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Flight and resettlement of the Sopron forestry faculty: a study of group integration and disintegration Kruytbosch, Carlos Egbert 1958

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FLIGHT AND RESETTLEMENT OF THE SOPRON FORESTRY FACULTY  :  A STUDY OF GROUP  INTEGRATION AND DISINTEGRATION by CARLOS EGBERT KRUYTBOSCH B. A., University of B r i t i s h Columbia, 1956  A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS  in the Department of Anthropology, Criminology and Sociology  We accept t h i s thesis as conforming to the required standard  THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA July, 1958  ABSTRACT This study i s concerned with the changing group structure of th© Sopron Forestry Faculty.  Change i s studied  on two l e v e l s ; internal organization and the r e l a t i o n a l context of the i n s t i t u t i o n .  Three periods are studied; the  pre-communist era, under the communists, and the refugee period.  The main emphasis i s on the l a t t e r period which  i s again d i v i s i b l e into periods of f l i g h t , community l i f e without academic study, and academic routine without community l i v i n g . Each of these periods i s characterized by the type of adjustment taking place \fithin the group.  Flight  was  characterized by a streamlined s o c i a l structure, s o l i d a r i t y and idealism.  The community l i f e period was  characterized  by internal s o c i a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n and acute concern with th© future.  The f i n a l stage i s , of course, ongoing at the  time of writing, but appears to be characterized by  Increasing  internal d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n along Year l i n e s , a decrease i n idealism and minimal group impact i n th© new  institutional  context. F i n a l l y , the Sopron group was studied as composed o f refugees and immigrants,  llon-systematlc observations were  made of a number of individual Hungarian refugee students to examine differences i n rates and processes of assimilation between group and individual  migration.  Methods used were questionnaires, formal and informal interviews  ?  and one year of participant  observation.  In p r e s e n t i n g the  this thesis i n partial fulfilment of  r e q u i r e m e n t s f o r an advanced degree a t the U n i v e r s i t y  o f B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree t h a t t h e L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r reference  and s t u d y .  agree t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r e x t e n s i v e  I further  copying o f t h i s  thesis  f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be g r a n t e d by t h e Head o f my Department o r by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e .  I t i s understood  that copying o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r g a i n s h a l l not be allowed, w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n  Department o f  rVtfcy^M^ C^v^vv\o\oq^  The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver 3 , Canada. Date  financial  permission.  <XAA^  $ot-\&loo^  TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER I. '  PAGE  INTRODUCTION . 1. The. Problem . . 2. Procedures 3. A Frame of Reference  . . . . .  1 1 3 14  PART ONE — HUNGARY II.  SOPRON BEFORE 1945 . . . . .1.. History of the I n s t i t u t i o n 2. Academic Organization 3. Student Social Organization  I I I . SOPRON UNDER THE COMMUNISTS 1945 — 1. The I n s t i t u t i o n 2. Academic Organization 3. Student Social Organization  . . 1956 . . . . .  23 23 26 29 43 43 46 50  IV.  MAIN AREAS OF CHANGE 1. The Educational System . . . . . . 2. The I n s t i t u t i o n 3. Academic Organization 4. Student Social Organization . . . . . . .  61 61 63 64 66  V.  THE REVOLUTION IN SOPRON  70  VI.  FLIGHT AND RELOCATION 1. The Canadian Offer  .  77 80  .  87 87 92 94 9$ 100 101  PART TWO ACADEMIC COMMUNITY WITHOUT ACADEMIC ROUTINE VII. ABBOTSFORD AND POWELL RIVER 1. Abbot sford 2. Powell River 3. Centripetal A c t i v i t i e s 4. Centrifugal A c t i v i t i e s 5. Powell River Residents' Image of Sopron 6. Conceptions of the Future . VIII. SUMMER WORK 1. Group Integrative Forces 2. Type of Work and Money Earned  .  . . .  105 105 106  CHAPTER "  PAGE  PART THREE ~ VANCOUVER ACADEMIC ROUTINE WITHOUT RESIDENTIAL COMMUNITY IX.  GROUP BOUNDARIES AND SOCIAL COMPOSITION . . . . 1 1 4 1 . Membership 114 2 . Ethnic Context of the Group . 117 3 . Social Background of the Students . . . . 1 2 1  X.  INSTITUTIONAL ADAPTATION 1 . The I n s t i t u t i o n and U.B.C 2 . Academic Organization  125 125 . . . . . 134  XI.  STUDENT SOCIAL ORGANIZATION 1 . Formal Organization 2 . Informal Organization  141 . . . . . 141 148  XII.  THE U.B.C.- IMAGE OF SOPRON 1 . Role o f the Newspaper 2 . Amount of Contact Between Canadians and Hungarians 3 . Summary  157 15$ 160 169  PART FOUR INTEGRATION AND DISINTEGRATION XIII. SOPRONERS AS REFUGEES AND IMMIGRANTS 1 . The Hungarian Refugees 2 . The Soproners  . . . . . 176 179 181  XIV. • CONCLUSIONS ' 1 . Some Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 . Some Theoretical Implications 3 . Suggestions f o r Further Research 4 . A Prediction and a Recommendation . . . . BIBLIOGRAPHY APPENDICES  195 196 210 222 224 228 234  LIST OF TABLES TABLE I.  ~  PAGE  Returns on Questionnaire Distributed to Sopron Students December, 1 9 5 7  11  II.  D i s t r i b u t i o n of Summer Work, by Employees  .  107  III.  Duration of Work and Cash Earned and Saved .  109  TV.  Breakdown of the 2 9 5 Persons i n Riverside 114  Camp, A p r i l , 1957 V.  Fathers' Occupation i n 1945  VI.  Average Age of Sopron Students, December, 1957 Amount of Contact with Hungarian Students December, 1957 Amount o f Contact With Sopron Students A p r i l , 1958 Perception of Group Size, by Amount of Contact  VII. VIII. IX. X. XI. XII. XIII. XIV.  122 123  161 161 163  Characterization of Sopron Group, by Amount of Contact  165  U.B.C. Students' Estimates of Sopron Students'-Efforts to Join U.B.C. A c t i v i t i e s  167  U.B.C. Students' Estimates of. U.B.C. Students' E f f o r t s to Help Sopron Integrate  163  Ways i n Which the Sopron Group was V i s i b l e to U.B.C. Students  170  Actual and Desired Composition of Circles of Friends of the Sopron Sample December, 1957  .  187  ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would l i k e to express my gratitude to the students and s t a f f of the Sopron group, without whose wholehearted cooperation t h i s study would have been impossible. Especially I wish to thank Dean Kalman Roller f o r h i s ever"available counsel. The boys who l i v e d i n our house not only contributed greatly to the formation of my ideas but were also model tenants and good companions. Neither would t h i s thesis have been written without the constant interest, stimulation and encouragement of my teacher Dr. Kaspar D. Naegele. I wish to take t h i s opportunity to thank him f o r h i s counsel, and to say that I consider myself fortunate to have studied under him f o r the past few years. I owe a great debt to my wife whose patiently executed handiwork these pages are. F i n a l l y , I wish to acknowledge a small grant from the Department of Citizenship and Immigration which greatly assisted me i n t r a v e l and s e c r e t a r i a l expenses.  CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION 1. The  Problem  This study has a double focus and a double frame of reference.  F i r s t , i t attempts to chronicle the history of  unique occurrence, the sudden transplantation of a large part of a functioning academic community from i t s native s o c i a l and c u l t u r a l environment to another e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t context over 11,000 miles away.  The h i s t o r i c a l  approach was essential, and l a r g e l y complementary to the s o c i o l o g i c a l frame of reference.  1  I t must, however, be  blamed f o r the introduction of material not immediately relevant to the s o c i o l o g i c a l theme. Second, i t i s a s o c i o l o g i c a l study of changing group structure.  Three main periods are studied; the pre-  communist, "golden" era, the communist, "grey" era, and the refugee period.  The l a t t e r i s again d i v i s i b l e into  periods of f l i g h t , community l i f e without academic study and academic l i f e without community l i v i n g .  These periods  can also be characterized by the type of adjustment taking place within the group. This study was o r i g i n a l l y intended to have been piart of a more extensive s o c i o l o g i c a l investigation of the Sopro  2  group and of Hungarian refugees. not get under way  This larger project did  p a r t l y f o r reasons of a v a i l a b i l i t y of  personnel and finances and p a r t l y also due the f i e l d .  to developments i n  The theme of the larger project, had i t got  underway, would have been concerned with "centrifugal and centripetal f o r c e s " acting upon the group.  This concept  of s o c i a l pressures pushing and p u l l i n g from inside and outside the group constitutes the primary s o c i o l o g i c a l frame of reference of t h i s study. This general frame of reference guided me c o l l e c t i o n and systematization reference  of data.  i n the  The point of  (or item"studied) f o r the pressures i s always  the group structure.  In other words I was  interested i n  the function of the pressures f o r the structure, and  the  features of the structure which themselves generated pressures.  In f a c t i t was  led me to the former. of participants  invariably the l a t t e r which  As Merton has said "Structural description  i n the a c t i v i t y under analysis provided  hypotheses f o r subsequent functional interpretations".-^ Throughout the course of the f i e l d work, the question constantly posed i n connection with new  was  data "What i s the  s i g n i f i c a n c e of t h i s f o r the maintenance, disintegration or change of the s o c i a l structure?"  Three l e v e l s of  structure were distinguished f o r p r a c t i c a l purposes; i n t e r n a l informal organization, i n t e r n a l formal organization r e l a t i o n a l organization.  and  In the refugee period the l a t t e r  3  i s again divided into formal and informal l e v e l s .  2.  Procedures  Participant. Observation The chief method employed f o r c o l l e c t i o n of data 4 was active  participant observation.  It must be recognized  that owing'to time, d e f i n i t i o n s of my r o l e and other factors5 the data collected i s i n many ways uneven.  Whole areas of  enquiry were neglected at c r u c i a l periods only to be regreted i n retrospect.  There was no way of calculating  "probability of error" of data.  The participant observer's  equivalent of t h i s s t a t i s t i c a l device must be careful description of his own r o l e , as defined by those he i s studying, and the kinds of contacts he had with his subjects during the course of the investigation.^  Ideally he should  also describe the development of his own t h e o r e t i c a l orientation toward the problem, thereby enabling the reader to evaluate not only the kinds of data communicated to the observer but also the kinds of data the observer was looking f o r , thus, perhaps, obscuring other kinds of data from his scrutiny. F i e l d Notes From the time of my f i r s t contact with the group to the time of writing of t h i s t h e s i s I consistently kept a  4  record of a l l my dealings with group members and the information and impressions I gained therefrom. In the period from January 1957,  29th,  t o February 19th,  I made eight v i s i t s to the Abbotsford camp. Between March 20th, and May 19th, 1957, I spent a  t o t a l of 16 days l i v i n g at the camp i n Powell River. From May 19th, to September f i v e contacts with Soproners.  23rd,  A f t e r the  1957, I had only 23rd  I began to see  students and s t a f f regularly at the u n i v e r s i t y and i n t h e i r rooms. On November 1st, 1957, three second Year and one f i r s t Year student moved into the upstairs of a house I had rented, not too f a r from the u n i v e r s i t y .  We l i v e d  there u n t i l A p r i l 30th, 1958. On November  27th  I began teaching English three  times a week, i n an informal fashion, to the Dean and one other professor. This continued, with an interruption at Christmas, u n t i l the time of writing.  Roles The bare o u t l i n e of my contacts with the group, as set out above, gives l i t t l e idea of the content of the exchange.  For this i t i s necessary to s p e l l out the  5  changing d e f i n i t i o n s of my role(s) i n the eyes of the group members. The l a b e l of u n i v e r s i t y student was attached to me from the f i r s t day at Abbotsford, and a certain s o l i d a r i t y was established on t h i s basis.  The precise subject matter  of my study, sociology, was f a m i l i a r to the students only through t h e i r study of plant sociology.  I t was known that  I would write a history of the group's f l i g h t .  My interest  in these early days centred around university l i f e i n Hungary, the revolution, t h e i r plans f o r the future.  The  non Sopron students at the Abbotsford camp used me as a l i n k with the world they were itching to get i n t o .  They  assigned me to t r y to f i n d jobs f o r them. Another l a b e l that went together with "student" was "European" or "immigrant".  In the f i r s t stages i n  Abbotsford my p o s i t i o n as a f e l l o w European was established. As I could not speak Hungarian I spoke with the students i n 7 German and sometimes i n Russian.  Later, i n Powell River,  when they learned some of the significance of the word "immigrant",  the i n i t i a l d e f i n i t i o n of "fellow European"  enabled them to communicate much to me which might not have been communicated to a Canadian. A U.B.C. theology student of Hungarian o r i g i n who was acting as interpreter and temporary minister for the group was also interested i n the group from the point of  6  view of s o c i a l science. discussions with him.  I obtained many leads from  Early during my f i r s t v i s i t to  Powell River he did not l i k e the idea of d i s t r i b u t i n g a questionnaire at that stage.  He f e l t that the d e f i n i t i o n  of our roles at that time was incompatible with that kind of action.  Questionnaires, indeed any kind of personal  information on paper which could be f i l e d away, were regarded with suspicion born of long p r a c t i c a l with A.V.H. methods.  experience  From conversations held i n May, 1958,  i t appeared that there was an element among the students which had regarded me with some suspicion — e.g., connections with the R.G.M.P. In my l a t e r v i s i t s to the camp at Powell River I began to be used as a l i n k with the outer world, as the necessities o f communication with individuals and i n s t i t u t i o n s outside became more imperative, especially i n connection with summer jobs.  However, the short  duration of my stays at Riverside Camp did not allow any set patterns of expectations to s o l i d i f y i n t h i s respect. This period at Powell River provided me with several personal h i s t o r i e s , a great deal~of information on student l i f e i n Sopron from 194# to 1956, the development of the establishment of the old student customs, c r y s t a l l i z i n g attitudes towards Canada and Canadians and and the everyday developments at Powell River which helped form these a t t i t u d e s . Whereas Abbotsford was characterized  by the predominance of "behaviouristic type of investigation i n Powell River I began to gain "some insight into "the  -  8  meanings" current i n the community. The summer was time l o s t as f a r as t h i s study  was  concerned except f o r a few valuable contacts with s t a f f members i n the c i t y , which served to acquaint them a l i t t l e more closely with the aims of my study, and to keep me i n touch with the bare skeleton of events. In September at U.B.G. I was greeted as an o l d f r i e n d and regaled with s t o r i e s of summer experiences, good and bad.  Again the d e f i n i t i o n of "fellow European" stood  me i n good stead.  A new problem confronted me  a l l o c a t i o n of time to different i n d i v i d u a l s .  now, I received  i n v i t a t i o n s to v i s i t t h e i r rooms from a l l the students I had come to know i n Powell River as well as many others. This problem, with the concomitant  stratifying role  d e f i n i t i o n of " f r i e n d of so and so" was solved, or at l e a s t s e t t l e d , i n the beginning of November when I sublet the upstairs of a house I had rented to four students.  On  the one hand the presence of these students provided me with every day information about events and attitudes, on the other hand i t perhaps tended to make me neglect searching out other contacts.  I tended to meet t h e i r friends  coming to the house and to p a r t i e s . junior Year students.  These were l a r g e l y  However, by that time I had a wide  8  range ofcontacts whom I saw regularly at various places. Perhaps my weakest l i n k was with the married senior students. I attended most of the important group events during the  academic year, the October  23rd  parade, the I.K.  meetings, a Szakesthely. Among the more important events I did not attend were; the f i f t h Year farewell Szakesthely, the  f i r s t exchange Szakesthely between the Canadian and  Hungarian t h i r d Year forestry students, sponsored by the l a t t e r , a March 1 5 t h ceremony, an exchange dance between g i r l s from the U.B.C. women's dormitories, and the Sopron f i r s t Year, sponsored by the l a t t e r .  The only occasions  I attended i n which both Canadians and Hungarians participated were the above mentioned exchange Szakesthely, and several parties at my house. As mentioned above, at the end of November I began to teach the Dean and one other professor English f o r s i x hours a week altogether. for  this.  I received a small honorarium  This was an extremely useful role regarding  developments on the i n s t i t u t i o n a l l e v e l .  It i s i n t e r e s t i n g  to note that I "placed", on request, s i x more professors and wives with Canadians f o r English conversation p r a c t i s e . In mid-February I received a paid appointment from U.B.C. as a translator f o r the Sopron D i v i s i o n .  The work  involved t r a n s l a t i n g l e t t e r s and documents from German into English or from Hungarian-English into English.  By May,  9  when the appointment terminated, the language professor of the group could write a very presentable English l e t t e r . In t h i s r o l e certain obligations had to be f u l f i l l e d i n return f o r which I gained the opportunity to observe many of the mechanisms of the relations between the group and other i n s t i t u t i o n s .  It was an opportunity par excellence 9  for putting questions i n "current s i t u a t i o n s " . It was my impression that the "binding" roles of teacher and t r a n s l a t o r were also welcomed by the s t a f f of the group because i t enabled them to keep an eye on the p o t e n t i a l l y disruptive, and, at least i n i t i a l l y , the not quite f u l l y understood phenomenon of a s o c i o l o g i c a l investigator i n t h e i r midst.  For them, these r o l e s ,  though t e c h n i c a l l y necessary, were also a means of s o c i a l control.  These roles systematized and patterned a set of  mutual obligations between us which was functional f o r t h e i r sense of security.  positively By being contractr  u a l l y bound to the group and receiving pay f o r t h i s , I also i n a sense became obligated not to "bite the hand that was feeding  me". It was my o r i g i n a l intention to follow the p a r a l l e l  developments among Soproners and non-Sopron Hungarian students.  At Christinas time, thus, I v i s i t e d eight non-  Sopron Hungarian students and presented them a s l i g h t l y modified version of the questionnaire described below.  I  was already acquainted with most o f these students as several of them were i n close contact with some of the more peripheral Soproners described i n Chapter IX. However during the spring term no systematic contact was maintained with these students owing to lack of time. a l contacts I learned of important  Through incident-  events among these  students.  On December 5th and December 9th I distributed a nine page questionnaire to each Year i n t h e i r  classrooms.  In a short explanation from the podium I stressed the f a c t that i t was not compulsory and that they could omit answering any questions they wished.  I said the material  would be used f o r my dissertation and would be held s t r i c t l y confidential.  Also I requested them to answer i n  English where possible, but to use Hungarian where they preferred.  The completed questionnaires were to be returned  at the next class period.  The returns are i l l u s t r a t e d i n  Table I. This loose method was necessitated by the impossibility of c o l l e c t i n g groups of students together i n one place f o r long enough to f i l l out the questionnaire. This questionnaire was roughly translated into Hungarian by one of the Sopron p r o f e s s o r s .  10  The translation  11 was checked and double checked by two other Hungarians, one of them almost b i l i n g u a l .  The ansxvers to the open end  questions were about half i n English and half i n Hungarian. I removed the names from the sheets and obtained assistance i n t r a n s l a t i n g the Hungarian answers.  TABLE I RETURNS ON QUESTIONNAIRE DISTRIBUTED TO SOPRON STUDENTS DECEMBER 1957 YEARS  TOTALS  I  II  III  17  • V  Number of students i n each Year and number of questionnaires d i s t r i b u t e d . 48  40  40  38  28  196  Number of completed questionnaires returned. 23(7)  12  17(1)  20  19(2)  91(10)  30$  42.5% 52.6$ 67.9$  Percentage return.  48$  46.6$  4 Note. The figures i n brackets indicate the number of anonymous returns, i . e . , sheets completed with the exception . of the name.  The low return on the questionnaire can be accounted f o r partly by the reluctance of students to f i l l out forms, due to the reasons set f o r t h on page loose method of d i s t r i b u t i o n .  , and partly by the  The difference i n returns  12  between the Years w i l l be accounted f o r i n the discussion of the r e s u l t s . Two d i f f e r e n t , one sheet, check type questionnaires were distributed to the introductory sociology class at U.B.C ively.  on December 9th, 1957, and A p r i l 11th, 1958 respectThe composition of t h i s class was a l i t t l e l e s s than  two thirds female and about three quarters frosh and sophomores.  My subjective opinion was that most f a c u l t i e s  and departments of the university were represented, with a large contingent from nursing, which p a r t l y accounts f o r the  excess of females.  The f i r s t 20 minutes of the  l e c t u r e hours on the above days were kindly made available to me by the instructor.  On neither occasion was the f u l l  complement of 230 students present, but an over 85 per cent return was obtained on each questionnaire.  Interviews In February and March 1958 I conducted ten taped, one to two and a h a l f hour interviews with eleven Sopron students, two from each Year and three from f i r s t Year. One of the respondents was a female student.  A l l these  students were personally contacted beforehand and agreed to be interviewed without any h e s i t a t i o n . The same schedule was followed with each respondent, Questions centred about t h e i r attitudes towards, and  13  perceptions of several spheres of Canadian l i f e immigration and immigrants;  political;  family, sex and friendship;  education and university; and f i n a l l y t h e i r own conceptions of t h e i r future. Perhaps mention should be made here of a series of informal interviews to c o l l e c t h i s t o r i c a l material, which were conducted mainly with s t a f f members.  While writing  the h i s t o r i c a l section I would f i l l a page with questions or noted inconsistencies and s i t down f o r an hour or more with a s t a f f member, or an older student, and cross examine him.  These "interviews" took place.in o f f i c e s ,  homes and beer parlours. This was defined as legitimate information gathering and I could take notes f r e e l y on these occasions.  On very few other occasions d i d I take  notes during conversations or other forms of i n t e r a c t i o n . My f i e l d notes were made up every evening i n the rough and typed out at a l a t e r date.  Printed Material Much available information was collected on Hungarians i n general.  H i s t o r i c a l background of Hungary  and Hungarian emigration was obtained from books and a r t i c l e s i n magazines and journals (see bibliography). Most of the current books on the 1956 revolution were perused  (see bibliography).  F a i r l y complete sets of  14 clippings were maintained from the time of the revolution to the present from the Vancouver Sun, the Vancouver Province, the Powell River News and the Ubyssey. York Times was  covered i n 1957  on the Sopron migration  only.  The  New  Several a r t i c l e s  i t s e l f , i n European journals and  also i n post-revolution Hungarian newspapers, were brought to my attention by members of the group.  I had the  opportunity  to look through a great number of clippings from newspapers across Canada, provided to the U.B.C. Information O f f i c e by a press checking service.  3. A Frame of Reference As mentioned above t h i s study i s both an attempt to describe a group through a period of time, and an attempt to "explain" i t .  As  R a d c l i f f e Brown and Redfield have  pointed out "explanations" can be i n terms of many things. R e d f i e l d s words:justify the i n c l u s i o n , i n t h i s section on f  methods, of these pages on the frame of reference,  "....if  one means by that word ( i . e . , method) not merely the techniques of observation and analysis but also the conceptions which allow us t o characterize and compare.".^ He stresses the necessity of "thinking about forms of thought" used i n explaining human behaviour. In the previous  section i t was  stated that the point  of reference f o r the integrative and d i s i n t e g r a t i v e pressures upon the group was  always the s o c i a l structure.  Observed  15  changes i n the s o c i a l structure were the starting point for  a n a l y s i s . This then i s the central organizing p r i n c i p l e  of the data collected i n t h i s study.  The development of  t h i s theme during the research i s described i n the following pages. Having already made a start on another topic f o r an M.A.  thesis i n September 1956,  I decided to change to a  study of the Sopron group i n December 1956  shortly a f t e r i t  was announced that the group was to come to B r i t i s h Columbia. My motivation f o r this change was primarily due to a long standing interest i n s o c i a l organization under communism. The p r a c t i c a l consideration of the a c c e s s i b i l i t y of the group f o r study and f i n a l l y the f e e l i n g of p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n something unique i n history were other factors leading me to make this study. This i n i t i a l interest l e d me to the formulation of a plan involving comparative study of the s o c i a l structure of the group i n the three periods mentioned above.  Whereas  the information concerning the f i r s t two periods was,  so to  speak, available f o r the asking, the developments i n the t h i r d period were unfolding continuously during my time of contact with the group.  It was thus that many modifications  occurred i n the o r i g i n a l s t r u c t u r a l design of the study when t h i s was applied to the ongoing s i t u a t i o n .  The  s t r u c t u r a l theme remained basic, however, and formed the  16  point of reference f o r the other i n t e r e s t s that grew during the course of the f i e l d work. Throughout the study, thus, I was  interested i n  obtaining information r e l a t i n g to student and academic s o c i a l organization i n Hungary before and during the rule of the communists.  The systems of o f f i c e s , the power structure,  the value systems, the s o c i a l i z a t i o n of the neophytes, informal associations that persisted over time and (close) r e l a t i o n s between the two come under my  scrutiny.  the  spheres of organization  This, of course, entailed c o l l e c t i o n  of data on Hungarian s o c i a l structure with p a r t i c u l a r r e f e r ence to the r o l e , recruitment students.  and organization of university  The wider issues immediately involved i n t h i s  were the class structure, the status and r o l e of u n i v e r s i t i e s , professionals (foresters) and  intellectuals.  Other factors became important in the p a r t i c u l a r l y i n t e r e s t i n g period of change from 194& communists were i n s t i t u t i n g new  to 195° when the  s o c i a l forms and  suppressing  old forms, and also i n the b r i e f period of freedom from r  October  23rd  to November 4th, 1956,  when great changes were  projected. In these times i d e o l o g i c a l matters were i n the forefront.  Questions of p o l i t i c a l , philosophy,  ;  religion  and nationalism, ( t r a d i t i o n a l l y of interest to European students) f l a r e d up, always against the backdrop of the  17  inexorable international p o l i t i c a l s i t u a t i o n .  These  i d e o l o g i c a l considerations were p a r t i c u l a r l y important f o r the p o s i t i o n of the refugees the revolution.  i n Western countries a f t e r  Two themes were explored i n t h i s area.  F i r s t , that the revolution was the j u s t i f i c a t i o n of the refugees  1  claim f o r a i d and support  i n the West, and second,  that the West (Canadians) soon became t i r e d of the revolution and redefined the refugees as immigrants with the accompanying obligations to "forget about t h e i r  own  feuds and concentrate upon becoming good Canadians".  In  t h i s connection i t was important to observe which features of the o l d pre-eommunist s o c i a l system were consciously "revived" i n Canada, and again, which features of the communist s o c i a l system remained and which were consciously rejected. Just as description of social organization of the group i n Canada was  i n s u f f i c i e n t without h i s t o r i c a l  reference, so would i t have been meaningless without r e f erence;to the future.  The goals of the group and  group members had to be taken into account and,  the  crucially  important, of course, for the group's future existence, were the relations with the new  i n s t i t u t i o n a l context.  Thus  i t i s that the emphasis i n the l a t t e r part of t h i s study i s on the formal and informal r e l a t i o n s that  obtained  between Sopron and U.B.C, and Hungarian students  and  professors and Canadian students and professors.  An attempt  18  was made to gauge the impact of the Sopron group upon the Canadian students at U.B.C, and upon the U.B.C i n s t i t u t i o n a l structure.  For the U.B.C students t h i s impact was  l a r g e l y constructed by themselves, as t h e i r image was formed by the student newspaper.  Differences i n image  were found according to amount and type of contact with the  Soproners.  A problem arose here i n that people i n  positions of authority dealing with the Hungarians tended to have a l e s s permissive and favourable attitude towards them, even though they had considerable contact ( r e l a t i v e l y ) . The i n s t i t u t i o n a l adjustment was regarded as temporary by a l l concerned, but the basic questions of status and f i n ances had to be solved with a minimum of delay.  Although  i t i s s t i l l too early to make d e f i n i t i v e statements, some functions of the presence of the Sopron group f o r the U.B.C. i n s t i t u t i o n a l structure were t e n t a t i v e l y postulated. The r e l a t i o n a l mechanisms that developed between Sopron and U.B.C were of interest, especially f o r the internal structure o f the group. A central i n t e r e s t , closely connected with group structure was i n the s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y or cohesion o f the group members. the  I n i t i a l l y i t seemed that t h i s was high i n  group, but after Powell River s o l i d a r i t y declined.  The problem was that several theories state that group s o l i d a r i t y tends to increase when a group i s i n a s i t u a t i o n  19 of threat.  A f t e r Powell River the s i t u a t i o n was  perceived  as threatening by both students and s t a f f but group morale, or s o l i d a r i t y did not seem to increase.  Some of the  implications of t h i s are discussed i n the  conclusions.  Though Canadian university structure and student organization was  relevant to t h i s study they have not been  e x p l i c i t l y examined?"^ Only those areas which posed problems f o r the Soproners have been discussed, f o r instance, the varying d e f i n i t i o n s of the r o l e of student. though a great deal of information was  Similarly,  c o l l e c t e d on the  learning of Canadian culture, and thereby on the differences between Canadianand Hungarian culture ^" (American 1  —  European), only those aspects were used which pertained i n some manner to the integration or disintegration of the group structure. In the long run i n t e r n a l i z a t i o n of a new  culture i s  correlated with a s s i m i l a t i o n into, or at l e a s t functional integration with, the new  society.  In the short time  t h i s group had been i n Canada much "learning about" took place, but r e l a t i v e l y l i t t l e "learning o f " . ^ 1  However,  the "learning about" that took place did influence the desire to do more "learning o f " as advantages were perceived, the attainment of which necessitated t r i a l error methods of.learning new techniques.  and  The important  point i s that the Soproners* group membership enabled them  20 16 to remain i n "situations of observation" f o r a longer period than, say, the individual Hungarian refugee students who studied at U.B.C,  The l a t t e r students were forced by  circumstances into "situations o f involvment  ,t  almost  immediately upon a r r i v a l . These are basic problems of the theory of s o c i a l i z a t i o n , some aspects of which are discussed i n the conclusions. Two areas of s o c i a l i z a t i o n processes were of interest to me. F i r s t , the process of the s o c i a l i z a t i o n into the group before and under the communists.  Second, the process of  s o c i a l i z a t i o n into Canadian society as i t affected the group structure.  The role of student organization i n f a c i l i t a t i n g  or retarding s o c i a l i z a t i o n i s also examined i n the conclusions.  21  FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER I 1. "....one 'explanation' of a s o c i a l system w i l l be i t s h i s t o r y , where we know i t - — the detailed account of how i t came to be, what i t i s and where i t i s . Another 'explanation' of the same system i s obtained by showing.... that i t i s a special exemplification of laws of s o c i a l psychology or s o c i a l functioning. The two kinds of explanation do not c o n f l i c t but supplement one another". A. R. Radcliffe-Brown, "On the Concept of Function i n Social Science", American Anthropologist. New Series, 37:401, July 1935. 2. See R. K. Merton, Social Theory and Social Structure, (Second Edition) The Free Press, Glencoe 111., 1957, PP. 55-56. A great deal of the information gathered was pure "collectioneering" as Malinowsky c a l l s i t . This was found necessary f o r the-purpose of "getting the f e e l o f " the group. However, much of the collectioneered data turned out to be of use i n the l i g h t of l a t e r information. B. Malinowsky, "Baloma, The S p i r i t s of the Dead i n the Trobriand Islands", Magic Science and Religion, Anchor Books, Doubleday,-New York, 1954, pp. 237-238. 3.  Merton, op. c i t . , p. 5 6 .  4. M. S. Schwarz and C. G. Schwarz, "Problems i n Participant Observation", American Journal of Sociology, 60:;349, January, 1955. 5. R. K. Merton, "Selected Problems of F i e l d Work i n the Planned Community", American Sociological Review, 12:311-312, June, -1947. 6. See Florence Kluckhohn, "The Participant Observer Technique i n Small Communities", American Journal of Sociology, 46:331-343, November, 1940, See also Rosalie H. Wax, "Twelve Years Later: An Analysis of F i e l d Experience", Ibid., 63:133-142, September, 1957. 7. A few students spoke excellent Russian which they had learned at school. However, they only spoke i t rather sheepishly and were always kidded by the others. 8. F. Kluckhohn, op. c i t . , p. 337. See also R. K. Merton, Social Theory and Social Structure, p. 5 8 . 9.  F. Kluckhohn, op. c i t . , p. 340.  10. This was a good example of the desire to keep an eye on my a c t i v i t i e s .  22  11. See R. Redfield, The L i t t l e Community, University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1955, p. 2, 12. Hungarians as a nation have always had a somewhat f a t a l i s t i c image of themselves as being the eternal victims of circumstances beyond t h e i r control. This theme apparently runs through Hungarian l i t e r a t u r e . See, f o r instance, The Tragedy of Man, by Imre Madacs. 13. See, f o r instance, The Academic Man, Logan Wilson, Oxford University Press, New York, 1941; College L i f e and the Mores, Janet A. .Kelley, Bureau of Publications, Teachers College, Columbia University, New York, 1949. 1  14. For some interesting research revealing c u l t u r a l differences of values and definitions of " s o c i a l l y d e s i r able personality t r a i t s " between the Soproners, a group of U.B.C. students and a group of Canadian juvenile delinquents, see Carol Diers, M.A. thesis in the Department of Psychology, U.B.C, to be completed by October, 1958. 15. See A l f r e d Schuetz, "The Stranger; A Study i n Social Psychology", American Journal of Sociology, 49:505, May, 1944. 16. These terms are taken from F. D. Scott, The American Experience of Swedish Students, University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis, 1957.  CHAPTER I I SOPRGN BEFORE 1945 1. History of the I n s t i t u t i o n  1  It was i n 175® that the Habsburg Queen Maria Theresa, who was also Queen of Hungary, founded a Mining Academy i n Selmecbanya (Chemnitz).  She chose t h i s north  Hungarian town because i t had been the centre of the Hungarian coal, lead and s i l v e r mining industries since the 14th century.  These mines were heavy consumers of  wood ( f o r p i t props, machinery)} and i n the mining areas the forests were overcut.  Thus, i n 1770, a Chair i n  Forestry was set up at the Academy, the purpose o f which was to teach the mining students how to obtain the best wood f o r the mining industry. Almost simultaneously, i n 1769, the f i r s t forest administration by-law was  promulgated,  and i n 1791 the f i r s t general forest law was declared. By 1808; a separate forestry school had developed out of the o r i g i n a l Chair. with the mining school.  It remained c l o s e l y connected  The two schools were co-owners of  extensive estates. They shared Chairs i n various basic subjects such as Mathematics, Physics, Chemistry and Draughting. year.  A l l the students took the same courses i n t h e i r f i r s t The r e s u l t of these circumstances was that the  24  character of the forestry t r a i n i n g took on a distinctlyt e c h n i c a l flavour.  The students became professionally  q u a l i f i e d i n many f i e l d s other than f o r e s t r y .  E.g., road,  r a i l , bridge, canal and tunnel construction. The high esteem i n which the school (since 1835 The Mining and Forestry Academy) was held, was probably due to t h i s many-facetted program.  Some professors were regarded as  world authorities i n t h e i r f i e l d s , e.g., Professors Mikovenyi, Farbaky, Faistmantel, Fekete, Belhazy.  Many  foreign students were i n attendance. In I 8 4 8 the Academy stood s o l i d l y with Kossuth i n the Hungarian war o f independence.  The professors were  the technical consultants o f Kossuth, the students fought i n the army.  Thus i t was that Kaiser Wilhelm's govern-  ment closed down the academy f o r one year, a f t e r the Hungarian resistance had been crushed. In 1919 the Treaty o f Trianon ceded the northern Hungarian provinces, to the newly created state o f Czechoslovakia.  The Academy moved to Sopron,  fddenburg),  an ancient Hungarian town right on the new Austro-Hungarian border.  2  The buildings of a former m i l i t a r y academy pro-  vided accommodation. The Treaty of Trianon, not r a t i f i e d i n the heart of any Hungarian,-* had important consequences f o r Hungarian  25 forestry.  Prior to the Treaty Hungary's forest area was  about 35,000 square miles or 26 per cent of the t o t a l area of the country.  The Treaty reduced the forest area to 4,800  square miles or only 13 per cent o f the area o f the new Hungary.  The emphasis i n Hungarian forestry since then has  been not only on conservation, but mainly on the creation of new forest areas i n the country. In 1934 the Academy was attached to,the Royal  Hungarian  Joszef Nandor Technical University as the Faculty of Mining, Metallurgy and Forestry. The professors became university  professors, the Senate was empowered to grant  the doctoral degree, and the graduates became Forest Engineers. In March, 1944 the Faculty was closed to new students by  the Germans.  The f i r s t and second Year students were  conscripted and sent to t h e front, but the t h i r d and fourth Year students were permitted t o continue t h e i r studies. In A p r i l , 1945 the Russians replaced the Germans.  By September,  1945 only four students were i n attendance and a l l the classes were held i n one room.  A l l the teaching equipment  and instruments which had not been hidden were confiscated by the Russians.  In January, 1946 many of the students  who had been conscripted returned and a r e l a t i v e l y normal routine was re-established.  The f i r s t new f i r s t Year  students entered i n September, 1946.  26  2, Academic Organization One of the essential features of the pre-communist Hungarian u n i v e r s i t i e s was the concept of u n i v e r s i t y autonomy.  One of the best known v i s i b l e indications of  t h i s autonomy consisted of the f a c t that the p o l i c e had no r i g h t t o enter the premises of the university, except when i t had been asked to do so by the rector. The core of the concept of autonomy was the university council*s right and duty to make decisions on a l l matters pertaining to the u n i v e r s i t y .  The university  professors were members of the university c o u n c i l .  Every  two years the council elected the deans (each faculty elected i t s own dean) who presided over the f a c u l t i e s and who i n turn elected a rector.  For the duration of t h e i r  mandates the rector and the deans represented the u n i v e r s i t y and the f a c u l t i e s . The council commissioned: the university  professors  to t h e i r positions, and the rector, through the deans, appointed the assistants and other employees to t h e i r position on the basis of recommendations by the university professors. The subjects to be. taught as well as the entire educational program were determined by the university  27 Council.  Admissions t o the u n i v e r s i t y were under the  j u r i s d i c t i o n of the rector, as were a l l d i s c i p l i n a r y matters.  Admission was on the basis of the high school  matriculation diploma.^ Although i n the Sopron Forestry Faculty the select i o n of subjects was not free (owing to the technical nature of the subject) and attendance was usually  compulsory,  ( i f a student missed more than three of the intermittently held "catalogues* - r o l l c a l l s - i n a semester, he could be compelled t o take the subject again) the u n i v e r s i t y student was free t o take examinations at a time chosen by himself.  The students were completely at l i b e r t y to  establish associations. The Sopron Forest Engineering t r a i n i n g was a four year program or eight semesters.  The average number of  hours o f lectures and laboratories was some f o r t y - f i v e per week.  The ten month academic year was divided into  two semesters; the f i r s t from September t o December, the second from February to the end of May.  Two weeks i n May  and the whole month of July were p r a c t i c a l work periods. January and June were the examination months.  Students  would make appointments with t h e i r professors t o hold t h e i r exams (colloquia) i n these months. did  I f a student  not make an appointment, did not show up on an appointed  day, o r f a i l e d an exam, he was permitted to return a f t e r  28 the deadline on payment of a small f i n e .  Students were  permitted to retake colloquia i n d e f i n i t e l y .  In accordance  with general European custom most of the exams were o r a l . In some more technical subjects combination o r a l and written exams were given. The r e s u l t s of the colloquia and the grades obtained were marked by each professor i n the student's "Index". At the end of the second Tear a comprehensive examination, ^ s z i g o r l a t " , was held i n four subjects;; Mathematics and Physics, Botany and Biology, Surveying, and Entomology. When at the end of four (sometimes considerably more, up to twenty) years a l l the course requirements were completed and the Index was f u l l , the students wrote a short essay, "dissertation", o f t h i r t y or more pages on some assigned topic.  In the f i n a l comprehensive s z i g o r l a t , which was  held i n public one month a f t e r completion of the essay, the student was examined on the whole f i e l d of forest engineering.  The successful students received a Diploma i n Forest  Engineering from the Faculty. Fees at Sopron were lower than at most u n i v e r s i t i e s i n Hungary, which f a c i l i t a t e d the attendance of a l a r g e r per cent of lower class students than at other u n i v e r s i t i e s .  29  3. Student S o c i a l Organization To the extent that the ideal of friendship was received through antiquity, and (peculiarly enough) was developed i n a romantic s p i r i t , i t aims at an absolute psychological intimacy and i s accompanied by the notion that even material property should be common to friends.5 Simmel's observations  on the nature of friendship  are p a r t i c u l a r l y apt f o r describing one of the basic organizational p r i n c i p l e s of student l i f e at Sopron. An Austrian writer says the following of the Sopron students: The s p i r i t present i n the Selmec Mining and Forestry students and professors deserves special mention, especi a l l y i n contrast to the customs and t r a d i t i o n s of other Hungarian u n i v e r s i t i e s . This s p i r i t developed p a r t l y from the age old t r a d i t i o n s of the mining industry, and p a r t l y from the student s o c i a l organization of the humanistic u n i v e r s i t i e s of Central Europe. A l l the students were joined together i n a society I f j u s a g i Kor, l i t e r a l l y Youth C i r c l e - i n which Brotherhood, Fun, Sport and an i d e a l "Lebensauffassung" were c u l t i v a t e d on somewhat s i m i l a r l i n e s to the German "Burschenschaften" and "Verbindungen". 0  This section i s a composite description of the I f jusagi Kor, hereafter I.K., wars.  My  i n Sopron between the world  informants were professors.  Formal Structure The I.K. are older.  i s as old as the Academy, and i t s t r a d i t i o n s  Formally  i t was  e n t i r e l y independent and  had  no o f f i c i a l t i e s with the academic structure o f the Academy.  30  I t s formal structure was very simple.  An annually elected  president, "elnok", and vice-president, "alelnbk", appointed t h e i r executive committee of s i x additional members: secretary, " t i t k a r " ; treasurer, "penztaros"; two masters of ceremony "haznagyok"; keeper of the baleks "balekesoz:,";; and archivist  "jegyzokonyvvezeto".  The membership, which included a l l the studentsmining, metallurgical and f o r e s t r y - at the Academy, was divided primarily into'baleks" - f i r s t Year students, and non-baleks.  Second Year students were c a l l e d  "kolenbrenner"  and t h i r d and fourth year students were c a l l e d " f i r a a " . Membership terminated automatically upon graduation.  The I.K. and the Academy There was no formal rule on the Academy's books which stated that i f you wanted to study at the Academy you had to j o i n the I.K.  But the practice was that the new  student  had to bring a paper s i g n i f y i n g s a t i s f a c t o r y completion of the I.K. "exams" before he was allowed to r e g i s t e r at the Academy by the r e g i s t r a r . The i n s t i t u t i o n of " f e r s i s z " (German - verschi^ss) made possible the ejection of students who proved themselves undesirable a f t e r having been accepted.  31  A student whose father was a forest  engineer  related the following incident from his father's time at the Academy: A Jewish student came to Sopron and wanted to study f o r the Forest Engineer's degree, but he didn't want to j o i n the I.K, He was very a n t i - s o c i a l and never spoke with anyone. When he was asked why he wanted to study forestry, i t was not because he loved the f o r e s t , but because he wanted to make business. One day a l l the students i n one class suddenly walked out leaving only the professor and the Jewish student i n the lecture h a l l . A\ committee of students l a t e r went to the professor and t o l d him that i t wasn't h i s f a u l t , but that no one would attend lectures as long as the Jewish student stayed. (Eventually)...they bought him a railway t i c k e t and he l e f t . ((Note; In t h i s case the Dean had given t h i s student, the son of a wealthy i n d u s t r i a l i s t , permission to r e g i s t e r without I.K. approval. This was s t r i c t l y irregular) This statement i l l u s t r a t e s the power, and the inelusiveness and exclusiveness of the I.K.  Inclusive  because a l l the students at Sopron were required to j o i n . Exclusive because membership (and therefore leave to study at the Academy) was not permitted to certain individuals, notably r i c h jews.  The exercise of the so c a l l e d  "Numerus Clausus " varied i n three periods at Sopron. the 1920's exclusion of jews on a r a c i a l basis was  In  complete.  In the 193°*s several "poor jews" were admitted to the Faculty and were not d i f f e r e n t i a t e d from the rest of the students.  The 1940*s and the German influence, again  brought t o t a l p r o h i b i t i o n of jews on a r a c i a l basis.  This  was by no means confined to Sopron, but was a country-wide practise.  For instance i n 1940,  under pressure from the  32 (Germans, a general regulation was introduced i n the Hungarian government service requiring that a l l c i v i l servants prove they had no Jewish blood i n t h e i r families as f a r back as t h e i r grandparents.  The question of the  Jewish students helps i l l u s t r a t e the powerful position of the I.K. with regard to i t s members and to the Academy itself.  It should be stressed that the "Numerus Clausus"  was part of the expression of a phenomenon which was common to the whole of central Europe at t h i s time, and therefore should not be looked at outside i t s h i s t o r i c a l context.^ Another incident involving the use of " f e r s i s z " concerned a student who had stolen some a r t i c l e s from a Sopron store and had thus violated student morality. The same sanctions as described above were applied to him. One reason f o r the existence of these informal yet i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d practises was the continuity between students and s t a f f ;  Most of the professors had themselves  been trained at the Academy. In the whole of the Austro-Hungarian  Empire there  were f o r e s t r y f a c u l t i e s at the u n i v e r s i t i e s of Vienna and 8 Zagreb  and a forestry school at Brno.  It i s indicative  of t h i s inbreeding that among the Sopron Division professors with forestry t r a i n i n g now i n Canada, only one was not trained i n Sopron.  33  The Academy prided i t s e l f on the close r e l a t i o n s between professors and students:. At the beginning of the academic year there was always a b i g party with a l l the students and professors attending* One new professor from Budapest did not l i k e t h i s system, but he was boycotted as only students can* by the students and he soon l e f t . n  1  Every student knew a few professors well enough to be able to use the intimate form of address with him, of course never on formal occasions.  One famous o l d professor was  noted f o r his adherence to the old student custom of Banyajaras which involved turning a comrade's room upside down.  At the age of 60 years he would s t i l l occasionally  wreck a colleague's room. who  was expelled i n 1951  This was one of the professors  i n the putsch described on page 57.  Entrance and I n i t i a t i o n The backbone of the s o c i a l structure of the I.K, was formed by the Year system and the Godparent system, which cut across the former.  The Years were formed naturally  each September by the new group of freshmen entering the Academy,^ The newcomers were c a l l e d baleks. as the lowest of the low,* ^ -  They were treated  As they arrived at the railway  station on or a f t e r September 15th  they were met mostly by  second Year students (last year's baleks) who,  pretending  to be very h e l p f u l , directed them to the opposite end of  34  town from t h e i r actual destination.  A c l a s s i c joke was  to take the balek to the tram stop with h i s baggage and t e l l him to wait f o r the next tram.  Although there were s t i l l  tram r a i l s i n Sopron, no trams had run on them since 1905* The next day at the Registrar's O f f i c e there were members o f the I.K. executive who instructed them i n what to do i n the coming weeks.  There were rooms i n the  Administration building where the baleks learned songs and were given examinations.  S p e c i f i c a l l y they were informed  they had to use the formal form of address "Ont to elder n  Year students, they should not speak unless spoken t o . they were not to s i t at a table where there were elder Year students unless i n v i t e d , they had to chose two elder students f o r godparents.  They had to learn the history of  the I.K. and the so-called ten commandments.  Examinations  on these subjects and on the moral background of the candidates, were held every evening at various places f o r varying numbers of baleks.  On these occasions the baleks  aat with l i g h t s turned on them, and were bombarded with questions, serious, facetious, some impossible to answer. Older students impersonated professors on an "exam committee". The bulk of the I.K. members were therefore free to act s o l i d a r y with, and#ielp" the examinees.  I t was stressed to  the baleks that they would not become members of the I.K. i f they d i d not pass these exams.  Each balek was sent out  35 of  the room i n disgrace f o r h i s hopeless ignorance at l e a s t  once during these evenings.  When a balek was adjudged to  have had enough, the l i g h t s would be turned on and the balek would be informed he had made the grade.  His name  was entered i n the I.K. book i n a short solemn ceremony and he was given a paper to take to the r e g i s t r a r . During t h i s f i r s t month the balek was expected to chose h i s godparents.  Usually they were people from his  home town, maybe r e l a t i v e s , or people who went t o the same secondary school.  The godparents had to agree to be  selected, because they were expected to help t h e i r balek (or baleks) throughout his time as a student and a f t e r especially i f he should get into any trouble, monetary or otherwise. A f t e r the f i r s t month, the f i r s t b i g function of the year occurred, the balek szakesthely at which the baleks were baptised.  The szakesthely ( l i t e r a l l y - Faculty-evening)  was a party or feast, with a highly structured form. Only beer was drunk. on the spot who  There were special o f f i c e r s elected  exercised s p e c i f i c functions at the tables.  There was the Praeses Szakesthely who was the Master of Ceremonies and who kept up a constant stream of instructions and comments.  The success of a Szakesthely depended to a  great extent on the a b i l i t y and personality of the Praeses. The Praeses Cantus directs the singing.  The echo men  repeated  36)  and humorously twisted the instructions of the Praeses at the opposite end of the h a l l . Most of the students attended the balek Szakesthely, In the h a l l , the baleks waited outside, except f o r the chosen few who  served the beer and acted as servants f o r the  officials.  A f t e r a couple of hours of priming with songs and  beer the baptismal ceremony began.  A l l the baleks had to  quit the h a l l except f o r the "disz balek" (best balek), who was chosen f o r his a b i l i t y to entertain. He was c a l l e d upon to perform while everyone treated him with r i d i c u l e . the performance the baptism began. were his firma (godparents). forward.  After  The balek was asked  who  He named them and they stepped  He was l e d to a large lavatory bowl. He had to bow  into the black leather apron of the balekcsoz (smeared with soot unbeknownst t o him).  Then he bent over the bowl and  his firma poured beer over him while solemnly pronouncing his baptismal name; these names were usually humorous and occasionally pornographic puns, and they stuck. shoved away and l e d outside.  He was then  The waiting balek who  laughed  hardest at his comrade's plight was the next one to be l e d i n by the ear by the balekcsoz.  A f t e r the l a s t balek had  been baptised they were a l l brought into the h a l l and were permitted to take part i n the Szakesthely as equals. They were e n t i t l e d to speak up and could address the other students with the f a m i l i a r form of address "te". They became e n t i t l e d to wear the forestry uniform.  37  The stage was thus set f o r the student's period at the Academy,  Intra-Year (horizontal) s o l i d a r i t y had been  established during the learning period.  Cross-Year  (vertical)'  contact between the Years was assured by the adoption system and the communal l i v i n g at the "Kollegium" (student hostel).  L i v i n g Conditions and Finances Gf the 150 regular studentSjand the 100 students who were not registered f o r a f u l l course load i n forestry i n 1933, some 90 students l i v e d i n the Szent Imre Kollegium. The remainder l i v e d i n rented rooms or at home. Most of the regular students were financed by t h e i r families and l i v e d a comfortable l i f e .  Fee remissions were  granted to students with good academic records. The part time students were of two k i n d s . F i r s t , students who worked at regular jobs and took one or two courses each year towards a degree. Secondly, those students with more means than academic a b i l i t y who were not overly cjoncerned with obtaining a degree quickly, but who l i k e d the carefree student life. The I.K. had a club building i n downtown Sopron which housed large rooms f o r b i l l i a r d s and cards and several smaller rooms.  There was a l i b r a r y and a p r i n t i n g machine  with which they published t h e i r own magazine.  There were  always students to be found here.  It was the only place  i n Sopron where foreign periodicals and magazines could be found regularly.  The Academy and the City The relations between the Academy and the c i t y of Sopron, a town of some 35,000 people, were very f r i e n d l y . Students would form gangs to help i n emergencies, they often assisted the l o c a l bakery.  The town of Sopron was  surveyed several times by the students and the professors designed, free of charge, several of the public buildings. In a l l the stores the people would enquire about the health of the professors, and were interested i f there were any changes i n the courses being given.  The Ballagas, or  procession of the f i n a l year students a f t e r they obtained t h e i r diplomas, was a d i s t r i c t wide a f f a i r .  People came  in from the surrounding countryside to see i t . started from and ended at the I.K. b u i l d i n g .  The procession A l l the  graduates wore a number of green bands around t h e i r hats corresponding t o the number of years they had spent i n obtaining t h e i r degree.  A s a t i r i c a l f l o a t parade was held  which played on mutual themes.  Once one poked fun at the  mayor's wife f o r always wanting to seem younger than she was.  This could not have taken place had the relations  between c i t y and university not been close.  39  A favourite pastime of the students was playing "Tobias" with the l o c a l p o l i c e .  Two  would l i e i n wait f o r a policeman.  groups of students When one came they  would torment him by c a l l i n g out "Tobias" f i r s t from one d i r e c t i o n , then from another, so he would never know exactly where his tormentors were.  Once a couple of  students climbed into manholes and r e a l l y had a poor "Tobias" running back and f o r t h .  However, i f caught, the  students were never punished severely because there was old  understanding between them and the l o c a l p o l i c e .  an  My  informants were proud that Sopron was the only u n i v e r s i t y town i n Hungary i n which there was an accord of t h i s nature between the students and the p o l i c e .  It i l l u s t r a t e s the  close relationship the students had with, and f e l t f o r , the town.  11  Another i n t e r e s t i n g facet of student l i f e extravagant vows and bets.  was  One student vowed he would bathe  naked i n the town fountain i f he got high marks i n an exam. He obtained high marks, and the whole student body, accompanied by a brass band converged upon the fountain. Behind a wall of students, the f e l l o w stripped and plunged into the fountain.  The fun ended when the p o l i c e  appeared  on the scene and everyone melted into the surrounding streets. Another story concerned a student who was very short of money. He offered to allow anyone to cut o f f a l l h i s hair f o r 50 forint.  Apparently a group o f students raised the money,  40 and the h a i r came o f f amid great pomp, ceremony and drinking.  3  41 FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER II 1. The information i n t his section i s from "die Odenburger Berg- und Forstakademiker" by Dr. 0. Folberth, IntegratibnB u l l e t i n International, 5-Jahrgang, Nummer 2/1957, Vaduz; pp. 159-165; an a r t i c l e on the history of the Forestry Faculty by Professor Blank i n the Powell River News of January 7, 1957; and numerous personal conversations. 2. In 1920 a League of Nations commissioner went to Sopron to s e t t l e the question of where the town belonged, i n Hungary or A u s t r i a . His s c i e n t i f i c method was to make a count of the frequency of German and Hungarian names on the tombstones i n the l o c a l cemetery. He found more German names and therefore recommended the t e r r i t o r y be given to Austrian Several border skirmishes between Austrians and Hungarians took place. Two Academy students were k i l l e d i n one of these. A year l a t e r the Commissioner returned and genuine free elections were held. Seventy-three per cent decided f o r Hungary. As a reward f o r i t s patriotism the town was awarded" the t i t l e "Civitas F i d e l i s s i m a " from Budapest. See Endre Csatkai, Sopron, (2nd ed.), Kepz'dmuveszeti alap kiadovallalata, Budapest, 1956, p. 2 3 . 3 See especially Jules Kornis, L Opinion Publique de l a Nation Hongroise.""Memoire Hongroise No. 4, International Studies Conference, 10th Session, Paris 1937. See also Count Albert Apponyi et a l . , Justice f o r Hungary, Longmans, Green and Co., London, 1928. e  T  4. See The Hungarian Student, pp. 2-5. A special magazine published by the Union of Free Hungarian Students (membership 7,9°0) i n memory of the Hungarian r e v o l t . 5. The Sociology of Georg Simmel, translated and edited by Kurt H. Wolf, The Free Press, Glencoe, 111., 1950, p. 3 2 5 . 6. Folberth, op. c i t . , p. 160. He omits to mention one of the most important aspects of the I.K., i t s fervent patriotism. 7. In spite of very strong pressure from H i t l e r , during the early war years, Hungary never followed the Nazi policy towards the jews, i n spite of the prejudices that existed. In 1939 many thousands of jews f l e e i n g from Poland were taken into Hungarian homes and cared f o r . See, f o r instance, M. Kallay, Hungarian Premier, Columbia University Press, New York, 1954, pp. 113-121. At Sopron the German influence was exemplified i n an organization known as the Volksbund. The Hungarian Nationalist I.K. and the German oriented Volksbund were b i t t e r enemies. Several clashes occurred i n which the I.K.  i  42 usually had the upper hand. After March 1944, the already decimated I.K. was further weakened by the removal of i t s leader by the Gestapo at the i n s t i g a t i o n of the Volksbund. For comment from the Jewish point of view on pre-war Hungarian student l i f e see George Mikes, The Hungarian Revolution, Andre Deutsch, London, 1957, p. 1 3 . 8 . J . S. Roue ek "Yugoslavia's Higher Institutes o f Learning," Journal of Higher, Education. 25:478-80, December 1954. 9.  Year 1921 1932 1939 1940 1942  Registration i n F i r s t Year of Forestry 80 16 30 70 120  Comment Abnormally high just a f t e r the war Abnormally low during the depression  10. "Balek est animal sine mente et ratione qui semper magnam quantitatem cigararum secum portat". An o f f i c i a l I.K. d e f i n i t i o n of Balek.  CHAPTER I I I SOPRON UNDER THE COMMUNISTS 1945 - 1956  1. The I n s t i t u t i o n  In order to understand the changes that occurred i n the educational system, i t i s necessary t o know something of the communist objective.  The new s o c i a l i s t society was  to be populated by the new s o c i a l i s t man.  The model f o r  the s o c i a l i s t man was the p r o l e t a r i a t , the i n d u s t r i a l workers i n p a r t i c u l a r .  Close brothers were the peasants.  The new society was t o be l e d by educated new s o c i a l i s t men.  1  The improvement of the s o c i a l composition of the Hungarian u n i v e r s i t i e s and secondary schools was primarily a p o l i t i c a l question. The educational and c u l t u r a l monopoly of the former r u l i n g classes had to be overthrown. In 194#-49 the proportion of children of working class and peasant o r i g i n was....40$;; by 1949-50 i t was 54$. (Hungarian B u l l e t i n No. 82, Budapest Nov. 195©)) In the school year of 1937-3S, only 3$ of...(students enrolled)) i n u n i v e r s i t i e s and colleges i n Hungary),... .came from working class or peasant f a m i l i e s . (Hungarian B u l l e t i n No. 130, Budapest Nov. 1952)^ I t must be noted that the seemingly enormous increase of the proportion of working class and peasant students i s l a r g e l y due to the expropriation and r e c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of the middle class i n Hungary.  E.g.: there were no middle  class farmers any more a f t e r c o l l e c t i v i z a t i o n ; s i m i l a r l y , a l l small shopkeepers were expropriated and were henceforth  44 c l a s s i f i e d as workers i n the employ o f the s t a t e . was,  thus, a large s h i f t i n the class boundaries,  There but only  i n a s t r i c t l y s t a t i s t i c a l sense. The f i r s t attempts at "improvement of the social composition" took the form of attacks on the r e l i g i o u s secondary schools (largely Roman C a t h o l i c ) . This began early i n 1946*  Roman Catholic student hostels were  commandeered arid turned over t o Young Communist organizations. The August 1947 " e l e c t i o n s " returned the Communist party i n strength and i n May 1948 they formally took over the reins of government with the "fusion" of the Communist and Social Democratic p a r t i e s . The new government wasted no time.  On June 18th 194#,  the r e l i g i o u s schools were nationalized.  Over 4,500 p r i e s t s ,  nuns and teachers were deprived of t h e i r work.*" 1  Another important  development was the setting up of the  Szakerettsegizet system^ as early as the 1946-47 school year.  This was an intermediate school system designed to  give students who had f i n i s h e d t h e i r elementary school but had gone no further, the chance to complete high school and qualify f o r u n i v e r s i t y entrance i n a period of two years instead o f the normal four.years.  Applicants had t o be  sponsored by the l o c a l party organization.  The purpose was,  of course, to create i n a short time a working class and  45 communist educated e l i t e .  As f a r as the s t a t i s t i c s of  u n i v e r s i t y enrolment were concerned this program was success; e.g.,  i n the 1952  quite a  f i r s t Year at Sopron there were  150 students, 66 of these came from SzakerettsegiV. -B,ut i n September 1956,  107 students were s t i l l i n f i f t h Year, thus  43 had dropped out.  Most of these were Szakerettsegizet  students, whose basic t r a i n i n g had proved to be inadequate to u n i v e r s i t y demands.  A further point was that p r a c t i c a l l y  none of these Szakerettsegizet students were communists as the regime had expected them to be. In Sopron the f i r s t change i n the i n s t i t u t i o n a l structure of the Mining, M e t a l l u r g i c a l and Forestry Engineering Faculty of the Joszef Nandor Technical University occurred i n September 1949  shortly a f t e r the inauguration  of the f i r s t Five Year Plan.  The Metallurgical department  was moved bodily to Miskolc, one of the centres of Hungarian heavy industry.  The Forestry department remained i n Sopron  but became a Faculty of the Agriculture University.  The  Mining department remained i n Sopron and also remained part of the Technical University which, however, was renamed Rakosi Matyas Technical University.  The f i r s t two Years of  the Mining department were s h i f t e d to Miskolc, s t a r t i n g i n 1949. In 1954  the Forestry Faculty was reduced i n rank to  Forest Engineering School.  This was apparently the result  of wrangling between the Department o f Lands and the Department  o f Forests within the Ministry of Lands and Forests under which came the Agriculture University.  An interesting  s i d e l i g h t was that i n Sopron the s t a f f didn't lose t h e i r t i t l e s , and s a l a r i e s were not cut as a r e s u l t of t h i s drop i n status of the i n s t i t u t i o n .  Zo Academic Organization  The u n i v e r s i t i e s i n Hungary were never o f f i c i a l l y deprived of t h e i r prized autonomy, but the cumulative effect of each small reform was to put every aspect of u n i v e r s i t y l i f e under government c o n t r o l . The spearhead of the government and party offensive at Sopron was the establishment department i n the Dean's ©ffice.  i n 194& of a Personnel This was headed by a  Party man.  A l l s t a f f appointments passed through here and  appropriate  control was exercised with constant  reference  to the extensive f i l e s that were kept here on each s t a f f member and student.  A l l information from the " r o l l c a l l s " ,  described on page 50, was f i l e d here, and f i v e f u l l time secretaries worked on t h i s material.  I t took over the  d i s c i p l i n a r y function previously exercised by the dean, but d i s c i p l i n a r y action was s t i l l taken i n the dean's name. Although-the structure of the decanal elections remained unchanged, (every two years by the f a c u l t y members,)  47 the nominations now were set by the Personnel department with the approval of the Ministry,  whereas before the war the o f f i c e  of dean was a very desirable position, under the communists i t became an onerous position with l i t t l e power but much responsibility. In 1949  admission examinations were introduced, "Not  a bad thing i n i t s e l f " , as one of the professors s a i d . These examinations were conducted by u n i v e r s i t y professors, but the admissions themselves were determined by a committee of Party men i n the Personnel department. Admission was on a dual basis of marks and "origin", according to the i n d i v i d u a l s place i n the "categories of o r i g i n " . These ranged from a high of "worker" to a very undesirable "class a l i e n " .  Percentage quotas were set for the various  categories of students. The quotas i n according to the r e g i s t r a r were:  mi Children of:  i9j6 17 23 60  I n t e l l e c t u a l s with diplomas 7 Other white c o l l a r workers j * Workers and peasants 70  100$  100$  The Dean had the power to admit f i v e per cent over the quota.  As t h i s f i v e per cent did not come under the o r i g i n  c l a s s i f i c a t i o n he was able to admit three i n t e l l e c t u a l s each year who otherwise would not have been able to study. Also at t h i s time the t o t a l number of forestry students was increased greatly i n accordance with the demand  48  of the Five Year Plan f o r more technicians.  In 1953  i t was discovered that there was a glut of forest engineers and the size of the years was  reduced.  Another requirement f o r admission was that the students write a comprehensive autobiography.  These were  repeated every year and the documents were compared with each other f o r inconsistencies.  One of my informants was  expelled i n his second year f o r omitting to mention that his father had fought against the Russians. At an early stage the government began to interfere i n the curriculum of the u n i v e r s i t i e s . was introduced as a compulsory  subject.  In 1949 Marxism In 1950- National ;  Defense and Russian language were introduced as subjects.  compulsory  P o l i t i c a l Economy also became compulsory.  These  lectures accounted f o r some twenty per cent of the students' time, eight hours a week or one year i n f i v e .  Marxism,  P o l i t i c a l Economy and Russian language were "Chairs".. The students nicknamed them "The Holy Trinity".,  These Chairs  were f i l l e d by young professors from Budapest who "knew nothing outside t h e i r specialty, and sometimes only with middle school q u a l i f i c a t i o n " . Marxism were held.  Monthly s t a f f seminars i n  Very competent lecturers were brought  i n from Budapest f o r these meetings; as i t was necessary to keep the professors at least on par with the students  who,  of course, were receiving lectures several times a week.  49  Also i n 1 9 5 0 , the f o r e s t r y t r a i n i n g was s p l i t into two l i n e s , f o r e s t r y and forest engineering, much the same d i v i s i o n as exists at the University of B r i t i s h  Columbia.  This experiment lasted only a short time, and, even while i n operation, was circumvented by professors juggling the time-tables. The examination system was changed twice. intermediate comprehensive  In 1948 the  exam " s z i g o r l a t " at the end of  the second Year was abolished. In 1953 the f i n a l was replaced by a type of thesis oral examination.  comprehensive After  successfully completing his course work,the candidate was required to spend at least three months working on some p r a c t i c a l f i e l d problem under the d i r e c t i o n of a professor. He had to write up h i s results and defend his work before a large committee consisting of both academic and p r a c t i c a l Forest Engineers.  It i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that t h i s  system also obtained i n the early 1 9 2 0 ' s . In accordance with the idea of t o t a l planning the students were expected to complete a l l t h e i r colloquia on schedule, whereas previously l e s s than f i f t y per cent had 6 done so, the rest taking them a semester l a t e r o r more. The r e s u l t of t h i s was that the average was lowered and the standard followed s u i t .  Another important change was  that a student could not f a i l a colloquium more than three times without being expelled. retake colloquia i n d e f i n i t e l y .  Previously, students could  50  The o l d system of intermittent r o l l c a l l s by the professors i n the class rooms was abolished.  Now the so  c a l l e d " r e g i s t r a t i o n " was taken at every class, and not by professors, but by the student D.I.SZ.w group leaders. A l l t h i s Information was turned over to the Personnel Department. In 1948 the f i r s t female forestry student attended 7  Sopron and by the next year there were twelve. The system of State Scholarships "stipemdia" was an essential feature of the new educational system.  As most students  came from working class or peasant families they could obviously not a f f o r d a u n i v e r s i t y t r a i n i n g . 8 abolished at u n i v e r s i t i e s .  Stipendia  A l l fees were  to cover l i v i n g costs  were granted to students on the basis of p o l i t i c a l status, income of parents, class o r i g i n and academic quality, i n descending order of importance.  Needless to say recommend-  ations f o r increase or decrease of the amount of a stipendium passed through the Personnel department. 3. Students' Social Organization  National Background Out of the chaos of 1945 sprang dozens of youth organizations.  Every sphere of a c t i v i t y i n society had  51  several organizations competing f o r members i n each sphere. The competing organizations often corresponded to p o l i t i c a l and r e l i g i o u s d i v i s i o n s .  From 1945 to 1948  out as the communists gained power.  the f i e l d thinned  The f i r s t to go were  the Catholic and Reformed youth movements, banned by Minister of the I n t e r i o r , Laszlo Rajk, i n the summer of 1946. the end of 1947  At  a l l non-communist p o l i t i c a l youth movements  were l i q u i d a t e d .  In June 194#,  when the communists o f f i c i a l l y  took over the government there were three youth organizations remaining; M.I.N.SZ. (People's Federation of Hungarian Youth) a general organization; SZ.I.T. (Federation of Ygung Trade Unionists); a workers' organization; and l a s t l y E.P.O.SZ. (United Federation of Peasant Youth) a peasant organization. These were a l l communist dominated. In the u n i v e r s i t i e s the above mentioned r e l i g i o u s and p o l i t i c a l organizations had received support, but there were two main competing s p e c i f i c a l l y period 1945  to 1948,  student organizations i n the  the communist i n c l i n e d NE.KO.SZ.  (National Association of People's Student Residences); and the n o n - p o l i t i c a l M.E.F.E.SZ. (Association of Hungarian University and College Unions)).  In 1948  the NE.KO.SZ. was  Q absorbed into the M.I.N.SZ. and the M.E.F.E.SZ, was banned. The D.I.SZ. On February 10th, 1950,  Matyas Rakosi announced the  creation of a youth organization s i m i l a r t o the Komsomol,  52  t h i s was achieved through the u n i f i c a t i o n of M.I.N.SZ., SZ.I.T., and E..P.0.SZ...  This new organization,. D.I.SZ.  (Democratic Youth Association), was a country wide organization f o r youth i n a l l spheres of society.  Membership was  compulsory f o r university and secondary school students i f they wished to remain at an i n s t i t u t e of learning. S i m i l a r l y i f young workers wished to get ahead, or even r e t a i n t h e i r jobs, they had to j o i n D.I.SZ..*^ The glorious objective had been attained, a l l Hungarian youth was f i g h t i n g shoulder to shoulder f o r the new s o c i a l i s t order. In Sopron an appointed D.I.SZ. leader, not a student, presided over a committee of Year presidents who were "elected" from approved candidates i n the f i r s t semester of the  Year at Sopron.  These presidents remained i n o f f i c e  throughout the entire l i f e of the Year at Sopron.  Each Year  was broken up into groups of 1 5 - 20 students each of which chose a leader.  Each group t r i e d to get a non-communist  into t h i s p o s i t i o n .  The composition of these groups was  randomly selected (alphabetically);, except i n one respect. Szakerettsegizet students were spaced evenly throughout the  groups.  Thus, the 1 5 0 f i r s t Year students i n 1 9 5 were 2  divided into seven groups of about 20 students and i n each group there were about eight Szakerettsegizet  men.  53 The I.K. and the New  Order  As previously mentioned i t was not u n t i l September 1946 that s o c i a l l i f e i n Sopron returned to a r e l a t i v e l y normal state, by pre-war standards.  In October 1946 a  Balek Szakesthely was held, a l b e i t a somewhat subdued one, owing to the s t i l l extremely d i f f i c u l t l i v i n g conditions. Communist a c t i v i t y increased greatly i n t h i s period, always backed up by the presence of Russian troops.  The p o s i t i o n  of the I.K. was o f f i c i a l l y non-communist and therefore, i n the eyes of the communists, anti-communist.  The I.K. b u i l d i n g  was confiscated i n 1947, and i n June 1948 the I.K.  was  formally dissolved, as were a l l other similar.organizations at other Hungarian u n i v e r s i t i e s .  An i n t e r e s t i n g character-  i s t i c of t h i s period was the increased p a r t i c i p a t i o n of professors i n the a f f a i r s of the I.K..  r—  Professors attended  the meetings and had a considerable voice i n policymaking. In the f a l l of 1949 a l l the o l d I.K. customs (as the students referred to them, the Selmec customs)} were proh i b i t e d as reactionary. Baptisms, Szakesthelys, uniforms and the o l d songs were banned.  Even the term Balek  o f f i c i a l l y dispensed with as being undemocratic.  was  However,  cessation of these a c t i v i t i e s was by no means simultaneous with t h e i r o f f i c i a l p r o s c r i p t i o n . case. big  The reverse was almost the  As one older professor saidr Bruderschaft was on the decrease ever since 1750, with drops i n the l 8 8 0 s , 1924 and 194°. However, when the f  54 Communists banned I.K. i n 194#, again very strongly.  Bruderschaft came back  A good example i s the 1951 Szakesthely, the r e s u l t of which was the expulsion of 42 ( s i c X students. The revolution of 1956 i s the best example of t h i s Bruderschaft emerging. This s p i r i t of brotherhood must not be conceived of as embodied i n an organized social structure, merely awaiting an opportunity to emerge into the open.  N6, the communist  policy was highly successful insofar as i t made i t impossible f o r groups of any appreciable s i z e to engage i n any a c t i v i t y unbeknownst to the a u t h o r i t i e s . was maintained.  A state of "planned anomie"  "The essence of the communist system was  to t r y to make everyone f e e l alone".  Entrance and S o c i a l i z a t i o n With the o l d s o c i a l structure swept away, the  new  student merely transferred from h i s secondary school branch of D.I.SZ. to the university branch.  Whereas i n the prewar  days the neophyte student had been l e d by the nose into the new l i f e by the older students, now he was faced with the problem of whom to trust i n the new environment. The following autobiographical account  illustrates  t h i s problem of "where to f i t i n " , or "with what individuals and/or groups to relate oneself":, which faced every student, communist or non-communist, on a r r i v a l at the u n i v e r s i t y .  55  J. attended a Roman Catholic secondary school i n S.... The fathers were kicked out i n 194& and i t became a municipal school. By the time J . l e f t (June 1949) there were four communists at the school. Once J. h i t one of them and the communist threatened him, but J.'s study record was very good and he was admitted to u n i v e r s i t y . There were three boys from t h i s Roman Catholic school i n the f i r s t Year at Sopron. This t r i o looked around and did not know whom they could t r u s t , and whom they couldn't. 1  J. went to a t h i r d Year student whom he had known at school i n S.... From him the t r i o learned that the whole of the t h i r d Year was trustworthy, but that the second Year was divided. Also through the t h i r d Year they contacted other small groups of friends i n t h e i r own Year, and by the end o f the f i r s t month, already 75 per cent o f the f i r s t Year knew one another. By the end o f the second month they had isolated four communists. Shortly afterwards three of these obtained scholarships to study i n Rumania. They threatened t o beat up the remaining one i f he reported on t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s . This seemed e f f e c t i v e . Thus, the whole Year was free of communists. J . was very proud o f t h i s . He estimated that: 1947 - a l l good; 1948 - 70 per cent good; 1949 a l l good; 195° a l l good; 1951 only 50 per cent good. J . drew a l i n e a f t e r 1950. However, from other informants i t appears that the same process, but on a more l i m i t e d scale took place a f t e r  1951.  E.g.t i n 1955 some 60 per cent o f the f i r s t Year students knew where they stood with t h e i r Year mates a f t e r a period of two months.  But there was always a large residue about  which no one was sure.  The following i s from a student who  made up part of t h i s residue. For two years i n the Szakerettsegizet he studied hard, spoke up d u t i f u l l y i n the current events seminars, and uttered the same cliches as everyone else. He did not talk about h i s true thoughts with anyone, as did none with him. After graduation, he and two others from the same school entered the forestry faculty at Sopron. I t was only here that these three f i r s t talked together i n an honest fashion. They a l l discovered that each had r e l a t i v e s i n the West or some other such damning ( i n the eyes of the communists) thing. Their relations with  56 the other f i r s t Year students at Sopron remained distant u n t i l a f t e r the revolution. They were looked upon with some suspicion by the other students because they had been to a Szakerettsegizet. It should be remembered that the d a i l y routine of the students of any one Year was conducive to s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y . They were together the whole day going to classes, eating at the Mensa, and sleeping at the Kollegiums. About two thirds of the forestry students l i v e d i n the two Kollegium buildings.  One was f o r f i r s t , second and  t h i r d Year students and the other f o r fourth and f i f t h students.  Years  These i n s t i t u t i o n s were at the same time an  integrating force f o r the Years and also a control mechanism f o r the authorities, because there were always some communists scattered throughout the building: G. l i v e d i n a private house. He was lucky to get a good room. I t was much better than the Kollegium, there was more privacy. You could l i s t e n to any radio s t a t i o n you l i k e d without fearing someone would report you to the A.V.H.  Persistence of the Old Traditions Up to the end of the 1950-1951 academic year the o l d Selmec t r a d i t i o n s were practised consistently and f a i r l y universally by the students, but, o f course, i n secret.  In  May 1951 a government commission which had been appointed to investigate the p o l i t i c a l s i t u a t i o n i n Hungarian came to Sopron.  universities  On the basis of the commission's report  the Ministry of Education issued a decree expelling f o r t y f i v e students and three professors.  57 In May 1951 (at the end of his second Year) there came two men and a woman from Budapest. He was c a l l e d into the o f f i c e and questioned. "Why did you omit to mention that your father was a Hungarian o f f i c e r f i g h t i n g the Russians?" ( i n h i s autobiography). "Do you belong to the I.K.?" He said he didn't. He waited outside with some 30 others f o r three hours. Then he was t o l d to go t o another o f f i c e where he was handed a paper saying he was expelled from university on two counts; 1. He had not t o l d the truth i n his autobiography; 2. He belonged to the f a s c i s t I.K. but d i d not admit i t . He went back to h i s lodging where a plainclothes A.V.H. man t o l d him he must be out of town by the day a f t e r next. He asked why, but was t o l d to mind h i s own business. Altogether 45 students were expelled f o r these and other reasons. From fourth Year 28; 12 from t h i r d Year; two from second Year, and three from f i r s t Year. (At t h i s time there was no f i f t h Year). It i s also interesting to note that 41 of the students were foresters and only four were i n mining.  Perhaps t h i s  was because by t h i s time most of the miners had been trained in Miskolc and thus had no contact with the I.K. customs. This "lesson" appeared t o break the back of any organized resistance t o D.I.SZ. (for any a c t i v i t y outside of D.I.SZ. was construed as anti-D.I.SZ. a c t i v i t y ) by setting a stern example to the other students, and by breaking any continuity that might have remained as f a r as older students passing t r a d i t i o n s down to the younger students was concerned.  From  t h i s time on occasional baptisms were performed casually, maybe at drinking parties i n cafes. In 1953 things were relaxed to a certain extent as a r e s u l t of Imre Nagy's general policy and the lack of leadership i n the communist party at t h i s time.  In Sopron, of the  5* 28 fourth Year students expelled i n May 1951, 27 were permitted to return f o r t h e i r comprehensive exams i n t h i s period.  The graduate procession (Ballagas); was allowed  again, and a few forestry uniforms reappeared.  The l a t t e r ,  however was short l i v e d : G. was wearing a uniform once i n a theatre (in 1954)'. The u n i v e r s i t y Party secretary saw him and ordered him home at once. He had paid good money f o r the t i c k e t s , so he ignored the order. He was thrown out by two policemen called f o r by secretary ...... Soon a f t e r , there was an announcement forbidding the wearing of uniforms. The penalty was expulsion. G. said they made an issue of the uniforms because they were symbols of the o l d t r a d i t i o n which the communists were t r y i n g t o replace with s o c i a l i s t order. Thus, the students at the Forestry Secondary School i n Sopron wore uniforms, this was allowed because the school was founded i n 1946 and could therefore be considered a s o c i a l i s t achievement. In spite of this temporary  relaxation, i t can safely be  said that by 1956 few of the students knew much about the content of the Selmec customs, although a l l knew o f them.  59  FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER. I l l 1. For a d i s c u s s i o n of the i d e a l b a s i c p e r s o n a l i t y o f t h e New Man s e e ; R . A . B a u e r , The New Man i n S o v i e t P s y c h o l o g y , Harvard U n i v e r s i t y Press, Cambridge,Mass., 1952. 2. B o t h i t e m s q u o t e d i n U . N . C o m m i t t e e o n Human R i g h t s Document; 1 9 5 6 , E / C N . / p . S u b . , 2 / L . 9^ A d d . 28, New Y o r k . E s t i m a t e s made b y S o p r o n p r o f e s s o r s p u t t h e p r e - w a r p e r c e n t a g e o f s t u d e n t s o f w o r k e r and p e a s a n t o r i g i n a t 30 per cent o f the t o t a l at S o p r o n , though t h e y conceded t h e r e w e r e more w o r k e r s a n d p e a s a n t s a t S o p r o n t h a n a t any o t h e r u n i v e r s i t y i n H u n g a r y .  -  3. J . MIndzenty, An A u t h o r i z e d White Book, C a r d i n a l M i n d z e n t y S p e a k s , L o n g m a n s , G r e e n a n d C o . , New Y o r k , 1949,  pp.  83-95.  4.  I b i d . , p. 186.  5.  See  1956.  pp  E.  C. Helmreich,  (ed.,)! Hungary, Praeger,  New Y o r k ,  200-201.  6. P r e s s u r e was b r o u g h t t o b e a r on t h e p r o f e s s o r s t o p a s s b e l o w s t a n d a r d s t u d e n t s w i t h communist a f f i l i a t i o n s o r parents. 7. M o s t o f my m a l e a n d f e m a l e i n f o r m a n t s a p p e a r e d t o c o n c u r t h a t s t u d y i n g e n g i n e e r i n g was " n o t f o r w o m e n " , b u t when t h e c o m m u n i s t s came e v e r y b o d y h a d t o go t o w o r k . N a t u r a l l y t h e women d i d n o t a l l w a n t t o w o r k i n f a c t o r i e s , s o t h e y came t o u n i v e r s i t y t o become e n g i n e e r s . V e r y f e w women became f o r e s t e r s , b u t t e n d e d t o f i n d employment i n b i o l o g i c a l or other research i n s t i t u t e s . In the interviews a l s o b o t h m a l e s a n d f e m a l e s a g r e e d t h a t t h e woman's p l a c e was i n t h e home and t h a t i t was o n l y t h e e x c e p t i o n a l e c o n o m i c h a r d s h i p s i n H u n g a r y t h a t f o r c e d them o u t t o w o r k . Average Monthly Stipend R e c e i v e d i n 1 9 5 6 , by Y e a r , i n F o r i n t s  8.  Years I 374  II  III  IV  233  367  359  V 397  Average a l l  Years  346  (For g e n e r a l remarks r e g a r d i n g t h e sample f r o m w h i c h i n f o r m a t i o n was o b t a i n e d , s e e p a g e 111 I n S o p r o n t h e Mensa (board) c o s t 240 f o r i n t a m o n t h . The K o l l e g i u m ( l o d g i n g ) o r a p r i v a t e room c o s t 50 f o r i n t a month o r more. this  60  9« For a study of youth organizations i n t h i s extremely chaotic, period see Robert Gabor, "The Organization and . Strategy o f the Hungarian Workers! (communist)! Party." National_Committee f o r a Free Europe, Research and Publication Service, Hungarian Section, New York, October 1 9 5 2 , pp. 43-51, (mim.J. ~~ !  10. Eisenstadt's analysis of youth organizations of revolutionary movements and parties only touches upon the problem of the "established revolutionary organization" i n which membership i s compulsory and which advocates new values and s o c i a l forms which are repugnant to the majority of members. S.N. Eisenstadt, From Generation to Generation, The Free Press, Glencoe, 111., 1956, pp. 311-316.  CHAPTER IV MAIN AREAS OF CHANGE 1. The Educational System  There i s no doubt that many changes i n the Hungarian educational system would have taken place a f t e r the second World War, even i f there had been no communists i n the country.  Many reforms were long overdue, especially i n  the secondary school system.  But the accession of the  communists t o power meant a basic change i n the philosophy of education, which necessitated a restructuring of the whole system.  It must be remembered that education was only  one sphere o f the t o t a l society and that the communist goal was the transformation of the t o t a l society. Education, f o r instance, i s never considered as an end i n i t s e l f , or as a means to promote the personal f u l f i l m e n t and c u l t u r a l development of c i t i z e n s . From the standpoint o f the regime, education i s a way to t r a i n personnel to meet the manpower needs of an expanding i n d u s t r i a l society, to a l l o c a t e this manpower i n a preliminary way, to grade and select within t h i s manpower pool, and t o develop l o y a l , r e l i a b l e c i t i z e n s . A postwar textbook describes "Communist education" as the preparation of the younger generation f o r a c t i v e p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the building of Communist society and f o r the defense of the Soviet government which i s b u i l d ing that s o c i e t y . l The s o c i a l engineering whereby these changes were to be implemented was "revolutionary", i n that i t involved the wholesale destruction of old forms and the creation of new forms without necessarily any reference to the preceding  62  structures.  Mechanisms f o r s t r i c t control i n the interim  period were necessary, thus the A.V.H. system.  Theoretically  the whole state structure i t s e l f i s considered a temporary arrangement i n the long run. attained i t w i l l thus, i s defined  When the ideal society i s  "wither away" by i t s e l f .  "Interim period",  i n terms of decades.  The immediate aim of the communists with regard to education was to Improve the s o c i a l composition" of the u n i v e r s i t i e s and secondary schools.  This involved  rearrang-  ing entrance requirement systems, and t h i s i n turn involved depriving the u n i v e r s i t i e s of t h e i r autonomy i n t h i s matter. The second aim was the introduction of new  subjects i n the  c u r r i c u l a which would impart basic s o c i a l i s t knowledge to a l l u n i v e r s i t y graduates.  This also involved encroaching  upon the u n i v e r s i t i e s autonomy. 1  A l a t e n t function was  lengthen most degree programs by one quarter.  to  The t h i r d  aim, without which the previous two might not be e f f e c t i v e , was the regimentation  of the student i n a l l aspects of his  l i f e at the u n i v e r s i t y .  This involved mainly the destruction  of " t r a d i t i o n a l " student s o c i a l organization and the equation (gleichschaltung): of u n i v e r s i t y students with a l l other youth. This also involved the s t r i c t system of control through informers and supervision by party members.  Control  was  also exercised by the d i s t r i b u t i o n of government grants.  63 As very few students could afford u n i v e r s i t y without f i n a n c i a l assistance, these stipendia formed a useful and f l e x i b l e control mechanism.  2. The I n s t i t u t i o n Viewed from the point of view of i t s position i n the s o c i e t a l structure the status of the Sopron Faculty was changed by the advent of the communists i n two  respects.  F i r s t , the emphasis in the new society was on heavy industry and the building up of the <country's i n d u s t r i a l capacity. Hence the removal of the Metallurgical department  and the  f i r s t two Years of the Mining department to Miskolc Secondly, the large a r i s t o c r a t i c estates i n Hungary had been one of the chief sources of" prestige f o r university trained f o r e s t e r s .  The p o s i t i o n of Forest Engineer on one  of these estates was comparable to other professional posts both i n prestige and remuneration.  The a b o l i t i o n  of the estates, and the whole a r i s t o c r a t i c system, l e d to a decrease i n the status of f o r e s t e r s .  As a matter of  f a c t , foresters were one of the lowest paid u n i v e r s i t y 2 trained professionals i n Hungary.  The basic salary f o r a l l  university trained professionals was 1200 f o r i n t a month upon graduation.  However, expense accounts and special  allowances increased t h i s sum considerably f o r some of the young professionals.  E.g., Mining engineers received a  64  4 0 0 f o r i n t a month allowance f o r "the dangerous nature of t h e i r work." of t h i s kind.  Forest Engineers did not receive allowances The one exception was f o r foresters engaged  i n b i o l o g i c a l research.  That t h i s area of research enjoyed  high prestige and rewards was  connected with i t s  implications for communist ideology, f o r instance the work of Lysenko and  Michurin.  F i r s t , the s h i f t i n g of the Faculty from the Technical University to the Agriculture University, and  finally  the downgrading of the Faculty to the status of Technical High School i n 1 9 5 4 are i n d i c a t i v e of the above process. The function of the i n s t i t u t i o n i n the wider society changed r e l a t i v e l y l i t t l e except insofar as i t was to turn out not only Forest Engineers but also socialist  expected  new  intellectuals.  3« Academic Organization This internal aspect of the i n s t i t u t i o n underwent considerable change mainly as a r e s u l t of the communist 3 need f o r control within the i n s t i t u t i o n .  Thus we  see  the academic autonomy disappear and appointment of s t a f f , exercise of d i s c i p l i n e , content of the curriculum and admission of students become determined by the central government either by d i r e c t decree or through party members ensconced i n strategic positions i n the u n i v e r s i t y structure.  6  5  Most of t h i s change did not take the form of change i n tfche formal structure of the academic organization, but was  embodied more i n the form of pressures  individuals within the e x i s t i n g structure*  exerted on  As a r e s u l t  individuals were able t o exercise some control with  regard  to retaining some of the t r a d i t i o n a l functions of their p a r t i c u l a r positions.  For instance, the Dean was  in two ways i n the h i r i n g and f i r i n g of s t a f f .  limited  First,  s t a f f hired could not be of known anti-communist  tendencies,  and i n reverse s t a f f who were party members could not be f i r e d .  Secondly, s t a f f concerned with the "Holy T r i n i t y "  subjects f e l l pretty well outside the j u r i s d i c t i o n of the Dean. In 1951,  and 195 , 2  oppression, the pressures  the years of the S t a l i n i s t exerted were very great and  Dean was l i t t l e more than a figurehead. S t a l i n ' s death early i n 1953,  the  However, with  and the ensuing struggle f o r  power within the communist party and the concomitant uncertainty amongst communist o f f i c i a l s everywhere as to the "Party l i n e " , the pendulum began a swing i n the opposite direction.^"  In many areas the Dean could a c t u a l l y  dictate to the Personnel  department which was  temporarily  hamstrung because of the lack of firm d i r e c t i v e s from Budapest. Structural change mainly took the form of additions to the e x i s t i n g structure rather than substitution.  The  66 Personnel o f f i c e , the Marxist seminars, ideological additions to the technical and s c i e n t i f i c curriculum, and the compulsory Teachers Union,  4. Student Social  were a l l examples of t h i s ,  Organization  In t h i s sphere, i n contrast to the academic organization, change was characterized by o f f i c i a l d i s s o l u t i o n of old forms and the introduction of completely new structures, which i n turn were characterized by t h e i r attempts t o break down b a r r i e r s between the u n i v e r s i t i e s and other spheres of society. Where the o v e r a l l aim o f the general society i s strong ( p a r t i c u l a r l y p o l i t i c a l ) c e n t r a l i z a t i o n , i t i s antagonistic to a l l special associations, quite i r r e s p e c t i v e of t h e i r contents and purposes.6 The  I.K. represented a "special association" par excellence.  The  communists introduced  the D.I.SZ. which was a  universal youth organization and to which a l l youth belonged i r r e s p e c t i v e of spheres of society.  For example the leader  of the Sopron d i s t r i c t branch of the D.I.SZ. might or might not be a student ( i n practise he never was)}.  The  If.iusagi Kor Although the I.K. was not s t r i c t l y a secret society  i n Simmel s sense, i t had many features i n common with f  his analysis of t h i s type of association.  With regard to  membership everybody who was not e x p l i c i t l y included was  67  excluded.  No more than a certain number of students  could enter each year and c e r t a i n classes of people were excluded  a priori.  Membership i n the group was not  hidden, on the contrary i t was often advertised by the wearing of uniforms and rings, and p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n public ceremonies.  Equality and brotherhood among members were  stressed.** Sopron had the l e a s t amont of r i c h students i n Hungary. I t was famous throughout Hungary f o r i t s democracy. The only difference between the dukes* sons and the foresters* sons was that the former paid more often f o r the beer. Many of the "highly valued usages, formulas and r i t e s "  9  were kept secret, e s p e c i a l l y from the newcomers, at l e a s t u n t i l they were i n i t i a t e d .  A certain degree of severance  from the norms of the i n c l u s i v e society characterized not only the I.K. but also the whole i n s t i t u t i o n with i t s prized notion of autonomy.  The Tobias t r a d i t i o n i l l u s t r a t e d  a permissiveness toward the students on the part of the larger society. ^ 1  But i t can hardly be said that the I.K.  had l e f t the "general normative order" with the implications of t h i s that Simmel postulated.  On the contrary,  the I.K. was well integrated into the general community i n Sopron. The banning of the I.K. and a l l r e l a t e d a c t i v i t i e s i n 1948 meant that a l l a c t i v i t i e s carried out had to be conducted "underground".  The I.K. became a secret society  which functioned f o r two and a h a l f years u n t i l the putsch  68 of A p r i l ,  1951.  The I.K. had been placed outside the new normative order.  The role of u n i v e r s i t y student had been redefined.  Although my data i s sparse on t h i s period, i t would seem to support Simmel*s proposition concerning the character of r i t u a l i n secret s o c i e t i e s . r i t u a l s now  The secret practise of the  constituted an act of defiance against the  new  order, they thus became an end i n themselves. The s o c i a l organization of the pre-war I.K. p a r t l y "constructed**  11  was  and partly "natural", the l a t t e r  being the d i v i s i o n into Years, the former being the godparent system.  It i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that the s o c i a l distance  between the Years varied i n different periods.  In the  early t h i r t i e s there was l e s s difference than i n the l a t e thirties.  The communists swept away the I.K. structure  and with i t the "constructed" godparent system, which had performed a binding function between the Years.  The Years  remained and the s o c i a l distance between them increased. A professor said; The Year difference was not so big i n my time as i t i s now. They are always f i g h t i n g with each other.  69  FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER IV 1. R. Bauer, A. Inkeles and C. Kluckhohn, How the Soyiet System Works, Harvard University Press, Cambridge 1956, p. 4 7 . For a primary source see A. P. Pinkevitch "The University in Soviet Russia", i n W. Kotsehnig and E. Prys, (eds.), The University i n a Changing World; A Symposium, Oxford University Press, London, 1 9 3 2 . Further discussion can be found i n E. C. Helmreich, (ed.), Hungary, Praeger, New York, 1956, pp. 1 9 6 - 1 9 7 . Also Kingsley Davis, Human Society, Macmillan Co., New York, 1948, pp. 2 2 9 f . 2. The average wage was around 1 , 0 0 0 f o r i n t a month. The range was from 600 f o r i n t f o r peasants; 800-1,000 f o r i n t f o r white c o l l a r workers; 1,000-1,200 f o r i n t f o r factory workers. "Worker a r i s t o c r a t s " earned upward of 2 , 0 0 0 f o r i n t . Established professional men earned from 1,800 f o r i n t up. 3. Merle Fainsod describes three main channels of authority which characterize the communist basic pattern of control: The administrative-—technical; the Party; the secret p o l i c e . See "Controls and Tensions in the Soviet System", American P o l i t i c a l Science Review, 4 4 : 2 7 9 , June 1 9 5 0 . It would seem that i n Hungary, only when an administrator i s also a Party member, does he have any degree of control. 4. For some i n t e r e s t i n g comments on the general relaxation in the Nagy period see P. Willen, "Communist Hungary;; The Locusts and the Briefcases", The Reporter, October 2 1 s t , 1954,  PP.  31-33.  5. The high fees, 6 0 f o r i n t a month,, didn't appear to "buy" anything i n the Szakszervet (Teachers' Union). In 1 9 5 6 a member could get a hotel room i n a holiday resort with a small discount. 6. Georg Simmel, The Sociology of Georg Simmel, translated and edited by Kurt H. Wolff, Glencoe, 1 1 1 . , The Free Press, 1950, p. 3 7 5 . • 7.  Ibid., p. 3 6 9 . Ihid., p. 3 2 5 , 3 7 4 .  9.  Ibid., p. 3 5 8 .  1 0 . This i s probably true of the role of u n i v e r s i t y student a l l over the world. Perhaps a degree of permissiveness i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of a l l " s e l f - l i q u i d a t i n g " r o l e s . See S. F. Nadel, The Theory of-Social Structure. Cohen and West, London, 1 9 5 7 , pp. 1 2 9 f . 1 1 . Simmel, op. c i t . , p. 3 5 7 .  CHAPTER V THE REVOLUTION IN SOPRON  The events of the Hungarian revolution of October and November 1956  have been well documented elsewhere.  1  It i s  my intention t o record here only those happenings which occurred i n Sopron, or which d i r e c t l y influenced the Sopron stu dents. It was the Hungarian i n t e l l e c t u a l s and students  who  took the most active part i n the events immediately preceding and leading up to the revolution i t s e l f .  The  formation  and evolution of the Petofi l i t e r a r y C i r c l e i s well known. This general unrest i n i n t e l l e c t u a l c i r c l e s excited much discussion i n small c i r c l e s of intimate friends at Sopron.  Sopron s t i n y allotment of the newspaper of the  Writers  Union "Irodalmi Ujsag" was  1  1  always snapped up  immediately on delivery at the s t a t i o n . However things were quieter i n Sopron than at the other Hungarian u n i v e r s i t i e s because of i t s proximity to the border, which meant there was  s t r i c t e r A.V.Hi. and  2  supervision.  Another reason f o r s t r i c t e r supervision  was the fact that the Sopron Faculty, being one of the oldest and most t r a d i t i o n a l u n i v e r s i t i e s , was  regarded  by the communists as a possible hotbed of reaction and  Party  71  therefore necessitated close watching. The f i r s t c r y s t a l l i z a t i o n of d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n i n Sopron was the r e l a t i v e l y innocuous  student demand f o r "a  more comfortable l i f e " , , namely more money.  Gn October 19th  the Dean attended an extraordinary meeting o f university rectors in Budapest at which the Minister of Education announced the discontinuation of compulsory Russian language study, and made some promises regarding M i l i t a r y Defense t r a i n i n g . October 20th.^  This was published i n Siabad Nep of  Also on October 20th the u n i v e r s i t y  students at Szeged broke t h e i r o f f i c i a l t i e s with D.I.SZ. and founded t h e i r own organization, suited to "the needs of university students", under the name of M.E.F.E.SZ^ (Hungarian University and Academic Students Association}.^  Other  meetings throughout the country were reported i n the press and radio.' On the evening of the 21st a small group of students met  secretly and made plans f o r future action.  They  organized l i n e s of communication with the Budapest students and planned a general meeting of a l l Sopron students within a few days.  Events moved faster than expected and  the general meeting was proclaimed f o r the afternoon of the 22nd of October.  This meeting was packed with  enthusiastic students and 30 demands were formulated. These can be divided i n t o three groups;  (1)}. General  national Hungarian demands—withdraw Russian troops, keep  72  Hungarian uranium i n Hungary, etc,;; ( 2 ) .  General student  demands—withdraw from D.I.SZ. and set up a M'.E.F.E.SZI., more money f o r stipendia, freedom to choose jobs a f t e r graduation; ( 3 ) . Sopron student demands—return the f i r s t and second Year raining students to Sopron from Miskolc, more pay f o r Forest Engineers, return the old customs and uniforms, reopen the theatre i n Sopron town.  At t h i s  meeting also a students' council was elected which consisted of a president and two representatives from each Year.  The same evening the u n i v e r s i t y press printed several-  thousand copies of these demands which were sent to other u n i v e r s i t i e s and to the radio and newspapers.  The communists  took no action during these events, apparently awaiting instructions from Budapest.  -  •  When the Sopron students learned that the Budapest students were going to hold demonstrations of s o l i d a r i t y with the people of Poland the next afternoon, a demonstration was organized f o r Sopron.  On the afternoon of the  23rd  there was a s i l e n t procession through the streets of Sopron, with the whole populace looking on with s i l e n t approval. Later they discovered that A.V.H. machinegunners had trained t h e i r weapons on the demonstration from the top of the Post Office building i n case of any trouble. When the news of the radio station events i n Budapest 7 reached Sopron, just a f t e r Gero's provocative speech, students began to take over control i n Sopron.  the  73  Communist municipal o f f i c i a l s resigned and the students took over the municipal government u n t i l the 28th of October, when a new c i t y council was resentatives on i t .  elected with two student rep-  In t h i s period the students reorganized  the police force, organized the food supply f o r Sopron and a t r a n s f e r centre f o r food and medicine brought i n from Austria.  They disarmed the A.V.H. men  i n the town and  established s o l i d a r i t y with the l o c a l units of the Hungarian Army.  There were no Russian soldiers stationed i n or near  Sopron. The f a i r l y extreme nature of the Sopron students' demands can be seen from the following text: Radio Free Gyor, Monday, October 2 9 , 1 2 r 3 8 p m . A four member delegation representing professors and students (in Sopron) has arrived i n Gyor t o present i t s demands.... Many of the demands made by the Sopron students agree with the demands made by the trade unions and the Petofi Club.,., (but) they state that they do not agree with the present composition of parliament and the government.... and do not believe them suitable (organs) f o r drawing up a new e l e c t o r a l law. They demand that a new parliament be formed from representatives of town and v i l l a g e national councils..,. They demand a r e v i s i o n of our r e l a t i o n s to the Soviet Union and f u l l compensation f o r damages caused by our dependence on the Soviet Union. They do not agree with ]inr,e Nagy s address yesterday i n which he announced that the security police would be disbanded, They demand from the government an announcement that the security p o l i c e has already been dissolved.? f  On November 1st the students obtained arms from the l o c a l army units, and i n the next two days, as i t became apparent that the Russians were returning, a plan f o r the defense of Sopron was drawn up.  Emplacements f o r the  74 anti-tank cannon they had obtained from the Hungarian  soldiers  were set up guarding the narrow neck of land joining the Sopron d i s t r i c t , depicted on the map on page 75 of Hungary.  to the rest  The students appeared to be quite confident  of t h e i r a b i l i t y to keep the Russians at bay.  They calculated  the Russians would not use a i r power because of the close proximity of the b a t t l e area t o the Austrian border. As the Russians approached on the morning of November 4th,  some 200 older students went out to man the emplacements,  but they found that the anti-tank cannon had been tampered with and were useless. leave the country. i n the afternoon.  There was nothing f o r i t but to  The armed group crossed the border early Later i n the afternoon a group of 400 of  those who were i n the town l e f t .  These included the students'^  council, most of those who had been on armed police duty i n the town and anybody else who wanted to l e a v e . 200 students chose to remain.  1 0  About  76 FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER V 1.  See bibliography.  2. Special passes were required f o r movement within a s t r i p 3 0 kilometers deep along the border. A l l Sopron residents had these. Other passes were necessary f o r movement within one kilometer of the border, these were very d i f f i c u l t to obtain. 3. Paul E. Zinner, (ed.), National Communism and Popular Revolt i n Eastern Europe, Columbia University Press, New York, 1 9 5 6 , p. 3 9 0 . 4. Szabad Nep, October 21st, 1956, op. c i t . , p. 391.)  (quoted i n Zinner  5. See M. J . Lasky, (ed.), The Hungarian Revolution. A White Book, Seeker and Warburg Ltd., London, 1957, pp. 41-44; Laszlo Beke, A Student's Diary. MacMillan, Toronto, 1957, pp. 14-24; U.N. Report of the Special Committee on the Problem of Hungary, General Assembly O f f i c i a l Records. 11th Session, Supplement No. Id ( A / 3 5 9 2 ) ' , New York, 1957, pp. 78-80. For reproductions of the resolutions adopted at some of these meetings see U.N. Report, pp. 73-77. 6. Although i t seems here, by the number of demands mentioned i n the t h i r d group, that the Soproners were very concerned with t h e i r own situation,, i t must be remembered the bulk of the demands f e l l into the f i r s t 7.  group.  Lasky, op. c i t . , p. 51.  8. Pictures of the Sopron students' council meetings and a short description of t h e i r work appears i n "Cry Hungary", Picture Post, (special issue), London, 1956. 9. The Revolt i n Hungary, a documentary chronology of events based exclusively on internal broadcasts by central and provincial radios, Free Europe Committee, New York, 1956, p. 37. For the Sopron Students' plea to Mr. Nehru to intercede f o r the Hungarians with the Russians, see p. 78. 10. "The majority of students i n Sopron were intimidated by Fascists and taken in trucks to A u s t r i a . This i s how 15 and 16 year o l d students of the^opron Forestry College were taken out of the country". Nepszabadsag, November 2 9 t h , 1956, quoted i n East Europe, 6 : 2 2 , January 1957.  CHAPTER VI FLIGHT AND RELOCATION  On the morning of November 5th, 1956, thus, two thirds of the students and professors of the Sopron Forestry School and the Mining Faculty found themselves on Austrian t e r r i t o r y with few more personal possessions than the clothes on t h e i r backs. As mentioned previously, the students had f l e d t h e i r country i n three main groups and by different routes. Those that had f l e d the "front l i n e " and had entered Austria carrying weapons were, i n accordance with i n t e r national law, interned by the Austrian Army,*  The other  groups and stragglers were sent to various camps throughout Austria.  At f i r s t there was no communication amongst these  groups and nobody knew how many people had f l e d . In the camp at Traiskirchen the Dean of the Faculty discovered from the Austrian M i n i s t e r of the I n t e r i o r , who was making a tour of the refugee camps, that a sizeable number of Sopron students was distributed throughout the camps i n A u s t r i a .  He managed to establish contact and  found that there were about 500 students, mainly i n the camps at Traiskirchen, Judenau, and i n the internment at Sitzenheim.  camp  The Dean now contacted the Austrian Minister  78 of Education i n Vienna who agreed to f i n d a place f o r the whole group to assemble i n . In a. surprisingly short time, by November 9th, a large b u i l d i n g on the shores of the St. Wolfgang lake, just outside St.. Wolfgang i t s e l f , was made available f o r the group.  Other accommodation at  Strobl, some ten kilometers away, was reserved f o r faculty members and t h e i r f a m i l i e s . provided.  Limited funds were also  It was o r i g i n a l l y intended that they would  remain here permanently and function as a university i n exile.  For one week, from November 17th, at t h e i r new  l o c a t i o n classes were given and attended seriously. However, i t very soon became apparent that i t was not going to be f e a s i b l e f o r them to remain i n Austria as a group.  Funds dwindled and were not replenished because  of the tremendous drain on Austria*s resources, due to the flood of refugees entering the country. The accommodation was actually quite inadequate, lectures were held i n the dormitories f o r lack of other space.  The small bus which had transported the f a c u l t y to  and from Wolfgang was withdrawn, and f o r two days many f a c u l t y members walked the ten kilometers from Strobl to Wolfgang.  The food deteriorated, and eventually i t was  announced that within a month or two the building i n which they were housed would have t o be returned to the Domestic Science School to which i t belonged.  J  79  The mining engineers and surveyors started f i l t e r i n g o f f as they received o f f e r s of jobs and scholarships.  They  had very few professors at Wolfgang and therefore the prospects f o r them staying together as a self-contained academic group were not favourable.  The f o r e s t e r s ,  however, had more professors, and, as i t was  forcefully  pointed out to the group by the Dean and the  student  president, the only r e a l hope f o r everybody to his  education where he l e f t o f f , l a y i n remaining together  as a group. was  continue  Most of my informants  agreed that the group .  held together i n t h i s c r i t i c a l period l a r g e l y by the 2  e f f o r t s and s i n c e r i t y of the Dean. The great hunt began f o r another place to which they could c o l l e c t i v e l y emigrate.  On November 22nd a  c i r c u l a r was 3  sent to 20 Heads of States and M i n i s t r i e s of  Education.  Embassies were v i s i t e d and international  organizations approached.  Several countries showed an  i n t e r e s t , among them France, I t a l y and Germany.  The l a t t e r  country offered to take the group but stipulated that i t would have to be broken up into smaller units that could be absorbed into several u n i v e r s i t i e s .  This, i n addition  to the fact that there would be very few opportunities f o r graduate forest or mining engineers f u l f i l l t h e i r requirementsi  i n Germany, did not  None of these o f f e r s , however,  came u n t i l the middle of December, during which time other important developments were taking place.  80  1. The Canadian Offer  One day at the end of November the Dean went to the Canadian Embassy i n Vienna armed with an introduction to the  Ambassador, to see i f he would take up the Sopron case  with the B r i t i s h ambassador with a view to migrating to England.  Few people i n the group had seriously considered  leaving Europe at t h i s point.  A. Canadian Embassy o f f i c i a l  promised to look into the matter. By chance, shortly after t h i s on December 1st, the Canadian Minister of Citizenship and Immigration, Mr. P i c k e r s g i l l , came to Austria to look over the refugee s i t u a t i o n and to streamline the Canadian immigration processing machinery.  The Canadian o f f i c i a l mentioned the  Sopron group to him, and the idea of bringing them to Canada " f i r e d his imagination". In a matter of k& hours he had arranged, through his colleague Mr. S i n c l a i r , the Minister of F i s h e r i e s , accommodation i n B r i t i s h and a promise of a f f i l i a t i o n Columbia.  Columbia  to the University of B r i t i s h  After Mr. P i c k e r s g i l l had f i n i s h e d his business  in Vienna, he drove west to Salzburg on Monday December 3rd, and acquainted-the Sopron s t a f f with t h i s o f f e r .  He agreed  to return next morning to repeat the o f f e r to a general meeting of s t a f f and students. That evening there was a s t a f f meeting at ivhich i t  81 became apparent that about half wished to accept the o f f e r and h a l f wished to remain i n Europe.  The next morning  there was a general meeting at which P i c k e r s g i l l presented his o f f e r once more and " t r i e d to explain the virtues of B r i t i s h Columbia—Mr. S i n c l a i r :  Easy—and some of the  advantages there would be f o r them and f o r us..."^  In  the question period following the speech apparently many questions were asked which were " c h i l d i s h " i n the opinion of one informant. guarantees satisfied.  These questions revolved around  of jobs and paid return passages i f not As no written agreements were made or records  kept of t h i s meeting i t i s impossible objectively to 5  ascertain what was promised to the group.  However, i t  was general opinion among the members once i n Canada that they had been promised more than they got. A f t e r the question period Mr. P i c k e r s g i l l intimated that a decision should be reached that day.  Discussion  continued f o r four hours at the end of which some 1 1 0 forestry students and 25 professors elected to accept the offer.  Shortly afterwards 8 0 of the students interned at  Sitzenheim also voted f o r Canada. The mining and surveying students also made a deputation to Mr. P i c k e r s g i l l f o r a s i m i l a r arrangement f o r them.  The Minister promised to t r y to f i n d something  f o r them but could not say anything d e f i n i t e .  Thus, on  82 December 5th, the f i r s t report of the prospective move  7  appeared i n the Vancouver press. Publication of t h i s news was thesignal f o r several students, graduates and some others to head f o r Wolfgang from throughout Europe to take advantage of the o f f e r .  One  professor was added to the s t a f f to complete the academic requirements of the group.  A student who knew English  began conducting English classes.  People searched f o r  reading material on Canada about which they discovered they knew p r a c t i c a l l y nothing. On December 14th Dean A l l e n o f the University of B r i t i s h Columbia Forestry Faculty arrived at Wolfgang accompanied by Mr.. McNiell, an executive of the Powell 8 River Company which had promised accommodation f o r the group. They answered questions at a general meeting and showed a f i l m of the operations of the Powell River Company.  Five  days l a t e r they accompanied the Sopron Dean and three students aboard a CP.A. flew direct to Vancouver.  "Freedom Express" a i r l i n e r which The Dean spent three days i n  Vancouver making arrangements f o r the mass movement and meeting with University of B r i t i s h Columbia and Powell River Company executives.  He returned to Austria on  Christmas day. Passports and visas were issued, somewhat i n e f f i c i e n t l y , to a l l those t r a v e l i n g to Canada.  The day before the t r a i n  83 was due to leave, an I.C.E.M. o f f i c i a l informed the Soproners that 16 students could not t r a v e l with the group, because of lack of space on the boat.  This caused  great indignation among the students and there was threat of a s i t down s t r i k e .  "Either we a l l go, or no one goes."  A f t e r much telephoning, an assurance was given that the 16 could t r a v e l on the next available boat. On December 28th the group boarded a special t r a i n which took them v i a Oosteinde and the Channel to Liverpool, t h e i r embarkation point.  On January 1st, 195S, a symbolic  date f o r the group, the Empress of B r i t a i n steamed down the Mersey. As the 26,000 ton Empress l i n e r moved slowly away from Liverpool, the singers turned f o r a l a s t look at B r i t a i n , t h e i r l i n k with the continent of Europe they were leaving probably forever. Many had tears i n t h e i r eyes. It was an impressive moment. Special verses were written f o r the occasion by...the vice-dean of the Forestry Faculty of the University of Sopron. 10  On January 8th the group stepped ashore at St. John, New Brunswick, f e e l i n g somewhat the worse f o r wear a f t e r the rough journey.  They were housed, along with some other  refugees, i n the l o c a l immigration h a l l .  On t h e i r f i r s t  evening a party was arranged f o r them complete with jazz band and g i r l s .  They were forced to remain i n St. John f o r  11 days because the C.P.R. Firemen's s t r i k e had t i e d up r a i l t r a f f i c throughout the country.  The immigration h a l l  atmosphere was relieved by a v i s i t to the University of  84 New  Brunswick campus at Fredericton.  Also a student couple  was married here, the f i r s t refugees to be married i n Canada.  They appeared on  T.V.  On January 19th they began the long t r i p across Canada. comrades who  (by C.N.R.)  In Montreal they were joined by t h e i r 16  had missed the boat i n Austria and had come  over to Canada with the Sopron Mining contingent.  The  group arrived January 24th at Matsqui station and Abbotsford a i r f i e l d staging camp f o r Hungarian refugees.  Here they  were greeted by University of B.C. o f f i c i a l s , and the U.B.C. students' newspaper reporters collected material for a l u r i d spread i n the next day's edition; "They were divebombed, strafed, rocketed, and skip-bombed by Russian Migs and J-lyushins". The group was now swallowed up i n the mass of humanity i n the Abbotsford camp.  The students were d i s t -  inguishable only by the briefcases they carried which had been presented to them at the University of New  Brunswick.  35 FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER  VI  1. Some 137 Sopron students were interned at Sitzenheim. The Austrian authorities didn't release them o f f i c i a l l y u n t i l December 3th. Most of them remained i n the camp a f t e r t h i s date u n t i l t h e i r departure f o r Canada because there was no other accommodation at t h i s time. Eighty forestry students i n t h i s group decided f o r Canada. 2. One of the early pressures to disintegration consisted In the s i r e n c a l l s of the communists i n Hungary f o r the refugees t o return home. Offenbar hatte man auch i n Ungarn von der gedruckten Stimmung unter den Studenten Wind bekommen, denn p l o t z l i c h tauchten Agenten im Lager auf und r i e t e n den Fliichtlingen i n die Heimat zuruckzukehren; dort werde ihnen kein Haar gekrummt werden. Munchner Merkur, 1 9 December, 1 9 5 6 . A l o c a l communist newspaper carried the report of the Austrian national communist newspaper's (Die Volksstimmel correspondent's v i s i t to Sopron i n December. "KEHRT HEIM" LASSEN DIE O'DENBURGER PROFESSOREN DEN GEFLtJCHTETEN STUDENTEN SAGEN. Warum die Studenten mit einigen Professoren (die meisten blieben i n Sopron) geflohen sind, i s t heute langst k l a r : Von irgendwo wurden panikartige Geriichte i n Umlauf gesetzt.... Sagen S i e unseren Studenten: Die professoren erwarten s i e mit liebenden Herzen zuriick. Mit Freude erwarten wir den Tag, da s i e wieder i n Sopron sein werden. A l l e a l t en Universitatsrechte werden i n Ungarn wieder Geltung haben.... "Die weitgehende Autonomic die unserer Universitat schon heute geniesst, erlaubt mir zu sagen: Kein gefliichteter Student s o i l Einer Zeitverlust b e i den Semesterprufungen haben. Wir werden a l i e n entgegenkoramen." Das sagte der neue Rektor.... Wir wissen, dasz s i e sofort kommen, wenn s i e erfahren, wie es h i e r i n Sopron w i r k l i c h aussieht ! Wenn s i e erfahren, dasz ihnen keine Gefahr droht, dasz s i e mit a l i e n Rechten weiter Studenten unserer Universitat sein werden.... From Freies Burgenland, December 1 6 , 1 9 5 6 . 1  3.  See Appendix A f o r t h i s document.  4. F o r t h i s , and Mr. P i c k e r s g i l l ' s account of the whole story see, Debatesy House of Commons, Canada, Session 1957,  V o l . 1 , pp. 6 6 3 - 6 6 4 .  86 5. See Appendix B f o r an account of the o f f e r written by an on the spot Austrian o f f i c i a l , and Mr. P i c k e r s g i l l s comment on t h i s account. 1  6. A f t e r a series of offers 76 of these students were absorbed into the University of Toronto. See Debates, pp.  664-665.  op.  cit.,  7.  The Vancouver Sun (CP) December 5 t h , 1956.  8. See George S. A l l e n , "Flight to Freedom", UBC Chronicle, Spring 1957, pp. 18-19.  Alumni  9. When passports were checked thoroughly i n Powell River two months l a t e r i t was discovered that one of the students had t r a v e l l e d on the passport of another student, who had stayed behind i n A u s t r i a . 10.  The Vancouver Sun (CP), January 2nd,  11.  The Ubyssey., January 25th,  1957.  1957.  CHAPTER VII ABBOTSFORD AND POWELL RIVER 1. Abbotsford  The Abbotsford t r a n s i t camp already housed over 300 refugees when the Sopron group a r r i v e d .  1  The  Soproners were accommodated i n separate barracks, dormitories were assigned on a Year basis, and a small o f f i c e was provided f o r the Dean and the s t a f f i n which to conduct t h e i r business.  One of the administrative secretaries  had come with the group. The three week period at Abbotsford can be regarded as a preliminary s e t t l i n g down stage f o r the group.  Up t i l l  t h i s time, since the decision t o come to Canada, the routines and a c t i v i t i e s of the group had been imposed from the outside.  The most important  l i n e of s o c i a l organization  was the d i v i s i o n into Years, which provided an effective communication system.  During t h i s period o f travel and  t r a n s i t i o n i t appears that group structure was at i t s simplest, most streamlined and most e f f i c i e n t . In Abbotsford, with the future secure i n general terms, there was time and opportunity to begin to organize a c t i v i t i e s with reference to the future.  Social d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n began  to take place and the structure of the group began to  38 increase i n complexity.  2  The Year system remained central,  but i n t r a , i n t e r and cross Year associations began to form. The imposed camp routine involved cafeteria style meals, and the clean up brigade i n the barracks.  English  lessons were given f o r four hours i n the morning. Soproners had classes separate from the other  The  refugees.  The afternoons and evenings were f r e e . Within t h i s very broad imposed schedule, the group began to organize i t s own  activities.  basketball teams were set up. holding regular practises.  F i r s t , soccer and  Then a f o l k dance club began  A fencing club and a choir  were formed. Much discussion centred around how they would recreate the old Selmec customs once i n Powell River.  Some  professors gave t a l k s on the customs because not a l l the ,r  younger Year students knew the old t r a d i t i o n s yet".  The  p o s s i b i l i t y of the Faculty becoming a permanent i n s t i t u t i o n i n e x i l e , with new f i r s t Year students coming from Hungary and other places every year, was seriously discussed.  The  Collegicum Ungaricum i n I t a l y was given as an example of t h i s kind of p o s s i b i l i t y .  The professors were consider-  ably more r e a l i s t i c i n t h i s matter and saw the Faculty dying a natural death as the students progressively graduated.  89  Given the time and t h e i r future secured, thus, the Sopron students had turned t h e i r energies inward upon themselves and were b u s i l y engaged i n (re)constructing t h e i r own society, r e l a t i v e l y oblivious to, and uninterested i n , the outside world. A small group of other Hungarian refugee students, from various u n i v e r s i t i e s , who had escaped i n d i v i d u a l l y from Hungary, presented an i n t e r e s t i n g contrast to the Soproners. outside.  These-students were oriented e n t i r e l y to the They were bursting with questions about  Canadian  l i f e — h o u s i n g , jobs, taxes, g i r l s , u n i v e r s i t y courses and so on.  Four of them had made an unauthorized (though there  were no guards at the camp) t r i p into Vancouver to see the u n i v e r s i t y and also about some job p o s s i b i l i t i e s .  They  were very anxious about f i n d i n g work as soon as possible and were somewhat suspicious of job offers which they thought were made with the purpose of exploiting t h e i r labour f o r l i t t l e pay. These students were somewhat resentful of the Sopron group.  One reason was that although they had been following  English classes f o r three weeks at the camp p r i o r to the a r r i v a l o f the Soproners, they were forced to start again from the beginning when the Soproners came. example:  Another  90 I asked them (some non Sopron students) whether they would go to v i s i t U.B.C. on Saturday with the Sopron group. They said they had not been i n v i t e d . This led to an outburst against the Sopron students. In p a r t i c u l a r they complained that the Sopron students had masqueraded as Freedom Fighters whereas a c t u a l l y there had been no f i g h t i n g at a l l i n Sopron. This was accompanied by a considerable degree of withering scorn ( i f I interpreted i t c o r r e c t l y ! . They f e l t t h e i r thunder had been stolen. There didn't seem to be any displays of bitterness or animosity between individuals of the two groups.  On the  contrary, the non-Soproners were i n great demand by the Soproners,  by virtue of t h e i r superior knowledge of the  English language.  Any conversation with them was  constantly interrupted by people asking questions about points i n t h e i r English homework. whereas the Sopron group was  inclusive and provided  f o r the s o c i a l psychological and economic needs of i t s members, within i t s own framework, the other students had 3 to look f o r these things outside, which they d i d .  These  contrasting observations l e d me to formulate the hypothesis that "group (im)migration results i n l e s s disturbance f o r the individual group member i n i t i a l l y , but the individual (im)migrant w i l l tend to assimilate quicker".  The f i r s t  part of this hypothesis appears to be borne out by the comparative facts mentioned above, namely that the non Sopron students were acutely concerned, anxious and worried about t h e i r immediate and long range future, whereas the  91 Soproners took i t f o r granted they would be at U.B.C. i n the f a l l , and concentrated on getting the soccer team into shape.  It i s a relevant question whether t h i s unconcern  with the outside was  a function of group membership, or  merely of the f a c t that the future was assured. individual student refugees who  What of  received early promises  of scholarships etc.? Highly relevant i s the fact that even i f the future had been assured to single i n d i v i d u a l s , what would they have done with themselves? a vacuum u n t i l the f a l l .  They could not just exist i n They were driven to f i n d a  society to which to bind themselves.  Whether or not t h i s  was a step towards " a s s i m i l a t i o n " w i l l be discussed l a t e r . An event which served to strengthen the Soproners f e e l i n g of security with regard to the future was  1  their  i n v i t a t i o n by the U.B.C. Forestry Club to v i s i t the U.B.C. campus.  On February 9th seven chartered busses transported  the whole group to the campus a f t e r a scenic drive around the c i t y .  A mass photograph was  taken, and an u n o f f i c i a l  representative of an East European ethnic group took the opportunity to harangue them on the virtues of democracy. A mass lunch was  the occasion f o r top U.B.C. and Sopron  o f f i c i a l s and student leaders to make speeches of welcome and of thanks.  A basketball game between U.B.C. and  American u n i v e r s i t y gave the Soproners t h e i r f i r s t  an  92 opportunity to display s o l i d a r i t y with U.B.C.  In the  evening they were divided up into small groups of four or f i v e and were taken to the houses of U.B.C. Faculty members for supper.  Conversation was somewhat d i f f i c u l t at some  of these supper tables, but a few l a s t i n g contacts were established, mostly among the s t a f f members.  The whole v i s i t  served to f i l l them with pleasant a n t i c i p a t i o n of the year to come, and to give them a glimpse of what kind o f l i f e to expect.  2. Powell River From the l#th to the 20th of February the group was moved to Powell River i n stages.  The construction camp  (Riverside Camp) made a v a i l a b l e by the Powell River Company was situated just outside the town and was reached by a bridge over a ravine.  The geographical position of the  camp i n the Powell River community to a large extent symbolized the s o c i a l relations that obtained between the newcomers and the c i t i z e n s of Powell River.  Camp Organization Huts were assigned to the students on the basis of Year.  Married students, of which there were by now some 15  couples, had separate quarters.  Staff were a l l o t t e d  accommodation on the basis of the size of t h e i r f a m i l i e s .  93 Each hut had i t s own clean-up rota. The kitchen had headed by the wife of a r e t i r e d professor who had come with the group. f o r t h i s work.  She was paid a wage  Students were appointed on semi-permanent  and part-time bases to work i n the kitchen and dining room. They also received pay f o r t h i s work. Estimates f o r provisions were compiled by the above mentioned Hungarian woman, but the actual purchase of the v i c t u a l s was made by the l i a i s o n o f f i c e r provided by the Powell River Company.  P r a c t i c a l l y a l l business dealings  with the outside world were conducted through the l i a i s o n o f f i c e r , at l e a s t i n the f i r s t two months. The d a i l y routine involved English lessons f o r students and s t a f f from 9 A.M.—12 noon, and from 1 4 P.M.  P.M.—  These classes consisted of 14 small groups of  some 16 students i n each, teachers were recruited among Powell River housewives, and were paid f o r by the Provincial Government Department of Education.  The course followed  was devised especially f o r immigrants by the Department of Education.  The course "enables New  a i d of English speaking teachers who  Canadians with the  have had no teaching  experience, to learn English with a minimum of confusion...."  Finances The Federal Government provided $3.GO per head per  94 day f o r the Sopron group.  According to the l o c a l newspaper  t h i s money was handled i n the following way: Powell Eiver Company maintains and pays f o r the Riverside Camp, meets operating expenses such as l i g h t , heat, water and repairs, and maintains an administrator and a kitchen supervisor at the camp to handle day to day problems. Powell River Company also acts as a purchasing agent f o r the food required. Towards t h i s expense, the federal government pays PRCo |3.- per day per person. The federal government pays nothing direct to the refugees. By s t a f f i n g the camp themselves (with the exception of the two persons mentioned) and by doing a l l the work of cleaning and housekeeping and serving and preparing and maintaining a completely communal operation, the Hungarians are able to keep t h e i r food requirements below |3.- per day. The small f i n a n c i a l balance which accrues through t h i s industrious and determined approach to t h e i r new l i f e goes into a camp fund from which personal necessities, toothpaste, reading materials, pencils and paper and socks and hankies and so on are purchased.... When i t i s remembered that the average construction camp costs run from $ 4 . - to $ 6 . - per person, i t can be assumed that these people are doing t h e i r part.4 The cash received from the Powell River Company, which amounted to about $1.00 a day per person, was distributed among the students and s t a f f by a "kitchen committee".  This  consisted of a professor, a wife, the chief cook and four students.  I t i s interesting to note that the Powell River  Company did not provide any accounting when they handed the remaining money over to Sopron.  3. Centripetal A c t i v i t i e s For the f i r s t month at Powell River the process of involution observed at Abbotsford continued.  The a c t i v i t i e s  dealt with i n t h i s section are those that tended to draw the  95  group together. the outside.  Most of these were not at a l l v i s i b l e from  Of course, the every day communal l i v i n g  a force i n t h i s d i r e c t i o n .  was  But the most important  development f o r the students was the rebuilding of the I f j u s a g i Kor.  The height of this a c t i v i t y was reached i n  the presidential election campaign i n the middle of March. A description of t h i s campaign i s therefore considered worthwhile.  Also the election manoeuvres serve to i l l u s t r a t e  some of the l i n e s of s o c i a l organization among the students.  The Election Campaign The presidential election of the I f j u s a g i Kor was held on March 23rd, two weeks e a r l i e r than o r i g i n a l l y planned owing to the students' desire to be well organized before they s p l i t up f o r summer work. Ihere were three candidates f o r the position of president.  A fourth Year student, nicknamed "Kulacs",  a f i f t h Year student, Gyula, and a second Year student named Sandor.  Kulacs had been the provisional president  since Wolfgang, Gyula and Sandor were the leaders of t h e i r respective Years.  Kulacs was being supported by h i s Y e a r —  38 students; Gyula received support from the t h i r d and f i f t h Y e a r s — 4 0 and 28 students respectively; Sandor was being supported by the second Y e a r — 4 0 students.  Half the  f i r s t Year supported Sandor, and the rest was spread evenly among the candidates. (42 students i n f i r s t Year).  96  Ferenc, a second Year student, t o l d me very c o n f i d e n t i a l l y that although i t looked as i f the gyula group was i n v i n c i b l e , actually they were going to lose the f i g h t . The f i r s t and second Year support of Sandor was only a b l i n d and that they would a l l vote f o r Kulacs at the p o l l s . Sandor would be i n s t a l l e d as Kulacs' lieutenant, and Gyula would be given a place i n the executive as would some representatives of the f i r s t and second Years. The t h i r d Year was going to be l e f t out e n t i r e l y as a kind of punishment f o r t h e i r clubbing together with the f i f t h Year and not setting up a candidate of t h e i r own. I asked why Kulacs was preferable to Gyula f o r the f i r s t and second Year students. Ferenc said that the Gyula group tended to stress the p r i v i l e g e s of the elder Years as opposed to the younger Years, e.g., c a l l i n g them " d i r t y Balek" etc. The fourth Year had associated more with the younger students i n Abbotsford and generally been l e s s objectionable. Ferenc continually stressed the need f o r secrecy and would stop t a l k i n g when one of the opposition approached. Another incident i l l u s t r a t e d the s p l i t or lack of contact between the Years. I invited (the same) Ferenc over to my room. We walked over t o my hut and he was very concerned to f i n d i t was the f i f t h Year hut. He said quite earnestly that he hoped I would not betray a l l he had t o l d me to the f i f t h Year students. Actually he was altogether mistaken because i t was the fourth Year hut. The election campaign was conducted according to t r a d i t i o n a l customs.  The whole camp was plastered with  posters advertising the merits of candidates and disparaging the claims of other candidates.  In accordance with  t r a d i t i o n the consumption of alcohol was forbidden f o r two days before the election, and t h i s was s t r i c t l y  adhered to  in spite of temptation offered by myself and a colleague. Spectacular was the funeral procession organized by the Gyula group.  Hooded figures marched around the camp carrying  97  a c o f f i n l a b e l l e d Kulacs and beating out a cacophonous tympany on garbage can l i d s . In spite of Gyula's energetic campaigning^ the election went exactly as planned by the Kulacs/Sandor  faction.  Kulacs received 9 5 votes, Gyula received 8 7 votes and three votes were declared i n v a l i d , giving a t o t a l of 18*5 votes cast.  Sandor withdrew from the competition at suppertime  on the voting day.  This caught the Gyula party completely  by surprise. The new executive was  set up along t r a d i t i o n a l l i n e s .  Gyula received the vice-presidency and Sandor became secretary.  The remaining posts went to other second and  fourth Year students, but one t h i r d Year student received a position.  A new position was created f o r the special  situation i n Canada.  The D i s c i p l i n a r y O f f i c e r  (fegyelem  bizotsag elnoke) was presumably intended to deal with the problems of presenting a good impression to the Canadians, 6 as envisaged by Gyula i n his election speech.  However,  t h i s position never functioned e f f e c t i v e l y , d i s c i p l i n e of t h i s nature being enforced from other sources. Another addition to the t r a d i t i o n a l pre-communist arrangements was the system of Year representatives. Each Year elected a leader who committee.  sat i n on the I.K.  executive  This system was introduced by the communists as  a control mechanism, and was retained i n Canada as i t was  98 found to be a useful structure i n a s i t u a t i o n where control and rapid communication was necessary. The I.K. started out with great plans and a c t i v i t y . P a r t i t i o n s were broken down i n one of the huts, and an o f f i c e and committee room was constructed.  The committee  immediately took over several administrative functions, e.g., students* representation i n the kitchen.  The most  important duty to be assumed by the I.K. executive was the a l l o c a t i o n o f the summer jobs as the offers came i n . The Dean had informed the Powell River Co. l i a i s o n o f f i c e r that the I.K. was e n t i r e l y responsible f o r t h i s a l l o c a t i o n .  As  i t turned out most o f the selection was done before the o f f e r s were made.  4. Centrifugal A c t i v i t i e s There were a number of a c t i v i t i e s , which necessitated contact with the people of the town and from further a f i e l d . An average of two to three evenings a week were taken up with f i l m s and lectures by U.B.C. professors, government 7 o f f i c i a l s and l o c a l businessmen. frequented regularly.  The l o c a l movie was  Two dances were held at the camp,  and some more adventurous  students made regular  Saturday  night t r i p s to the dance h a l l i n neighbouring Westview.  Some  boy scout a c t i v i t i e s were i n i t i a t e d and a camp was held. The choir sang f o r l o c a l f r a t e r n a l clubs, and the members  99  fraternized a f t e r the singing.  One  of the s t a f f taught f o l k  dancing at the High School several nights a week. Sports a c t i v i t i e s formed the greatest area of contact with the Powell River population.  In the Poxirell River News  from February 21st, to A p r i l 25th, there was  an average of  one and a half a r t i c l e s per issue on the Soproners' sports a c t i v i t i e s s t a r t i n g with the headline on February  14th,  "SOPRON STUDENTS WILL PROVE BOON TO LOCAL SPORTS CIRCLE". Soccer was the main sport with basketball a close second. On the Sunday of t h e i r second weekend i n Powell River "Sopron University" was  o f f i c i a l l y dedicated  on  Canadian s o i l i n the presence of representatives of B r i t i s h Columbia u n i v e r s i t y , government and business l i f e .  On  the  Saturday a v a r i e t y program put on by the group attracted over 700 Powell River residents from t h e i r regular Saturday night a c t i v i t i e s .  A l l o c a t i o n of Summer Jobs The necessity to f i n d summer work was disintegrative force that faced the group.  the f i r s t "The  great  students'  desire to be well organized before they s p l i t up f o r summer work" showed consciousness of the danger to group structure of t h i s period of scatter.  More serious, perhaps, (from the  point of view of group structure) was the with obtaining work that prevailed.  preoccupation  The stage that the  100 non-Sopron students had gone through i n Abbotsford had now  caught up with the Soproners.  There was, as yet, no  guarantee of government support during the winter. In the middle of March representatives from the B r i t i s h Columbia Forest Service had v i s i t e d the camp and had taken out a group of students to f a m i l i a r i z e them with Canadian methods, and also to see what l e v e l of competence they possessed. students.  The B.C.F.S. offered surveying jobs to 20  As i t happened, these were the only jobs the  had to a l l o c a t e , and they were l i m i t e d to fourth and  I.K.  fifth  Year students because of the technical s k i l l involved. In the beginning of A p r i l representatives of the National Employment Service from Vancouver interviewed a l l the students at the camp, and made up a small f i l e on each student. to for  Thus, a l l job offers through the N.E.S. were made  s p e c i f i c individuals thereby obviating the necessity d i s t r i b u t i o n at the camp.  A few part-time jobs of short  duration i n the Powell River area i t s e l f  such as wood cutting,  gardening work etc. were distributed by the I.K.  By  May  19th a l l but 35 of the male students had obtained work.  5. The Powell River Residents' Image of Sopron It was i n the above a c t i v i t i e s that the Powell River residents observed the Soproners.  The  correspondence  column of the newspaper carried a series of long l e t t e r s  101  complaining about the special treatment the Hungarians were getting: Most of us, as working Canadians, recognize i t f o r what i t very probably i s - a s i n i s t e r , long-range plan on the part of the vested interests to swamp the labor market with frightened, half-starved people who w i l l unwittingly^contribute to the ultimate destruction of the unions. 8  One of the newspapermen said: The people of Powell River are not too happy about the Hungarians, but they don't have too much to do with them. They have d e f i n i t e l y helped boost Powell River sports, e s p e c i a l l y as soccer i s the main sport i n Powell River. One more comment worth mentioning was made by a long time resident of the community who worked f o r The Company: The Hungarians are a scruffy looking l o t , but that's not t h e i r f a u l t . They are going away i n May anyway. You see them coming into, town f o r shopping, always i n groups. He was b i t t e r about the $3.00a day allowance: When I came here i n 193° I had to work the whole day f o r only $2.-. Did the government help us then? These people get everything on a s i l v e r p l a t t e r . I was a B r i t i s h subject too. We have fought against these people i n two wars and they get the royal treatment. I can't understand the government. It i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that any h o s t i l i t y present appears to be directed towards the government rather than the Hungarians  themselves.  6. Conceptions of the future A l l the students saw themselves attending U.B.C. i n the f a l l i n t h e i r own f a c u l t y .  In May  i t was announced  102 that the federal government would provide l i v i n g quarters i n R.C.A.F. barracks some ten miles from the u n i v e r s i t y . These two images of a certain future i n no way seemed to diminish the importance f o r the students of obtaining summer work.  Several students enquired about p o s s i b i l i t i e s  of part-time jobs i n Vancouver i n the f a l l .  The threatened  I.W.A. s t r i k e served to accentuate anxiety among the students. As the summer progressed anxiety c r y s t a l l i z e d into plans f o r action among some of the students. ....at the camp there are rumours that some of the fellows are thinking of going back t o Hungary. This i s not confined to the unemployed ones at the camp, but also some who are working....say they are d i s i l l u s i o n e d with a l l the promises made to them and they did not expect to work as labourers etc., i n camps. Two students actually returned to Hungary, but f o r personal and not the above mentioned reasons. The idea of promises u n f u l f i l l e d was general throughout the group, with s t a f f as well as students.  I t seemed  to crop up i n every situation of c r i s i s . The s t a f f was concerned about the status of Sopron at U.B.C.  No decision was made, u n t i l l a t e summer, either  by u n i v e r s i t y or government regarding the future of the group.  The professors f e l t that the group was being used  as a pawn i n endless negotiations between u n i v e r s i t y and government on f i n a n c i a l questions.  Many began to question  the wisdom of having come with the group.  This uncertainty  103 was  kept well hidden from the students.  staff  As one of the  said:  If someone should mention that the future of Sopron University i n September was s t i l l uncertain t h i s might immediately spur these elements to take action regarding return to Hungary. In retrospect i t seemed that while i n Austria the group had a certain bargaining power. existence was t h e i r most important  Their group  bargaining point.  Several countries had "competed" f o r them.  Now they had  played t h e i r trump card, f o r return to Hungary was  impossible,  and were at the mercy of forces e n t i r e l y beyond t h e i r control.  No purposive action could be organized, with i t s  concomitant unifying e f f e c t .  They could only wait.  In  t h i s connection i t i s interesting to note that the s t a f f members were keen to keep the group together as a residential community i n the following year. It would be better f o r Sopron i f we stayed together i n one group, but better f o r Canada i f we spread out. The students on the other hand, i n a referendum taken by mail i n the summer, voted by 75 per cent against l i v i n g i n a community.  They preferred the independence of l i v i n g  i n the c i t y . It did not seem at t h i s stage that the s i t u a t i o n , which was perceived as threatening by the group members, increased s o l i d a r i t y within the group.  104 FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER VII 1. This number was t o increase to 1,550 by May 1st, i n a camp staffed to accommodate 600 people. See The Vancouver Province, May 1st, 1 9 5 7 . 2. See R. K. Merton, Social Theory and Social Structure, (2nd Ed.)!, The Free Press, ^lenco"e7 111., 1957, p. 315. 3. A f a i l u r e to turn outward at the f i n a l destination of his f l i g h t i s a f a i r l y common refugee reaction; A t y p i c a l refugee reaction a f t e r the triumph of at l a s t reaching t h e i r destination i s to become completely exhausted, to make no e f f o r t at a l l a f t e r the tremendous effort of f l i g h t . This should be regarded as a normal reaction. Inexperienced s o c i a l workers or camp personnel have on occasion been misled into believing that these "lazy" refugees who show such lack of i n i t i a t i v e are i n some way i n f e r i o r . But this i s not so;; t h e i r i n a c t i v i t y i s the result of energy spent, hopes disappointed, and roots l o s t . What they need i s human contact and warmth; anything that binds the refugee to a society should be encouraged. Memo of the World Federation f o r Mental Health on the Hungarian refugee problem, 4 t h January 1 9 5 7 . This was, of course, not the case with either the Soproners or the non-Soproners at Abbotsford. The non-Soproners exhibited a hyper-activity. The Soproners brought t h e i r own society with them. See also H. B. M. Murphy (ed.), F l i g h t and Resettlement, UNESCO Publications, Population and Culture No. I I , Lucerne, 1955, esp. pp. 3 3 f f » 4.  E d i t o r i a l i n The Powell River News, A p r i l 4 t h , 1 9 5 7 .  5.  For an account of Gyula's election speech see Appendix C.  6.  Ibid.  7. Both students and s t a f f were disappointed that nobody from the U.B.C. Faculty of Forestry came to l e c t u r e . They f e l t they were l e f t with a great gap i n t h e i r knowledge of the way forestry was conducted at the University. 8.  The Powell River News, January 17th, 1957.  CHAPTER VIII SUMMER WORK  This section i s intended to give a sketch, f o r the material w i l l not permit more, of the students' experiences at t h e i r summer work as well as to give an idea of the nature of the work, i n whose company they worked and how much they earned and saved.  For a discussion of the sample  from which the s t a t i s t i c s i n t h i s section are derived (except Table I l j see page 11 .  1.  Group Integrative Forces  In the sample of the Sopron students S3 (91 per cent) worked f o r some time i n the summer, s i x students (seven per cent) had no jobs at a l l and two students d i d not answer t h i s question.  This compares with the ten per cent of  a l l students at Powell River who had no work, or worked l e s s than f i v e weeks  1  during the summer as shown i n Table II.  Of the 83 students i n the sample who had jobs, 56 (66 per cent of those who had jobs); worked together with at least one other Hungarian student on the job. Thirty-nine students (46 per cent of those who had jobs) said that there was no good opportunity to learn English on the job. It would seem from the above figures that about one  1  106'  quarter of the students were thrust upon t h e i r own resources amid t o t a l strangers where they were forced to aquire a knowledge of English.  The other three quarters either  worked together with some of t h e i r comrades or did not work at a l l , i n which case they stayed at the camp i n Powell River.  Thus, although the students were scattered  i n the summer the majority retained day to day contact with some of t h e i r fellow group members. Those students who worked i n the v i c i n i t y of Powell River came to the camp f o r the week ends. between friends was regular.  Correspondence  Several c i r c u l a r s were sent  out from the Dean's o f f i c e i n Vancouver i n the l a t t e r part of the summer.  The l a s t of these sent on August 12th  contained a great deal of information regarding procedures to be followed at U.B.C. a i d would be given.  I t also announced that government  These were some of the mechanisms  which kept the students i n touch with each other and with events concerning the future of the group.  2.  Type of Work and Money Earned  Table II gives the d i s t r i b u t i o n of summer work among the students by type of employer. Of the S5 students i n the sample who worked i n the summer 57 (67 per cent); had jobs with a "labouring" (hand work) content; 22 (26 per cent) had " i n t e l l e c t u a l " (head work)  10.7  TABLE II DISTRIBUTION OF SUMMER WORK BY EMPLOYERS, BASED ON INFORMATION ON 179 OUT OF 189 STUDENTS AT THE POWELL RIVER CAMP.  EMPLOYERS  YEARS I  II  18  15  6  National Parks  5  8  6  B.C. Forest Service  3  1  1  2  4  Logging Companies  TOTALS  III  IV  V  17  10  66  5  26  11  5  21  8  -  -  14  2  11  4  -  20  7  2  -  1  1  2  4  1  2  2  9  2  2  .  2  Other Private Companies  Other Government Departments 3 Unemployed, Includes students who worked f o r f i v e weeks or l e s s 8  '  17  Girls B.C.F.S. (Victoria)  -  Waitresses  4  No Work  TOTALS  39  39  37  38  26  179  108  jobs; three (3.5 per cent) considered t h e i r jobs to have both elements; three (3.5 per cent) did not answer. The labouring jobs included: chokerman i n logging camps—this  was very hard work and insecure owing to the  threatened I.W.A. s t r i k e , but the pay was very rewarding; general handy-man i n the National P a r k s — t h i s was r e l a t i v e l y l i g h t work and the job was secure, but the pay was low; other labouring jobs ranged between these extremes. The i n t e l l e c t u a l jobs consisted almost e n t i r e l y i n forest and highway surveying work.  Four g i r l s worked i n a  government technical l i b r a r y i n V i c t o r i a .  One  student 2  spent the summer on a small rock island studying birds. The average earnings and duration of work i s set out i n Table  III.  The students who were employed f o r more then f i v e weeks, worked an average of three and a half months.  The  f i f t h Year students worked the longest and the f i r s t Year f o r the shortest time. The average gross earnings and savings show a s i m i l a r d i s t r i b u t i o n by Year.  The earnings of the students are  s l i g h t l y higher than the figures f o r earnings of U.B.C. 3  students who worked i n the summer of 1956.  109  TABLE I I I DURATION OF WORK AND CASH EARNED AND SAVED BY SEPTEMBER 15TH 1957, BY YEAR -(FROM 91 QUESTIONNAIRES}  YEARS I  II  A L L YEARS  III  rv  V  13.7  i4.6  15  15  2  2  —  2  620  868  397  5  2  4  1  Cash Saved b y September 15th i n Dollars Average 451  479  600  695  2  1  •  Weeks W o r k e d Average  13  D i d wot Answer  3  Gross Earnings In Dollars Average 647 Did Not Answer  D i d Not Answer  4  14.3  873 •  781.  4  607 4  566  110 Experiences  on t h e  Excluding the (44  Job f i f t h Y e a r from t h e  p e r c e n t o f t h o s e who h a d j o b s )  s a m p l e , 30  students  s a i d they would t r y  o b t a i n t h e same j o b i n t h e n e x t  summer;  p e r c e n t o f t h o s e who h a d j o b s )  s a i d they would t r y to  a different  job i n the  f o l l o w i n g summer;  (5 p e r c e n t ) d i d n o t a n s w e r .  the  present  three  (51 get  students  The two r e c u r r i n g r e a s o n s g i v e n  f o r wishing to f i n d a different that  35 s t u d e n t s  to  job  i n the next  work was t o o h a r d o r t h a t  summer w e r e ,  t h e p a y was  not  sufficient. To t h e the  question  "were you t r e a t e d  j o b b e c a u s e y o u were a H u n g a r i a n ? "  c e n t o f t h o s e who h a d j o b s ) (59  per cent of  t h o s e who h a d j o b s )  i n the treatment  They t h u s d e f i n e d t h e m s e l v e s such as  Hungarians",  (31  on per  students and 9  d i d not answer.  Most  of  s a i d t h e y had n o t i c e d  o f C a n a d i a n s and i m m i g r a n t s . as  "immigrants".  Several  " t h e w o r k e r m e n d i d n o t l i k e me b e c a u s e I was  a r e v o l u t i o n a r y " o r " I h e a r d someone m a k i n g up t h e  50  r e p l i e d "no";  t h o s e who r e p o r t e d d i s c r i m i n a t i o n a l s o  answers  26 s t u d e n t s  r e p l i e d "yes";;  (10 p e r c e n t o f t h o s e who h a d j o b s )  differences  any d i f f e r e n t l y  d i f f i c u l t jobs  s a y when t h e y  "now i t w i l l  i n d i c a t e d s p e c i a l treatment  were  be g o o d f o r  f o r Hungarians.  However, i n t e n  i n t e r v i e w s w i t h two r a n d o m l y c h o s e n  from each Y e a r ,  nine students  mentioned i n c i d e n t s  subjects  that  o c c u r r e d d u r i n g t h e i r summer w o r k w h i c h i n v o l v e d some of animosity against  Hungarians.  the  type  Ill It i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that none o f my respondents considered t h e i r summer job to be better i n comparison with U.B.C. students* jobs.  Thirty-seven students (43 per cent  of those who had jobs) thought t h e i r s i t u a t i o n had been the same as that of the U.B.C. students; 39 students (45 per cent of those who had jobs) thought t h e i r s i t u a t i o n to have been worse than that of the U.B.C. students.  This i s  i n spite of the f a c t that average U.B.C. students' summer earnings i n 1956 were s l i g h t l y lower than the earnings of the Soproners i n the summer of 1 9 5 7 . ^  Of course, "better"  may not have been interpreted i n the sense of f i n a n c i a l l y more rewarding, but, say, i n the sense of a genial atmosphere at the place of work, o r merely type of work. Very l i t t l e information was available on the consequences of the I.W.A. s t r i k e threat f o r the Soproners except f o r the anticipatory anxiety observed i n the Powell River camp i n May.  Several students, especially those i n  logging camps, l o s t a months work due to the threatened strike.  The s t r i k e perhaps served to bring out some of the  advantages of being a Canadian,—"At immigrants were l a i d o f f " .  the f i r s t time  Several students voted against  the strike i n the June 26th Union referendum, and did not report s u f f e r i n g f o r having exercised t h e i r r i g h t , i n spite of t h e i r being i n a l e s s than ten per cent minority. One other incident deserves mention.  The Unemployment  112 Insurance Commission informed the group i n the middle o f July that there would be work u n t i l October f o r 15 men picking f r u i t i n the Okanagan.  F i f t e e n unemployed students  went to Penticton only t o f i n d there were only two jobs vacant.  For several days the rest l i v e d on apricots and bread  while unsuccessfully looking f o r work.  They were obliged  to pay $1.25 a night f o r the p r i v i l e g e of sleeping on the f l o o r of a large room.  They returned to Powell River broke, 5 i n debt and thoroughly d i s i l l u s i o n e d . Perhaps i t should be mentioned here that i t was my impression that many of the students who spent most of  the summer at Powell River spoke r e l a t i v e l y (to the whole) good English. people.  Several had made friends with Powell River  One of these students was i n v i t e d to h i s former  English teacher's home i n the Fraser  Valley f o r a month.  Another made t r i p s to Vancouver and the Okanagan i n the car of a newfound f r i e n d .  113 FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER VIII 1. Twenty-nine (15 per cent) of the 196 students registered at U.B.C. i n October had worked f o r eight weeks or l e s s i n the summer. 2.  See Forest and M i l l . A p r i l 1958.  3. of  See The President's Report 1955 - 1956. The University B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver, 1957, p. 7.  4.  Ibid.  5.  See Powell River News, August 8, 1957.  CHAPTER IX GROUP BOUNDARIES AND SOCIAL COMPOSITION 1. Membership  Two hundred and ninety-five "members of the Sopron group" arrived i n Abbotsford on January 24th, 1957.  Who  were these people and by what c r i t e r i a were they adjudged to be included i n the group?  Table IV answers the f i r s t  question: TABLE IV BREAKDOWN OF THE 295 PERSONS LISTED IN THE RIVERSIDE CAMP REGISTER ON APRIL 18TH 1957. II  III  39 3  33 3  36 4  19 7  172 17  40  42  41  40  26  189  Total  Student s  f  Wives*  IV  V  I Students, Male 40 Female —  TOTALS  10  Staff^  27  Staff Wives  21  Staff Children  40  Relatives  5  Other  3  TOTAL  0  295  Note: ft Two of these had been students i n Sopron # Includes chauffeur and secretary, o The r e t i r e d professor and wife, and a g i r l f r i e n d of a student (see below).  115 The obvious c r i t e r i o n f o r membership was having been a s t a f f member or a student at the Sopron Forestry Faculty i n Hungary or a wife or c h i l d of either of these.  Another  c r i t e r i o n was having voted to go to Canada when presented with P i c k e r s g i l l ' s o f f e r i n Austria. In the group that arrived at Abbotsford there were several people who did not conform to the above c r i t e r i a . F i r s t , there were s i x students who had not been students at the Sopron Faculty.  .'.Two o f these had been studying  at other u n i v e r s i t i e s i n Hungary and the remaining four had just f i n i s h e d t h e i r secondary schooling.  These had a l l  joined the group i n Austria mostly through the introduction of a f r i e n d .  Secondly, there were two students who had  been expelled from Sopron f o r p o l i t i c a l reasons i n 1951 and had never been readmitted.  Two s i s t e r s of Faculty members  were among the group, as was a female student's younger brother who was not a student, and never intended to become one. There was a r e t i r e d professor, not from Sopron, and his wife.  One of the administrative secretaries and  the chauffeur/handyman from Sopron were included.  Lastly  there was a second Year student's g i r l f r i e n d who came with the group only to go o f f and marry a Polish Canadian shortly a f t e r a r r i v a l i n Powell River. In Powell River several people joined the group.  Two  graduate students, one of whom i s now an instructor, came to the camp.  Another student who had been expelled i n 1951  116 turned up. In the summer months several people l e f t the group. Three regular students decided to return to Hungary.  Two  of these actually returned and the t h i r d was l a s t heard of i n Ottawa. to  Two regular t h i r d Year students decided not  continue studying, as well as three of the boys who  had  not been students i n Hungary. In the f a l l eleven new students were admitted to the f i r s t Year, with the permission of the Department of Immigration, to bring the r e g i s t r a t i o n up to i t s t o t a l of 48.  Five of these had been at other u n i v e r s i t i e s i n  Hungary, f i v e of them had never been to university, and the remaining one had been a student i n Canada before the revolution.  Two  instructors were engaged.  graduate of 19 5, 2  A Sopron  now a professor i n the U. S., came over  to give lectures i n Forest Management and Mensuration i n the f a l l semester.  Last, but not l e a s t , should be mentioned  the half dozen babies born to students and professors i n the summer and the f a l l . As i n any persistent group of t h i s size we see a large central, stable bulk of members, and a periphery of constantly s h i f t i n g membership. at the edges" as Homans says.  The group appears "frayed  However, from the point of  view of the group, or from outside, membership at any point in time was c l e a r l y defined.  Problems springing from vague  117 d e f i n i t i o n of membership did not arise," " 1  This was important  from the point of view of the Department of Immigration.  The  advantage to any individual of d e f i n i t i o n of membership i n the group was the receipt of the $3.00 per day allowance at Powell River, and the $65.00 a month i n Vancouver.  The  student who was i n Canada before the revolution did not qualify f o r t h i s money, although i t was not f o r lack of t r y i n g I None of the non-Sopron Hungarian students at U.B.C. received t h i s allowance, though most of them obtained scholarships from other sources to an approximately equal amount.  It i s s i g n i f i c a n t i n t h i s connection that the  Department of Immigration gave i t s consent before the eleven new f i r s t Year students were admitted.  Students who quit  studying, as several f i r s t and second Year students did throughout the year, were cut o f f t h e i r allowance when t h e i r departure was reported to the Immigration Department. 2 2. The Ethnic Context of the Group i n Vancouver Some of the more peripheral members of - the Sopron group tended to define themselves i n a somewhat broader category. One of the s t a f f ' s s i s t e r s had....no job at present, but i s working very hard organizing the Hungarian part of some exhibition at the Hudson's Bay Company. She says i t i s very d i f f i c u l t because there are so many groups of Hungarians i n the city--those who have been here f o r a long time, recent a r r i v a l s — a l l of whom want something d i f f e r e n t . I asked "iahat group do you belong to?" She said "Oh, the u n i v e r s i t y group" emphatically.3  118 This category included the non-Sopron Hungarian refugee students at  U.B.C. and t h e i r f a m i l i e s , as well as two  Hungarian women on the U.B.C. s e c r e t a r i a l s t a f f . The area of contact between the Soproners and nonSoproners i s interesting as, on the Sopron side, i t appeared to be confined almost solely to some s t a f f members, some of the f i r s t Year students who had not been students at Sopron and the above mentioned peripheral members.  These people formed a d i s t i n c t group.  They  v i s i t e d each other regularly and had parties together. The "university group" appeared to have l i t t l e formal or informal contact with the Hungarian community i n Vancouver.  Prior to the revolution the Hungarian Social Club  (Magyar Tarsaskor) possessed a very shabby, dilapidated h a l l on West 4th Avenue.  In early 1957, presumably spurred by  the  promise of enormously increased membership and revenue,  the  Club purchased and renovated a new property not f a r  from the university.  This h a l l became one of the main  centres of Vancouver Hungarian a c t i v i t y , and also, i n the beginning, the place where students met non students. Regular Saturday night dances were held which students attended i r r e g u l a r l y i n the hope of picking up g i r l s . In October o f f i c i a l contact was established between university group and the Tarsaskor and a s t a f f representative from Sopron sat i n on the Tarsaskor executive.  It appears  119 that there was some protest from the well established members of the Club on having a New Canadian on the executive.  The professor withdrew and there was no more  formal contact between the groups. Another area of contact between u n i v e r s i t y group and other Hungarians i n the city was i n the protestant and catholic churches presided over by Hungarian clergymen. Discussion groups and c u l t u r a l evenings were sponsored by these i n s t i t u t i o n s , but I have no information as to how widely they were attended.  The Hungarian p r i e s t held  special English classes for. the Sopron f a c u l t y . Several ceremonies of a national Hungarian character, held at the Tarsaskor's new b u i l d i n g and throughout the c i t y , brought a l l groups together by emphasising t h e i r common n a t i o n a l i t y .  However, t h i s s o l i d a r i t y induced by 4  the structural context  only operated on a very general and  temporary l e v e l , especially as f a r as the university group was concerned.  For instance on the October 23rd anniversary  of the Hungarian revolution there was a large ceremony held i n downtown Vancouver which several students attended.  For  the students the important ceremony was a march around the U.B.C  campus.  This was not attended by any other Hungarians.  A documentary f i l m on the revolution "Hungary i n Flames" was shown at the Tarsaskor h a l l i n March 1958.  Hungarians  from a l l groups attended the four showings and appeared to react i n the same way e.g., hisses f o r Hakosi, applause i n  120 other places, and a spontaneous singing of the Hungarian national anthem at the close.  Yet these occasions did  not appear to have any effect on the relations between the 5 various groups. In summary i t could almost be said that except f o r r e l i g i o u s a c t i v i t y a Hungarian ethnic community might as well not have existed i n Vancouver as f a r as the Sopron group was concerned.  Insufficient information does not  permit me to state the converse.  The a c t i v i t i e s and interests  of the Sopron students have been primarily directed inwards upon themselves, secondarily towards U.B.C. and Canadian students.  With reference to the r e l a t i o n s between Sopron  and the l o c a l Hungarians the d e f i n i t i o n of "student" i s more important than that of "Hungarian".  The non-students  and the peripheral members of the Sopron group tended to have more contact, f i r s t with the u n i v e r s i t y group,-and second with the l o c a l Hungarians, than did the students. It should be mentioned here that i n the questionnaire 37 per cent of the students reported having r e l a t i v e s i n Canada and the U. S, (15 and 22 per cent respectively),.  Two  cases were known to me of students receiving f i n a n c i a l aid from these r e l a t i v e s , t h i s does not include children of professors i n Vancouver.  121 3» Social Background of the Students In a questionnaire presented to the students i n December 1957 questions were asked which provided a rough index of the s o c i a l composition of the group.  The low  return on the questionnaire raised several questions as to the representativeness of the sample. discussed on page 11  Some of these are  . Other i r r e g u l a r i t i e s are discussed  in the footnotes to Table '".V. The categories of o r i g i n used i n Table  are the  t r a d i t i o n a l ones used i n Hungary. Compared with actual 6 enrollment percentages i n Sopron, weighted toward the i n t e l l e c t u a l s .  t h i s whole s t a t i s t i c i s In Hungary the percentage  of children of workers and peasants was higher than here.  A  greater percentage of children of i n t e l l e c t u a l s chose to leave t h e i r country. The average income of the students' fathers was s l i g h t l y above the national average f o r Hungary.  The average  median income i n my sample was 1,140 f o r i n t s a month. The average income i n the whole of Hungary i s a l i t t l e below 1,000  f o r i n t s a month.  The average income of the university  f a m i l i e s i s higher'than the country wide figure because the percentage of children of i n t e l l e c t u a l families with a higher income i s greater at university than throughout the country. Regarding r e l i g i o u s a f f i l i a t i o n , 71 students (78 per cent) i n the sample professed the Roman Catholic f a i t h , 19  122  • TABLE V FATHER'S OCCUFATION IN 1945, BY YEAR. OCCUPATION  II  Peasant  3#  Worker  1  I n t e l l e c t u a l and White C o l l a r  8  #  III  IV  V  4  7  3  6  6  11  NO. PERCENT 21  30 32  56$  35$  Dead, Retired.  3$  No Answer  6$  T o t a l Answers  23  12  17  20  19  91  100$  ft This figure includes some students who were not admitted to u n i v e r s i t y i n Hungary before the revolution primarily because t h e i r s o c i a l o r i g i n was undesirable. § In the second Year there i s probably a higher percentage of c h i l d r e n of workers and peasants than indicated here because only one out of at least eight students who had attended Szakerettsegi zet school (thus, a l l working class people) answered the quest ionnaire. It had been predicted to me by a professor that these students might be more sensitive about answering a questionnaire than the other students. p. There are a c t u a l l y about eight children of i n t e l l e c t uals i n the f i f t h Year.  123 students (21 per cent) were Protestants, and one was Greek Orthodox. As no s i m i l a r s t a t i s t i c s are available for U.B.C. students one can only make surmises as to the s i m i l a r i t i e s and differences of s o c i a l o r i g i n .  One thing i s certain,  that the percentage of Roman Catholics i n the U.B.C. population  i s considerably l e s s than 78 per cent.  On the  whole the c u l t u r a l ( i n the narrow sense) differences between the Canadians and the Hungarians would probably at l e a s t i n i t i a l l y obscure any class differences, which might a f f e c t i n t e r a c t i o n . Another relevant s t a t i s t i c was age composition of the group. TABLE VI AVERAGE AGE OF SOPRON STUDENTS BY YEAR IN DECEMBER 1957, I Average Age 21.7  II  III  IV  V  ALL YEARS  21.6  22.3  23  24.5  22.6  The f i r s t Year i s s l i g h t l y older than the second Year owing to the number of new students who had not been admitted to university i n Hungary.  124  FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER IX 1. See R. K. Merton, Social Theory and Social Structure, (2nd Ed.)!, The Free Press, Glencoe, 111., 1957, p. 311. 2. I had very l i t t l e data on the structure of the Hungarian ethnic group i n Vancouver. I have therefore l i m i t e d t h i s discussion to the areas of contact with the Soproners. For discussions of Hungarian ethnic groups i n Canada and elsewhere see bibliography. 3. A professor had the following view of the l o c a l ethnic community. "The Hungarian community i n Vancouver i s very divided. Hungarians cannot l i v e i n a group. After 1919 the communists emmigrated. A f t e r 1945 the national s o c i a l i s t s , and now us. There are many communist agents among us now agitating people to take advantage of the free fare back home." The theme that Hungarians cannot l i v e together i n a group i s common i n the l i t e r a t u r e as well, where several unsatisfactory theories have been advanced. 4.  R. K. Merton, op. c i t . , p. 316.  5. During, and immediately a f t e r the revolution these kinds of occasions d i d have a cohesive effect on the Hungarian ethnic communities throughout Canada. See the report by Audrey Wipper f o r an example of the establishment of a purposeful s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y i n the Hungarian ethnic group i n Toronto by the introduction of superordinate o a l s — a i d to t h e i r fellow Hungarians i n d i s t r e s s . See udrey Wipper, The Reactions of Hungarian Canadians to the C r i s i s i n Hungary, Defence Research Department report submitted to the Canadian Citizenship Branch, Department of Citizenship and Immigration, Ottawa, 1958.  f  CHAPTER X INSTITUTIONAL ADAPTATION 1. The I n s t i t u t i o n and U.B.C.  This section i s concerned with the establishment of a r e l a t i o n a l context of an i n s t i t u t i o n .  The main questions  that arise are; what rearrangements took place i n the i n s t i t u t i o n a l structure of U.B.C. to accommodate t h i s  new  addition, and secondly what new mechanisms, or modifications of old mechanisms, evolved within the Sopron group to enable i t to accommodate to the new  context?  In Hungary the i n s t i t u t i o n had existed within a context of other i n s t i t u t i o n s .  Before the war this consisted  i n the Technical University of which the Sopron school was a Faculty, the government departments concerned with higher education, the Sopron alumni  (Foresters' Association),  and the government departments, business firms and estates which provided employment f o r the graduated forest engineers. After the accession of the communists to power a l l the above i n s t i t u t i o n s became, so to speak, government departments, including the Foresters' Association. The same exchanges and functions had to be carried on, i . e . , negotiating f o r funds, placing graduate students, maintaining relations with other academic i n s t i t u t i o n s , etc..  A l l these exchanges  took place through f a m i l i a r and t r i e d channels.  When the  126 communists came, many of these channels were changed and others substituted. Adjustments were made and the i n s t i t u t ional structure was modified accordingly. In Canada, at U.B.C, an e n t i r e l y new network of relations had to be established. Nothing was "familiar and tried".  The very status and manifest function of the  i n s t i t u t i o n i n i t s new setting had to be established. New techniques of negotiation and bargaining, i f this term may be used i n an academic connection, had to be learned. Finances had to be arranged, which intimately involved the federal government which i n turn negotiated long and hard with U.B.C.  Summer employment had to be found f o r  students and s t a f f , and permanent employment f o r the graduated students.  These were a l l inescapable problems f o r which  some settlement had to be found.  Status From the very beginning (December 1956)  i t was known  that the Sopron Faculty would be " a f f i l i a t e d " with U.B.C i n some way.  The nature o f this a f f i l i a t i o n was not a c t u a l l y  determined u n t i l October 1957 when the t i t l e of "U.B.C Faculty of Forestry, Sopron D i v i s i o n " was agreed upon. The nature of the degree to be conferred by the Sopron Division was only decided i n February 1958. The degree was to be, "Bachelor of Science i n Forestry.  Equivalent to Okleveles  Erdomernok, Diploma i n Forest Engineering, Sopron University,  127 Hungary".  The basic problem facing U.B.C. here was how to  c l a s s i f y the Sopron curriculum.  The curriculum covered  nearly a l l the subjects given i n the regular B.S.F. course, but had i n addition many b i o l o g i c a l , zoological and engineering courses.  In e f f e c t , the Sopron curriculum l a y  between the U.B.C. forestry t r a i n i n g and the forest ing program i n the Faculty of Applied  Science.  engineer-  The l a t t e r  department, a f t e r a careful study of the Sopron curriculum, announced i t could not grant an engineering degree on the basis of the subjects treated. The decision to allow the Division to award the B.S.F. degree was f e l t by the Soproners to have ignored a large part of t h e i r t r a i n i n g .  1  I t was i n fact an indication  of imperfect " f i t " of the Division into i t s new context, and i t was the D i v i s i o n that made the adjustment.  The  additional clause i n the Sopron degree was the solution to the dilemma.  The actual status of this degree has yet to  be determined i n practise, and w i l l depend to some extent on the conduct of the Soproners themselves.  At present  there i s no i n d i c a t i o n whether the graduates w i l l be able to obtain forest engineering work with t h e i r present certification. Though the Sopron professors did not receive salaries p  on the same basis as the regular U.B.C. Faculty members, they d i d receive a l l the f r i n g e benefits accorded to regular U.B.C. s t a f f .  They would also presumably be e l i g i b l e to  128 j o i n and vote at Faculty Association meetings, but ho 3 precedent has yet been established. The o f f i c i a l status of the Sopron students at U.B.C. was exactly the same as that of a l l the other U.B.C. students.  They paid the same fees and enjoyed the same  rights and p r i v i l e g e s . A l l received Alma Mater cards and, many voted i n campus elections.  The I f j u s a g i Kor (the  Sopron Students' Association) received a subsidy from the A.M.S. on the same basis as every other under-graduate society on the campus.  The only way i n which t h e i r status  could be construed as "less than" that of the regular students was the night classes schedule.  In questionnaire  returns several Sopron students remarked that they were not getting the same value as the Canadian students f o r the fees they paid because they had the considerable of the evening schedule.  inconvenience  On the other hand t h e i r " s p e c i a l "  status was acknowledged by the u n i v e r s i t y by the provision of an |18,000 loan fund f o r the students who could not pay t h e i r fees.  Functions^ Manifest  Functions  The primary, e x p l i c i t l y stated function of the Sopron Division was, of course, the same as the f a c u l t y of which i t had become a part, namely, to t r a i n foresters.  129 Further, as part of a p r o v i n c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n , to t r a i n foresters f o r the B r i t i s h Columbia f o r e s t s .  I t was stated  several times by informed people that the Sopron group would without doubt contribute greatly t o ease the shortage of f o r e s t r y personnel  i n B. C.  A l l Canada i s short of trained foresters and yet enrolment i n the forest school i s not increasing materially. An extra 200 graduates spread over about f i v e years beginning i n 1958 should be of substantial help to shorthanded employers.5 In addition to mere gross numbers of foresters seen as needed i n B. C. f o r e s t s , the q u a l i t y or kind of foresters needed was another important question. interesting to note the following statement  It i s  concerning  the function of the U. B. C. Forestry Faculty made by the president of the u n i v e r s i t y i n his annual report.  This  statement was made before the Hungarian revolution. In addition to research and teaching, the Faculty (of Forestry) works i n close collaboration with the forest industry so that we may t r a i n the kind of men needed. With t h i s i n mind, we are considering the introduction of a "logging" option i n the B.S.F. course. Too few students are entering Forest Engineering to s a t i s f y the demands of the Province. By providing more of the basic engineering subjects as options i n the B.S.F. curriculum, we may be able to do more t o meet the steady demand f o r men who can do the engineering work i n logging operations. 0  If t h i s describes a genuine need i n B. C. f o r e s t s , then the a r r i v a l of the Sopron group, with i t s emphasis on the engineering i n forestry, should serve an immediate p o s i t i v e function f o r B.C. f o r e s t r y .  However, at the present time  130 (June 1958J the general economic s i t u a t i o n has rendered meaningless such phrases as "short-handed employers" and "the  steady demand f o r men"'.  Latent Functions T r i t e as i t may seem, the o f f i c i a l recognition of the  Sopron group as a separate entity was the condition f o r  the  existence of the group structure.  The i n s t i t u t i o n a l  d e f i n i t i o n provided security and s t a b i l i t y which i n turn enabled internal structure to evolve.  Early on, an  o f f i c i a l seal was cut which read "Sopron D i v i s i o n , Faculty of Forestry, U.B.C.—Miiszaki Egyetem Erdomernoki Kar, 7 Sopron". This t i t l e symbolized the double reference of the  group.  The "Miiszaki  " referred to the internal  organization of the group (and to i t s tradition)', and "Sopron D i v i s i o n " placed i t i n i t s new context. The advent of the Sopron group had several observable latent functions f o r the i n s t i t u t i o n a l structure of U.B.C. F i r s t , (and perhaps l e a s t latent I ) was the world wide p u b l i c i t y which accompanied the Sopron group on i t s journey and which was perhaps functional i n advancing the prestige of the host i n s t i t u t i o n . Other latent functions described here were i n areas not  d i r e c t l y open to my research and the statements therefore  remain i n the realm of impression and conjecture.  These  131 latent functions are conceived of as r e l a t i v e l y long range p o s s i b i l i t i e s of change.  The presence of the group w i l l  perhaps make f o r a reappraisal of the f o r e s t r y t r a i n i n g program at U.B.C. and of p r a c t i c a l methods i n the f i e l d . "The Hungarians' experience and t r a i n i n g i n the basic sciences and i n s i l v i c u l t u r e w i l l prove valuable", he said (Dean Allen)'. "Greater emphasis i s placed on the growing and management of forests i n Central Europe than i n t h i s country, and i t i s expected that t h e g S t u d e n t s w i l l help to develop better practises here".^ The long negotiations between U.B.C. and the Department of Citizenship and Immigration also had some functional significance.  F i n a l l y the sudden increase i n the Roman  Catholic population of the u n i v e r s i t y i s also held to be functionally significant.  A program of research i n these  areas might reveal valuable aspects of i n s t i t u t i o n a l structure and functioning.  Structure o f the Relations Between the I n s t i t u t i o n s Both the status and the manifest functions of the Sopron group were worked out i n committees composed of Hungarian and Canadian professors and u n i v e r s i t y personnel. There were two standing committees. The f i n a n c i a l committee was composed of the Deputy to the President, the Assistant Honorary Bursar, the Head of the Department of Economics, the Dean of the Faculty of Forestry and the Director of the Sopron  D i v i s i o n . Its.  main tasks were; to draw up a salary contract suitable to  132 a l l concerned, to determine the fees to be paid by the students students..  ( i f any) and to arrange f o r a loan fund f o r the The f i n a n c i a l committee also had to negotiate  with the Department of Citizenship and Immigration f o r the necessary  funds.  The advisory committee, a much l a r g e r body, was composed of representatives from a wide range of spheres of the u n i v e r s i t y .  Its main tasks were: to devise a  suitable name f o r the Sopron group which would express i t s status i n the university; to set up a timetable which could be coordinated with the regular U.B.C. timetable; to make a comparative study of the. c u r r i c u l a of the U.B.C. Faculty of Forestry, the U.B.C. Department of Forest  Engineering  and the Sopron group, and. to make recommendations as to the degree the group should be empowered to confer; to evaluate the credentials of the teaching s t a f f of the group with a view to future employment or f o r admittance to study f o r an advanced degree at U.B.C; and f i n a l l y to handle countless small problems of "where?" and "how?". As time went on other mechanisms of r e l a t i o n evolved.  Direct channels of communication became established  between the Sopron Division and the U.B.C. administration o f f i c e as the Hungarian r e g i s t r a r went to check the monthly salary l i s t s , or help set up records on the Sopron students.  133 In this connection coordinated.  even the systems of grades had to be  The presence of a Hungarian woman i n the  administration o f f i c e greatly f a c i l i t a t e d these dealings at first. Such matters as the cleaning of the Sopron quarters and the provision of e l e c t r i c l i g h t bulbs and storage space necessitated communication with the Buildings and Grounds Department,  Relationships with other academic departments  in the university were established through  individual  professors' research programs and through a weekly seminar sponsored by the U.B.C. Forestry Faculty.  Several  professors  and graduates became employed i n U.B.C. departments as part time demonstrators and other work.  One professor  was  employed as a f u l l time taxidermist., The work of the advisory committee decreased i n proportion to the spread of these r e l a t i o n a l mechanisms. In summary we see adjustment on both sides taking place on the i n s t i t u t i o n a l l e v e l .  Temporary  relational  mechanisms were established, only to begin to wither away when other, more permanent channels of communication became entrenched.  However, the temporary nature, and  undetermined length of l i f e , of the whole movement obviated the necessity f o r any fundamental structural on the part of the receiving i n s t i t u t i o n .  rearrangement  134 Some of the functions of the new i n s t i t u t i o n a l context f o r the internal organization of the Sopron group are examined i n the next section and i n the following chapter  2. Academic  1 (  Organization  Though the group was a Division of the U.B.C. Forestry Faculty, i t retained e n t i r e l y i t s own curriculum and methods of teaching.  The only exceptions  were the compulsory  English classes which were set up by the U.B.C. Psychology Department, and the series of lectures i n English by U.B.C. professors on various subjects connected with forestry and Canadian s o c i a l institutions... The "Canadian culture and f o r e s t r y " series was not compulsory i n the academic sense, nevertheless most students attended either from personal interest or because of group pressures  (see Appendix C)  to appear interested i n what the Canadians had to o f f e r . The English classes were regarded as compulsory by the students who spoke of sanctions f o r non-attendance or f a i l u r e such as no readmittance i n the following year. the English classes had no status.  Officially  For instance, though  only eleven students passed the f i n a l examinations i n the English classes i n A p r i l , a l l 28 students of the graduating class received t h e i r f i n a l degrees i n May without reservations. However, a f t e r the f i n a l examinations the Psychology Testing Department submitted recommendations f o r procedures f o r the following year.  The report recommended that the better  135 students (including the eleven who passed) follow regular U.B.C. elementary English courses i n the next year, and that the poorer students continue to attend special classes. An o f f i c i a l stand f o r next year may thus be taken on the basis of t h i s report. With the above exceptions, the course of studies was returned to i t s pre-communist content.  The "Holy T r i n i t y "  subjects were, of course, omitted, which made possible the reduction of the t r a i n i n g period by half a year.  Two other  non forestry courses were given to stimulate c u l t u r a l interest among the students.  One was "World L i t e r a t u r e "  and the other was e n t i t l e d "Hungaralogia".  The l a t t e r  course was intended to set right various misconceptions of Hungarian history which had been taught i n the communist schools.  Neither of these courses were f o r credit, but they  were well attended In spite of these reductions the lecture and lab schedule of between 35 and 40 hours a week, was s t i l l heavy by Canadian Forestry Faculty standards. In the t r a d i t i o n a l European pattern each professor gave two hour lectures a week i n h i s subject.  The laboratories  and some lectures were given by the assistants  (lecturers).  One assistant was appointed (since Abbotsford) as "leader" f o r each Year.  These provided an important intermediary  function, i n the communication system and f o r students seeking help with academic problems.  They also acted as  136 "whips" who spurred on lagging students to better e f f o r t s . This was important as there was r e l a t i v e l y l i t t l e ' I n c e n t i v e " , other than sheer desire to learn, f o r the younger students to attend l e c t u r e s .  In Hungary there was always a great  pressure on the students, especially the younger ones, to do well.  Party and D.I.SZ. o f f i c i a l s were continually  exhorting students to greater accomplishments.  Concrete  reward was given f o r good grades i n the form of increased stipendia. The Hungarian  system of oral examinations,  colloquia  and szigorlatok, was retained. The colloquia were held i n the professors' o f f i c e s . Up to half a dozen students attended at the same time and were given t h e i r questions.  (One professor made up some  ten questions beforehand on pieces of paper and drew them at random out of an envelope).  They then sat down with pencil  and paper to prepare t h e i r answers, t h i s might l a s t anywhere up to an hour.  When a student considered himself ready  he would ask permission and begin to answer the question he had been given o r a l l y .  The professor might i n t e r j e c t a  few c l a r i f y i n g questions or h i n t s .  The other students were  quite free to l i s t e n i f they wanted, but usually they would be too concerned with preparing t h e i r own answers.  As i n  Hungary Grades were given out immediately and written i n the student's "Index".  The colloquia w^re not open to  137  auditors. The f i n a l comprehensive  examination d i f f e r e d from  the above procedure. Six professors are s i t t i n g on the outside o f a shallow U of desks while the examinee s i t s i n the middle of the U. Two students i n the front of the audience are waiting to b e examined and are preparing some answers. I s i t behind these with two other students who are just auditing. Each professor appeared to be given the f l o o r f o r a period i n which he asked several questions. Other professors interrupted with other questions. The examinee developed some of h i s answers at length. There was a f a i r l y informal atmosphere, the professors moved around behind the desks and smoked and chatted with each other. They seemed f a i r l y supportive of the examinee. December and January were designated as examination January 1 2 t h was the dead-  months f o r the f i r s t semester.  l i n e a f t e r which students had to pay a each examination.  $3.00  l a t e fee f o r  By January 1 2 t h 1 0 7 students had  completed  t h e i r entire schedule of examinations, 50 students s t i l l had one more examination to take, and 3 4 students were two or more examinations i n arrears.  Three students had quit  studying i n t h i s period. The lack of textbooks were very important.  meant that lecture notes  Good sets of notes were i n great demand  i n the examination periods and were extensively circulated among the students.  Several Canadian texts were used and  formed part of the examinations. A p r i l was the examination month f o r the second  138 semester, but no deadline was set f o r completion of examinations because the s t a f f f e l t that here was an opportunity to allow the unemployed students to complete t h e i r requirements.  139  FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER X 1. The f i f t h Year students who were most immediately involved i n t h i s question were especially disappointed because most of them were interested i n the technical side of the t r a i n i n g . There were only three " b i o l o g i s t s " among the 28. The rumour c i r c u l a t e d among t h e o t h e r students that Forest Engineers* got paid $200. more a month than people with a B.S.F. degree. 2.  See Appendix D.  3. One reason given by the professors was the entrance fee which they considered too high. 4. See R.'K. Merton, Social Theory and Social Structure, (2nd Ed.), The Free Press, Glencoe, 111., 1 9 5 7 , p. 51. 5. George S. A l l e n , Dean of the Faculty of Forestry of the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, U.B.C. Reports, February 1957. 6. The President's Report 1955-1956, University of B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver, 1957, pp. 19-20. In t h i s connection i t i s interesting to note that there were only f i v e graduates in Forest Engineering i n the whole of Canada i n 1953 (excluding the Soproners). See The B. C. Professional Engineer, 9:25, January 1953. 7. Translated t h i s i s "Forest Engineering Faculty of the Technical University of Sopron," This was the t i t l e of the Faculty during the revolution. 8. Clippings from over 50 Canadian newspapers were s c r u t i n i z e d . Several a r t i c l e s appeared i n magazines i n various countries, see bibliography. Perhaps the a r t i c l e with the widest c i r c u l a t i o n was the one i n Life, Magazine, May 13th, 1 9 5 7 . 9.  The Ubvssev, January 24th,  1957.  10. The establishment and functioning of the Polish University College at the University of London from 1947 to 1953 seems to bear many s i m i l a r i t i e s i n adjustment on the i n s t i t u t i o n a l l e v e l to the Sopron case. This i n s t i t u t i o n , with i t s nine departments staffed solely by former professors of various Polish u n i v e r s i t i e s , graduated over 900 students during i t s s i x years of existence as a "corporate body". The same problems of determination of status of the degrees appeared i n both cases, and the same kind of solution applied — the College gave i t s own diploma.  140  It should be pointed out that the structure of a looselyorganized i n s t i t u t i o n such as the University of London lends i t s e l f much more r e a d i l y to incorporation of diverse bodies than the more compact structure of the University of B r i t i s h Columbia. In addition, the whole background d i f f e r e d . Substantial funds were provided by Parliament f o r the education of the 10,000 Polish elementary and university students i n Great B r i t a i n . The Polish College was thus part of a much wider program. What l i t t l e information there was on students* a c t i v i t i e s seemed to point to a much more active and group conscious program than has existed among the Soproners up t i l l now. Of course, the Soproners have been under some pressure to assimilate and thus not to p a r t i c i p a t e i n U.B.C. a c t i v i t i e s as a group, but as i n d i v i d u a l s . A l l the students at the Polish College were "grant aided" throughout t h e i r studies, which perhaps had some bearing on the more intense a c t i v i t i e s of the students. Although the Polish College was wound up In 1953, the Library i s s t i l l i n existence today. See "Polish University College: Report of the P r i n c i p a l f o r the "Period 1947—1953*'. Polish University College, London 1953; Education i n E x i l e , Ministry of Education, H. M. Stationer O f f i c e , London, 1956. Several examples of parts of academic i n s t i t u t i o n s f l e e i n g from one country to another are given i n Norman Bentwich's book. However, none of these involved both professors and students setting up a functioning system i n a new environment. See N. Bentwich, Hescue:and Achievement of Refugee Scholars, Martinus Nijhof, The Hague, 1953. 11. Some $300. was~"allowed the.Sopron Division to buy texts. The normal method of obtaining books by sending i n recommendations to the l i b r a r y , was not open to Sopron because the l i b r a r y was not interested i n acquiring books i n Hungarian. v  CHAPTER XT STUDENT SOCIAL ORGANIZATION 1. Formal Organization The I.K.  At U.B.C. the I.K. executive remained the same as when elected i n Powell River except f o r the a r c h i v i s t , who was one of the two students who* had returned to Hungary. At an early stage the I.K. received o f f i c e space, where the president held a d a i l y o f f i c e hour.  There was s t i l l  talk  of recreating, the Selmec customs. "Members of the I.K. committee thought that even the younger students were keen to have the o l d customs, even though t h i s might mean they would suffer as i n f e r i o r s f o r a while. thought  A young professor  otherwise,  S. did not think i t (the I.K.) would revive here. He said some of the professors gave lectures on the old customs i n Abbotsford and Powell River. But here the environment i s too l i b e r a l and the I.K. must have an a t t r a c t i v e program otherwise the students w i l l not j o i n . It has to compete with the other clubs. It no longer has a monopoly.... Perhaps some students w i l l not l i k e being subjected to the indignity of being a Balek and being hounded. Maybe the I.K. can adapt to t h i s environment. In f a c t t h i s professor was r i g h t .  This internal flowering  of the old customs never came about. 0  This was probably  attributable to two main factors both centering around the Baleks.  F i r s t , the main integrative structure of the o l d  142 I.K. the godfather system, could not be maintained i n a s i t u a t i o n where the neophytes were as informed as the initiated.  As the above professor said, the o l d I.K. had  a s t r i c t monopoly, and the neophytes were dependent upon the approval of the i n i t i a t e s f o r t h e i r very admission to the Academy.  This leads to the second factor, the  s o c i a l i z a t i o n of the newcomers.  As someone once said, each  new generation of children i s an invasion of society by barbarians who have to be trained and taught appropriate roles.  In a sense, the new I.K. was analogous to a society  with no children, or hope of begetting them. As Seeley, Sim and Loosley have said, b e l i e f s influence behaviour and are themselves an attempt to give form and expression to behaviour e x i s t i n g temporally i n advance of 1 beliefs.  The b e l i e f s current i n pre-communist Sopron had  not been reinforced by behaviour f o r ten years.  However, one  b e l i e f was singled out as a major basis f o r the new a c t i v i t y , t h i s was patriotism.  I.K.  The o r i g i n a l form t h i s  sentiment took was well i l l u s t r a t e d i n the e l e c t i o n speech i n Appendix C.  The maintenance of Hungary's good name,  the dissemination of the message of the revolution f o r the free world, e.g., the dangers of communism, became the ideal of the new I.K.  The president kept i n close contact  with the Union of Free Hungarian students, a world wide organization of some 8,000 refugee students from Hungary  143 and with the Anna Kethly, Bela K i r a l y emigre c i r c l e i n New York, which maintained lobbies in the U.N. government.  and the U.S.  A l l the students received membership cards i n  the Union stamped with I.K. on the reverse.  The president  devoted almost an hour of his speech at the f i r s t  I.K.  meeting to events i n Europe and developments i n the Union. A genuine bloodstained war-torn f l a g of the revolution was exhibited at the U.B.C. bookstore.  The Freedom March  through the campus on October 23rd was the high point of these efforts. After t h i s peak of a c t i v i t y there was, with one exception, no more group action to propagate the lessons of the revolution.  The president gave one more report  of h i s l e t t e r writing e f f o r t s to a general meeting. Individual students and professors would s t i l l maintain that the Canadians did not r e a l i z e the dangers of communism, nor could they understand the revolution, but no further c o l l e c t i v e action was taken. In March 1957  there was an interesting occurrence  which perhaps arose from the frustrated desires of the students f o r c o l l e c t i v e action of t h i s sort.  A small group of  students organized a Freedom March to exhibit s o l i d a r i t y with the students of Indonesia who  (supposedly) were  f i g h t i n g communism i n t h e i r revolution.  Announcement of  the impending demonstration was published i n the Ubyssey, the u n i v e r s i t y newspaper.  However, the Indonesian students  144  at U.B.C. made i t know to the Hungarian Dean that t h i s demonstration would not be welcome.  The president of the  I.K. thereupon issued a j o i n t statement with the president of the Indonesian students* organization saying that no demonstration would be held. It would be f a i r t o say that the majority of the students had nothing at a l l to do with the planned demonstration.  But i t d i d somehow express the feelings of  both students and professors that the s p i r i t of the revolution should be kept a l i v e and also communicated to the Canadians.  In a way t h i s could be conceived of as a  desire to j u s t i f y t h e i r presence i n Canada t o the Canadians. The professors were mildly contemptuous of the students' inactivity.  In A p r i l one middle aged professor said,  If my generation had come out under similar circumstances we would have upheld the s p i r i t of the revolution v/ith much more a c t i v i t y . We would have done more a n t i communist work, and wouldn't have thought so much about money. But now many students have almost forgotten about the revolution. 1  The same professor observed a tendency among the students to move from "idealism" to "materialism".  In Austria, he  said, the students had been f u l l of i d e a l s , but here they are  always worried about money.  A.content analysis of the  subjects discussed at general meetings of the student body throughout the year would seem to corroborate t h i s . S i m i l a r l y , the f i r s t editions of "Teritek" the monthly, 12 page newspaper (the o f f i c i a l paper of the I.K.) paid  145 more a t t e n t i o n t o t h e r e v o l u t i o n t h a n t h e l a t e r  editions—  no m e n t i o n o f t h e r e v o l u t i o n b e i n g made i n t h e A p r i l 1 s t edition.  The I . K . a n d U . B . C . As t h e students,  I . K . was t h e o f f i c i a l o r g a n o f t h e H u n g a r i a n  it fell  to the  i n the  executive to negotiate  f o r the  I.K.  ation.  Two m a i n d i r e c t i o n s w e r e f o l l o w e d .  c o m m i t t e e was s e t U.B.C. the  status  organiz-  An i n f o r m a l  u p composed o f r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s  of the Sopron s t u d e n t s .  place  student  F o r e s t r y Club and t h e Alma M a t e r S o c i e t y ,  strong) I.K.  s t r u c t u r e of the U . B . C .  a  The F o r e s t e r s  from the to  decide  (some  d i d n o t want a m e r g e r w i t h t h e H u n g a r i a n s , so  was s e t  the A.M.S.  up a s a s e p a r a t e u n d e r g r a d u a t e s o c i e t y  which enjoyed the  134  the  under  same r i g h t s as a n y o t h e r  student  2 society,  e.g.,  a subsidy from the A . M . S .  send a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e meetings.  t o a l l F o r e s t r y Club  However, the I . K . contact  F o r e s t r y C l u b n e v e r went b e y o n d t h e  The I . K . d i d executive  w i t h the  U.B.C.  executive l e v e l .  f o l l o w i n g comment f r o m a C a n a d i a n f o r e s t e r  made n e a r  The the  end o f t h e f i r s t s e m e s t e r i l l u s t r a t e s t h i s ; T h e i r (the Soproners) r a t e of i n t e g r a t i o n i s very s l o w . Nobody (amongst t h e C a n a d i a n f o r e s t e r s ) h a s h a d much c o n t a c t w i t h t h e m a i n body o f s t u d e n t s . The F o r e s t r y C l u b e x e c u t i v e has had a l o t o f c o n t a c t , but o n l y w i t h t h e Sopron e x e c u t i v e . Perhaps i t  w o u l d be most f r u i t f u l  a c t i v i t y of the  t o sum u p t h e f o r m a l  I . K . w i t h an e x t r a c t  f r o m an i n t e r v i e w h e l d  146 with one of the more i n t e l l e c t u a l students i n February 1957: (What do you think the I.K. should do?) The work of the I.K. i s very hard here. It must have a different program, t h i s i s not Hungary. It i s not possible to make the same methods and customs as i n Hungary. Here i s no good the Balek system. (What i s the I.K. doing?) Not much. (What can i t do?) Make some c u l t u r a l program. Maybe to meet with the Canadian students. Make some shows or f i l m s . This would be a good program f o r the I.K., to make contact with the Canadians, but not the Balek business. It i s perhaps useful here to make use of the d i s t i n c t i o n between s o c i a l structure and social organization. Although the I.K. was part of the s o c i a l structure of the Sopron group i t never achieved the s o c i a l organization necessary f o r "getting things done".  For t h i s we must  examine the Year system.  The Years As we have seen, i t was the Year system that constituted the major p r i n c i p l e of s o c i a l organization of the students.  Each Year seen from the outside can be defined  as a formal s o c i a l u n i t .  However whereas, before the  communists the internal organization of each Year was 4 informal  with no o f f i c i a l representatives, under the  communists the Years became i n t e r n a l l y formalized. Canada the Years retained this formal i d e n t i t y  In  ( i n spite of  the fact that the internal organization of each Year was characterized by informality) whereas the I.K. had not been  successful i n recreating the Balek system.  A few Selmec  customs were revived through the Year system. important of these was the Szakesthely.  The most  A. leave taking  Szakesthely was held by the f i f t h Year i n early September in which a l l the o l d forms were observed, except of course, that there were some women present.  Also, at the graduation  ceremony of the f i f t h Year, long forbidden Selmec songs were sung.  The Years and U.B.C. As i n the internal system, so i n the relations with the external system, the Years organized group a c t i v i t i e s . In l a t e November the f i r s t Year organized a dance with g i r l s from the women's dormitories.  When the dorm g i r l s had t o  return to t h e i r quarters at 11 P.M., the students joined a nurses' dance elsewhere i n the same building.  At the end  of January 1953 the f i r s t r e a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t mutual group contact occurred when the t h i r d Year Soproners i n v i t e d the t h i r d Year U.B.C. foresters to a Szakesthely. was a great and wet success.  This party  This i n i t i a t i v e on the part  of the Hungarians spurred the Canadians to reciprocate the i n v i t a t i o n i n the middle of March. were represented.  5  Szakesthely,  This time a l l the Years  The form of t h i s party was also  s i m i l a r l y i t was wet and a success.  These three events, especially the l a t t e r two, were  >  148 the only group occasions up to the present time i n which Canadians and Hungarians had the opportunity to meet and establish l a s t i n g contact.  . 2. Informal Organization Patterns of L i v i n g Upon termination of t h e i r summer jobs, the students t r a v e l l e d to the R.C.A.F. barracks on Sea Island just outside Vancouver.  In August i t had been announced that, •  contrary to previous plans, no permanent accommodation would 6 be made available f o r the Hungarian students at Sea Island. Temporary accommodation would be made available u n t i l the students found suitable lodgings i n the c i t y .  Not even the  25 per cent of the students who, i n the summer had voted to l i v e i n a community, had any regrets about t h i s decision once they actually saw the camp. On t h e i r own e f f o r t s and with the a i d of the International House housing committee at U.B.C. most of the students had found lodgings i n Vancouver by the f i r s t week i n October.  The pattern of housing was s i g n i f i c a n t .  In  the questionnaire sample 84 students (92 per cent), l i v e d together with at least one other Hungarian wife or husband.  student or a  Groups of two, three or four students  "bached" together i n small suites.  One ambitious under-  taking accommodated eleven students i n a rented house i n  149 downtown Vancouver.  After one month t h i s proved to be  too expensive and the inhabitants s p l i t up into three groups.  A number of students found board and lodging i n  the houses of Hungarian professors. The r e t i r e d professor's wife who had run the kitchen i n Powell River set up a boarding house f o r Sopron students.  Seven students l i v e d  there and an average of 25 students ate t h e i r main meal there every day.  At one period 40 students were eating  i n s h i f t s every day from 11 A.M.  to 1 P.M.  Very few  students had room and board in non Hungarian houses. of these had rooms with cooking f a c i l i t i e s .  Most  Three recurrent  reasons were given by the students f o r this l i v i n g together. F i r s t was that they could eat Hungarian food. condemned Canadian cooking as i n s i p i d .  Most students  Hungarian food i s  highly spiced and cooked i n l a r d which gives i t a p a r t i c u l a r flavour.  Garlic i s also used i n quantity.  The second  reason f o r l i v i n g together was one of economy.  Thirdly i t  was f e l t that there was more security i n case of sickness. An important feature of t h i s pattern was that students of the same Year tended to l i v e together.  Students  of d i f f e r e n t Years who l i v e d together tended to be those  who  had not been students i n Sopron, i n other words this subpattern was a function of previously formed groupings i n Hungary.  The functions of the o v e r a l l pattern of l i v i n g f o r  the group structure was primarily integrative, insofar as i t slowed down the s p e c i f i c process of learning English and the  150 general process of "feeling t h e i r way i n t o " Canadian culture and role systems. It i s possible to account f o r the existence of the pattern i n s o c i a l psychological terms, e.g., the need f o r security. the  The question a r i s e s , however, of the reason f o r  existence of the pattern i n s o c i o l o g i c a l terms.  It was  suggested to me that perhaps there was some pressure on the part of Canadian society i n the form of "passive resistance" to the Hungarians. 7 threat are  The Hungarians were perceived as a  and therefore avoided by the Canadians.  Three things  certain, f i r s t a widespread unfavourable image of  Hungarians had been b u i l t up by t h i s time through press publicity.  Second, several Hungarian students had trouble  i n finding accommodation.  Several of the cards i n the  International House housing committee s f i l e s were marked 1  "No Hungarians".  Third, and perhaps most important, there  was no s p e c i f i c p o l i c y or mechanism, extant or created, which would have exerted pressure on the.students to break t h e i r group t i e s .  There was, however, the general pressure to  learn the language and enjoy the benefits of this  knowledge.  "I want to learn English so I can get a better job i n the summer.  The f i r s t question they ask you i s 'Can you speak  English'."  This pressure partly accounted f o r the behaviour  of the t e n per cent of the students who deliberately chose to l i v e apart from t h e i r comrades.  151 It the  can be seen, t h u s , t h a t i f t h e r e was a p o l i c y on  p a r t o f U.B.C. t o speed t h e i n t e g r a t i o n of t h e  Hungarians i n t o Canadian s o c i e t y by not p e r m i t t i n g them to  l i v e i n a community, some s p e c i f i c mechanism s h o u l d  have been d e v i s e d t o f a c i l i t a t e t h e accommodation s t u d e n t s by themselves i n Canadian h o u s e h o l d s .  of the  As f a r as  a s s i m i l a t i o n was c o n c e r n e d , t h e p a t t e r n which developed was not  overly efficacious.  We can o n l y s p e c u l a t e as t o what  would have happened had t h e s t u d e n t s l i v e d i n a r e s i d e n t i a l community. I n t e r e s t i n g , was t h e f a c t t h a t t h e s t u d e n t s themselves had v o t e d a g a i n s t community l i f e .  I n the p a t t e r n they  e v o l v e d they were a b l e t o r e t a i n a l l t h e advantages o f community l i f e ,  (security, f a m i l i a r patterns of i n t e r a c t i o n ,  minimum n e c e s s a r y e f f o r t t o l e a r n new r o l e s ) w i t h o u t t h e concomitant r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s , o b l i g a t i o n s and l i m i t a t i o n s 9  upon t h e i r freedom.  Activities It  i s d e s i r a b l e t o s k e t c h i n some o f t h e a c t i v i t i e s  engaged i n by s t u d e n t s which were, no doubt, f u n c t i o n s o f s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , b u t which were themselves not o r g a n i z e d i n any sense m e a n i n g f u l f o r t h e whole group.  These  activities  can be c a t e g o r i z e d i n t o i n t e r n a l and e x t e r n a l a c t i v i t i e s i n terms o f whether t h e y i n v o l v e d o t h e r group members o r took  152  p l a c e i n some way'outside t h e group.  F i r s t the internal  activities. From o b s e r v a t i o n s made a t my house throughout t h e y e a r i t appeared t h a t t h e s t u d e n t s m a i n t a i n e d o f i n t e r a c t i o n w i t h each o t h e r .  a high l e v e l  S c a r c e l y a day passed  when t h e r e were not some v i s i t o r s a t t h e house.  At l e a s t  once a week t h e r e was an evening g a t h e r i n g o f t e n w i t h b e e r o r wine, a t which songs were sung and i n t e n s e lasted f a rinto the night.  conversations  I held several social  gatherings  j o i n t l y w i t h t h e s t u d e n t s and my f r i e n d s a t which I became a c q u a i n t e d w i t h more s t u d e n t s and they became a c q u a i n t e d some non-Hungarians.  with  Other t h a n t h e s e few, no non-Hungarians  ever v i s i t e d t h e s t u d e n t s to my knowledge. Useful s o c i a l techniques  and b i t s o f Canadian  c u l t u r e were t r a n s m i t t e d through t h e g r a p e v i n e .  A student  made an Hungarian t r a n s l a t i o n o f t h e d r i v e r s ' l i c e n s e i n s t r u c t i o n s which was c i r c u l a t e d t o a l l a s p i r a n t d r i v e r s . In a d d i t i o n a seemingly  f o o l p r o o f system was d i s c o v e r e d  f o r d e t e r m i n i n g w h i c h q u e s t i o n s on t h e t e s t have a p o s i t i v e o r a n e g a t i v e answer. S e v e r a l s t u d e n t s bought c a r s .  I n March 1 9 5 8 , 1 6 c a r s  and m o t o r c y c l e s were owned by 2 7 s t u d e n t s i n t h e group. T h i s compares not u n f a v o u r a b l y w i t h t h e n a t i o n a l Canadian A  Average.  1  1  T h i s was perhaps due t o t h e h i g h v a l u e p l a c e d  153 upon a c a r as an i n s t r u m e n t f o r o b t a i n i n g g i r l The v e h i c l e s themselves  friends.  12  i n s e v e r a l cases s e r v e d as f o c i  f o r e x t e n s i v e r e p a i r and r e n o v a t i n g a c t i v i t i e s .  A  "mechanics f r a t e r n i t y " developed, t h e members o f which were c o n s t a n t l y a t each o t h e r ' s houses s t r i p p i n g down and rebuilding t h e i r prized possessions. E s p e c i a l l y around e x a m i n a t i o n t i m e , s m a l l s t u d y groups formed i n which l e c t u r e notes were compared and exchanged and t h e approach o f t h e p r o f e s s o r s d i s c u s s e d . Sopron Hungarian f o l k d a n c e group had r e g u l a r weekly meetings.  The  practise  A t t e n d a n c e a t movies, shopping and s i m i l a r  a c t i v i t i e s a r e a l s o c l a s s i f i e d as i n t e r n a l f o r t h e purposes of t h i s a n a l y s i s . I n d i v i d u a l e x t e r n a l a c t i v i t i e s took p l a c e on a much more l i m i t e d s c a l e , b u t i n c r e a s e d as t i m e went on.  First,  and perhaps most i m p o r t a n t , was membership i n t h e U.B.C. clubs.  Some 30 s t u d e n t s j o i n e d t h e Camera Club e a r l y i n t h e  academic Year.  Several of these e s t a b l i s h e d l a s t i n g  r e l a t i o n s h i p s w i t h Canadian  and o t h e r s t u d e n t s .  One  Hungarian student won two p r i z e s i n a n a t i o n a l s t u d e n t photographic contest.  A few s t u d e n t s j o i n e d  International  House b u t none o f t h e s e became p a r t o f t h e r e g u l a r I n t e r n a t i o n a l House "crowd".  Again, s e v e r a l students j o i n e d  The Newman Club and a t t e n d e d a few dances b u t d i d not j o i n t h e "crowd".  In the f i e l d of sport several  Soproners  154 distinguished themselves and also made many friends.  Swimming,  fencing, tennis and soccer were t h e i r strong points.  Several  Soproners were on the U.B.C. soccer team, which was coached by a Sopron physical education professor.  Another important  area of individual external contact was i n the part time jobs several students held at the university, almost a l l i n the Food Services Department.  These jobs were valuable  for meeting g i r l s as well as f o r providing extra pocket money. In summary, the characteristic of these individual external a c t i v i t i e s was that the students engaged i n them were not necessarily defined as Soproners, even Hungarians.  or, sometimes,  They formed the great majority of contacts  with Canadians outside the group.  The Years sponsored  several events at which contacts were made, but the I.K. did nothing i n t h i s f i e l d .  I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note  that no i n i t i a t i v e came from U.B.C. i n the area of group events.  155  FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER XI 1. J . R. Seeley, R.A. Sim, and E. W. Loosley, Crestwood Heights, Basic Books, New York, 1 9 5 6 , p. 3 7 9 . 2. The same subsidy was given to Sopron as to the U.B.C. Forestry Undergraduate Society, $ 1 4 0 . 0 0 See the A.M.S. estimates and expenditures i n The Ubyssey, October 1 1 , 1 9 5 7 . 3. Robert Redfield, The L i t t l e Community. University of Chicago Press, Uppsala, 1 9 5 5 , p. 4 2 . 4. See the example of the college classroom i n Robin M. Williams, J r . , American Society, A l f r e d A. Knopf, New York, 1956, p. 4 5 6 . 5. The tables set out i n the middle of the h a l l form a large square. The over one hundred students present, (half Canadian, half Hungarian) s i t around the outside and along the inside of the square, alternating one Hungarian one Canadian. The tables are loaded with beer i n bottles and large frankfurters. The f i r s t president of the Szakesthely was chosen, a t h i r d Year Canadian student. The Szakesthely rules are stated. The president's word IS f i n a l . No one may drink, eat, or leave the table to urinate without f i r s t asking permission of the president, i n the proper manner,--"Vocem prego", the president grants him leave to speak--"habeas", and he may make his request. Any infringement of these rules i s punished by the president. The punishment may be to stand i n the middle of the square and down a beer i n a s p e c i f i e d time, or i t may be something else. Sopron and Canadian f i r s t Year students served the beer. After a while the presidency changed hands and a Hungarian student took over. He ruled the Szakesthely with a firm and humorous hand, as had h i s predecessor. But the presidency changed hands again to a Canadian who made no effort at a l l to control, so the Szakesthely form degenerated into just another booze brawl. This was, however, by no means not to the l i k i n g of the participants. Everywhere i n the small groups that formed a l l over the h a l l there were Hungarians and Canadians together. When the h a l l was closed at 1 A.M. other small mixed groups departed to continue celebrating elsewhere. 6. There was much speculation as to the reasons f o r the reversal of the o r i g i n a l plan. The opinion among the Soproners was that i t was pressure from U.B.C. to integrate the group quickly that caused the change. The Richmond School Board, however, was relieved to hear that i t was not to be burdened with 20 more pupils, "children of Hungarian forestry students" ( s i c ) , at the "already-  156 overcramped R.C.A.F. station school". The Vancouver Sun, July 2 4 t h , 1957, and July 2 7 t h , 1957. 7.  See p.188  8. In September 1957, the Vancouver Sun printed eight a r t i c l e s about Hungarians involved i n crime o r returning home and c r i t i c i s i n g Canada as "lacking culture". 9. This study bears out i n d e t a i l the proposition made i n a Department of Citizenship and Immigration Report that some immigrants can carry on a f u l l l i f e without using a great deal of English, giving certain conditions. For instance, i n the summer of 1957 when economic conditions were favourable, the students' lack of English was not an important f a c t o r i n obtaining work. In the spring of 195$,' ho\\rever, several students had t h e i r lack of f a c i l i t y with the language held against them i n competition f o r jobs. (Department of Citizenship and Immigration, Research Division, Citizenship Branch, "Some environmental factors affecting the learning of English i n the language classes", Ottawa February, 1958. 10. This was before they discovered how fatuously easy the written t e s t i n B r i t i s h Columbia a c t u a l l y was. 11. "Of the group (D.B.S. sample) 12 per cent owned automobiles and another three per cent had the use of an automobile some of the time". Income and Expenditure of University and College Students 1956—1957. Report of the Research Section, Education D i v i s i o n , Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s , December 20, 1957. 1 2 . An image of Canadian women being empty, puritan and only interested i n material things such as the size of the suitors' car, came up i n every discussion of women i n Canada. The following unprompted statement i l l u s t r a t e s t h i s was a serious b e l i e f upon which action was based: A student-nurse f r i e n d of mine met some Soproners l a s t night at a dance. A Steve came over and asked her to dance. He had s o c i a l technique. P r a c t i c a l l y the f i r s t thing he mentioned to her was that he had a car. " I t seemed very important to him", (later) Steve took her home i n his car. "He acted l i k e a t y p i c a l European— very amorous".  CHAPTER XII THE U.B.G. IMAGE OF SOPRON  The opening phrases of the Sopron paean as interpreted by the student newspaper i n January 1957, resounded  through  the u n i v e r s i t y . Flaming gin bottles against Russian heavy tanks. That i s the story of the Hungarian students b a t t l e against t h e i r Russian enemies, according to the students of Sopron University I spoke t o yesterday. 1  They fought g a l l a n t l y . They used insect sprayers loaded with gasoline and shotguns with s o l i d slugs to hold open the corridor with the West despite f r a n t i c Russian e f f o r t s to seal o f f the country. They were dive bombed, strafed, rocketed and skip-bombed by Russian Migs and Ilyushins ( s i c ) . During.their b r i e f struggle the g i r l s of the Medical School used heavy a r t i l l e r y and machine guns, the boys of the Forestry School used everything from p i s t o l s up. ....when the corridor was shrinking under the weight of Red armour and the whole b a t t l e was almost over, the whole school retreated to the West. 1  Eighteen months l a t e r the tune had changed somewhat with a member of the Ubyssey s t a f f remarking on the Soproners, "They figure they should be treated l i k e heroes every day 2 and are obnoxious when they are n o t  n #  the paean had apparently become a pain.  For t h i s "pubster" What happened i n  the intervening year and a half? This section attempts to portray some of the notions of the Sopron group that were current among U.B.C. students  158 in April  1953.  It also attempts to establish the existence of positive and negative attitudes towards the Soproners. main questions treated here are:: by these notions?  How  The  did the students come  What are the contents o f the notions?  How are the attitudes related to the notions, and do they vary according to the manner i n which they were acquired? There were two main sources of information about the Soproners — newspaper.  personal contact, and a r t i c l e s i n the student The theme of t h i s section plays about the  differences i n perceptions and attitudes of the U.B.C. students according to the sources of t h e i r information.  1.  Role of the Newspaper  It i s necessary to demonstrate the importance of the student newspaper i n providing the student body with information on the Hungarians.  In the questionnaire administ-  ered to a Sociology 200 class i n A p r i l 1958, of the respondents  55 per cent  said that Ubyssey reports were t h e i r main  source of information about the Soproners.  Personal contact  was the main source of information f o r 16 per cent of the respondents.  Twenty-nine per cent either did not answer or  mentioned downtown Vancouver newspapers or the radio as t h e i r sources.  159 There was also objective v e r i f i c a t i o n of the dependence of the students on the printed word.  In answer  to the question, "In what ways has the Sopron group been v i s i b l e i n the past year?", 96 respondents (53 per cent) mentioned "demonstration", march", "trek" or "ceremony". However, of these 96 respondents, 44 mentioned "their two marches", or "marches —  f o r Indonesia and f o r Hungary", or  even demonstrations commemorating leaving of Hungary —  in  support of the South Africans and t h e i r treatment at the u n i v e r s i t i e s i n South A f r i c a " . march was held.  We have seen that only one  The Indonesian demonstration was publicized  i n the newspaper but never actually took place. On the basis of t h i s c r e d u l i t y i t i s assumed that the content of the reports played an important role i n shaping the attitudes of the students, especially those who  had  l i t t l e or no actual contact with the Hungarians. In February and March 1957 over h a l f of the column space devoted to the Sopron students i n the Ubyssey, including the above quoted a r t i c l e s , were either mainly concerned with, or brought i n , the subject of freedom or the revolution,  The Soproners were heroes indeed.  In  September and October 1957 prominence was again given to the heroic role, especially i n connection with the "Freedom March" of October 23rd.  In the f i v e a r t i c l e s on Sopron  between November 1957 and A p r i l 195$, three headlines were;  160  "U.B.C. Absorbs Rebels",  "Hungarians March Again on Campus",  •-  "Forestry Grads to Wear Colors of Free Hungary".  3  It can be seen thus that the press was loath to relinquish eye catching labels f o r the Hungarian students. It would seem that the newspaper persisted i n maintaining a stereotype which had even been shelved by the majority of the Hungarian students themselves.  This was perhaps partly  due to the fact that the reporters* main contacts with the group were with the I.K. executive who,  as we have seen, were  i n i t i a l l y the most interested i n preserving the s p i r i t of the revolution.  2 . Amount of Contact Between Canadians and Hungarians The amount of interaction between the Hungarian and Canadian students had an effect upon t h e i r perception of each other.  Only the Canadian perceptions are treated here.  The "amount of i n t e r a c t i o n " of the Canadian students with the Soproners was measured i n two periods, as shown in Tables VII and VIII, which are made up from answers to the two questionnaires administered i n December 1 9 5 7 , and A p r i l Two points are worth noting from the tables.  1958.  First  the Hungarian "friends" (those who had the most contact) remained constant i n the four month period.  Second, the  percentage of Hungarian "acquaintances" increased from 1 5 per cent in December to 2 4 per cent i n A p r i l , and  concomitantly  the no contact group decreased by 1 2 per cent to 5 5 . 5 per  c e n t o f t h e t o t a l number o f  respondents.^  TABLE V I I AMOUNT OF CONTACT WITH HUNGARIAN STUDENTS DECEMBER 1 9 5 7 R e s p o n d e n t s who knew a t l e a s t  one  H u n g a r i a n s t u d e n t o n campus Well,  a n d b y name  To s a y h e l l o t o Knew n o n e a t a l l D i d not  Number  P e r Cent  25  16.2  24  15.5  105  63.3  answer  TOTAL  154  100$  TABLE V I I I AMOUNT OF CONTACT WITH SOPRON STUDENTS A P R I L  1958  R e s p o n d e n t s who h a d met a n d t a l k e d w i t n Sopron F o r e s t r y students o n ,  Number  P e r Cent  One o c c a s i o n o n l y  23  12.7  Two o r t h r e e  23  12.7  31  17.2  100  55.5  occasions  More t h a n t h r e e Never No a n s w e r  occasions  3  1.7  180  99.8  162 Perception and Contact The analysis of the remainder of the answers to the A p r i l questionnaire i n terms of the amount of contact between Canadians and Hungarians proved f r u i t f u l . The f i r s t relevant observation was that a larger proportion of males than females had had closer contact with the Hungarians.  However, there was a s i g n i f i c a n t l y  high proportion of females i n the "once only" category which might indicate meetings at dances.  Males tended to be  older than females i n the whole sample.  Those i n the 20 —  24 bracket had proportionately the greatest amount of contact, both younger and older students having l e s s .  This age  bracket corresponds closely with the age of the Hungarians 5 themselves. Perceptions of the s i z e of the Sopron group were related to the amount of contact, as shown i n Table EC. F i r s t , more respondents saw the number of Sopron students being larger than i t a c t u a l l y was.^  The respondents  i n the "once only" category tended to see the Sopron group as smaller than i t a c t u a l l y was, whereas the respondents with most contact tended to see the Sopron group as l a r g e r than i t actually \ras»  The category of "two to three times"  had the greatest percentage of correct r e p l i e s , and these respondents also appeared to be the least reluctant to make  163 an estimate.  This higher percentage of correct estimates  i n t h i s group may indicate that these students were not close enough to the Soproners to lose a certain o b j e c t i v i t y i n t h e i r perception, yet they were close enough, and i n t e r e s t ed enough to be able to learn about the group.  The respondents  i n the "never" category were the most reluctant t o make an estimate, and also made the most inaccurate estimates. Perhaps unfortunately, no attempt was made to discover the meaning of " s i z e " to the respondents.  TABLE IX PERCEPTION OF GROUP SIZE BY AMOUNT OF CONTACT APRIL 1958 Amount of Contact Once Percentage of the only Respondents Who Estimated the Number of Sopron Students at:  Two or three times  More than three times  Never  Percentage of a l l respondents  1 to 150 Students  30$  22$  26$  21$  23$  151 to 225 Students  26  35  19  13  19  226 or More Students 26  39  45  39  42  17  4  10  27  15  100$  100$  100$  99$  No Estimate  99$  Estimates of the number of Sopron professors at U.B.c. were largely inaccurate with 40 per cent of the respondents estimating l e s s than ten professors present.  Twenty per cent  164 estimated between ten and 20 professors, nine per cent estimated correctly,  between 20 and 30 professors and 21  per cent made no estimate.  Contact and Attitudes A l i s t of adjectives was provided to the  respondents  and they were asked to check any one, or more, which i n t h e i r opinion seemed to characterize the Sopron group.  The  results are shown i n Table X. Over h a l f of a l l the respondents checked as characterizing the Sopron group.  "solidarity * 1  However, i t can be  seen that a greater percentage of those with more contact felt this solidarity.  The most s i g n i f i c a n t datum i n Table X  concerns the perceptions of "willingness to integrate".  If  the l a t t e r i s conceived of as a favourable image of the Hungarians, then i t follows that more contact i s correlated with a more favourable image.  This would seem to be i n  accord with Homans' hypothesis on the r e l a t i o n between interaction  and sentiments.?  of those with most contact who  The r e l a t i v e l y high proportion checked " i n s u l a r i t y " , which  f o r the purpose of t h i s analysis was conceived of as an unfavourable image, might indicate that these people had an opportunity to observe the extension of Homans' hypothesis operating i n the group —  "the greater the inward s o l i d a r i t y ,  the greater the outward h o s t i l i t y " .  Extremely l i k e l y ,  165  TABLE X CHARACTERIZATION OF SOPRON GROUP, BY AMOUNT OF - CONTACT  Once only Solidarity  39.3  Two or More than Never three three times times  56.5  Disorganization  Percentage of a l l respondents  64.4  54  54$.  3.2  1  6$  Insularity  13.1  17.4  25.3  24  38$  Willingness t o integrate  17.4  30.4  41.9  13  21$  8.7  9.6  9  8$  9.6  2  2$  9.6  16  17$  3.2  2  2$  Privileged Exploited  mm  Initiative  8.7  Apathy  4.3  mm  34.3  Other  13.1  17.4  9.6  9  11$  No answer  21.7  3.7  9.6  21  13$  166 however, i s that few of the respondents were sensitive to the connotations of the word " i n s u l a r i t y " . Homans' f i r s t quoted hypothesis appears to be supported by the answers to two other questions included i n t h i s questionnaire.  F i r s t , 90.1 per cent of those with  more contact considered the progress of the Soproners i n the English language to be s a t i s f a c t o r y to excellent, whereas only 37 per cent of those who had no contact stated this.  The second question was concerned with the respondents'  feelings about the attempts of the Soproners to j o i n i n U.B.C. a c t i v i t i e s .  The results are shown i n Table XI.  In Table XI we see that those with the most contact are, by a s l i g h t margin, least censorious of the Soproners, but that these, together with the "two —  three times"  group are a great deal more i n c l i n e d to regard the Soproners' efforts as s u f f i c i e n t or considerable.  It i s s i g n i f i c a n t  that those with some contact (the "once onlys" and the two —  three timers") are r e l a t i v e l y the most censorious  of the Soproners.  The l a t t e r two groups were also most  unanimous i n declaring inadequate t h e i r own efforts to help the Soproners j o i n i n U.B.C. a c t i v i t i e s , as shown i n table XII. For the purposes of this analysis s e l f recrimination was read into the figures, and the tendency was apparent among a l l the respondents.  167  TABLE XI U.B.C. STUDENTS' ESTIMATES OF SOPRON STUDENTS' EFFORTS TO JOIN U.B.C. ACTIVITIES APRIL 1953 Amount of Contact Once only  Two or More than Never three three times times  Percentage of a l l respondents  Degree of e f f o r t Exerted by the Soproners to j o i n i n U.B.C. Activities Not enough e f f o r t 30.4  34.8  22.5  25  26$  Enough e f f o r t  13.1  39.3  35.5  18  23$  Considerable Effort  13.1  d.7  16.1  5  9$  No opinion  39.3  17.4  22.5  47  38$  3.3  5  No answer  4.3 100.2$ 100.2$  99.9$  100$  168  TABLE XII U.B.C. STUDENTS'ESTIMATES OF U.B.C. STUDENTS' EFFORTS TO HELP SOPRON INTEGRATE Amount o f Contact Once only  Two or More than Never three three times times  Percentage of a l l respondents  Degree of e f f o r t Exerted by U.B.C. Students to help Soproners j o i n i n U.B.C. a c t i v i t i e s Not enough effort 52.4 Enough e f f o r t  73.9  64.4  43  55$  16.1  12  13%  17.4  8.7  Considerable e f f o r t 4.3  3.7  9.6  7  7$  No opinion  3.7  9.6  27  21$  6  4$  No answer  21.4 4.3  OB  99.3$ 100$  -  99.7$  100$  100$  169 F i n a l l y , i n Table XIII the ways i n which the Sopron group was v i s i b l e to the Canadian students are spelled out. In Table XIII i t i s perhaps s i g n i f i c a n t that those with more contact tended least to stress the group manifestations of Sopron and most the i n d i v i d u a l characteri s t i c s of Sopron students.  That the group manifestation  mentioned were always connected with some revolutionary a c t i v i t y i s also s i g n i f i c a n t f o r the content of the image. It i s interesting to note that i n discussing some of these results with some Sopron students and s t a f f none of them could understand how i t was possible to detect them by t h e i r clothing, because "we are a l l wearing Canadian clothes". I t r i e d to explain that t h e i r standards of correct dress did not happen to coincide with U.B.C. students' standards.  3. Summary In summary i t can be said that several images of, and attitudes towards the Sopron students existed among U.B.C. students, and that these varied with the amount of contact they had with the Hungarians.  The most prevalent  image centered around the heroic f i g h t f o r freedom a c t i v i t i e s of the revolution, as expressed by the actual march of October 1957, and the advertised but never carried out demonstration of sympathy with Indonesia.  This image was  a c t i v e l y propagated by the student newspaper throughout  170  TABLE XIII WAYS IN WHICH THE SOPRON GROUP WAS VISIBLE TO U.B.C. STUDENTS Percentage of Respondents Who mention:.  Once only  Two or More than Never Percentage three three of a l l times times respondents  Demonstrations, Marches, treks, Ceremonies k  60.8  65.1  33.6  54  53$  Language, dress Haircut f  17.4  34.8  33.6  12  21$  13.1  9-6  4  6$  Sports  -  Surveying  4.3  -  6.4  2  4$  Appear i n groups Stick together Talking i n groups  21.7  17.4  16.1  13  16$  Other  21.7 . 21.7  25.8  21  23$  3  2$  21  16$  Have not been visible  -  8.7  -  No answer  8.7  8.7  9.6  Jr There are various ways to which the Anniversary March of the October revolution was referred. # Of the 37 respondents who mentioned these, 32 mentioned clothes, dress; 16 mentioned language, speech; f i v e mentioned haircut.  171 the year and i s r e f l e c t e d i n the r e l a t i v e l y high proportion of U.B.C. students who had no contact with the Hungarians who appeared to possess t h i s image, as shown i n Table XIII. These students r e l i e d on the newspaper f o r t h e i r information. Further characteristics of the students who had had or  little  no contact with the Soproners were: though they did not  condemn the Soproners as not making e f f o r t s to j o i n i n U.B.C. a c t i v i t i e s any more than the other groups, they were the least supportive of the Soproners; although a s i g n i f i c a n t percentage of these students blamed themselves f o r not helping the Soproners integrate, the percentage was smaller than any other group or f o r a l l  respondents.  The students with most contact, though characterizing the Sopron group as solidary, tended to see the Soproners as individuals, i n terms of individuals t r a i t s ~ haircut etc., rather than as a group.  dress,  Interesting i s that  they tended to see the group as l a r g e r than i t actually  was.  These students were the most supportive of the Soproners, seeing them as w i l l i n g to integrate and making an e f f o r t to do so, as mastering the English language adequately and even as exploited.  These students also tended to blame  themselves f o r not helping the Soproners to integrate. The students who had met Soproners two or three times showed s i m i l a r characteristics to the group with most contact. They were i n general a l i t t l e less supportive, of the  172 Soproners but more s e l f recriminatory. Their image included both perceptions of the revolutionary group manifestations and individual t r a i t s .  Their knowledge of the s i z e of the  Sopron group was more accurate than the others. The students who had met a Sopron student once only occupied an intermediate position between those with more contact and those with none.  Their image included the  revolutionary group manifestations, but i n d i v i d u a l t r a i t s were l i t t l e mentioned.  They d i f f e r e d s i g n i f i c a n t l y from  the other groups i n two respects, namely, they did not perceive the Sopron group to be as s o l i d a r y as did the other groups and a higher percentage of this group saw the Sopron group as smaller than i t actually  was.  The theme that runs through these s t a t i s t i c s i s that the 17 per cent of the respondents who had had more contact with the Hungarians tended to have an image of a set of individuals, rather than of a group, and they tended to be more permissive i n t h e i r attitudes towards the Hungarians. It should be mentioned that the above p o r t r a i t of attitudes existing among U.B.G. students i s s t a t i c , one dimensional and patchy.  It would be very worth while to  make a more extensive study along the l i n e s indicated by Festinger and K e l l e y  7  to determine how,  and along what  l i n e s attitude change takes place i n the next academic year. F i n a l l y , mention should be made of several impressions received i n the course of f i e l d work, but not backed up by any s t a t i s t i c a l investigation.  The  "pubster  with a pain" does not f i t into the above s t a t i s t i c s , but he does appear to express, i n an exaggerated manner, an attitude observed i n other areas of the campus, especially among those who  had continued contact with the Soproners  i n an o f f i c i a l or administrative capacity. The  advent  of the Sopron group caused some people a considerable amount of extra work and disturbed routine. The behaviour of the Soproners contributed to t h i s disturbance i n some cases.  The l i a i s o n man at Powell River had the following  to say: It i s easy to t e l l them to do t h i s or that, but d i f f i c u l t to explain the reasons f o r taking certain actions. This would manifest i t s e l f as follows: Someone would come to me with a problem, and I would promise action. In one or two hours they would be back again with more questions and enquiries about the same problem. F. (another o f f i c i a l of the Powell River Company) also found t h i s when he was i n A u s t r i a . The l i a i s o n o f f i c e r , however, was i n a s i t u a t i o n to devote his whole time to the group.  But, as one  Canadian  professor said, "The Canadian professors are very busy, t h e i r own students give them enough trouble, and they don't have much time".  It ean be .-seen that these two factors  together would not necessarily promote the most favourable  174 attitudes.  However, i t i s f a i r to say that i t manifested  i t s e l f only i n a mild disappointment that the Soproners had not made more effort to i n t e g r a t e . ^  I f this i s  correct, then attitude did not e n t i r e l y depend s o l e l y upon amount of contact. This whole discussion of the U.B.C. attitudes has been based upon the premiss that i t was desirable f o r the Soproners to integrate and j o i n i n .  This premiss, and  the d i f f e r e n t i a l perceptions of i t , are discussed i n the next section.  175  FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER XII 1.  The Ubyssey, January 2 5 , 1 9 5 7 .  2.  Maclean's 7 1 : 3 , June 21st, 1958.  3.  I t a l i c s supplied.  4. There i s not complete congruence between the questions asked i n A p r i l and those i n December. The f i r s t questionnaire allowed a s l i g h t l y wider choice because i t included a l l Hungarian students at U.B.C. However, t h i s should only help prove the point. 5.  See p.123  6. This could have been due to confusion between number of students i n the Sopron group — around 190, and t o t a l number of people comprising the group — around 3 0 0 . 7. G. C. Homans, The Human Group. Routledge and Kegan Paul Ltd., London, 1951, Chapter V, esp. pp. 112-113. 8. There i s good reason to believe that there were many nurses i n t h i s group who had met the Hungarians at the f i r s t Year dance mentioned on page 147. 9. See L. Festinger and H.H. Kelley, "Changing Attitudes Through Social Contact", Research centre f o r Group Dynamics, Institute f o r Social Research, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, September, 1951, esp. p. 7 6 . 10. A l f r e d Schuetz i n h i s essay on the stranger would explain t h i s s i t u a t i o n i n terras of the newcomers' need to acquire knowledge of the new c u l t u r a l pattern, not only i n terms of "what i s " but also i n terms of "why". "The Stranger: An Essay i n Social Psychology, American Journal of Sociology, 49:499-507. 11. Academic s o l i d a r i t y , however, denied the r i g h t to "out-groups" to make judgments concerning the state of a f f a i r s . U.B.C. o f f i c i a l s spoke out against the a r t i c l e i n Maclean's, quoted i n footnote two above, even though they themselves had been quoted. See especially U.B.C. President Mackenzie's l e t t e r i n Maclean's, 71:4, July 19th, 1958.  CHAPTER XIII SOPRONERS AS REFUGEES AND IMMIGRANTS  From the point of view of adjustment i n Canada i t i s useful t o see the Soproners as refugees and immigrants. I t i s necessary; to distinguish these terms as types of migration,"'" to examine the role of immigrant and refugee as defined by the Canadian society, and f i n a l l y to make some statements about differences between the roles of immigrant and refugee as seen from the i n s i d e .  This  section i s thus concerned with d i f f e r i n g conceptions of rights and obligations. The f i r s t most commonly made d i s t i n c t i o n between immigrant and refugee i s based upon the reason f o r leaving the native country.  The immigrant i s seen as having a  free choice^ and time to consider h i s decision and destination.  The refugee has no c l e a r idea of destination,  and i f he has a choice i n the matter of leaving his country i t i s a question of whether o r not he should stay to be persecuted.  Refugees are seen i n Petersen's terms as  participants i n forced or impelled migration, the l a t t e r term describing most aptly the s i t u a t i o n of the Hungarian refugees.  Petersen further refines the category of  impelled migrants into "emigres, who regard t h e i r e x i l e as temporary and l i v e abroad f o r the day when they may  177 return, and refugees« who intend to s e t t l e i n the new eountry."  permanently  As we s h a l l see t h i s must be regarded  as a s t r i c t l y a n a l y t i c a l dichotomy, because individual motivation does not necessarily remain constant over time. The migrant's conception of the r o l e he i s t o play i n the new environment f o r emigration.  i s l i k e l y to vary with h i s reasons  Thus, we may expect to f i n d d i f f e r i n g s e l f  conceptions between immigrants and refugees regarding t h e i r positions i n the new country.  Immigrants depart f o r t h e i r  destination with the resolve to "make good" i n the new country, but with the secure knowledge that they can always return home i f the going i s too tough.  Immigrants, by  v i r t u e of t h e i r decision t o leave t h e i r native country, have also i n a sense rejected i t and though they could return home, actual return would be considered a f a i l u r e on the part of the i n d i v i d u a l .  They are therefore committed  to making an e f f o r t to "succeed".in the new country. Refugees do not reject t h e i r native country i n the same manner as free immigrants.  They generally  reject only s p e c i f i c things which make l i f e unbearable f o r them, such as the p o l i t i c a l or r e l i g i o u s a c t i v i t i e s of powerful organizations. Most often they are the rejected ones.  In t h i s sense there i s no such thing as Petersen's  refugee who intends to s e t t l e permanently  i n a new country.  Most refugees would return home i f the offending "thing"  178  ceased to e x i s t .  Every refugee i s an emigre i n the period  immediately a f t e r his escape,  We are happy because of our  M  freedom but the tears remain," Most immigrants know that they w i l l have to work hard i n the beginning to "make good", but they see themselves as well as part o f a pattern which i s also functional f o r the receiving country. to  They know that i t i s up to them  "prove themselves", but i f they do t h i s and surmount the  d i f f i c u l t i e s they f e e l that there i s a place f o r them i n the new country which i s l e g a l l y and morally t h e i r s .  Thus,  3 although nobody has the " r i g h t "  to be admitted as an  immigrant to Canada, once the p r i v i l e g e has been granted the immigrant  f e e l s that i f he f u l f i l s h i s side of the  contract he has a right to a place i n the country. The refugee may or may not have been granted the l e g a l status of immigrant, but he i s not i n i t i a l l y psychologically committed to making a "success" i n the new country as i s the free immigrant.  He has not rejected  his native country and thus made i t imperative f o r himself to succeed i n the new country.  He has been rejected by  his native country which means he i s forced to f i n d elsewhere to l i v e , but he i s not necessarily committed to "success" i n the new environment and f a i l u r e does not have the same meaning as f o r a free immigrant.  This does not  mean the refugee cannot or does not acquire the desire to  be a success. As was previously stated "every refugee i s an emigre i n the period immediately a f t e r h i s escape", Some remain emigres and t h e i r adjustment to the new society takes the form of o b l i v i o n to a l l the new values. They remain s p i r i t u a l l y i n t h e i r native country.  Others  give up, or at least shelve, t h e i r emigre aspirations and take on the r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s and obligations of t h e i r immigrant status.  This process takes place over time  and thus cannot be used as a category of migrants but rather as a type of adjustment.  1.  The Hungarian Refugees  With the Hungarian refugees of the revolution a s p e c i a l factor must be noted. The Hungarians had fought f o r freedom.  They had performed a service f o r the West,  yet they had received no tangible (military) help from the West i n t h e i r b a t t l e .  Therefore when they were  defeated they f e l t that the free world owed them something.  This f e e l i n g of debt was shared by the free  world.  As history has shown m i l l i o n s were spent and  great e f f o r t s were made by a l l the Western countries to help the refugees and to f i n d them new places to l i v e . As f a r as the Canadian population was concerned there was never much d i s t i n c t i o n made between the terms immigrant and refugee. Both were subsumed under the  180 heading "newcomers who have to prove themselves".  Perhaps  D.P, was a s l i g h t l y more i n s u l t i n g term than immigrant.  In  both cases the burden of proof was upon the newcomer to establish himself i n the new environment. 4 minimal i n both cases.  Support  was  After the Hungarian revolution, however, the Hungarian refugees were regarded as extraordinary cases who merited special attention and assistance.  These refugees had  established a certain moral right to be admitted to Canada, and indeed Canada opened her borders f r e e l y to 5  these people, at least u n t i l the summer of 1957.  Canadians  considered i t t h e i r duty to help these people, immigration red t ape was cut to a minimum, free passages and extraordinary f i n a n c i a l assistance were provided. However, even at t h i s early stage, characterized by humanitarian feelings and actions, t h i s duty was not unambiguously defined and there were some indications of 6 resentment on the part of certain groups of Canadians. The refugees continued to receive t h i s extraordinary f i n a n c i a l support u n t i l they found, or were found jobs. Once at work, they experienced a change of d e f i n i t i o n of their role.  From p r i v i l e g e d freedom f i g h t e r s , they  became immigrants and D.P. s i n the eyes of the Canadian 7 T  workers, with the concomitant role expectations.  The  Canadian workers were often b i t t e r about the special help  181 the Hungarians had received, and as winter approached and the economic s i t u a t i o n deterioriated many began to f e e l threatened by the presence of the Hungarians  who symbolized  f o r them a l l immigrants.  2. The  Soproners  Within these considerations given to the Hungarian} refugees, the Sopron group appears as a special case within a special case.  Conditions It i s necessary to return to Austria and to examine the conditions under which the group came to Canada.  First,  a l l the group members were refugees entirely dependent upon the goodwill and f i n a n c i a l support of others f o r t h e i r existence.  However, as a group they represented a  p o t e n t i a l l y valuable asset to any heavily forested country. The Sopron group had functioned as a university i n exile i n Austria f o r a short period and had demonstrated i t s possibilities.  Thus, i n addition to the humanitarian  motives any country might have i n o f f e r i n g them asylum, there was also present what might be termed a " p r o f i t motive". When i t became apparent the group could not stay i n Austria c i r c u l a r s were sent out asking f o r a new home.  182 They received several o f f e r s from various European countries, and also from the United States, but a l l of these o f f e r s involved breaking up the group into at l e a s t several parts. Thus, several conditions were set upon acceptance of the Canadian o f f e r .  Many i n d i v i d u a l members had deep reservations  about going so f a r away from Europe.  Whereas other refugees  either accepted the conditions under which they were admitted into the new countries, or d i d not go, the Soproners were i n a position to set certain conditions. An i n d i v i d u a l refugee i s the most helpless of things.  A  solidary group of refugees possessing valuable s c i e n t i f i c knowledge and technical knowhow i s not helpless.  Even  an individual s c i e n t i s t i s hardly i n a position to set conditions, (although the German rocket and nuclear s c i e n t i s t s received extraordinary treatment at the hands of the U.S. a f t e r the second world war). The Soproners* group existence was t h e i r most valuable bargaining  point.  What the actual conditions were under which the Soproners agreed t o come to Canada can probably never be objectively determined.  The Hungarians were i n a state  i n which they heard what they wanted to hear, and they probably understood P i c k e r s g i l l * s promises as entering into more than he could possibly guarantee to implement i n a democratic country, as P i c k e r s g i l l himself says i n Appendix B.  I t i s also impossible to determine to what  183 extent P i c k e r s g i l l s obvious desire to bring the group t o f  Canada made him paint a rosy picture o f the s i t u a t i o n . Whatever the actual promises, The Soproners saw themselves as coming to Canada with the proviso that certain things were done to enable them to f i n i s h t h e i r studies. refugees.  They thus differed from ordinary immigrants and 9  Redefinition of Role Once i n Canada, the Soproners found that here was an obligation f o r them t o look forward to becoming good Canadian c i t i z e n s . now clashed.  The "refugee" and "emigre" orientations  The j u s t i f i c a t i o n of t h e i r presence i n  Canada was the e f f o r t they had made i n the revolution. Therefore i t became doubly important t o spread the message of the revolution to the Canadians.  They were caught  between t h e i r love f o r and desire to help Hungary, and the new e x p e c t a t i o n to devote t h e i r e f f o r t s to becoming good Canadians,  As can be seen i n Appendix C t h i s c o n f l i c t  was resolved by integrating the two, "we can best help Hungary by becoming good Canadians".  My subjective  impression was that t h i s idea appeared to strengthen as time went on. In December 1957, 40 students (44 per cent of the questionnaire sample) said they would return t o Hungary i f the regime changed, 11 students (12 per cent  184  of the sample) said they would not return, 3 2 students ( 3 5 per cent of the sample) said they d i d not know, and 8* students did not answer.  As no second questionnaire was  administered a t the end of the academic year i t i s not possible to make any d e f i n i t e statements opinion.  on change of  This would be well worth following up i n another  questionnaire. N o t w i t h s t a n d i n g t h e i r genuine g r a t i t u d e to Canada, the Soproners f e l t that Canada was not wholly l i v i n g up to i t s promises.  This was especially noticeable i n the  area of university fees.  In the December Sopron question-  naire 4 5 students ( 5 0 per cent of the sample) considered i t right that they should be paying fees at U.B.C, 3 3 students ( 3 6 per cent) thought they should not be paying fees, and 13 students did not answer t h i s question.  Of the 3 3  negative answers s i x gave the reason as "we were promised free t u i t i o n " or s i m i l a r statements.  One professor who  said he was present when P i c k e r s g i l l made his o f f e r said that free t u i t i o n was d e f i n i t e l y promised.  He r e a l i z e d  now that i t would not have been possible f o r the minister t o promise anything on behalf of a non-federal i n s t i t u t i o n , i . e . , U.B.C.  An expression of the f e e l i n g of having been  l e t down by the Canadians were the frequent (invidious) comparisons with the s i t u a t i o n of Hungarian students i n other countries.  S t a t i s t i c s were reprinted i n the March  edition of Teritek (the Sopron newsheet) which showed  1*5 Canada to have given the least a i d to Hungarian students (with the exception of Argentina)  Another frequently-  mentioned example was an alleged promise that the Canadians would take them into a b i g store i n Canada and buy them a l l the clothes they needed.  Several other things were  regarded as v i o l a t i o n s of the conditions under which they came to Canada.  For instance, when they discovered they  had to pay income tax on t h e i r monthly allowance from the federal government many students f e l t hard done by. At the time of the f i r s t I.K. meeting i n the beginning of October 1957, the government monthly allowance had been promised but i t had not yet materialized.  There  was great anxiety exhibited at t h i s meeting and suggestions f o r r a i s i n g money ranged from s e l l i n g Christmas cards to putting on a Hungarian dance show.  One student said he  thought the government was not helping the students because they were not becoming Canadians fast enough. When on May 15th, 1958, the government allowance was cut o f f altogether, even f o r those without summer jobs, t h i s f e e l i n g rose to i t s highest point. At the time of writing, with approximately h a l f the students without jobs, and no support promised f o r the following year the prospects do not appear bright to students and s t a f f . This then i s a description of the Sopron view of the discrepancy between the economic support they deserved,  186  in the l i g h t of promises made, and that which they actually obtained.  Ko attempt i s made to determine the o f f i c i a l  attitudes or p o l i c i e s of the government or the u n i v e r s i t y in this respect.^  I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that to  my knowledge a t the time of writing a l l but one of the non/Sopron Hungarian students at U.B.C. have summer employment and have no s p e c i f i c complaints about lack of support i n t h i s area. At the university, the evening lecture schedule was very unpopular with the students, and tended to be blamed as the source of many d i f f i c u l t i e s of obtaining contact with the Canadian students.  Some students objected  to the evening schedule on grounds that they paid the same fees as the U.B.C. students and should therefore be e n t i t l e d to the same p r i v i l e g e s .  Feeling was also  aroused i n January, 195$, when the University personnel o f f i c e refused to give application forms f o r government 12 summer jobs to the f i r s t  and second Year students.  One  professor said of t h i s , " I t i s understandable that they wish to give the best jobs to the Canadians f i r s t " .  The Soproners  remedied t h i s s i t u a t i o n by obtaining the requisite forms d i r e c t l y from the government o f f i c e i n downtown Vancouver. The senior Year students had another complaint that the personnel o f f i c e would not arrange job interviews f o r them with the large engineering companies because the forestry degree program at U.B.C. did not include this kind of work.  187 The Soproners argued that t h e i r curriculum did cover engineering subjects. On the student relations l e v e l , the Soproners themselves were not s a t i s f i e d with the amount of contact they had with the Canadians.  As Table XIV shows, either  they genuinely desired more contact, or they were merely aware of pressures upon them to increase these contacts."  TABLE XIV  ACTUAL AND DESIRED COMPOSITION OF CIRCLES OF FRIENDS OF THE SOPRON SAMPLE, DECEMBER 1957 Actual  Desired  84$  41$  Other immigrant  7$  24$  Canadian  9$  35$  100$  100$  Hungarian  As mentioned above, the Soproners tended to blame the s i t u a t i o n a l f a c t o r of the evening schedule f o r the lack of contact.  Fifty-seven percent of the questionnaire  sample considered that there was no good opportunity to meet Canadian students on the campus. the above reason.  Half of these gave  D i f f e r i n g c u l t u r a l interests as well  as i n e r t i a on t h e i r own part were other reasons given by  IBB  the  Soproners.  The Canadians were also blamed f o r not  i n i t i a t i n g any active program i n which both groups could participate.  The Soproners were proud of themselves when  they took the i n i t i a t i v e and i n v i t e d the Canadian foresters to the f i r s t Szakesthely i n January 1958. From the Canadian point of view the Soproners had made l i t t l e e f f o r t t o integrate.  They had been invited to  attend Forestry Club meetings and to j o i n U.B.C. clubs, but  very few had taken up the i n v i t a t i o n .  Perhaps one  s i g n i f i c a n t act of exclusion on the part of the U.B.C. students was the Forestry Undergraduate Society's decision not  to merge with the Soproners f o r fear of being swamped  out  by the numerically superior Hungarians.  the  one s i t u a t i o n of immediate threat to any of the  Canadian i n s t i t u t i o n s .  This was  However, the evidence of the  second questionnaire presented to the sociology class points to a f e e l i n g of having neglected action to help the Soproners integrate.  I t would seem that they considered  that the Sopron group deserved more support from them than they had given. In the area of personal contacts the Hungarians f e l t they were at a d i s t i n c t disadvantage when i t came to contact with Canadian g i r l s .  In Powell :River the students were  greatly concerned with the correct s o c i a l techniques to be used i n obtaining a date with a g i r l .  The lack of a  189 car was f e l t to be a great disadvantage, as was the lack of f a c i l i t y with the language. i n October 1957  One incident which occurred  i s worth mentioning, though i t took place  outside the university. Stephen and Joszef were on the bus coming from U.B.C. and an o l d lady sat down on the seat next to Stephen. Joszef leaned over from the seat behind and said something about nothing i n p a r t i c u l a r to Stephen i n Hungarian. The lady turned round, looked scared "as i f we were wild animals", and moved o f f to another seat. Stephen said, "Okay i f they expect us to speak English. But do they expect us to become Canadians i n one month?". Another I l l u s t r a t i o n of t h i s f e e l i n g of being defined by Canadians as personally d i f f e r e n t from the Canadians was the incredulity of the Hungarians when they were presented with the questionnaire results which showed that the Canadians i d e n t i f i e d them by t h e i r clothing and hair s t y l e .  One  l e c t u r e r was p a r t i c u l a r l y disturbed by a reference to physical differences.  Thus, though they f e l t they had some special  claims i n Canada, they became concerned with being defined as different i n the derogatory (they f e l t ) sense of being an immigrant.  In the o f f i c i a l sphere they f e l t that they  were a special case and made certain demands on the basis of t h i s difference.  In the informal s o c i a l sphere, they  learned that to be defined as immigrant, refugee or  D.P.  was disadvantageous, and thus bent t h e i r e f f o r t s to overcome t h i s , e.g., by buying a car, or learning English.  These  two opposite orientations perhaps explain the discrepancy between the U.B.C. students' conception of t h e i r own tardiness to help the Soproners j o i n i n U.B.C. a c t i v i t i e s ,  190 and the r e l a t i v e disappointment i n the Soproners of those who were o f f i c i a l l y concerned with the group.  A l l t h i s must  be q u a l i f i e d by sparse data on the attitudes prevalent i n these c i r c l e s .  The U.B.C. students tended to blame them-  selves f o r not taking a more active stand, the o f f i c i a l s tended to blame the Soproners f o r not taking advantage of provided f a c i l i t i e s . In the l i g h t of the preceding discussion we conceive of the immigrant as tending to conform to the demands made upon them and as making an e f f o r t to become Canadians. Refugees, i n p a r t i c u l a r Hungarian refugees, were not subject to the same demands to conform, but were conceived of as i n need of help.  As previously mentioned the trend  seemed to be i n the larger society that the role d e f i n i t i o n s of the Hungarians changed from refugee to immigrant.  A  figure may help c l a r i f y the d i s t i n c t i o n . ROLES Points of View  Ordinary Immigrant  Hungarian Refugee  From Inside  Wishes to "succeed" i n new country, needs~ effort to do t h i s . Adopts new ways.  No interest i n "success i n new country. Yet demands a l i v e l i h o o d from the new country.  From Outside  Should make e f f o r t to conform and adopt new customs.  Helpless individuals need help ( i n Hungarian case also because they had earned i t ) .  FIGURE 1  191  We see that the inside and outside d e f i n i t i o n s of anyone role usually coincide. At U.B.C, taking into account the extra-special s i t u a t i o n of the Soproners, we f i n d that the U.B.C d e f i n i t i o n s of the Sopron role varied according to the observer's position i n the s o c i a l structure, and the Soproners' d e f i n i t i o n of t h e i r own role varied according to the "partner" of the role playing.  Figure 2 i l l u s t r a t e s  t h i s point. The Sopron Role Defined by, 1. Sopron students v i s - a - v i s U.B.'G. students.  Immigrant  Refugee  We would l i k e to learn English and have more Canadian friends even though you don't help us much.  2. Sopron v i s - a v i s U.B.C, and the government.  Our conditions are not being fulfilled.  3. U.B.C students v i s - a - v i s Sopron students.  We are not helping you enough.  4. U.B.C student You are not taking and s t a f f o f f i c i a l s advantage of f a c i l i t i e s v i s - a - v i s Sopron. we have provided and you are not making enough e f f o r t to integrate. FIGURE 2  It i s necessary to say that t h i s scheme represents a state of a f f a i r s at a given point i n time (spring 1958),  192 and i s not valuable per se unless related to the past and the future.  In accord with the above mentioned statement  that a l l refugees are of the emigre type immediately a f t e r f l i g h t , i t i s maintained that upon a r r i v a l i n Canada a l l r o l e definitions were that o f refugee.  I f the trend i n  the larger society of r e d e f i n i t i o n of the Hungarian refugees' role towards that of immigrant  i s taking place,  then i t i s reasonable to predict that the same w i l l take place on the U.B.C. campus.  Figure 2 then, would appear to  sketch an intermediate stage of role d e f i n i t i o n .  Some  time i n the future we may expect a l l the d e f i n i t i o n s to be that of immigrant. It i s interesting to follow the form of the process of change.  Among the Hungarians i t i s i n the informal  sphere that the quickest change of r o l e d e f i n i t i o n occurs. The o f f i c i a l group retains the refugee orientation.  Among  the Canadians the reverse i s the case, the informal sphere i s most w i l l i n g to continue the special r o l e d e f i n i t i o n of refugee, while i n the formal sphere the d e f i n i t i o n has early s h i f t e d to that of immigrant.  193 FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER XIII 1. See William Petersen, "A General Typology of Migration", American Sociological Review, 23:256-266, June, 195°. 2. For the purposes of t h i s analysis long range economic pressures, seen i n the Marxian sense of making "free choice" i r r e l e v a n t , are not considered, Petersen subsumes t h i s l a t t e r type of migration under the heading "mass migration", but substitutes " s o c i a l pattern" f o r the Marxian "economic pressure", 3. A.' S. Tuinman, "Enige Aspecten van de hedendaagse Migratie van Nederlanders naar Canada", Verslagen en Mededelingen van net M i n i s t e r i e van Landbouw, Vissery en VOedselvoorziening, No, 2, s*Gravenhage, 1952, p, 4. 4. This i s not intended to detract from the excellent work of agencies such as the Canadian Citizenship Council. There may be, as Petersen says, an o f f i c i a l ethic, which regards the acculturation of immigrants, as the dual r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of both immigrant and Canadian, but that t h i s i s a widespread b e l i e f among the population i s doubtful. Peterson recognizes t h i s himself i n the section on Canadian labour and immigration. See W. Petersen, Planned Migration, University of C a l i f o r n i a Press, Berkeley, 1955, pp. 155-159, and 131-138. 5. Headline "IMMIGRATION CURBED TO SAFEGUARD JOBS; RECORD INFLUX PARED DOWN TO 'SAFE ABSORPTION LEVEL'." Vancouver Sun, July 2 7 t h , 1957. 6. See f o r instance l e t t e r s to the editors i n the Vancouver Sun, November 20, 1958, and the Vancouver Province, December 17, 1956. There were even some indications i n Parliament, see, Debates, 5th Session, 22nd Parliament, V o l . I, p. 672. 7. "No matter how we look at the matter, there i s no reason why these Hungarians should receive any preferential t r e a t ment over immigrants from other countries", Western Pulp and Paper Worker, March, 1957, p. 8. See also i n the A p r i l issue. It especially i n f u r i a t e d some Canadians to hear the Hungarians complaining. Dropped i n at the guard house on the way out (of the Sea Island R.C.A.F. Base, October, 1957), the orderly said the Hungarians ought to be grateful f o r everything everybody has done f o r them. I t made him mad as h e l l when he heard them beefing about things.  194  8. Note that of 1 7 5 , 0 0 0 immigrants i n the f i r s t half of 1 9 5 7 , only 2 8 , 0 0 0 were Hungarians. There were 72,000 B r i t i s h immigrants i n t h i s period. Vancouver Sun, July 25, 1957.  ~~  9. Staff members put great emphasis on the " h i s t o r i c a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y " of the Canadian government to allow the students to complete t h e i r studies. They stressed the point that f a i l u r e to do so would again be a victory f o r communist propaganda. See also Appendix A. 1 0 . For figures on the number of Hungarian students i n Canada and the assistance received see "Report of the National Conference of Canadian U n i v e r s i t i e s , Hungarian Refugee Student Centre*', covering period from February 1 s t — September 3 0 t h , 1 9 5 7 . (typescript). 1. Number of Hungarian refugee students i n Canada as of September 3 0 t h ,  1957..  2 . Number of students accepted by Canadian u n i v e r s i t i e s f o r the academic year 1 9 5 7 - 5 8 3 . Students attending with f i n a n c i a l assistance 4 . Students attending without f i n a n c i a l assistance Items one, two and three include Sopron.  958  531 456 75  1 1 . This area should be thoroughly studied i n order to"give the f u l l story" of the implications of the group f o r existing s o c i a l structure. 1 2 . As i t turned out this p o l i c y of the personnel o f f i c e applied to a l l junior f o r e s t r y students. 13. It i s i n t e r e s t i n g to note that the junior Years tended to have more Canadian friends than the senior students. Ten per cent i n the f i r s t and second Years versus three per cent i n the two f i n a l Years.  CHAPTER XIV CONCLUSIONS  In writing t h i s chapter I have become exceedinglyaware of the a r b i t r a r i n e s s of concluding research at t h i s point.  I t i s analogous t o having to leave the theatre h a l f  way through an absorbing play.  Fortunately I am not i n the  position of having t o write a c r i t i q u e of the play f o r the morning papers which would be read by people who had seen the end of the play.  However, the end of the academic  year does constitute a convenient  breaking o f f point, l i k e  the end of a scene i n our theatre. The difference between studying t h i s group now and, say, the same group i n Hungary or a u n i v e r s i t y faculty here i n Canada, l i e s i n i t s continuity.  With the group everything  that i s now occurring has consequences but not necessarily continuity.  We can not (and do not) expect the same things  to happen i n a c y c l i c a l fashion year a f t e r year.  Thus the  events of the present are of v i t a l import f o r the explanation of the immediate future.  The question that i n t e r e s t s me  i s not primarily whether the group i s going to die, — f o r i t i s agreed that the group w i l l dissolve i n the near future, —  but how i t w i l l l i v e u n t i l i t dies and how i t  W i l l die. The least t h i s chapter can hope to accomplish  i s to  196 provide a background of the main themes that have been :  present  i n the scenes I have witnessed; to point to other  themes that should be explored; and f i n a l l y , to make some tentative predictions concerning  1. Some  some of these themes,  Conclusions  Overview of Changes i n S o c i a l Structure of the Group In Chapter I I the s i t u a t i o n (presently perceived as i d y l l i c ) i n pre war Sopron was examined.  The status  and prestige of the i n s t i t u t i o n i n society was high and i t was also f u n c t i o n a l l y important, e s p e c i a l l y a f t e r Trianon. A deep sense o f t r a d i t i o n and embeddedness was noted.  The  jealously guarded autonomy o f the u n i v e r s i t i e s and t h e i r internal democracy were essential features of the structure of the educational system.  In Sopron the close formal  and informal relations between students and s t a f f , and the power of the student s o c i a l organization were special features.  We noted that t h i s was p a r t l y due to the  continuity between professors and students i n the f i e l d of forestry i n Hungary.  Professional forestry i n Hungary had  a d i s t i n c t and c l o s e l y knit culture.  Student social  organization also was closely knit and integrated.  The  transmission of the student and f o r e s t r y culture was ascertained by intensive s o c i a l i z a t i o n mechanisms which brought the neophytes into close contact with students from  197 a l l l e v e l s of the group.  The Year and Godparent systems of  s o c i a l organization assured v e r t i c a l and horizontal solidarity. The second world war was a tremendous disruptive force upon the whole of Hungarian society.  For almost a whole  year the Hungarian s o c i a l system was dislocated.  There  was no question of educational i n s t i t u t i o n s functioning —  though we saw four students grimly studying on during  the worst period o f the war. Thus, when a r e l a t i v e l y normal routine was reestablished i n 1956, continuity, at l e a s t o f personnel, had already suffered a blow. Several basic changes brought about by the communists i n the s o c i a l structure of the Sopron Faculty were discussed i n Chapter IV. As was mentioned, the underlying basis f o r these changes was the new conception  of society and the role  of higher education  We saw a period of  i n the society.  experimentation with new forms.  In t h i s period s t r i c t  control was required to ensure that basic tenets were adhered to i n the f l u i d and changing s i t u a t i o n . The omnipresent mechanism of control was the secret p o l i c e . At Sopron the i n s t i t u t i o n a l structure was not changed v i s i b l y very much, but the whole character of i t s s o c i a l l i f e changed d r a s t i c a l l y .  Small s t r a t e g i c a l l y located additions  to the structure, such as the Personnel O f f i c e , sufficed for a large measure of c o n t r o l .  The admission system was  changed so as to allow scrutiny of applicants and screening according to p o l i t i c a l r e l i a b i l i t y and position i n the  198 class structure.  Academic a b i l i t y was no longer the  primary c r i t e r i o n f o r admission to i n s t i t u t e s of higher learning. The status and prestige of the i n s t i t u t i o n i n society dropped s t e a d i l y i n proportion to the new on i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n .  emphasis  Nevertheless, so great was the demand  f o r any kind of higher education i n Hungary that for every f i v e applicants to Sopron i n 1956  only one was  admitted.  People would study anything, where they were admitted. The only educational i n s t i t u t e i n the country which did not have several applicants f o r each opening was the Lenin Institute i n Budapest.  These conditions were hardly  l i k e l y to f o s t e r the love f o r f o r e s t r y and forests which was  a central part of the pre war Sopron culture. In the area of student organization everything that  smacked of t r a d i t i o n was  abolished.  University youth had to  be mobilized along with the peasants and workers. i t y and dedication to the same ideal was youth.  Uniform-  demanded of a l l  As Simmel has said, where the aim of the general  society i s strong c e n t r a l i z a t i o n , no special associations are t o l e r a t e d .  For two years we noted that the old  t r a d i t i o n s were practised by the students i n secret by the majority of the students. was  S o l i d a r i t y among the  increased by banning of the I f j u s a g i Kor.  students During t h i s  time the binding function of the godparent system was  199 performed by informal contacts especially sought out between the lears f o r the purpose of orientation.  But the  putsch of 1951 combined with the doubtful enrolment of that year seemed to break the pattern of s o l i d a r i t y .  From t h i s  time on the only meaningful formal s o c i a l units among the students were the Years.  Each Year sorted i t s e l f out  informally into non communists, communists and unknowns. Contact between the Years, however, was l i m i t e d to r e l a t i v e s , old  schoolmates or fellow v i l l a g e r s .  The character of the  Hungarian revolution bears eloquent testimony to the effectiveness f o r control of t h i s kind of loosening of s o c i a l cohesion i n "special associations".  The phrase of  one of the professors s t i c k s i n the mind, "the essence of the  communist system i s to t r y to make everyone f e e l alone". With the revolution came an overwhelming desire to  reform, to set r i g h t that which had been mismanaged i n the preceding dozen years.  Everyone was i n accord as t o the  main goals of the uprising, but nobody r e a l l y knew what kind of s o c i a l order they wished to have i n Hungary. At Sopron the foresters and miners took over the town of Sopron and formulated t h e i r demands, which i n essence were a return to pre-communist  state of a f f a i r s with the  exception that the f o r e s t r y and mining schools would become an e n t i r e l y independent u n i v e r s i t y .  Naturally the  group i d e n t i t y reasserted i t s e l f i n these days and a student president was popularly elected.  The president  200 and two representatives from each Year formed the executive committee.  The l a t t e r served an extremely useful two  way  communication function. The role of the s t a f f members i n the revolution was i n i t i a l l y passive approval but l a t e r on the s t a f f broke into print with demands of t h e i r own which dealt primarily with national Hungarian matters.  They l e f t the demands  in the f i e l d of education and the s p e c i f i c future of Sopron in the hands of the students. The m i l i t a r y organization of the students also tended to take place along Year l i n e s .  For instance, the majority  of the students interned at Sitzenheim f o r entering Austrian t e r r i t o r y carrying arms were fourth and f i f t h Year students. Once i n Austria the s t a f f began to take an active role i n a f f a i r s .  Had i t not been f o r the a c t i v i t i e s of  the Dean, the students agreed, the group would not have stayed together.  The second p r o v i s i o n a l l y elected student  president also played an important role i n maintaining group morale.  A l l important decisions were made i n  general meetings but the executive work was carried out by the Dean and the student executive (president and Year representatives).  The l a s t important decision to be made  in a general meeting was the decision to come to Canada.  201 In Canada, the persistence o f the Year i d e n t i f i c a t i o n was c l e a r l y i l l u s t r a t e d i n the I.K. elections i n Powell River.  When the r e s i d e n t i a l community ended the Year  presidents (students) and Year leaders (young s t a f f members) became key men i n the communication system.  I t was intended  to revive the o l d godparent and Balek systems but i t became apparent that both these systems depended upon neophytes coming into an established set of s o c i a l arrangements.  In Canada every student was as green as the next one. Though the group i d e n t i t y manifested i t s e l f on  several occasions, i t was the Years that took the i n i t i a t i v e i n arranging contacts with the Canadians.  The internal  pattern of informal organization was highly s t r a t i f i e d along the Year l i n e s as the pattern of l i v i n g shows. Within each Year cliques developed along various l i n e s . It seems probable that t h i s streamlined type of s o c i a l organization i s necessary f o r e f f i c i e n c y and the organization of group a c t i v i t y i n situations of stress. However, when no common a c t i v i t y unites the group, then other a c t i v i t i e s must be organized i f the group wishes to retain a continuous and coherent i d e n t i t y . Of course, the Sopron group was united by common culture, ideology and purpose and the remarkable thing i s , why did i t not express these things i n much more common a c t i v i t y than i t did?  One answer t o t h i s l a y i n the shape  202 of the group structure which tended to keep the group members apart.  I t i s interesting to note that many of  the f i r s t and second Year students did not know the names of the fourth and f i f t h Year students, and vice-versa, i n spite of s i x months of very communal l i v i n g and seven months of attendance at U.B.C.  Group S o l i d a r i t y The Sopron group morale appeared to be at i t s highest i n Austria just a f t e r the decision to come to Canada.  In Abbotsford  clear cut.  the future was seen as certain and  When the group reached Powell River d i s i n t e g r a t i v e  forces began to work.  Closer acquaintance with the  situation revealed that though the future was promised one could s t i l l not be c e r t a i n .  The s i t u a t i o n was perceived  as threatening by both students and s t a f f .  On the part of  the students there was a great emphasis on obtaining jobs and earning money.  In the face of threat the members did not  turn inside the group for security but sought security outside the group —  i n earning money.  The uncertainty about  whether they were t o receive government a i d lasted u n t i l they a c t u a l l y received t h e i r f i r s t cheque i n October 1957. At the f i r s t I.K. meeting i n the beginning of October some suggestions were made that those students who had earned money i n the summer should contribute to those who had not worked i n the summer.  This plan received no  203 support at a l l .  However, once the group was at U.B.C. and  the members were receiving a i d , the future was ascertained f o r s i x more months at least and the group settled down to classes and other mutual a c t i v i t i e s .  Morale, group s p i r i t ,  rose again. In May 1958, government aid was jobs.  the old uncertainty returned as the ended and the students had to look f o r  Jobs were scarce owing to the economic situation  and the students* weak English was a handicap to them. . Students tended to band together i n small groups (housing was cheaper t h i s way).  Some assistance from meagre group  funds was given to those who  had no money at a l l , but i n  general i t seemed that the group tended to atomize under pressure rather than to exhibit greater s o l i d a r i t y . Atomization took place along l i n e s of s o c i a l organization which had become established i n the previous year, f o r instance cliques i n the Year structure. One might also regard the large number of second Year students who  quit  studying during the year to be an example of t h i s . Why  did the s i t u a t i o n of threat not increase s o c i a l  solidarity? Partly because the continued physical and purposive existence of the group was contingent upon integration with another i n s t i t u t i o n a l structure. In t h i s sense the group d i f f e r e d from the several available examples of  functioning r e l i g i o u s communities f l e e i n g or emigrating from t h e i r native lands.  None of these sects were  committed intimately to integrate with other i n s t i t u t i o n s or groups at t h e i r destination.  In fact t h i s was the very  thing that most of these groups were f l e e i n g to escape. These communities were largely a g r i c u l t u r a l and s e l f supporting, whereas the continued physical existence of the Sopron group depended upon considerable f i n a n c i a l assistance, which in turn depended upon the benevolence and f e e l i n g of moral r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the hosts. Similarly, with the sects mere physical existence was an end i n i t s e l f , whereas the raison d'etre of the Sopron group was to graduate i t s students. accomplished  This could only be  i n a f f i l i a t i o n with some existing academic  institution. In the Sopron case three p o l i t i c a l forces had to be balanced.  Sopron i t s e l f t r i e d to maintain the greatest  possible autonomy without offending the hosts.  This had  to be done delicately because even non-cooperation be construed by t h e i r hosts as an affront.  could  U.B.C. and  the Government, having committed themselves to receive the group, (each perceived i t s own commitment i n a different l i g h t ) engaged i n continual manoeuvring f o r position regarding the financing of the group.  U.B.C.  conceived of i t s e l f as "cooperating" with the government who had i n the f i r s t place invited the group over.  The  205 Government appeared to wish to give the same treatment to the Soproners as to the other Hungarian refugees s t i l l under i t s care.  Neither o f these i n s t i t u t i o n s wished the  group t o exist (as a group) f o r longer than absolutely necessary.^"  This explains the very short range character  of a l l the arrangements made f o r the group.  Nothing was  arranged f o r longer i n advance than could be helped.  Both  U.B.C. and the Government r e a l i z e d there was an obligation to the group and each attempted to have the other shoulder as much of the burden as possible. We see that the Sopron group i t s e l f was actually powerless i n t h i s play.  Perhaps had the Hungarians been  s k i l l e d i n the workings of p o l i t i c s i n a "free society" they could have turned some of t h i s to t h e i r advantage. . As i t was they saw themselves as being used as a pawn i n a game they did not know how to play.  They trusted i n  the promises that (they thought) had been made to them and i n the moral strength of t h e i r p o s i t i o n .  They greatly  regretted that no "plan" had been made i n i t i a l l y which would have stated c l e a r l y what they could expect and f o r how long. It seems that the usual process that occurs when the external s i t u a t i o n threatens a group, i s that internal s o l i d a r i t y i s b u i l t up by the organization of a c t i v i t y to cope with the threat, e.g., a war e f f o r t or the f l i g h t  206 of the above mentioned sects.  Internal organization of  the group becomes streamlined and e f f i c i e n t as other ends are subordinated  to the a l l important goal.  This appeared to be the case with the Soproners up u n t i l the f i r s t month at Powell River.  From t h i s time  on, at d i f f e r i n g rates, group s o l i d a r i t y declined. Revolution, f l i g h t and t r a v e l had provided the necessary a c t i v i t y to maintain high s o l i d a r i t y .  Upon a r r i v a l i n  Canada we noted that attention was concentrated upon internal a c t i v i t i e s .  This was before the threat was  perceived by the students.  Simultaneous with the perception  of an uncertain future, we observed increased attention upon individual salvation through the earning of money. Whereas i n Austria the future had been uncertain but the group had had bargaining power and "sales appeal", now i n Canada the trump card had been played and they could only wait and t r u s t .  Each individual attempted to obtain double  insurance against collapse of the group by earning h i s own money. solidarity.  This was not exactly conducive to group In fact t h i s very a c t i v i t y s i g n i f i e d doubt i n  the group.  Integration and Assimilation —  Soproners and Non Soproners  It i s useful to contrast the experiences  of the  individual non Sopron Hungarian students with those of the  207 Soproners.  It must be remembered that these students  were not the primary objects of t h i s study and that data concerning them was not collected systematically. What evidence there i s seems to point to a s i m i l a r pattern of l i v i n g among these students, as obtained among the Soproners  —  they l i v e d together with other Hungarians,  three of these students l i v e d alone, many l i v e d with relatives. Upon s u p e r f i c i a l observation, these students did not appear to d i f f e r greatly from the Soproners i n t h e i r attachment to Hungarian culture.  They had the same  c r i t i c i s m s of Canadian culture as the Soproners. The one s t r i k i n g difference a f t e r a year i n Canada, was i n these students' comparative mastery of Canadian s o c i a l techniques.  With one exception t h e i r English was  better than the best of the Soproners.  A l l but one  obtained jobs upon completion of t h e i r exams i n A p r i l 195$. It should be mentioned that t h i s group was i n a sense preselected. Of about 21 students who were present at the i n i t i a l English language examination at U.B.C. a week before r e g i s t r a t i o n began i n September 1957, some 14 students were actually admitted to the u n i v e r s i t y . A l l these received f i n a n c i a l assistance from World University Service and U.B.C. (average $300. —  $400.).  2  The remaining  208 seven were not a d m i t t e d because o f t h e i r English.  inadequate  Two o f t h o s e who r e g i s t e r e d dropped out a t  Christmas t i m e owing t o f i n a n c i a l and study A s h o r t comparison  difficulties.  o f t h e main f e a t u r e s o f t h e  a d a p t a t i o n o f t h e two groups may be o f v a l u e . Individuals  January No promises made, b u t t h e y expected a s s i s t a n c e on t h e same b a s i s as a l l o t h e r Hungarian r e f u g e e s . S t u d e n t s e s p e c i a l l y had played a v i t a l r o l e i n the revolution. Uncertainty at f i r s t , — g r e a t a n x i e t y . Some resentment a t Soproners* s p e c i a l treatment. Great i n t e r e s t i n Canadian society. Go t o work e a r l y i n t h e year.  Soproners 1957 A s s i s t a n c e was expected on t h e b a s i s o f promises (they thought) made.  C e r t a i n t y concerning the future, I n t e r e s t i n i n t e r n a l group a f f a i r s only. Group e x i s t e n c e i n P o w e l l R i v e r . Learn E n g l i s h i n classroom.  May 1 9 5 7 A n x i e t y appears. Future p e r c e i v e d a s u n c e r t a i n . Great interest i n obtaining jobs. September 1957 Two t h i r d s a r e a d m i t t e d t o A l l s t u d e n t s a d m i t t e d . KnowU.B.C. a c c o r d i n g t o t h e i r ledge of E n g l i s h i r r e l e v a n t , competence i n E n g l i s h . Some f i n a n c i a l a s s i s t a n c e F i n a n c i a l a s s i s t a n c e from t h e f r o m W.U.S. and U.B.C. government C o n s i d e r a b l e e f f o r t t o study S e t t l e down. Study i n in English. Crisis at Hungarian "I've almost C h r i s t m a s exams. f o r g o t t e n the E n g l i s h I l e a r n e d l a s t summer" ( A p r i l ' 5 $ ) May 1958 A l l but one o b t a i n jobs L e s s t h a n h a l f o b t a i n j o b s upon upon c o m p l e t i o n o f t h e i r c o m p l e t i o n o f exams. Poor exams. E n g l i s h blamed i n s e v e r a l c a s e s . Lack o f " c o n n e c t i o n s " a l s o a factor. A l l this i n spite of some 35 j o b s p r o v i d e d " e s p e c i a l l y f o r " t h e Sopron s t u d e n t s . Most s t u d e n t s w o r k i n g .  209  These o b s e r v a t i o n s seem t o point, t o t h e  non  Soproners as h a v i n g become " i n t e g r a t e d " w i t h Canadian s o c i e t y i n s o f a r as t h e y have l e a r n e d t h e n e c e s s a r y f o r s u r v i v a l i n the new of v a l u e s and way  techniques  c o u n t r y , but t h a t " a s s i m i l a t i o n "  o f l i f e has not y e t o c c u r r e d , —  viz.  t h e i r patterns of l i v i n g . The Soproners have n e i t h e r i n t e g r a t e d nor a s s i m i l a t e d i n t h e above sense.  T h i s can be a t t r i b u t e d t o t h e i r  r e l i a n c e upon t h e i r group membership f o r c o n t i n u e d e x i s t e n c e i n t h e new  country.  I f Sopron members were "turned l o o s e "  a t t h i s s t a g e , i t i s p r o b a b l e t h a t t h e m a j o r i t y would not s u r v i v e (as s t u d e n t s a t a Canadian u n i v e r s i t y ) .  It i s ,  however, n e c e s s a r y t o s t r e s s t h e f a c t t h a t o n l y about h a l f o f t h e non Sopron s t u d e n t s a c t u a l l y " s u r v i v e d " as s t u d e n t s . I n s p i t e of t h i s r e l i a n c e upon t h e group, t h e Soproners  1  f a i t h i n t h e group t o p r o v i d e t h i s s e c u r i t y  not v e r y s t r o n g .  was  They tended t o p e r c e i v e the government,  upon which e v e r y t h i n g depended, as h o s t i l e o r a t l e a s t monumentally i n d i f f e r e n t .  Both s t u d e n t s and  staff  demonstrated t h i s by t h e i r tendency, i n p e r i o d s o f ( g r e a t e r ) s t r e s s , to place confidence i n i n d i v i d u a l techniques e a r n i n g t h e i r own money and m a s t e r i n g t h e  language.  of  210 2. Some Theoretical Implications Some Remarks on Contact and Attitudes  It was found i n t h i s study, that U.B.C. students with more contact with the Hungarians tended to have a more favourable and permissive image of them, than those students with less contact.  Here are two observations which together  constitute a t h e o r e t i c a l statement of a certain order. It seemed that "more contact  =  permissive attitude", and  that we could predict behaviour i n other situations on t h i s basis.  However, i t was also noted that people who  had a considerable amount of contact with the Hungarians i n an o f f i c i a l capacity tended to have a more c r i t i c a l and l e s s permissive a t t i t u d e .  This inconsistency reduces both  findings again t o the l e v e l of empirical generalizations. We had to cast about f o r another t h e o r e t i c a l  statement  which would-"explain", or relate to each other, both types of behaviour.  We may f i n d t h i s i n that area of  s o c i o l o g i c a l l o g i c concerned with the transmission of s o c i a l patterns through generations, namely, s o c i a l i z a t i o n theory. People i n o f f i c i a l capacities represent i n s t i t u t i o n s . When newcomers enter i n s t i t u t i o n s they represent a threat to the i n s t i t u t i o n , unless they become assimilated into or integrated with the i n s t i t u t i o n a l values and r o l e s . in-group wishes to change the newcomers into —  The  doctors,  211 adults or Canadians.  The newcomers either wish, or are  forced by s i t u a t i o n a l factors to acquire new status.  These  factors determine the l e v e l of commitment on the part of the newcomer.  The l e v e l of commitment on the part of the  newcomer i s one of the chief factors determining to what extent he w i l l meet the standards set by the o f f i c i a l s or s o c i a l i z e r s i n the a c q u i s i t i o n of the new techniques. Various other factors should not be underestimated  i n this  connection, e.g., p r i o r perception of the s o c i a l i z a t i o n s i t u a t i o n , amount of support and/or threat offered to the s o c i a l i z e e s , whether the contacts made with the s o c i a l i z e r s permit observation or practice of the techniques to be mastered, and f i n a l l y , the presence of other socializees at the same or varying l e v e l s of s o c i a l i z a t i o n . We can now return to the previous anomalous facts concerning contact and attitudes and make the statement that these people i n o f f i c i a l positions both are seen as, and conceive of themselves as " s o c i a l i z e r s " .  Their role  demands that they set standards and apply (verbal) sanctions when the standards are not met.  We saw that these people  perceived the Soproners as immigrants — ment to a new status. gees —  thus implying commit-  The ordinary student saw them as refu-  not i n a s o c i a l i z a t i o n s i t u a t i o n .  o r i g i n a l t h e o r e t i c a l statement  We can now see the  of more "contact - more  favourable and permissive a t t i t u d e " as being a part of a more inclusive scheme of things involving d e f i n i t i o n of  212 r o l e , position i n a p a r t i c u l a r kind of hierarchy and p a r t i c u l a r goals.  We can see the o f f i c i a l s '  relative  disappointment and censure i n terms of the s o c i a l i z a t i o n s i t u a t i o n , and i n p a r t i c u l a r , i n terms of the standards they set. to  We have seen that t h i s censure was not permitted  "outsiders" —  i . e . , outside the s o c i a l i z a t i o n  situation (though, of course, becoming a Canadian involves a l l Canadians).  The role of the Canadian students i n a l l  t h i s seems to be primarily i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with the Soproners as students, i . e . , socializees on the same l e v e l , or peers.  Thus, the simple mechanism of more contact = 3  favourable image  operates on t h i s l e v e l only.  It i s  superseded by more important considerations of s o c i a l i z a t i o n mechanisms. The Role of Student Organization One of the functions of student s o c i a l organization i s f o r the s o c i a l i z a t i o n of the students into the p a r t i c u l a r role f o r which they are being trained.  One must be a  university student i n order to become a professional person (or an educated man) socialization.  —  t h i s i s one l e v e l of  One must also learn how to be a student.  This i s where student s o c i a l organization f i t s i n . Professional education i s seen by s o c i o l o g i s t s as not only the a c q u i s i t i o n of technical s k i l l s , but also as the process of i n t e r n a l i z a t i o n of the values necessary f o r the practise  213 of the s k i l l i n society. was  A new  culture i s acquired.  This  especially true of a l l u n i v e r s i t y education i n the middle  ages and also of the g u i l d system of occupational t r a i n i n g . As the present r o l e of the "university educated man" North American society i s extremely diffuse and  in  unstructured,  undergraduate student organization i s segmented along l i n e s of a c t i v i t y by no means confined to u n i v e r s i t y educated people.  Perhaps the f r a t e r n i t y i s the only remnant of  t h i s diffuse type of s o c i a l i z a t i o n which inculcated a  "way  of l i f e " i n the undergraduate which i s highly relevant to his  future i n society. Students i n professional schools, on the other hand,  have a d i s t i n c t image of the role they are to assume upon completion of t h e i r studies.  The students i n a p a r t i c u l a r  professional school are united i n t h e i r aspiration to enter a s p e c i f i c occupation.  A l l the students must  i n t e r n a l i z e the same values. Sopron was both an "autonomous" u n i v e r s i t y faculty and a professional school.  The s o c i a l role of the man  of  knowledge i n Hungary i s a more s p e c i f i c thing than i n North America.  Also the f o r e s t r y and mining professions  in Hungary had t h e i r own s p e c i f i c culture and a long tradition.* ' 1  Thus we see that homogeneity of students' with regard to occupational aspiration i s an important f a c t o r  214 i n determining the kind and intensity of s o c i a l i z a t i o n that i s to take place. Where the student body i s homogenous as above, i t i s l i k e l y to have more power to; (1) control the quality of i t s own membership, and (2) to have more control of the conditions under which the students are to be s o c i a l i z e d . If we take Sopron as an example of a highly homogenous type of organization we see i t s power i n the two areas. Aspirants who were not approved of were not admitted to the academy, and even professors who d i d not conform to the t r a d i t i o n s were boycotted.  Nobody could r e g i s t e r at  the academy without the p r i o r approval of the I.K. Thus a l l students at the academy had to become members.  Merely  to become registered at the academy the aspirant had to commit himself to a f a i r l y searching scrutiny by the senior students.  Sopron was unique i n going t h i s f a r , intimately  binding together the academic with the student s o c i a l organization of the academy. As Simmel has said, displacement of a generation does not take place a l l at once.  Some kind of continuity  i s especially necessary i n s o c i a l i z a t i o n s i t u a t i o n s .  The  continuity of the technical or academic aspect of a university i s assured by the presence of s t a f f and academic organization.  The continuity of the student t r a d i t i o n  and thereby of the values of the p a r t i c u l a r role which  215 the student w i l l assume upon completion of his studies, i s dependent upon the student s o c i a l organization. Where the future role i s c l e a r l y defined, such as i n professional schools, or where the role of the university educated in society i s d i s t i n c t we may intense s o c i a l i z a t i o n .  man  expect to f i n d r e l a t i v e l y  Intense s o c i a l i z a t i o n i s accompanied  by long exposure to those already partly or wholly s o c i a l ized.  The neophytes have the opportunity to j o i n with, or  at least observe, the i n i t i a t e d i n the practise of the techniques, and i n assertion of the values to be acquired. Student s o c i a l organization i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e s these opportunities, p a r t i c u l a r l y of the l a t t e r type.  In Sopron,  in the t r i a l period of the I;K. "exams", the neophytes learned the basic values to be asserted.  If they did not  acknowledge these values, then they would not be permitted to  r e g i s t e r at the academy.  Through the i n s t i t u t i o n of  the "godparent" the neophyte became enmeshed i n a network of s o c i a l relations involving senior students as well as other neophytes. It i s i n t e r e s t i n g to follow the process whereby the antagonism of the f i r s t Year versus a l l senior Years lays the basis f o r the s o l i d a r i t y of the whole organization. F i r s t Year students are always less p r i v i l e g e d than older students and i n some cases they are a c t i v e l y exploited. S o l i d a r i t y builds up among the group continually being subjected to tests and demands.  In some student societies  216 the neophytes are e x p l i c i t l y expected to a i d each other i n the face of senior student pressure.  Even a f t e r i n i t i a t i o n ,  i f practised, the newcomers are not wholly accepted on equal terms by the senior students.  However, when the next  batch of neophytes arrives the following year, l a s t year's newcomers become i d e n t i f i e d with the seniors. As i n the 'case of a great deal of people with nouveau status of one kind or another, these students outdo themselves i n asserting t h e i r newly found status.  In Sopron the "balek"  system established s o l i d a r i t y among the f i r s t Year students and the "godparents" anchored the f i r s t Year to the senior Years. In B r i t i s h Columbia the Sopron student organization l o s t much of i t s meaning through not being related to the occupation of forestry i n Canada. Year —  The absence of the f i r s t  senior Year antagonism took away the annual focus  of a c t i v i t y of the organization.  In Canada, i n the eyes of  the students, the organization was without a r o l e .  There  were three basic propositions current among the Soproners as to what should be the r o l e of the I.K. i n Canada; (1) i t should revive the old I.K. customs, (2) i t should propagate the message of the Hungarian revolution, (3) i t should f a c i l i t a t e contact with the  Canadians.  The actual r o l e of the student organization, as we have seen, involved a l l these things at different periods; (1) was prominent i n Powell River, (2) i n the winter term  217 at U.B.C, and (3) i n the spring terra.  It seems l i k e l y  that (3) w i l l c o n t i n u e to be the main direction of orientation next year.  Some Shifts i n Ideology Student s o c i a l organization has been seen as functional in s o c i a l i z i n g the students to their coming s o c i a l role in society.  In accordance with this view the pattern of  basic values i n the Sopron student society corresponded closely with the ideology current i n the f o r e s t r y profession. Two sets of values were distinguishable; those prevalent among a l l "men of knowledge" i n Hungary, and those confined to foresters.  Patriotism, belongs most d i s t i n c t l y to the  former, brotherhood and " g e s e l l i g k e i t " f a l l i n between, and love of the forest belongs to the l a t t e r set. The Sopron student organization was based upon regular reaffirmation of these values, especially during the i n i t i a t i o n of new members and at graduation time.  As  we have seen, t h i s pattern was also reinforced by the s t a f f , most of whom had also studied at Sopron and had therefore internalized both sets of values.  This was then a case  where s o c i e t a l goals and i n s t i t u t i o n a l means were inextricably bound together.  There was no way other than through the  i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d means i f one wanted to become a professional forester i n Hungary.  From the point of view of the system  the worst that could happen would be chameleon type  218 conformity with the means on the part of aspirants. even once the technical end was Engineering Diploma) there was  achieved  But  (the Forest  s t i l l s t r i c t control of  behavior through the Foresters' Association.  Thus, i t was  necessary that the individual become wholeheartedly committed to the f o r e s t e r s ' culture. The second world war interrupted, and the advent of the communists changed t h i s well integrated system of t r a i n i n g f o r and practise of a professional r o l e .  The  technical t r a i n i n g remained the same, but the concepts of the formation of the students' outlook were d r a s t i c a l l y redefined.  This did not stem primarily from change i n  the occupational r o l e of forester, but rather i n the d e f i n i t i o n of the s o c i a l role of the man  of knowledge.  The  c u l t u r a l goals were revised as well as the i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d means f o r attaining them.  As the communists (with the aid  of the Russian army) controlled the rewards and  sanctions,  the population had l i t t l e choice but to acquiesce to the new order.  This word gives us a clue to the type of adjust-  ment of the population to the new  schema —  r e t r e a t i s t adjustment, as f a r as t h i s was face of constant  namely, possible i n the  exhortations, and compulsory attendance at  5  meetings etc.  The people accepted neither the new  ends  nor the new means, but they were i n no position to t r y to make any changes i n the new established.  equilibrium a f t e r i t had become  219 In Sopron, f o r two and a h a l f y e a r s a f t e r 1948 s t u d e n t s remained committed t o t h e o l d schema and  the  their  adjustment t o the new o r d e r took t h e f o r m o f r e b e l l i o n a c t i v e p r a c t i s e o f t h e f o r b i d d e n o l d customs.  —  However,  t h e d i s m i s s a l of a l a r g e number o f s e n i o r s t u d e n t s and i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n o f t h e spy system appeared t o break  the  any  o r g a n i z e d c o n t i n u i t y f o r t r a n s m i s s i o n o f the o l d v a l u e s . On  the  surface, the  socialist realism.  P a t r i o t i s m gave way  communism, and b r o t h e r h o o d brotherhood  o l d v a l u e s were superseded  by  to international  o f s p e c i f i c groups t o t h e  o f workers a l l over t h e w o r l d .  At t h e u n i v e r s i t y  t h e p r i n c i p l e o f " g e s e l l i g k e i t " gave way t o t h e i d e n t i f i c a t i o n o f " f r i v o l i t y " as i n c o m p a t i b l e w i t h the s e r i o u s purposes o f t h e new  order.  The h i g h p r i c e o f beer and t h e presence  o f women were perhaps a l s o c o n t r i b u t i n g f a c t o r s .  It is  i n t e r e s t i n g t o note t h a t t h e v a l u e most c e n t r a l t o Sopron, l o v e o f t h e f o r e s t , was not d i r e c t l y a t t a c k e d and y e t s u f f e r e d t h e most under t h e new  order.  B e f o r e the war t h e r e  a p r e s e l e c t i o n o f a p p l i c a n t s t o Sopron.  Only t h o s e  wanted t o s t u d y f o r e s t r y a p p l i e d f o r a d m i s s i o n .  was who  There  was  a n a t u r a l b a l a n c e o f s u p p l y and demand f o r p r o f e s s i o n a l foresters.  I n 1956,  as we have seen, t h e r e were f i v e  a p p l i c a n t s f o r every p l a c e a t Sopron.  The  important t h i n g  had become t o o b t a i n a h i g h e r e d u c a t i o n o f any k i n d .  This  perhaps r e f l e c t e d an o r d e r o f i n d i v i d u a l i n s e c u r i t y i n t h e f a c e o f c o n f l i c t i n g s e t s o f means and ends.  "They can't  220 take an education away from you".  However, the absence of  preselection made f o r considerably l e s s emphasis on the love of f o r e s t r y . The revolution of 1956  brought about a reassertion  of o l d values and a negation of the communist patterns. However, communism as an ideology was not wholly thrown overboard by the revolutionaries  v i z . Imre Nagy was  a  communist. The primary issue of the revolution was nationalism.  How  of  many times were the names of national  heroes of the past invoked? was  one  The ousting of Gero* and Hegedus  only the f i r s t step towards the demand that the Russians  get out.  The root of a l l e v i l i n Hungary was  s a t e l l i t e status v i s - a - v i s the U.S.S.R. patriotism was  seen as her  This issue of  dear to the hearts of university students i n  Hungary and t h e i r record t e s t i f i e s to t h e i r actions. Though there was unanimity on what was  not wanted,  there was l i t t l e agreement on what kind of a society should be b u i l t i n Hungary a f t e r the Russians had gone.  It was  clear that there was no return to the pre war state of affairs.  On the whole i t appeared that the Hungarians  wished to model t h e i r p o s i t i o n i n the international s i t u a t i o n on neutral Austria, and that they wished to model a national economy on Yugoslav or B r i t i s h s o c i a l i s t l i n e s .  221 In Sopron the students and s t a f f went along with these broad l i n e s of change, but f o r themselves they demanded a return to the pre war situation with the exception that autonomous university status be given to the Sopron school. In f l i g h t the Soproners had two primary goals  —  they wished to continue t h e i r studies and to further the cause of the revolution. l y related.  As f i r s t these were seen as intimate-  The group existence was a constant reminder of  the revolution.  It i s s i g n i f i c a n t that the thought of  seeking accommodation outside Europe did not occur to the leaders of the group as they wished to stay near Hungary. Group existence was seen as the means to both goals, and group existence turned out to be possible only i n Canada. Once i n Canada i t became apparent to the group members that various other things were necessary to achieve t h e i r primary goal of continuing t h e i r education.  The  promised  means of doing t h i s appeared not to be forthcoming  (full  government f i n a n c i a l support), therefore the students had to take matters into t h e i r own hands and earn money to support themselves.  This demanded a great deal of time and mental  and physical e f f o r t .  In May 195$,  i t became increasingly  apparent that a good knowledge of English was for obtaining a good job.  essential  Also such things as having  "connections" among other students were stressed by the Soproners.. Thus i t was that things that were o r i g i n a l l y  222 conceived of as means to obtain an education successively became ends in themselves.  Simultaneously, the problem  of goals a f t e r the termination of u n i v e r s i t y study arose especially acutely f o r the senior students. of view of adjustment  —  From the point  to Canadian society these students  were not making t h e i r v i t a l decision whether to stay, and formulate t h e i r plans f o r the future i n terms of Canadian career l i n e s and p o s s i b i l i t i e s , or to leave —  return to  Europe or elsewhere. The goal of furthering the revolution appeared to have become l o s t among these other considerations, though i t i s probably ever present i n a latent sense. said that most of the students would immediately army i f there was a war against Russia.)  (One student j o i n the  It i s not  possible, however, to correlate the decline of the revolutionary orientation d i r e c t l y with the degree of adjustment to the new environment.  This problem constitutes  one of the suggestions f o r further research.  3. Suggestions f o r Further Research I have studied the past history of this group, and an intermediate stage i n i t s present adjustment.  It would  be desirable to follow the progress of the group u n t i l the end.  Several themes have emerged from t h i s study along  which further research could be  conducted.  223 (I) In view of the present concern with the functioning of western educational systems i n comparison with communist systems, the material i s available i n t h i s group to make an intensive study of a s a t e l l i t e educational i n s t i t u t i o n i n periods of greater and l e s s e r "communization". It would be possible to obtain i n intimate d e t a i l the everyday working of the i n s t i t u t i o n and the pressures that were exercised upon students and s t a f f to toe the l i n e .  The  presence of so many individuals from the same i n s t i t u t i o n allows the p o s s i b i l i t y of minute cross checking.  Perhaps  also t e s t s could be devised to measure the influence of Marxist L e n i n i s t ideas upon the students' and s t a f f ' s thinking.  Several studies have stressed the role of the  family as a reservoir of t r a d i t i o n a l Hungarian values which 7 led to a r e j e c t i o n of communist concepts and values.  It  would also be i n t e r e s t i n g to study the c o n f l i c t s set up i n young people by the double standards omnipresent i n Hungary. Given that the family attempted to counteract the communist influence, especially i n the sphere of education, how  did  high school and university students resolve the d a i l y dilemma's that faced them? (II)  Again i n the s o c i a l psychological f i e l d i t  would perhaps be p r o f i t a b l e to study the r e l a t i o n of the "refugee" s e l f conception to the actual degree of contact with the new  environment.  This i s not exactly what one  might expect because at least one student was  known to me  224  who exhibited a superior knowledge of English and had good summer jobs and several contacts with Canadians, yet he intends to leave Canada a f t e r graduation because of his disgust with Canadian p o l i t i c a l apathy.  He has retained  the "refugee" orientation of f i g h t i n g against communism for Hungarian freedom.  One might conduct study on the  above subject making comparisons between the Soproners (group members) and the non Soproners.  To what extent does  "integration" (the learning of new techniques f o r s u r v i v a l i n the new environment) lead to "assimilation" of the new values and the r e j e c t i o n , or at l e a s t shelving, of the old? ( I l l ) Perhaps i t would be possible, when the Sopron group loses i t s aspect of being a hot p o l i t i c a l potato, to thoroughly investigate the processes of negotiation between government, u n i v e r s i t y and industry before and a f t e r the a r r i v a l of the group.  What did the group mean  to these i n s t i t u t i o n s ? Again, research could be directed to discovering the i n s t i t u t i o n a l implications of the a r r i v a l of the Sopron group at U.B.C.  Some possible latent  functions of the Sopron group f o r U.B.C. i n s t i t u t i o n a l structure have been suggested i n the text.  The implications  of the group's presence f o r professional forestry i n B.C. also constitutes a v a l i d area of study.  4. A Prediction and a Recommendation It appears that at present neither Hungarian nor  225 Canadian students are "benefiting from" each other's proximity.  We have seen that though the Canadian students  are w i l l i n g to regard the Hungarians as refugees, the Hungarians prefer to act as immigrants v i s - a - v i s the Canadian students.  The Soproners' conception of Canadians as being  uninterested i n the implications of the Hungarian revolution (and i n c i d e n t a l l y therefore uninterested i n the Hungarians' raison d'etre i n Canada) i s not wholly true at the university. It seems to me that there i s scope f o r the dissemination of the message of the Hungarian revolution at U.B.C.  The  big b a r r i e r i n the past year has been the lack of English, though t h i s should not have been a b a r r i e r to, say, publication of a r t i c l e s i n the student newspaper. was only one a r t i c l e appeared.  As i t  One recommendation, thus,  is that the student newspaper and some undergraduate clubs s o l i c i t a r t i c l e s and speakers from the Sopron group. This i n addition to being i n s t r u c t i o n a l f o r the Canadians would dispel the Hungarians' notion of "not being wanted" and also i n i t i a t e interaction between the groups. Perhaps the process of integration, and especially of assimilation, would occur more rapidly i f common goals are perceived.  There are no doubt people of the U.B.C.  campus who take the attitude "why can't they leave t h e i r feuds at home", but i t i s my impression that these are not mainly among the students.  226  Secondly, more use should be made of the Hungarian Year structure f o r contacts.  This then i s also the prediction,  that i t i s along Year, and Year subdivision, l i n e s that the group w i l l continue to atomize. made of t h i s tendency.  Constructive use can be  227 FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER XIV 1. Though i n i t i a l l y the Federal Government wished to keep the group together i n a r e s i d e n t i a l community, as t h i s would have been cheaper than giving individual allowances, U.B.C. did not wish to entertain the notion of a "university i n e x i l e " within i t s boundaries. 2. It i s interesting to note that some of the students didn't know where the money came from. 3. In many areas the "academic s o l i d a r i t y " seems to influence the adjustment of the group. ( 1 ) U.B.C.'s d e f i n i t i o n of the Soproners* adjustment as an internal problem, (2) the d e f i n i t i o n s of the Canadian students, (3) t h e Soproners and t h e l o c a l Hungarian e t h n i c community, (4) the International Union of Free Hungarian Students. 4. Note that at U.B.C. the forestry students are r e l a t i v e l y highly organized and conscious of t r a d i t i o n . 5 . One i l l u s t r a t i o n of the f a r reaching attempts of the communist regime to preclude r e t r e a t i s t type adjustment p a r t i c u l a r l y fascinated me. George Strem describes the procedure of borrowing books at public l i b r a r i e s i n Hungary. "Two s l i p s are required — one f o r the book t i t l e and on the other the borrower i s expected to make observations concerning the book and his impressions of i t . I f he f a i l s to f i l l out or deposit with the l i b r a r y t h i s second s l i p , he w i l l be considered indifferent or h o s t i l e , and the regime, i n the case of a second offense, w i l l consider him l i a b l e f o r investigation". Those who f i l l out favourably are also watched and may be recruited into "readers conferences", George Strem "Cultural L i f e i n S a t e l l i t e Hungary", P a c i f i c Spectator, 7 : 7 7 - 3 9 , Winter, 1 9 5 3 . 6. There were some who wholeheartedly accepted the new scheme. Kracauer and Berkmann studied the attitudes towards communists among 3 0 0 escapees from Eastern Europe i n 1955• They postulated two basic types of communists. (1) Real, convinced communists who have a sincere b e l i e f i n communist p r i n c i p l e s , who are l o y a l , ruthless and subordinate everything to the party. (2) Nominal communists are divided into (a) opportunists who are only i n to make money, (b) job keepers who are i n to keep eating at a subsistence l e v e l . These r e s t r i c t part a c t i v i t y to a minimum, (c) Forced communists who are under physical duress to belong. These are exactly the categories used by the Soproners. S. Kracauer and P. L. Berkmann, "Attitudes Towards Various Communist Types i n Hungary, Poland and Czechoslovakia", Social Problems, 3 : 1 0 9 - 1 1 4 , October, 1 9 5 5 .  BIBLIOGRAPHY  BIBLIOGRAPHY 1. MATERIAL ON HUNGARIAN REVOLUTION Acs, Sandor. "My l a s t 17 days I n Budapest", 70:20-32, February 2nd, 1957.  Macleans,  B a r b e r , Noel, A Handful o f Ashes. Wingate. L t d . , London,  1957.  Beke, L a s z l o (pseud.), A Student's D i a r y , Macmillan, Toronto, 1957. "Cry East  Hungary", P i c t u r e Post, ( s p e c i a l Hungarian Hulton Press, London, 1956, (#56-57).  issue)  Europe. V o l . 6, No. 1, January 1957, (#22).  F e j t o , F r a n c i s . Behind the Rape o f Hungary, D. MacKay Co., New York, 1957. F r e e Europe Committee. The Revolt i n Hungary. A Documentary Chronology o f Events based e x c l u s i v e l y on i n t e r n a l broadcasts by c e n t r a l and p r o v i n c i a l r a d i o s . Free Europe Committee, New York, 1956. (#37, 78). F r y e r , P e t e r . The Hungarian Tragedy. Dobson, London, December, 1956. H e l l e r , Andor.  1957.  No More Comrades, Henry Regnery,  Chicago,  Lasky, M e l v i n J . ( E d . ) . The Hungarian R e v o l u t i o n — A White Book, M a r t i n , Seeker and Warburg, London, 1957. Lukacs, J . A. "Lessons o f the Hungarian R e v o l u t i o n " , Commentary,-September 1957, pp. 223-230. Michener, James A. The B r i d g e a t Andau. Random House, New York, 1957. Mikes, George. The Hungarian R e v o l u t i o n , Andre London, 1957.  Deutsch,  Smith, Denis. "Hungary: Russia's P y r r h i c V i c t o r y " , Canadian J o u r n a l o f Economics and P o l i t i c a l S c i e n c e , 24:110-118, February, 1958.  229  United Nations. Report of the Special Committee on the Problem o f Hungary. General Assembly, O f f i c i a l Records, 11th Session, Supp. No. l 8 ( A / 3 5 9 2 ) , New York, 1957. Urban, George.  The Nineteen Bays. Heineman, London, 1957.  Zinner, Paul E. (Ed.). National Communism and Popular Revolt i n Eastern Europe. Columbia University Press. New York, 1956.  2. BACKGROUND MATERIAL ON HUNGARY, COMMUNISM AND THE SOVIET SYSTEM Apponyi, Count Albert et a l . J u s t i c e f o r Hungary — A Review and C r i t i c i s m of the Effect of the Treaty of Trianon. Longmans. Green and Co.. London. 1928. Bauer, R. The New Man i n Soviet Psychology. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Mass., 1953. Inkeles, A. and Kluckholn, C. How the Soviet System Works. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Mass., 1956. Csatkai, Endre.^, Sopron, Second E d i t i o n , Kepzomiiveszeti alap kiadovallalata, Budapest, 1956. Fainsod, Merle. "Controls and Tensions i n the Soviet System", American P o l i t i c a l Science Review. 44*266-282. . How Russia i s Ruled, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Mass., 1953. Gabor, Robert. "The Organization and Strategy of the Hungarian Workers' (communist) Party", National Committee for a Free Europe Research and Publication Service, Hungarian Section, New York. October. 1952. Helmreieh, E.G. (Ed.).  (#191,194).  Horthy, Nicholas.  Hungary. Praeger, New York 1956,  Memoirs. Hutchinson, London, 1956.  Kallay, Nicholas. Hungarian Premier, Columbia University Press, New York, 1954.  230 Kornis, Jules, L ' O p i n i o n P u b l i q u e de l a N a t i o n H o n g r o i s e , M e m o i r e H o n g r o i s e N o . 4, I n t e r n a t i o n a l S t u d i e s C o n ference, 10th Session, International Institute of I n t e l l e c t u a l C o o p e r a t i o n , League o f N a t i o n s , P a r i s , A p r i l , 1937. Kovacs, Imre. The H u n g a r i a n P e o p l e ' s R e p u b l i c , N a t i o n a l Committee f o r a F r e e Europe R e s e a r c h and I n f o r m a t i o n C e n t r e , H u n g a r i a n U n i t , New Y o r k , 1 9 5 1 ( m i m . ) . K r a c a u e r , S . a n d B e r k m a n n , P . L , " A t t i t u d e s Towards V a r i o u s Communist T y p e s i n H u n g a r y , P o l a n d a n d Czechoslavakia". S o c i a l Problems. 3:109-114, October, 1955. MacArtney, C . A . A History o f Hungary. 1 9 2 9 - 1 9 4 5 . 2 V o l s . , P r a e g e r , New Y o r k , 1956-57. Mindzenty, J . A n A u t h o r i s e d W h i t e Book — C a r d i n a l M i n d z e n t y S p e a k s , L o n g m a n s , G r e e n a n d C o . , New Y o r k , Nagy, F e r e n c . The S t r u g g l e B e h i n d t h e I r o n C u r t a i n , by S . K . S w i f t , M a c M i l l a n C o . , New Y o r k , 1 9 4 8 .  trans,  Pinkevitch, A . P. "The U n i v e r s i t y i n S o v i e t R u s s i a " , i n K o t s c h n i g , W. a n d P r y s , E . , ( E d s . ) , The U n i v e r s i t y i n a Changing W o r l d : A Symposium. O x f o r d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , London, 1932. "~ Revai, Joszef. "The C h a r a c t e r o f a P e o p l e ' s Democracy", (a t r a n s l a t i o n o f a n a r t i c l e i n T a r s a d a l m i Szemle M a r c h , 1949), F o r e i g n A f f a i r s . 2 8 : 1 4 3 - 1 5 2 , O c t o b e r , 1949. Roucek, J . S. "Yugoslavia's Higher Institutes of Learning", J o u r n a l o f H i g h e r E d u c a t i o n , 2 5 : 4 7 8 - 4 8 0 , D e c e m b e r , 1954. S t r e m , George C . " C u l t u r a l L i f e i n S a t e l l i t e P a c i f i c Spectator. 7:77-89, Winter 1953. " The H u n g a r i a n s : What t h e y mean t o C a n a d a " , 7 0 : 1 2 - ( 2 ) , F e b r u a r y 1 0 t h , 1957, # ( 1 2 ) . -  Hungary", Macleans.  UNESCO. U . N . C o m m i t t e e o n Human R i g h t s , S t u d y o f D i s c r i m i n a t i o n i n E d u c a t i o n . Summary o f I n f o r m a t i o n R e l a t i n g t o H u n g a r y , 1 9 5 6 , E / C N . 4 / S u b . 2 / L . 9 2 / A d d . 2 8 , New Y o r k J a n u a r y 9th, 1 9 5 6 Willen, Paul. "Communist H u n g a r y ; The L o . c u s t s a n d t h e B r i e f cases", T h e R e p o r t e r . October 21st, 1954, p p . 31-33.  231 3.  MATERIALS A V A I L A B L E S P E C I F I C A L L Y ON THE SOPRON GROUP  A l l e n , G. S. " F l i g h t to Freedom", S p r i n g , 1957, p p . 18-19. " C o l l e g e Amid A l i e n T r e e s " , D e b a t e s , House o f  U . B . C . Alumni  L i f e , May 1 3 t h ,  Commons, C a n a d a ,  Chronicle.  1957.  S e s s i o n 1957,  1:663-664.  Folberth, Otto. " D i e Odenburger B e r g - und F o r s t a k a d e m i k e r " Integration - B u l l e t i n I n t e r n a t i o n a l , 5 Jahrgang, Nummer 2 / 1 9 5 7 , p p . 1 5 9 - 1 6 5 , H o f m a n n - D r u c k V e r l a g , Augsburg. F o r b e s , R. and C r a i g , J . B . " F l i g h t t o Freedom", F o r e s t s , 63:12-15, 53-56, M a y , 1957. Macleans, .  71:3,  June 2 1 s t ,  1958.  71:4,  July 19th,  1958.  "Refugee S c h o o l F i n d s A Home". B u s i n e s s Week. A p r i l 6th, 1957, p p . 197-1991 U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia. 1 9 5 8 - 5 9 . p p . 44-45,291.  4.  Calendar,  American  No.  44th  1440,  Session,  SOCIOLOGICAL L I T E R A T U R E  B e n t w i c h , Norman d e M . R e s c u e a n d A c h i e v e m e n t o f S c h o l a r s , M a r t i n u s N i j h o f , The H a g u e , 1 9 5 3 .  Refugee  Beynon, E . D. " S o c i a l M o b i l i t y and S o c i a l D i s t a n c e Among Hungarian Immigrants i n D e t r o i t " , American Journal of S o c i o l o g y , . 4 1 : 4 2 3 - 4 3 4 , J a n u a r y , -193o"T Davis, Kingsley.  Human S o c i e t y , M a c m i l l a n C o . , New Y o r k ,  E i s e n s t a d t , S . N . From G e n e r a t i o n P r e s s , Glencoe, 111., 1956.  to  Generation,  The  Free  F e s t i n g e r , Leon and K e l l e y , H a r o l d , H . Changing A t t i t u d e s Through S o c i a l C o n t a c t , R e s e a r c h C e n t e r f o r Group Dynamics, i n s t i t u t e f o r S o c i a l Research, U n i v e r s i t y of M i c h i g a n , Ann A r b o r , 1 9 5 1 . Hawthorn, H . B .  " A T e s t o f Simmel on t h e  Secret  194$.  Society;;  232  The Doukhobors of B r i t i s h Columbia", American Journal of Sociology, 62:1-7, July, 1956. Homans, G. C. The Human Group, Routledge and Kegan Paul, Ltd., London, 1951. Jones, Frank E. "A Sociological Perspective on Immigrant Adjustment", Social Forces, 35:39-47, October, 1956. Kolaja, J i r i . "A S o c i o l o g i c a l Note on the Czech A n t i Communist Refugee", American Journal o f Sociology, 58:289-291, November, 1952. Kosa, John. "Hungarian Immigrants i n North America; Their Residential M o b i l i t y and Ecology", Canadian Journal of Economics and P o l i t i c a l Science, 22:358-370, August, 1956. . Land o f Choice; The Hungarians i n Canada, University of Toronto Press, Toronto, 1957. . "The Knowledge of English Among Hungarian Immigrants i n Canada", John Kosa, (Ed.), Immigrants i n Canada, Montreal,, ^.955, pp. 2 3 - 2 9 . Leach, E. R. P o l i t i c a l Systems of Highland Burma, G. B e l l and Sons Ltd., London, 1954. Leighton, A. H. The Governing of Men, Press, Princeton, 1946.  Princeton University  Malinowsky, Bronislaw. Magic. Science and Religion, Anchor Books, Doubleday, New York, 1954. Merton, Robert K. "Selected Problems o f F i e l d Work i n the Planned Community", American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, XII, 3:304-312, June, 1947. . S o c i a l Theory and Social Structure, The Free Press, Glencoe, 111., Revised and Enlarged E d i t i o n , 1957. Murphy, H. B. M. (Ed.). F l i g h t and Resettlement, UNESCO Publications, Population and Culture, No. I I , Lucerne, 1955. Nadel, S. F. The Theory of Social Structure. Cohen and West, London, 1951.  233  Parsons, T a l c o t t . Essays i n S o c i o l o g i c a l Theory. Revised E d i t i o n , The Free Press, Glencoe, 1 1 1 . , 1 9 5 4 . Petersen, W i l l i a m . "A General Typology of M i g r a t i o n " , American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, 2 3 : 2 5 6 - 2 6 6 , June, 1 9 5 8 . . Planned M i g r a t i o n , U n i v e r s i t y o f C a l i f o r n i a Press, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1 9 5 5 . R a d c l i f f e - B r o w n , A. R. "On the Concept o f F u n c t i o n i n S o c i a l S c i e n c e " , American A n t h r o p o l o g i s t . New S e r i e s , 37:394-402, July, 1935. R e d f i e l d , Robert, The L i t t l e Community, U n i v e r s i t y o f Chicago Press, Chicago, 1 9 5 5 . Schuetz, A l f r e d . "The Stranger; An Essay i n S o c i a l Psychology", American J o u r n a l o f S o c i o l o g y . 4 9 : 4 9 9 - 5 0 7 , May,  1954.-  Sqhwarz, M. S. and Schwarz, C. G. "Problems i n P a r t i c i p a n t Observation", American J o u r n a l of S o c i o l o g y , 6 0 : 3 4 3 - 3 5 3 , January, 1 9 5 5 . Simmel, Georg. The S o c i o l o g y of Georg Simmel. t r a n s l a t e d and e d i t e d by Kurt H. Wolff, The Free Press, Glencoe, ELI.,  Wax,  1950.  R o s a l i e H. "Twelve Years L a t e r : An A n a l y s i s o f F i e l d Experience", American J o u r n a l o f S o c i o l o g y . 6 3 : 1 3 3 - 1 4 2 , September, 1 9 5 7 .  W i l l i a m s , Robin M. J r . New York, 1 9 5 6 .  American S o c i e t y , A l f r e d A. Knopf,  Note: Numbers i n b r a c k e t s marked # i n d i c a t e page r e f e r e n c e s t o the Sopron F o r e s t r y F a c u l t y .  APPENDICES  234  APPENDIX A CIRCULAR SENT TO 20 HEADS OF STATE AND MINISTERS OF EDUCATION IN EUROPE DATED 22ND NOVEMBER, 1956  S i r  P r e s i d e n t  We a r e s u r e you a r e aware o f t h e t r a g i c a l happenings i n Hungary which r e p r e s e n t t h e d a r k e s t p e r i o d o f our h i s t o r y . In t h e s e h a r d t i m e s we have many problems r e g a r d i n g , jrouth, e n t r u s t e d t o u s , whom we must c a r e f o r . These can be s o l v e d o n l y w i t h t h e h e l p o f t h e whole f r e e w o r l d . Among t h e 5o.ooo Hungarian people who l o s t t h e i r homes almost t h e complete number of t h e s t u d e n t s and p r o f e s s o r s o f t h e H i g h - S c h o o l f o r F o r e s t r y a t Sopron found a s y l i n t h e f r i e n d l y A u s t r i a t o g e t h e r w i t h members o f t h e o t h e r f a c u l t i e s : the surveyors, miners, o i l - m i n e r s e t c . The H i g h - S c h o o l f o r f o r e s t r y i s t h e o n l y Hungarians i n s t i t u t i o n which c o u l d escape t h e R u s s i a n d e p o r t a t i o n , because o f i t s favourable border-situation. The immens sympathie of t h e f r e e w o r l d g i v e s us hope, t h a t t h o s e c o u n t r i e s , which c a r e f o r t h e Hungarian n a t i o n w i l l enable t o m a i n t a i n our H i g h - S c h o o l w i t h f i n a n c i a l s u p p o r t and w i l l h e l p t h e o t h e r s t u d e n t s t o c o n t i n u e t h e i r s t u d i e s . On such a may o u r y o u t h c o u l d have been saved f o r t h e f u t u r e f r e e Hungary. 1. / The main c o n d i t i o n o f o u r work depeds on t h e common s a t i s f a c t o r y accomodation o f t h e H i g - S c h o o l . F o r t h a t purpose 28o s t u d e n t s o f F o r e s t r y and 3o f a m i l i e s o f p r o f e s s o r s and a s s i s t a n t t e a c h e r s . A p r o p o e r p l a c e would be such a c i t y o r the c l o s e s t neighbourhood o f a c i t y , where a s i m i l a r i n s t i t u t i o n e x i s t . Our H i g h - S c h o o l would w o r k - a c c o r d i n g t o our i d e a s as a Hungarian f a c u l t y o f t h a t mentioned i n s t i t u t i o n f o r 5 y e a r s and would graduate t h e s t u d e n t s . We r e q u e s t you t o k i n d l y t e s t t h e p o s s i b i l i t i e s o f our accomodation and t o g i v e a second home t o our High-Sschool 2. / The o t h e r v e r y i m p o r t a n t f a c t i s a f i r m f i n a n c i a l b a s i s which c o u l d have been s e c u r e d o n l y w i t h t h e h e l p of more s t a t e s . A c c o r d i n g t o our e s t i m a t i o n 1.5 m i l l i o n d o l l a r s would be n e c e s s a r y d u r i n g 5 y e a r s , 3o p e r c e n t s o f t h a t sum i n the f i r s t y e a r , 25, 2o, 15 and l o p e r c e n t s i n t h e f o l l o w ing years. 3 . / B e s i d e s t h e mentioned s t u d e n t s and t e a c h e r s o f t h e H i g h - S c h o o l 6o s t u d e n t s o f t h e o t h e r f a c u l t i e s : s u r v e y o r s , miners o i l - m i n e r s , g e o p h y s i c s f l e d t o g e t h e r w i t h few t e a c h e r s and t h e i r f a m i l i e s . But t h e s m a l l number o f t e a c h e r s were not enough t o c o n t i n u e l e c t u r e s .  235  Their studies could be carried on at foreign high-schools or u n i v e r s i t i e s with proper scholarships, we should l i k e to place the students i n small groups consisting of about l o people i n the frame of a larger i n s t i t u t i o n together with Hungarian teachers who would remain with them and help i n t h e i r studies. We haved asked many countries f o r f i n a n c i a l support. We rewest your Excellency kindly stand us by. Please inform us about your decision on the following address: International Rescue Committee, Wien I. Weihburggasse l o - 1 2 I, St. which i n s t i t u t i o n has been so kind so undertake the coordination of our matters. Simultaneously our students turned to different ministries of edukation f o r help. We can notgive anything f o r the help but thanks of our people thanks of mother and fathers, which w i l l give you recognation of h i s t o r y . This recognation means more than any material equivalent and w i l l prove that the value of l i f e does not increasse by material goods but by the unexhaustive depth of the human soul. Expressing our hearty thanks we remain most respektfully Board of professor of the University of Sopron  Rektor.  236 APPENDIX B Document (1.) was sent to Mr. P i c k e r s g i l l with the request he make comments on i t . Document (2.) i s an extract from a l e t t e r to me from Mr. P i c k e r s g i l l dated November 20th, 1957. The material i s reproduced by permission.  DOCUMENT I The following i s translated from the German from: Dr. Otto Folberth, "The Sopron Mining and Forestry Academy", Integration, B u l l e t i n International, 5. Jahrgang, Nummer 2/1957, Vaduz, pp. 159-165. The writer of this a r t i c l e , who had been appointed by the Salzburg Provincial Government to make provisions for the care of Hungarian student refugees u n t i l t h e i r departure from the country, was an eyewitness to the following events Thus only 1+8 hours a f t e r he f i r s t learned of the f l i g h t of the Academy, Minister P i c k e r s g i l l could now make the following o f f e r , that would be very d i f f i c u l t to refuse. He promised: a) The transportation to Canada, at the cost of his government, of the students and f a c u l t y and the f a m i l i e s of the f a c u l t y members. b); To make possible the completion of the studies of the Hungarian f o r e s t r y students at the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, by the temporary creation of a Hungarian Faculty of Forestry. c l To make possible the completion of the studies of the other Sopron University students at other Canadian U n i v e r s i t i e s under normal conditions. d). To provide l i v e l i h o o d f o r a l l the Hungarian students f o r the duration of t h e i r studies. e) The absorption of the graduate students into Canada's economic l i f e . f ), The t r a n s f e r and absorption of the Sopron University professors into Canadian u n i v e r s i t i e s . g) F i n a l l y , The Minister made i t clear that the Canadian government would not compell anybody by t h i s o f f e r to stay i n Canada f o r ever. Any Soproner, whether teacher or student, would be free to return to Hungary at any time at his own expense.  237  DOCUMENT I I "Of the statements attributed to me, point A i s correct. Point B i s s l i g h t l y exaggerated. What I said was that t h e i r f a c u l t y would be integrated into the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, probably as a separate f a c u l t y . Point C goes a l i t t l e further than I was able to go. I said I would t r y to make possible the admission of other Sopron students. I was, i n f a c t , able to make arrangements f o r them i n Toronto. Point D i s hardly correct. I did not promise a l i v e l i h o o d , I promised them we would do everything we could to see that they got employment so that they could earn t h e i r l i v e l i h o o d . Point E. What I said was that I had no doubt that trained Forestry graduates would be absorbed r e a d i l y into the Canadian economic l i f e . I know you w i l l appreciate that I could not promise to absorb them since we have a free economy. Point F i s one that I do not r e c a l l discussing at a l l . What I think I did was say that I f e l t sure that the Professors would be able to f i n d continuing employment either i n the U n i v e r s i t i e s or i n industry, but there was no guarantee. Point G i s perfectly correct."  238 APPENDIX C CONDENSATION OF GYULA'S ELECTION SPEECH GIVEN AT MEETING ON THE EVENING OF MARCH 20TH 1957  A  I am going t o t a l k about the I.K. and not about p a r t y programmes. I n a s i t u a t i o n l i k e ours we must r i s e above p a r t y p o l i t i c s and p e r s o n a l l i k e s and d i s l i k e s . We need unity. I want t o quote a l e t t e r t h a t I r e c e i v e d from a f r i e n d o f mine i n Budapest. " I t i s important t h a t you f e l l o w s who escaped e s t a b l i s h a good name f o r Hungary. Study a l o t so t h a t i n t h e f u t u r e you can be o f use t o our poor country". Our u n i t y must be i n t e r n a l l y a c h i e v e d . I t doesn't m a t t e r who g e t s t o be our p r e s i d e n t , h e ' l l have t o work f o r t h e same o b j e c t i v e , t h a t i s , t o impress Canadians w i t h our work and group u n i t y . Perhaps i t w i l l be b e n e f i c i a l t o us t o l i s t e n t o some o f t h e o l d e r immigrants who c o u l d t e l l us what l i f e was l i k e when t h e y came t o Canada. That would t e a c h us t o a p p r e c i a t e t h e b e n e f i t s o f h a v i n g come out here as a group. I r e p e a t , s e l f d i s c i p l i n e i s most i m p o r t a n t , but i f we are not a b l e t o do t h i s , t h e r e s h a l l be e n f o r c e d d i s c i p l i n e . The i m p r e s s i o n s we make i n our summer work and i n our s t u d i e s here a t t h i s camp a r e i m p o r t a n t f a c t o r s i n our group a d j u s t m e n t . F o r example, I c o n s i d e r i t t h e d u t y o f t h e I.K. t o see t o i t t h a t t h e e v e n i n g l e c t u r e s a r e a t t e n d e d by t h e s t u d e n t s . What i m p r e s s i o n do you t h i n k a s m a l l a t t e n d a n c e would make on t h e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e o f t h e Canadian F o r e s t S e r v i c e a f t e r we had made a l l k i n d s of s t a t e m e n t s about our j o y o f h a v i n g t h e o p p o r t u n i t y t o study as f r e e men i n a f r e e c o u n t r y ? At home, under t h e c i r c u m s t a n c e s , i t was c o n s i d e r e d smart t o get away w i t h as l i t t l e work as p o s s i b l e . Here i t i s q u i t e d i f f e r e n t . We have got t o do our b e s t , not o n l y f o r our own good and f u t u r e , but f o r t h e good and f u t u r e o f our c o u n t r y . I ask you a l l , whomever you honour by e l e c t i n g as p r e s i d e n t , t o cooperate w i t h him, because t h e above mentioned elements of t h e I.K. programme are a b s o l u t e e s s e n t i a l s i f we want t o f u l f i l our t a s k .  239  APPENDIX D NOTE: None of the information i n t h i s appendix i s from o f f i c i a l sources. SOPRON PROFESSORS* SALARY SCHEDULES AND ESTIMATE OF THE MONTHLY SALARY BILL Salary Bracket  Full Professor  Associate Professor  Assistant Professor  Lecturer  Salary Rate  #450.00  #400.00  #350.00  #250.00  10  none  Number i n Each Bracket Monthly sum f o r each Bracket  #4,500.00  Childrens' Allowances  #580.00  Total Income f o r each Bracket #5,080.00  11  Total  27  ,850.00  .00  #1,500.00  #20.00  #9,850.00  #9$0.00 ft  .,230.00 #1,520.00 #10,830.00  ft Under the cost sharing scheme described on the following page the Department of Immigration paid #6,305.00 and U.B.C. paid the remaining #4,525.00 o f the monthly salary b i l l of #10,830.00.  240 A ROUGH ESTIMATE OF THE CASH OUTLAY OF CANADIAN INSTITUTIONS FOR THE MAINTENANCE OF THE SOPRON GROUP FROM FEBRUARY 20TH 1957, TO JUNE 30TH 1958. ITEMS  OUTLAY U.B.C. '  TOTALS Department of Immigration  Powell River expenses February 20th, t o " A p r i l 30th. 1957. 300 people at #3.00 per day per person  $62,100.  $62,100.  Powell River expenses A p r i l 30th, to September 15th, 1957. 100 people at $3.00 per day per person  $41,100.  $41,100.  Students' Subsidies September 15th, 1957, t o May 15th, 1958. ffo5. .monthly f o r 196 students  $101,920.  Professors s a l a r i e s at U.B.C. from September 15th, 1957, to June 30th. 1958. 27 professors at $10,830. a month $42,987.50  *  $101,920.  1  Fees paid by students t o U.B.C. 196 students at $290. each..-$56,840.00  ft $59,897.50  $102,885.  #  -$56,840.  $13,852.50° $265,017.50 $251,165. It Both students' subsidies and professors' s a l a r i e s were regarded as "taxable income" and taxed accordingly. Thus, a part of t h i s money was immediately returned to the government. Students also paid taxes on t h e i r summer earnings. § Payment of the professors' salaries was divided between the Department of Immigration and U.B.C. i n the following manner: The Immigration Department contracted to pay $65.00 per month f o r each head i n the family.' U.B.C. paid the remainder to bring the t o t a l up to the rate set, plus the childrens' allowance. E.g., a married l e c t u r e r (salary rate $250.00 a month) with one c h i l d would receive a total of $270.00 a month, of which $195.00 was paid by the Immigration Department and $55.00 came from U.B.C.  241 o In t h i s figure no c a l c u l a t i o n i s made of cost i n s e r v i c e s — l i g h t , heat, j a n i t o r i a l and administrative costs etc. Also the extra cost of the English classes i s riot included (probably about #10,000. to f15,000.) Neither the salary of the administrative secretary i s included nor the moneys paid t o the v i s i t i n g l e c t u r e r i n the f i r s t semester.  

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