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Some cultural influences contributing to the dissolution of the dual monarchy Koerner, Nicholas Thomas 1958

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SOME CULTURAL INFLUENCES CONTRIBUTING TO THE DISSOLUTION OF THE DUAL MONARCHY by NICHOLAS THOMAS KOERNER B-.Avj University of British Columbia; 1910 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of Slavonic Studies We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA April, 1958 i i ABSTRACT This inquiry i s concerned with some of the cultural influences which contributed to the dissolution of the Dual Monarchy, Before an attempt could be made in this direction, a brief h i s t o r i c a l survey had to precede the detailed analysis, to show the evolution of the Dual Monarchy of the Danube basin from an unpretentious principality to the "universal" realm i t ultimately became. Highly important was the mis-sion of the Hapsburgs, in their sincere endeavours as defen-ders of the Christian f a i t h against the Turk. In this they believed themselves to be the champions of Western c i v i l i s -ation - to them the process of empire building was legitimate and fit t e d in with the German drive to the East and the rulers thus were able to absorb numerous non-German peoples. Already by 1620 the state had nearly reached i t s greatest degree of expansion. The Hapsburgs during the ensuing centuries achieved much to make the disparate "ramshackle" state into some sort of a whole: such was the state-idea, their substitute for the naturally evolved nation. This was exemplified by the dynasty with i t s experienced time tested paternalism, in which the last Hapsburg emperor, Pranz Joseph, was a past master. Their system depended heavily on a conservative bureaucracy nurtured through generations. The Roman Catholic Church served as a handmaiden in helping the 1 Hapsburgs achieve conformity among the many peoples of the i i i realm in a way comparable to the process of educational pro-selytism as practised in the Army. Abstract concepts such as tradition, firmly embedded in a l l subjects of the Empire, helped in the process of Gleichschaltung so that a l l the citizens instinctively knew their fixed place in the state. During the whole nineteenth century convulsive outside influences beset the empirej these forces were the harbingers of what was to come. The French Revolution led on to modern nationalism, f i r s t only f e l t on an intellectual plane in Central Europe. Eventually there were open revolts in 18I4.8. Although the risings came to nought, their repercussion was great. After l8£o the nationalities within the empire were an ever present explosive element and much of the thesis shows the part they played in the break-up of the old regime. Nationalism was ad-thar centrifugal, affecting those nations par t i a l l y within the empire, who wished to rejoin the remainder of their brethren outside. Even the Austro-Germans were in that position. It also affected the other two nations completely within the empire; the Czechs, who were asserting themselves strongly and were ripe for the winning of indepen-dence; the Hungarians enjoyed special rights thanks to the Ausgleich of I867. The French and Industrial revolutions helped also to loosen other ties of the empire: the rise of industry and of ci t i e s led to a change in the social fabric. New communi-cations made enlightenment easy, even to the common man. New iv industry and growth of education shaped the modern secular man, a thinking sceptical, mundane person, who was as dis-ruptive a factor as any; a force stimulating social disintegration, already sapping the old traditional order. The influence of archaic feudalism and power of the church was waning. Even the "patriotic" cohesion achieved by the army was to be challenged, and a special appendix devoted to Svejk w i l l show that the feeling of localism, also fos-tered by nationalism, would prevail over state and univer-salism. This was true for a l l monarchical institutions - the state could not keep abreast of the new times, i t s subjects were changing and were ready for radical reform - instead of obedient children the state was faced with doubting adults. Some prescient diagnosticians foresaw that a catastrophe was inevitable. Two novelists are discussed, Kafka and Musll, who in their writing demonstrated that the individual was utterly frustrated by the unhealthy and anti-quated environment around him. The musician, Mahler, was chosen to illustrate how artists were already conscious of the impending collapse and transmitted this through his innate pessimism and spiritual uprootedness, of which his works are the vehicle. Finally Masaryk is the prime example of the frustrated statesman whose outstanding talents were rejected because the State did not desire forthright indi v i -duals in power. The conflict of Masaryk with the surviving old order is the pivot of the whole argument. He exempli-fied the new forces which could not be contained in the old V system, and the inab i l i t y of the regime to adjust i t s e l f to the new trends is what made for i t s eventual downfall. In presenting t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements f o r an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree th a t the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r reference and study. I f u r t h e r agree that permission f o r extensive copying of t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e . I t i s understood tha t copying or p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my w r i t t e n permission. Department o The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver 8, Canada. Date d-ffxid ( 9 5 f f v i SOME CULTURAL INFLUENCES CONTRIBUTING TO THE DISSOLUTION OP THE DUAL MONARCHY CONTENTS CHAPTER Page I. HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 1 II. FACTORS FOR COHESION 1° III. FACTORS FOR DISRUPTION 38 IV. NATIONALISM IN ACTION . . . . . 6 7 V. SEARCH FOR PERSONALITY 1 0 3 VI. CONCLUSION 122 APPENDIX I. "THE GOOD SOLDIER" 127 APPENDIX II. STATISTICAL DATA 132 A. Population of the Dual Monarchy by nationalities according to language, (1910) . . . . . . . 132 B. Table of religious a f f i l i a t i o n s in the Dual Monarchy, (1910). . 136 C. Table showing distribution of population in the Dual Monarchy, (1910) 137 APPENDIX III. MAP OF DISTRIBUTION OF NATIONALITIES WITHIN THE DUAL'MONARCHY (191i+) . . 138 BIBLIOGRAPHY 139 v i i ACKNOWLEDGEMENT This thesis has been written under the inspiring supervision of Dr. W.J. Rose, whose wisdom and invaluable counsel have left an indelible mark on my memory for which I must always remain deeply grateful. To Dr. J. St. Cl a i r -Sobell, Head of the Department of Slavonic Studies, goes my great appreciation for his patient assistance and con-stant good advice. Dr. S.Z. Pech was at a l l times ready to give me stimulating encouragement and his numerous sug-gestions were of real value. I wish likewise to express my sincere thanks to a l l the members of the Department of Slavonic Studies of the University of British Columbia, under whose guidance I have had the advantage of working for the last three years. I am also much indebted to the Department of History for sound teaching and valuable help. 5 CHAPTER I. HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION The object of this study w i l l be to examine and analyse some of the many factors which contributed to the downfall in 1 9 1 8 of the Dual Monarchy. A special attempt w i l l be made to show that, apart from others, cultural and ethnic forces played a prominent part. Before proceeding with this analysis which w i l l deal primarily with the latter half of the nineteenth cen-tury and the f i r s t decade of the twentieth century, i t is necessary to refer by a short narrative to the hi s t o r i c a l background.x Two basic questions come to mind here: 1. How did the Austro-Hungarian monarchy come into being? 2. What role in i t did the Hapsburgs play? To answer the f i r s t question, It may be said that the Monarchy was a state "sui generis". The principal and unique feature was the multiplicity of nationalities in the realm. One may therefore ask oneself how did a l l these nations become fused within the borders of that empire and what were the cohesive factors. 1 There is no continuous history of the Dual Monarchy. Useful as surveys are: Leger, L.P.M., Histoire de L^Autriche  HongriB depuis les Orjgines lusau'd L * Anne e 1676. Paris. Hachette, 1 0 7 9 ; also Seton-Watson, R.W.. A History of the  Czechs and Slovaks. London, Hutchinson, 19i|3. 1 The geographical position was the middle Danube v a l l e y with Vienna as the f o c a l point, therefore i t was l o g i c a l that i t should become a c a p i t a l ; l a t e r on even an Imperial one. We have to think of the Danube v a l l e y as the nat-u r a l point where Eastern invasions of the f i r s t ten centuries of the Ch r i s t i a n era concentrated. The invading groups were Asian nomads acting on the pressure of movements emanating from as f a r as China. Of these one of the more recent were the Magyars. By the tenth century there were two major ethnic groups on the Danube: the Slavs and the Magyars. Indeed attempts at an o v e r a l l empire were already made i n the region - e.g. the Moravian Empire of Svatopluk. At the same time the eastward expansion of the West i s epitomized by the spread of C h r i s t i a n i t y . The main purveyors of t h i s r e l i g i o n were the Germans. These people also brought t h e i r own culture with them. Thus we see i n 966 the appearance of the " O s t a r r i c i , the inhabitants of the Eastern German feudal mark. Its boun-daries approximated to present day Austria* The margraves of t h i s land were the Babenbergs, and the express purpose of thi s outpost was the safeguarding of the West from Eastern invasions, e s p e c i a l l y from the Tatars. It Is this purpose by which the Hapsburgs l a t e r J u s t i f i e d the existence of th e i r Empire. Indeed the ancient castle of Bernstein and others i n the province of Burgenland stand witness of t h i s a l l e g a t i o n to the present day. 3 The f i r s t decisive victory by the Babenbergs over the Hungarians took place in 955, and the formation of the Ostarrici mark was the natural consummation of this. The mark was joined to Bavaria, through some act of expediency of the Holy Roman Empire, but the mark regained Independence In the twelfth century. The Babenbergs became extinct in 12ij.6 and the vacant throne was claimed by Frederick II, the Holy Roman Emperor. Frederick had some d i f f i c u l t y In prevent-ing the Margrave of Baden, Henry, from securing the unlawful possession of the Duchy. On Frederick's death Otakar of Bohemia made himself master of the mark as well as of other territories. From this we can see that as yet the Danube area was a sort of no-man's land: the empires were s t i l l f l u i d and there was always potential conflict for the mastery, Otakar's conquests were cut short In 1278. He was defeated on the Marchfeld by the new emperor, Rudolf, the founder of the House of Hapsburg. This is an important event for not only did Rudolf's victory c a l l a halt to Otakar's imperial ambitions but now for the f i r s t time a Hapsburg played an important role in Central Europe. Thus was ushered in an era of domination which was to go on u n t i l the breakup of their empire In 19l8< Although no further progress In Hapebiirg consoli-dation was made un t i l the sixteenth century; mention should be made of the Emperor Frederick III. This monarch cherished vast designs, most of which never came into being: but he did coin the famous phrase, Austriae est imperare orbi universe. - AEIOU, "It is for Austria to rule the whole world." This phrase became something of a Hapsburg motto, and we shall discuss later i t s significance for Austrian nationalism. Another famous maxim of the Hapsburgs: "Bella  gerant a l i i , tu f e l l x Austria nubel" - " l e t others make war, you fortunate Austria make marriages 1" came true when Maximilian betrothed his son to a Spanish princess in 1^ -79, thus extending Hapsburg dynastic influence far af i e l d . It was through the marriage-bed as well as conquest that the Hapsburgs acquired new territories. Charles V, the son of Maximilian, succeeded to the Spanish throne in lf>19 and relinquished the Eastern part of the empire to Ferdinand. Ladislav II, the son of the Polish-Hungarian king, Ladislas Jagellon, was drowned while escaping from the fateful battle f i e l d of Mohacs in lj?26. Ferdinand was thus enabled to make good his claim to Bohemia and Hungary. With this step the Austro-Hungarian stateform took i t s beginning. Accordingly 15>26 stands with 1278 as a v i t a l date in the genealogy of the Dual Monarchy. Why did the Czechs and Hungarians not object to the loss of their sovereignty at the hands of the Haps-burgs? Chiefly because the nobility of both countries saw many material advantages in collaborating with them: i t could help them to maintain their feudal lordship. The Hungarians did object, but when i t came to the choice of Hapsburg or Turk they chose the former. Secondly because nationalism as we know i t in the nineteenth century was s t i l l undeveloped. Such national feelings and sentiments as did exist were rapidly wiped out by the conquerors, wit-ness the Czech defeat at Biia'Hora^ (1620) and i t s dire consequences, resulting in the vir t u a l extinction of the Czech nation. The f i n a l conquest of Hungary also took place by battle in 168? at Budapest, when the Hapsburgs vanquished the Turks but simultaneously subdued the Magyars. The year 1620 thus signalled the successful bid of the dynasty for universal monarchy. The next important event in our hi s t o r i c a l account Is the Pragmatic Sanction of 1713."* This decree was issued by the Emperor Charles VI who, having no male issue, settled his dominions on his daughter Maria Theresa. The avowed aim was the maintenance of Hapsburg dominions, their unity and i n d i v i s i b i l i t y . The important feature of this Pragmatic Sanction was i t s acceptance by the "dominions" - i.e. by the regional aristocracies, known as Estates. The f i r s t to accept, interestingly enough, were the Croats: but the crucial deci-sions were those made by the Hungarian Estates. This body 2 Czech for "White Mountain," famous battlefield in near v i c i n i t y of Prague. 3 Pragmatic Sanction Is a solemn ordinance or degree of the head of a kingdom relating to either church affairs or to matters of state. 6 accepted i t s own pragmatic sanction only In return for " a l l existing rights, liberties, privileges, immunities, preroga-tives and recognized customs". These included a pledge of triennial parliaments, the establishment of a Council of lieutenancy of Pest, and above a l l s t r i c t maintenance of county autonomy - the bulwark of Hungarian liber t i e s . There-fore, the pragmatic sanction may be regarded as the precursor of the Ausgleich of 1867, of which more below. It Is one of the acts which stamped an indelible mark on the structure of the later empire. Maria Theresa's principal contribution, so far as internal affairs were concerned, was the creation of a bureaucratic system, a far-reaching project and feature of the Empire with which this thesis is concerned. The f i r s t step came In 171+8 with a financial move - the Decennial Financial recess of Bohemia. This was a move toward fidu-ciary centralism culminating in the United Bohemian-Austrian Bureau, an office located In Vienna, which remained the guiding body for Bohemia u n t i l l81j.8. A new State Council was also established, and justice was centralised in the imperial capital. In 175>1 the local administration was also defined. The Uj. provinces obtained their Gubernia, but were responsible to Vienna. Under the Gubernia came the District offices with captains at their head (Kreisamter and Kreishauptmanner respectively). The bodies were responsible for the total administration of their domains, from public order to the control of weights and measures - thus running 7 through the whole gamut of bureaucratic work. Uniformity of administration was the motto. The aim of Maria Theresa was enlightened absolutism. An Interesting comparison might be made between her p o l i c y and that of Catherine of Russia. k With Joseph, Enlightenment reached i t s highest point; a topic which w i l l be dealt with more f u l l y f u r ther on, because h i s achievement provided f e r t i l e ground f o r seeds which grew into the flower of opposition and destruc-t i o n . The s p i r i t of l i b e r a l i s m was to have curious f a r reaching consequences. Among Joseph's reforms were these: 1. The p a r t i a l a b o l i t i o n of feudalism and serfdom. 2. Church reform - the papacy was deprived of control over the clergy. 3 . Church education supervised by the government. 1|. C i v i l marriage. 5>. Religious t o l e r a t i o n granted to the Protestants and Orthodox f a i t h s . The years of Joseph's eventful reign, 1780-90, saw the explosion of the French revolution which influenced events on the Danube during the nineteenth century just as i t did in the rest of Europe. Of paramount importance from now onward i s the emergence of the national idea. k After German AufklSrung shallow and pretentious i n t e l l e c t u a l i s m , unreasonable contempt f o r authority and t r a d i t i o n ; applied e s p e c i a l l y to the French Philosophes of the eighteenth century. 8 Out of the revolution came the rise of Napoleon and his eventual defeat. Notable for the history of Austria-Hungary was the dissolution of the Holy Roman Empire by Napoleon In 1806, which formally put an end to an Institut-ion long since moribund. However, i t created the problem of German hegemony in the nineteenth century, by prevent-ing the Hapsburgs from dominating Greater Germany. The defeat of Napoleon in l8lf> was followed by the Congress system, whose watchdog was the Austrian states-man - the ever vigilant Prince Clemens Metternich. He epitomised the inherited idea of the Congress sytem in the phrase "put the clock back", and this he proceeded to do both In internal and external matters. In the former It was done by over-zealous bureaucracy, one further move In tightening the administrative straitjacket. Nevertheless new ideas from the West were i r r e s i s t -ibly seeping through; the concept and practice of separate nationalism and the advent of the new industrial age with the consequent growth of towns. Not only the small nobil-i t y but the burghers could begin to absorb the new ideas. The combination of Enlightenment and of nationalism was bearing f r u i t . The success of the Greeks i n the eighteen-twenties and the Polish risings of 1830-31 against Tsardom helped things on. The stimulus given by Johann Gottfried Herder,^ ^ Kohn, H., The Idea of Nationalism. New York, Macmillan, 1931, pp. k27-1&T. 9 the father of nationalism, to "folk cultures" fed the fir e s of romanticism in literature; thus the rebirth of the Czech language culminated in the creation of the Bohemian Museum and the Academy of Sciences. This also saw the appearance of the f i r s t Czech poetry of Jan Kollar. In iQkk the Hungarian diet began to carry on i t s debates In Magyar, and there was a general clamour for Hungarian independence. It.was therefore logical that any new revolutions in the West would set off sparks in the smouldering cinders of Central Europe and this is exactly what happened in l8Ij.8. The whole year was marked by insur-rections in Austria-Hungary. The main events were : March 18^3; a rising in Vienna and a Hungarian proclamation of independence by Louis Kossuth; the famous 10 points of Francis Dea'k. April l81j.8; meetings in Prague, the Czechs demand autonomy. The Emperor eventually promises a constitution. Vienna rebels from a "committee of safety". June l8Lj-8; the holding of the Pan Slav congress in Prague - the f i r s t of Its kind. However i t was dis-banded by military action. The end in view of the Congress was equality of status under the Emperor. October l8ij.8; parliament assembly In Kromeriz'; leading to a proposed constitution which would adopt 6 Naialer, L., I8I18 . Revolution of the Intellectuals. Pro-ceedings of the Bri t i s h Academy, vol. XXX1, 19I|4> PP« 161-283. 10 federalization. This was to happen In March I8I4.9 but the constitution never materialised. The forces of reaction moved In to counteract the revolutionary steps. General Prince Alfred Windischgratz brutally crushed the .Prague risings immediately following the Pan-Slav Congress. Indeed PieId-Marshall Johann Radetzky put down risings in Italy during that fateful year. In April of a Hungarian republic was pro-claimed by the national patriot Kossuth, and this act led to a campaign against the Hungarians by the Hapsburgs. The Russians came to the aid of the dynasty, ostensibly to help fellow Slavs, the Croats. The revolts of I8I4.8 and l8I|.9 were abortive. Essentially they were "a revolution of the intellectuals"'' 7 to use the phrase of Professor Namier. Repression then set in in Austria. The leading statesmen, Alexander Bach and Prince Pelix Schwarzenberg, were reactionaries. Emphasis was laid on further bureaucracy and on Germanization. For example the Hungarians lost their h i s t o r i c a l identity and their state was temporarily abolished. In l8f?5 a church concordat was concluded giving the clergy more powers espec-i a l l y in education. But external events profoundly affected internal business in the Empire during the eighteen-fifties. Prussia wanted to weaken Austria to prevent her from having influence Namier, o£. c i t . . p. l 6 l . 11 in German affairs . Berlin therefore instigated Italy, together with Prance, to carry on Its campaign against Austria. This proved disastrous for the latter country. At Solferino (185>9) Austria not only lost her battle but also had to give up Lombardy. The Italian victory was a signal to Austria to put her house In order. This was done by two measures: 1. The October diploma of i860. The essence of this measure was to give more autonomy to the Lander, the provinces. Each province was allowed to have a diet. 2. The February patent of 1861. This made prov-isions for each diet to elect representatives to the Reichsrath - the central parliament. But there was s t i l l no direct representation; the franchise was doctored. In Seton-Watson's f e l i c i t i o u s phrase "electoral geometry was for a generation to come one of Austria's leading indus-tr i e s " , and an emergency paragraph empowered the state council (i.e. in effect the Emperor) to override parlia-ment. But the riv a l r y with Prussia continued, and led to the war of 1866. Bismarck defeated the Austrians at Sadowa and thus put an end to Austria's hegemony in Germany. But the conqueror did not go on to Vienna, to bring humiliation on the Emperor. Franz Joseph was now forced to undertake a thorough-going reform and steps were taken to reach the Seton-Watson, R.W., op_. c i t . , p. 199. 12 famous Ausglelch with Hungary. The terms of this important constitutional move were as follows: 1. The Magyars have dominant influence in the ancient lands of St. Stephen, including the "subject peoples". 2. Austria is to dominate the remaining 17 provin-ces according to the February patent. 3. Austria and Hungary were united in a personal union under one monarch, but each was to have i t s own army units. if.. They share common ministries of war, foreign affairs and finance. f>. Delegations from both sides were to meet,every two years to discuss subjects under (1+). These were to consist of 6 0 members from each of the Austrian and Hung-arian diets. 6. A mutual t a r i f f agreement. Such was the Dual Monarchy framework which sur-vived varying crises u n t i l the crowning one of 1 9 2 4 . What sort of picture does i t present to us? F i r s t of a l l the Dual Monarch was a great power and ranked as such in Euro-pean diplomacy u n t i l i t s dissolution. This thesis w i l l not deal with external affairs, but these did play their part: for instance the consequences of Sadowa as noted above, and the influence which i t had on the Ausgleich. Finally there was the Italian "threat" a l l around the Adriatic. We are concerned, however, with the internal structure of the Empire after 1 8 6 7 • There were two 13 v i r t u a l l y independent u n i t s j the Western p a r t which was 9 A u s t r i a n , C i s l e i t h a n i a , the Magyar dominated East, Trans-l e i than i a. 1 0 The only l i n k s which h e l d them together were: 1. The dynasty - a l l e g i a n c e to the Hapsburgs. 2. The army - p a r t i c u l a r l y regarding the i d e a of common defence. 3. Economic i n t e r e s t s . The whole empire was more or l e s s an economic u n i t . Broadly speaking, the a g r i c u l t u r a l East provided the raw mater-i a l s f o r the i n d u s t r i a l West. Thus there was an exchange of i n d u s t r i a l goods and a g r i c u l -t u r a l raw m a t e r i a l s . And there was a l s o a mutually arranged t a r i f f system to take care of the f l o w of goods. Otherwise there were strong d i f f e r e n c e s between the two "halves." The Western h a l f c o n sisted of A u s t r i a n s (Austro-Germans), Czechs, P o l e s , Slovenes and I t a l i a n s . The c o n t r o l was vested i n German hands but w e s t e r n i z a t i o n and I n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n played havoc w i t h t h i s . The n a t i o n a l i t i e s under the German yoke were al r e a d y conscious of t h e i r p o l i t i c a l growth and of t h e i r p o t e n t i a l independences. Concessions were bound t o come and d u r i n g the l a t t e r h a l f of the nineteenth century the " s u b j e c t " peoples began to 9 C i s l e i t h a n i a - Lands west of R i v e r L e i t h a ; used instead of cumbrous term "The Kingdoms and lands represented by the R e i c h s r a t h , " i . e . the 17 provinces under the February patent. 1 0 T r a n s l e I t h a n i a - Lands east of R i v e r L e i t h a , used instead of ''The' Lands under the Crown of St. Stephen," c f . Chapter V. (on Hungarian n a t i o n a l i s m ) . 1^ enjoy more representation. Also during this period further educational privileges were extended to them, but only after bitter and prolonged conflict. The Germans could not carry out a thorough and real Germanization of the other ethnic groups. These latter were even suffered to develop industrially, and a l l that they lacked was real independence. What they were expected to do was to show due respect for the dynasty and the pre-vailing regime j they had to submit also to German hegemony, and to comply with the ordinary obligations of the citizen, for example, the paying of taxes. In marked contrast to this was the situation pre-vailing in the Eastern or Hungarian part of the Empire. Here the dominating people were the Magyars. Under their sway were the following Slav nationalities: Slovaks, Croats and Ruthenians, later the Serbs and also the .Latin Roumanians. There were more Roumanians In the extreme south-east corner. A l l these nationalities were treated in a more or less equal way by the Magyars as subject peoples, as under-lings. The Magyars were by their history and tradition rabid nationalists - a typical Herrenvolk. They believed themselves to be the "chosen people", and their tradition in the fight for independence and feelings of superiority led to extreme chauvinism. The form which this took In the Hungarian dominated territories was a deliberate and brutal imposition of Magyar culture on the subject peoples. A l l languages and cultures were suppressed, and the exis-tence of a l l nationalities other than Magyar was ignored. This state of things might be tolerated in pre -1789 Europe, but i t became increasingly d i f f i c u l t as the nineteenth century advanced. Some solution of the growing tensions had to be found. CHAPTER I I . FACTORS FOR COHESION I n t r o d u c t i o n In t h i s p a r t of the study we s h a l l d e a l w i t h some of the var i o u s f o r c e s i n the Hapsburg Monarchy which held the empire together, l i n k s which forged the d i s p a r a t e p a r t s i n t o some kind of a whole. Much has been made of the expression "ramshackle" i n speaking of the Austro-Hungarian empire. This reference has been applied mainly to the congeries of n a t i o n a l i t i e s . The empire was a m u l t i - n a t i o n a l s t a t e par e x c e l l e n c e . There were at l e a s t twelve d i s t i n c t n a t i o n a l i t i e s : Germans, Hungarians, Czechs, Slovaks, Ruthenians, Slovenes, Serbs, Croats, I t a l i a n s , Roumanians and Jews. 1 A l l these e t h n i c groups had d i f f e r e n t p o i n t s of view from each other, a l l may be said to have d i f f e r e n t " f o l k " c u l t u r e s a l s o , rooted of course i n speech, t r a d i t i o n and h a b i t a t . In s h o r t , there was no apparent u n i t y , only d i v e r s i t y . I f the r e l i g i o u s and geographical c o n s i d e r a t i o n s are included we are faced w i t h a p o l i t i c a l , s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l chequerboard. Nevertheless, some bonds un i t e d a l l the disp a r a t e groups and u n i t s . I n t e r n a l and e x t e r n a l pressures were A There was no u n i t y of o p i n i o n as to whether the Jews should be classed as a d i s t i n c t n a t i o n a l i t y or r e f e r r e d to i n terms of Judaic r e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n . See Chapter I I I on C e n t r i f u g a l Nationalism. 16 17 constantly at work on the empire, any of which could have made trouble or even wrought havoc with the whole. Notwith-standing this, i t weathered a l l storms u n t i l the c r i s i s of 19U+ - 1 5 . Historically these peoples of the Danube valley had been constrained to work and live together by the threat of Islam which was not removed un t i l the middle of the eighteenth century. This did much to weld neighbouring peoples together in defence of their land and f a i t h . Then came the period of Enlightenment. This era of free-thinking and influence of new ideas made for changes. Joseph II unleashed forces which were larger and more potent than he was ever able to foresee. One direct effect was a development of nationalism through'revivification of languages. The grammarian Josef Dobrovsky, for example, was a child of Enlightenment. His work on reviving the Czech language laid a firm foundation for nationalism; yet these new factors did not immediately loosen the bonds of empire. Secondly, Enlightenment made men think - i t "put the clock forward". It spread the idea that the. old order was not by any means the best or the permanent one; i t led to potential revolutionary movements but these did not come to fruition either. Why did the freeing of men's minds not undermine the empire at that time: especially since the emotional urge of Rousseau's teaching and the exciting experience of the revolution in Prance stimulated nationalist 16 ambitions everywhere. Clearly the ties of empire must have been strong and we shall see in a moment what they were. Actually i t was only the third French revolution (I8Z4.8) which precipitated open revolt in Central Europe as noted earlier but none of them really were effective against the prevailing order. External events such as the Solferino defeat in 18^9 at the hands of Italy meant loss of territory, but the body and fabric of the empire were virtually unimpaired* Sadowa in 1866 had only one e f f e c t — the Ausgleich of 1867. The ship of state refitted sailed on u n t i l 192J4. and It might have gone on further but for the conflagration of 1914-18. In the nineteenth century nationalism was.becom-ing a power on the European scene. P o l i t i c a l frontiers of the continent remained unchanged, but they were threatened by national feelings and ambitions. Italy and Germany were united. The Ottoman empire in Europe was cut down, very largely by the nationalities within i t . The structure of Austria, with more nationalities than the Ottoman empire, stood as before while the Magyars achieved their ambition: to rule their half of the monarchy regardless of the rising tide of discontent in the national minority groups. It appears, therefore, that some potent forces were at work which held the empire together: what were they and how did they operate. The v i t a l i t y and v i a b i l i t y of the realm was amazing and a f u l l explanation for this 19 should be offered. A glance at ecology and geography should give us a hint. The Danube valley area i s a natural physical unit. The Danube and i t s tributaries, the. Morava, TIsza, Drava and Sava rivers, are the artery and blood vessels res-pectively. Even the geographic boundaries are well-defined; the Austrian Alps in the west, the Bohemian saucer in the north-east, the Tatra and Carpathian mountain defences against the Eastern invader. There is much rea-son for physical togetherness. We have seen that the Hapsburgs were the chief architects of union. Individually they were long-lived, and the longevity of rulers w i l l always have influence on tradition. More than that, behind them were the shadows of older empires of the past: the glory of the Roman Imperium, of the Holy Roman Empire and of Catholicism with i t s concept of universalism. For dynamic they could also count on the expansive force of the German peoples from the later Middle Ages, the natural drang nach Ost.en. This, gave them a l l the halo associated with pioneering. The Ost Reich was only one, the most f r u i t f u l and successful one, of many German outposts in Europe, from the shores of the Baltic to the Adriatic. ^ Steed, H.W., The Hapsburg Monarchy. London, Constable, 1919, which was written in Vienna and f i r s t published in 1913, is an indispensable reference for this section, as an overall portrait of the situation at the time. 20 Tradition We have mentioned tradition: what does It mean? Liter a l l y It is the action of handing over something from one generation to another: a long established custom or method of procedure, which at times seems to acquire the vali d i t y of a law. In what ways did this operate in the Dual Monarchy? On whom did the impact of tradition f a l l and what did i t mean for them? (l) The Common Man (for centuries a serf) In him we see local tradition at work. He was loyal to his family and to the land which fed him, he was adscriptus glebae. His gaze was directed on his village and on the castle above i t . Before the coming of the railways, lack of communications would preclude his know-ing the outside world at a l l , except perhaps by hearsay. Of one tradition he was f u l l y cognizant: the folk element and his village. He would know his native language, although he was probably not conversant with German, Hung-arian or certainly hardly Latin. He would know some of the folk songs, tales and legends; knew some local history and even was aware of national history on a wider sphere. But his feeling of community w i l l be local. The peasant in a village owed allegiance to his master. The feudal tradition prevailed: the commoner was the f i e f and had to perform local military service. If 21 the master was benevolent, the vassal would willingly follow him; in,any case the former would be obeyed because the latter had his own existence to think about: the Brotfrage• Lastly there was the parochial religious feeling. The commoner would think of his priest as confessor and teacher. The religious tradition of universality reached the end of the pyramid here. The village priest was the lowest rung of the ecclesiastical ladder, but in many ways the most influential. He could teach the lessons of paternalism, loyalty to the dynasty and church, and fealty to the Lord better than anyone else. In every part of the Monarchy, from Slovenia to Russia, the pattern was the same, with state and church wanting the village folk to remain children, obedient and fa i t h f u l ^ and asking as few questions as possible. (2) The nobility and landowners Here the loyalties were to the class and to the throne. One might almost approach i t in Marxist terras: the objective of the landowner i s the status quo - opposi-tion to anybody who would want to take land away from him. Therefore by tradition the landowner would cling to the existing order: i.e. the dynasty, church, loyalty to his own class rather than national or religious feeling. There was a free-masonry that cemented a l l "people of blood" together. Landowning by i t s e l f made for conservatism. The 22 landowner desired c o n t i n u i t y of tenure. He knew that the estate which he owned and managed^ had been e s t a b l i s h e d and owned by h i s ancestors. He wanted, t h e r e f o r e , to pass i t on to h i s h e i r s . There was a strong f a m i l y t r a d i t i o n . At the top, he would owe a l l e g i a n c e to the emperor, he would be "the K a i s e r ' s man" - the most l o y a l of servants to the monarch. (3) P o l i t i c s Here we t h i n k p r i n c i p a l l y of Vienna, f o r i t was v.'-t there that the e s s e n t i a l instruments of s t a t e were l o c a t e d . F i r s t of a l l , Vienna was the I m p e r i a l c i t y . I t embodied the t r a d i t i o n s of the throne, hot as a l o c a l phenomenon but one embracing the whole realm. One thought of Vienna along-side Rome, or even Jerusalem, Vienna was a l s o the centre of s t a t e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . There e x i s t e d a two-way t r a f f i c , of a d m i n i s t r a t i o n going out and taxes coming i n . This meant much since the whole s t a t e machine had i t s . h e a d -quarters there. Vienna was the b r a i n which supervised and c o n t r o l l e d the body p o l i t i c . A f t e r 1867,. the three most important government f u n c t i o n s were defense, finance and e x t e r n a l a f f a i r s . The headquarters of a l l three were at Vienna. As we s h a l l see the army t r a d i t i o n presupposed above a l l l o y a l t y to the empire. J u s t i c e w i t h a l l i t s trappings was a l s o rep-resented i n Vienna by the sumptuous J u s t i z m i n i s t e r i u m . Across the f r o n t of the Hofburg gate were the words 23 Ju s t i t i a Imperil Fundamentum. In fact the palaces of the Ring, most of them bu i l t in the second half of the nine-teenth century represented the complete picture of j/ienna's .place in the empire - the Hofburg, museums, university and the Opera. We come i d the Imperial Parliament: the Reichsrath. To be sure, this body did not represent democracy at i t s best; yet i t built up a formal semblance of representative government which would eventually have been realized In fact. It did provide a forum for open discussion, in which men'like Masaryk could become famous. The bureaucratic tradition which also centred In Vienna Is a special topic. This was the executive arm of the government for which a veritable hierarchy had grown up since Maria Theresa's day. It was nourished by nine-teenth century developments. Austria can claim to have had the f i r s t railway in continental Europe, Linz to Budweis (181+3) . This soon became a huge network linking a l l the Important c i t i e s . The government owned and ran i t , and a vast bureaucracy developed beginning with the humble but self-important station master and culminating in the councillors in the Viennese ministry. Thus there was another tradition b u i l t up that transcended national bound-aries . One language was spoken by those who ran i t - German. On the railways Germans or Magyars got preference but there was a chance for a l l , at least in Cisleithania. For instance, when the Czechs obtained educational equality in the eighteen-eighties their capacity for work increased. 2k A l l the higher posts were in Vienna so the o f f i c i a l was forced to move: therefore in his climb up the ladder the Czech would become a true empire servant. At bottom the education given in school and university was a moving force behind tradition. The elementary schools fostered i t in the hearts of the young by putting a halo around the emperor and his family. The chief task of the middle schools and universities came to be to prepare candidates for the c i v i l service, who would accept the great tradition. A l l of these were under state control. As for the latter, after 1882 when the Czechs secured their own university in Prague, alongside the German, there were in Austria eight universities in a l l : Vienna, Innsbruck, Graz, and Prague with German; Cracow and Lvov with Polish; Zagreb with Croatian and Prague with Czech as a language of Instruction; The humanist tradi-tion was strong, a Catholic tradition was taught in Latin, and the academic standards were equal to the best in Europe. Catholicism We have indicated in the f i r s t chapter why the Hapsburg Empire flourished. Its raison d ' e t r e was i t s role as the defender of Eastern Europe against the i n f i d e l -in particular the Turk on the Danube. Here the family f u l -f i l l e d a mission for centuries, not only for themselves but also for Europe. Western c i v i l i z a t i o n grew out of a combination 25 of a universal church and a universal state in which the Church provided the formative influence. This was symbol-ised already in 800 A.D. by the crowning of Charlemagne as Emperor in Rome. The church meant union under one Pope, one faith, one hierarchy. It also stood guard over culture, and Its one language - Latin - was a potent unify- « ing force. The Hapsburgs were loyal servants of the Church and helped the Church internally and externally. This meant, in principle, a decided aversion to change or reform. The dynasty could not overlook any internal opposition: they would be quick to suppress dissent, and thus the Czech Protestant revolution (Hussites)* led up to the Hapsburg intervention which ..culminated "at B i l a :Hora (1620). But the principal concern of the dynasty was empire building. This was an eastward movement and was part of the struggle with Islam. The climactic moments, came when the Turks were repelled in front of Vienna in 1683, and in the battles of Zonta (1687) and Peterwardein (1716). The result of the former was the treaty of Karlowitz when the Sultan ceded most of Hungary to Austria... The result of Peterwardein was the treaty of Belgrade, by which the Hapsburgs were established along the river Sava, to remain there u n t i l 1908. The hero of these battles was Prince Eugene of Savoy, "der edle Ritter", who became a veritable legend. 26 Eugene is a supranational figure - a Frenchman fighting for Austria against the Turks. He is one of the heirs to Charlemagne! But the prestige of the Church was also enhanced. The victory over Islam was achieved in i t s name. It was acclaimed by the liberated peoples who were now not only rid of the Invader, but confident that the dreaded v i s i t -ations of plague from which they suffered under the Turks, would not return. The Church thus became more and more a real cohesive and unifying force. Its universalism and unilater-alism was unquestioned. It employed only one language: Latin. Its allegiance was to the Pope through Vienna. It was supranational, i t s dignitaries were drawn from a l l nationalities arid sent i f needed from one end of the emp-ire to the other: a Slovak priest might go to Croatia, a Czech to Galicia. These men were "naturalised". The Church had i t s own" appurtenances - the monasteries, nun-neries and hospitals in which prevailed a humanist together-ness. Philanthropic work was done in the name of humanity, not of nations. The members of the dynasty worked hand in hand with the clergy. The emperors, with few exceptions, were "good" Catholics and cooperated with the Church in every way. In return the Court in Vienna was honoured by Rome as being the prime p i l l a r of the f a i t h in Europe, The w i l l of the emperor counted in the Vatican, just as the w i l l of the Pope counted in Vienna and Budapest. There was, i t i s t r u e , one weak l i n k i n a l l t h i s "axis", of supra-n a t i o n a l ! sm. I t did not s u i t the book of Czech C a t h o l i c s to be c h a n n e l l i n g t h e i r r e l a t i o n s w i t h Rome through Vienna. This was p a r t l y the legacy of the past, and could not be e l i m i n a t e d . On the other hand,, no such .feelings existed. In Cracow and s c a r c e l y any could be found i n Zagreb. The Army The. army and i t s leaders should a l s o be approached from the p o i n t of view of h i s t o r y . The f i r s t m i l i t a r y commander of importance to the Hapsburgs was A l b r e c h t von W a l l e n s t e i n , who may. be rariked as one of. the f i r s t supra-n a t i o n a l f i g u r e s . . This man, w i t h a l l his. o d d i t i e s , was the s a v i o u r of the Hapsburgs. i n the T h i r t y Years War...Then, as we have seen above, i t was Prince Eugene and the A u s t r i a n army which,, a f t e r the saving of Vienna i n 1 6 8 3 , won d e c i -s i v e v i c t o r i e s over the Turks and secured the f r o n t i e r s of Christendom i n the Balkans. A l l t h i s helped to c o n s o l i d a t e the Austro-Hungarian Empire as -1) a p o l i t i c a l u n i t , 2) the bulwark of C a t h o l i c i s m , 3) the defender of Christendom against, the i n f i d e l , every s o l d i e r could thus f e e l that he was a "crusader". S c a r c e l y l e s s g l o r y was won a century, l a t e r by the A u s t r i a n s , s i n g l e handed, at Aspern (1809) against Napoleon's armies. The French Emperor h i m s e l f was forced to comment on the f i g h t i n g q u a l i t i e s and morale of the 28 Austrian troops in that battle. Finally, we have in Field Marshal Radetzkythe nineteenth century heir of this tradi-tion. Radetzky was the commander-in-chief from l 8 l i | on. His important victories were won in Italy, in particular the decisive battle at Custozza which saved Lombardy for the Empire. His were the only positive contributions to I8I4.8 which, otherwise, was a gloomy year. Small wonder that Grillparzer paid him the tribute of the famous line "In deinem Lager 1st Oesterreich"^ a stirring and pat-r i o t i c commentary on his prestige as a soldier and a lead-ing citizen. Sadowa (1866) was a serious defeat and i t would be interesting to speculate what would have happened i f Bismarck and his generals had marched forward to take Vienna: but the army was not to blame for what happened. We have seen that the direct result of this defeat was the famous (or infamous) Ausgleich, which favoured the people who had been disloyal, accommodating the Magyars while penalising the Slavs who had fought at their best. The defence of the Empire now became a common cause i n the monarchy, there was only one Ministry and one general staff, but there were three d i s t r i c t army bodies formed after I 8 6 7 A (a) Joint or common Austro-Hungarian army; (b) Austrian defense army "Landwehr"; 3 "Austria is in your camp." This sti r r i n g verse is one of the few written by Grillparzer exhibiting national f e e l -ing. See Chapter V., on Austrian Nationalism. h Steed, CJD. c i t . . pp. 63-70. 29 (c) Hungarian defense array of "Honved". A special word should be said about the Honveds. The Magyars rightly glory in the tradition of their own fighting forces. Their national hero was John Hunyady who, in li | 5 9 , repelled the Turkish onslaught and, later, made a memorable march through the Balkans, securing valuable territory for Hungary. In 181+8, the Hungarians had their own army - the Instrument by which Kossuth tried to win Independence. However, after 1867, Deak assured the Hung-arian Diet that this army fought against the Pragmatic Sanction and from then on there was a f a i r accommodation. By the terms accepted in the Ausgleich, the Honved army was under the command of the Vienna chief of staff and of the Honved minister in the Hungarian cabinet. This minister was responsible for the recruitment of troops. The Magyars never ceased to demand more and more privileges such as that promulgated in 1903 by the Tisza government. This programme claimed such rights as the establishment of Hung-arian cadet schools, and the recognition of the monarch's right to determine the language of command and service in Hungarian regiments. This last was important, because Budapest was bent on Magyar!sing the subject nationalities in their army as far as possible. Thus the recruit in the Hungarian army was subjected to methodical Magyar chauv-inist pressure, whether he came from Slovakia or Croatia. The recruit in the Cislaithanian part of the empire, on the other hand, received a f a i r l y healthy and liberal education; he learned some German, the o f f i c i a l language of the empire and the language of command. He was exposed to the ideas of empire and of the dynasty, and learned more than just parochial patriotism. The army was the pride of the monarchy and the idol of the people, and the new recruit f e l t he was part of i t . His basic train-ing was not only military but social, and he was converted as far as possible Into a supranational figure. At least he got some supranational feelings. This was the feature of army education which the nationalists found hardest to combat. The army was thus the "nursery" of dynastic f e e l -ing. The soverign was, of course, the Commander-in-Chief and was able in his person to achieve some welding of the disparate elements, German, Slav and Hungarian, Into one whole. Indeed the last emperor, Franz Joseph, looked upon the army as his own property. The most senior officers were his comrades and "cousins", and he never failed to stand by them through thick and thin. Here1 we see a prac-t i c a l and r e a l i s t i c embodiment of the classical dynastic idea. Franz Joseph "fathered" his generals "with affect-s' ionate solicitude". The army was the pampered child of the,dynasty, and was therefore regarded with great affec-tion by a l l subjects. The emperor's Army Order at Chlopy in 1903 illustrates this: he invoked the s p i r i t "which respects every national characteristic and solves a l l antagonisms by u t i l i s i n g the special qualities of every race for the welfare of the whole."^ This s p i r i t existed -Steed, or>. c i t . , p. 71. 6 Ibid.. p. 70. 31 as a unifying factor in the monarchy. The army served important purposes. It had to be prepared to ward off the potential Russian menace in the East. It served the ends of the monarchy in keeping Italy "neutralised" and keeping the Balkans tranquil. But i t also served to enhance the dignity of the throne, or even to nurture the amour propre of the emperor in the face of potential dynastic rivals like Prussia. The army was always important in times of c r i s i s for internal purposes. We need only to think of the crushing of the Prague June risings by WindischgrStz in l81j.8. Troops were always at hand to maintain order where required. This service extended to other emergencies such as flood disasters, or snow slides in the Alps. The same troops were an adjunct to the regular police for the maintenance of c i v i l order and of controlling the mores. In a word, the army provided the surest guarantee of law, order and discipline In a Polizeistaat. The State-Idea The fundamental problem to be resolved by the Austro-Hungarlan authorities resident in Vienna, in their attempt to preserve the Empire, was the need for an accom-modation of the concept of statehood, as inherited from Greece and Rome, to the respective national allegiances with which they were confronted. For example, after the consolidation effected in the heat of the revolution, 32 l i t t l e d i f f i c u l t y on such lines presented i t s e l f to the ruler's of Prance or, even though geography had made i t more complex to those of Spain, although each of those nations, by that time more or less homogeneous, had earlier con-sisted of a number of regions differing in dialect, in their folkways and in economic interests. These elements, however, had in most cases no strongly developed h i s t o r i -city, though one might cite the peculiar traditions or background of the Provencals in Prance, or of the Catalans in Spain. Notwithstanding a l l such differences, a sense of national togetherness was achieved in 'Lffa France une et  indivisible 1 1. Much the same thing was done in England and, most recently, in Germany. These models from the Atlantic seaboard were sedulously emulated on the Danube. The Austrian rulers, recognising the d i f f i c u l t i e s to be resolved in the?.r own household because of national disparateness, sought a remedy or "formula" to meet the case by introducing the Staatsidee. This concept, in r Itself not easy to understand, meant an attempt to recon-cile conflicting aspirations and conform those to an a l l inclusive whole. This concept was not new. The leaders of the state and church were aware of ancient examples which had succeeded - that of Persia and more conspicu-ously that of Imperial Rome. The second of these had lasted for centuries: why should history not repeat i t s e l f in modern times? The various nationalisms that prevailed in the 33 parts of the empire could not be denied. Those diverse forms of national striving were obviously directed to quite varying ends. By the very nature of things the Slavs could not be in harmony with the Magyars, nor could Ger-mans see eye to eye with either Slavs or Magyars. Even the Slav diverse groups themselves had very l i t t l e in common, albeit they more so than any group were able to enjoy a certain sense of race solidarity engendered by close linguistic a f f i n i t y . The Staatsidee was conceived as a sort of umbrella, a shade-tree or a safe haven to provide shelter, security, and a hope of collaboration between the many diverse ele-ments. Essentially i t was a r t i f i c i a l and had many weak-nesses, nevertheless i t served as a useful - indeed effec-tive - means of holding conflicting forces together right down to modern times. r. One of the main reasons why this otherwise anti-quated Idea of the state was able to maintain cohesion for so long was that i t provided ah established and at least tolerable machinery of government. Since the days of Maria Theresa and Joseph, a f a i r l y efficient apparatus of control had been at work and this fixed system enjoyed a i l the privileges and prerogatives of the classes that bene-fitte d most from It. This bureaucracy was so geared as to make entry into the service of the state a highly coveted l i f e occupation: witness the prestige accorded the bearers of the Innumerable t i t l e s , Including those of the wives, for honoured state o f f i c i a l s . This entrenched body of public servants was a formidable force which only a major catas-trophe could overwhelm. The material considerations were Important but the whole machine was reinforced by a sort of mysticism, an invisible bond of common service, a sense of calling in the realisation of something designed by providence, which needed the help of men to make i t work. The key-stone which held the notion and art of the state-idea together was the throne and the dynasty that occupied It. The formula K.u.K. (Kaiserlich und Koniglich) Was sacred, whether in the Vienna Ballplatz, the seat of the Foreign Office, in the Budapest diet, in Pilsen or in a remote Galician village. A l l the occupants of these scattered places knew that they were governed by the same emperor. They saw the formula on the railway, in the courts, and on the packages of cigarettes they smoked. But K. und K. was only one symbol used to impress the populace. There were the other revered trap-pings of the monarchy - the crown jewels - whether in Vienna or Budapest. It was unfortunate that Franz Joseph refused to be crowned King of Bohemia, for this would have been an additional f i l l i p to the monarchy. Even a l l kinds of quite superficial worldly events helped: a parade at SchBnbrunn or a military manoeuvre with the emperor present. The Hapsburgs were past masters of showmanship. They knew the value of the old Spanish etiquette which they learned when they controlled the Spanish throne. 35 The emperor not only reigned, but r u l e d . He was more than a figurehead, he was the government. The supreme power was vested i n the State c o u n c i l over which he presided. I t s members were under h i s guidance. The R e i c h s r a t h , whose deputies were elected by the people, had no executive a u t h o r i t y . The emperor was, t h e r e f o r e , sovereign to h i s s u b j e c t s , and an e x c e l l e n t p s y c h o l o g i c a l instrument was used - paternalism. The d e f i n i t i o n of t h i s term may be u s e f u l : the p r i n c i p l e and p r a c t i c e of p a t e r n a l a d m i n i s t r a -t i o n ; government as by a f a t h e r , the c l a i m and attempt to supply the needs or to regu l a t e the l i f e of a n a t i o n or community i n the same way as a f a t h e r does to h i s c h i l d r e n . The emperor was an autocrat v i a p a t e r n a l i s m - a benevolent despot. Perhaps the best example of t h i s was Pranz Joseph.' He was the "Daddy" to h i s s u b j e c t s . I t was h i s d e s i r e always to do what was best f o r h i s devoted people. But h i s t h i n k i n g ran much as f o l l o w s : " I am doing the best f o r you. Let me do your t h i n k i n g f o r you. A l l you need to do i s to go about your everyday a f f a i r s , l o v e , marry, beget c h i l d r e n . We s h a l l do a l l the r e s t . A l l we demand from you Is your unquestioned l o y a l t y . No d e v i a t i o n i s m i s permitted." B l i n d obedience was a l s o demanded - no wonder that Pranz Joseph h i m s e l f was a paragon of d i s c i p l i n e . He led a l i f e of Spartan abnegation and was e n t i r e l y pre-occupied w i t h the punctual performance of h i s d u t i e s . He 7 R e d l i c h , J . , Emperor F r a n c i s Joseph of A u s t r i a , A B i o -graphy. New York, Macmillan, 1929. 36 had no desire f o r personal gain. His own l i f e was tragic, and his family l i f e a f a i l u r e . Perhaps h i s sense of paternalism i n the empire imposed on him a transfer of l o y a l t i e s from h i s family to his subjects. Prom the p o l i t i c a l point of view the Emperor gave no nation preference. The c l a s s i c phrase of Franz Joseph: "Is he a p a t r i o t f o r me?"® gives the f u l l answer. In t h i s sentence the whole dynastic organism i s Implied; the lo y a l t y was not to an i n d i v i d u a l nation or ethnic group, but to the dynasty and i t s figurehead - the emperor. Nat-Ions were also pit t e d one against the other on the ancient Roman p r i n c i p l e - dividere et imperare. It was the emperor's ambition to keep the keel of the ship of state i n balance by seesawing one nation against the other. One means of achieving such "balance" was the use of the p u l p i t , the press, the educational system, the law and of course the throne to reduce the thinking and asking of as many people as possible, of a l l nations and classes, to one common denominator - what the Nazis were to proclaim as "Glelchschaltung"- a state i n which the greatest possible number would have the least possible differences of view or ambitions and i n which adherence to a system would be engend-ered as a cardinal v i r t u e . That this goal was never achieved, i n f a c t never could be, i s a matter of h i s t o r y - the major reasons why are the theme of our next chapter. 8 Shepherd, G., Austrian Odyssey. London, Macmillan, 19^7» p. 27. 37 In conclusion let us admit that in a l l possibility no rational or f i n a l definition of the Staatsjdee is pos-sible: that i t is an elusive thing, something f e l t rather than seen, and sensed rather than understood. In spite of this, however, i t s powers and i t s appeal are attested in more than one age and in more than one country. Among the latter Austria-Hungary stands high. CHAPTER I I I . FACTORS FOR DISRUPTION I n t r o d u c t i o n We s h a l l now d e a l w i t h those f o r c e s which seem to have c o n t r i b u t e d , i n a s i g n i f i c a n t manner, to the d i s i n t e g r a -t i o n of the empire. Terminology i s of the essence i n naming the chapter. Should we c a l l the f a c t o r s negative, sub-v e r s i v e or solvent? Were they s e p a r a t i s t , or could one say the same t h i n g by d e s c r i b i n g them as c e n t r i f u g a l ? I t w i l l be r e a l i s e d that a l l such terms i n v o l v e the use of metaphors. The s t a t e i s thought of as a body, an organism which may be i n v a r y i n g degrees h e a l t h y or a i l i n g , strong or weak, dependable or uridependable. We can speak of a negative f a c t o r as opposed to a p o s i t i v e one because some of the cohesive f o r c e s , making f o r u n i t y and s t r e n g t h , which we t r i e d to analyse i n the former chapter c a r r i e d the seeds of d e s t r u c t i o n w i t h i n them. Negative can, of course, a l s o imply the l a c k of something e s s e n t i a l to h e a l t h : we s h a l l see that t h i s too could be found, f o r example i n Muslims t i t l e Der Mann  Ohna Ejgenschaften or the Man Without Q u a l i t i e s . x This work w i l l be d e a l t w i t h i n some d e t a i l In Chapter V. under A r t i s t i c Diagnosis. 38 39 One can speak of subversive f a c t o r s : these were currents working underneath which could undermine the body-p o l i t i c . We have solvent f a c t o r s , those f o r c e s which could d i s s o l v e the empire. This metaphor comes from the f i e l d of chemistry. Then we have the s e p a r a t i s t or c e n t r i f u g a l f a c t o r s , p a r t i c u l a r l y those f o r c e s which p u l l e d away from the monarchy. This metaphor comes from mechanics or p h y s i c s . What are the e s s e n t i a l s of a h e a l t h y s t a t e ? F i r s t of a l l the government must be e f f i c i e n t : the s t a t e must be w e l l run; i t s f i n a n c e s must be sound; i t s defense must be assured, and proper and equal j u s t i c e must be meted out. In s h o r t , p u b l i c a f f a i r s must be run i n such a way as to assume th a t the m a j o r i t y of the subjects are content. To a t t a i n t h i s i d e a l the c i t i z e n s must enjoy l i v i n g and, i n t h i s , the most important f a c t o r i s that they should have some say i n a f f a i r s . Thus, the best example of the "healthy" p o l i t i c a l s t a t e of a f f a i r s might be the ancient Greek c i t y s t a t e i n which the c i t i z e n enjoyed f u l l v o t i n g r i g h t s , indeed one may say that he possessed g r e a t e r p r i v i l e g e s than the c i t i z e n of today. He was c a l l e d upon a l s o to shoulder onerous r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i n c i v i c a f f a i r s . The s t a t e ran smoothly and e f f i c i e n t l y . True i t had to administer only a small area and a small p o p u l a t i o n , but t h i s form of gov-ernment was reckoned as i d e a l and has served as a model. In c o n t r a s t w i t h t h i s , our present t h e s i s w i l l show as o b j e c t i v e l y as p o s s i b l e that Austria-Hungary was an unhealthy s t a t e . The s t a t e machine was f a i r l y good: the ho c o l l e c t i o n of taxes was done f a i r l y well, the army was e f f i -cient, almost to the end. But what was the r e l a t i o n of the c i t i z e n to the state? We s h a l l t r y to show i n this and the following chapter that the allegiance of the c i t i z e n s was divided between the "state-Idea" and the respective national or even parochial t i e s , that i s to the nation or to the l o c a l i t y . The c l a s s i c case Is that even the German Herrenwolk, the r e a l administrators of the empire, g r a v i -tated strongly toward the Great German Empire. The cohesive forces, that Is those that held the empire together and t r i e d to make the state "healthy" - were not e f f e c t i v e enough to keep things going on a sound plane. The state could not be classed as a viable e n t i t y : Indeed the c l a s s i c remark of Masaryk, who termed the empire mrtvola, a "corpse", p i s very apposite. 2 In 1918 the famous Viennese surgeon. Dr. Lorenz, pub-lished an a r t i c l e In the Neue Freie. Presse i n which he rec a l l e d h i s anatomy classes. He mentioned that at one ^  time Masaryk had been one of his students since Masaryk wanted to acquire the rudiments of the subject i n order the better to understand aesthetics. Lorenz wrote that during one of his " p r a c t i c a l s " Masaryk was dissecting a corpse In the wrong way. When Lorenz saw t h i s clumsy oper-ation he admonished the novice: " I f you had done th i s to a l i v i n g person you would have k i l l e d him". T e l l i n g the story he could not but help adding: "And Masaryk treated A u s t r i a -Hungary i n the same way, he k i l l e d a l i v i n g organism by an unfortunate thrust of a s c a l p e l ! " When Masaryk read t h i s he promptly replied with the following open l e t t e r : "My dear S i r , the trouble was that Austria was already a corpse". Centrifugal Tendencies At the outset a distinction between the categories must be made. Two f a i r l y distinct types of nations in Austria-Hungary can be distinguished: (1) Those which were completely within the borders of the Empire. There are two such nations: the Czechs (inc-luding the Slovaks because of mutual i n t e l l i g i b i l i t y of language) and the Magyars. The latter had achieved an unusual position In the monarchy with the Ausgleich. We shall treat the development of the Czechs In the next chap-ter. Suffice i t to say here that these two nationalities 3 had one thing in common: they were hi s t o r i c a l nations, with century long traditions and experience. Beyond this fact, however, the two nations were utterly different. The Czechs, in consequence of past misfortunes, were basically without class distinctions; whereas the Magyars were a class society; the Czechs were democratic, the Magyars a Herrenwolk: the former were secular, the latter bound by aristocratic tradition. Consequently the two peoples could never agree, even apart from the Slovak Issue, unless on their common dislike of subjection to Vienna. We are thus faced with wheels within wheels: discords even Inside the centrifugal force of nationalism. (2) The fractional nations, that i s those which lived only half or less than half within the frontiers of ^ The Slovaks were not a hi s t o r i c a l nation as they had since their earliest recorded history been subjects of the Magyars. the Monarchy and thus had powerful and attractive loyalties outside. This meant the existence of live national alleg-iances in competition with those directed towards Vienna. The principal fractional nations were: In the South. were the following Slavonic peoples: 1) the Slovenes In the Austrian part: in the provin-ces of Carinthia and Oarniola. i i ) the Croats in the Hungarian part who were linked by a common speech with the Serbs, Bosnians and Montenegrins and who had come to cherish what i s called the concept of South Slav unity. Prom the time when the Serbs achieved their long lost independence there was a strong p u l l towards consolidation to be f e l t In the whole peninsula.. This dream dates from Napoleonic times and was known as the I l l y r i a n concept. It came to a head with the annexation of Bosnia-Herzgovina of 1908. 'F*18 Poles of Galicia were a special case, owing to the size of their nation and Its position on the map. Poland remained an unhappy and divided country, governed in part by the Russians and in part by Prussia. Tradition-all y , however, the nation had always been Roman Catholic, even described by the Pope as Polonia semper f i d e l l s . So, then, those under Hapsburg rule were mostly content to remain within Catholic Austria, although their natural and normal allegiance would be (indeed was slowly becoming) loyalty to a liberated Poland. In particular the Galician Poles were ready to join with their countrymen or others to strike a blow at Tsarist Russia. As for the Ruthenlans (Ukrainians), their normal allegiance would have been to the Ukraine, i f i t had been free, and this nationalist feeling was being intentionally and a r t i f i c i a l l y cultivated by Vienna among the Ukrainians of the Uniate r i t e , partly as a buffer against Tsardom, partly to thwart Polish national ambition. But there were wheels within wheels: the Ukrainians were faced with the fact that they were a peasant minority group within Galicia where, since 1869, the Poles had enjoyed p o l i t i c a l autonomy. The Roumanians living in Transylvania, known as SzeklersM were ethnically a fraction (one-sixth) of the nation outside which had been set free from Turkish rule in I 8 7 6 - 7 8 . Though separated by mountains, there was no doubt of their hearts' allegiance, based on speech, f a i t h and folk-lore. Even the fact that they were a national island nearly surrounded by alien Magyars did not make them any the easier to assimilate. Some of the ablest and most progressive of p o l i t i c a l leaders and thinkers in the reunited Roumania (after 1918) were Transylvanians. The Germans of Austria proper, living on both sides of the upper Middle Danube, were in the most unenviable position of a l l , i f only because of their sovereign posi-tion in their own land: they were compelled by fate to be • - . . I I I . k Hungarian Szek = seat; Szekler Implies those frontier-men who were seated on the mountain passes where they exer-cised the functions of frontier guards, c f . German Mark. "two breeds of cat" at the same time. i) They were the Osterreicher. a people with a very long and v i t a l tradition, some would say the f i n -est in the German world. Was this tradition "nat-ional" or "regional"? Were they to be classified as we would the Bavarians or had they something more? To this question we shall return in the next chapter, i i ) On the other hand in speech and tradition at least they were German - always had been. Indeed they were an integral part of Catholic Germandom: their folk l i f e was hardly different from Bavaria, their music was at the centre of the German heritage. Finally, they included a Protestant minority to whom things in the Reich looked rosy. Hence they produced the notorious Pan-German movement of which more w i l l be said later. It would thus seem that Austrian nationalism did not have a chance of development alongside Austrian imperial-ism. Its place was taken by the concept of the Staateid.eet a somewhat nebulous concept, which could only be grasped and envisaged by the man in the street in terms of the dynasty. Finally, one other group must be mentioned - the Jews. They were located chiefly in metropolitan centres^ especially in the capital, Vienna; mostly speaking German, although the Ost.juden in Gallcia, Northern Hungary and Ruthenia spoke mostly Yiddish as their native tongue, but were in most cases conversant with the national languages of the area. Until the beginning of the twentieth century they rated as a religious denomination but, since the rise of Zionism in the nineties (incidentally this movement was originated by a Viennese Jew, Theodor Herzl), national ambi-tions had been growing. Much could be written to show either: a) that they were a l l loyal Austrians; b) that their problem was always disruptive. The subject i s too complicated for proper treatment here, but the net result of their growing numbers, their industry and their aggressiveness, was that they were generally feared, disliked, or ostracized. Language Diversity An obvious factor making for dissonance and hinder-ing togetherness in the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy was diver-sity of language. The Dual Monarchy was a veritable babel of tongues. In a further chapter language w i l l be des-cribed as a very important expression of national feelings and devotion to i t a norm or yardstick of nationalism. For the present we shall look at the effect of the vernacular or written language in i t s own right. What are the uses of language for the state? We are faced at once with two p o s s i b i l i t i e s : i) in which a certain language is accepted as the lingua franca, that is a medium of expression making communication possible between disparate national groups in one state, or II) a single language serving as the guardian of, a whole nation's individuality or ethos in which the tongue spoken is the expression and,, to some extent, a vehicle of national aspirations. An example of the former would be English in India, of the latter French wherever used. In the Dual Monarchy an attempt was made to impose two quite disparate languages both having the functions of lingua franca, that is German in the Cisleithanlari part and Hungarian in Transleithania. In the army every attempt was made in this direction and, to a lesser degree, in the whole educational system. These two languages were of course o f f i c i a l - a l l state documents were printed in them and the bureaucracy transacted i t s business in them. Of course the Roman Catholic Church, whose role as a cohesive force was highly important, adhered to i t s traditional language, viz. Latin, and this was used for correspondence by i t s clergy, whether they were archbishops in Vienna, Budapest or Leraberg, or humble village priests in some remote Alpine valley. In contrast with these universal tongues were the regional (national) languages, from Italian and Slovene on the Adriatic to Ukrainian and Roumanian in the East. A remarkable feature of this condition of things was the fact kl that some of these languages were a local patois, others were languages resuscitated in modern times from simple pea-sant speech and developed into a rich and flexible medium of communication, possessing extensive literary and scien-t i f i c vocabulary, and capable of begetting literature of a high order. Furthermore, the languages which were reborn with the rise of nationalism had in them something very s i g n i f i -cant and of deep importance as opposed to the o f f i c i a l tongues: they existed for the benefit of the community, small or large; through them people could communicate freely with one another and enjoy their experience. They objected to having compulsion laid on them to learn a foreign language, rightly preferring their own. This naturally led to emphasis on national Independence. Being able to converse freely with one's neighbour made for the strengthening of local loyalties and the speaker might of his own accord learn another tongue, but he objected to having a l l this forced on him from outside and from above. There are further psychological hurdles. The o f f i c i a l language might be one of entirely different structure and tradition from his own language, one not belonging to his language family at a l l . In Austria-Hungary there were four main language families: Slavonic, Teutonic German, Romance Roumanian and Italian, and Finno-Ugric Hungarian. It is possible for Slavs, for example Czechs and Croats, to understand each other a l i t t l e with-out too much labour, although i t is admitted that complete mutual i n t e l l i g i b i l i t y between the Slavonic people is more a f i c t i o n than a reality. Most of the Slavs have not been contiguous to each other, witness the distance between the South and North-Western Slavs. Those that have been neigh-bours have tended to merge and compose differences, for example the South Slavs. One further point - languages become identified with p o l i t i c a l prejudices: so that, for example, If an Englishman In Budapest used German to address a policeman he would get no attention u n t i l the officer found that he was not a born German. The same would happen in Prague, mutatis mutandis. This is an abuse for which language Is not meant to stand: i t should be an Instrument of good w i l l and everything human. Every example of this made problems of togetherness in the Monarchy more d i f f i c u l t . Negative Factors We shall now examine the body p o l i t i c 1 from the negative point of view:- those aspects of the system which could have contributed to maintaining the strength of the state but did exactly the opposite. Social forces are like human organisms: they thrive, live and die, and within them are both positive and negative features which intermingle. As with human personalities, each consists of sympathetic and unsym-pathetic sides - the white and the black. One or the other may predominate, but the general impression created k9 Is one of Intermediate greyness; a kind of neutrality. It is the same with social forces: each can be a two-edged sword, and i t is extremely d i f f i c u l t to see whether the positive or negative predominate. The student of these social interactions faces an arduous task in trying to sep-arate the commingling of these features. In the last chapter we dealt with the forces which contributed cohesively to the maintenance of the Dual Mon-archy: the dynasty, the bureaucracy, the army, and the con-cept of the Staatsldee. A l l these did much to strengthen the reins of the empire and they might never have been slackened had they not met with counterforces such as those referred to above. Even these had inherent weaknesses which contributed to their calamitous breakdown. The most important feature, common to a l l the organs of the state, was that they were mostly antiquated; they were not able to keep up with modern times and progress. They had become anachronisms, and the conditions created for the monarchy were only preserved by a r t i f i c i a l and forced means. F i r s t in the case of the army, we have seen already how this body promoted unity by educating the recruits, inculcating in them a sense of empire: by giv-ing the recruits an opportunity to see the realm in a l l it s geographical diversity, yet trying to make them con-scious of the unity of the empire and Its values. They were also taught the traditional great past of the empire -$0 the glories and achievements of the military victories of Prince Eugene and of PieId-Marshall Radatzky. Yet a l l this search for coordination could not offset the ties of home. Each recruit knew that he had a native village with i t s meaningful background - f i r s t of a l l the family, then the neighbourhood, the school where he learned to read and write, mostly in his beloved native tongue, and the national s p i r i t which was aroused in him more and more as the force of nationalism progressed. If the soldier were confronted by two choices - his own national a f f i n i t i e s or the supra-national and universalist - usually he would prefer the former. This has been graphically illustrated, nay even s a t i r i c a l l y accentuated, in the famous story of sVejk. For this reason some pages w i l l be found below, devoted to a brief critique of the experiences of this renowned charac-ter.^ They reveal the hopeless despondency suffered by the private soldier in the struggle not only from the military but also from the psychological point of view. At the moment that the battle started, the soldier's thoughts naturally swung from the Emperor and the cause to the local scene and through i t to the fate of his individual nation. Social Disintegration Turning to the most significant weaknesses in the system, we shall take f i r s t of a l l those forces which were so v i t a l - the chief intangible and the most potent being ^ See Appendix I. Si tradition. It i s this power which carried the way of l i f e from one generation to the next. We have seen how effective this was in preserving the status quo of society In general: a l l citizens from the lowliest to the exalted figure of the emperor knew from the cradle what place in the system was allotted to them. Basically, i t a l l amounted to the preservation of the feudal order. The peasant knew his fixed status vis-a-vis his betters. Even after emancipation (l81j.8) he remained more or less a vassal, an economic bondsman who was constrained to serve. He had to bear arms whenever and wherever this was required. But this system could pre-v a i l only as long as the peasant was kept in ignorance; as long as his whole l i f e was circumscribed and restricted to his habitat, in most cases his native village. He could only know the most mundane things of l i f e , his outlook was monotonous in the extreme, and the less he knew of more sophisticated values the better. This was a l l the more true the further east one went. Revolution came when the peasant's view of l i f e was broadened, when he was f i r s t enlightened in one of many ways. The coming of new and faster means of communication was a decisive event, especially the railways which widened his geographic horizon and the newspaper which became a powerful Intellectual stimulus. Needless to say education played i t s part here, both formal and informal. In any case, the common man was exposed to new influences: * 2 alongside the routine imperialist outlook he was buffeted by new ideas - the nationalist idea f i r s t of a l l . The national awakeners (buditeli) found an al l y in the news-papers, with the resuscitation of language they could exer-cise considerable influence on the masses. Furthermore, the new ideas of socialism, and even a vague understand-ing of democracy, broke through even to the remotest ham-lets. One must not overlook the constant stream of new ideas conveyed by letters of those who had emigrated to the New World and also the dynamic influence of those who returned after a sojourn abroad where they had acquired new social and economic values and especially a new understand-ing of what was called democracy. With railways and improved roads, the country folk were able to move - the rise of the ci t i e s attested to the drawing power they had on the rural population. In the fast growing urban centres were nurtured new classes and traditions. The peasant of yesterday or his children would either become: a) the proletariat of unskilled labour, a social group without traditions and ready to take on new and attractive ideas, or b) the bourgeois, from which emanated fresh tradi-tions, enunciated by the intellectuals - the educated fringe of this group. They were the makers of new militant policies and new out-looks. These developments may seem obvious to us - they were the 53 same here as in the rest of Europe - but in Austria-Hungary they came much later and their impact, when i t came, was a l l the more violent and effective. The time-honoured and hallowed traditions of the aristocracy were also being undermined. The nobility's strongest attachment was to their ancestral land and to their own fellows - a sort of free-masohry of overlords. They were conscious of their place in the social hierarchy. These adherences and loyalties were, i t is true, essen-t i a l l y sustained u n t i l 191i+, but they were being steadily ousted by the spreading social transformation. The city began to play a more prominent part, the rural hinterland continued to lose influence: i t became more and more only a raw material reservoir. The playboy squire was losing ground to the intellectual or the entrepreneur. Indeed the son of the nobleman, with a b i l i t y and education, could do no better than join the procession. Here he found something worth while, though his role was transformed. His old vassals were less amenable to control: they were being treated to the heady wine of nationalism and socialism. Their loyal-ties lay no longer with the aristocrat, and sooner or later a vacuum formed which l e f t the feudal way of l i f e far behind. This was particularly the case with the "foreign" nobility. A German aristocrat saw that his "subjects" in Bohemia were now Czechs, and that they were growing more and more conscious of this. Similarly the imperious Hungarian nobleman realised that his subjects were Slovaks who, sooner or\later, would rebel i f only for nationalist rea-sons when the national sentiments attained a certain stage of maturity. Even the authority and tradition of the Church were being sapped from below. We have seen the Church as an ancient fabric which had a well regulated world of i t s own, with i t s own subjects - the priests and nuns; using it s own language, Latin, and above a l l exercising,its own s t r i c t and circumscribed educational powers and policies. Before 185>0, the Church was the important instru-ment for education, both lay and religious. The village priest formerly had almost exclusive influence on his flock. This was now to be no longer so. Once the secu-lar revolution gained momentum, the power of the i n t e l -lectuals and of the rapidly expanding press was able to tear away the blinkers of the Church which were firmly implanted on the vision of the people - simply by present-ing new ideas. Those who underwent the new influences, while at the same time hearing the old dogmatic teach-ings of the Church, now began to see that they were two radically different and irreconcilable things. The people could thus pick and choose, and often the new idea would gain the day: i f only for expediency i t seemed to suit them better. The Polish peasant in Galicia would naturally be drawn towards Polish nationalist ideas, aiming at the 55 betterment of his condition in line with the nationalist propaganda. This would follow i f Galicia were totally Polish and i t s affairs administered by Poles. He may well have preferred this to the rather slow moving, doctrin-aire instruction of the Church, coupled with rigid d i s c i -pline - "You w i l l only go into Heaven i f you obey us and your properly constituted masters." This set view, which even presented extraneous elements, began to look more and more unpalatable to the subjects. The native language was preferred to Latin. Church affairs were suspect: i t was widely held that they were dictated and controlled from Vienna, indeed indirectly from the Vatican. Even the influence of Vienna as the traditional Hauptstadt was not what i t had been. It was more and more challenged as provincial and r i v a l l i n g capitals grew up. After the 186? Ausgleich, Budapest was the capital of Trans-leithania, with the Magyars in f u l l control. This was cer-tainly at the expense of Vienna. Furthermore, Prague became the headquarters for the Czech intellectuals and entre-preneurs, and the Czechs looked on the old city more and more as their rightful capital. In fact Vienna continued to become for them Increasingly a symbol of opprobious alien domination. Prague was where good things came from, Vienna from where you could expect unpopular decrees -and taxation! Other capitals were in a similar position but to a lesser degree, Ljubljana (Laibach) in Slovania, Zagreb (Agram) for the Croats and Bratislava (Pressburg) for the Slovaks. These places were s t i l l provincial c i t i e s , 56 but the enthusiastic young nationalists were already look-ing at those centers as their future capitals. Galicia had Cracow, the ancient spiritual and traditional capital of Poland, and the gaze of the Galician Poles would also be directed towards Warsaw (which was outside Austrla-Hungary), the real modern capital of Poland. Last but not least, the Roumanians would look on Bucharest as their centre of affairs, and the Ukraine's thoughts would turn to Kiev. We shall see in Chapter V. that In the f i r s t decade of the twentieth century some inquiring and restive minds were seeking to peer beneath the surface of Vienna. They saw that the Imperial glory and the resplendent palaces were only a superficial veneer under which slept a volcano. Vienna was by then already an unhappy place, schizophrenic because on the one hand there was the Imp-er i a l pomp and circumstance, on the other a city with much poverty where nobody could find his place - a l l was unhap-piness and disillusionment. Vienna was unmasked: the proud city which had over-exercised great influence in the affairs of Europe had grown too large for the task allotted to i t . The Viennese had long since become used to the term 6 Schlamperei. and the way of l i f e that the term refers to was more or less accepted as normal. There was l i t t l e sense of allegiance to the capital, even amongst i t s own citizens, and satire was popular - hence the well known anonymous 6 This German term is used especially to describe the happy-go-lucky, slovenly mode of existence. 57 doggerel of the capital: Du bist verrftckt, mein Kind! Du gehftrst nach Wien, Wo die verrtlckten sind, Dort gehBrst Du hin!? Secular Man The eighteenth century saw two major revolutions in Europe, both of which made noteworthy impacts, event-ually, on the Austro-Hungarian monarchy. The f i r s t was the Industrial Revolution, the second the French Revolution. Both upheavals acted as solvents of the social order that had remained almost unchanged from mediaeval feudalism and other worldliness. They helped to produce a new class: the secular man, the townsman - whether bourgeois or factory worker, both of whom were unknown to the old tradi-tions of the Dual Monarchy. These two revolutions came about principally as a further stage of renaissance humanism, helped on by the scientific work of Newton and the inventors. The Indus-t r i a l Revolution reached i t s climax in the triumph of man's control of steam power. Humanism meant the emanci-pation of man from his traditional masters - the clergy, the nobility and traditional custom. The new man desired to live freely "among his own people", sharing in 7 You are mad my child! You belong to Vienna, Where a l l the fools are That's just where you belong! 58 responsibility and uncontrolled by any oppressive authority from above. This was the real import of the French Revol-ution. The industrial revolution grew out of the quest for knowledge. It was marked by new s c i e n t i f i c thought and investigation and these in turn led to startling discoveries. The climax of a l l this was the rise of urban l i f e and man-ners, and the harnessing of science to social and economic ends. It led f i f t y years later to the linking up of cities by railways. Slowly but surely men realised that machines could replace human beings in the producing of goods and in transporting them. This led to much dislocation of people, the growth of towns around the "dark satanic mills". As i t turned out, the idea of the machine doing a l l the work was never realised: man was s t i l l needed to run the machines and the factory and mechanical'processes could s t i l l admit sweat-shop conditions. Two new classes were growing up, or even three: I) The entrepreneur and businessman who owned, planned and harnessed the machine; i i ) The engineer and the clerk who performed the necessary servicing - Indispensable elements in the process, as was soon realised; i i i ) The labour force to run the machines, working men and women who had to be recruited from the old guilds of artisans and above a l l from the peasantry. 59 The lure of the rising c i t i e s presented an i r r e s i s t i b l e attraction to the rural areas. In a general way the effect of the industrial revolution on Eastern Europe came f i f t y years later than in the West. It was being generally f e l t by the eighteen-forties, and once the impact came i t was a l l the more violent. Both the revolutions had a much harder battle to fight then because the forces of opposition and con-servatism were stronger. The dynasty, the church and the feudal form of society were s t i l l actively, embedded In tradition. But, as we know from science,.every violent action w i l l produce an equally potent contrary action. Just as in Prance, the revolution helped to produce nat-ionalism, and once the trend started i t could not be halted. This was truest of the industrial turnover. The construction of railways in Austria led to a recruitment of men to run them. Not only was labour needed,, but alsor an administrative group to operate and manage things. The administrator may have been a former aristocrat, i f he was good enough for the job. But this was the excep-tion rather than the rule. The normal run of administrators were often newcomers, whose fathers may not have been able to read or write. A b i l i t y and enterprise were the crucial consideration and they drew recruits from a l l walks of l i f e . This made for a cleavage in two ways - f i r s t of a l l this new class, which we shall c a l l the secular, did 60 not subscribe to the old traditions: these men had no ties with the land, with the exception of the few aristocrats and these soon lost them. They were also free from any dynastic or family ties. Finally they were unconnected with the Church, indeed often they were openly anti-c l e r i c a l . On the other hand, their work demanded that they be men of intelligence, thinking men, who could be expected to look at things discerningly. They could well be c r i t i -cal about the prevailing social and p o l i t i c a l order, and this new sense of discrimination often made them unwilling to take things for granted. Loath to allow events to go along the same way as before, they became a disturbing influence. They began to intervene actively, and from now on nothing escaped their attention. As industrialization progressed, this class multiplied and became an influential power. With them began the modern free enterprise system, and some of them became independent proprietors. This change radically modified the whole monarchy by 1900. Furthermore, their doctrine of "organic work" stimulated national development* The best example of this was the progress of Bohemia from 1850 to 1900. Aggressive Czech and German entrepreneurs, manufacturers, bankers, and traders transformed the country from a backward one into an industrial giant. / * 8 This was done by the Czechs under the slogan narod sobe. 8 Czech "a nation for I t s e l f . " 6 1 and so had even significant p o l i t i c a l consequences as time went on. But the West also furnished other stimulants, viz. ideas. In the wake of scientific progress came social thinking. The middle of the nineteenth century saw a three-fold development of enquiry and action in which science challenged a l l accepted principles: 1 ) The theory of evolution, Darwinism. The thesis of natural selection and the survival: of the f i t t e s t took a firm hold on men's minds, i i ) Marxism. The dialectical-materialist view that everything in society can be explained by economics linked to the concept of class-war in the Interest of the true producers of wealth, i i i ) The positivism of Auguste Comte who rejected both theology and philosophy and held that everything i s to be explained In terms of exact science. Out of a l l these emerged the "science" of sociology -that is an attempt to analyse and understand society and the social processes on purely human ways by the inductive scientific method. A l l this turnmoil In men's minds was destined to leave i t s mark on the prevailing order in Austria-Hungary. The Church, the Dynasty and the accepted view of the world had always assumed that each man had a fixed and immov-able place in the established order from which he could not move. One might c a l l i t a "static" concept of society. The spread of education and the new ideas cut right across a l l this, and replaced i t by the modern "dynamic" approach, with i t s willing acceptance of change and i t s challenge to human beings to make themselves masters of their own destiny. Teachers appeared in the Monarchy who proclaimed the new principles and put them Into practice. The name of Masaryk stands out in this connection. He Is the supreme example of the prophet who knew that the old order was doomed and would have to make way for something different. The Special Case of Pan-Germanism^ Did the Austrians wish to rank as Germans because of their cultural and linguistic a f f i n i t i e s or were they a distinct and self sufficient "nation" In them-selves? This w i l l be dealt with in the next chapter, for our only concern here w i l l be to discuss Pan-Germanism as a disruptive force in the empire. Pan-Germanism was the expression of a resolve to include a l l the German-speaking elements in Europe in one large national state. Looking at i t , we are faced with a curious prospect: members of the so-called Herrenvolk in Austria actually cherished strong allegiances outside the realm. In the eighteenth century the modern Germany of nationalism was unknown. There existed only a medley of 9 This subject is t e l l i n g l y analysed in Seton-Watson, op. c i t . . pp. 226-228. 63 smaller and larger principalities and kingdoms, with Prussia ambitious to take the lead. A l l this was changed within a century by a notable chain of events. Herder and others had implanted the concept of the national idea - a l l people professing a common lang-uage, folklore and culture should be together. His ideas, galvanised by the wars against Napoleon, Befreiungskriege,' were espoused by German intellectuals and romantics (not-ably by Johann Gottlieb Plchte) who propounded the idea of one nation including a l l the Germans, and then by Georg Wilhelra Friedrich Hegel who wanted one German state. The Pan-German Idea was becoming rooted In the mentality of the people. P o l i t i c a l r e a l i t i e s however, lagged behind ideological thought: after Napoleon the Germans were sub-ordinated to the Concert of Europe; they were divided into North and South, and Metternich could s t i l l make his influence decisive. In l8ij.8 the Germans too came under the Revolu-tion. One phase of i t emerged in Berlin, the other in the Frankfurt assembly - the famous pre-parliament of Germany. There was, however, s t i l l the basic cleavage of religious f a i t h . Prussia and Northern Germany were chiefly Pro-testant, while the Southern Germans were Catholics, The Frankfurt assembly was really a body dealing with Southern affairs, and they invited the Austrians and Czechs to participate, A chance existed for the Catholic Germans 1 0 Wars of liberation. to maintain the leadership, but not f o r long. B e r l i n had other plans. Not Austria but Prussia with her austerity, her ingrained m i l i t a r y s p i r i t and with Bismarck's realism was destined to forge the Greater Germany. The t r a d i t i o n of Hegel and Bismarck's "blood and iron" prevailed to create a German Reich transcending r e l i g i o u s boundaries, but with the exclusion of the middle Danube. A new phase of German togetherness had come, but subject to imperial ambitions. Bismarck, the r e a l i s t , did not wish to absorb Austria; he did not want any more Catholics i n the Reich or any non-Germans. Nor did he seek another Kulturkampf with the Catholic church. The one experience with the Poles was enough: the r i c h s o i l of Poznania and the gaining of the corridor between Greater Germany and East Prussia was the reason f o r a l l his trouble. His successes i n 1870 won him many enemies, but i t made others worship him. Statues of the Iron Chancellor could be found near the a l t a r i n many Lutheran Churches i n the Danube lands. Me need not be surprised then at the growth of a Pan-German movement i n A u s t r i a . It was present i n the minds of many Lutherans, who f e l t that they were at a d i s -advantage i n an overwhelmingly Catholic state. This came to a head during the famous language troubles, the Badenl degrees which would have permitted the Czechs to enjoy equality of language i n the courts. This was too much to stomach f o r many Austro-Germans. The controversy led on 65 to a rabid spread of Pan-German views, already launched in the eighties by Rudolf SchBnerer. He may be called the f i r s t proponent of pure Aryanism "Durch Eiriheit zur Reinheit",'1"^ the ignoble tradition that bred H.S. Chamber-lain's unhealthy theories and in due time the Nazi r a c i a l philosophy. SchBnerer wanted three things: i) Germanization of Austria and i t s union with Germany. i i ) Anti-clericalism: the los von Rom movement directed against ecclesiastical control and in favour of Protestantism, i l l ) Rabid anti-semitism, chiefly directed against the influx of Eastern Jews into Vienna during the eighteen-nineties and the growing influence of Jews through the press, trade and in business. Needless to say SchBnerer could never enjoy o f f i c i a l support, especially from the dynasty, because of his violent anti-catholicism. On balance the movement was a failure, because SchBnerer never succeeded in recruiting more than 30,000 converts. Nevertheless, the atmosphere was tense, and because he received support from none other than the eminent Theodor Mommsen, the leading German historian of the day, who in 1897 In a •e famous letter to the Neue Elrie Presse affirmed that "just as the Germans of Austria look towards Germany, so do the Germans of the Empire look toward Austria." This 11 "Through unity to purity." 66 statement was fu t u r i s t i c . It did not actually achieve a p o l i t i c a l result u n t i l 1938 j but Hitler was SchBnerer's heir in Austria. The meaning of a l l this is clear. Not even the people of "the heartland"of Austria, whose speech was German and to whose children the dynasty belonged, could liberate themselves from deviations which meant an open betrayal of the Monarchy. Fine as that structure was, in outward appearance, i t stood on feet of clay: the day was soon to come when i t would topple, and no one could save i t . CHAPTER IV. NATIONALISM IN ACTION Introduction In t h i s chapter we s h a l l look more c l o s e l y at the various separate nationalisms i n the Empire and the e f f e c t they had on i t s v i a b i l i t y . It w i l l be found that the e s s e n t i a l character of nationalism played as great a part i n the d i s o l u t i o h of the monarchy as any of the disruptive factors mentioned i n the preceding chapter. We s h a l l f i r s t look at nationalism as an expression of the s o c i a l order, and then trace b r i e f l y i t s development i n the case of the leading nations: i n p a r t i c u l a r the national f a i t h s of the Czechs, Hungarians, Poles and South Slavs. F i n a l l y , we must enquire whether there was any r e a l nationalism rooted i n the consciousness of the Austro-Germans, p a r t i c u l a r l y whether i t was " s u i generis." This w i l l also lead to another problem: was there an o v e r a l l "nationalism" having i t s object i n the crown, dynasty and the Staatsidee? It i s easier to describe than to define nation-alism."1" Before one can attempt t h i s one must look f o r con-di t i o n s and claims which w i l l f i t i t , and ask f o r whom they apply. The best way to answer t h i s i s to put the cart before the horse. The "subjects" are a group of people 1 Kohn, H., op_. c i t . ; Macartney, C.A., National L i f e and  National M i n o r i t i e s . London. Oxford University Press, 1934; Royal Ins t i t u t e of International A f f a i r s , Nationalism. A  Report of a Study Group of Members of the RTlA. London. Oxford University Press, 1939. 6 7 68 having certain common ideas and Ideals: nationalism can never exist for one person, but only for a large group. The etymology of the word supplies us with the f i r s t clue: a common birth. But this comes to only a minor factor. A common territory or region to live in leads us further, and with this a common ecology. S t i l l more important are other factors; a single language, a common folk culture, poetry and folklore on the simplest plane. These on a higher level are transformed into a common and widely accepted and treasured literature, music and the creative arts; in short what adds up to a common cultural heritage. History, a common experience, contributes greatly to national feeling: an outstanding national triumph or disaster is enshrined in the memory and takes i t s place in the national consciousness, contributing thus to a national sentiment. The same may also be said of common enemies. A dangerous antagonist can unify a nation in a singular manner. Add to this the fact of common hopes and inspirations for the future and we see that nationalism means the spiritual togetherness of a certain group of people, in the process of "becoming" (Herder's phrase) a single power, knit together by factors and feelings treasured in common. The Austria-Hungarian Monarchy affords an excel-lent example for the study of nationalism. It was almost an ideal laboratory for the social scientist because i t presented a variety of nationalisms. Some of these diverse factors have already been suggested In the previous chapter, 69 such as conflicting nationalisms, i.e. the attitudes of a people towards two loyalties. We have noted already that in Austria-Hungary only two nations were entirely within the boundaries of the empire. In some cases, we can speak of hi s t o r i c a l nat-ionalisms. Some of the nations enjoyed a longer history of independence before being subjected by Vienna or Budapest. This h i s t o r i c a l evolution had been interrupted, but even this interruption offered an outlet for patriotic sentiment. Memories of Kosovo had a remarkable effect on the modern rebirth of nationalism, among the South Slavs. The same may be said of Bila Hora in the case of the Czechs. Prom this h i s t o r i c a l nationalism we distinguish a set of loyalties without such traditions: e.g. that of the Slovaks, who early in their existence were vanquished by the expanding powor of the Magyars and thus may be said to have had no history of their own. Nevertheless even in Slovakia language and folk elements were cultivated from generation to generation so that the germ of nationalism remained, like the moth in the cocoon, ready to break away when the time came. Precisely this diversity of nationalism worked towards the disruption of the Monarchy. We use the term "disruption" because this is the gesture of nationalism within the empire which strikes the observer most. The various nations developed aspirations peculiar to them-selves: which could not be reconciled with a whole. One 70 might well ask oneself whether, in the light of these highly matured centrifugal movements, i f the cateclysm of 191i+-l8 had not occurred, the old state of Austria-Hungary could have survived after 1 9 l 4 ? Would disaster have come even without the external impetus of war? Did the national movements bring about collapse, or did they only prepare the ground? On this great question, opinions w i l l d i f f e r . One thing only i s certain: the Dual Monarchy did not possess the power of resistance and resiliency usually found in a homogeneous society. Two leading nations lived entirely within the boundaries of the Austro-Hungarian state: the Czechs and Magyars. An analysis of the development of their respective patterns of nationalism w i l l show distinctive features, special to each case and unfriendly to one another, and such h o s t i l i t y contributed to the disintegration of the empire. The Czechs p The Czechs have long been recognised as an hi s t o r i c a l nation: at least In that they have had a l l the earmarks distinguishing any people from their neighbours. They can trace their history back to their legendary ancestor Czech, who came to the ancient Celtic territory of Bohemia and made i t Slav. But recorded tradition starts with the Premysls, the f i r s t dynasty, and that dynasty is 2 Seton-Watson, op., c i t . : also Prokes', J . , Hlstolre Tchecoslovaaue. Prague, Orbis, 1927. 71 notable for the continuous struggle between the Czechs and Germans. Having a common enemy a l l about them helped early to forge the bonds between the members of the Czech people. The most notable r e l i c to which the Czechs paid homage were the jewels of St. Wenceslas: the revered symbol of the Czech crown. By the time of the Wenceslas era the people were already greatly imbued with a sense of national togetherness: the raw materials of a nation were present. The crown of St. Wenceslas was the most national symbol of Bohemia, because i t represented not only a defense against the Germans but also symbolised Czech unity and independence. The Czechs look back on Wenceslas as their patron saint, not only is he a symbol of p o l i t i c a l union but also of s p i r i t u a l harmony and future salvation. The traditions of Wenceslas have helped to produce one of the f i r s t reform movements in Europe: the protests and complains by Jan Hus, a preacher and univ-ersity lecturer, against the prevailing abuses of the Roman Catholic Church. But Hus and his teaching had nationalist consequences as well: the movement was a popular protest against the encroachment of Germans who controlled the church affairs of the Holy Roman Empire. Hus became a martyr to this cause. His followers, the Hussites, were embroiled in religious wars against the Emperor and the Papacy. The Hussites produced one of the best generals of the era, Ziz'ka, who invented many 72 new fighting techniques. Hus, Zlj&ca and their followers definitely belong to the Czech pantheon: they were a l l v i t a l l y nationalist figures fortifying the nation's his t o r i c a l consciousness. As we saw in the f i r s t chapter, Bohemia was eventually subjugated by the Hapsburgs. The gradual seiz-ure of the Bohemian crown lands culminated In the Czech defeat at White Mountain (1620). The memory of this defeat must also undoubtedly occupy an intimate place in the minds of the people. The Czechs never forgot the glories of their history even in periods of defeat. White Mountain was followed by years of darkness and frustration. The native nobility were eliminated at one stroke, and a German one substituted for I t . Czech language and culture were brutally snuffed out u n t i l tile native tongue was used as a vernacular only by the peas-antry. The elimination of the upper classes was a grievous blow, since i t l e f t a l l things of the mind and the s p i r i t in non-Czech hands - the German leaders of Church and State. The preservation of language, however, by the.-peasantry proved to be a factor of f i r s t - r a t e importance: and in this there were the seeds which would sprout Into national flowering. We have already referred to the period of Enlightenment. For the Czechs this time had a special significance, for out of i t came the f i r s t awakeners, "buditeli", men who had a sense of the relevancy and the 73 v i t a l i t y of the nation's past. Indeed i t was German schools which produced the f i r s t awakeners. The scholar churchman, Josef Dobrovsky, and the great translator, Josef Jungmann, who resuscitated the Czech language. They rebuilt this speech from almost a crude and unrefined patois of the peasants into an adequate instrument of expression. Previous Germanisms and Latinisms were replaced by Slavonic neologisms in Jungmann1s famous Czech Dictionary, which gradually had i t s own acceptance in common usage. The next group of awakeners were poets, like Jan Kollar,^ who showed that Czech was capable of every-thing demanded of a literary language and this paved the way for the generation of Czech intellectuals, who by 181^ .8, though few in number, did much. In Prague they had formed a Museum Society, and had their own theatre with native playwrights. They had a worthy leader in Prantisek Palacky, the f i r s t Czech historian, who In his famous History of Bohemia (in ten volumes, I8i|4-l867), was able to bring their glorious past to the attention of the Czech public. Alongside a l l this, the growth of c i t i e s , stimulated by the industrial revolution, led to the rise and strengthening of the new middle class. This new and expanding.element was prepared to absorb Czech 3 Actually Kollar was by birth and language a Slovak but his writing and Influence were directed towards resuscitation of Czech nationalism. culture i f the needed f a c i l i t i e s were provided; but edu-cation was s t i l l strongly German and the prevailing a t t i -tude of the Czechs was for many reasons s t i l l toward co-operation with Vienna. Palacky was as much i f not more conscious of this than the mass of his compatriots. His classic reply to. the Frankfurt congress epitomised the general attitude of the time: "We are a part of a Austria-Hungary, i f Austria did not exist, she would have to be created". Palacky' knew well why he preferred the Czechs to remain with Austria, where the Slavs would eventually perhaps gain federal status, rather than be submerged In a South German or even Great German sea. In this case there would be no possibility of federalism, to say nothing of independence. The year 181+8 was a significant one: the revolu-tion arrived in Bohemia also. In April of that year patriots held enthusiastic meetings in Prague and demanded autonomy. This followed upon the rioting in Vienna and Budapest, but the Viennese authorities did not act, because the situation was too f l u i d . In June the f i r s t Slavonic Congress of representatives of Slav peoples was held in Prague. In passing, we should note that the event again illustrates the presence of disruptive forces In the Empire. This congress, the "reply" of the Slavs to j(J sunt the Frankfurt Assembly, was held,to test and to demon-strate inter-Slav loyalties and solidarity. The Czechs and other Slavs were displaying other allegiances, outside 75 the Austrian empire. Even then a sense of growing cohesion was spreading among the Slavs, which i f i t could have been exploited by Russia might have conduced to a situation such as we see today.^ One result of the holding of the Slavonic con-gress in Prague was revolutionary outbreaks in that city. Against these Vienna reacted and the unrest was crushed by the military. Such ruthless suppression must have led to the conclusion that the Hapsburgs would brook no dissent, and the f i r s t seeds of the protest were thus sown. The cardinal fact in the minds of the Hapsburgs was that Bohemia was the heartland of the State and that Bohemians must be preserved within the Empire and that there could be no defection there. The borderlands of the empire could be held with looser reins, but not the centre. The tension thus caused was accentuated by the development of the next decades - Bohemia became more industrialised and thus more valuable. A sample of this is the brewing industry of Plzen to which later on were added armaments. Then came the heavy industry of the Silesian borderlands and the creation of the Zivnostenska Bank. These developments were achieved by the Czechs themselves "narod sobe".^ The growth of the middle class ^ Kohn, H., Panslavism, Its History and Ideology. Notre Dame, University of Notre Dame Press, 1953. 5 !'the nation for i t s e l f " . 76 led also to the rise of the entrepreneurs. These men, whose whole l i f e was in industry, were able to achieve much in organic work. Such organic work, perhaps we can c a l l i t a l t r u i s t i c , was serving the interests of the nation as well as those of the individuals. For the eighteen-fifties and sixties saw further progress in work done by the intellectuals: literature and the arts were in a flourishing state. Perhaps the best example of this was the creation of the national theatre and of the national museum. Only one thing was really missing, v i z . proper educational f a c i l i t i e s - a Czech university and general education in Czech hands. Here lay the seeds of dis-'content. As the Czechs arrived at social maturity they craved the same consideration as the Germans had In the monarchy. They were s t i l l willing to serve loyally both the emperor and dynasty, but the Ausgleich of 1 8 6 7 came as a bombshell. This settlement with the Magyars was made only to save the state after the Sadowa debacle. The Czechs fought with vigour and conviction in that deci-sive battle and hoped that they would be rewarded. In fact instead the Magyars obtained complete autonomy and the disillusioned Czechs received nothing. A move was made toward a Czech Ausgleich in 1 8 7 1 , but this caused a great outcry in the country, particularly from the German minority. The Emperor, Franz Joseph, would not even con-descend to being crowned King of Bohemia In Prague. And this among other things contributed strongly to extremism in Czech politics - the rise of the Young Czech party whose ambition was to have "patriotism with a chip on the shoulder". The young Czechs were rabid nation-alists whose goal was complete autonomy in their nation. Thus, toward the end of the century, Czech particularism reached i t s zenith. In 1882, a national university was re-established, and popular education in the mother tongue came into being. The Czechs f e l t themselves to be a full-fledged entity, and that the time was ripe for achieving autonomy. They had reached a stage where they could ably manage their own affairs. Indeed, and even some p o l i t i c a l groups in Vienna were conscious of this, the Belvedere group led by the Archduke Pranz Ferdinand f e l t that federalism for the Slavs in Austria would be the right and just solution of the growing problem. For our purposes, the cardinal fact was that one of the most v i t a l regions of the empire was populated by a nation which had reached an advanced point in development, culturally, socially and economically. The Czechs were sophisticated enough to be convinced that they could stand on their own feet and, without inter-ference from outside, put their own house In order. The Magyars The Magyars^* have always been a group by them-selves In the Empire. They enjoy no ethnic and linguistic 6 Macartney, C.A., Hungary. London, E. Benn, 1934* 78 a f f i l i a t i o n s with any other ra c i a l group in the state, even in the whole of Central Europe. Originally they came from the region of the Urals, one of the main groups of the Finno-Ugric linguistic family. They arrived In the Danube plains, the A l f B l d , in the ninth century, being part of the last nomadic movement which had begun with V8Ikerwanderung - another movement of people caused by the pressure of populations starting from the neighbourhood of Lake Baikal. The Magyars are of Asiatic origin and we can assume at the outset that Hungary had a formidable problem of national self-preservation. Hence i t s nationalism has been a virulent and disruptive factor from the beginning. These people had to be aggressive at a l l times in order to survive as a homogeneous unit. It was a stroke of good fortune that they got possession of the wide plain of the Middle Danube. As with the Czechs, the v i t a l and important nat-ional symbol of the Magyars Is the crown of St. Stephen which was placed on the head of one of the f i r s t members of the Arpad dynasty. Subsequently Stephen became the patron saint of Hungary. At this time, about 1 , 0 0 0 A.D., Roman Catholic Christianity was Introduced into the land and soon the zeal for expansion began. It would be interesting to speculate whether this expansion was not carried out to prove to the Hungar-ians their own ideas of self-glory, a psychological variant 79 for justifying their r a c i a l isolation. In the eleventh century the weak Slovaks were subjugated in the North and an accommodation was reached with South Slavonic Croats in the South - a union of the two countries under one crown although as time went on the Hungarians successfully converted Croatia into a province of their own. From the twelfth century on, we see the rise of a native Magyar nobility which played a prominent role in Hungarian national l i f e . This was accentuated because a l l other peoples and classes, particularly the non-Magyar, were to play a lesser role as time went on. Broadly speaking this became a major contest between the Hungar-ian Herrenvolk and the non-Hungarian neighbour peoples, living mostly in the surrounding highlands and dependent on the rich plain-land for their bread, as subjects. Magyar nationalism was from the start romantic and aggressive. Preservation of identity was an ever-present watchword. This was particularly noticeable dur-ing the Ottoman invasion from the fourteenth century on. They were able to preserve their language and culture dur-ing that period but with d i f f i c u l t y . At times, during the Ottoman occupation, the Magyars were in a special position, particularly when the Turks used them as a counterweight against the Hapsburg invader. Nevertheless in the struggle against the Turks the Hungarians produced national heroes; the most notable of these i s John Hunyady, the Hungarian Zizka, whose meteoric military career inspired 80 much national pride. We have seen that the battle of Mohacs sealed the fate of the Hungarians. Prom this moment on they were members of the Hapsburg monarchy. But a comparison with the Czechs w i l l show some striking differences. In the f i r s t place the Hungarians were already an established nation whose type of nationalism was of an advanced state as propounded by Herder. By 1600 they were a nation with a language, folk tradition and culture in f u l l swing. Secondly, and this Is v i t a l : Moha'cs to them was not the same as was B i l a Hora to the Czechs, an almost complete national obliteration. The Hungarians were never deprived of their nobility, and this class continued to play a dominant role In Hungarian af f a i r s . The Hapsburgs realised this, and Maria Theresa was formally crowned Queen of Hungary. The Magyars regarded her as their own queen and she became almost a national heroine. They had f u l l privileges In their own house and by the nineteenth century they enjoyed a special position, their nobility actually conducted their internal a f f a i r s . This was not good enough, however. In l8l(.8, their leaders demanded complete independence. The leader-ship in this campaign was typical. Louis Kossuth was an out and out chauvinist who would never bow' to anybody, least of a l l to the Hapsburgs and Austrians: in marked contrast to the Czechs whose leadership at this time con-sisted of bourgeois Intellectuals moderate in their approach. 81 The Czechs were the realists, the Magyars the aggressive visionary romantics. Kossuth was a hot-head who fought Austria without any thought for the consequences. Furthermore, as Namier said, "the basic conflict of 181^.8 was between the two principles - of dynastic property in countries and of national sovereignty: the one feudal in origin, historic in i t s growth and survival, the other grounded in reason in ideas simple and convincing but as unsuited to living organisms as chemically pure water".7 In Hungary the former was represented by a peculiar phenom-enon, the dynastic nationalism of the nobility and their land; the latter was pure subjective nationalism, romantic in a l l i t s ramifications as represented by Kossuth. Both were disruptive but Kossuth more so. Kossuth, however, might have been successful In his aggressive campaign against Austria had Russia not stepped in to help her dynastic neighbour, but the battle of Vilagos and the following period marked the only time when Hungary was really submerged, just as the Czechs had been after 1620. This was particularly true during the reactionary regime of Alexander Bach and Prince F e l i x Schwarzerberg. The Magyars were, however, an adult nation which could not long be held in subservience. They soon demonstrated their obstinacy and persis-tence by boycotting the February patent (1861) and by not 7 Namier, op., c i t . . p. 182. 82 sending representatives to the Reichsrath. Their army did not contribute much to the Austro-Prussian war.. In spite of a l l this the Magyars received the best treatment of a l l nationalities in the Ausgleich of 1867. This made them again the real master-race in their part of the empire, and spurred them on.towards being absolute lords in their own manor. Aggressive nationalism made for much persecution of their minorities. In the sequel they denied that any others existed! The Hungarians truly reflect their own intolerance and brutality to their subject peoples i n their famous saying tot nem ember - "a Slovak is not a man" - by which more is meant than just the Slovak members of the Slavonic peoples, to say nothing of other allogeneous subject peoples such as the Latin Roumanians who were regarded with equal condescending contempt. Also they put. back the clock in Transleithania to feudalism: and to be sure a particularly obnoxious kind of, their own brand. Hungarian nationalism was particularly harmful because i t set Hungarians on a pedestal. They would never merge with the rest. The Czechs may. have cooperated within the monarchy, the Magyars never. Thus the dissolution of the empire was hastened by the uncompromising intransigence of this would-be master-race. It can certainly be surmised that the health of the. empire would have been such as to keep the body p o l i t i c alive longer i f the Magyar element had been willing either to emigrate, or to cooperate. 83 The Poles We turn now to consider, briefly, the status and sentiments of the Austrian acquired province of Galicia, a province of particular importance in the empire. Prom the strategic point of view i t was a sort of no man's land, standing as a bulwark or buffer against the most dangerous potential enemy of the realm - the Russians. Furthermore, i t was in the imperial interest that the peoples of the province, the Poles and Ukrainians, be schooled for this role. F i n a l l y Galicia provided the empire with much needed essential natural resources: coal, timber, salt, water power (quite undeveloped), while toward the end of the old cen-tury a new treasure was discovered there - o i l , a unique find in the monarchy. One might add that the seven million strong population (mostly rural) was of considerable value as a repository of manpower. The Poles, who were in a minority, had two reasons for being loyal subjects of the empire. They were devout Roman Catholics and this in the o f f i c i a l view made them model citizens. As we have seen once and again, the Roman Catholic Church was a most important instrument of state solidarity in the empire, a sort of handmaiden to the dynasty. Any one of i t s groups was more malleable than non-Catholics: the Poles could be more easily marshalled 0 Rose, W.J., The Rise of Polish Democracy. London, B e l l , 191*4. PP. 105-12£ and commanded, thanks to the Influence of the Church. Secondly, there was an Influential long established landed aristocracy in Galicia, conservative by tradition and sym-pathetic to any dynastyj having none of i t s own since the Partitions, i t willingly pledged Its allegiance to the Hapsburgs. The lack of a Polish dynasty sums up the Polish situation: the Polish state had been removed from the p o l i -t i c a l map of Europe. After l8lf? the hopes of Polish Indep-endence were obliterated. The nation was divided into separate parts - each under the oppressive influence of a foreign power with a l l the harmful Implications of alien control. And the attitudes of good w i l l toward Vienna were greatly affected by something quite outside Galicia - these were the harsh policies maintained toward the Polish nation by the other Partition powers -Imperial Russia and by Lutheran Prussia. In the centre and the eastern parts, the country was ruled by despotic Tsarist Russia - since the days of Catherine the most aggressive enemy of the Poles. To make matters worse. Russia was Orthodox in f a i t h , and was bent on extending that form of the f a i t h westward. This was a direct challenge to Polish Catholicism, which thus assumed nationalist s p i r i t and content. As Russia came more and more under Pan-Slav influences during the nine-teenth century the threat of submergence by a foreign power, regarded as Byzantine and half Asiatic, produced a strong patriotic reaction in every Pole. 85 Memories of past independence and t e r r i t o r i a l "greatness" remained always under the surface. They had found expression i n the f o u r i n s u r r e c t i o n s i n s i d e of a cen-t u r y against Tsardom, and had been made i n t o a M e s s i a n i s t i c c u l t and r e l i g i o n by the great romantic poets. The whole western border, i n c l u d i n g the lower reaches of the V i s t u l a , was subject to s t r i c t P russian dom-i n a t i o n , which under Bismarck became a matter of l i f e ,or death. The Poles of Poznania and Pomeranla were f i g h t i n g from 1870 onwards a rearguard a c t i o n against a l i e n pene-t r a t i o n and dominance: the l a t e s t phase of a century-old st r u g g l e i n which both n a t i o n a l and r e l i g i o u s elements were i n v o l v e d . With the Kulturkampf^Issuo was made more acute: woulc the C a t h o l i c Church be allowed any say i n matters of school and r e l i g i o u s education or were these to become s e c u l a r i s e d under the c o n t r o l of s t a t e o f f i c i a l s who were Lutheran " h e r e t i c s " . T h i s went against the g r a i n of a l l l o y a l C a t h o l i c s and was s u c c e s s f u l l y withstood by a united f r o n t of c l e r g y and laymen. We are thus faced by a p a r a d o x i c a l s i t u a t i o n : i n the r e s t of Poland the Church played i t s p a r t as a n a t i o n a l instrument f o r the Poles against the oppressive power, while i n G a l i c i a i t seemed to be the instrument of su p r a n a t i o n a l power - the Hapsburg dynasty. The net r e s u l t was a l a x i t y of n a t i o n a l f e e l i n g , by con t r a s t w i t h e i t h e r Czech or Hungar-ia n sentiments, u n t i l a new power began to emerge - that of the peasants under Witos whose one attachment was to the 86 land. We have noted a l o y a l t y to the emperor and to the aristocracy and of those dependent on i t . On the other hand two factors were making f o r a resurgence of nationalism i n Polish G a l i c l a . '. , F i r s t of a l l there was the f e e l i n g of the working classes, whether on the land or In the slowly r i s i n g indus-t r i e s , that they were Poles and that t h i s would one day lead to th e i r l i b e r a t i o n from every foreign yoke. This was helped on by the economic s i t u a t i o n . The masses, as of the year 1890, l i v e d i n conditions of ignorance and misery, and thi s was e s p e c i a l l y true of the peasants, whose l o t was made the subject of a ca r e f u l survey by the o i l engineer Stanislaw Szczepanowski. True a movement had been started i n the seventies to ameliorate the.lot of the pea-sants by a defrocked parish p r i e s t , Father Stanislaw Stojalowski, who founded a newspaper to espouse the cause and l a t e r formed the Union of Farmer's C i r c l e . This body held i t s f i r s t congress i n 1877. Stojalowski interests us here because he epitomises unrest and ambition. His cam-paign to better the peasants 1 l o t ran absolutely counter to the p r e v a i l i n g order - to the Church, to the a r i s t o -cracy and properly constituted a u t h o r i t i e s i n general. In some of his actions he made mistakes, with a r e s u l t that he was generally condemned and even charged with being d i s l o y a l to the monarchy. Yet he did make a s t a r t i n what was soon to be a l i v i n g crusade. Similar work f o r the peasants was done i n the 87 name of socialism by an intrepid couple from Lvov, Boleslav and Maria Wyslouch, with their publication The Social Review. But the real leadership came later from the peasants' ranks in the person of Wincenty Witos, a villager from near Tarnow, who saw the Populist Party come into being in 1894 which in time was to represent a l l the ignorant and exploited masses. This was a purely secular movement and was thus again under f i r e , especially from the Church. But Witos, while remaining loyal to Franz Joseph, was a shrewd man. He could use two things - his native Polish mother tongue and the need for more land as arguments, u n t i l in 1911 he was elected to represent his people in the Reichsrath. Witos is again an example of a different flower which can grow on most unfavourable s o i l amid alien corn. What he achieved was perhaps a socialist variant to Czech organic work: a resuscitation of the people - a rebirth, educational progress and f i n a l l y a hope for a Polish re-orientation. Accordingly in one of his pronouncements, on New Year's Day 19l4» we find him asking for a "national outlook on l i f e " , ^ and an end to the three traditional orientations, Austrian, Russian and Prussian. One positive outcome of this Populist Movement was the support the younger men gave to Pilsudski's Legions - a para-military force created to help in the emancipation of Poland in case of a war with Tsardom. Indeed these Legions f u l f i l l e d their task early in the war, capturing the imagination of Rose, OD. c i t . , p. 118. 88 the whole nation. Parenthetically we should not neglect the nation within the nation in Galicia, particularly in the Eastern part. Those were the Ruthenians whose whole tendency was directed towards the Ukraine: l i n g u i s t i c a l l y and culturally and above a l l religiously. They were members of the Uniate Church which was Orthodox and. yet a f f i l i a t e d with Rome, .thus the Church was distinctly different from the Polish Catholics and Vienna exploited this difference! During the second half of the nineteenth century there had been a great upsurge of "nationalism in the Ukraine led by young intellectuals such, as Taras sVvcenko directed against Great Russia. This had attractions for the Ruthenians as well and. produced a fur-ther centrifugal tendency in Galicia f o r there was thus a double awakening in that province,, both Polish and Ukrainian. To-continue the Polish story: the Popul«lst Move-ment did much to encourage the stirrings in Galicia while, really working on a socialist and. peasant protest basis. It presented a disruptive element within the fabric of Galicia. The leaders of the movement were definitely opposed to the ideas of the established order.; On the other hand the movement could not gain unanimous approval at home. It was equally directed against the aristocracy,: who were Poles themselves, and could not be thought of as purely national. It was a social protest aiming at creating a new class: in the long run It might have broken through the prevailing order thus destroying those factors which kept Galicia 89 linked to the empire. But with the outbreak of war, however, a new phase was opened and everything hurtled on to the conclusion we know so well. The South Slavs The Southern Slavs'*"0 presented In 1900 a picture not easy to comprehend. Subjected to Islam since the 11 battle of Kosovo (1389) they remained in a state of "arrested development" for four hundred years or more, and have won their freedom piecemeal from l8l£ to 1918. There was no trend toward unification u n t i l modern times, nor could there be. The obvious common denominator of the South Slavs is language. Serbo-Croatian is a single tongue, but written in two scripts: Slovene i s a cousin to this. Other-wise the South Slavs present a wide diversity: in the matter of religion, the northern part, the Croats and Slovenes, whose lands were Inside the western Roman empire are Catho-l i c s , thus they fitted better into the fabric of the Haps-burg Monarchy. The Serbs on the other hand have always HAve been Orthodox as^also the Montenegrins; and most Bosnians are Moslems. Then we are concerned with a people of whom one half were in the Hapsburg realm but the other half out-side, and this makes the story rather complicated. 1 0 Strakhovsky, L. (Ed.), The Slavic Handbook. Cambridge, Mass., Harvard University Press, see Chap, x! (pp. 180-198), by C.E. Black and Chap. XVI (pp. 271-292) by D.E. Lee. 1 1 Serbian for " f i e l d of the black-birds." 90 Interestingly enough, the f i r s t impetus toward a South Slav union was given by Napoleon, who encouraged folk nationalism as a matter of p o l i t i c a l expediencey. In 1809 Napoleon formed the so-called I l l y r l a n state, under the aegis of imperial Prance. The boundaries of this state were approx-imately the same as those of the ancient Roman province after which i t was called. I l l y r i a consisted of a l l free South Slavs not under Turkish rule, especially the Croats and Slovenes. The Il l y r l a n Idea gave an impetus for South Slav unification and such important literary figures as a Croat Ljudovit Gaj were i t s chief advocates. This was perhaps the only concrete result which emerged from the ephemeral Il l y r l a n kingdom, because in I8l5> the Croats and Slovenes had to return to the fold of the Monarchy. In l82j.9 the Croats and Slovenes actually sided with the Austrians in their fight against the Magyars and the Italians. Ban Jell a c i c , the leader of the Croats, insisted on the auto-nomy of his people, guaranteed from 1102, and when the Sobor, the Croat diet, was set up In Zagreb the language used was Croat. Those people became the best treated Slavs in Transleithania. This was partly because the Magyars intentionally sought their support; largely however thanks to the fine leadership given by Bishop Josip Strossmayer from 182+9 to 1890, who may be said to be the founder and catalyst of Croat culture. A special word should be said about this impressive personality, who is of great interest because In 91 him were combined three loyalties - the Catholic, he was a good servant of the Church, and thus was willing to be a loyal servant of the empire, but he was against any church excesses, against Jesuitism, and he opposed the doctrine of Papal I n f a l l i b i l i t y . Secondly, Strossmayer was an outstand-ing Croatian patriot and he gave great support to Croat cul-ture, he helped found the Croat Academy of Learning, he aided i t materially with funds, many of them emanating from the treasury of his church. Thirdly, he was a genuine South Slav and heartily espoused the cause of union of a l l their people. Meanwhile the Austrians, with a view to checking Russian aims, had adopted an aggressive expansionist policy in the Balkans, and in 1878 they took Bosnia and Herzgovina under military occupation, which did not, however, interfere with the local self-government as established. This meant, of course, that there were more Slavs than ever inside the Monarchy, as the authorities were soon to discover. With nearby Serbia slowly asserting i t s e l f as an independent kingdom, and with men like Strossmayer favouring a South Slav idea, no administration could stop the steady advance of separatist ideas and these broke into open expression when Count Aehrenthal presented Europe with a f a i t accompli, formally annexing the "occupied" province in 1908. Only the successes that followed four years later in the Balkan was were needed to make the situation as good as intolerable for both sides; and the shooting on the 28th of June, 1914* 92 was the tragic upshot of the drama. Both parties had back-ing •— i n the one case St. Petersburg — i n the other B e r l i n . This assassination then made a European conflagration i n e v i t -able. In conclusion i t may be well to remember that the la s t crown prince Pranz Ferdinand and h i s so-called Belvedere group advocated a federation i n Austria - that i s three groups " t r i a l l s m " , consisting of the Germans, Hungarians and South Slavs to replace the dual system. This idea came to nought because i t was unacceptable to the Magyars, who were afraid of being submerged In the Slav sea. Neverthe-less " t r i a l l s m " would not have been an easy solution. The Czechs would s t i l l have been under the German aegis, the Slovaks under the Hungarians and the Polish question l e f t i n the a i r . The Roumanians 12 The Roumanians of today are the descendants of the Roman s e t t l e r s i n Dacia on the northern side of the Danube. They were c e r t a i n l y the most distant eastern colonists i n the Roman Empire, descending from the legions of the Emperor Trajan and from the convicts exiled and from adventurers - a l l of whom intermarried with native stocks. They weathered the invasions of the Volkerwanderung, many of them by seeking refuge i n the inaccessible Transylvanian 1 2 Seton-Watson, R.W., A History of the Roumanians: from  Roman Times to the Completion of Unity. Cambridge. Cambridge University Press, 1934• 93 mountains and only returning to the f e r t i l e Wallachian plains in the Middle Ages. Meanwhile Magyar expansion towards the Carpathian mountain arc was in f u l l swing and a western group of Roumanians gradually became surrounded by the Mag-yars in contrast to the Slovaks who were speedily vanquished by the Hungarian force. The eastern and southern groups were gradually subdued by the Ottoman Empire. They preserved the language and their Orthodox fa i t h as their sense of togetherness, and this was rather remarkable as these rep-resentatives of eastern Latinity did not become what we custo-marily term a h i s t o r i c a l nation. The nineteenth century fresh wind of nationalism did not pass them by: they also wanted independence. . After the disintegration of the Ottoman Empire the eastern prin c i -pality at least had i t s chance and thanks to Russian inter-vention, this principality achieved f u l l freedom in 1878 under the Treaty of Berlin. The Transylvanians (Szeklers) had no such opportunity to gain independence, being s t i l l under the Magyar yoke and this fact increased the forces making for unrest and disruption In Hungary. The Austro-Germans 13 In dealing with the Austrian Germans we are con-fronted at the outset by a dilemma: what are we to c a l l them? Who were they? Were they Austrians proper - that is an Shepherd, og^ c i t . , Chap. II. 9k indigenous and separate people, just as we have seen i n the case of the Slavs or Magyars, or did they belong to the German world as a whole? Can we avoid using a double hyphenated name f o r them? We can answer the l a s t question p o s i t i v e l y . At least as f a r as appearances go there has always been a r e l a t i v e l y strong l i n g u i s t i c and c u l t u r a l a f f i n i t y between the Austrians and Great Germans and p a r t i c u l a r l y the South Germans, f o r example the Bavarians. Then there has always been an organic l i n k going beyond the simple f a c t of being t e r r i t o r i a l neighbours between the Austrians and the greater German world to the north and we have seen t h i s l i n k operating In a p o s i t i v e way i n the attempt at union strive n f o r by Pan-Germanism.^ We have also seen that the Austrians entertained dreams of a Catholic Mitteleuropq, reigned over by the Eapsburgs. This idea was f i r s t pro-pounded by one of Franz Joseph's early ministers, Prince Schwarzenberg; but It came to nought with the formation of a German Reich wrought by Bismarck i n 1871. The choices were then narrowed. There could either be some union with the new Germany, which would mean disruption of the empire, although f u l f i l l i n g n ational dreams; or the condition of carrying on as well as one could i n the Dual Monarchy, but t h i s meant r a i s i n g yet another d i f f i -c ulty. The Austro-Germans were the Herrenwolk. yet even as such they had to contend i n the Austrian h a l f of the 14 See Chapter I I I . 95 Monarchy with a majority of non-Germans. Either way meant heading for trouble, especially after the Ausgleich with Hungary, the cynical arrangement with the Magyars whereby they virt u a l l y obtained independence over Transleithania. The Austro-Germans were left as the "rulers" of the western or Cisleithian peoples, but here they were faced by a major-i t y of Slavs - in Bohemia, Galicia and in the South. The dilemma s t i l l remained. Were the Austrc-Germans to try to impose their culture, which was Germanic, on the others or just to govern through the dynastic prin-ciple and state-idea? Even here there was a d i f f i c u l t riddle to solve: was the pattern of culture thus to be imposed, to be preserved and fostered as "German", or was i t to be thought of as "Austrian"? If the former, then the resistance would be fierce; i f the latter, there would seem to be some hope of togetherness, but this presupposes for us the earlier, basic question. Can one really think of an Austrian nationalism at al l ? Perhaps on this question rests the possible answer to our dilemma. In facing i t wa aire constantly being made aware of how disruptive the whole nature of the Austro-German problem was: here a natural inclination to link up with the Germans outside; there the pressing need to improve the immediate situation within a multinational state, in particular to preserve the German desire to remain in a position of primal control. In any enquiry into the substance of Austrian nationalism, we need to take a brief look at the significant 96 expressions of Austrian thought and sentiments such as l i t e r a -ture and music* Did these and the other arts mirror purely Austro-German feelings or did they really express the imperial idea as treasured, envisaged and inculcated by the dynasty? Austrian culture was chiefly centred in Vienna and this was the imperial centre, never a "national city" like Prague or Budapest. Moreover this concept and ideal made Vienna a cosmopolitan centrej It became the magnet which drew elements from a l l the peoples of the empire. Would i t therefore nurture Its own national culture? What has the past to say about a l l this? It was the period of the eighteenth century Enlightenment that f i r s t stimulated Austrian creative forces in literature and music. Particularly important was the creation of the famous Burgtheater (1776). This marks the beginning of a dramatic tradition which continues to the present day. The drama became the most Important expression of literature supported and enriched as we shall see by music. The f i r s t dramatic poet of note was Pranz Grillparzer (1791-1872) who from 1817 began an uninterrupted creative career that, i f we may compare him with the masters, made him the Austrian equivalent of Shakespeare or Goethe. Grillparzer embarked on a serious attempt to create an Austrian drama based on "national" themes such as Bruderzwist  im Hapsburg. "The quarrel of brothers in the Hapsburg realm". Nevertheless, paradoxically, he f e l t himself attracted to other themes, even dealing, of a l l things, with Slavonic 97 subjects. The most notable of these is the drama Libussa. x^ Grillparzer, the "Austrian" poet, thus seems to have lacked singleness of purpose: even he experienced a sense of frus-tration, attempting many kinds of topics of diverse interest and this at the expense of purely Austrian themes. He laboured under a constant strain of renunciation and f e l l a victim to imbued pessimism and meaninglessness. The immediate trend of Austrian poetry following Grillparzer was towards regionalism. Many poets were pre-occupied with l i f e in their own locality, avoiding contacts with their spiritual capital, Vienna. Of these some artists achieved recognition for their strikingly true descriptions of l i f e in their own community. Most of them, however, were unimportant and are now more or less forgotten. Only two have continued to command attention: Nikolaus Lenau and Adalbert Stifter were artists who gave their work colour and v i t a l i t y . Lenau has l e f t a lasting picture of his native Hungary and Stif t e r describes with tender love his Bohemian forest. It i s almost strange that they wrote in German at a l l ! Were they then Austrian nationalists or not? In the latter half of the nineteenth century, realism entered the scene. The supreme re a l i s t in drama was the well known Arthur Schnitzler, (1862-1931) author of comedies and sketches that held a truthful mirror of his generation. Schnitzler dealt with people in a dissecting Libussa: Libuse in Czech, is a famous mythological heroine who "discovered" the progenitor of the f i r s t Czech dynasty - the Pfremysls. 98 manner. They were to him just human beings whom he handled with insight, humour and wit. But Schnitzler again was utterly lacking in national sentiment or enthusiasm. In his plays, such as Anatole or Lieberlei. which are excellent examples of sat i r i c and caustic comedies, his characters are people who could just as well have been French or Italian or English as well as Austrians. Hugo von Hoffmannstal (1871+-1929), the next impor-tant successor to Schnitzler, was a man imbued with the s p i r i t of his time, viz. the end of the. nineteenth century, the f i n de siecle s p i r i t . He was preoccupied with mysticism and decadent symbolism, and the symptoms of literary decay already strongly evident into his work. That this singular writer was universal rather than Austrian can be seen by his recreation of classical drama. We have almost a blank in front of us as far as his native land i s concerned. The only major exception to this i s his famous libretto to Richard Strauss' opera Rosenkavalier. but here, in this comic portrayal of Vienna during the re'gime of Maria Theresa, the whole concept of monarchy and i t s implications are treated in a facetious and slightly insincere manner. Rainer Maria Rilke (1875-1926) was born in Prague but spent much of his l i f e in Vienna. He is a really great and significant poet on the European plane, provocative and original. He is perhaps one of the best symbolist and philosophical poets writing In German as attested by his great collection of poetry such as Das Buch der Bilder and 99 Das Stunden-Buch• Rilke i s also preoccupied with problems of epistomology and metaphysics, but he too can hardly f a i r l y be called an Austrian. His poetry could have been written by a Bavarian, Saxon or any other Great German writer. This brief survey seeks to indicate that Austrian literature has not on the whole served as a vehicle for national feeling. ; There Is no continuous exploitation of national themes. There are no continuing h i s t o r i c a l traditions In the literature. We do not find such great ^national bards of the calibre of Adam Mickiewicz or.Kpllar to guide the Austrians along national lines. On the contrary, as we have seen; even Grillparzer, who may be termed a semi-national poet, deliberately chose to use themes from other nations. We are thus, In the f i e l d of letters, faced with an empty dinner-pail. Music presents us with a similar picture. Vienna was a great: musical centre: a magnet which drew musicians from a l l corners of Europe. Is Vienna's musical achieve-ment and tradition original, continuous, creative or rather reproductive? Is i t s music universal or national? The musical tradition, in Vienna also began during the period of the Enlightenment. By 1750 the Danubian c i t y had become the leading home of the cl a s s i c a l Italian music a l l of which was primarily imported. Even the immortal Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart was musically under Italian Influence and only his personal genius transcended the style. The librettos to 100 his operas deal with foreign countries and were written mostly in Italian. The same may be said for the other great contemporary opera composer in Vienna, Christoph Willibald Gluck, who also wrote Italianate music based on accepted classical themes likewise in the Italian language. Joseph Haydn, "the father of the symphony", was one of the f i r s t composers who came to Vienna to work under favourable conditions. Similarly, early In the nineteenth century, the f i r s t immortal musical immigrant made his way to Vienna from far afield - Ludwig van Beethoven, who l e f t his native Rhineland also to work under the pleasant circum-stances of Vienna. The master worked with heroic themes, and yet i t would never have occurred to him to incorporate a national theme in his musical elements, especially one of his adopted land. He was primarily concerned with the universal and not the particular. Franz Schubert, the next exponent of the Austrian school and a truly great one, Is the only one born in Vienna, yet he Is completely unaware of any national ideas. At best he has in him the "genius" of folk-music so that his music was converted to folk themes, although i t was not national material. An apt comparison might be made with the Czech, Antonin Dvorak, for both men were endowed with prodigious originality, yet the latter is a nationalist composer through and through, his music was in his flesh and bones; whereas Schubert i s utterly solitary, uncommited and withdrawn. A further example of nationalist music is 101 that of the Pole, Frederick Chopin, who used national material directly in toto. One cannot say this about Schubert. The same circumstances as we have analysed with Schubert may be said to exist for the original song writer Hugo Wolf, who never entertained any national emotions whatsoever. Different from the great classical school, of which the above are members, but also native to Vienna, are the Strauss brothers: Johann the elder, Johann the younger, and Oscarj and also Josef Lanner. They j^all into the same genre for they are the great entertainers - the Waltz Kings. These musicians were encouraged to compose frivolous operettas, waltzes, dances, and other happy and gay music, to put blinkers over the eyes of the people and make them oblivious of the ignominious policies of the re'gime. Their music was designed for drawn out pleasure and was utterly lacking in any serious purpose. The same may be said for the slightly more sophisticated operettas of Franz von Suppe. One cannot conclude any remarks about Austrian music without observing again that Vienna acted as a stimulant to a l l those who came under i t s charm and so brought out astonishing results; but the roots are not native or national. The genius of the place was to provide asylum to artists and that i t did in f u l l measure. The Viennese were an appreciative and amiable audience and a l l the great musical immigrants, from Beethoven to Johannes Brahms, were conscious of this. Vienna was a leaven but could hardly be said to have had "qualities" of i t s own. 102 What then was Vienna in reality along with i t s surrounding German speaking Austrian provinces? Where did their nationalist elements l i e , i f they existed? We are forced to conclude that there was really no viable national-i s t s p i r i t or genius or sentiment in Austria, nor could there be. Its language, German, had direct a f f i n i t i e s with the outside: with Greater Germany. Its creative literature was neither robust enough, nor sensitive enough to foster nationalism: patriotism there may have been but even this was taken light l y . The true s p i r i t of the people was Gemutlich but not self-conscious. Vienna was a supra-national and cosmopolitan capital, a mecca for a l l the wan-dering a r t i s t i c spirits of Europe. It did not create a nationalist atmosphere so much as one of universallsm. Such has been it s tradition from Roman days and the Hapsburgs did not do much to change i t . The Austro-German thus cannot be said to have had a nationalist allegiance. Basically he was a patriot for the empire, yet a l l the cleavages in the realm led him to look at this whole business In either a light-hearted or in a despondent manner. The Austro-Germans were reconciled to the prevailing order as long as affairs were normal, but could not do It under heavy strain — in defeat or misfortune. The f i r s t world war showed how close to the breaking point everything was dr i f t i n g . CHAPTER V. THE SEARCH FOR PERSONALITY Arti s t i c Diagnosis We have now to consider a special problem, the impact made by society in general on various art forms and vice versa. Put another way, we are faced by the question: how do literature and the other arts reflect the p o l i t i c a l and social l i f e of any period? In the case of Austria-Hungary and taking the years between 1890 and 1911+ we ask ourselves: i) Does literature have a recognisable Influence on the process of decay? II) Was literature symptomatic of the disintegration which was taking place? Did i t reflect the'"des* pair of the period and the feeling of pessimism and disillusionment? Could one c a l l i t a mirror of the Zeitgeist? The answer to the f i r s t question i s not simple. Naturally literature and art are meant and expected to exercise some influence on the minds of readers and observers. Books are written to be read, music is composed to be performed: and the artist therefore seeks to exert an influence on the audience. He would not normally create 103 104 purely f o r the joy of creation, laudable as t h i s may be. It may be assumed therefore that the message conveyed by any work of art w i l l have some kind of influence on the reader, l i s t e n e r or viewer. The a r t i s t ' s point of view w i l l be somehow conveyed to the r e c i p i e n t : i f he i s g r a t u i -tously pessimistic and despondent t h i s f e e l i n g w i l l be shared' by those who come i n touch with him and h i s work. A gen-e r a l sense of pessimism w i l l be f e l t , which may even aff e c t those who have not come into d i r e c t contact with the actual creation. The second question i s rather easier to answer and to analyse. Most a r t i s t s usually have a more acute sense of perception than the common run of people. They can usually f e e l and appreciate situations better. Some of them are even able to see below the surface, and observe things which are not r e a d i l y observable by others. That i s part of t h e i r c a l l i n g , and some of the great ones have shown an astonishing prescience, the f a c u l t y of peering into the future and c o r r e c t l y assessing events. In t h i s instance, three representative a r t i s t s of the Dual Monarchy of about the year 1910 have been selected j Kafka and Musil who were novel i s t s and Mahler who was an eminent composer. These three men were a r t i s t s endowed i n a marked degree with t h i s discerning s e n s i t i v i t y and clairvoyance. They may serve as examples of those elements of c u l t u r a l decay which were leading to the di s i n t e g r a t i o n of the Austria-Hungarian monarchy. Pranz Kafka and Robert Musil were both writers, but they had very l i t t l e else in common. Both wrote in German, and this fact provokes the query whether they belong to German or Austrian literature. There is no uncertainty about this in the view of literary scholars: the Austrian c r i t i c would c a l l them Austrian, the German would prefer to have them within the German fold. But even i f we assume that they were Austrian writers, we cannot readily f i t them into an Austrian mould or school. Such a thing cannot be said to exist. Did these men write their stories for the Austria-Hungarian public at large? This again confronts us with the vexed question of the disparateness in the empire - the literature of Bohemia, for example, was already established in 1910, yet the Herrenvolk literature could not really be placed anywhere. It was a sort of hybrid, meaning that i t was neither f i s h nor fowl. Furthermore, there are many other differences between Kafka and Musil which we shall try to elucidate. Gustav Mahler is the musician of the tr i o , yet he f i t s into the picture very well. He also is prescient of the future,* and imbued with pessimism. Our three artists have therefore common characteristics and w i l l help to throw light on our case or even to prove i t s va l i d i t y . 106 Kafka Franz Kafka (1883-1924) 1 was a Prague Jew. Already-then at the outset we are faced with an anomaly: here i s a member of a minority i n the p r i n c i p a l Czech c i t y . Further-more, he wrote i n German, another s i g n i f i c a n t feature. We can surmise h i s p o s i t i o n i n advance: i n Kafka we have a sensitive and creative figure who cannot be said to belong anywhere; who f e e l s himself "homeless", without an anchor, without orientation. He spent parts of h i s short l i f e i n Vienna and B e r l i n , away from h i s birthplace. Both these sojourns were made to enable him to discover where he f i t t e d i n : yet never, alas, did he reach a state of mind or serenity that could be described as a s a t i s f a c t o r y answer to h i s search. Kafka was an extremely sens i t i v e being and th i s can be ascribed to h i s background. He suffered from a father-complex which, coupled with a general sense of i n f e r i o r i t y - the f e e l i n g of always being i n a minority, produced i n him an uneasy but undesirable foreboding of doom. Furthermore, those who knew him personally t e s t i f y that he divined much more than appeared on the surface of his w r i t i n g . ^ For our purpose we s h a l l allude to only three of Kafka's works. These are the short story 1 Brod, M., Kafka, a Biography. New York, Schocken, 1947. 2 Ibid.. p. 107. 107 Metamorphosis (circa 1910)^ and one of the better known works, The Castle (circa 1920).^ The story of Metamorphosis is straightforward. A clerk wakes up one morning to see that overnight he has been converted into a many-legged insect. He undergoes psychological agonies as a consequencej for instance, he cannot talk, his family reject him, and when he tries to escape, he is crushed by somebody's boot. The allegory is obvious. Kafka is at pains to show the loneliness of man pitted against the elements, indeed against environment in general, i f they are indifferent or unfriendly to him. He reveals to us what i t is like to feel our experiences and yet by a negative and cruel retribution get nothing in return. We are shown the f u t i l i t y of the individual in the face of the established order of things. The author tries to prove that the individual is only happy i f he has found his place somewhere: the d i f f i c u l t y is - where? This problem is central to the argument of one of Kafka's major and most influential works, The Castle. It was written in the years before and during the war. The plot i s not involved, but the events and the vicissitudes of the anonymous hero are numerous enough, and f a i r l y complex. A surveyor arrives in a village, dominated by a castle set on a h i l l . The locality i s mountainous, possibly 3 Kafka, P., Die Verwandlung. pp. 69 -133, from Erzahlungen und Kleine Prosa. New York, Schocken, 191+6. k Kafka, P., Das Schloss. New York, Schocken, 191+6. 108 the Sudetens. The newcomer does not know the purpose of his v i s i t , he knows only that he is to be assigned to some work, probably a task in his own line, but even of this he is not sure. He proceeds to make enquiries from the inn-keeper, in whose hostelry he lodges, but the man cannot t e l l him and only refers him to the castle authorities. Then begins a long-drawn-out, and f u t i l e game of blind manfs buff. The surveyor goes from one o f f i c i a l to another, some of whom are of a bizarre and tiresome nature, to say the least; but in spite of a l l his efforts he never finds out the purpose of his v i s i t . At long last he discovers that the information can be supplied to him by the owner of the castle, yet he can never manage to meet him. In fact, the novel never makes i t clear whether the owner of the castle is alive and present or not, and the work ends with this v i t a l question unanswered. The other major writings of Kafka follow the same general pattern of wearying and footless search and endeavour. The Trials* for example, deals with the unjusti-fied arrest of a man, also anonymous, who Is then put through the most tedious and complicated court proceedings without being told the reason for his arrest, u n t i l he Is f i n a l l y brought to execution. In our day, Pranz Kafka Is a universally dis-cussed writer. Some c r i t i c s , particularly the Catholics, Kafka, P., Der Process. New York, Schocken, 194°• 109 think that The Castle is a modern Pilgrim's Progress, a religious parable seeking to explain the meaning of l i f e . The Existentialists have taken up the author as one of their own. There are those who. think that he is the best example of a "psychiatrist" novelist of his generation. Our purpose does not c a l l for special interpret-ation. Kafka presents us with aimless characters who are utterly lost in the world. They do not know the reason for their existence, and something in them symbolises the Austrian subject of 1910 who did not know the reason for "belonging", who had no sense of allegiance. The answer is suggested that he did not, or was in any case of two minds. But Kafka is also useful to us in another way. His description in The Castle of bureaucracy, and in The T r i a l of court procedures are fir s t - r a t e laboratory examples of this in action. They reveal to what extent excessive bureaucracy and general inefficiency were frustrating and throttling the body p o l i t i c . Kafka had ample reason to know the tortuous processes of Austrian red-tape, since he worked for some time in the state insurance office in Prague, and so was himself a tiny cog in the great machine. Both his novels were, in consequence, true "human docu-ments" . Musil Robert Musil (1882-191+2) was born in Klagenfurt. He studied engineering in Vienna (where he eventually 110 settled), and graduated but never actually practised his profession. He turned to writing, f i r s t producing short stories and "Novellen". Eventually he embarked on his major work Der Mam.ohne Eigenschaften. "The Man without Quali-t i e s " , 0 which remained unfinished at his death, although a formidable packet of 1,200 pages was already produced. The t i t l e of the book is suggestive, particularly in the English translation M&n Without Qualities: but is Ejgenschaft really "quality"? Should i t not be "property" or "characteristics"? Be that as i t may, the hero of the work is a man bereft of personality, character, or v i t a l force. He i s also without a sense of belonging anywhere. We are back with Kafka's heroes - men with no attachments, jobless and purposeless, who do not know where or how they f i t into l i f e . Ulrich, the chief figure, may be called an observer only: he is certainly not a major actor in the drama. Hence the t i t l e exactly f i t s him. Ulrich epito-mises the frustrated homelessness of the Austrian as the author saw him, who is much like the ancient Ishmaelite -without roots, a tramp, a hanger-on of mankind. Ulrich Is the prototype of the Halbmensch. the half formed character. The book is long and d i f f i c u l t and tedious reading. There is only a scanty and Inconclusive plot and the action takes place within the space of one year, 1913. Because of this the work has been compared to Proust's Remembrances 6 Musil, R., Der Mann ohne Eigenschaften. Hamburg, Rewolt, 1952. I l l of Things Past and like the latter i t stresses-the gloomy atmosphere of f i n de siecle. a sense of decay, degeneration and above a l l of despairing Weltschmerz which leaves men no peace or hope in l i f e . Two themes run through the book, providing the main motivation. Characteristically though, we sense that they never w i l l reach any solution, and this indeed is true. The f i r s t theme deals with the establishing of a "Collateral Campaign": the preparation to be undertaken for celebrating in 1918 the seventieth jubilee of the Emperor's accession to the throne. The story sets out the intrigues of the coterie assuming the responsibility for the "campaign". The group consists of typical representatives of the nobi-l i t y and the upper classes. They want to go through with the project, but there Is always a feeling that they stand on the edge of a precipice into which they themselves may tumble. In their subconscious minds they divine that the great event may never take place. We have then a sort of "GBtterda^imerung": the evening of a great past i s foreseen, an end symbolic of the downfall of empire. The other thread in the story is concerned with crime, and the punish-ment of a particularly obnoxious sex criminal, Moosbruger, who is one of the most out and out degenerates in modern f i c t i o n . . He reeks of perversion and moral decay. Musil created him as the embodiment of the worst and most object-ionable weaknesses and sins of society - again a study of degeneracy, a l l taken from the world he knew around him. 112 Finally there is a never-never-land atmosphere in the book. The seat of the action is Vienna - a city with t n e ^ S h n , the warm wind that blows at times, conducive to inaction, slovenliness and Schlamperei to f i l l up the cup. Vienna was a community built on a powder keg. On the sur-face things were more or less normal, but underneath there were forewarnings of the apocalypse. One cannot forget Moosburger. Musil stands out as an acute observer of this d i f f i c u l t period. He was able to show up as on a screen the people and the events of his age. The coterie of the collateral campaign are poised on the edge of a precipice, Ulrich; the hero, is just an observer on the sidelines, while l i f e goes on and on -nobody knows for what purpose. Mahler In dealing with the composer Gustav Mahler (1860-1910)? we are faced with a general problem at the outset: what is the impact of music on society? Music does not present concrete facts to us; i t is the language of emotion, and spiritual experience, rather than of propa-ganda or proselytising. We cannot expect that music w i l l convey to us as much as literature or even as the other creative arts. A symphony can rarely transmit to us the same message exactly as "roman a these" would, especially ? Mahler, A., Gust ay Mahler. Memoirs and Letters. 1 (translated from the German by B. Creighton), New York, Viking, 194.6. 113 i f the latter has a p o l i t i c a l content. Nor w i l l a symphonic poem convey the precise information about some landscape or building that a painting would give us. There is really no pic t o r i a l or descriptive music as such, because the same piece of music w i l l pass on entirely different impressions to those who hear i t . The listener can only think precisely about this type of music, when the composer supplies program notes for i t . Music i s a form of art which presents highly charged emotional impressions without really conveying a specific message. An exception to this i s song, running the whole gamut from the folk-song to opera* where the arti s t i s singing certain words, which do convey precise ideas. Music then supplies emotional content to the words and enhances the emotional consequences. Nevertheless music has played i t s part i n social and even p o l i t i c a l development. In.this thesis much emphasis has been placed on nationalism, and i t may be said that during the nineteenth century music has been an important handmaiden to nationalism. Herder, the spir i t u a l father of nationalism, referred to the folk-song as one of the most cogent forces in national development. In the folk-song is found this need to be an integral part of the nationalist tradition. Composers who worked during nationalist revivals either reinstated the folk-songs or incorporated folk-song characteristics Into their music. Polk music was in their very flesh and blood, and they needed no prodding; the embroidered music of their Ilk compositions came naturally. These men might even be termed nationalist composers. Famous among them are Antonin Dvorak and Bedrich Smetana in Bohemia, Stanislaw Moniuszko and Frederick Chopin in Poland and Jan Sibelius in Finland. There is a connection between Mahler and the nationalist composers. He was born in Bohemia. Early in l i f e he was introduced to Bohemian folk-music, and like Dvorak and Smetana he put elements of their music into his own works. Some rather naive c r i t i c s think that his Landlers and waltzes are typically Austrian, but this view is false - his folk-music sections are Czech through and through. This i s , however, the only comparison one can make between Mahler and the Czech composers, for although he was born in Bohemia he was no Bohemian, He was a Jew and his language was Germanj therefore Mahler knew early in l i f e that Bohemia was not native to him. In this res-pect he was like Kafka: he was thoroughly a"displaced person" - a man without a country. However, from the materialist point of view, Mahler was successful. He not only had the qualities of an outstanding composer, but he was already early in l i f e a performing a r t i s t and leader of the f i r s t order. There are those who hold that Mahler was the greatest conductor of his day; and since the summit of his career was reached in the f i r s t decade of this century he travelled in outstanding company alongside inspiring orchestral exponents like NIkisch, Richter and 115 the youthful Toscanini. Mahler had an impressive career. He made the usual rounds of the provincial German theatres, and by 1890 he had already been head of the Budapest and Hamburg opera houses. In 1897 he reached the pinnacle of his career as chief conductor at the Vienna Hofoper. He held this position u n t i l 1908, when chicanery led to his resignation. He then moved, and carried on his a r t i s t i c work in New York. He met an early death through blood-poisoning. Mahler was a p r o l i f i c composer. He l e f t ten symphonies, many songs and cantatas, an amount of composi-tion which is memorable i f we think of his short l i f e and his other musical responsibilities. We shall concern ourselves here with one of his o greatest compositions - Das Lied von der Er.de0 (1909). This work Is a combination of the cantata form and sym-phony. It consists of six sections to be sung by tenor and soprano alternatively, with symphonic accompaniment. The meaningful poems sung were selected from the Chinese and translated into German. These texts deal with the beauties and tragedies of nature, above a l l they mirror the f u t i l i t y of l i f e . "Man lives for. a short period only, and there is so l i t t l e he can do in that time." The last poem is the Abschied. a musical farewell from earth, a tale of suicide in music narrated in a sensuous manner. The whole score is permeated by an ethereal and pathetic sense and is shot English: "Song of the Earth." 116 through and through w i t h d e s p a i r i n g pessimism. Mahler's other works were s i m i l a r to the' music of the Lied von der Erde: an endless brooding, a search f o r i n d e s c r i b a b l e meaning, coupled w i t h pessimism. He i s r e a l l y the Jeremiah of the m u s i c a l world, and r e s p i t e comes only when the composer goes back to h i s youth w i t h the use of the f o l k - s o n g , which i s of a l l things Bohemian! Mahler would have probably been happier i f he had never l e f t the land of h i s b i r t h , yet he could not do t h i s . Herein l i e s the whole essence of h i s l i f e tragedy. He i s o f t e n classed w i t h the Vienna school - t h a t great outpouring of music of the geniuses - Haydn, Mozart, Beethoven,, Schubert, Brahms and Anton Bruckner. We have already considered whether these men were Viennese or not. But one t h i n g i s sure -Mahler marks a break: the composer who wrote the Lied von  der Erde did not belong to that group. We have here a change from u n i v e r s a l music to music impregnated w i t h pessimism. Mahler ranks as one of the most o r i g i n a l com-posers, but the impact he makes Is v e r y d i f f e r e n t from t h a t of h i s predecessors. As Max Graf, the a u t h o r i t a t i v e m u s i c a l c r i t i c of the p eriod puts i t : "With Brahms c l a s s i c a l and romantic music had come to an end i n Vienna. With Mahler a new era had begun ... the century of the mind ended, the cen-tury of nerves began. The grand manner l o s t i t s f o r c e . The soul-searching expression of the i n d i v i d u a l became 11? mighty."9 This quotation gives much food for thought. F i r s t of a l l "the century of nerves." Mahler broke into the pre-vailing order; he transformed the calm sea into a turbulent one; rather he demonstrated that the change was already achieved. Vienna was not at peace any more. His soul-searching exemplified the f u t i l i t y of l i f e and his listeners must have been aware of this. He conveyed the sense of homelessness to them. Mahler was thus the harbinger of the future: no longer calm, but only trouble ahead! Finally, Mahler was the bridge between the old and the new. One of his earliest disciples was Arnold Schttnberg, who was already hard at work in the f i r s t decade of the century. The result of his creative labours was the f i r s t atonal music, which was soon to predominate. The modern era had begun. Characteristically i t happened In Vienna, but Mahler was the catalyst. Frustration in Statesmanship An Indispensable test of a healthy state,, from the social and p o l i t i c a l point of view, can be said to be the opportunity that It gives to resolute and f u l l y developed men for public service. After a l l this may be regarded as one of Its ideal functions - to afford oppor-tunity for a l l to serve society is a golden mean between 9 Graf, M., Composer and C r i t i c . New York, Norton, 1946, P. 35. 1 1 8 the old idea of simply keeping people in order and the latest concept of the welfare state existing chiefly as a gratuitous purveyor for i t s citizens. If we now ask whether the Dual Monarchy could offer a chance for the f u l l use of man's best powers we may use the concrete example of Thomas G. Masaryk ( 1 8 5 0 -x 1 ° 1 9 3 7 ) . He grew up as a son of a coachman, and like most of his contemporaries remained to maturity a loyal subject of the emperor. Masaryk wanted to be a teacher, later on a public servant where he could have rendered services of a high quality in any state especially one that was governed by genuine democratic principles. He did indeed perform a signal service In doing much to mould pre-war Czecho-slovakia, becoming President of the new state and being the spiritual leader of Czechoslovak democracy. Nevertheless, Masaryk*s career before I91I4. i l l u s -trates qualities which would have made him an outstanding public servant, had conditions made this possible. Masaryk began as a student of philosophy and of the social sciences, particularly of the burgeoning science of socio-logy. Let i t be noted at the outset that his sympathies lay with the western outlook. His major sympathy was with the English pos i t i v i s t philosophers; and also with social scientists such as the Frenchman Comte. He would never act 1° Herben, J., T.G. Masaryk. .Zivot a Dilo Presidenta-Osvobodltele (English t i t l e : T. G. Masaryk. the Life and the Work of the President-Liberator), Prague, Sfinx, 119 or make conclusions i n any f i e l d of enquiry without f i r s t o b t a i n i n g the complete p i c t u r e . He ran f o u l of a l l who would put b l i n k e r s on everybody, to prevent them from knowing something, which might paralyse a c t i o n . His o b j e c t i v e was to remove the b l i n k e r s . Masaryk was a doubter. His i n a u g u r a l l e c t u r e i n Prague was devoted to Hume's philosophy. He would object to a l l humbug or sham, Indeed to any spurious t h e o r i e s : he was undogmatio. He r i d i c u l e d pomposity, whether i t consisted of snobbism, uppishness or s u p e r f i c i a l i t y . Above a l l he objected to u n t r u t h . "Truth p r e v a i l s " , was h i s motto. Perhaps i t was the undogmatism i n h i s d i s l i k e f o r any show that went mostly against the g r a i n cf the p r e v a i l i n g order f o r Masaryk found h i s t a r g e t s too e a s i l y . He b e l i e v e d f i r m l y i n the proverb "a sound mind i n a sound body". He wanted h e a l t h y l i v i n g , not disease and degeneration of any s o r t , e i t h e r p h y s i c a l , mental or s o c i a l ; n e i t h e r i n i n d i v i d u a l s nor i n s o c i a l e n t i t i e s . He could be c a l l e d a c r i t i c and d i a g n o s t i c i a n j u s t l i k e M u s i l , except that he saw things through s o c i o l o g i c a l eyes, and went on from theory to a c t i o n . Masaryk was a Ganzer  Mann, a complete man, as opposed to the Halbmensch which we saw portrayed i n M u s i l ' s hero, U l r i c h , i n The Man  Without Q u a l i t i e s . Masaryk epitomises a complete i n d i -v i d u a l , knowledgeable and w i t h h i s w i t s about him and, as we s h a l l see soon, ready to use them. He stood f o r the i n v i o l a b i l i t y of the i n d i v i d u a l 1 2 0 and h i s studies showed that no earthly power has a r i g h t to v i o l a t e the sacrosanct nature of the i n d i v i d u a l . This was again counter to the s o c i a l f a b r i c of the powers that be; they wanted to create colourless characters, even less a l i v e than U l r i c h ; they wanted to mould weak and formless people. Masaryk stood f o r the individual's r i g h t through and through, therefore he sought to s t r i v e f o r the best p o l i -t i c a l climate f o r the i n d i v i d u a l to subsist i n , within a democracy. As suggested, Masaryk was no armchair scholar who absorbs knowledge, analyzes and contemplates exclusively. When he saw that a c e r t a i n action was needed, e s p e c i a l l y to r i g h t a wrong, he proceeded i n a determined manner. He would come to the aid of a scholar, Jan Gebauer, to d i s -close forgeries of Czech h i s t o r i c a l documents. He would defend an innocent ^ Jewish boy who was unjustly accused of committing a r i t u a l murder. F i n a l l y Masaryk was persuaded to enter p o l i t i c s and was elected to the Relchsrath. where he r a i l e d against abuses of government, p o l i t i c a l d i s -honesty to achieve a goal, even the forging of documents by the Foreign Office to prove Its case against Serbia. A l l t h i s threw Masaryk into open action f o r he would never rest u n t i l the g u i l t y were unmasked. Masaryk was nothing i f not a p o s i t i v e statesman; he wanted the blemishes removed from a l l v i t a l a f f a i r s of state. This was h i s r e a l p o l i -t i c a l platform and he sought nothing more than a place to do t h i s work. Instead of serving e f f e c t i v e l y he met with 1 2 1 o n l y o p p o s i t i o n from the a u t h o r i t i e s , of both church and s t a t e and was accused of meddling when he should not have done so, even of d i s l o y a l t y and u l t i m a t e l y of treason. A l l t h i s could only breed i n him a sense of u t t e r f r u s t r a t i o n . The a s s e r t i v e Masaryk was t r y i n g to do the r i g h t , i n s t e a d he was accused of mischief-making. Any "complete man" would have f e l t thus, p a r t i c u l a r l y when he saw the weaknesses of the regime as Masaryk had done. This would have appl i e d to anybody i r r e s p e c t i v e of n a t i o n a l i t y ; an Austro-German would have f e l t the same way as would have a G a l i c i a n Pole or a Croat. Masaryk found that he could not cooperate w i t h the s t a t e under such circumstances. E i t h e r he or the st a t e was wrong, both could not be r i g h t . Therefore he despaired of the body p o l i t i c but never of h i s own p o s i t i o n . Events were to prove the correctness of h i s o p i n i o n . The mon-archy had no place f o r such a man as he. Austria-Hungary had become a "corpse", hence Masaryk*s l e t t e r to Pro f e s s o r Lorenz as reported on a footnote on page 1+0. CHAPTER VI. CONCLUSION In t h i s short study, we have seen how the members of the house of Hapsburg can r i g h t l y be c a l l e d the a r c h i -t e c t s of empire on the Danube. Human ambition, the need to meet the t h r e a t of Islam, the b l e s s i n g and s p i r i t u a l sus-tenance of the Holy Church i n a l l they d i d , made the heads of the dynasty c e r t a i n of something l i k e a d i v i n e c a l l i n g . The d y n a s t i c leaders came to f e e l that everything they did was i n f a l l i b l e and was r i g h t by God's mandate and, i n the i n t e r e s t of humanity ( t h i s meant f o r them Western c i v i l i -z a t i o n ) , no o b stacles could be allowed to impede the achiev-i n g of t h e i r designs. In a l l t h i s the Hapsburgs p r o f i t e d at every t u r n , not o n l y from the benevolent b l e s s i n g of the Church, but a l s o from i t s age long experience, which meant the l o r e and l e a r n i n g of the ages. Un f o r t u n a t e l y , and i n t h i s they followed the Church too c l o s e l y , they could not r e a l i s e the i n e v i t a b i l i t i e s of the consequences and r e s -p o n s i b i l i t i e s of power and change - the f a c t t h a t nothing stands s t i l l and t h a t progress cannot be a r r e s t e d . F o r t h i s reason what was s a i d of the Bourbons was e q u a l l y true of the Hapsburgs a l s o : "they learned nothing and f o r g o t nothing". Having become masters of a v a s t and d i v e r s i f i e d 122 123 area after 1620, and having driven the Turks back into the Balkans one hundred years later, they now set about achiev-ing as much of their breed of conformity as possible, under Maria Theresa and her able and enlightened son Joseph. Even this brought them into conflict with the Roman system, but the real clash lay just ahead; the convulsion in Prance in 1789 and the onset of the machine age through the indus-t r i a l revolution. These two great eruptions were to trans-form a l l Europe though this process spread f a i r l y slowly from the Atlantic seaboard eastwards to the Danube. The year I8I4.8 may be used as a turning point, but the whole period, marked by the coming of the railways and other forms of acceleration in communications, is what counts and not just the risings of twelve months. The age of Alexander's "Holy Alliance" called by Castlereagh "mystical nonsense", was as good as over. Those at the helm in Vienna, whether in church or state, could s t i l l keep on trying to square the ci r c l e , but the cards were stacked against them. The counter-forces operating against the empire were too strong. The empire was a multi-national state and a l l i t s various nationalities were in flux. Some, including the Germans, had outside allegiances and this meant centrifugal pulls, which weakened the Monarchy. The two h i s t o r i c a l nationalities within the empire were also getting out of hand, each in i t s own way: the Czechs who were consolidating their resources rapidly and regaining confidence In their h i s t o r i c a l past and the Magyars whose 121+ incredible assertiveness and pride were destructive ele-ments. One of them had to be accommodated and the aspir-ations of the Magyars were placated only when the whole structure of the Monarchy was transformed after Sadowa. This ended the Hapsburg dream of an all-German Central European realm under their aegis. The Magyars were now virtually independent on their own side of the Danube and this, coupled with the virulent and expanding Magyar nationalism, contributed as much as anything to the break up of the Dual Monarchy. Other factors were also emerging, producing int-ernal ferments. Serfdom had ended in 181+8: the growth of towns was in f u l l swing with the rapid development of the railway system. Old allegiances were dissolving and new ones were growing up to take their place; notably the new bourgeois and the burgeoning intellectuals. Popular education was becoming general and new tools of communi-cation, especially the press, led to the spread of new ideas. In consequence fresh winds were blowing in every corner of society, running counter to the old ideas. The spread of secularism was on and this led to the emergence of the new secular man, either the engineer, entrepreneur, or the pure intellectuals, the last being university men, writers and arti s t s . Their work was all-important because they in turn conceived the "whole man" who had outgrown the clothes and the prison house of the old system. The new man became therefore the biggest single disruptive 12$ factor of a l l . He was poised to attack the fundamental tenets of the empire as we have seen above: conformity, with which he could not liv e . The empire wanted men and entities to f i t in with, and in uniformity with the prevailing order. It is the tragedy of the Hapsburgs, in the latter half of the nineteenth century and in the f i r s t decade of the twentieth, that they tried to make do with antiquated tools in an age that demanded something quite different. They would not reform themselves in order to keep the new, thinking generation on their side - they were willing to have surgical operations performed but not to the extent of making possible a new and healthy organism. It would have been interesting to see what results could have come from a long conference of two representatives of the old and new respectively, of the dynasty and of democracy: the emperor Pranz Joseph and the philosopher-statesman Masaryk, with power to enforce their findings. Could they have thrashed out a United States of Central and South-East Europe to cure the i l l s of the old? It is unlikely that any positive steps would have followed for Pranz Joseph was an Inveterate Hapsburg and Hapsburgs do not change things. Then the Reich Germans and Hungarians would never have permitted him to do this, and the church too would have demurred. Pranz Joseph was the prisoner of his own system. Masaryk1s eloquence about the need of change both socially and constitutionally would have fallen on deaf ears. 126 History a n d p r o g r e s s moved t o o f a s t f o r t h e Hapsburgs » C o n f o r m i t y a n d s y s t e m a t i z a t i o n o f l i f e w e r e s t i l l t o l e r a t e d b y t h e common man b e f o r e 1 7 8 9 : " t h e y c o u l d n o t w e a t h e r t h e s t o r m a c e n t u r y l a t e r when a n y m a i n t e n a n c e o f t h e " d y n a s t i c i d e a " , o f f e u d a l v e s t i g e s and o f t h e o l d o r d e r o f l i f e a n d t h o u g h t w e r e i m p o s s i b l e . It w o u l d n o t b e a m i s s t o r e g a r d t h e w h o l e p r o -c e s s o f c h a n g e a s a g r e a t d r a m a w i t h t w o s e t s o f c o n f l i c t -i n g f o r c e s , and' we h a v e t r i e d t o f o l l o w t h e c o u r s e o f t h e s t r u g g l e t o i t s f i n a l o u t c o m e . In c o n c l u s i o n i t c a n n o t b u t b e s a i d t h a t t h e e m p i r e c o u l d n o t f i g h t a g a i n s t t h e s t r a i n o f t h e " o p p o s i t i o n " . The new f o r c e s w e r e w i n n i n g a n d t h e c o n f l a g r a t i o n o f 19U4.-I8 was o n l y t h e l o g i c a l o u t c o m e o f w h a t was a l r e a d y t h e r e b e f o r e . A P P E N D I X APPENDIX I "THE GOOD SOLDIER" The f i r s t world war produced a great and enduring classic, the Adventures of the &ood Soldier by J. Hasek. This work is an enduring comic Odyssey. It is an account of the l i f e and doings of a private soldier, conscripted unwillingly into the Austrian army. The V nationality of the soldier is important: Svejk, our hero, is a Czech prototype and accordingly Hasek has made this work into a caustic commentary on Czech-German relations. It describes the slumbering animosity between the races and also plays up the opposition between the master and the underdog and Hasek wants the underdog to outwit the master and indeed to gain the upper hand. The reasons for §vejk»s victories are unique. He is able to make an accurate appraisal of the weaknesses of his adversaries and then exploit them to the f u l l . He can usually make the best of the adverse situations in which he is involved and overcome them In a comic manner; in this respect he epitomizes much that is characteristic in the Czech "ethos" - overcome your hurdles; wait for an oppor-tunity to strike; s i t things out i f you canU! This is a thoroughly r e a l i s t i c approach. 1 Hasek, J., Osudy Dobreho Volaka Sve.l&a^ 2 vols., Prague, Synek, 191+6. 127 128 Above a l l Svejk could always see the humour of any s i t u a t i o n - no wonder that the Czechs coined a term a f t e r him - Svejkovina. which denotes action r e s u l t i n g from the comic s p i r i t i n c o n f l i c t with a despised master, and at the same time embodies a p a s s i v i t y dictated by circum-stances. Svejk had many things to laugh about or contemplate in a humorous way. His career i s unique: he never knows where he i s going. When he i s conscripted f o r the f i r s t time he undergoes the routine physical examinations, the r e s u l t of which i s that he i s branded as an o f f i c i a l i d i o t . Let i t be noted at once that he i s a good actor, and Hasek i s at pains not to divulge whether Svejk simu-V lates or not. On the outbreak of war, Svejk Is r e -drafted, but nobody seems to know what to do with him. For a time he i s sent to an insane asylum f o r further examinations, but i n spite of being diagnosed again as an imbecile, he winds up i n the ranks. For a time Svejk serves as an orderly to d i s s i -pated and i n e f f i c i e n t o f f i c e r s . These l a t t e r seem to be ei t h e r debauched opportunists or unordained chaplains. v F i n a l l y Svejk i s sent to the f r o n t . This becomes a most V circuitous journey, very much to Svejk's pleasure. He i s moved around i n a l l directions of the compass. When he f i n a l l y reaches the front he find s utter disorganization. Nothing works. There i s no e f f i c i e n c y , no co-ordination, no leadership - only dismaying, depressing chaos. We are 129 thrown, with Svejk into a comical "slough of despond". Yet another strand runs through the tale: the excessive bureaucracy of the army. Svejk is always con-fronted by penwielding officers, none of whom seems to know what he is going except to f i l l out more lengthy forms, even though these appear to have no purpose whatso-ever. Svejk takes f u l l advantage of these situations; he is the hero even i f he i s un-Homeric in approach. He triumphs by outwitting numbskulled officers. As Novak says in his Short History of Czech Litera-ture: "The innocent, bland, smiling face of Svejk con-stantly confronts us when he i s able to just i f y his actions by explaining that the orders received from his superiors are impossible to f u l f i l l , because they are i l l o -g ical and cannot be carried out".^ Svejk also repeatedly undermines the authority of his superiors and consequently that of the state by humor-ous references to amusing eventB from his c i v i l i a n l i f e , particularly with his indulgent beer drinking habits and those of his friends in the Prague taverns. For Svejk there is no halo round the heads of the exalted function-aries of the army or of the state. His inexhaustible imagination, his "feel" for the weakness of his adversaries; his natural cleverness in 2 Novak, A., Strucne Deliny cfeske' Llteratury. Olomouc, Czechoslovakia, Preminger, 1946, p. 61+6. 130 exploiting them a l l put him Into marked opposition to the pomposity, thoughtlessness and foolishness of the K. and K. army and i t s representatives. The enjoyable book serves a great purpose as a histor i c a l document. It i s a critique and a satire - bigger than l i f e . It shows us that the army had serious weaknesses even at the beginning of the war, and that there was l i t t l e allegiance or loyalty paid by the soldier to the K. and K. machine, or to any other empire symbol. This was especially true of the non-German or non-Hungarian soldiers. In fact these symbols were ridiculed. There was nothing comparable of the esprit de corps that existed in the German army. The common soldier did not know what he was fighting for. When the f i r s t defeats occurred, dur-ing the autumn of 19H|., efficiency broke down almost completely] morale was low and chaos resulted. The tradi-tions of Prince Eugene and of Radetzky were quickly d i s s i -pated . Svejk is a symbol of this. Nobody told him where he was going, and he did not ask to be enlightened. His only ambition was to muddle through and return safely to his Prague inn where he lightheartedly could enjoy his beer with his friends. This was his real allegiance. He had no interest In the struggle at large; If anything he was a rebel. He would do anything short of deserting. Svejk pictures a particular case: the Czech in protest against the Dual Monarchy. But Has'ek has created 131 such a great character that Svejk represents the univer-s a l rebel against a l l oppressive authority (especially In the armed f o r c e s ) . After 1918 Svejk became an Inter-national Figure. The book was translated into the main languages of Europe. It was also dramatized. Remark-ably enough the most popular t h e a t r i c a l version was put on by the Germans. Perhaps the reasons f o r this lay i n the f a c t that Svejk summed up the f e e l i n g of d i s i l l u s i o n -ment. The creation of Svejk also led to a whole l i t e r a r y genre, stimulating many writers i n d i f f e r e n t countries to emulate Hasek. One of the best of these i s Turvey. the Canadian Svejk of World War I I , written by the Univer-s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia professor, Earle Birney. APPENDIX II. STATISTICAL TABLES A. Population of the Dual Monarchy by Nationalities  According to Language;1 1. Population In Austria (CisIMthprMa) Nationality 1880 1910 Actual (in l,000»s) JL Actual (in l,000»s) Germans 8,009 36.8 9,950 35.6 Czechs 5,181 23.8 6,436 23.0 Poles 3,239 14.9 4,968 17.8 Ruthenlans 2,793 12.8 3,519 12.6 Slovenes 1,U|1 5.2 1,253 4.5 Serbo-Croats 563 2.6 783 2.8 Italians 669 3.1 768 2.7 Roumanians 191 0.9 275 1.0 21,786 27,652 1 Population figures based on Kann, R.A., The Multi-national Empire. New York, Columbia University Press, vol. 2, pp. 300-305. The 1910 figures are based on the o f f i c i a l census of that year. 133 Appendix II. (Continued) 2. Population i n Trans l e i t h a n i a i n c l u d i n g C r o a t i a -S i avonia: s N a t i o n a l i t y 1880 1910 A c t u a l ( i n l,000»s) A c t u a l ( i n l ,000»s) Magyar 6 , ^ 1+1.2 9,91+5 1+8.1 German 1,951+ 12.5 2,037 9.8 Slovaks 1,865 11.9 1,968 9.1+ Roumanians 2,1+05 15.1+ 2.91+9 l l + . l Rutheni ans 356 2.3 473 2.3 Croats 1,883 8.8 Serbs 1.106 5.3 13,025 20,361 3. Population i n Bosnla-Herzgovlna. 1910 (approximate o n l y ) . A c t u a l ( i n l ,000»s) Croats 400 21.1 Serbs 850 1+1+.7 Mohammedans 650 34 • 2 ( c h i e f l y Bosnians) T o t a l 1,900 134 Appendix II. (Continued) 4. Total Population of the Dual Monarchy. 1910 Nationality 1880 19.10 Actual Actual (In l,600's) (in l,000»s) Germane 9,963 11,987 Magyars 6,445 9,945 Czechs 5,181 6,436 Poles 3,239 4,968 Ruthenians 3.149 3,992 Roumanians 2,569 3,224 Slovaks 1,865 1,968 Slovenes 1,141 1,253 Serbo-Croats 563 5,322 Italians 669 768 Mohammedans 650 34,784 50,213 5. Population of Dual Monarchy Showing Af f i l i a t i o n s  by Linguistic Families (Approximate Figures) Families Teutonic: Germans F inno-Pgric; Hungarians Slavonic; Western and ) , 0 H Eastern Slavs) 1 3 ' 5 m i l l i o n ) 1880  Actual 10 million Southern Slavs 1.5 million) Romance : j 15 million "Roumanians Italians TOTAL 2.5 million) .6 million^. ) 3.1 million 34-5 million 28.1}.) 6.4 million 18.8) j 47.2$ 43. 1910 Actual 70 12 million 23. ) 17.3 million 10 million 20.9$) ) j 24.5 million 44>i$ 7.2 million) 3.2 million) , ) 4-0 million .8 million) 50.5 million 8,4$ Appendix II» (Continued) B. Table of Religions in the Dual Monarchy 1910 Religion Total % (in 1,000's) Roman Catholic 33,439 66.8 Greek Catholic 5,444 10.9 Protestant 4,526 9.0 Greek Orthodox 3,653 7.3 Judaic 2,297 4«5 Mohammedan 650 1.4 Others 42 .1 50,051 100.0 1 Based on Statesmen's Year Book. 1913. London, Macmillan, 1913J which relied on 1910 o f f i c i a l census. C. Table showing D i s t r i b u t i o n of Population i n the Dual Monarchy, 1910. (by C i t i e s and Country: excluding Bosnia-Herzgqvina) C i s l e i t h a n i a ( i n l ,000«s) • % Transleithania ( i n 1,000's) C i t i e s of 100,000 and over Vienna 2,032 Prague 425 T r i e s t e 230 Lvov 206 Krakow 152 Graz 152 Brno 125 Sub-Total 3,332 12.1 C i t i e s 30,000-100,000 969 3.1 A l l others under 30,000 23,35l 8 1 ; . 8 27,652 C i t i e s of 100,000 and over Budapest 930 Szeged 119 Tota l Sub-Total 1,049 5.2 4,381 C i t i e s 30,000-100,000 1,246 6.2 2 ,2l5 A l l others under 30,000 18,066 88.6 41.417 20,361 48,013 9.1 4.6 86.3 1 Based on Statdmen's Year Book. 1913. London, Macmillan, 1913; which r e l i e d on 1910 o f f i c i a l census. \ B I B L I O G R A P H Y 139 BIBLIOGRAPHY Brod, M. Franz Kafka,-a Biography ( t r a n s l a t e d from the German by U.H. Roberts).New York, Schocken, 1947. B u t l e r , E.M. R l l k e . Cambridge, U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1941' Denis, E. 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New York, Viking, 192+6. Masaryk, T.G. Die Weltrevoiution. Erinnerungen. und Betrachtungen. 1911+-1918 (German translation from the Czech by C Hoffman). Berlin, Reiss, 1925. English version: The Making of a State. Memories and Obser-vations (arranged and prepared byH.W, Steed). London, Allen and Unwin, 1927. May, A.J. The Hapsburg Monarchy. 1867-1912+. Cambridge, Mass., Harvard University Press, 1 9 5 1 . Musil, R. Der Mann ohne Eigenschaften. Hamburg, Rewolt, 1952. English translation: The Ma,n without Qualities. 2 vols., (translated by E. Wilkins and E. Kaiser). New York, Coward-McCann, 1953-1955. Namier, L. 181+8. Revolution of the Intellectuals. Proceed-ings of tne B r i t i s h Academy, vol. XXX, 19i+2+, pp. 161-2 8 3 . Novak, A. Strucne' De.liny Literatury Ceske' (English trans-lation of t i t l e : A Short History of Czech Literature). Oloraouc, Czechoslovakia, Promberger, 192+6. Prokes, J. Hlstoire Tchecoslovaque. Prague, Orbis, 1927. Redlich, J. 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