i n the  Hungarian army was subjected to methodical Magyar chauvi n i s t pressure, whether he came from Slovakia or Croatia. The r e c r u i t i n the C i s l a i t h a n i a n part of the empire, on the other hand, received a f a i r l y healthy and l i b e r a l education; he learned some German, the o f f i c i a l  language of the empire and the language of command.  He  was  exposed to the ideas of empire and of the dynasty, and learned more than just parochial patriotism.  The army was  the pride of the monarchy and the i d o l of the people, the new  r e c r u i t f e l t he was part of i t .  His basic t r a i n -  ing was not only m i l i t a r y but s o c i a l , and he was as f a r as possible Into a supranational f i g u r e . he got some supranational f e e l i n g s .  and  This was  converted At least  the feature  of army education which the n a t i o n a l i s t s found hardest to combat. ing.  The army was thus the "nursery" of dynastic f e e l -  The soverign was,  and was  of course, the Commander-in-Chief  able i n h i s person to achieve some welding of the  disparate elements, German, Slav and Hungarian, Into one whole.  Indeed the last emperor, Franz Joseph, looked upon  the army as h i s own property.  The most senior o f f i c e r s  were h i s comrades and "cousins", and he never f a i l e d to stand by them through thick and t h i n .  Here we see a prac1  t i c a l and r e a l i s t i c embodiment of the c l a s s i c a l dynastic idea.  Franz Joseph "fathered" h i s generals "with a f f e c t -  s' ionate s o l i c i t u d e " . the,dynasty,  and was  tion by a l l subjects. i n 1903  The army was  the pampered child of  therefore regarded  with great a f f e c -  The emperor's Army Order at Chlopy  i l l u s t r a t e s t h i s : he invoked  the s p i r i t "which  respects every national c h a r a c t e r i s t i c and solves a l l antagonisms by u t i l i s i n g the special q u a l i t i e s of every race f o r the welfare of the whole."^ This s p i r i t existed Steed, or>. c i t . , p. 71. 6  I b i d . . p.  70.  31 as a unifying f a c t o r i n the monarchy. The army served important purposes.  I t had to  be prepared to ward off the potential Russian menace i n the East.  I t served the ends of the monarchy i n keeping  Italy "neutralised" and keeping the Balkans t r a n q u i l . But i t also served to enhance the dignity of the throne, or even to nurture the amour propre of the emperor i n the face of p o t e n t i a l dynastic r i v a l s l i k e Prussia. The army was always important i n times of c r i s i s for i n t e r n a l purposes.  We need only to think of the  crushing of the Prague June r i s i n g s by WindischgrStz i n l81j.8.  Troops were always at hand to maintain order where  required.  This service extended to other emergencies  as flood disasters, or snow slides i n the Alps.  such  The same  troops were an adjunct to the regular police f o r the maintenance of c i v i l order and of c o n t r o l l i n g the mores. In a word, the army provided the surest guarantee of law, order and d i s c i p l i n e In a P o l i z e i s t a a t . The State-Idea The fundamental problem to be resolved by the Austro-Hungarlan authorities resident i n Vienna, i n their attempt to preserve the Empire, was the need f o r an accommodation of the concept of statehood, as inherited from Greece and Rome, to the respective national allegiances with which they were confronted. For example, a f t e r the consolidation effected i n the heat of the revolution,  32 l i t t l e d i f f i c u l t y on such lines presented i t s e l f to the ruler's of Prance or, even though geography had made i t more complex to those of Spain, although each of those nations, by that time more or less homogeneous, had e a r l i e r consisted of a number of regions d i f f e r i n g i n d i a l e c t , i n t h e i r folkways and i n economic i n t e r e s t s .  These elements,  however, had i n most cases no strongly developed h i s t o r i c i t y , though one might c i t e the peculiar t r a d i t i o n s or background  of the Provencals i n Prance, or of the Catalans  in Spain.  Notwithstanding a l l such differences, a sense  of national togetherness was achieved i n 'Lffa France une et indivisible . 11  Much the same thing was done i n England  and, most recently, i n Germany.  These models from the  A t l a n t i c seaboard were sedulously emulated  on the Danube.  The Austrian r u l e r s , recognising the d i f f i c u l t i e s to be resolved i n the?.r own household because of n a t i o n a l disparateness, sought a remedy or "formula" to meet the case by introducing the Staatsidee. This concept, i n  r  I t s e l f not easy to understand, meant an attempt to reconc i l e c o n f l i c t i n g aspirations and conform those to an a l l i n c l u s i v e whole.  This concept was not new.  The leaders  of the state and church were aware of ancient examples which had succeeded - that of Persia and more conspicuously that of Imperial Rome. lasted f o r centuries:  The second of these had  why should h i s t o r y not repeat  i t s e l f i n modern times? The various nationalisms that prevailed i n the  33 parts of the empire could not be denied.  Those diverse  forms of national s t r i v i n g were obviously directed to quite varying ends.  By the very nature of things the Slavs  could not be i n harmony with the Magyars, nor could Germans see eye to eye with either Slavs or Magyars.  Even  the Slav diverse groups themselves had very l i t t l e i n common, a l b e i t they more so than any group were able to enjoy a certain sense of race s o l i d a r i t y engendered by close l i n g u i s t i c a f f i n i t y . The Staatsidee was conceived as a sort of umbrella, a shade-tree or a safe haven to provide shelter, security, and a hope of collaboration between the many diverse e l e ments.  E s s e n t i a l l y i t was a r t i f i c i a l and had many weak-  nesses, nevertheless i t served as a useful - indeed e f f e c tive - means of holding c o n f l i c t i n g forces together r i g h t down to modern times. r.  One of the main reasons why this otherwise a n t i quated Idea of the state was able to maintain cohesion f o r so long was that i t provided ah established and at least tolerable machinery of government.  Since the days of  Maria Theresa and Joseph, a f a i r l y e f f i c i e n t apparatus of control had been at work and this fixed system enjoyed a i l the p r i v i l e g e s and prerogatives of the classes that benef i t t e d most from I t .  This bureaucracy was so geared as to  make entry into the service of the state a h i g h l y coveted l i f e occupation: witness the prestige accorded the bearers of  the Innumerable t i t l e s , Including those of the wives,  f o r honoured state o f f i c i a l s .  This entrenched body of public  servants was a formidable force which only a major catastrophe could overwhelm. Important  The material considerations were  but the whole machine was reinforced by a sort  of mysticism, an i n v i s i b l e bond of common service, a sense of c a l l i n g i n the r e a l i s a t i o n of something designed by providence, which needed the help of men to make i t work. The key-stone which held the notion and a r t of the state-idea together was the throne and the dynasty that occupied I t . The formula K.u.K. ( K a i s e r l i c h und Koniglich) Was sacred, whether i n the Vienna B a l l p l a t z , the seat of the Foreign Office, i n the Budapest d i e t , i n Pilsen or i n a remote G a l i c i a n v i l l a g e .  A l l the occupants  of these scattered places knew that they were governed by the same emperor.  They saw the formula on the railway, i n  the courts, and on the packages of cigarettes they smoked. But K. und K. was only one symbol used to impress the populace.  There were the other revered trap-  pings of the monarchy - the crown jewels - whether i n Vienna or Budapest.  I t was unfortunate that Franz  Joseph  refused to be crowned King of Bohemia, f o r this would have been an additional f i l l i p to the monarchy.  Even a l l kinds  of quite s u p e r f i c i a l worldly events helped: a parade at SchBnbrunn or a m i l i t a r y manoeuvre with the emperor present. The Hapsburgs were past masters of showmanship. They knew the value of the old Spanish etiquette which they learned when they controlled the Spanish throne.  35 The emperor not o n l y r e i g n e d , b u t r u l e d . more than a f i g u r e h e a d , he was the government.  He  was  The supreme  power was v e s t e d i n the S t a t e c o u n c i l o v e r w h i c h he p r e s i d e d . Its  members were under h i s g u i d a n c e .  The  Reichsrath,  whose d e p u t i e s were e l e c t e d by the p e o p l e , had no e x e c u t i v e authority.  The emperor was, t h e r e f o r e , s o v e r e i g n t o h i s  s u b j e c t s , and an e x c e l l e n t p s y c h o l o g i c a l i n s t r u m e n t was used - p a t e r n a l i s m . useful:  The d e f i n i t i o n of t h i s term may  be  the p r i n c i p l e and p r a c t i c e o f p a t e r n a l a d m i n i s t r a -  t i o n ; government as by a f a t h e r , the c l a i m and attempt t o s u p p l y the needs o r t o r e g u l a t e the l i f e  of a n a t i o n o r  community i n the same way as a f a t h e r does t o h i s c h i l d r e n . The emperor was an a u t o c r a t v i a p a t e r n a l i s m - a b e n e v o l e n t despot. Perhaps the b e s t example o f t h i s was P r a n z J o s e p h . ' He was the "Daddy" t o h i s s u b j e c t s .  I t was h i s d e s i r e  always t o do what was b e s t f o r h i s devoted p e o p l e . his  t h i n k i n g r a n much as f o l l o w s :  for  you.  to  But  " I am d o i n g the b e s t  L e t me do y o u r t h i n k i n g f o r you.  A l l you need  do i s t o go about y o u r e v e r y d a y a f f a i r s , l o v e , marry,  beget c h i l d r e n .  We  s h a l l do a l l the r e s t .  A l l we demand  f r o m you I s your u n q u e s t i o n e d l o y a l t y . No d e v i a t i o n i s m i s permitted."  B l i n d obedience was a l s o demanded - no wonder  t h a t P r a n z Joseph h i m s e l f was a paragon o f d i s c i p l i n e . led  a life  He  of S p a r t a n a b n e g a t i o n and was e n t i r e l y p r e -  occupied w i t h the p u n c t u a l performance o f h i s d u t i e s .  He  7 R e d l i c h , J . , Emperor F r a n c i s Joseph of A u s t r i a , A B i o graphy. New Y o r k , M a c m i l l a n , 1929.  36 had  no d e s i r e f o r p e r s o n a l g a i n .  and h i s f a m i l y l i f e paternalism  a failure.  H i s own l i f e was t r a g i c , Perhaps h i s sense of  i n the empire imposed on him a t r a n s f e r o f  l o y a l t i e s from h i s f a m i l y t o h i s  subjects.  Prom the p o l i t i c a l p o i n t o f view the Emperor gave no n a t i o n p r e f e r e n c e .  The c l a s s i c phrase o f F r a n z  Joseph: " I s he a p a t r i o t f o r me?"® g i v e s the f u l l  answer.  In t h i s sentence the whole d y n a s t i c organism i s Implied; the l o y a l t y was n o t to an i n d i v i d u a l n a t i o n o r e t h n i c group, but  to the dynasty and i t s f i g u r e h e a d  Ions were a l s o p i t t e d Roman p r i n c i p l e ambition by  - the emperor. Nat-  one a g a i n s t the other on the a n c i e n t  - d i v i d e r e e t imperare.  I t was the emperor's  to keep the k e e l of the s h i p of s t a t e i n balance  seesawing one n a t i o n a g a i n s t the o t h e r . One  means o f a c h i e v i n g  such "balance"  was the use  of the p u l p i t , the p r e s s , the e d u c a t i o n a l system, the law and  of course the throne t o reduce the t h i n k i n g and asking  of as many people as p o s s i b l e , of a l l n a t i o n s  and c l a s s e s ,  to one common denominator - what the Nazis were to p r o c l a i m as " G l e l c h s c h a l t u n g " -  a s t a t e i n which the g r e a t e s t p o s s i b l e  number would have the l e a s t p o s s i b l e d i f f e r e n c e s o f view o r ambitions and i n which adherence to a system would be engendered  as a c a r d i n a l v i r t u e .  That t h i s g o a l was never  achieved,  i n f a c t never could be, i s a matter of h i s t o r y - the major reasons why are the theme of our next 8 Shepherd, G., A u s t r i a n Odyssey. p.  27.  chapter. London, Macmillan, 19^7»  37 In conclusion l e t us admit that i n a l l p o s s i b i l i t y no r a t i o n a l or f i n a l d e f i n i t i o n of the Staatsjdee  i s pos-  s i b l e : that i t i s an elusive thing, something f e l t rather than seen, and sensed rather than understood.  In spite of  t h i s , however, i t s powers and i t s appeal are attested i n more than one age and i n more than one country. l a t t e r Austria-Hungary stands high.  Among the  CHAPTER I I I . FACTORS FOR  DISRUPTION  Introduction We  s h a l l now  d e a l w i t h those f o r c e s which seem t o  have c o n t r i b u t e d , i n a s i g n i f i c a n t manner, t o the d i s i n t e g r a t i o n o f the empire. the c h a p t e r .  T e r m i n o l o g y i s of the essence i n naming  Should we  v e r s i v e or s o l v e n t ?  c a l l the f a c t o r s n e g a t i v e ,  sub-  Were t h e y s e p a r a t i s t , o r could  one  say the same t h i n g by d e s c r i b i n g them as c e n t r i f u g a l ? w i l l be r e a l i s e d t h a t a l l such terms i n v o l v e the use metaphors. w h i c h may  The be  s t a t e i s thought of as a body, an  i n v a r y i n g degrees h e a l t h y o r a i l i n g ,  It of  organism strong  o r weak, dependable o r uridependable. We  can speak o f a n e g a t i v e  f a c t o r as opposed t o  a p o s i t i v e one because some of the c o h e s i v e f o r c e s , making for  u n i t y and  s t r e n g t h , w h i c h we  t r i e d t o a n a l y s e i n the  f o r m e r c h a p t e r c a r r i e d the seeds o f d e s t r u c t i o n w i t h i n them.  N e g a t i v e can, o f c o u r s e , a l s o i m p l y the l a c k of  something e s s e n t i a l t o h e a l t h : we  s h a l l see t h a t t h i s  c o u l d be f o u n d , f o r example i n Muslims t i t l e Der Mann Ohna E j g e n s c h a f t e n  or the Man  Without Q u a l i t i e s .  T h i s work w i l l be d e a l t w i t h i n some d e t a i l I n C h a p t e r V. under A r t i s t i c D i a g n o s i s . x  38  too  39 One  can speak of s u b v e r s i v e f a c t o r s :  these were  c u r r e n t s w o r k i n g u n d e r n e a t h which c o u l d undermine the bodypolitic.  We have s o l v e n t f a c t o r s , t h o s e f o r c e s which c o u l d  d i s s o l v e the empire. chemistry.  T h i s metaphor comes from the f i e l d  of  Then we have the s e p a r a t i s t o r c e n t r i f u g a l  f a c t o r s , p a r t i c u l a r l y those f o r c e s w h i c h p u l l e d away f r o m the monarchy.  T h i s metaphor comes f r o m mechanics o r p h y s i c s .  What are the e s s e n t i a l s of a h e a l t h y s t a t e ? F i r s t of a l l the government must be e f f i c i e n t : the s t a t e must be w e l l r u n ; i t s f i n a n c e s must be sound; i t s d e f e n s e must be assured,  and p r o p e r and  e q u a l j u s t i c e must be meted  I n s h o r t , p u b l i c a f f a i r s must be run i n such a way  out. as  to  assume t h a t the m a j o r i t y of the s u b j e c t s are c o n t e n t .  To  a t t a i n t h i s i d e a l the c i t i z e n s must e n j o y l i v i n g and, t h i s , the most i m p o r t a n t some say i n a f f a i r s . political  in  f a c t o r i s t h a t they should have  Thus, the b e s t example o f the  "healthy"  s t a t e of a f f a i r s might be the a n c i e n t Greek c i t y  s t a t e i n which the c i t i z e n enjoyed f u l l v o t i n g r i g h t s , indeed  one may  say t h a t he possessed g r e a t e r p r i v i l e g e s t h a n  the c i t i z e n of t o d a y .  He was  c a l l e d upon a l s o t o  onerous r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i n c i v i c a f f a i r s . smoothly and  efficiently.  a s m a l l a r e a and ernment was  True i t had  The  state ran  to a d m i n i s t e r  reckoned as i d e a l and has  served  as a model. t h e s i s w i l l show  o b j e c t i v e l y as p o s s i b l e t h a t A u s t r i a - H u n g a r y was  unhealthy s t a t e .  only  a s m a l l p o p u l a t i o n , b u t t h i s f o r m of gov-  I n c o n t r a s t w i t h t h i s , our p r e s e n t as  shoulder  The  s t a t e machine was  f a i r l y good:  an the  ho c o l l e c t i o n of taxes was done f a i r l y w e l l , t h e army was e f f i c i e n t , almost t o the end. c i t i z e n t o the s t a t e ?  But what was the r e l a t i o n of the  We s h a l l t r y t o show i n t h i s and  the f o l l o w i n g chapter t h a t the a l l e g i a n c e of the c i t i z e n s was  d i v i d e d between the " s t a t e - I d e a "  and the r e s p e c t i v e  n a t i o n a l or even p a r o c h i a l t i e s , t h a t i s t o the n a t i o n o r to the l o c a l i t y .  The c l a s s i c case I s that even the German  Herrenwolk, the r e a l a d m i n i s t r a t o r s  of the empire, g r a v i -  tated s t r o n g l y toward the Great German Empire. cohesive and  tried  The  f o r c e s , t h a t Is those that h e l d the empire to make the s t a t e "healthy"  together  - were n o t e f f e c t i v e  enough t o keep t h i n g s going on a sound p l a n e .  The s t a t e  could n o t be c l a s s e d as a v i a b l e e n t i t y : Indeed the c l a s s i c remark o f Masaryk, who termed the empire m r t v o l a , i s very  apposite.  a "corpse",  p  In 1918 the famous Viennese surgeon. Dr. Lorenz, publ i s h e d an a r t i c l e In the Neue F r e i e . Presse i n which he r e c a l l e d h i s anatomy c l a s s e s . He mentioned t h a t a t one ^ time Masaryk had been one of h i s students s i n c e Masaryk wanted t o a c q u i r e the rudiments o f the s u b j e c t i n order the b e t t e r t o understand a e s t h e t i c s . Lorenz wrote that d u r i n g one o f h i s " p r a c t i c a l s " Masaryk was d i s s e c t i n g a corpse In the wrong way. When Lorenz saw t h i s clumsy opera t i o n he admonished the n o v i c e : " I f you had done t h i s t o a l i v i n g person you would have k i l l e d him". T e l l i n g the s t o r y he could not but h e l p adding: "And Masaryk t r e a t e d A u s t r i a Hungary i n the same way, he k i l l e d a l i v i n g organism by an u n f o r t u n a t e t h r u s t o f a s c a l p e l ! " When Masaryk read t h i s he promptly r e p l i e d w i t h the f o l l o w i n g open l e t t e r : "My dear S i r , the t r o u b l e was that A u s t r i a was a l r e a d y a corpse". 2  Centrifugal Tendencies At  the outset a d i s t i n c t i o n between the categories  must be made.  Two f a i r l y d i s t i n c t types of nations i n  Austria-Hungary can be distinguished: (1) Those which were completely within the borders of the Empire.  There are two such nations: the Czechs  (inc-  luding the Slovaks because of mutual i n t e l l i g i b i l i t y of language) and the Magyars.  The l a t t e r had achieved an  unusual p o s i t i o n In the monarchy with the Ausgleich. We s h a l l treat the development of the Czechs In the next chapter.  Suffice i t to say here that these two n a t i o n a l i t i e s 3  had one thing i n common: they were h i s t o r i c a l nations, with century long t r a d i t i o n s and experience.  Beyond this  f a c t , however, the two nations were u t t e r l y d i f f e r e n t . The Czechs, i n consequence of past misfortunes, were b a s i c a l l y without class d i s t i n c t i o n s ; whereas the Magyars were a class society; the Czechs were democratic, the Magyars a Herrenwolk: the former were secular, the l a t t e r bound by aristocratic tradition.  Consequently the two peoples could  never agree, even apart from the Slovak Issue, unless on t h e i r common d i s l i k e of subjection to Vienna.  We are thus  faced with wheels within wheels: discords even Inside the c e n t r i f u g a l force of nationalism. (2) The f r a c t i o n a l nations, that i s those which lived only h a l f or less than h a l f within the f r o n t i e r s of ^ The Slovaks were not a h i s t o r i c a l nation as they had since t h e i r e a r l i e s t recorded h i s t o r y been subjects of the Magyars.  the Monarchy and thus had powerful and a t t r a c t i v e l o y a l t i e s outside.  This meant the existence of l i v e national a l l e g -  iances i n competition with those directed towards Vienna. The p r i n c i p a l f r a c t i o n a l nations were: In the South. were the following Slavonic peoples: 1)  the Slovenes In the Austrian p a r t : i n the provinces of Carinthia and Oarniola.  ii)  the Croats i n the Hungarian part who were linked by a common speech with the Serbs, Bosnians and Montenegrins and who had come to cherish what i s called the concept of South Slav unity.  Prom  the time when the Serbs achieved t h e i r long lost independence  there was a strong p u l l towards  consolidation to be f e l t In the whole peninsula.. This dream dates from Napoleonic times and known as the I l l y r i a n concept.  was  I t came to a  head with the annexation of Bosnia-Herzgovina of  1908.  'F* Poles of G a l i c i a were a special case, owing 18  to the size of their nation and Its position on the Poland remained  map.  an unhappy and divided country, governed i n  part by the Russians and i n part by Prussia.  Tradition-  a l l y , however, the nation had always been Roman Catholic, even described by the Pope as Polonia semper f i d e l l s . So, then, those under Hapsburg rule were mostly content to remain within Catholic Austria, although their natural and normal allegiance would be (indeed was slowly becoming)  l o y a l t y to a liberated Poland.  In p a r t i c u l a r the G a l i c i a n  Poles were ready to j o i n with t h e i r countrymen or others to strike a blow at T s a r i s t Russia. As f o r the Ruthenlans (Ukrainians), their normal allegiance would have been to the Ukraine, i f i t had been free, and this n a t i o n a l i s t f e e l i n g was being i n t e n t i o n a l l y and a r t i f i c i a l l y cultivated by Vienna among the Ukrainians of the Uniate r i t e , p a r t l y as a buffer against Tsardom, p a r t l y to thwart Polish national ambition.  But there were  wheels within wheels: the Ukrainians were faced with the f a c t that they were a peasant minority group within G a l i c i a where, since 1869,  the Poles had enjoyed p o l i t i c a l autonomy.  The Roumanians l i v i n g i n Transylvania, known as SzeklersM were e t h n i c a l l y a f r a c t i o n (one-sixth) of the nation outside which had been set free from Turkish rule i n I876-78.  Though separated by mountains, there was no doubt  of their hearts' allegiance, based on speech, f a i t h and folk-lore.  Even the f a c t that they were a n a t i o n a l island  nearly surrounded  by a l i e n Magyars did not make them any  the easier to assimilate. Some of the ablest and most progressive of p o l i t i c a l leaders and thinkers i n the reunited Roumania (after 1918) were Transylvanians. The Germans of A u s t r i a proper, l i v i n g on both sides of the upper Middle Danube, were i n the most unenviable p o s i t i o n of a l l , i f only because of their sovereign p o s i t i o n i n t h e i r own  land: they were compelled by fate to be •  -  .  .  I  I  I  .  k Hungarian Szek = seat; Szekler Implies those f r o n t i e r men who were seated on the mountain passes where they exercised the functions of f r o n t i e r guards, c f . German Mark.  "two breeds of cat" at the same time. i)  They were the Osterreicher. a people with a very long and v i t a l t r a d i t i o n , some would say the f i n est i n the German world. i o n a l " or "regional"?  Was t h i s t r a d i t i o n "nat-  Were they to be c l a s s i f i e d  as we would the Bavarians or had they something more?  To this question we s h a l l return i n the  next chapter, ii)  On the other hand i n speech and t r a d i t i o n at least they were German - always had been. Indeed they were an i n t e g r a l part of Catholic Germandom: t h e i r f o l k l i f e was hardly d i f f e r e n t from Bavaria, t h e i r music was at the centre of the German heritage.  F i n a l l y , they included a Protestant  minority to whom things i n the Reich looked rosy. Hence they produced the notorious Pan-German movement of which more w i l l be said  later.  It would thus seem that Austrian nationalism did not have a chance of development alongside Austrian imperialism.  Its place was taken by the concept of the Staateid.ee  a somewhat nebulous concept, which could only be grasped and envisaged by the man i n the street i n terms of the dynasty. F i n a l l y , one other group must be mentioned Jews.  - the  They were located c h i e f l y i n metropolitan centres^  especially  i n the c a p i t a l , Vienna; mostly speaking German,  although the Ost.juden i n G a l l c i a , Northern Hungary and  t  Ruthenia spoke mostly Yiddish as t h e i r native tongue, but were i n most cases conversant with the national languages of the area.  U n t i l the beginning of the twentieth century they  rated as a r e l i g i o u s denomination but, since the r i s e of Zionism i n the nineties ( i n c i d e n t a l l y t h i s movement was originated by a Viennese Jew, Theodor Herzl), national ambitions had been growing.  Much could be written to show  either: a)  that they were a l l l o y a l Austrians;  b)  that t h e i r problem was always disruptive.  The subject i s too complicated f o r proper treatment here, but the net r e s u l t of t h e i r growing numbers, t h e i r industry and t h e i r aggressiveness, was that they were generally feared, d i s l i k e d , or ostracized. Language D i v e r s i t y An obvious f a c t o r making f o r dissonance and hindering togetherness i n the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy was divers i t y of language. of tongues.  The Dual Monarchy was a veritable babel  In a further chapter language w i l l be des-  cribed as a very important expression of national feelings and devotion to i t a norm or yardstick of nationalism. For the present we s h a l l look at the e f f e c t of the vernacular or written language i n i t s own r i g h t . What are the uses of language f o r the state? We are faced at once with two p o s s i b i l i t i e s :  i)  i n which a certain language i s accepted as the lingua franca, that i s a medium of expression making communication possible between disparate national groups i n one state, or  II)  a single language serving as the guardian of, a whole nation's i n d i v i d u a l i t y or ethos i n which the tongue spoken i s the expression and,, to some extent, a vehicle of national aspirations. An example of the former would be English i n  India, of the l a t t e r French wherever used.  In the Dual  Monarchy an attempt was made to impose two quite disparate languages both having the functions of lingua franca, that i s German i n the Cisleithanlari part and Hungarian i n Transleithania.  In the army every attempt was made i n this  d i r e c t i o n and, to a lesser degree, i n the whole educational system.  These two languages were of course o f f i c i a l - a l l  state documents were printed i n them and the bureaucracy transacted i t s business i n them.  Of course the Roman  Catholic Church, whose role as a cohesive force was highly important, adhered to i t s t r a d i t i o n a l language, v i z . Latin, and this was used f o r correspondence by i t s clergy, whether they were  archbishops i n Vienna, Budapest or Leraberg,  or humble v i l l a g e p r i e s t s i n some remote Alpine v a l l e y . In contrast with these universal tongues were the regional (national) languages, from I t a l i a n and Slovene on the A d r i a t i c to Ukrainian and Roumanian i n the East.  A  remarkable feature of this condition of things was the f a c t  kl that some of these languages were a l o c a l patois, others were languages resuscitated i n modern times from simple peasant speech and developed into a r i c h and f l e x i b l e medium of communication, possessing extensive l i t e r a r y and scient i f i c vocabulary, and capable of begetting l i t e r a t u r e of a high order. Furthermore, the languages which were reborn with the  r i s e of nationalism had i n them something very s i g n i f i -  cant and of deep importance as opposed to the o f f i c i a l tongues: they existed f o r the benefit of the community, small or large; through them people could communicate f r e e l y with one another and enjoy t h e i r experience. They objected to having compulsion laid on them to learn a foreign language, r i g h t l y preferring t h e i r own. This n a t u r a l l y led to emphasis on national  Independence.  Being able to converse f r e e l y with one's neighbour made f o r the strengthening of l o c a l l o y a l t i e s and the speaker might of h i s own accord learn another tongue, but he objected to having a l l t h i s forced on him from outside and from above.  There are further psychological hurdles.  The o f f i c i a l language might be one of e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t structure and t r a d i t i o n from h i s own language, one not belonging to his language family at a l l .  In A u s t r i a -  Hungary there were four main language f a m i l i e s : Slavonic, Teutonic German, Romance Roumanian and I t a l i a n , and FinnoUgric Hungarian.  It i s possible f o r Slavs, f o r example  Czechs and Croats, to understand each other a l i t t l e without  too much labour, although i t i s admitted that complete  mutual i n t e l l i g i b i l i t y between the Slavonic people i s more a f i c t i o n than a r e a l i t y .  Most of the Slavs have not been  contiguous to each other, witness the distance between the South and North-Western Slavs.  Those that have been neigh-  bours have tended to merge and compose differences, f o r example the South Slavs. One further point - languages become i d e n t i f i e d with p o l i t i c a l prejudices: so that, f o r example, I f an Englishman In Budapest used German to address a policeman he would get no attention u n t i l the o f f i c e r found that he was  not a born German.  mutatis mutandis.  The same would happen i n Prague,  This i s an abuse f o r which language Is  not meant to stand: i t should be an Instrument of good w i l l and everything human. of togetherness  Every example of this made problems  i n the Monarchy more d i f f i c u l t .  Negative Factors We  s h a l l now examine the body p o l i t i c from the 1  negative point of view:- those aspects of the system which could have contributed to maintaining state but did exactly the  the strength of the  opposite.  S o c i a l forces are l i k e human organisms: they thrive, l i v e and die, and within them are both p o s i t i v e and negative features which intermingle.  As with human  p e r s o n a l i t i e s , each consists of sympathetic and unsympathetic sides - the white and the black. other may  One  or the  predominate, but the general impression  created  k9 Is one of Intermediate greyness; a kind of n e u t r a l i t y .  It  i s the same with s o c i a l forces: each can be a two-edged sword, and i t i s extremely d i f f i c u l t to see whether the positive or negative predominate.  The student of these  s o c i a l interactions faces an arduous task i n trying to separate the commingling of these features. In the l a s t chapter we dealt with the forces which contributed cohesively to the maintenance of the Dual Monarchy: the dynasty, the bureaucracy, the army, and the concept of the Staatsldee. A l l these did much to strengthen the reins of the empire and they might never have been slackened had they not met with counterforces such as those referred to above.  Even these had inherent weaknesses which  contributed to their calamitous breakdown. The most important feature, common to a l l the organs of the state, was  that they were mostly antiquated;  they were not able to keep up with modern times and progress. They had become anachronisms,  and the conditions created  for the monarchy were only preserved by a r t i f i c i a l and forced means. F i r s t i n the case of the army, we have seen already how  this body promoted unity by educating the  r e c r u i t s , inculcating i n them a sense of empire: by g i v ing the r e c r u i t s an opportunity to see the realm i n a l l i t s geographical d i v e r s i t y , yet trying to make them conscious of the unity of the empire and I t s values.  They  were also taught the t r a d i t i o n a l great past of the empire -  $0 the g l o r i e s and achievements of the m i l i t a r y v i c t o r i e s of Prince Eugene and of PieId-Marshall Radatzky.  Yet a l l this  search f o r coordination could not o f f s e t the ties of home. Each r e c r u i t knew that he had  a native v i l l a g e with i t s  meaningful background - f i r s t of a l l the family, then the neighbourhood, the school where he learned to read  and  write, mostly i n his beloved native tongue, and the national s p i r i t which was  aroused i n him more and more as the force  of nationalism progressed.  If the s o l d i e r were confronted  by two choices - h i s own national a f f i n i t i e s or the supranational and u n i v e r s a l i s t - usually he would prefer the former.  This has been graphically i l l u s t r a t e d , nay even  s a t i r i c a l l y accentuated, i n the famous story of sVejk. For this reason some pages w i l l be found below, devoted to a b r i e f c r i t i q u e of the experiences of this renowned character.^  They reveal the hopeless despondency suffered by the  private s o l d i e r i n the struggle not only from the m i l i t a r y but also from the psychological point of view.  At the  moment that the b a t t l e started, the s o l d i e r ' s thoughts naturally swung from the Emperor and the cause to the  local  scene and through i t to the f a t e of h i s i n d i v i d u a l nation. S o c i a l Disintegration Turning system, we  to the most s i g n i f i c a n t weaknesses i n the  s h a l l take f i r s t of a l l those forces which were  so v i t a l - the chief intangible and the most potent being ^ See Appendix I.  Si tradition.  It i s this power which carried the way  from one generation to the next. this was  We have seen how  of l i f e effective  i n preserving the status quo of society In general:  a l l c i t i z e n s from the lowliest to the exalted f i g u r e of the emperor knew from the cradle what place i n the system was a l l o t t e d to them. B a s i c a l l y , i t a l l amounted to the preservation of the feudal order.  The peasant knew h i s fixed status v i s - a -  vis h i s betters.  Even a f t e r emancipation (l81j.8) he  remained more or less a vassal, an economic bondsman who was  constrained to serve.  and wherever this was  He had to bear arms whenever  required.  But t h i s system could pre-  v a i l only as long as the peasant was kept i n ignorance; long as h i s whole l i f e was his  as  circumscribed and r e s t r i c t e d to  habitat, i n most cases h i s native v i l l a g e .  He could  only know the most mundane things of l i f e , his outlook  was  monotonous i n the extreme, and the less he knew of more sophisticated values the better.  This was a l l the more  true the further east one went. Revolution came when the peasant's view of l i f e was broadened, when he was f i r s t enlightened i n one of many ways.  The coming of new  and f a s t e r means of communication  was a decisive event, e s p e c i a l l y the railways which widened his  geographic horizon and the newspaper which became a  powerful I n t e l l e c t u a l stimulus.  Needless to say education  played i t s part here, both formal and informal. case, the common man was  In any  exposed to new influences:  *  2  alongside the routine i m p e r i a l i s t outlook he was buffeted by new ideas - the n a t i o n a l i s t idea f i r s t of a l l . The national awakeners (buditeli) found an a l l y i n the newspapers, with the resuscitation  of language they could exer-  cise considerable influence on the masses.  Furthermore,  the new ideas of socialism, and even a vague understanding of democracy, broke through even to the remotest hamlets.  One must not overlook the constant stream of new  ideas conveyed by l e t t e r s of those who had emigrated to the New World and also the dynamic influence of those who returned after a sojourn abroad where they had acquired new s o c i a l and economic values and e s p e c i a l l y a new understanding of what was called democracy.  With railways and  improved roads, the country f o l k were able to move - the r i s e of the c i t i e s attested to the drawing power they had on the r u r a l population.  In the f a s t growing urban centres  were nurtured new classes and t r a d i t i o n s .  The peasant of  yesterday or his children would either become: a)  the p r o l e t a r i a t of unskilled  labour, a s o c i a l  group without t r a d i t i o n s and ready to take on new and attractive ideas, or b)  the bourgeois, from which emanated fresh t r a d i tions, enunciated by the i n t e l l e c t u a l s - the educated fringe of this group. They were the makers of new m i l i t a n t p o l i c i e s and new outlooks.  These developments may seem obvious to us - they were the  53 same here as i n the rest of Europe - but i n Austria-Hungary they came much l a t e r and t h e i r impact, when i t came, was a l l the more violent and e f f e c t i v e . The time-honoured and hallowed t r a d i t i o n s of the aristocracy were also being undermined.  The n o b i l i t y ' s  strongest attachment was to t h e i r ancestral land and to their own fellows - a sort of free-masohry of overlords. They were conscious of their place i n the s o c i a l hierarchy. These adherences and l o y a l t i e s were, i t i s true, essent i a l l y sustained u n t i l 191i+, but they were being s t e a d i l y ousted by the spreading s o c i a l transformation.  The c i t y  began to play a more prominent part, the r u r a l hinterland continued  to lose influence: i t became more and more only  a raw material r e s e r v o i r . The playboy squire was losing ground to the i n t e l l e c t u a l or the entrepreneur.  Indeed the son of the  nobleman, with a b i l i t y and education,  could do no better  than j o i n the procession. Here he found something worth while, though h i s role was transformed.  His old vassals  were less amenable to c o n t r o l : they were being treated to the heady wine of nationalism and socialism.  Their l o y a l -  t i e s lay no longer with the a r i s t o c r a t , and sooner or l a t e r a vacuum formed which l e f t the feudal way of l i f e f a r behind. This was p a r t i c u l a r l y the case with the "foreign" n o b i l i t y . A German a r i s t o c r a t saw that h i s "subjects" i n Bohemia were now Czechs, and that they were growing more and more conscious of t h i s .  S i m i l a r l y the imperious Hungarian  nobleman realised that h i s subjects were Slovaks  who,  sooner o r \ l a t e r , would rebel i f only f o r n a t i o n a l i s t reasons when the national sentiments attained a certain stage of maturity. Even the authority and t r a d i t i o n of the Church were being sapped from below.  We have seen the Church as  an ancient f a b r i c which had a well regulated world of i t s own,  with i t s own  i t s own  subjects - the p r i e s t s and nuns; using  language, Latin, and above a l l e x e r c i s i n g , i t s  s t r i c t and circumscribed educational powers and Before 185>0, the Church was  policies.  the important  ment f o r education, both lay and r e l i g i o u s .  The  own  instru-  village  p r i e s t formerly had almost exclusive influence on h i s flock.  This was  now  to be no longer so.  Once the secu-  l a r revolution gained momentum, the power of the lectuals and of the r a p i d l y expanding press was  intelable to  tear away the b l i n k e r s of the Church which were f i r m l y implanted ing new  on the v i s i o n of the people - simply by present-  ideas.  Those who  underwent the new influences,  while at the same time hearing the old dogmatic teachings of the Church, now began to see that they were two r a d i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t and i r r e c o n c i l a b l e things.  The  people could thus pick and choose, and often the new  idea  would gain the day: i f only f o r expediency i t seemed to suit them better. The P o l i s h peasant i n G a l i c i a would n a t u r a l l y be drawn towards Polish n a t i o n a l i s t ideas, aiming at the  55 betterment of h i s condition i n l i n e with the n a t i o n a l i s t propaganda.  This would follow i f G a l i c i a were t o t a l l y  Polish and i t s a f f a i r s administered by Poles.  He may  well  have preferred this to the rather slow moving, doctrinaire i n s t r u c t i o n of the Church, coupled with r i g i d  disci-  pline - "You w i l l only go into Heaven i f you obey us and your properly constituted masters."  This set view, which  even presented extraneous elements, began to look more and more unpalatable to the subjects. preferred to Latin.  The native language  was  Church a f f a i r s were suspect: i t was  widely held that they were dictated and controlled from Vienna, indeed i n d i r e c t l y from the Vatican. Even the influence of Vienna as the t r a d i t i o n a l Hauptstadt was not what i t had been. It was more and more challenged as p r o v i n c i a l and r i v a l l i n g c a p i t a l s grew up. After the 186?  Ausgleich, Budapest was the c a p i t a l of Trans-  l e i t h a n i a , with the Magyars i n f u l l control. t a i n l y at the expense of Vienna.  This was  cer-  Furthermore, Prague became  the headquarters f o r the Czech i n t e l l e c t u a l s and entrepreneurs, and the Czechs looked on the old c i t y more and more as their r i g h t f u l c a p i t a l .  In f a c t Vienna continued  to become f o r them Increasingly a symbol of opprobious a l i e n domination.  Prague was where good things came from,  Vienna from where you could expect unpopular decrees and taxation!  Other c a p i t a l s were i n a s i m i l a r p o s i t i o n  but to a lesser degree, Ljubljana (Laibach) i n Slovania, Zagreb (Agram) f o r the Croats and B r a t i s l a v a (Pressburg) f o r the Slovaks.  These places were s t i l l p r o v i n c i a l c i t i e s ,  56  but the enthusiastic young n a t i o n a l i s t s were already looking  at those centers as their future c a p i t a l s .  G a l i c i a had  Cracow, the ancient s p i r i t u a l and t r a d i t i o n a l c a p i t a l of Poland, and the gaze of the G a l i c i a n Poles would also be directed towards Warsaw (which was the r e a l modern c a p i t a l of Poland.  outside  Austrla-Hungary),  Last but not least, the  Roumanians would look on Bucharest as t h e i r centre of a f f a i r s , and the Ukraine's We  thoughts would turn to Kiev.  s h a l l see i n Chapter V. that In the  first  decade of the twentieth century some inquiring and  restive  minds were seeking to peer beneath the surface of Vienna. They saw that the Imperial glory and the  resplendent  palaces were only a s u p e r f i c i a l veneer under which slept a volcano.  Vienna was  by then already an unhappy place,  schizophrenic because on the one hand there was e r i a l pomp and circumstance,  the Imp-  on the other a c i t y with much  poverty where nobody could find h i s place - a l l was unhappiness and disillusionment. Vienna was  unmasked: the proud  c i t y which had over-exercised great influence i n the a f f a i r s of Europe had grown too large f o r the task a l l o t t e d to i t . The Viennese had long since become used to the term 6  Schlamperei.  and the way  was more or less accepted  of l i f e that the term r e f e r s to as normal. There was  l i t t l e sense  of allegiance to the c a p i t a l , even amongst i t s own  citizens,  and s a t i r e was popular - hence the well known anonymous 6 This German term i s used e s p e c i a l l y to describe the happy-go-lucky, slovenly mode of existence.  57 doggerel of the c a p i t a l : Du b i s t verrftckt, mein Kind! Du gehftrst nach Wien, Wo die Dort  verrtlckten gehBrst  sind,  Du hin!?  Secular Man The eighteenth century saw two major revolutions in Europe, both of which made noteworthy impacts, eventu a l l y , on the Austro-Hungarian monarchy. the  The f i r s t  was  I n d u s t r i a l Revolution, the second the French Revolution.  Both upheavals acted as solvents of the s o c i a l order that had remained almost unchanged from mediaeval feudalism and other worldliness. the  secular man,  They helped to produce a new  class:  the townsman - whether bourgeois or  factory worker, both of whom were unknown to the old t r a d i tions of the Dual Monarchy. These two revolutions came about p r i n c i p a l l y as a further stage of renaissance humanism, helped on by the s c i e n t i f i c work of Newton and the inventors.  The Indus-  t r i a l Revolution reached i t s climax i n the triumph of man's control of steam power.  Humanism meant the emanci-  pation of man from h i s t r a d i t i o n a l masters - the clergy, the  n o b i l i t y and t r a d i t i o n a l custom.  The new man desired  to l i v e f r e e l y "among h i s own people", sharing i n 7 You are mad my c h i l d ! You belong to Vienna, Where a l l the f o o l s are That's just where you belong!  58 r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and uncontrolled by any oppressive authority from above.  This was the r e a l import of the French Revol-  ution. The i n d u s t r i a l revolution grew out of the quest for  knowledge.  It was marked by new s c i e n t i f i c thought and  investigation and these i n turn led to s t a r t l i n g discoveries. The climax of a l l this was the r i s e of urban l i f e and manners, and the harnessing of science to s o c i a l and economic ends.  It led f i f t y years l a t e r to the l i n k i n g up of c i t i e s  by railways.  Slowly but surely men realised that machines  could replace human beings i n the producing of goods and in  transporting them.  This led to much d i s l o c a t i o n of  people, the growth of towns around the "dark satanic mills". all  As i t turned out, the idea of the machine doing  the work was never r e a l i s e d : man was  run the machines and the factory and  s t i l l needed to  mechanical'processes  could s t i l l admit sweat-shop conditions.  Two new  classes  were growing up, or even three: I)  The entrepreneur and businessman who owned, planned and harnessed the machine;  ii)  The engineer and the clerk who performed  the  necessary servicing - Indispensable elements i n the process, as was iii)  soon r e a l i s e d ;  The labour force to run the machines, working men and women who had to be recruited from the old  guilds of artisans and above a l l from the  peasantry.  59 The  lure of the r i s i n g c i t i e s presented an i r r e s i s t i b l e  attraction to the r u r a l areas. In a general way  the e f f e c t of the  industrial  revolution on Eastern Europe came f i f t y years later than in the West.  I t was being generally f e l t by the  f o r t i e s , and once the impact came i t was violent.  Both the revolutions had  eighteen-  a l l the more  a much harder b a t t l e  to f i g h t then because the forces of opposition and conservatism were stronger.  The dynasty, the church and  the  feudal form of society were s t i l l actively, embedded In tradition.  But, as we know from science,.every v i o l e n t  action w i l l produce an equally potent contrary action. Just as i n Prance, the revolution helped to produce nationalism, and once the trend started i t could not be halted. This was  truest of the i n d u s t r i a l turnover.  construction of railways i n A u s t r i a led to a of men  to run them.  Not only was  The  recruitment  labour needed,, but  alsor  an administrative group to operate and manage things. The administrator may he was  have been a former a r i s t o c r a t , i f  good enough f o r the job.  t i o n rather than the r u l e .  But this was  The normal run of  were often newcomers, whose fathers may to read or write.  the excepadministrators  not have been able  A b i l i t y and enterprise were the c r u c i a l  consideration and they drew r e c r u i t s from a l l walks of life. This made f o r a cleavage i n two ways - f i r s t of a l l this new  class, which we  s h a l l c a l l the secular, did  60 not subscribe to the old t r a d i t i o n s : these men had no t i e s with the land, with the exception of the few a r i s t o c r a t s and these soon l o s t them. dynastic or family t i e s .  They were also free from any F i n a l l y they were unconnected  with the Church, indeed often they were openly a n t i clerical. On the other hand, t h e i r work demanded that they be men of i n t e l l i g e n c e , thinking men, to look at things discerningly.  who  could be expected  They could well be c r i t i -  c a l about the prevailing s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l order, and this new  sense of discrimination often made them unwilling  to take things f o r granted.  Loath to allow events to go  along the same way as before, they became a disturbing influence.  They began to intervene a c t i v e l y , and from  now  on nothing escaped their attention. As i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n progressed, t h i s class multiplied and became an i n f l u e n t i a l power.  With them  began the modern free enterprise system, and some of them became independent proprietors.  This change r a d i c a l l y  modified the whole monarchy by 1900.  Furthermore,  their  doctrine of "organic work" stimulated national development* The best example of this was the progress of Bohemia from 1850  to 1900.  Aggressive Czech and German entrepreneurs,  manufacturers, bankers, and traders transformed the country from a backward one into an i n d u s t r i a l giant.  / This was done by the Czechs under the slogan narod 8 Czech "a nation f o r I t s e l f . "  * 8 sobe.  61  and so had even s i g n i f i c a n t p o l i t i c a l consequences as time went on. But the West also furnished other stimulants, v i z . ideas. thinking.  In the wake of s c i e n t i f i c progress came s o c i a l The middle of the nineteenth century saw a  three-fold development of enquiry and action i n which science challenged a l l accepted 1)  principles:  The theory of evolution, Darwinism.  The thesis  of natural s e l e c t i o n and the survival: of the f i t t e s t took a f i r m hold on men's minds, ii)  Marxism.  The d i a l e c t i c a l - m a t e r i a l i s t view that  everything i n society can be explained by economics linked to the concept of class-war i n the Interest of the true producers of wealth, iii)  The p o s i t i v i s m of Auguste Comte who rejected both theology and philosophy and held that everything i s to be explained In terms of exact science.  Out of a l l these emerged the "science" of sociology that i s an attempt to analyse and understand society and the s o c i a l processes  on purely human ways by the inductive  s c i e n t i f i c method. A l l this turnmoil In men's minds was destined to leave i t s mark on the p r e v a i l i n g order i n Austria-Hungary. The Church, the Dynasty and the accepted view of the world had always assumed that each man  had a fixed and immov-  able place i n the established order from which he could  not move.  One might c a l l i t a " s t a t i c " concept of society.  The spread of education and the new  ideas cut r i g h t  across a l l t h i s , and replaced i t by the modern "dynamic" approach, with i t s w i l l i n g acceptance of change and i t s challenge to human beings to make themselves masters of t h e i r own destiny. proclaimed  Teachers appeared i n the Monarchy who  the new p r i n c i p l e s and put them Into p r a c t i c e .  The name of Masaryk stands out i n this connection. the supreme example of the prophet who  He Is  knew that the old  order was doomed and would have to make way f o r something different. The Special Case of Pan-Germanism^ Did the Austrians wish to rank as Germans because of their c u l t u r a l and  l i n g u i s t i c a f f i n i t i e s or  were they a d i s t i n c t and s e l f s u f f i c i e n t "nation" In themselves?  This w i l l be dealt with i n the next chapter, f o r  our only concern here w i l l be to discuss Pan-Germanism as a disruptive force in the empire.  Pan-Germanism was  the expression of a resolve to include a l l the Germanspeaking elements i n Europe i n one large national state. Looking at i t , we are faced with a curious prospect: members of the so-called Herrenvolk  i n Austria a c t u a l l y  cherished strong allegiances outside the realm. In the eighteenth century the modern Germany of nationalism was unknown.  There existed only a medley of  9 This subject i s t e l l i n g l y analysed  op. c i t . . pp. 226-228.  i n Seton-Watson,  63 smaller and larger p r i n c i p a l i t i e s and kingdoms, with Prussia ambitious to take the lead.  A l l this was changed  within a century by a notable chain of events. Herder and others had implanted the concept of the national idea - a l l people professing a common language, f o l k l o r e and culture should be together.  His ideas,  galvanised by the wars against Napoleon, Befreiungskriege,' were espoused by German i n t e l l e c t u a l s and romantics (notably by Johann Gottlieb Plchte) who propounded the idea of  one nation including a l l the Germans, and then by  Georg Wilhelra F r i e d r i c h Hegel who wanted one German state. The Pan-German Idea was becoming rooted In the mentality of  the people.  P o l i t i c a l r e a l i t i e s however, lagged behind  i d e o l o g i c a l thought: after Napoleon the Germans were subordinated to the Concert of Europe; they were divided into North and South, and Metternich could s t i l l make h i s influence decisive. In tion.  l8ij.8 the Germans too came under the Revolu-  One phase of i t emerged i n B e r l i n , the other i n the  Frankfurt assembly - the famous pre-parliament of Germany. There was, however, s t i l l the basic cleavage of r e l i g i o u s faith.  Prussia and Northern Germany were c h i e f l y Pro-  testant, while the Southern Germans were Catholics,  The  Frankfurt assembly was r e a l l y a body dealing with Southern a f f a i r s , and they invited the Austrians and Czechs to participate, 1 0  A chance existed f o r the Catholic Germans  Wars of l i b e r a t i o n .  to m a i n t a i n the l e a d e r s h i p , but not f o r long.  Berlin  other p l a n s .  austerity,  Not A u s t r i a but P r u s s i a w i t h h e r  her i n g r a i n e d m i l i t a r y s p i r i t and w i t h Bismarck's was  d e s t i n e d to f o r g e the G r e a t e r Germany.  of Hegel and Bismarck's  "blood and  The  tradition to  boundaries,  but w i t h the e x c l u s i o n of the middle Danube. of German togetherness had  realism  iron" prevailed  create a German R e i c h t r a n s c e n d i n g r e l i g i o u s  had  A new  phase  come, but s u b j e c t to i m p e r i a l  ambitions. Bismarck, the r e a l i s t , d i d not wish to  absorb  A u s t r i a ; he d i d not want any more C a t h o l i c s i n the R e i c h or any non-Germans.  Nor d i d he  with the C a t h o l i c church. Poles was  The  seek another  Kulturkampf  one experience w i t h the  enough: the r i c h s o i l of Poznania and  the g a i n i n g  of the c o r r i d o r between G r e a t e r Germany and E a s t P r u s s i a was  the reason f o r a l l h i s t r o u b l e .  H i s successes i n  won  him many enemies, but i t made others worship  1870  him.  Statues of the I r o n C h a n c e l l o r could be found near  the  a l t a r i n many Lutheran Churches i n the Danube l a n d s . Me need not be s u r p r i s e d  then a t the growth of  a Pan-German movement i n A u s t r i a . minds of many Lutherans, who  I t was  present i n the  f e l t t h a t they were a t a d i s -  advantage i n an overwhelmingly  Catholic state.  T h i s came  to a head d u r i n g the famous language t r o u b l e s , the  Badenl  degrees which would have p e r m i t t e d the Czechs t o enjoy e q u a l i t y of language i n the c o u r t s . stomach f o r many Austro-Germans.  The  T h i s was  too much to  c o n t r o v e r s y led on  65 to a rabid spread of Pan-German views, already launched i n the eighties by Rudolf SchBnerer.  He may be called the  f i r s t proponent of pure Aryanism "Durch Eiriheit zur Reinheit",' "^ the ignoble t r a d i t i o n that bred H.S. Chamber1  lain's unhealthy theories and i n due time the Nazi r a c i a l philosophy.  SchBnerer wanted three things:  i) Germanization  of Austria and i t s union with  Germany. i i ) A n t i - c l e r i c a l i s m : the los von Rom movement directed against e c c l e s i a s t i c a l control and i n favour of Protestantism, i l l ) Rabid anti-semitism, c h i e f l y directed against the i n f l u x of Eastern Jews into Vienna during the eighteen-nineties and the growing influence of Jews through the press, trade and i n business. Needless to say SchBnerer could never enjoy o f f i c i a l support, e s p e c i a l l y from the dynasty, because of h i s violent anti-catholicism.  On balance the movement  was a f a i l u r e , because SchBnerer never succeeded i n r e c r u i t i n g more than 30,000 converts.  Nevertheless, the  atmosphere was tense, and because he received support from none other than the eminent Theodor Mommsen, the leading German h i s t o r i a n of the day, who i n 1 8 9 7 In a  •e famous l e t t e r to the Neue Elrie Presse affirmed that "just as the Germans of A u s t r i a look towards Germany, so do the Germans of the Empire look toward Austria." 11 "Through unity to purity."  This  66 statement was f u t u r i s t i c . I t did not a c t u a l l y achieve a p o l i t i c a l r e s u l t u n t i l 1938 j but H i t l e r was SchBnerer's h e i r i n Austria. The meaning of a l l this i s c l e a r .  Not even the  people of "the heartland"of Austria, whose speech was German and to whose children the dynasty belonged, could l i b e r a t e themselves from deviations which meant an open betrayal of the Monarchy.  Fine as that structure was, i n  outward appearance, i t stood on feet of c l a y : the day was soon to come when i t would topple, and no one could save i t .  CHAPTER IV. NATIONALISM IN ACTION Introduction In t h i s c h a p t e r we  s h a l l look more c l o s e l y a t  the v a r i o u s separate n a t i o n a l i s m s i n the Empire and e f f e c t they had  on i t s v i a b i l i t y .  I t w i l l be found  the t h a t the  e s s e n t i a l c h a r a c t e r of n a t i o n a l i s m played as g r e a t a p a r t i n the d i s o l u t i o h of the monarchy as any of the d i s r u p t i v e f a c t o r s mentioned i n the p r e c e d i n g c h a p t e r .  We  shall  look at n a t i o n a l i s m as an e x p r e s s i o n of the s o c i a l and  first  order,  then t r a c e b r i e f l y i t s development i n the case of the  l e a d i n g n a t i o n s : i n p a r t i c u l a r the n a t i o n a l f a i t h s of the Czechs, Hungarians, Poles and must enquire whether t h e r e was i n the consciousness whether i t was  Finally,  we  any r e a l n a t i o n a l i s m rooted  of the Austro-Germans, p a r t i c u l a r l y  "sui generis."  another problem: was  South S l a v s .  T h i s w i l l a l s o lead to  there an o v e r a l l " n a t i o n a l i s m " having  i t s o b j e c t i n the crown, dynasty  and  the S t a a t s i d e e ?  I t i s e a s i e r to d e s c r i b e than to d e f i n e n a t i o n alism." " 1  B e f o r e one  d i t i o n s and apply.  can attempt t h i s one must look f o r con-  claims which w i l l f i t i t , and  The b e s t way  b e f o r e the h o r s e .  ask f o r whom they  to answer t h i s i s to put the  The  cart  " s u b j e c t s " are a group of people  Kohn, H., op_. c i t . ; Macartney, C.A., N a t i o n a l L i f e and N a t i o n a l M i n o r i t i e s . London. Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1934; R o y a l I n s t i t u t e of I n t e r n a t i o n a l A f f a i r s , N a t i o n a l i s m . A Report of a Study Group o f Members of the RTlA. London. Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1939. 1  67  68 having certain common ideas and Ideals: nationalism can never exist f o r one person, but only f o r a large group. The  etymology of the word supplies us with the f i r s t clue:  a common b i r t h .  But this comes to only a minor f a c t o r .  A  common t e r r i t o r y or region to l i v e i n leads us further, and with t h i s a common ecology.  S t i l l more important are other  f a c t o r s ; a single language, a common f o l k culture, poetry and f o l k l o r e on the simplest plane.  These on a higher  l e v e l are transformed into a common and widely accepted and treasured l i t e r a t u r e , music and the creative arts; i n short what adds up to a common c u l t u r a l heritage. History, a common experience, contributes greatly to national f e e l i n g : an outstanding national triumph or disaster i s enshrined i n the memory and takes i t s place i n the national consciousness, contributing thus to a national sentiment. The same may also be said of common enemies.  A dangerous  antagonist can unify a nation i n a singular manner. Add to t h i s the f a c t of common hopes and inspirations f o r the future and we see that nationalism means the s p i r i t u a l togetherness of a certain group of people, i n the process of "becoming" (Herder's phrase) a single power, knit together by f a c t o r s and feelings treasured i n common. The Austria-Hungarian Monarchy affords an excellent example f o r the study of nationalism.  I t was almost  an i d e a l laboratory f o r the s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t because i t presented a v a r i e t y of nationalisms.  Some of these diverse  factors have already been suggested In the previous chapter,  69 such as c o n f l i c t i n g nationalisms, i . e . the attitudes of a people towards two l o y a l t i e s .  We have noted already that  in Austria-Hungary only two nations were e n t i r e l y within the boundaries of the empire. In some cases, we can speak of h i s t o r i c a l nationalisms.  Some of the nations enjoyed a longer h i s t o r y  of independence before being subjected by Vienna or Budapest.  This h i s t o r i c a l evolution had been interrupted,  but even t h i s interruption offered an outlet f o r p a t r i o t i c sentiment.  Memories of Kosovo had a remarkable e f f e c t on  the modern r e b i r t h of nationalism, among the South Slavs. The same may be said of B i l a Hora i n the case of the Czechs.  Prom this h i s t o r i c a l nationalism we d i s t i n g u i s h  a set of l o y a l t i e s without  such t r a d i t i o n s : e.g. that of  the Slovaks, who e a r l y i n t h e i r existence were vanquished by the expanding powor of the Magyars and thus may be said to have had no h i s t o r y of t h e i r own.  Nevertheless  even i n  Slovakia language and f o l k elements were cultivated from generation to generation so that the germ of nationalism remained, l i k e the moth i n the cocoon, ready to break away when the time came. Precisely this d i v e r s i t y of nationalism worked towards the disruption of the Monarchy.  We use the term  "disruption" because this i s the gesture of nationalism within the empire which s t r i k e s the observer most.  The  various nations developed aspirations peculiar to themselves: which could not be reconciled with a whole.  One  70 might well ask oneself whether, i n the l i g h t of these highly matured c e n t r i f u g a l movements, i f the cateclysm of 191i+-l8 had not occurred,  the old state of A u s t r i a -  Hungary could have survived a f t e r 1 9 l 4  ?  Would disaster  have come even without the external impetus of war?  Did  the national movements bring about collapse, or did they only prepare the ground? will differ.  One  On this great question,  opinions  thing only i s c e r t a i n : the Dual Monarchy  did not possess the power of resistance and  resiliency  usually found i n a homogeneous society. Two  leading nations lived e n t i r e l y within the  boundaries of the Austro-Hungarian state: the Czechs and Magyars.  An analysis of the development of t h e i r respective  patterns of nationalism w i l l show d i s t i n c t i v e features, special to each case and unfriendly to one another, and such h o s t i l i t y contributed to the d i s i n t e g r a t i o n of the empire. The Czechs p The Czechs  have long been recognised  as an  h i s t o r i c a l nation: at least In that they have had a l l the earmarks distinguishing any people from their neighbours. They can trace t h e i r h i s t o r y back to t h e i r legendary ancestor Czech, who  came to the ancient C e l t i c t e r r i t o r y  of Bohemia and made i t Slav.  But recorded  t r a d i t i o n starts  with the Premysls, the f i r s t dynasty, and that dynasty i s Seton-Watson, op., c i t . : also Prokes', J . , H l s t o l r e Tchecoslovaaue. Prague, Orbis, 1927. 2  71 notable f o r the continuous struggle between the Czechs and Germans.  Having a common enemy a l l about them helped  early to forge the bonds between the members of the Czech people.  The most notable r e l i c to which the Czechs paid  homage were the jewels of St. Wenceslas: the revered symbol of the Czech crown. By the time of the Wenceslas era the people were already greatly imbued with a sense of national togetherness: the raw materials of a nation were present.  The crown of St. Wenceslas was the most  national symbol of Bohemia, because i t represented not only a defense against the Germans but also symbolised Czech unity and independence.  The Czechs look back on  Wenceslas as t h e i r patron saint, not only i s he a symbol of p o l i t i c a l union but also of s p i r i t u a l harmony and future salvation. The t r a d i t i o n s of Wenceslas have helped to produce one of the f i r s t reform movements i n Europe: the protests and complains by Jan Hus, a preacher and unive r s i t y lecturer, against the p r e v a i l i n g abuses of the Roman Catholic Church.  But Hus and h i s teaching had  n a t i o n a l i s t consequences as w e l l : the movement was a popular protest against the encroachment of Germans who controlled the church a f f a i r s of the Holy Roman Empire. Hus became a martyr to t h i s cause.  His followers, the  Hussites, were embroiled i n r e l i g i o u s wars against the Emperor and the Papacy.  The Hussites produced one of  the best generals of the era, Ziz'ka, who invented many  72 new f i g h t i n g techniques.  Hus,  Zlj&ca and t h e i r followers  d e f i n i t e l y belong to the Czech pantheon: they were a l l v i t a l l y n a t i o n a l i s t figures f o r t i f y i n g the nation's historical  consciousness. As we saw i n the f i r s t chapter, Bohemia was  eventually subjugated  by the Hapsburgs.  The gradual s e i z -  ure of the Bohemian crown lands culminated defeat at White Mountain (1620).  In the Czech  The memory of this defeat  must also undoubtedly occupy an intimate place i n the minds of the people.  The Czechs never forgot the g l o r i e s of t h e i r  h i s t o r y even i n periods of defeat. White Mountain was followed by years of darkness and f r u s t r a t i o n .  The native n o b i l i t y were eliminated at  one stroke, and a German one substituted f o r I t .  Czech  language and culture were b r u t a l l y snuffed out u n t i l tile native tongue was used as a vernacular only by the peasantry.  The elimination of the upper classes was  a grievous  blow, since i t l e f t a l l things of the mind and the  spirit  in non-Czech hands - the German leaders of Church and State.  The preservation of language, however, by the.-  peasantry proved to be a f a c t o r of f i r s t - r a t e importance: and i n this there were the seeds which would sprout Into national flowering. We have already referred to the period of Enlightenment.  For the Czechs this time had a s p e c i a l  significance, f o r out of i t came the f i r s t awakeners, " b u d i t e l i " , men  who had a sense of the relevancy and  the  73 v i t a l i t y of the nation's past.  Indeed i t was German  schools which produced the f i r s t awakeners.  The scholar  churchman, Josef Dobrovsky, and the great translator, Josef Jungmann, who resuscitated the Czech language. They r e b u i l t this speech from almost a crude and unrefined patois of the peasants into an adequate instrument of expression.  Previous Germanisms and Latinisms were  replaced by Slavonic neologisms i n Jungmann s famous 1  Czech Dictionary, which gradually had i t s own acceptance in common usage. The next group of awakeners were poets, l i k e Jan  K o l l a r , ^ who showed that Czech was capable of every-  thing demanded of a l i t e r a r y language and this paved the way f o r the generation of Czech i n t e l l e c t u a l s , who by 181^.8, though few i n number, did much.  In Prague they had  formed a Museum Society, and had t h e i r own theatre with native playwrights.  They had a worthy leader i n  Prantisek Palacky, the f i r s t Czech h i s t o r i a n , who In h i s famous History of Bohemia ( i n ten volumes, I8i|4-l867), was able to bring their glorious past to the attention of the  Czech public. Alongside a l l t h i s , the growth of c i t i e s ,  stimulated by the i n d u s t r i a l revolution, led to the r i s e and strengthening of the new middle class.  This new  and expanding.element was prepared to absorb Czech 3 Actually K o l l a r was by b i r t h and language a Slovak but h i s writing and Influence were directed towards r e s u s c i t a t i o n of Czech nationalism.  culture i f the needed f a c i l i t i e s cation was  were provided; but edu-  s t i l l strongly German and the p r e v a i l i n g  atti-  tude of the Czechs was f o r many reasons s t i l l toward cooperation with Vienna.  Palacky was  as much i f not more  conscious of t h i s than the mass of h i s compatriots. c l a s s i c reply to. the Frankfurt congress epitomised general attitude of the time: "We  His the  are a part of a A u s t r i a -  Hungary, i f Austria did not e x i s t , she would have to be created".  Palacky' knew well why  he preferred the Czechs  to remain with Austria, where the Slavs would eventually perhaps gain f e d e r a l status, rather than be submerged In a South German or even Great German sea.  In t h i s case  there would be no p o s s i b i l i t y of federalism, to say nothing of independence. The year 181+8 was a s i g n i f i c a n t one: the revolut i o n arrived i n Bohemia also.  In A p r i l of that year  p a t r i o t s held enthusiastic meetings i n Prague and demanded autonomy.  This followed upon the r i o t i n g i n Vienna and  Budapest, but the Viennese authorities did not act, because the situation was  too f l u i d .  In June the f i r s t  Slavonic Congress of representatives of Slav peoples was held i n Prague.  In passing, we should note that the event  again i l l u s t r a t e s the presence of disruptive forces In the Empire.  This congress,  the "reply" of the Slavs to j(J  sunt  the Frankfurt Assembly, was held,to test and to demonstrate inter-Slav l o y a l t i e s and s o l i d a r i t y .  The Czechs  and other Slavs were displaying other allegiances, outside  75 the Austrian empire.  Even then a sense of growing  cohesion was spreading among the Slavs, which i f i t could have been exploited by Russia might have conduced to a situation such as we see today.^ One r e s u l t of the holding of the Slavonic congress i n Prague was revolutionary outbreaks i n that c i t y . Against these Vienna reacted and the unrest was crushed by the m i l i t a r y .  Such ruthless suppression must have led  to the conclusion that the Hapsburgs would brook no dissent, and the f i r s t seeds of the protest were thus sown.  The cardinal fact i n the minds of the Hapsburgs was  that Bohemia was the heartland of the State and that Bohemians must be preserved within the Empire and that there could be no defection there.  The borderlands  of the  empire could be held with looser reins, but not the centre. The tension thus caused was accentuated  by the  development of the next decades - Bohemia became more i n d u s t r i a l i s e d and thus more valuable.  A sample of this  i s the brewing industry of Plzen to which l a t e r on were added armaments.  Then came the heavy industry of the  S i l e s i a n borderlands  and the creation of the Zivnostenska  Bank. These developments were achieved by the Czechs themselves "narod sobe".^  The growth of the middle class  ^ Kohn, H., Panslavism, I t s History and Ideology. Notre Dame, University of Notre Dame Press, 1953. 5 !'the nation f o r i t s e l f " .  76  led also to the r i s e of the entrepreneurs.  These  men,  whose whole l i f e was i n industry, were able to achieve much in organic work.  Such organic work, perhaps we can  c a l l i t a l t r u i s t i c , was serving the interests of the nation as well as those of the i n d i v i d u a l s .  For the  e i g h t e e n - f i f t i e s and s i x t i e s saw f u r t h e r progress i n work done by the i n t e l l e c t u a l s : l i t e r a t u r e and the arts were i n a f l o u r i s h i n g state.  Perhaps the best example  of this was the creation of the national theatre and of the national museum. Only one thing was r e a l l y missing, v i z . proper educational f a c i l i t i e s - a Czech u n i v e r s i t y and general education i n Czech hands. 'content.  Here lay the seeds of d i s -  As the Czechs arrived at s o c i a l maturity they  craved the same consideration as the Germans had In the monarchy.  They were s t i l l w i l l i n g to serve l o y a l l y both  the emperor and dynasty, but the Ausgleich of 1 8 6 7 came as a bombshell.  This settlement with the Magyars was  made only to save the state after the Sadowa debacle. The Czechs fought with vigour and conviction i n that decisive b a t t l e and hoped that they would be rewarded.  In  fact instead the Magyars obtained complete autonomy and the d i s i l l u s i o n e d Czechs received nothing.  A move was  made toward a Czech Ausgleich i n 1 8 7 1 , but t h i s caused a great outcry i n the country, p a r t i c u l a r l y from the German minority. descend  The Emperor, Franz Joseph, would not even con-  to being crowned King of Bohemia In Prague.  And t h i s among other things contributed strongly to  extremism i n Czech p o l i t i c s - the r i s e of the Young Czech party whose ambition was to have "patriotism with a chip on the shoulder".  The young Czechs were rabid nation-  a l i s t s whose goal was complete autonomy i n t h e i r nation. Thus, toward the end of the century, Czech particularism reached i t s zenith. In 1882, a national u n i v e r s i t y was re-established, and popular education i n the mother tongue came into being.  The Czechs f e l t themselves to be a f u l l - f l e d g e d  entity, and that the time was ripe f o r achieving autonomy. They had reached a stage where they could ably manage their own a f f a i r s .  Indeed, and even some p o l i t i c a l groups  in Vienna were conscious of t h i s , the Belvedere group led by the Archduke Pranz Ferdinand f e l t that federalism f o r the Slavs i n A u s t r i a would be the right and just solution of the growing problem. For our purposes, the cardinal fact was that one of the most v i t a l regions of the empire was populated by a nation which had reached an advanced point i n development, c u l t u r a l l y , s o c i a l l y and economically.  The  Czechs were sophisticated enough to be convinced that they could stand on their own feet and, without i n t e r ference from outside, put t h e i r own house In order. The Magyars The Magyars^* have always been a group by themselves In the Empire.  They enjoy no ethnic and l i n g u i s t i c  6 Macartney, C.A., Hungary. London, E. Benn, 1934*  78 a f f i l i a t i o n s with any other r a c i a l group i n the state, even i n the whole of Central Europe.  O r i g i n a l l y they came  from the region of the Urals, one of the main groups of the Finno-Ugric l i n g u i s t i c family.  They arrived In the  Danube p l a i n s , the A l f B l d , i n the ninth century, being part of the last nomadic movement which had begun with V8Ikerwanderung - another movement of people caused by the pressure of populations s t a r t i n g from the neighbourhood  of  Lake Baikal. The Magyars are of A s i a t i c o r i g i n and we can assume at the outset that Hungary had a formidable problem of national self-preservation.  Hence i t s nationalism has  been a v i r u l e n t and disruptive factor from the beginning. These people had to be aggressive at a l l times i n order to survive as a homogeneous unit.  It was a stroke of good  fortune that they got possession of the wide p l a i n of the Middle Danube. As with the Czechs, the v i t a l and important nati o n a l symbol of the Magyars Is the crown of St. Stephen which was placed on the head of one of the f i r s t members of the Arpad dynasty.  Subsequently Stephen became the  patron saint of Hungary.  At t h i s time, about 1 , 0 0 0  A.D.,  Roman Catholic C h r i s t i a n i t y was Introduced into the land and soon the zeal f o r expansion began. It would be interesting to speculate whether this expansion was not carried out to prove to the Hungarians t h e i r own ideas of s e l f - g l o r y , a psychological variant  79 for j u s t i f y i n g t h e i r r a c i a l i s o l a t i o n .  In the eleventh  century the weak Slovaks were subjugated i n the North and an accommodation was reached with South Slavonic Croats in the South - a union of the two countries under one crown although as time went on the Hungarians successfully converted Croatia into a province of t h e i r  own.  From the twelfth century on, we see the r i s e of a native Magyar n o b i l i t y which played a prominent role i n Hungarian national l i f e .  This was accentuated because a l l  other peoples and classes, p a r t i c u l a r l y the non-Magyar, were to play a lesser role as time went on.  Broadly  speaking this became a major contest between the Hungarian Herrenvolk and the non-Hungarian neighbour peoples, l i v i n g mostly i n the surrounding highlands and dependent on the r i c h plain-land f o r t h e i r bread, as subjects. Magyar nationalism was from the start romantic and aggressive.  Preservation of i d e n t i t y was an ever-  present watchword.  This was p a r t i c u l a r l y noticeable dur-  ing the Ottoman invasion from the fourteenth century on. They were able to preserve t h e i r language and culture during that period but with d i f f i c u l t y .  At times, during  the Ottoman occupation, the Magyars were i n a special position, p a r t i c u l a r l y when the Turks used them as a counterweight against the Hapsburg invader. Nevertheless i n the struggle against the Turks the Hungarians produced national heroes; the most notable of these i s John Hunyady, the Hungarian Zizka, whose meteoric m i l i t a r y career inspired  80 much national pride. We have seen that the battle of Mohacs sealed the fate of the Hungarians.  Prom t h i s moment on they were  members of the Hapsburg monarchy.  But a comparison with  the Czechs w i l l show some s t r i k i n g differences.  In the  f i r s t place the Hungarians were already an established nation whose type of nationalism was of an advanced as propounded by Herder.  state  By 1600 they were a nation with  a language, f o l k t r a d i t i o n and culture i n f u l l swing. Secondly, and this Is v i t a l : Moha'cs to them was not the same as was B i l a Hora to the Czechs, an almost complete national o b l i t e r a t i o n .  The Hungarians were never deprived  of t h e i r n o b i l i t y , and this class continued to play a dominant role In Hungarian a f f a i r s .  The  Hapsburgs  realised t h i s , and Maria Theresa was formally crowned Queen of Hungary.  The Magyars regarded her as t h e i r  queen and she became almost a national heroine.  own  They had  f u l l p r i v i l e g e s In t h e i r own house and by the nineteenth century they enjoyed a special position,  their nobility  actually conducted t h e i r i n t e r n a l a f f a i r s . This was not good enough, however. their leaders demanded complete independence. ship i n t h i s campaign was t y p i c a l .  In l8l(.8, The leader-  Louis Kossuth was an  out and out chauvinist who would never bow' to anybody, least of a l l to the Hapsburgs and Austrians: i n marked contrast to the Czechs whose leadership at this time consisted of bourgeois I n t e l l e c t u a l s moderate i n t h e i r approach.  81 The Czechs were the r e a l i s t s , the Magyars the aggressive visionary romantics.  Kossuth was  a hot-head who  fought  Austria without any thought f o r the consequences. Furthermore, as Namier said, "the basic c o n f l i c t of 181^.8 was between the two p r i n c i p l e s - of dynastic property in countries and of national sovereignty: the one feudal i n o r i g i n , h i s t o r i c i n i t s growth and s u r v i v a l , the other grounded i n reason i n ideas simple and convincing but as unsuited to l i v i n g organisms as chemically pure water".  7  In Hungary the former was represented by a peculiar phenomenon, the dynastic nationalism of the n o b i l i t y and  their  land; the l a t t e r was pure subjective nationalism, romantic i n a l l i t s ramifications as represented by Kossuth.  Both  were disruptive but Kossuth more so. Kossuth, however, might have been successful In h i s aggressive campaign against Austria had Russia not stepped i n to help her dynastic neighbour, but the b a t t l e of Vilagos and the following period marked the only time when Hungary was r e a l l y submerged, just as the Czechs had been after 1620.  This was p a r t i c u l a r l y true during the  reactionary regime of Alexander Bach and Prince F e l i x Schwarzerberg.  The Magyars were, however, an adult nation  which could not long be held i n subservience. They soon demonstrated their obstinacy and tence by boycotting the February patent 7  Namier, op., c i t . . p.  182.  persis-  (1861) and by not  82 sending representatives to the Reichsrath.  Their army did  not contribute much to the Austro-Prussian war..  In spite  of a l l this the Magyars received the best treatment of a l l n a t i o n a l i t i e s i n the Ausgleich of 1867.  This made them  again the r e a l master-race i n t h e i r part of the empire, and spurred them on.towards being absolute lords i n t h e i r own manor.  Aggressive nationalism made f o r much persecution of  t h e i r minorities. existed!  In the sequel they denied that any others  The Hungarians t r u l y r e f l e c t t h e i r own intolerance  and b r u t a l i t y to their subject peoples i n t h e i r famous saying tot nem ember - "a Slovak i s not a man" - by which more i s meant than just the Slovak members of the Slavonic peoples, to say nothing of other allogeneous  subject peoples  such as the Latin Roumanians who were regarded with equal condescending contempt.  Also they put. back the clock i n  Transleithania to feudalism: and to be sure a p a r t i c u l a r l y obnoxious kind of, t h e i r own brand. Hungarian nationalism was p a r t i c u l a r l y harmful because i t set Hungarians on a pedestal. merge with the r e s t .  They would never  The Czechs may. have cooperated  the monarchy, the Magyars never. Thus the dissolution  within of the  empire was hastened by the uncompromising intransigence of this would-be master-race.  I t can c e r t a i n l y be surmised  that the health of the. empire would have been such as to keep the body p o l i t i c a l i v e longer i f the Magyar element had been w i l l i n g either to emigrate, or to cooperate.  83 The  Poles We turn now  sentiments  to consider, b r i e f l y , the status and  of the Austrian acquired province of G a l i c i a ,  a province of p a r t i c u l a r importance i n the empire. Prom the strategic point of view i t was a sort of no man's land, standing as a bulwark or buffer against the most dangerous p o t e n t i a l enemy of the realm - the Russians. i t was  Furthermore,  i n the imperial i n t e r e s t that the peoples of the  province, the Poles and Ukrainians, be schooled f o r this role.  F i n a l l y G a l i c i a provided the empire with much needed  e s s e n t i a l natural resources: coal, timber, s a l t , water power (quite undeveloped), while toward the end of the old century a new  treasure was discovered there - o i l , a unique  find i n the monarchy.  One might add that the seven m i l l i o n  strong population (mostly rural) was  of considerable value  as a repository of manpower. The Poles, who were i n a minority, had two f o r being l o y a l subjects of the empire.  reasons  They were devout  Roman Catholics and this i n the o f f i c i a l view made them model c i t i z e n s .  As we have seen once and again, the Roman  Catholic Church was a most important  instrument of state  s o l i d a r i t y i n the empire, a sort of handmaiden to the dynasty.  Any one of i t s groups was more malleable  than  non-Catholics: the Poles could be more e a s i l y marshalled 0  Rose, W.J.,  The Rise of Polish Democracy. London, B e l l ,  191*4. PP. 105-12£  and commanded, thanks to the Influence of the Church. Secondly, there was an I n f l u e n t i a l long established landed aristocracy i n G a l i c i a , conservative by t r a d i t i o n and sympathetic to any dynastyj having none of i t s own  since the  Partitions, i t w i l l i n g l y pledged Its allegiance to the Hapsburgs. The lack of a Polish dynasty sums up the Polish s i t u a t i o n : the Polish state had been removed from the p o l i t i c a l map  of Europe.  After l8lf? the hopes of Polish Indep-  endence were obliterated.  The nation was divided into  separate parts - each under the oppressive influence of a foreign power with a l l the harmful Implications of a l i e n control.  And the attitudes of good w i l l toward Vienna were  greatly affected by something quite outside G a l i c i a - these were the harsh p o l i c i e s maintained  toward the Polish nation  by the other P a r t i t i o n powers -Imperial Russia and by Lutheran Prussia.  In the centre and the eastern parts, the  country was ruled by despotic T s a r i s t Russia - since the days of Catherine the most aggressive enemy of the Poles. To make matters worse. Russia was Orthodox i n f a i t h , and bent on extending that form of the f a i t h westward.  This  was a d i r e c t challenge to Polish Catholicism, which thus assumed n a t i o n a l i s t s p i r i t and content. more and more under Pan-Slav  As Russia came  influences during the nine-  teenth century the threat of submergence by a f o r e i g n power, regarded as Byzantine and h a l f A s i a t i c , produced a strong p a t r i o t i c reaction i n every Pole.  was  85 Memories o f p a s t independence and t e r r i t o r i a l " g r e a t n e s s " remained always under t h e s u r f a c e .  They had  found e x p r e s s i o n i n the f o u r i n s u r r e c t i o n s i n s i d e o f a cent u r y a g a i n s t Tsardom, and had been made i n t o a M e s s i a n i s t i c c u l t and r e l i g i o n by t h e g r e a t r o m a n t i c  poets.  The whole western b o r d e r , i n c l u d i n g t h e lower reaches o f the V i s t u l a , was s u b j e c t t o s t r i c t P r u s s i a n domi n a t i o n , w h i c h under B i s m a r c k became a m a t t e r death.  o f l i f e ,or  The P o l e s o f P o z n a n i a and Pomeranla were f i g h t i n g  f r o m 1870 onwards a r e a r g u a r d a c t i o n a g a i n s t a l i e n penet r a t i o n and dominance: t h e l a t e s t phase o f a c e n t u r y - o l d s t r u g g l e i n w h i c h b o t h n a t i o n a l and r e l i g i o u s elements were involved.  W i t h the K u l t u r k a m p f ^ I s s u o  was made more a c u t e :  woulc the C a t h o l i c Church be a l l o w e d any s a y i n m a t t e r s o f s c h o o l and r e l i g i o u s e d u c a t i o n o r were these t o become s e c u l a r i s e d under the c o n t r o l o f s t a t e o f f i c i a l s who were Lutheran " h e r e t i c s " .  T h i s went a g a i n s t t h e g r a i n o f a l l  l o y a l C a t h o l i c s and was s u c c e s s f u l l y w i t h s t o o d by a u n i t e d f r o n t o f c l e r g y and laymen. We a r e thus f a c e d by a p a r a d o x i c a l s i t u a t i o n :  in  the r e s t o f Poland t h e Church p l a y e d i t s p a r t as a n a t i o n a l i n s t r u m e n t f o r the P o l e s a g a i n s t the o p p r e s s i v e power, w h i l e i n G a l i c i a i t seemed t o be t h e i n s t r u m e n t o f s u p r a n a t i o n a l power - the Hapsburg d y n a s t y .  The n e t r e s u l t was a  laxity  o f n a t i o n a l f e e l i n g , by c o n t r a s t w i t h e i t h e r Czech o r Hungarian  s e n t i m e n t s , u n t i l a new power began t o emerge - t h a t o f  the peasants under W i t o s whose one attachment was t o t h e  86 land.  We have noted a l o y a l t y to the emperor and to the  a r i s t o c r a c y and o f those dependent on i t .  On the other hand  two f a c t o r s were making f o r a resurgence o f n a t i o n a l i s m i n Polish Galicla. First  '.  ,  o f a l l there was the f e e l i n g o f the working  c l a s s e s , whether on the land o r I n the s l o w l y r i s i n g i n d u s tries,  that they were Poles and that t h i s would one day  lead to t h e i r l i b e r a t i o n from every f o r e i g n yoke. was h e l p e d on by the economic s i t u a t i o n . of the year 1890, l i v e d  This  The masses, as  i n c o n d i t i o n s of ignorance and  misery, and t h i s was e s p e c i a l l y true o f the peasants, whose l o t was made the s u b j e c t o f a c a r e f u l survey by the o i l engineer S t a n i s l a w Szczepanowski. started  True a movement had been  i n the s e v e n t i e s t o a m e l i o r a t e t h e . l o t o f the pea-  sants by a defrocked p a r i s h p r i e s t , F a t h e r S t a n i s l a w S t o j a l o w s k i , who founded and held  a newspaper t o espouse the cause  l a t e r formed the Union o f Farmer's C i r c l e . its first  congress i n 1877.  S t o j a l o w s k i i n t e r e s t s us  here because he epitomises u n r e s t and ambition. paign t o b e t t e r the p e a s a n t s  1  T h i s body  H i s cam-  l o t r a n a b s o l u t e l y counter  to the p r e v a i l i n g order - t o the Church,  t o the a r i s t o -  c r a c y and p r o p e r l y c o n s t i t u t e d a u t h o r i t i e s i n g e n e r a l . I n some of h i s a c t i o n s he made mistakes, w i t h a r e s u l t  that  he was g e n e r a l l y condemned and even charged w i t h b e i n g d i s l o y a l to the monarchy. was  soon to be a l i v i n g  Y e t he d i d make a s t a r t i n what  crusade.  S i m i l a r work f o r the peasants was done i n the  87 name of socialism by an intrepid couple from Lvov, Boleslav and Maria Wyslouch, with t h e i r publication The Social Review. But the r e a l leadership came l a t e r from the peasants' ranks i n the person of Wincenty Witos, a v i l l a g e r from near Tarnow, who  saw the Populist Party come into being i n 1894  which i n time was to represent a l l the ignorant and exploited masses.  This was a purely secular movement and  was thus again under f i r e , e s p e c i a l l y from the Church. But Witos, while remaining l o y a l to Franz Joseph, was a shrewd man.  He could use two things - h i s native Polish mother  tongue and the need f o r more land as arguments, u n t i l i n 1911 he was elected to represent h i s people i n the Reichsrath. Witos i s again an example of a d i f f e r e n t flower which can grow on most unfavourable s o i l amid a l i e n corn. What he achieved was perhaps a s o c i a l i s t variant to Czech organic work: a r e s u s c i t a t i o n of the people - a r e b i r t h , educational progress and f i n a l l y a hope f o r a Polish r e orientation.  Accordingly i n one of h i s pronouncements, on  New Year's Day 19l4» we find him asking f o r a "national outlook on l i f e " , ^ and an end to the three t r a d i t i o n a l orientations, Austrian, Russian and Prussian. One positive outcome of this Populist Movement was the support the younger men gave to Pilsudski's Legions - a para-military force created to help i n the emancipation of Poland i n case of a war with Tsardom.  Indeed these Legions f u l f i l l e d  their task early i n the war, capturing the imagination of Rose, OD. c i t . , p.  118.  88  the whole nation. Parenthetically we should not neglect the nation within the nation i n G a l i c i a , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the Eastern part.  Those were the Ruthenians whose whole tendency was  directed towards the Ukraine: l i n g u i s t i c a l l y and and above a l l r e l i g i o u s l y . Church which was the Church was  culturally  They were members of the Uniate  Orthodox and. y e t a f f i l i a t e d with Rome, .thus  d i s t i n c t l y d i f f e r e n t from the Polish Catholics  and Vienna exploited t h i s d i f f e r e n c e ! During the second h a l f of the nineteenth century there had been a great upsurge of "nationalism i n the Ukraine led by young i n t e l l e c t u a l s such, as Taras  sVvcenko directed  against Great Russia.  This had  attractions f o r the Ruthenians as well and. produced a f u r ther c e n t r i f u g a l tendency i n G a l i c i a f o r there was  thus a  double awakening i n that province,, both Polish and Ukrainian. To-continue the Polish story: the Popul«lst Movement did much to encourage the s t i r r i n g s i n G a l i c i a while, r e a l l y working on a s o c i a l i s t and. peasant protest b a s i s . It presented Galicia.  a disruptive element within the f a b r i c of  The leaders of the movement were d e f i n i t e l y opposed  to the ideas of the established order.;  On the other hand the  movement could not gain unanimous approval at home. equally directed against the aristocracy,: who  I t was  were Poles  themselves, and could not be thought of as purely n a t i o n a l . It was  a s o c i a l protest aiming at creating a new  class:  i n the long run I t might have broken through the p r e v a i l i n g order thus destroying those factors which kept G a l i c i a  89 linked to the empire.  But with the outbreak of war, however,  a new phase was opened and everything hurtled on to the conclusion we know so w e l l . The South Slavs The Southern Slavs'*" presented In 1900 a picture 0  not easy to comprehend.  Subjected to Islam since the 11  b a t t l e of Kosovo (1389) "arrested development"  they remained i n a state of  f o r four hundred years or more, and  have won their freedom piecemeal from l8l£ to 1918. There was no trend toward u n i f i c a t i o n u n t i l modern times, nor could there be.  The obvious common denominator of the South  Slavs i s language.  Serbo-Croatian i s a single tongue, but  written i n two s c r i p t s : Slovene i s a cousin to t h i s . Otherwise the South Slavs present a wide d i v e r s i t y : i n the matter of r e l i g i o n , the northern part, the Croats and Slovenes, whose lands were Inside the western Roman empire are Cathol i c s , thus they f i t t e d better into the f a b r i c of the Hapsburg Monarchy.  The Serbs on the other hand have always HAve  been Orthodox as^also the Montenegrins; and most Bosnians are Moslems.  Then we are concerned with a people of whom  one h a l f were i n the Hapsburg realm but the other h a l f outside, and this makes the story rather complicated. Strakhovsky, L. (Ed.), The Slavic Handbook. Cambridge, Mass., Harvard University Press, see Chap, x! (pp. 180-198), by C.E. Black and Chap. XVI (pp. 271-292) by D.E. Lee. Serbian f o r " f i e l d of the black-birds." 1 0  1 1  90 Interestingly enough, the f i r s t impetus toward a South Slav union was given by Napoleon, who encouraged f o l k nationalism as a matter of p o l i t i c a l expediencey.  In 1809  Napoleon formed the so-called I l l y r l a n state, under the aegis of imperial Prance.  The boundaries of t h i s state were approx-  imately the same as those of the ancient Roman province after which i t was c a l l e d .  I l l y r i a consisted of a l l free South  Slavs not under Turkish rule, e s p e c i a l l y the Croats and Slovenes.  The I l l y r l a n Idea gave an impetus f o r South Slav  u n i f i c a t i o n and such important l i t e r a r y figures as a Croat Ljudovit Gaj were i t s chief advocates. the  This was perhaps  only concrete r e s u l t which emerged from the ephemeral  I l l y r l a n kingdom, because i n I8l5> the Croats and Slovenes had to return to the f o l d of the Monarchy.  In l82j.9 the  Croats and Slovenes a c t u a l l y sided with the Austrians i n t h e i r f i g h t against the Magyars and the I t a l i a n s .  Ban  J e l l a c i c , the leader of the Croats, insisted on the autonomy of h i s people, guaranteed from 1102, and when the Sobor, the  Croat diet, was set up In Zagreb the language used was  Croat.  Those people became the best treated Slavs i n  Transleithania. This was p a r t l y because the Magyars i n t e n t i o n a l l y sought their support; l a r g e l y however thanks to the f i n e leadership given by Bishop Josip Strossmayer from 182+9 to 1890, who may be said to be the founder and catalyst of Croat culture.  A special word should be said about t h i s  impressive personality, who i s of great interest because In  91 him were combined three l o y a l t i e s - the Catholic, he was a good servant of the Church, and thus was w i l l i n g to be a l o y a l servant of the empire, but he was against any church excesses, against Jesuitism, and he opposed the doctrine of Papal I n f a l l i b i l i t y . ing  Secondly, Strossmayer was an outstand-  Croatian p a t r i o t and he gave great support to Croat c u l -  ture, he helped found the Croat Academy of Learning, he aided i t materially with funds, many of them emanating from the treasury of h i s church.  Thirdly, he was a genuine  Slav and h e a r t i l y espoused  South  the cause of union of a l l t h e i r  people. Meanwhile the Austrians, with a view to checking Russian aims, had adopted an aggressive expansionist p o l i c y in the Balkans, and i n 1 8 7 8 they took Bosnia and Herzgovina under m i l i t a r y occupation, which did not, however, interfere with the l o c a l self-government as established.  This meant,  of course, that there were more Slavs than ever inside the Monarchy, as the authorities were soon to discover. nearby Serbia slowly asserting i t s e l f as an kingdom, and with men  With  independent  l i k e Strossmayer favouring a South  Slav idea, no administration could stop the steady advance of separatist ideas and these broke into open expression when Count Aehrenthal presented Europe with a f a i t accompli, formally annexing the "occupied" province i n 1908.  Only  the successes that followed four years l a t e r i n the Balkan was were needed to make the s i t u a t i o n as good as intolerable for both sides; and the shooting on the 28th of June, 1914*  92 was the t r a g i c upshot of the drama. ing • — i n the one case S t . Petersburg  Both p a r t i e s had back—  i n the other  Berlin.  T h i s a s s a s s i n a t i o n then made a European c o n f l a g r a t i o n i n e v i t able. In c o n c l u s i o n i t may be w e l l to remember t h a t the l a s t crown p r i n c e Pranz Ferdinand  and h i s s o - c a l l e d Belvedere  group advocated a f e d e r a t i o n i n A u s t r i a - t h a t i s t h r e e groups " t r i a l l s m " , c o n s i s t i n g o f the Germans, Hungarians and  South S l a v s to r e p l a c e the d u a l system.  T h i s i d e a came  to nought because i t was unacceptable to the Magyars, who were a f r a i d o f being  submerged In the S l a v sea.  Neverthe-  l e s s " t r i a l l s m " would n o t have been an easy s o l u t i o n .  The  Czechs would s t i l l have been under the German a e g i s , the Slovaks under the Hungarians and the P o l i s h q u e s t i o n  left  i n the a i r . The  Roumanians  12 The  Roumanians  of today are the descendants of  the Roman s e t t l e r s i n D a c i a Danube.  on the n o r t h e r n  s i d e of the  They were c e r t a i n l y the most d i s t a n t e a s t e r n  c o l o n i s t s i n the Roman Empire, descending from the l e g i o n s of the Emperor T r a j a n and from the c o n v i c t s e x i l e d and from adventurers - a l l o f whom i n t e r m a r r i e d w i t h n a t i v e  stocks.  They weathered the i n v a s i o n s o f the Volkerwanderung, many of them by seeking  refuge  i n the i n a c c e s s i b l e T r a n s y l v a n i a n  Seton-Watson, R.W., A H i s t o r y of the Roumanians: from Roman Times to the Completion o f U n i t y . Cambridge. Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1934• 1 2  93 mountains and only returning to the f e r t i l e plains i n the Middle Ages.  Wallachian  Meanwhile Magyar expansion  the Carpathian mountain arc was  i n f u l l swing and a western  group of Roumanians gradually became surrounded yars i n contrast to the Slovaks who by the Hungarian force.  towards  by the Mag-  were speedily vanquished  The eastern and southern groups  were gradually subdued by the Ottoman Empire.  They preserved  the language and their Orthodox f a i t h as t h e i r sense of togetherness, and this was rather remarkable as these representatives of eastern L a t i n i t y did not become what we customarily term a h i s t o r i c a l nation. The nineteenth century fresh wind of nationalism did  not pass them by: they also wanted independence. . After  the disintegration of the Ottoman Empire the eastern p r i n c i p a l i t y at least had i t s chance and thanks to Russian i n t e r vention, this p r i n c i p a l i t y achieved f u l l freedom i n under the Treaty of B e r l i n .  1878  The Transylvanians (Szeklers)  had no such opportunity to gain independence, being  still  under the Magyar yoke and this f a c t increased the forces making for unrest and disruption In Hungary. The Austro-Germans  13 In dealing with the Austrian Germans  we are con-  fronted at the outset by a dilemma: what are we to c a l l them? Who  were they?  Were they Austrians proper - that i s an  Shepherd, og^ c i t . , Chap. I I .  9k indigenous and  separate people, j u s t as we have seen i n the  case of the Slavs or Magyars, or d i d they belong to the German world as a whole?  Can we  avoid u s i n g a double  hyphenated name f o r them? We  can answer the l a s t q u e s t i o n p o s i t i v e l y .  l e a s t as f a r as appearances  At  go there has always been a  r e l a t i v e l y strong l i n g u i s t i c and  c u l t u r a l a f f i n i t y between  the A u s t r i a n s and Great Germans and p a r t i c u l a r l y the Germans, f o r example the B a v a r i a n s .  South  Then there has always  been an o r g a n i c l i n k going beyond the simple f a c t of b e i n g t e r r i t o r i a l neighbours between the A u s t r i a n s and g r e a t e r German world  the  to the n o r t h and we have seen  l i n k o p e r a t i n g In a p o s i t i v e  way  i n the attempt  s t r i v e n f o r by Pan-Germanism.^  this  a t union  We have a l s o seen t h a t the  A u s t r i a n s e n t e r t a i n e d dreams of a C a t h o l i c M i t t e l e u r o p q , reigned over by the Eapsburgs.  T h i s i d e a was  pounded by one of F r a n z Joseph's  first  pro-  e a r l y m i n i s t e r s , Prince  Schwarzenberg; but I t came to nought w i t h the f o r m a t i o n of a German R e i c h wrought by Bismarck  in  1871.  The c h o i c e s were then narrowed. e i t h e r be some union w i t h the new d i s r u p t i o n of the empire,  There could  Germany, which would mean  although f u l f i l l i n g n a t i o n a l dreams;  or the c o n d i t i o n of c a r r y i n g on as w e l l as one  could i n the  Dual Monarchy, but t h i s meant r a i s i n g y e t another culty.  diffi-  The Austro-Germans were the Herrenwolk. y e t even  as such they had  to contend  14 See Chapter I I I .  i n the A u s t r i a n h a l f of the  95 Monarchy with a majority of non-Germans.  Either way meant  heading f o r trouble, e s p e c i a l l y after the Ausgleich with Hungary, the cynical arrangement with the Magyars whereby they v i r t u a l l y obtained independence over Transleithania. The Austro-Germans were l e f t as the " r u l e r s " of the western or C i s l e i t h i a n peoples, but here they were faced by a majori t y of Slavs - i n Bohemia, G a l i c i a and i n the South. The dilemma s t i l l remained.  Were the Austrc-  Germans to t r y to impose t h e i r culture, which was Germanic, on the others or just to govern through the dynastic p r i n c i p l e and state-idea? riddle to solve: was  Even here there was a d i f f i c u l t the pattern of culture thus to be  imposed, to be preserved and fostered as "German", or was i t to be thought of as "Austrian"?  If the former, then the  resistance would be f i e r c e ; i f the l a t t e r , there would seem to be some hope of togetherness, but t h i s presupposes f o r us the e a r l i e r , basic question. Austrian nationalism at a l l ?  Can one r e a l l y think of an  Perhaps on this question  rests the possible answer to our dilemma. aire constantly being made aware of how  In facing i t wa  disruptive the whole  nature of the Austro-German problem was: here a natural i n c l i n a t i o n to l i n k up with the Germans outside; there the pressing need to improve the immediate s i t u a t i o n within a multinational state, i n p a r t i c u l a r to preserve the German desire to remain i n a p o s i t i o n of primal c o n t r o l . In any enquiry into the substance of Austrian nationalism, we need to take a b r i e f look at the s i g n i f i c a n t  96 expressions  of Austrian thought and sentiments such as l i t e r a -  ture and music*  Did these and the other arts mirror purely  Austro-German feelings or did they r e a l l y express the imperial idea as treasured, envisaged and inculcated by the dynasty?  Austrian culture was c h i e f l y centred  i n Vienna  and this was the imperial centre, never a "national c i t y " l i k e Prague or Budapest.  Moreover this concept and i d e a l  made Vienna a cosmopolitan centrej It became the magnet which drew elements from a l l the peoples of the empire. Would i t therefore nurture  Its own national culture? What  has the past to say about a l l this? It was the period of the eighteenth  century  Enlightenment that f i r s t stimulated Austrian creative forces in l i t e r a t u r e and music.  P a r t i c u l a r l y important was the  creation of the famous Burgtheater ( 1 7 7 6 ) .  This marks the  beginning of a dramatic t r a d i t i o n which continues  to the  present day.  expression  The drama became the most Important  of l i t e r a t u r e supported and enriched as we s h a l l see by music.  The f i r s t dramatic poet of note was Pranz G r i l l p a r z e r  (1791-1872) who from 1817 began an uninterrupted  creative  career that, i f we may compare him with the masters, made him the Austrian equivalent of Shakespeare or Goethe. G r i l l p a r z e r embarked on a serious attempt to create an Austrian drama based on "national" themes such as Bruderzwist im Hapsburg. "The quarrel of brothers Nevertheless,  i n the Hapsburg realm".  paradoxically, he f e l t himself attracted to  other themes, even dealing, of a l l things, with Slavonic  97 subjects.  The most notable of these i s the drama L i b u s s a . ^ x  G r i l l p a r z e r , the "Austrian" poet, thus seems to have lacked singleness of purpose: even he experienced a sense of f r u s t r a t i o n , attempting many kinds of topics of diverse interest and this at the expense of purely Austrian themes.  He  laboured under a constant s t r a i n of renunciation and f e l l a v i c t i m to imbued pessimism and  meaninglessness.  The immediate trend of Austrian poetry following G r i l l p a r z e r was  towards regionalism.  Many poets were pre-  occupied with l i f e i n t h e i r own l o c a l i t y , avoiding contacts with their s p i r i t u a l c a p i t a l , Vienna.  Of these some a r t i s t s  achieved recognition f o r their s t r i k i n g l y true descriptions of  l i f e i n t h e i r own community.  unimportant  Most of them, however, were  and are now more or less forgotten.  Only  two  have continued to command a t t e n t i o n : Nikolaus Lenau and Adalbert S t i f t e r were a r t i s t s who vitality.  gave t h e i r work colour and  Lenau has l e f t a l a s t i n g picture of his native  Hungary and S t i f t e r describes with tender love h i s Bohemian forest. all!  It i s almost strange that they wrote i n German at  Were they then Austrian n a t i o n a l i s t s or not? In the l a t t e r h a l f of the nineteenth century,  realism entered the scene.  The supreme r e a l i s t i n drama  was the well known Arthur Schnitzler, (1862-1931) author of  comedies and sketches that held a t r u t h f u l mirror of his  generation.  Schnitzler dealt with people i n a dissecting  Libussa: Libuse i n Czech, i s a famous mythological heroine who "discovered" the progenitor of the f i r s t Czech dynasty - the Pfremysls.  98  manner.  They were to him just human beings whom he handled  with insight, humour and wit.  But Schnitzler again was  u t t e r l y lacking i n national sentiment or enthusiasm.  In  his plays, such as Anatole or L i e b e r l e i . which are excellent examples of s a t i r i c and caustic comedies, h i s characters are people who  could just as well have been French or  I t a l i a n or English as well as Austrians. Hugo von Hoffmannstal (1871+-1929), the next tant successor to Schnitzler, was a man  impor-  imbued with the  s p i r i t of h i s time, v i z . the end of the. nineteenth century, the f i n de s i e c l e s p i r i t .  He was preoccupied with mysticism  and decadent symbolism, and the symptoms of l i t e r a r y decay already strongly evident into h i s work.  That this singular  writer was universal rather than Austrian can be seen by h i s recreation of c l a s s i c a l drama.  We have almost a blank i n  front of us as f a r as h i s native land i s concerned.  The  only major exception to this i s h i s famous l i b r e t t o to Richard Strauss' opera  Rosenkavalier. but here, i n t h i s  comic portrayal of Vienna during the re'gime of Maria Theresa, the whole concept of monarchy and i t s implications are treated i n a facetious and s l i g h t l y insincere manner. Rainer Maria Rilke ( 1 8 7 5 - 1 9 2 6 ) was born i n Prague but spent much of h i s l i f e i n Vienna.  He i s a r e a l l y great  and s i g n i f i c a n t poet on the European plane, provocative and original.  He i s perhaps one of the best symbolist and  philosophical poets writing In German as attested by h i s great c o l l e c t i o n of poetry such as Das Buch der B i l d e r and  99 Das Stunden-Buch•  Rilke i s also preoccupied with problems  of epistomology and metaphysics, but he too can hardly f a i r l y be called an Austrian.  His poetry could have been  written by a Bavarian, Saxon or any other Great German writer. This b r i e f survey seeks to indicate that Austrian l i t e r a t u r e has not on the whole served as a vehicle f o r national f e e l i n g . There Is no continuous e x p l o i t a t i o n of ;  national themes.  There are no continuing h i s t o r i c a l  traditions In the l i t e r a t u r e .  We do not find such great  ^national bards of the c a l i b r e of Adam Mickiewicz or.Kpllar to guide the Austrians along national l i n e s . On the contrary, as we have seen; even G r i l l p a r z e r , who may be termed a seminational poet, d e l i b e r a t e l y chose to use themes from other nations.  We are thus, In the f i e l d of l e t t e r s , faced with  an empty dinner-pail. Music presents us with a s i m i l a r picture. Vienna was a great: musical centre: a magnet which drew musicians from a l l corners of Europe.  Is Vienna's musical achieve-  ment and t r a d i t i o n o r i g i n a l , continuous, creative or rather reproductive?  Is i t s music universal or national?  The  musical tradition, i n Vienna also began during the period of the Enlightenment.  By 1750  the Danubian c i t y had become  the leading home of the c l a s s i c a l I t a l i a n music a l l of which was primarily imported.  Even the immortal Wolfgang Amadeus  Mozart was musically under I t a l i a n Influence and only h i s personal genius transcended the s t y l e .  The l i b r e t t o s to  100 his  operas deal with foreign countries and were written  mostly i n I t a l i a n . contemporary  The same may be said f o r the other great  opera composer i n Vienna, Christoph W i l l i b a l d  Gluck, who also wrote Italianate music based on accepted c l a s s i c a l themes likewise i n the I t a l i a n language.  Joseph  Haydn, "the father of the symphony", was one of the f i r s t composers who came to Vienna to work under favourable conditions.  S i m i l a r l y , early In the nineteenth century,  the f i r s t immortal musical immigrant made h i s way to Vienna from f a r a f i e l d - Ludwig  van Beethoven, who l e f t h i s  native Rhineland also to work under the pleasant circumstances of Vienna.  The master worked with heroic themes,  and yet i t would never have occurred to him to incorporate a national theme i n h i s musical elements, e s p e c i a l l y one of his  adopted land. He was primarily concerned with the  universal and not the p a r t i c u l a r . Franz Schubert, the next exponent of the Austrian school and a truly great one, Is the only one born i n Vienna, yet he Is completely unaware of any national ideas. At best he has i n him the "genius" of folk-music so that his  music was converted to f o l k themes, although i t was not  national material.  An apt comparison might be made with  the Czech, Antonin Dvorak, f o r both men were endowed with prodigious o r i g i n a l i t y , yet the l a t t e r i s a n a t i o n a l i s t composer through and through, h i s music was i n h i s f l e s h and bones; whereas Schubert i s u t t e r l y s o l i t a r y , uncommited and withdrawn.  A further example of n a t i o n a l i s t music i s  101 that of the Pole, Frederick Chopin, who used national material d i r e c t l y i n toto. Schubert.  One cannot say this about  The same circumstances as we have analysed with  Schubert may be said to exist f o r the o r i g i n a l song writer Hugo Wolf, who never entertained any national emotions whatsoever. Different from the great c l a s s i c a l school, of which the above are members, but also native to Vienna, are the  Strauss brothers: Johann the elder, Johann the younger,  and Oscarj and also Josef Lanner.  They j ^ a l l into the same  genre f o r they are the great entertainers - the Waltz Kings.  These musicians were encouraged to compose f r i v o l o u s  operettas, waltzes, dances, and other happy and gay music, to put blinkers over the eyes of the people and make them oblivious of the ignominious p o l i c i e s of the re'gime. Their music was designed f o r drawn out pleasure and was u t t e r l y lacking i n any serious purpose. the  The same may be said f o r  s l i g h t l y more sophisticated operettas of Franz von Suppe. One cannot conclude any remarks about Austrian  music without observing again that Vienna acted as a stimulant to a l l those who came under i t s charm and so brought out astonishing r e s u l t s ; but the roots are not native or national.  The genius of the place was to provide  asylum to a r t i s t s and that i t did i n f u l l measure. The Viennese were an appreciative and amiable audience and a l l the  great musical immigrants, from Beethoven to Johannes  Brahms, were conscious of t h i s .  Vienna was a leaven but  could hardly be said to have had " q u a l i t i e s " of i t s own.  102  What then was Vienna i n r e a l i t y along with i t s surrounding German speaking Austrian provinces?  Where did  t h e i r n a t i o n a l i s t elements l i e , i f they existed? We  are  forced to conclude that there was r e a l l y no viable nationali s t s p i r i t or genius or sentiment i n Austria, nor could there be.  Its language, German, had d i r e c t a f f i n i t i e s with  the outside: with Greater Germany.  Its creative l i t e r a t u r e  was neither robust enough, nor sensitive enough to foster nationalism: patriotism there may have been but even t h i s was taken l i g h t l y .  The true s p i r i t of the people  Gemutlich but not self-conscious.  Vienna was  was  a supra-  national and cosmopolitan c a p i t a l , a mecca f o r a l l the wandering a r t i s t i c s p i r i t s of Europe.  It did not create a  n a t i o n a l i s t atmosphere so much as one of universallsm.  Such  has been i t s t r a d i t i o n from Roman days and the Hapsburgs did not do much to change i t .  The Austro-German thus cannot be  said to have had a n a t i o n a l i s t allegiance. B a s i c a l l y he  was  a p a t r i o t f o r the empire, yet a l l the cleavages i n the realm led him to look at this whole business In either a l i g h t hearted or i n a despondent manner.  The Austro-Germans were  reconciled to the prevailing order as long as a f f a i r s were normal, but could not do I t under heavy s t r a i n — i n defeat or misfortune.  The f i r s t world war showed how  breaking point everything was  drifting.  close to the  CHAPTER V. THE SEARCH FOR Artistic  PERSONALITY  Diagnosis We have now  to consider a special problem, the  impact made by society i n general on various art forms and vice versa. Put another way,  we are faced by the question:  how do l i t e r a t u r e and the other arts r e f l e c t the p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l l i f e of any period?  In the case of Austria-  Hungary and taking the years between 1890 and  1911+ we  ask  ourselves: i)  Does l i t e r a t u r e have a recognisable Influence on the process of decay?  II)  Was  l i t e r a t u r e symptomatic of the d i s i n t e g r a t i o n  which was  taking place?  pair of the period and and disillusionment?  Did i t r e f l e c t the'"des* the f e e l i n g of pessimism  Could one c a l l i t a mirror  of the Z e i t g e i s t ? The answer to the f i r s t question i s not simple. Naturally l i t e r a t u r e and art are meant and expected to exercise some influence on the minds of readers observers.  and  Books are written to be read, music i s composed  to be performed: and the a r t i s t therefore seeks to exert an influence on the audience. 103  He would not normally  create  104 p u r e l y f o r the j o y of c r e a t i o n , laudable  as t h i s may be.  I t may be assumed t h e r e f o r e t h a t the message conveyed by any work o f a r t w i l l have some kind o f i n f l u e n c e on the reader,  l i s t e n e r o r viewer.  The a r t i s t ' s p o i n t o f view  w i l l be somehow conveyed t o the r e c i p i e n t : i f he i s g r a t u i t o u s l y p e s s i m i s t i c and despondent t h i s f e e l i n g w i l l be shared' by those who come i n touch with him and h i s work.  A gen-  e r a l sense o f pessimism w i l l be f e l t , which may even a f f e c t those who have not come i n t o d i r e c t c o n t a c t with the a c t u a l creation. The and  second q u e s t i o n  to analyse.  i s r a t h e r e a s i e r to answer  Most a r t i s t s u s u a l l y have a more acute  sense o f p e r c e p t i o n  than the common r u n o f people.  can u s u a l l y f e e l and a p p r e c i a t e  They  s i t u a t i o n s b e t t e r . Some of  them are even able to see below the s u r f a c e , and observe t h i n g s which are n o t r e a d i l y observable  by o t h e r s . That i s  p a r t of t h e i r c a l l i n g , and some o f the g r e a t ones have shown an a s t o n i s h i n g p r e s c i e n c e ,  the f a c u l t y o f p e e r i n g  i n t o the f u t u r e and c o r r e c t l y a s s e s s i n g events.  In t h i s  i n s t a n c e , three r e p r e s e n t a t i v e a r t i s t s o f the D u a l Monarchy of about the year 1910  have been s e l e c t e d j Kafka and  M u s i l who were n o v e l i s t s and Mahler who was an eminent composer.  These three men were a r t i s t s endowed i n a marked  degree with t h i s d i s c e r n i n g s e n s i t i v i t y and c l a i r v o y a n c e . They may serve as examples o f those elements o f c u l t u r a l decay which were l e a d i n g to the d i s i n t e g r a t i o n o f the Austria-Hungarian  monarchy.  Pranz Kafka and Robert Musil were both writers, but they had very l i t t l e else i n common. Both wrote i n German, and t h i s fact provokes the query whether they belong to German or Austrian l i t e r a t u r e .  There i s no uncertainty  about this i n the view of l i t e r a r y scholars: the Austrian c r i t i c would c a l l them Austrian, the German would prefer to have them within the German f o l d .  But even i f we assume  that they were Austrian writers, we cannot r e a d i l y f i t them into an Austrian mould or school.  Such a thing cannot be  said to e x i s t . Did these men write t h e i r stories f o r the Austria-Hungarian  public at large?  This again  confronts  us with the vexed question of the disparateness  i n the  empire - the l i t e r a t u r e of Bohemia, f o r example, was already established i n 1910,  yet the Herrenvolk l i t e r a t u r e could not  r e a l l y be placed anywhere.  I t was a sort of hybrid, meaning  that i t was neither f i s h nor fowl.  Furthermore, there are  many other differences between Kafka and Musil which we s h a l l t r y to elucidate. Gustav Mahler i s the musician of the t r i o , yet he f i t s into the picture very well.  He also i s prescient of  the future,* and imbued with pessimism.  Our three a r t i s t s  have therefore common c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and w i l l help to throw l i g h t on our case or even to prove i t s v a l i d i t y .  106 Kafka F r a n z Kafka (1883-1924) then at the outset we  1  was  a Prague Jew. Already-  are f a c e d w i t h an anomaly: here i s a  member of a m i n o r i t y i n the p r i n c i p a l Czech c i t y .  Further-  more, he wrote i n German, another s i g n i f i c a n t f e a t u r e .  We  can surmise h i s p o s i t i o n i n advance: i n Kafka we have a s e n s i t i v e and c r e a t i v e f i g u r e who anywhere; who  cannot be said  to belong  f e e l s h i m s e l f "homeless", without an anchor,  without o r i e n t a t i o n .  He spent p a r t s of h i s short l i f e i n  Vienna and B e r l i n , away from h i s b i r t h p l a c e . Both these sojourns were made to enable him t o d i s c o v e r where he fitted  i n : y e t never, a l a s , d i d he r e a c h a s t a t e of mind  or s e r e n i t y that could be d e s c r i b e d as a s a t i s f a c t o r y answer to h i s s e a r c h . Kafka was  an extremely s e n s i t i v e being and  can be a s c r i b e d to h i s background.  He  this  s u f f e r e d from a  father-complex which, coupled w i t h a g e n e r a l sense of i n f e r i o r i t y - the f e e l i n g of always b e i n g i n a m i n o r i t y , produced doom.  i n him an uneasy but u n d e s i r a b l e f o r e b o d i n g of  Furthermore, those who  knew him p e r s o n a l l y  t h a t he d i v i n e d much more than appeared his writing.^  F o r our purpose we  three of Kafka's works.  1 Brod, M.,  1947. 2  I b i d . . p.  These  on the s u r f a c e of  s h a l l a l l u d e to o n l y  are the s h o r t  Kafka, a Biography. New York, 107.  testify  story  Schocken,  107  Metamorphosis ( c i r c a 1910)^ and one of the better known works, The Castle ( c i r c a 1920).^ The  story of Metamorphosis i s straightforward.  A c l e r k wakes up one morning to see that overnight he been converted  into a many-legged insect.  has  He undergoes  psychological agonies as a consequencej f o r instance, he cannot talk, h i s family r e j e c t him,  and when he t r i e s to  escape, he i s crushed by somebody's boot. obvious.  The allegory i s  Kafka i s at pains to show the loneliness of  man  pitted against the elements, indeed against environment in general, i f they are i n d i f f e r e n t or unfriendly to him. He reveals to us what i t i s l i k e to f e e l our  experiences  and yet by a negative and c r u e l r e t r i b u t i o n get i n return.  We  nothing  are shown the f u t i l i t y of the i n d i v i d u a l i n  the face of the established order of things.  The author  t r i e s to prove that the i n d i v i d u a l i s only happy i f he  has  found h i s place somewhere: the d i f f i c u l t y i s - where? This problem i s central to the argument of one of Kafka's major and most i n f l u e n t i a l works, The Castle. It was  written i n the years before and during the war.  The  plot i s not involved, but the events and the v i c i s s i t u d e s of the anonymous hero are numerous enough, and complex.  fairly  A surveyor arrives i n a v i l l a g e , dominated by a  castle set on a h i l l .  The  l o c a l i t y i s mountainous, possibly  3 Kafka, P., Die Verwandlung. pp. 6 9 - 1 3 3 , from Erzahlungen und Kleine Prosa. New York, Schocken, 191+6. k Kafka, P., Das Schloss. New York, Schocken, 191+6.  108 the Sudetens.  The newcomer does not know the purpose of  his v i s i t , he knows only that he i s to be assigned to some work, probably a task i n h i s own l i n e , but even of this he i s not sure.  He proceeds to make enquiries from the inn-  keeper, i n whose hostelry he lodges, but the man  cannot  t e l l him and only refers him to the castle authorities. Then begins a long-drawn-out, and f u t i l e game of blind manfs buff.  The surveyor goes from one o f f i c i a l to another, some  of whom are of a bizarre and tiresome nature, to say the least; but i n spite of a l l h i s e f f o r t s he never finds out the purpose of h i s v i s i t .  At long l a s t he discovers that  the information can be supplied to him by the owner of the castle, yet he can never manage to meet him.  In f a c t , the  novel never makes i t clear whether the owner of the castle i s a l i v e and present or not, and the work ends with this v i t a l question unanswered. The other major writings of Kafka follow the same general pattern of wearying and footless search and endeavour.  The Trials* f o r example, deals with the u n j u s t i -  f i e d arrest of a man,  also anonymous, who  Is then put  through the most tedious and complicated court proceedings without being told the reason f o r h i s arrest, u n t i l he Is f i n a l l y brought to execution. In our day, Pranz Kafka Is a u n i v e r s a l l y d i s cussed writer. Some c r i t i c s , p a r t i c u l a r l y the Catholics, Kafka, P., Der Process. New York, Schocken, 194°•  109 think that The Castle i s a modern Pilgrim's Progress, a r e l i g i o u s parable seeking to explain the meaning of l i f e . The E x i s t e n t i a l i s t s have taken up the author as one of their own.  There are those who. think that he i s the best  example of a " p s y c h i a t r i s t " novelist of h i s generation. Our purpose does not c a l l f o r special i n t e r p r e t ation.  Kafka presents us with aimless characters who are  u t t e r l y lost i n the world.  They do not know the reason f o r  their existence, and something i n them symbolises the Austrian subject of 1910 who did not know the reason f o r "belonging", who had no sense of allegiance. is suggested minds.  The answer  that he did not, or was i n any case of two  But Kafka i s also u s e f u l to us i n another way. His  description i n The Castle of bureaucracy, and i n The T r i a l of court procedures are f i r s t - r a t e laboratory examples of this i n action.  They reveal to what extent excessive  bureaucracy and general i n e f f i c i e n c y were f r u s t r a t i n g and t h r o t t l i n g the body p o l i t i c .  Kafka had ample reason to  know the tortuous processes of Austrian red-tape, since he worked f o r some time i n the state insurance o f f i c e i n Prague, and so was himself a tiny cog i n the great machine. Both h i s novels were, i n consequence, true "human documents" . Musil Robert Musil (1882-191+2) was born i n Klagenfurt. He studied engineering i n Vienna  (where he eventually  110 s e t t l e d ) , and graduated profession.  but never actually practised his  He turned to writing, f i r s t producing short  stories and "Novellen".  Eventually he embarked on h i s major  work Der Mam.ohne Eigenschaften. "The Man without Q u a l i ties",  0  which remained unfinished at h i s death,  a formidable packet of 1,200  pages was  although  already produced.  The t i t l e of the book i s suggestive, p a r t i c u l a r l y in the English t r a n s l a t i o n M&n  Without Q u a l i t i e s : but i s  Ejgenschaft r e a l l y "quality"?  Should  or "characteristics"? work i s a man force.  i t not be "property"  Be that as i t may,  the hero of the  bereft of personality, character, or v i t a l  He i s also without a sense of belonging anywhere.  We are back with Kafka's heroes - men with no attachments, jobless and purposeless, who do not know where or how f i t into l i f e .  they  U l r i c h , the chief f i g u r e , may be called an  observer only: he i s c e r t a i n l y not a major actor i n the drama.  Hence the t i t l e exactly f i t s him.  Ulrich epito-  mises the frustrated homelessness of the Austrian as the author saw him, who  i s much l i k e the ancient Ishmaelite -  without roots, a tramp, a hanger-on of mankind.  U l r i c h Is  the prototype of the Halbmensch. the h a l f formed character. The book i s long and d i f f i c u l t  and tedious reading.  There i s only a scanty and Inconclusive p l o t and the action takes place within the space of one year, 1913. of  Because  this the work has been compared to Proust's Remembrances  6 Musil, R., Der Mann ohne Eigenschaften. Hamburg, Rewolt, 1952.  Ill of Things Past and l i k e the l a t t e r i t stresses-the gloomy atmosphere of f i n de s i e c l e . a sense of decay, degeneration and above a l l of despairing Weltschmerz which leaves men  no  peace or hope i n l i f e . Two  themes run through the book, providing the  main motivation. C h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y though, we sense that they never w i l l reach any solution, and t h i s indeed i s true. The f i r s t theme deals with the establishing of a " C o l l a t e r a l Campaign": the preparation to be undertaken f o r celebrating in 1918 the seventieth jubilee of the Emperor's accession to  the throne.  The story sets out the intrigues of the  coterie assuming the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the "campaign". The group consists of t y p i c a l representatives of the nobil i t y and the upper classes.  They want to go through with  the project, but there Is always a f e e l i n g that they stand on the edge of a precipice into which they themselves  may  tumble. In t h e i r subconscious minds they divine that the great event may never take place. "GBtterda^imerung":  We have then a sort of  the evening of a great past i s foreseen,  an end symbolic of the downfall of empire.  The other  thread i n the story i s concerned with crime, and the punishment of a p a r t i c u l a r l y obnoxious sex criminal, Moosbruger, who  i s one of the most out and out degenerates i n modern  f i c t i o n . . He reeks of perversion and moral decay.  Musil  created him as the embodiment of the worst and most objectionable weaknesses and sins of society - again a study of degeneracy,  a l l taken from the world he knew around  him.  112 F i n a l l y there i s a never-never-land atmosphere i n the book. t  n  e  The seat of the action i s Vienna - a c i t y with  ^ S h n , the warm wind that blows at times, conducive to  inaction, slovenliness and Schlamperei to f i l l up the cup. Vienna was a community b u i l t on a powder keg.  On the sur-  face things were more or less normal, but underneath there were forewarnings of the apocalypse.  One cannot forget  Moosburger. Musil stands out as an acute observer of t h i s d i f f i c u l t period.  He was able to show up as on a screen  the people and the events of h i s age.  The coterie of the  c o l l a t e r a l campaign are poised on the edge of a precipice, U l r i c h ; the hero, i s just an observer on the s i d e l i n e s , while l i f e goes on and on -nobody knows f o r what purpose. Mahler In dealing with the composer Gustav Mahler (1860-1910)? we are faced with a general problem at the outset: what i s the impact of music on society?  Music does  not present concrete f a c t s to us; i t i s the language of emotion, and s p i r i t u a l experience, rather than of propaganda or p r o s e l y t i s i n g .  We cannot expect that music w i l l  convey to us as much as l i t e r a t u r e or even as the other creative a r t s .  A symphony can r a r e l y transmit to us the  same message exactly as "roman a these" would, e s p e c i a l l y ? Mahler, A., Gust ay Mahler. Memoirs and Letters. (translated from the German by B. Creighton), New York, Viking, 194.6. 1  113  i f the l a t t e r has a p o l i t i c a l content.  Nor w i l l a symphonic  poem convey the precise information about some landscape or building that a painting would give us. There i s r e a l l y no p i c t o r i a l or descriptive music as such, because the same piece of music w i l l pass on e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t impressions to those who hear i t .  The l i s t e n e r can only think p r e c i s e l y  about t h i s type of music, when the composer supplies program notes f o r i t .  Music i s a form of art which presents highly  charged emotional impressions without r e a l l y conveying a s p e c i f i c message.  An exception to t h i s i s song, running  the whole gamut from the folk-song to opera* where the a r t i s t i s singing certain words, which do convey precise ideas.  Music then supplies emotional content to the words  and enhances the emotional consequences. Nevertheless music has played i t s part i n s o c i a l and even p o l i t i c a l development.  In.this thesis much  emphasis has been placed on nationalism, and i t may be said that during the nineteenth century music has been an important handmaiden to nationalism.  Herder, the s p i r i t u a l  father of nationalism, referred to the folk-song as one of the most cogent forces i n national development.  In  the folk-song i s found t h i s need to be an i n t e g r a l part of the n a t i o n a l i s t t r a d i t i o n .  Composers who worked during  n a t i o n a l i s t r e v i v a l s either reinstated the folk-songs or incorporated folk-song c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s Into t h e i r music. Polk music was i n t h e i r very f l e s h and blood, and they needed no prodding; the embroidered music of t h e i r  Ilk compositions  came n a t u r a l l y . These men might even be  termed n a t i o n a l i s t composers.  Famous among them are  Antonin Dvorak and Bedrich Smetana i n Bohemia, Stanislaw Moniuszko and Frederick Chopin i n Poland and Jan Sibelius in Finland. There i s a connection between Mahler and n a t i o n a l i s t composers. l i f e he was  He was born i n Bohemia.  the  Early i n  introduced to Bohemian folk-music, and  like  Dvorak and Smetana he put elements of t h e i r music into h i s own works.  Some rather naive c r i t i c s think that his  Landlers and waltzes are t y p i c a l l y Austrian, but this view i s f a l s e - h i s folk-music sections are Czech through and through.  This i s , however, the only comparison one  can  make between Mahler and the Czech composers, f o r although he was born i n Bohemia he was no Bohemian,  He was a Jew  and his language was Germanj therefore Mahler knew e a r l y in l i f e that Bohemia was not native to him. pect he was  like Kafka: he was  person" - a man  thoroughly  without a country.  In this resa"displaced  However, from the  m a t e r i a l i s t point of view, Mahler was  successful.  He not  only had the q u a l i t i e s of an outstanding composer, but he was  already early i n l i f e a performing a r t i s t and leader  of the f i r s t order. was  There are those who hold that Mahler  the greatest conductor of h i s day; and since the  summit of his career was reached  i n the f i r s t decade of  this century he travelled i n outstanding company alongside i n s p i r i n g orchestral exponents l i k e NIkisch, Richter and  115  the youthful Toscanini. Mahler had an impressive  career.  He made the  usual rounds of the p r o v i n c i a l German theatres, and  by  1890 he had already been head of the Budapest and Hamburg opera houses.  In 1897 he reached the pinnacle of h i s career  as chief conductor at the Vienna Hofoper. p o s i t i o n u n t i l 1908,  He held t h i s  when chicanery led to h i s resignation.  He then moved, and carried on h i s a r t i s t i c work i n York.  He met  an early death through  Mahler was  New  blood-poisoning.  a p r o l i f i c composer.  He l e f t ten  symphonies, many songs and cantatas, an amount of composit i o n which i s memorable i f we think of h i s short l i f e his  other musical We  and  responsibilities.  s h a l l concern ourselves here with one of his o  greatest compositions - Das Lied von der Er.de  0  (1909).  This work Is a combination of the cantata form and symphony.  It consists of s i x sections to be sung by tenor and  soprano a l t e r n a t i v e l y , with symphonic accompaniment. The meaningful poems sung were selected from the Chinese and translated into German.  These texts deal with the beauties  and tragedies of nature, above a l l they mirror the f u t i l i t y of l i f e .  "Man  l i v e s for. a short period only, and there i s  so l i t t l e he can do i n that time."  The  l a s t poem i s the  Abschied. a musical farewell from earth, a tale of suicide i n music narrated i n a sensuous manner.  The whole score i s  permeated by an ethereal and pathetic sense and i s shot E n g l i s h : "Song of the Earth."  116  t h r o u g h and t h r o u g h w i t h d e s p a i r i n g p e s s i m i s m . M a h l e r ' s o t h e r works were s i m i l a r to the' music o f the  L i e d von d e r E r d e : an e n d l e s s b r o o d i n g , a s e a r c h f o r  i n d e s c r i b a b l e meaning, coupled w i t h p e s s i m i s m .  He i s  r e a l l y the J e r e m i a h o f the m u s i c a l w o r l d , and r e s p i t e comes o n l y when the composer goes back t o h i s y o u t h w i t h the use of  the f o l k - s o n g , w h i c h i s o f a l l t h i n g s Bohemian! Mahler  would have p r o b a b l y been h a p p i e r i f he had n e v e r l e f t the land o f h i s b i r t h , y e t he c o u l d not do t h i s . the  whole essence o f h i s l i f e t r a g e d y .  Herein l i e s  He i s o f t e n c l a s s e d  w i t h the V i e n n a s c h o o l - t h a t g r e a t o u t p o u r i n g o f music o f the  g e n i u s e s - Haydn, M o z a r t , Beethoven,, S c h u b e r t , Brahms  and Anton B r u c k n e r .  We have a l r e a d y c o n s i d e r e d whether  these men were Viennese o r n o t . Mahler marks a b r e a k : der  But one t h i n g i s sure -  the composer who wrote the L i e d  Erde d i d n o t b e l o n g t o t h a t group.  von  We have h e r e a  change f r o m u n i v e r s a l music t o music impregnated w i t h pessimism.  M a h l e r r a n k s as one o f the most o r i g i n a l com-  p o s e r s , b u t the impact he makes I s v e r y d i f f e r e n t from t h a t of h i s p r e d e c e s s o r s . As Max G r a f , the a u t h o r i t a t i v e m u s i c a l c r i t i c of the  p e r i o d p u t s i t : "With Brahms c l a s s i c a l and r o m a n t i c  music had come t o an end i n V i e n n a . era  W i t h Mahler a new  had begun ... the c e n t u r y o f the mind ended, the cen-  t u r y o f nerves began.  The grand manner l o s t i t s f o r c e .  The s o u l - s e a r c h i n g e x p r e s s i o n o f the i n d i v i d u a l became  11? mighty."  9  This quotation gives much food f o r thought. of a l l "the century of nerves."  First  Mahler broke into the pre-  v a i l i n g order; he transformed the calm sea into a turbulent one; rather he demonstrated that the change was already achieved.  Vienna was not at peace any more.  His soul-  searching exemplified the f u t i l i t y of l i f e and h i s l i s t e n e r s must have been aware of t h i s . homelessness to them. the  He conveyed the sense of  Mahler was thus the harbinger of  future: no longer calm, but only trouble ahead! F i n a l l y , Mahler was the bridge between the old  and the new.  One of h i s e a r l i e s t d i s c i p l e s was Arnold  Schttnberg, who was already hard at work i n the f i r s t of  the century.  decade  The r e s u l t of h i s creative labours was the  f i r s t atonal music, which was soon to predominate. The modern era had begun.  C h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y i t happened In  Vienna, but Mahler was the c a t a l y s t . Frustration i n Statesmanship An Indispensable test of a healthy state,, from the  s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l point of view, can be said to be  the  opportunity that I t gives to resolute and f u l l y  developed men f o r public service.  A f t e r a l l t h i s may be  regarded as one of Its i d e a l functions - to afford opportunity f o r a l l to serve society i s a golden mean between 9 Graf, M., Composer and C r i t i c . New York, Norton, 1946, P. 35.  118  the old idea of simply keeping people i n order and the l a t e s t concept of the welfare state e x i s t i n g c h i e f l y as a gratuitous purveyor f o r i t s c i t i z e n s . If we now ask whether the Dual Monarchy could offer a chance f o r the f u l l use of man's best powers we  may  use the concrete example of Thomas G. Masaryk ( 1 8 5 0 x  1937).  1°  He grew up as a son of a coachman, and l i k e most  of h i s contemporaries of the emperor.  remained to maturity a l o y a l subject  Masaryk wanted to be a teacher, l a t e r on a  public servant where he could have rendered services of a high q u a l i t y i n any state e s p e c i a l l y one that was governed by genuine democratic p r i n c i p l e s .  He did indeed perform a  signal service In doing much to mould pre-war Czechoslovakia, becoming President of the new  state and being the  s p i r i t u a l leader of Czechoslovak democracy. Nevertheless, Masaryk*s career before I91I4. i l l u s trates q u a l i t i e s which would have made him an outstanding public servant, had conditions made t h i s possible. Masaryk began as a student of philosophy and of the s o c i a l sciences, p a r t i c u l a r l y of the burgeoning logy.  science of socio-  Let i t be noted at the outset that h i s sympathies  lay with the western outlook.  His major sympathy was  with  the E n g l i s h p o s i t i v i s t philosophers; and also with s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s such as the Frenchman Comte.  He would never act  1° Herben, J . , T.G. Masaryk. .Zivot a D i l o PresidentaOsvobodltele (English t i t l e : T. G. Masaryk. the L i f e and the Work of the President-Liberator), Prague, Sfinx,  119 o r make c o n c l u s i o n s i n any f i e l d o f e n q u i r y w i t h o u t f i r s t o b t a i n i n g the complete p i c t u r e .  He r a n f o u l of a l l who  would  put b l i n k e r s on everybody, t o p r e v e n t them f r o m knowing something, w h i c h might p a r a l y s e a c t i o n .  His objective  was  to remove the b l i n k e r s . Masaryk was a d o u b t e r .  His inaugural lecture i n  Prague was devoted t o Hume's p h i l o s o p h y .  He would  object  to a l l humbug o r sham, Indeed t o any s p u r i o u s t h e o r i e s : he was undogmatio.  He r i d i c u l e d p o m p o s i t y , whether i t  c o n s i s t e d o f snobbism, u p p i s h n e s s o r s u p e r f i c i a l i t y . Above a l l he o b j e c t e d t o u n t r u t h . " T r u t h p r e v a i l s " , was h i s motto. Perhaps i t was the undogmatism i n h i s d i s l i k e f o r any show t h a t went m o s t l y a g a i n s t the g r a i n cf the p r e v a i l i n g o r d e r f o r Masaryk found h i s t a r g e t s t o o e a s i l y . He b e l i e v e d f i r m l y i n the p r o v e r b "a sound mind i n a sound body".  He wanted h e a l t h y l i v i n g , n o t d i s e a s e and  d e g e n e r a t i o n o f any s o r t , e i t h e r p h y s i c a l , m e n t a l o r s o c i a l ; n e i t h e r i n i n d i v i d u a l s nor i n s o c i a l e n t i t i e s . He c o u l d be c a l l e d a c r i t i c and d i a g n o s t i c i a n j u s t  like  M u s i l , e x c e p t t h a t he saw t h i n g s t h r o u g h s o c i o l o g i c a l eyes, and went on f r o m t h e o r y t o a c t i o n . Mann, a complete man,  as opposed  Masaryk was a Ganzer  t o the Halbmensch  we saw p o r t r a y e d i n M u s i l ' s h e r o , U l r i c h , i n The Without Q u a l i t i e s .  which Man  Masaryk e p i t o m i s e s a complete  indi-  v i d u a l , knowledgeable and w i t h h i s w i t s about him and, as we s h a l l see soon, r e a d y t o use them. He stood f o r t h e i n v i o l a b i l i t y of the i n d i v i d u a l  120  and h i s s t u d i e s showed  t h a t no e a r t h l y power has a r i g h t to  v i o l a t e the s a c r o s a n c t nature of the i n d i v i d u a l .  T h i s was  again counter to the s o c i a l f a b r i c o f the powers that be; they wanted to c r e a t e c o l o u r l e s s c h a r a c t e r s , even l e s s  alive  than U l r i c h ; they wanted t o mould weak and f o r m l e s s p e o p l e . Masaryk stood f o r the i n d i v i d u a l ' s r i g h t through and through, t h e r e f o r e he sought to s t r i v e f o r the b e s t p o l i t i c a l c l i m a t e f o r the i n d i v i d u a l t o s u b s i s t  i n , within a  democracy. As suggested, Masaryk was no armchair  scholar  who absorbs knowledge, analyzes and contemplates  exclusively.  When he saw t h a t a c e r t a i n a c t i o n was needed, e s p e c i a l l y to r i g h t a wrong, he proceeded  i n a determined manner. He  would come to the a i d o f a s c h o l a r , Jan Gebauer, t o d i s c l o s e f o r g e r i e s of Czech h i s t o r i c a l documents.  He would  defend an innocent ^Jewish boy who was u n j u s t l y accused of committing a r i t u a l murder. to  F i n a l l y Masaryk was  e n t e r p o l i t i c s and was e l e c t e d  he r a i l e d  persuaded  to the R e l c h s r a t h . where  a g a i n s t abuses of government, p o l i t i c a l  dis-  honesty to achieve a g o a l , even the f o r g i n g of documents by the F o r e i g n O f f i c e to prove I t s case a g a i n s t S e r b i a . A l l t h i s threw Masaryk i n t o open a c t i o n f o r he would never r e s t u n t i l the g u i l t y were unmasked.  Masaryk was n o t h i n g  i f not a p o s i t i v e statesman; he wanted the blemishes from a l l v i t a l a f f a i r s of s t a t e .  T h i s was h i s r e a l  removed poli-  t i c a l p l a t f o r m and he sought n o t h i n g more than a p l a c e to do t h i s work.  Instead of s e r v i n g e f f e c t i v e l y he met w i t h  121  o n l y o p p o s i t i o n f r o m t h e a u t h o r i t i e s , o f b o t h c h u r c h and s t a t e and was accused o f m e d d l i n g when he should n o t have done s o , even o f d i s l o y a l t y and u l t i m a t e l y o f t r e a s o n . A l l t h i s c o u l d o n l y breed i n h i m a sense o f u t t e r frustration.  The a s s e r t i v e Masaryk was t r y i n g t o do t h e  r i g h t , i n s t e a d he was accused o f m i s c h i e f - m a k i n g .  Any  "complete man" would have f e l t t h u s , p a r t i c u l a r l y when he saw the weaknesses o f t h e regime as Masaryk had done.  This  would have a p p l i e d t o anybody i r r e s p e c t i v e of n a t i o n a l i t y ; an Austro-German would have f e l t t h e same way as would have a G a l i c i a n Pole o r a C r o a t . Masaryk found t h a t he c o u l d n o t cooperate w i t h the s t a t e under such c i r c u m s t a n c e s .  E i t h e r he o r the s t a t e  was wrong, b o t h c o u l d n o t be r i g h t . T h e r e f o r e  he d e s p a i r e d  of the body p o l i t i c b u t n e v e r o f h i s own p o s i t i o n . were t o prove t h e c o r r e c t n e s s o f h i s o p i n i o n . a r c h y had no p l a c e f o r such a man as he.  Events  The mon-  Austria-Hungary  had become a " c o r p s e " , hence Masaryk*s l e t t e r t o P r o f e s s o r Lorenz as r e p o r t e d on a f o o t n o t e on page 1+0.  CHAPTER V I . CONCLUSION I n t h i s s h o r t study, we have seen how  the members  of the house of Hapsburg can r i g h t l y be c a l l e d the t e c t s of empire on the Danube.  archi-  Human a m b i t i o n , the need t o  meet the t h r e a t of I s l a m , the b l e s s i n g and  spiritual  sus-  tenance of the H o l y Church i n a l l they d i d , made the heads of the d y n a s t y c e r t a i n o f something l i k e a d i v i n e c a l l i n g . The  d y n a s t i c l e a d e r s came to f e e l t h a t e v e r y t h i n g t h e y d i d  was  i n f a l l i b l e and was  r i g h t by God's mandate and,  i n t e r e s t o f humanity ( t h i s meant f o r them Western z a t i o n ) , no o b s t a c l e s c o u l d be a l l o w e d i n g of t h e i r d e s i g n s .  i n the civili-  t o impede the  achiev-  I n a l l t h i s the Hapsburgs p r o f i t e d  a t e v e r y t u r n , not o n l y f r o m the b e n e v o l e n t b l e s s i n g o f the Church, b u t a l s o f r o m i t s age the l o r e and  l o n g e x p e r i e n c e , w h i c h meant  l e a r n i n g o f the ages.  U n f o r t u n a t e l y , and  t h i s they f o l l o w e d the Church too c l o s e l y , they c o u l d r e a l i s e the i n e v i t a b i l i t i e s of the consequences and p o n s i b i l i t i e s of power and stands s t i l l and  not  res-  change - the f a c t t h a t n o t h i n g  that progress  t h i s r e a s o n what was  in  cannot be a r r e s t e d .  s a i d of the Bourbons was  For  e q u a l l y true  of the Hapsburgs a l s o : "they l e a r n e d n o t h i n g and  forgot  nothing". H a v i n g become m a s t e r s o f a v a s t and 122  diversified  123 area after 1620, and having driven the Turks back into the Balkans one hundred years l a t e r , they now set about achieving as much of t h e i r breed of conformity as possible, under Maria Theresa and her able and enlightened son Joseph. Even this brought them into c o n f l i c t with the Roman system, but the r e a l clash lay just ahead; the convulsion i n Prance in 1789 and the onset of the machine age through the indust r i a l revolution. These two great eruptions were to transform a l l Europe though this process spread f a i r l y slowly from the A t l a n t i c seaboard eastwards to the Danube. The year I8I4.8 may be used as a turning point, but the whole period, marked by the coming of the railways and other forms of acceleration i n communications, i s what counts and not just the r i s i n g s of twelve months.  The age of Alexander's  "Holy A l l i a n c e " called by Castlereagh "mystical nonsense", was as good as over.  Those at the helm i n Vienna, whether  i n church or state, could s t i l l keep on trying to square the c i r c l e , but the cards were stacked against them. The counter-forces operating against the empire were too strong.  The empire was a multi-national state  and a l l i t s various n a t i o n a l i t i e s were i n f l u x .  Some,  including the Germans, had outside allegiances and t h i s meant c e n t r i f u g a l p u l l s , which weakened the Monarchy. The two h i s t o r i c a l n a t i o n a l i t i e s within the empire were also getting out of hand, each i n i t s own way: the Czechs who were consolidating t h e i r resources r a p i d l y and regaining confidence In t h e i r h i s t o r i c a l past and the Magyars whose  121+ incredible assertiveness and pride were destructive e l e ments.  One  of them had to be accommodated and the aspir-  ations of the Magyars were placated only when the whole structure of the Monarchy was  transformed a f t e r Sadowa.  This ended the Hapsburg dream of an all-German Central European realm under their aegis.  The Magyars were  now  v i r t u a l l y independent on t h e i r own  side of the Danube  and t h i s , coupled with the v i r u l e n t and expanding Magyar nationalism, contributed as much as anything to the break up of the Dual Monarchy. Other factors were also emerging, producing ernal ferments. towns was  int-  Serfdom had ended i n 181+8: the growth of  i n f u l l swing with the rapid development of the  railway system.  Old allegiances were d i s s o l v i n g and  new  ones were growing up to take t h e i r place; notably the bourgeois and the burgeoning i n t e l l e c t u a l s . education was becoming general and new  Popular  tools of communi-  cation, e s p e c i a l l y the press, led to the spread ideas.  new  of  new  In consequence fresh winds were blowing i n every  corner of society, running counter to the old ideas. spread of secularism was of the new  secular man,  The  on and this led to the emergence either the engineer,  entrepreneur,  or the pure i n t e l l e c t u a l s , the l a s t being u n i v e r s i t y men, writers and a r t i s t s . they i n turn conceived the clothes and new man  Their work was the "whole man"  all-important because who had outgrown  the prison house of the old system.  The  became therefore the biggest single disruptive  12$ factor of a l l .  He was poised to attack the fundamental  tenets of the empire as we have seen above: conformity, with which he could not l i v e .  The empire wanted men and e n t i t i e s  to f i t i n with, and i n uniformity with the p r e v a i l i n g order. It i s the tragedy of the Hapsburgs, i n the l a t t e r h a l f of the nineteenth century and i n the f i r s t decade of the twentieth, that they t r i e d to make do with antiquated tools in an age that demanded something quite d i f f e r e n t .  They  would not reform themselves i n order to keep the new, thinking generation on t h e i r side - they were w i l l i n g to have s u r g i c a l operations performed but not to the extent of making possible a new and healthy organism. It would have been interesting to see what r e s u l t s could have come from a long conference of two representatives of the old and new respectively, of the dynasty and of democracy: the emperor Pranz Joseph and the philosopherstatesman Masaryk, with power to enforce t h e i r findings. Could they have thrashed out a United States of Central and South-East Europe to cure the i l l s of the old?  It i s  u n l i k e l y that any p o s i t i v e steps would have followed f o r Pranz Joseph was an Inveterate Hapsburg and Hapsburgs do not change things.  Then the Reich Germans and Hungarians  would never have permitted him to do t h i s , and the church too would have demurred.  Pranz Joseph was the prisoner of  his own system. Masaryk s eloquence about the need of 1  change both s o c i a l l y and c o n s t i t u t i o n a l l y would have f a l l e n on deaf ears.  126 History Hapsburgs » s t i l l not of  weather  order  cess ing  of  be  It  would  the  outcome  said of  the  as  not  be  a great  that  the  the  were amiss  tried  was  to  to  the  life  1789:  were  "they  could  any  maintenance  vestiges  and  of  regard two  follow In  could The  19U4.-I8  already  of  for  when  drama w i t h  "opposition".  what  fast  the  old  impossible.  outcome.  of  later  feudal  empire  conflagration of  of  thought  final  too  systematization  century  a n d ' we h a v e its  moved  common m a n b e f o r e  idea",  and  to  and  storm a  life  forces,  strain and  the  change  struggle but  by  "dynastic of  progress  Conformity  tolerated  the  and  there  the sets  the  fight  new f o r c e s was  only  before.  of  it  the  of  the  cannot  against were  pro-  conflict-  course  conclusion not  whole  the  winning  logical  A P P E N D I X  APPENDIX I "THE GOOD SOLDIER" The f i r s t world war produced c l a s s i c , the Adventures J. Hasek.  a great and enduring  of the &ood Soldier Sve.lk  by  This work i s an enduring comic Odyssey.  It i s  an account of the l i f e and doings of a private s o l d i e r , conscripted unwillingly into the Austrian army.  The  V  n a t i o n a l i t y of the soldier i s important: Svejk, our hero, i s a Czech prototype and accordingly Hasek has made this work into a caustic commentary on Czech-German r e l a t i o n s . It describes the slumbering animosity between the races and also plays up the opposition between the master and the underdog and Hasek wants the underdog to outwit the master and indeed to gain the upper hand. The reasons f o r §vejk»s v i c t o r i e s are unique.  He  i s able to make an accurate appraisal of the weaknesses of his  adversaries and then exploit them to the f u l l .  He can  usually make the best of the adverse situations i n which he i s involved and overcome them In a comic manner; i n t h i s respect he epitomizes much that i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c i n the Czech "ethos" - overcome your hurdles; wait f o r an opportunity to s t r i k e ; s i t things out i f you c a n U ! thoroughly r e a l i s t i c  This i s a  approach.  1 Hasek, J., Osudy Dobreho Volaka Sve.l&a^ Prague, Synek, 191+6. 127  2 vols.,  128  Above a l l Svejk could always  see the humour of  any s i t u a t i o n - no wonder t h a t the Czechs  coined a term  a f t e r him - S v e j k o v i n a . which denotes a c t i o n r e s u l t i n g the comic  s p i r i t i n c o n f l i c t w i t h a d e s p i s e d master,  from  and  at the same time embodies a p a s s i v i t y d i c t a t e d by c i r c u m stances. Svejk had many t h i n g s to laugh about or  contemplate  i n a humorous way.  H i s c a r e e r i s unique: he never knows  where he i s going.  When he i s c o n s c r i p t e d f o r the  first  time he undergoes the r o u t i n e p h y s i c a l examinations, r e s u l t of which i s t h a t he i s branded idiot.  L e t i t be noted  as an  the  official  at once t h a t he i s a good  actor,  and Hasek i s at p a i n s not to d i v u l g e whether Svejk  simu-  V  l a t e s or n o t .  On the outbreak of war,  S v e j k Is r e -  d r a f t e d , but nobody seems to know what to do w i t h  him.  F o r a time he i s sent t o an insane asylum f o r f u r t h e r examinations, but i n s p i t e of being diagnosed a g a i n as an i m b e c i l e , he winds up i n the ranks. F o r a time Svejk serves as an o r d e r l y to d i s s i pated and i n e f f i c i e n t o f f i c e r s .  These l a t t e r seem to be  e i t h e r debauched o p p o r t u n i s t s or unordained c h a p l a i n s . v  F i n a l l y Svejk i s sent to the f r o n t .  T h i s becomes a most  V  c i r c u i t o u s journey, v e r y much to Svejk's p l e a s u r e . i s moved around  i n a l l d i r e c t i o n s of the compass. When  he f i n a l l y reaches the f r o n t he f i n d s u t t e r Nothing works.  He  There  i s no e f f i c i e n c y , no  disorganization. co-ordination,  no l e a d e r s h i p - o n l y dismaying, d e p r e s s i n g chaos.  We  are  129 thrown, with Svejk into a comical "slough of despond". Yet another strand runs through the t a l e : the excessive bureaucracy of the army.  Svejk i s always con-  fronted by penwielding o f f i c e r s , none of whom seems to know what he i s going except to f i l l out more lengthy forms, even though these appear to have no purpose whatsoever.  Svejk takes f u l l advantage  of these situations; he  i s the hero even i f he i s un-Homeric i n approach. triumphs by outwitting numbskulled  He  officers.  As Novak says i n h i s Short History of Czech L i t e r a ture: "The innocent, bland, smiling face of Svejk constantly confronts us when he i s able to j u s t i f y h i s actions by explaining that the orders received from h i s superiors are impossible to f u l f i l l , because they are i l l o g i c a l and cannot be carried out".^ Svejk also repeatedly undermines the authority of his  superiors and consequently that of the state by humor-  ous references to amusing eventB from h i s c i v i l i a n  life,  p a r t i c u l a r l y with h i s indulgent beer drinking habits and those of h i s friends i n the Prague t a v e r n s .  For Svejk  there i s no halo round the heads of the exalted functionaries of the army or of the state. His  inexhaustible imagination, h i s " f e e l " f o r the  weakness of h i s adversaries; h i s natural cleverness i n 2 Novak, A., Strucne Deliny cfeske' L l t e r a t u r y. Olomouc, Czechoslovakia, Preminger, 1946, p. 61+6.  130 exploiting them a l l put him Into marked opposition to the pomposity, thoughtlessness and foolishness of the K. and  K.  army and i t s representatives. The enjoyable book serves a great purpose as a h i s t o r i c a l document.  It i s a  c r i t i q u e and a satire - bigger than l i f e . It shows us that the army had serious weaknesses even at the beginning of the war, and that there was  l i t t l e allegiance or l o y a l t y  paid by the soldier to the K. and K. machine, or to any other empire symbol.  This was  e s p e c i a l l y true of the non-  German or non-Hungarian s o l d i e r s . In f a c t these symbols were r i d i c u l e d .  There was  nothing comparable of the e s p r i t de corps that existed i n the German army.  The common soldier did not know what he  was f i g h t i n g f o r . When the f i r s t defeats occurred, during  the autumn of 19H|., e f f i c i e n c y broke down almost  completely] morale was  low and chaos r e s u l t e d . The  tradi-  tions of Prince Eugene and of Radetzky were quickly d i s s i pated . Svejk i s a symbol of t h i s .  Nobody told him where  he was going, and he did not ask to be enlightened. only ambition was his  His  to muddle through and return safely to  Prague inn where he lightheartedly could enjoy his  beer with h i s f r i e n d s .  This was h i s r e a l allegiance.  He  had no interest In the struggle at large; I f anything he was a rebel.  He would do anything short of deserting.  Svejk pictures a p a r t i c u l a r case: the Czech i n protest against the Dual Monarchy.  But Has'ek has created  131 such a g r e a t  character  t h a t Svejk r e p r e s e n t s  s a l r e b e l a g a i n s t a l l oppressive In the armed f o r c e s ) . national Figure.  the u n i v e r -  authority (especially  A f t e r 1 9 1 8 Svejk became an I n t e r -  The book was t r a n s l a t e d i n t o the main  languages o f Europe.  I t was a l s o dramatized.  Remark-  ably enough the most p o p u l a r t h e a t r i c a l v e r s i o n was put on by the Germans.  Perhaps the reasons f o r t h i s l a y i n  the f a c t t h a t Svejk summed up the f e e l i n g o f d i s i l l u s i o n ment.  The c r e a t i o n o f Svejk a l s o l e d t o a whole  literary  genre, s t i m u l a t i n g many w r i t e r s i n d i f f e r e n t c o u n t r i e s t o emulate Hasek.  One of the b e s t of these i s Turvey. the  Canadian Svejk of World War I I , w r i t t e n by the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia p r o f e s s o r , E a r l e  Birney.  APPENDIX I I . STATISTICAL TABLES A. Population of the Dual Monarchy by N a t i o n a l i t i e s According to Language;  1  1. Population In Austria Nationality  (CisIMthprMa)  1880  1910  Actual  JL  Germans  8,009  36.8  9,950  35.6  Czechs  5,181  23.8  6,436  23.0  Poles  3,239  14.9  4,968  17.8  Ruthenlans  2,793  12.8  3,519  12.6  Slovenes  1,U|1  5.2  1,253  4.5  Serbo-Croats  563  2.6  783  2.8  Italians  669  3.1  768  2.7  Roumanians  191  0.9  275  1.0  (in l,000»s)  21,786  Actual  (in l,000»s)  27,652  Population figures based on Kann, R.A., The Multinational Empire. New York, Columbia University Press, v o l . 2, pp. 300-305. The 1910 figures are based on the o f f i c i a l census of that year. 1  133 Appendix I I . (Continued)  2. P o p u l a t i o n i n Trans l e i t h a n i a i n c l u d i n g C r o a t i a S i avonia: s  1880  Nationality  1910 Actual  Actual  ( i n l,000»s)  ( i n l,000»s) Magyar  6 , ^  1+1.2  9,91+5  1+8.1  German  1,951+  12.5  2,037  9.8  Slovaks  1,865  11.9  1,968  9.1+  Roumanians  2,1+05  15.1+  2.91+9  ll+.l  Rutheni ans  356  2.3  473  2.3  Croats  1,883  8.8  Serbs  1.106  5.3  20,361  13,025  3. P o p u l a t i o n i n B o s n l a - H e r z g o v l n a . 1910 (a p p r o x i m a t e o n l y ) . Actual  ( i n l,000»s) Croats  400  21.1  Serbs  850  1+1+.7  Mohammedans ( c h i e f l y Bosnians)  650  34 • 2  Total  1,900  134  Appendix I I . (Continued) 4. Total Population of the Dual Monarchy. 1910  Nationality  1880 Actual (In l,600's)  19.10 Actual ( i n l,000»s)  Germane  9,963  11,987  Magyars  6,445  9,945  Czechs  5,181  6,436  Poles  3,239  4,968  Ruthenians  3.149  3,992  Roumanians  2,569  3,224  Slovaks  1,865  1,968  Slovenes  1,141  1,253  Serbo-Croats  563  5,322  Italians  669  768 650  Mohammedans  34,784  50,213  5. Population of Dual Monarchy Showing A f f i l i a t i o n s by L i n g u i s t i c Families (Approximate Figures) 1880 Actual  Families Teutonic: Germans  10 m i l l i o n 6.4 m i l l i o n  Slavonic; Western and ) , H Eastern Slavs) ' 0  1 3  Romance : "Roumanians Italians TOTAL  28.1}.)  1910  5  m i l l i o n  )  j 15 m i l l i o n 1.5 million)  2.5 million) ) .6 million^.  3.1 m i l l i o n 34-5 m i l l i o n  18.8)  43.  70  12 m i l l i o n  23.  10 m i l l i o n  20.9$)  j 47.2$  F inno-Pgric; Hungarians  Southern Slavs  Actual  )  44>i$  17.3 m i l l i o n ) j 24.5 m i l l i o n 7.2 m i l l i o n ) 3.2 m i l l i o n ) , ) 4-0 m i l l i o n .8 m i l l i o n ) 50.5 m i l l i o n  8,4$  Appendix II» (Continued)  B.  Table of Religions i n the Dual Monarchy 1910  Religion  Total  %  (in 1,000's) Roman Catholic  33,439  66.8  Greek Catholic  5,444  10.9  Protestant  4,526  9.0  Greek Orthodox  3,653  7.3  Judaic  2,297  4«5  650  1.4  42  .1  50,051  100.0  Mohammedan Others  Based on Statesmen's Year Book. 1913. London, Macmillan, 1913J which r e l i e d on 1910 o f f i c i a l census. 1  C. Table showing D i s t r i b u t i o n  o f P o p u l a t i o n i n the D u a l Monarchy, 1910.  (by C i t i e s and Country: e x c l u d i n g Bosnia-Herzgqvina) Cisleithania C i t i e s of  100,000 and over  Vienna  2,032  Prague  425  Trieste  230  Lvov  206  Krakow  152  Graz  152  Brno  125  Sub-Total Cities  30,000-100,000  A l l others under  30,000  Transleithania  ( i n l,000«s)  •  %  3,332  12.1  969  3.1  23,35l 27,652  81;.8  ( i n 1,000's)  C i t i e s o f 100,000 and over Budapest  930  Szeged  119  Total  Sub-Total  1,049  5.2  4,381  9.1  C i t i e s 30,000-100,000  1,246  6.2  2,2l5  4.6  18,066  88.6 41.417  86.3  20,361  48,013  A l l others under 30,000  Based on Statdmen's Year Book. 1913. London, Macmillan, 1913; which r e l i e d on 1910 o f f i c i a l census. 1  \  B I B L I O G R A P H Y  139 BIBLIOGRAPHY B r o d , M. F r a n z K a f k a , - a B i o g r a p h y ( t r a n s l a t e d f r o m t h e German by U.H. R o b e r t s ) . N e w Y o r k , Schocken, 1947. B u t l e r , E.M. R l l k e . Cambridge, U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1941' D e n i s , E. L a Boheme dupuis l a Montagne B l a n c h e . P a r i s , Le r o u x , 1903. G r a f , M.  Composer and C r i t i c . New Y o r k , N o r t o n , 1946.  H a n t s c h , H. D i e G e s c h i c h t e Bsterreichs (2 v o l s . ) . A u s t r i a , S t y r i a V e r l a g , 1947 and 195*0.  Graz,  Hasek, J . Osudy Dobreho Vo.iaka Sve.ika (2 v o l s . ) . Prague, Synek, 1946; E n g l i s h t r a n s l a t i o n from the Czech, The Good S o l d i e r Schweik ( t r a n s l a t e d by P. S e l v e r ) . Harmondsworth, Penguin Books, 1952. Hammelman, H. Hugo von H o f f m a n s t a l . London, Bowes and Bowes, 1957. Herben, J . T.G. Masaryk; ' Z i v o t , a D i l o P r e s l d e n t a O s v o b o d i t e l e ( E n g l i s h t i t l e : T.G. Masarvk. t h e L i f e and Work o f t h e P r e s i d e n t - L i b e r a t o r ) . Prague, S f i n x , 1947. J a s z i , 0. The D i s s o l u t i o n o f the, Hapsburg Monarchy. C h i c a g o , U n i v e r s i t y o f Chicago P r e s s , 1929. K a f k a , F. Der P r o c e s s . New York,,Schocken, 1946; E n g l i s h t r a n s l a t i o n f r o m the German: The T r i a l , ( t r a n s l a t e d by W. and E. M u i r ) . New Y o r k , Knopf, 1947. K a f k a , F. Das S c h l o s s . New Y o r k , Schocken, 1946; E n g l i s h t r a n s l a t i o n f r o m the German: The C a s t l e ( t r a n s l a t e d by E. M u i r ) . London, Seeker and Warburg, 1947* K a f k a , F. D i e Verwandlung. pp. 69-133, f r o m E r z a h l u n g e n und K l e i n e P r o s a . New Y o r k . Schocken, 1946, ( o r i g i n a l l y publ i s h e d 1935); E n g l i s h t r a n s l a t i o n : The Metamorphosis, pp. 537-579, from S h o r t Novels o f the Masters ( e d . . G. N e i d e r ) . New Y o r k , R i n e h a r t , 1948.(Name o f t r a n s l a t o r not g i v e n . ) Kann, R.A. The M u l t i n a t i o n a l Empire. N a t i o n a l i s m and N a t i o n a l Reform i n the Hapsburg Monarchy. 2 v o l s . New Y o r k , Columbia U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1950. Kann, R.A. The Hapsburg Monarchy, a Study i n I n t e g r a t i o n and D i s i n t e g r a t i o n . New Y o r k . P r a e g e r , 1957. (Seon t o o l a t e t o be o f use i n the p r e p a r a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s . )  12+0 Kerner, R.J. (ed.). Yugoslavs C a l i f o r n i a Press, 192+9.  . Berkeley, University of  Kohn, H. The Idea of Nationalism, a Study of Its Origins and Background. New York. Macmillan. 1951. Kohn, H. Nationalism. Its Meaning and History. Princeton, Van Nordstrand, 1 9 5 5 . Kohn, H. Panslavism. Its History and Ideology. Notre Dame, University of Notre Dame Press, 1 9 5 3 . Lang, P.H. Music In Western C i v i l i z a t i o n . New York, Norton, 192+1.  ~  Leger, L.P.M. H l s t o i r e de L'Autriche-Hongrie. depuis les Origines j u s t u a L*Anne'e J 8 7 8 . Paris. Hachet't'e. 1 8 7 9 . r  L i p t z i n , A. A. Schnitzler. Macartney, C A .  New York, Prentice-Hall, 1 9 5 2 .  Hungary. London, E. Benn, 1932+.  Macartney, C A . National States and National Minorities. London, Oxford University Press, 1932+. — — Mahler, A. Gustav Mahler. Memories and Letters (translated from the German by B, Creighton). New York, Viking, 192+6. Masaryk, T.G. Die Weltrevoiution. Erinnerungen. und Betrachtungen. 1911+-1918 (German translation from the Czech by C Hoffman). B e r l i n , Reiss, 1925. English version: The Making of a State. Memories and Observations (arranged and prepared byH.W, Steed). London, A l l e n and Unwin, 1927. May, A.J. The Hapsburg Monarchy. 1867-1912+. Cambridge, Mass., Harvard University Press, 1 9 5 1 . Musil, R. Der Mann ohne Eigenschaften. Hamburg, Rewolt, 1952. English t r a n s l a t i o n : The Ma,n without Q u a l i t i e s . 2 vols., (translated by E. Wilkins and E. Kaiser). New York, Coward-McCann, 1953-1955. Namier, L. 181+8. Revolution of the I n t e l l e c t u a l s . Proceedings of tne B r i t i s h Academy, v o l . XXX, 19i+2+, pp. 161283.  Novak, A. Strucne' De.liny Literatury Ceske' (English transl a t i o n of t i t l e : A Short History of Czech L i t e r a t u r e ) . Oloraouc, Czechoslovakia, Promberger, 192+6. Prokes, J.  Hlstoire Tchecoslovaque. Prague, Orbis, 1927.  Redlich, J . Emperor Francis Joseph of A u s t r i a a Biography. New York, Macmillan, 1929. Rose, W.J.  The Rise of Polish Democracy. London, B e l l , 1944 •  Rose, W.J. Was Masaryk's "Austria Delenda Est" a Mistake? (Jacob Schiff Memorial Lecture, Cornell University, A p r i l 29, 1954)• Journal of Central European A f f a i r s ,  v o l . XIV, No. I l l , Oct., 1954, PP. 236-254.  Royal Institute of International A f f a i r s . Nationalism, a Report by a Study Group of Members of the RIIA. London, Oxford University Press, 1939. Schulmeister, 0., Allmayer-Beck, J.C., and Wadruszka, A. (editors). Spectrum Austriae. Vienna, Herder, 1957(Seen too late to be of use i n the preparation of this thesis.) Seton-Watson, R.W. A History of the Czechs and Slovaks. London, Hutchinson, 1943. Seton-Watson, R.W. A History of the Roumanians: from Roman Times to the Completion of Unity. Cambridge, The University Press, 1934• Shepherd, G.  Austrian Odyssey. London, Macmillan, 1957.  Steed, H.W. The Hapsburg Monarchy. London, Constable, 1919. ( F i r s t edition 1913.) Strakhoysky, L. (ed.). The Slavic Handbook. Mass., Harvard University Press, 1949.  Cambridge,  Taylor, A.J.P. The Habsburg Monarchy 1809-1918. a History of the Austrian Empire and Austria-Hungary. London, H. Hamilton, 1948. Walter, B. Gustav Mahler (translated from the German by J. Galston with a Biographical Essay by E. Krenek). New York, Graystone, 1941• Yates, D. F. G r i l l p a r z e r . a C r i t i c a l Biography. Blackwell, 1946.  Oxford,  

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