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The working mother problem for the school? Groome, Agnes Jean (Mills) 1958

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T H E WORKING MOTHER A P R O B L E M FOR THE.SCHOOL ? by Agnes Jean Groome A Thesis Submitted to the Committee on Graduate Studies In Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Education We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard T H E UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September, 1958 THE WORKING MOTHER A PROBLEM FOR THE SCHOOL? by Agnes Jean Groome AW ABSTRACT FROM THE THESIS Submitted to the Committee on Graduate Studies In P a r t i a l F u l f i l m e n t of the Requirements f o r the Degree of Master of Ar t s i n the Department of Education We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September, 195$ THE WORKING MOTHER A PROBLEM FOR THE SCHOOL ? In i n c r e a s i n g numbers, Canadian women w i t h young c h i l d r e n are engaging i n work outside t h e i r homes. What are the e f f e c t s upon t h e i r c h i l d r e n when these mothers seek g a i n f u l employment? W i l l the emotional, i n t e l l e c t u a l or moral development of the c h i l d r e n s u f f e r i n any way? C o n t r o v e r s i a l w r i t i n g , much of i t mere o p i n i o n or p r e j u d i c e , can be found d e a l i n g w i t h every phase of the problem; however, l i t t l e i s known concerning the p r e c i s e s i t u a t i o n s which are favourable or unfavourable t o a combination of maternity and g a i n f u l employment. Few studi e s have been made of the r e l a t i o n -s h i p between the mother working outside the home and the c h i l d ' s a l l - r o u n d growth. Such s t u d i e s as were found i n the l i t e r a t u r e d e a l t w i t h q u i t e small samples and were of the enumerative type r a t h e r than of a s c i e n t i f i c nature. E s s i g and Morgan found g i r l s l e s s w e l l -adjusted when t h e i r mothers worked. In Rouman's study, the c h i l d -ren of the working mothers d i f f e r e d somewhat from the c h i l d r e n of non-working mothers. The former were younger and p r o p o r t i o n -a t e l y more were r e f e r r e d f o r c l i n i c a l treatment because of w i t h -drawal tendencies, but fewer because of academic f a i l u r e . 4n 1 2 other s t u d i e s , B e a l s , C a r t e r , Hand, and Nye d i d not f i n d s i g n i f -i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e s i n p e r s o n a l i t y development w i t h t h e i r measuring instruments. This study attempted to compare, at the grade-six l e v e l , the school achievement and adjustment of the c h i l d r e n whose mothers worked outside the home w i t h those whose mothers d i d not. The w r i t e r hypothesized that the f a c t o r of the mother's employment would not s i g n i f i c a n t l y a f f e c t the school achievement and a d j u s t -ment of her c h i l d r e n . The "working mother" was defined as one who was employed f u l l - t i m e and had been so f o r at l e a s t . t w e l v e months previous t o the c o l l e c t i o n of the data. Data were c o l l e c t e d i n two Saskatchewan c i t i e s , Moose Jaw and Saskatoon. . The c h i l d r e n f i n a l l y s e l e c t e d came from homes where both r e a l parents were l i v i n g and l i v i n g together. In the grade-six sample i n Moose Jaw, there were 58 c h i l d r e n of working mothers and 211 of hon-working mothers. In Saskatoon, the numbers were 96 and 500 r e s p e c t i v e l y . The w r i t e r studied attendance f o r the school-year as r e c o r d -ed on the r e g i s t e r s , year's average mark given by the classroom teacher, a t t i t u d e of the p u p i l t o h i s school work as judged by h i s teacher, reading grade as measured by the Gates Reading  Survey, and manifest a n x i e t i e s as measured by the c h i l d r e n ' s form of Taylor's Scale of Manifest Anxiety. Means and standard, d e v i a t i o n s were c a l c u l a t e d f o r boys and g i r l s taken s e p a r a t e l y and together i n the c o n t r o l and experimental groups. Because two> of the Moose Jaw groups d i f f e r e d at the . 0 5 l e v e l of confidence 3 in chronological age and intelligence quotient, a second stat-i s t i c a l analysis was made in which the cases of the experimental groups were matched in age and intelligence with cases in the control groups. From the t-values of the mean differences between the experimental and control groups, the writer accepted the null hypothesis. At. the .01 level of confidence, there were not significant differences in school attendance, year Ts average mark, reading grade, attitude to school work, or manifest anxieties between grade-six children with employed mothers and those with non-employed mothers in Moose Jaw and Saskatoon. It may be that the effects, i f any, of the single factor, "employed mother," are quite small and hence amenable only to the most refined measuring instruments. Then, too, the variable, maternal employment, i s not a simple one. It subsumes many components, such as motivation to work, hours of employment, child-care arrangements, age and number of children. In order to find the working mother's effects upon her school child's overall growth in knowledge, mental health, and social adjust-ment, subsequent studies need to make provision for greater control of these related sub-variables. Because so l i t t l e has yet been Investigated, this f i e l d invites long-term scientific study in a l l aspects of the problem. In presenting t h i s t h e s i s i n p a r t i a l f u l f i l m e n t of the requirements f o r an advanced degree at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that the L i b r a r y s h a l l make i t f r e e l y a v a i l a b l e f o r reference and study. I f u r t h e r agree that permission f o r extensive copying of t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s . I t i s understood that copying or p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l gain s h a l l not be allowed without my w r i t t e n permission. Department of ^c^u^cCtUw  The U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, Vancouver 8, Canada. Date &JULA^ <?, / ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This investigation would have been impossible without the wholehearted cooperation and help of the Superintendents and staffs of the Moose Jaw and Saskatoon elementary school systems. Special indebtedness i s due to Mr. A. E. Peacock, Superintendent of the Moose Jaw schools and Mr. Fred Gathercole, Superintendent of schools in Saskatoon for their interest, cooperation and effort. The writer wishes to thank her graduate adviso^ Miss Grace Dolmagej and other members of the faculty, College of Education of the University of B r i t i s h Columbia, for their guidance and helpful criticism. A.J.G. i i TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF TABLES . v Chapter I DEFINITION OF THE PROBLEM 1 Purpose of the Study 1 The Causes of Mothers' Taking Employment.... 11 The Dilemma for the Working Mother... 21 Controversy Over the Effects of Mothers' Working.24 II REVIEW OF THE EITERATURE 36 III DELIMITATION. OF THE PROBLEM 44 Geographical Limitation 44 Age-level Limitation 44 Factors to Study 45 IV THE HYPOTHESIS OF THE STUDY 48 V ThE COLLECTION OF THE DATA 50 VI THE PRESENTATION AND STATISTICAL ANALYSIS OF THE DATA 54 Definition of Terms 55 i i i Chapter Page VII A CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF THE DATA....................... 75 Limitations of the Survey................... 75 C r i t i c a l Analysis of the Data.... 94 VIII SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS.., . 102 APPENDIX A I l l BIBLIOGRAPHY 112 i v LIST OF TABLES: Table Page 1. Married Women in The Labour Force 6 2. A Comparison of Percentages of Working Women in Britain, United States and Canada i n 1950..... 8 3. Numbers of Women Participating i n the Labour Force of Canada i n 1931, 1941, 1951 and 1957 9 4. A Summary of the Numbers of Pupils in Grade Six According to Various Home Factors and According to Sex i n Moose. Jaw and Saskatoon.'..... 56 5. Means and Standard Deviations i n the Factors under Study for the Children of Working Mothers, (Group A), and of Non-Working Mothers, (Group B), in Moose Jaw. 58 6. Means and Standard Deviations i n the Factors under Study for the Children of Working Mothers, (Group A), and of Non-Working Mothers, (Group B), i n Saskatoon. 60 7. The Differences between Means of the Children of Working Mothers, (Group A), and of Non-Working Mothers, (Group B), The Standard Errors of the Differences and the tr-values for the Factors i n School Achievement and Adjustment under Study in the City of Moose Jaw 62 8. The Differences between Means of the Children of Working Mothers, (Group A), and of Non-Working Mothers, (Group B), The Standard Errors of the Differences and the C r i t i c a l Ratios for the Factors i n School Achievement and Adjustment under Study i n the City of Saskatoon. 64 9. Comparison by Chi-Square Test of Attitude to School Work as ranked by the Classroom Teacher of Children of Working Mothers, (Group A), and of Non-Working Mothers, (Group B), in Grade.Six in Moose Jaw and Saskatoon Public Schools 66 10. Numbers of pairs in each Group i n both Cities when matched in Chronological Age and Intelligence Quotient.. 67 v Table Page 11. Means and Standard Deviations i n the Factors under Study when the Children of Working Mothers, (Group A), are paired with.the Children of Non-working Mothers, (Group B), i n Chronological Age and Intelligence Quotient i n the Moose Jaw.Sample 68 12. Means and Standard Deviations of the Factors under Study when the Children of Working Mothers, (Group A), are paired with the Children of Non-Working Mothers, (Group B), i n Chronological Age and Intelligence Quotient in the Saskatoon Sample. 69 13. The Differences between Means, the Standard Errors of the Differences between Equivalent Groups and the t-Values for the Factors in School Achievement and Adjustment.Under.Study of Grade Six Pupils of Moose Jaw when the Children of Working Mothers, (Group A), are paired with the Children of Non-Working Mothers, (Group B), i n Chronological Age and Intelligence Quotient 70 14. The Differences between Means, the Standard Errors of the Differences between Equivalent Groups and the t-Values for the Factors i n School Achievement and Adjustment under Study of Grade Six Pupils of Saskatoon when the Children of Working Mothers, (Group A),.are , Paired with the Children of Non-Working Mothers, (Group B), i n Chronological Age and Intelligence Quotient 71 15. Comparison by Chi-Square test of Attitude to School Work as Marked by. the Classroom Teacher of Children of Working Mothers, (Group A),.and. . of Non-Forking Mothers, (Group B), i n Grade Six i n Moose Jaw and Saskatoon Public Schools When the Pupils are paired in Chronological Age and Intelligence Quotients.................. 73 16. A Rough Classification of the Occupation of the . Parents of the Grade Six Children of Working Mothers and Non-Working Mothers i n Moose Jaw.... 79 17. A Rough Classification of the Occupation of the Parents of the Grade Six Children of Working Mothers and of Non-Working Mothers i n Saskatoon. 80 v i CHAPTER I DEFINITION OF THE PROBLEM Purpose of the Study "Working mothers'1 has become a topic of controversy and s o c i a l i n t e r e s t , yet l i t t l e systematic study of the problem has been made. It has been used as a peg on which to hang r i s i n g delinquency (35), (57), (132: 49), increasing divorce rates (2), school f a i l u r e , personality maladjustment (37) , and even the charge of economic slavery (5: 344). In an extreme instance, working mothers are blamed for "sowing the seeds of teenage drinking, carousal, gambling, and sexual promiscuity 8(39: 15). In f a c t , the morality of mothers' taking employment outside the home has become an issue for disagreement! In current magazines and newspapers, catch phrases and t i t l e s imply the c r i t i c a l attitude of the general public: "Latch-Key Children" (126), "Door-Key Kids" (57: 8), "Mommy, Why Do You Have To Work?" (12). In a gallup p o l l of fi v e hundred Vancouver residents chosen at random, seventy-six per cent disapproved of the mother working.* * News item i n the Vancouver Daily Province, January 16, 1956. 1 2 However, recent educational l i t e r a t u r e suggests an increasing awareness of the need to study a l l the facets of the problem (4), (8), (44), (81). The government of Canada has recognized the growing p a r t i c i p a t i o n of married women i n the Canadian labour force. Hence the Department of Labour has just conducted a survey to determine the types of jobs which women hold and how their employment affects them as women and as community members (8), (27), (22). There i s a r e a l need to study objectively the effects upon school children of the mother's working. Such an investigation would necessitate a comparison of children whose mothers are ga i n f u l l y employed with children whose mothers are not employed outside the home. Doubtless, i t would be most d i f f i c u l t to i s o l a t e the effect upon thei r children of gainful employment of mothers from among the myriad of other influences of home, school and community. Society today i n f l i c t s i t s m u l t i p l i c i t y of problems and stresses upon i t s children. Rutledge (113: 326) considers that the family of today has become "the scapegoat of the fears, f r u s t r a t i o n s , resentments, complexes of a f r u s t r a t i n g society." This f r u s t r a t i o n i s due, i n part, to rapid changes i n industry and economy, and to c o n f l i c t s i n p o l i t i c a l ideology, moral standards, and r e l i g i o u s f a i t h s . The school, too, adds i t s share of factors which make i t more d i f f i c u l t for the c h i l d to adjust. The s o c i a l adjustments among class-mates and teachers, the curriculum load, achievement, school standards, extra-curricular a c t i v i t i e s -- these are but a few. 3 In the home, the complexity of forces and pressures i s nearly overwhelming. These are some of the independent variables of a family constellation: sex of c h i l d , sex and number of s i b l i n g s , their age differences, ordinal p o s i t i o n , age of parents (71). Add to these, the many dependent variables: economic differences, authoritarian or democratic attitudes of parents (75), c o n f l i c t s of parental ideology and t h e i r inconsistent practices (78), (106), emotional maturity of the mother and father (84), family cohesive-ness. In f a c t , the l i s t might be expanded i n d e f i n i t e l y . The r e s u l t i s an i n t r i c a t e network of interacting influences on the growing c h i l d . The most important variable i s the c h i l d himself who brings his own ind i v i d u a l differences into every s i t u a t i o n ! This should be s u f f i c i e n t to warn any researcher i n the area of the home to guard against the p i t f a l l s of over-simplification. Writers caution against ignoring the complexity of culture and family patterns i n studying the c h i l d (70), (11). In such a maze of influences, the attempt to i s o l a t e the effect upon the children of the mother's work-ing outside the home becomes a most challenging problem. The Trends i n Employment of Married Women To determine whether a study i n t h i s f i e l d would be worthwhile, one must discover whether the proportion of employed mothers i s large, whether i t i s increasing, and whether the trend i s temporary or permanent. A number of factors have to be borne i n mind i n considering the 4 s t a t i s t i c a l picture of women's p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n economic l i f e . S t a t i s t i c a l information (where i t exists) i s often incomplete or i n s u f f i c i e n t l y precise (33: 23). International comparisons are very l i a b l e to error. Even comparisons i n the same country but of two diffe r e n t periods contain inaccuracies. In national s t a t i s t i c a l practices, the d i s t i n c t i o n between "economic" and "non-economic" a c t i v i t i e s i s seldom very clear and the c r i t e r i a applied to distinguish them are often quite arbitrary (65: 1). What of the world picture? According to a recent UNESCO report (100)i "The number of women i n the working population i s steadily increasing.... Austria holds f i r s t place i n Western Europe with (39.3 per cent) of i t s women gain f u l l y employed, followed by France (34.8 per cent), West Germany (33.1 per cent), Great B r i t a i n (30.8 per cent), Sweden (26.4 per cent), and I t a l y (25.4 per cent). In the Netherlands and Belgium roughly one-quarter of the working population are women while i n Spain only one-sixth are g a i n f u l l y employed." About 15 to 20 per cent of women of Nationalist China work outside the home (67: 3). In Japan, i n 1952, thirty-seven per cent of the working population were women (26: 663). The percentage of women amongst employees i n U.S.S.R. i n 1955 i s reported as 45 per cent (65: 3). There has evidently been a tremendous r i s e i n the number of women at work during the present century, but th i s increase has been very largely proportional to the growth of the female population as a whole (65: 2). Smieton (118: 49) interpreted the trends i n women's employment i n B r i t a i n as follows: " l i t t l e change i n the proportion 5 of women who work outside their homes, an increase i n t o t a l numbers and a marked increase i n the proportion of married women among the female employed population." However, i n the United States, Canada, and possibly the U.S.S.R., the proportion of women at work has been r i s i n g conspicuously during the l a s t few decades (65: 2). The International Labour Office has also compiled figures of married women i n the labour force (65: 7). These figures are reproduced i n Table I. This table shows "for ten European countries and A u s t r a l i a , Canada and the United States, the t o t a l number of married women and the percentage they represent i n the t o t a l female population aged 15 years and over, as w e l l as the number of married women i n the labour force and this number expressed as a percentage of a l l married women and of a l l women i n the labour force.... "... the proportion of a l l women of 15 years of age and over who are married varies from 45 per cent (Ireland) to 67 per cent (United States), the percentage i n the great majority of the countries f a l l i n g between 52 and 62. The number of married women i n the labour force, expressed as a percentage of a l l married women, varies from about 5 per cent i n Ireland to about 33 per cent i n Austria. In f i v e of the 13 countries (United States, Austria, Denmark, the Federal Republic of Germany and the United Kingdom) the percentage exceeds 20. In four of them (A u s t r a l i a , Canada, Greece, and the Netherlands) only about one-tenth of a l l married women were i n the labour force. Two of the countries (Belgium and Sweden) occupy an intermediate p o s i t i o n , with about 15 per cent of a l l married women engaged i n economic a c t i v i t y " (65: 7). 6 TABLE I MARRIED WOMEN 1 IN THE LABOUR FORCE Country Year A l l married women * Married women * i n force labour Number (Thousands) Per-centage of female popu-l a t i o n aged 15 years and over Number (Thousands) Per-centage of a l l married women Per-centage of female labour force America: Canada... 1951 3,115 64.4 349 11.2 30.0 United States. 1950 37,570 67.0 8,635 23.2 52.2 Europe: Austria... 1951 1,541 52.5 501 32.5 39.5 Belgium .. 1947 2,115 61.3 326 15.4 39.7 Denmark .. 1950 987 61.5 268 27.2 38.6 Germany .. (F.R.) .. 1950 11,051 55.7 2,762 . 25.0 34.7 Greece 1951 1,465 52.0 145 9.9 28.4 Ireland .. 1951 464 44.8 22 4.8 6.8 Netherlands 1947 2,005 58.0 200 10.0 21.6 Sweden 1950 1,589 58.2 235 14.8 28.7 Switzerland 1950 1,013 53.4 104 10.3 16.3 United Kingdom . 1951 12,488 60.7 2,673 21.4 37.7 Oceania: A u s t r a l i a . 1947 1,755 62.1 140 8.0 19.5 Married women generally include the consensually married, except for Greece, and those l i v i n g separately from their husbands, except for Belgium, Denmark and Sweden; but widowed and divorced women are excluded throughout. 7 According to the latest census i n the United States, ga i n f u l l y employed women make up 27.5 per cent of a l l women over fourteen and nearly one t h i r d of these gainfully employed women are mothers (77) . In the half century before World War I I , the female proportion i n the labour force increased about one and one half percentage points a •decade; but since 1940, the increase has been 4.7 per cent each decade (102: 83). The major factor i n th i s expansion has been the sharp increase i n the proportion of married women who part i c i p a t e i n the labour force. In A p r i l , 1955, figures showed that both husband and wife were members of the labour force i n the case of twenty-six per cent of a l l married couples l i v i n g together (138). Some writers have analyzed s t a t i s t i c s to discover the r e l a t i o n between the number and age of the children i n the family and the probab i l i t y of the mother's membership i n the labour force (2: 20), (22: 52), (129), (133), (67: 24). A l l found an inverse r e l a t i o n . According to the figures released by the American International Labour Office (133: 16), only about ten per cent of the women l i v i n g with thei r husbands who had children under f i v e years and no c h i l d of school age were i n the labour force i n 1949. Where the mothers had no pre-school c h i l d but did have children i n school, 27 per cent were i n the labour force. The percentage reached 31 i n the case of mothers with children between 12 and 17 years of age. Nevertheless, i n the United States, one out of four mothers who have children under eighteen years of age currently works outside the home (132), (134). What of the situa t i o n i n the young nation, Canada? By comparison with the United States and Great B r i t a i n , Canada has the smallest proportion of women p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n employment (24: 376)• A summary of data concerning women i n the labour forces i n these three countries i n 1950 i s presented i n Table I I . TABLE I I A COMPARISON OF PERCENTAGES OF WORKING WOMEN IN BRITAIN, UNITED STATES AND CANADA IN 1950 Great 1 B r i t a i n United 2 States Canada Percentage of women i n to t a l working population 30.8% 30% 20% Percentage of employed women i n a l l women, 14 years and over 33% 33% 23.6% Percentage of married women i n female labour force 40% 52% 30% See reference (138: 49) See references (26:808) and (65: 7) See reference (24) 9 Canada's percentages may be the smallest because she has a r e l a t i v e l y larger r u r a l population and proportionately fewer b i g c i t i e s . Another reason may be discrepancies i n national s t a t i s t i c a l practices. Often the United States and the United Kingdom include i n their percentages the unemployed persons who are registered for employment while the Canadian figures represent those actually employed (21: 5). One study compared working women i n three c i t i e s of similar size and i n d u s t r i a l composition i n Canada and the United States and found that the percentages were actually higher i n the Canadian c i t i e s (24: 377). I t i s interesting to compare the figures for working women i n Canada i n the past three census reports and the estimated numbers for 1957 i n a fact sheet from the Women's Bureau (21). Table I I I shows these figures. v TABLE I I I NUMBERS OF WOMEN PARTICIPATING IN THE LABOUR FORCE OF CANADA # IN 1931, 1941, 1951, and 1957 Labour Force 1931 1941 1951 1957 Total Labour Force 3,921,833 4,510,535 5,286,153 5,966,000 Single Women 537,657 665,623 723,433 667 000 Widowed and Divorced 61,335 81,546 91,927 151,000 Married Women 66,798 85,633 348,961 623,000 Total Women i n Labour Force 665,790 832,802 1,164,321 1,478,000 #Annual Abstract of S t a t i s t i c s for 1931, 1941, and 1951. Central S t a t i s t i c a l O f f ice, H.M. Stationery Office, Ottawa. 10 According to these s t a t i s t i c s , the proportion of employed women i n the t o t a l labour force showed only a gradual increase of two per cent per decade. But the proportion of married women jumped from ten per cent i n 1931 and 1941 to t h i r t y per cent i n 1951. In Canada, i n the 1951 census, working women t o t a l l e d twenty per cent of a l l the employed population. These 1,164,321 women were 23.6 per cent of a l l women over fourteen years of age. Of these, 348,961 were married, roughly 30 per cent (24). This represents a four hundred per cent jump i n the number of working wives since 1941 as compared with a one hundred per cent increase i n the United States for the same period (26: 808). Since 1951, the numbers have become s t i l l larger. The figures released by the Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s * for October 20, 1956 as measured by sample surveys show 546,000 married women with jobs or seeking work. In 1958, such a sampling i n the eight largest Canadian c i t i e s indicates a further gain, 585,000 wives employed, or 43 per 2 cent of a l l the women working i n February, 1958 . This means that today one i n eight employees, apart from farm labour, i s a married woman. Twenty-five years ago, she would have been one i n f i f t y . 2 Dominion Bureau of S t a t i s t i c s , Canada, 1957, Queen's P r i n t e r , Ottawa, 1957. Page 280. 2 News item i n the McLean's Magazine, Volume 71, Number 10. .May 10, 1958, Page 3. 11 The Causes of Mothers' Taking Employment This review of available s t a t i s t i c s reveals a trend of increas-ing numbers of employed married women i n many countries. A study of the causes of this situation i s not the primary business of th i s research. On the other hand, i f the causes are temporary, an investigation of the effect upon her children of the mother's working would be of only contingent value. Causes suggested by observation and surveys. Many writers suggest that the greatest cause of the wife taking employment i s an economic one. A lengthy t i t l e of one magazine a r t i c l e exclaims, "Working Wife, $96.30 a Week: Why do ten m i l l i o n married women i n the United States leave their homes every weekday to work i n o f f i c e s or factories? The answer, here set down i n the story of Peggy Brown, r i v e t e r , i s simple: to make money" (55). This i s , of course, an oversimplification of the monetary factor. In some cases, there i s permanent inadequacy of family incomes from the father's work (67: 5, 11). In other instances, this i s a temporary situ a t i o n (5). Many married women work i n order to maintain higher l i v i n g standards, to b u i l d up funds for the education of children, to pay for homes, and to supply care for dependent and aging r e l a t i v e s (25), (64), (142). An analysis of census s t a t i s t i c s shows an inverse relationship between the husband's income and the pro b a b i l i t y of the wife's employment (134: 58), (4: 690), (133: 17). In surveys, two motives are often put forward for married women 12 working: the woman's economic need on the one hand and the accompany-ing condition of full-employment on the other hand. Married women form one of the nation's important sources of needed manpower (133: 19). Baldwin (6: 26) says " f u l l employment i n an expanding economy and low birth-rate i n the depression years seem to be the main reasons for the increased number of wives on the p a y r o l l . " The trend toward early marriages i s another (92: 417), (142: 689). Some authors contend that these causes are not l i k e l y to disappear quickly (6: 55), (20), (132: 1), (133: 20). On the other hand, t h i s writer considers that these could be quite i n e f f e c t i v e i n a severe economic recession. Then a nation i s faced with large numbers of unemployed, lowered marriage rates and higher marriage ages. At the same time, the employment market could be receiving the i n f l u x of young people born during a time of rapidly increasing b i r t h r a t e . I f the phenomenon of working wives i s to be a permanent feature of our North American culture, i t must have other basis causes. Causes suggested by working wives. Another method of finding the causes which some investigators have used i s to ask the working wife herself for her reasons for working. These studies make i t evident that other factors play an important part i n influencing women to r e t a i n their jobs after marriage. Zweig (93: 83) found that economic need i n Lancashire was by no means the only or even the main motive for married women's work outside their homes. Rowntree and Lavers (93: 84) i n York investigated 12,708 families whose heads were men i n f u l l employment. Ten per cent of the wives i n these homes were i n f u l l or 13 part-time employment. "Asked their reasons for going out to work these women gave the following answers: 13 per cent - to buy furniture, etc. for their homes; 2 per cent - to pay for children's education; 1.5 per cent - 'sense of duty' (most of whom were q u a l i f i e d nurses); 34.5 per cent - to 'make ends meet'; 27 per cent - to buy luxuries; 21 per cent - for the pleasure of meeting other people instead of being cooped up i n their homes a l l day" (93: 84). Jefferys (93: 85) studied the reasons given by 234 professional women i n B r i t a i n . Just over 1 i n 5 were working because their income provided the sole or main source of family income. The other 80 per cent gave just as often as f i n a n c i a l considerations an interest i n the work or f a i l u r e to secure s a t i s f a c t i o n from unrelieved . domesticity. From these studies, i t would appear that s o c i a l i s o l a t i o n of the modern housewife i s a powerful motive, and that with democratization, and i t s l e v e l l i n g of incomes, there i s developing an ever-increasing equalization of standards. Luxuries, once the prerogatives of a pri v i l e g e d class, are now considered the rig h t of those who wish to put forth the e f f o r t to obtain them (93: 84). I t should be apparent that i t i s d i f f i c u l t to separate economic motives from psychological motives or the voluntary element from the compulsory one. Myrdal and Kl e i n sum up the motives of middle-class and working-class wives: "There are strong indications that economic necessity i s no longer the prime motive. I t has been replaced at least to some extent, by a more complex psychological s i t u a t i o n i n 14 which the desire for a higher standard of l i f e , the need of company, the preference for more congenial types of work, and the wish to be f i n a n c i a l l y independent, are some of the con-stituent factors" (93: 86) The causes according to s o c i o l o g i s t s . To f i n d the r e a l reasons for wives and mothers entering the labouring market, one must look beneath the surface that i s amenable to surveys and even beneath the expressed reasons which the workers themselves give, to the changes i n society which affect the status of women. Kirkpa t r i c k (70) devotes a complete chapter to the family i n t r a n s i t i o n . He underscores the effects of the mechanical and bio-l o g i c a l revolutions upon the family i n s t i t u t i o n , p a r t i c u l a r l y the effects of improved transportation and communication and of control of forces of l i f e and death. The s c i e n t i f i c revolution has given luxuries, but also insecurity. Urbanization and secularism have both affected the family i n s t i t u t i o n . There has developed a competitive system i n which wealth and symbols of wealth become the c r i t e r i a of status so that individuals come to think i n terms of personal possessions and gains rather than family status and c o l l e c t i v i s m . People earn a l i v i n g for s e l f rather than make a l i v i n g to transmit to offspring. K i r k p a t r i c k (93) stresses that there i s no sharp l i n e of demar-cation between economic and so c i a l consequences to the family group. Soc i a l l y the family group of today i s a small primary one. The size of household i s smaller partly because there i s a decline i n the extended family system and partly because of a decline i n number of 15 offspring. This results i n a lessening of the association between generations and between siblings and hence i n a higher degree of freedom and i n d i v i d u a l i z a t i o n . Ogburn (75: 18-21) considers that the economic changes spring-ing from mechanical invention bring many correlated so c i a l changes i n the family. "For instance they effect the age of marriage, the training of g i r l s , the a c t i v i t i e s of women, vocational guidance, the authority of parents, family security, the labour of children, and other conditions. These correlated or near-correlated s o c i a l functions may be thought of as f i v e i n number: the protective, the recreational, the educational, the r e l i g i o u s , and that family function which gives status to the in d i v i d u a l . These f i v e functions have a l l been weakening as has been the economic function, and are being transferred to out-side agencies such as the state or industries" (75: 19). Kirkpatrick (70) does not consider that the change i s quite so one-sided. In f a c t , he considers that there i s a two-way interaction between the family and the so c i a l structure. True, the external forces exert powerful influences on family l i f e , but family l i f e has offered strong resistence to p o l i c i e s of force and fraud from without. He points out that the family i n s t i t u t i o n i s part of society, and when other i n s t i t u t i o n s i n society are changed, the change affects the family too. Moral and r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s previously were strong supports to the family structure. Now they have weakened, so individuals become more their own moralists and p r i e s t s . The i n s t i t u -tions of property and law once upheld the f a m i l i s t i c - p a t r i a r c h a l 16 organization. Today these are redirected so that law does not have clear-cut d e f i n i t i o n s of family duties and obligations }and property becomes a personal rather than family a c q u i s i t i o n . Governments pro-viding s o c i a l security and education providing prolonged formal education and vocational t r a i n i n g have largely appropriated these functions of the family of yesterday. Ogburn (75: 20) considers that the psychological functions of the family have not decreased l i k e the economic and socia l functions. The family i s the agency for personality relationships and personality shaping. H i l l (75: 571) summarizes the trend i n family change from f a m i l i s t i c - p a t r i a r c h a l to person-centred, democratic family type. The central objectives i n the old i n s t i t u t i o n a l family were children, status and the fulfilment of i t s s o c i a l and economic function i n society, says Burgess (75: 22). Now he sees emerging the type of family best described as "democratic companionship". "The growing adaptability of the companion-ship family makes for i t s s t a b i l i t y i n the long run. But i t i s a s t a b i l i t y of a different kind from that of family organization i n the past, which was i n large part due to the external s o c i a l pressures of public opinion, the mores, the law. The s t a b i l i t y of the companionship family arises from the strength i n the i n t e r -personal relations of i t s members, as manifested i n a f f e c t i o n , rapport, common interests and objectives" (75: 26). Now the forces which have changed society and the family have also affected the status of women and^together with the changed family and s o c i a l structure,operate to create married womanpower today. Stated another way, the interactions of economic, s o c i a l and 17 psychological forces are the causes of women i n the labour force. According to Kirkp a t r i c k (70: 123) the employment of women outside the home i s a special consequence of the mechanical revolution. Myrdal and K l e i n (93: 1) emphasize a two-way change i n the so c i a l position of women i n the l a s t century. The f i r s t i s characterized by the admission of women to an increasing variety of hitherto 'masculine' jobs, provided, on the whole, that the women were unencumbered by family t i e s . The outstanding feature of the second phase i s the endeavour of a growing number of women to combine family and employment. "Altogether, this s o c i a l change amounts to a gradual recapture of positions which were l o s t when women were squeezed out of the economic process by the Industrial Revolution" (93: 1). Much of the l i t e r a t u r e indicates that the role of housewife has altered greatly i n recent years. I t s t r a d i t i o n a l functions were these: care of the sick, t r a i n i n g of the young, making and caring for clothing, preparing and serving food and keeping house. P r i o r to the Industrial Revolution, women had an important role i n the work l i f e of the day. In that era, "mothers, daughters, and the k i n who had no other home, produced goods and performed services for the family group that were of important economic value. Then spinning and weaving, preserving, baking, making cl o t h , clothing and bedding, laundering and many other personal services began to be done commercially. Agencies outside the family came more and more to take on much of the care of the old and the sick. Much of the c h i l d t r a i n i n g and many of the recreational a c t i v i t i e s which had been carried on i n the family c i r c l e came more and more to be carried on outside the home" (136: 3). 18 Married woman-power i s no modern i n s p i r a t i o n . In the pioneer days women worked side by side with their husbands when the home was the chief centre of production. Today women are simply changing the location of their work. An analysis of jobs held by women bears out th i s claim (65: 19): "The data reveal c l e a r l y that the occupations i n which women workers are concentrated d i f f e r markedly from those i n which most men fi n d employment. In the great majority of the countries covered, for example, women are i n the largest porportion among service workers, accounting for between 50 per cent and 80 per cent of a l l service workers. The only exceptions are three less developed countries (Yugoslavia, India and Pakistan), where the proportion of women i s very much lower (8 to 23 per cent). Also, i n the great majority of countries, women form a high proportion (31 to 50 per cent) of a l l professional and technical workers; most women i n t h i s group are teachers and nurses, occupations long t r a d i t i o n a l l y recognized as 'women's jobs'. Exceptions are found i n India and Pakistan, where women form 17 per cent and 5 per cent respectively of a l l technical and professional workers. "Women are also strongly represented among managerial, administrative and c l e r i c a l workers, because of the wide-spread employment of women i n c l e r i c a l occupations, and among sales workers. In most of the countries covered, women make up one-third to one-half of the t o t a l work force of these groups; they outnumber men i n Austria (sales group), Finland (both groups) and Great B r i t a i n (administrative and c l e r i c a l group). " I t i s s i g n i f i c a n t that women are only t h i n l y represented i n the group of craftsmen, production workers and labourers. In a l l countries women form less than 30 per cent of the workers i n this group, and i n most countries (including Canada, Sweden and the United States) less than 20 per cent." Two-thirds of a l l American women i n professional work were teachers or nurses i n 1950. Over half of the women operative i n manufacturing were i n the food, t e x t i l e and apparel industries. In the service f i e l d , the women carried on those occupations which were predominately their traditional functions. However, over one t h i r d of a l l employed women 19 i n the same year were i n s e c r e t a r i a l , c l e r i c a l , and sales occupations. Once these jobs were held mostly by men, but they are now generally regarded as women's work, (102: 84). In the f i r s t instance, then, many home a c t i v i t i e s have gravita-ted into f a c t o r i e s , laundries, o f f i c e s , schools, hospitals, and other i n s t i t u t i o n s . Home has been transformed into a place where there i s only a limited amount of work. In addition to these changes, the housewife has more and more household machinery within the home i t s e l f . This may make her able to do more i n the technical sense and to do so i n shorter hours, but, just as happens i n industry, i t probably makes her work less s a t i s f y i n g , since she i s functioning as a semi-skilled machine operator (28: 269). Labour saving devices also create needs for higher income. A l l these changes tend to force the housewife outside her home to f i n d her t r a d i t i o n a l jobs, her economic value, and her s e l f - s a t i s f a c t i o n s . Other factors encourage women into outside employment. Machines today require s k i l l rather than muscular force; better hygienic conditions and reduced hours of work have made both i n d u s t r i a l and c l e r i c a l jobs less exhausting; improved means of communication have helped to bridge the gulf between home and workplace. Changed also i s the attitude of employers. Moreover, our society has begun to accept the fact that women are i n jobs to stay, (93: 4). Two world wars have demonstrated to the world, women's equality of a b i l i t y and in d u s t r i a l productivity. Myrdal and K l e i n query why the opposite question i s not asked -20 why married women when they have no small children to look a f t e r , do not work outside their homes. While men have no alternative but to work and are considered a n t i s o c i a l i f they refuse to do so, this same et h i c a l rule has not been widely applied to women. Women claim and have achieved equal rights so that a re-assessment of a l l the i r s o c i a l contribution should now be made. "For i n a democratic society no group has the right to claim exemption on account of b i r t h from com-parisons of their s o c i a l contribution with that of others," (93: 89). Our western culture provides another v i t a l impetus to women's invasion of the labouring f i e l d . "The underlying factor i n this occupational revolution i s the t o t a l lack of sex discrimination i n the education system" (92: 421). Most g i r l s , l i k e boys, have to make a vocational choice, for women have come so far along the road of emancipation that no g i r l can merely s i t at home and wait for a husband. Parents today accept society's concept of the value of an education with a purpose for both boys and g i r l s (93: 137). Three different factors c a l l for a r e - d e f i n i t i o n of women's roles i n society (93). Each are strong influences to keep the modern home-maker i n dual roles of home and work. The f i r s t i s the considerable increase i n the average lif e - s p a n . Then there i s the second factor of the reduction of the period e n t i r e l y devoted to maternal duties mainly because of the smaller size of family. La s t l y , the later years of married l i f e are fraught with uncertainty and possible loneliness for the woman. Looking after one man and a family of two or three i n a modern home i s r e a l l y not enough to f i l l the many years of an average 21 woman's l i f e (93: 11). Jespersen (67: 3) adds that the claim for equal r i g h t s and the growing urge for democracy i n the society play a part i n l i b e r a t i n g feminine working power from the home. Foote (44) summarizes the trends and variables which are af f e c t -ing women's roles i n marriage as "professionalization": " s h i f t s of employment toward t e r t i a r y industries and salaried occupations, r i s e and s t a b i l i z a t i o n of r e a l income, freer access to higher education and s k i l l e d employment, more r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i n family planning, reliance upon s c i e n t i f i c expertness instead of t r a d i t i o n , broadening application of the career concept and s e l f -conscious emphasis upon continuous personal development." What influences are operating i n Canada to produce changes i n the family patterns leading to the increasing employment today, and tomorrow, of wives outside the home? The main forces may be sum-marized as those of the Industrial Revolution, technology, co-education, f a m i l i a l t r a n s i t i o n s , public opinion and changes i n society too. The Dilemma for the Working Mother Now th i s growing trend to employ mothers outside the home raises a r e a l dilemma \for them. , because their most v i t a l and cherished function i s s t i l l i n the home. Kirkpatrick (70: 165) defines the d i s t i n c t i v e problem of women as a "lack of balance between woman's reproductive function and her work function, so complicated by i n d i v i -dual differences and public opinion that there i s confusion and un-happiness for herself and others.... The woman's problem arises when 22 i t i s no longer possible to spin and rock a cradle at the same time i n fulfilment of feminine destiny". Home i s the unique place where babies are cared for and loved by parents and where children can grow into healthy p e r s o n a l i t i e s . Home should provide not only adequate n u t r i t i o n , and clean, sanitary l i v i n g space, but also a l l the varied ways by which individuals keep up their morale and strength. During the f i r s t s i x years of l i f e p a r t i c u l a r l y , and decreasingly thereafter, the c h i l d needs both parents "to furnish the pattern of adult woman-hood and manhood" (68: 77). Home i s the place where the c h i l d learns to develop s o c i a l s k i l l s and the desire to participate i n a c t i v i t i e s with other individuals (141: 348). I t i s i n the home and family l i v -ing that the foundation for mental health i s l a i d (48: 611). Society has t r i e d providing i n s t i t u t i o n a l care for orphaned or abandoned children. Yet experience i n th i s type of group care of infants has demonstrated that i t i s not suited to their needs (134: 28) , (11). Such babies without a mother or a mother substitute do not develop as f u l l y or as rapidly either p h y s i c a l l y , mentally or emotionally. How can the mother be two places at once? Many of her t r a d i t i o n a l functions i n the home have been removed. Technology has transformed her home with i t s modern gadgets. As a school g i r l , she was taught to seek achievement and independence i n outside f i e l d s . Society gave her prestige as an employed person. Now as a young mother, she has be-come economically dependent i n her new role of housewife. Since t h i s job i s shorn of much of i t s economic value, society tends to demean her job as housewife (142: 689). Domestic work i s generally held i n 23 low esteem i n our society (93: 146). So the young mother finds her^self remaining at home, p a r t i a l l y i d l e , to care for the children, a job of lessening a c t i v i t y as the children grow from babyhood through school age. In many instances, her economic contribution i s needed, and only gained through a job outside the home. She misses the f e e l i n g of independence and of so c i a l esteem (142). She covets the freedom after working hours and the s o c i a l a c t i v i t i e s and comradeship of outside employment (3). She may even wish to escape from the monotony and seclusion of house-hold work (64: 546). This i s o l a t i o n , when she has been accustomed to contacts through her work, i s even more burdensome (93: 147). The mother needs a sense of achievement, of economic importance and of so c i a l prestige. She can gain these often only by combining a job away from home with the care of children i n the home. In the larger households of former days, "someone", a maiden aunt, a grandmother, or more often an older s i b l i n g , was on hand to watch the baby while the mother worked at her t r a d i t i o n a l functions. Thus "baby s i t t i n g " and "day care" were home industries (134: 53). Today this i s no longer true, although there i s some evidence that "other r e l a t i v e s " i n the home do care for children while mothers work. In one Canadian c i t y , a sampling found more than a t h i r d of the work-ing mothers with dependent children l e f t a grandmother i n charge (22: 61). When the young mother of today looks ahead to her f o r t i e s , she foresees the truth of the statement; "The housewife at f i f t y i s 24 t y p i c a l l y i d l e . . . " (28: 265). Further, she re a l i z e s that modern medicine has increased the l i f e span, thereby granting more " i d l e " years on the average for her after her children are grown (53), (142: 689). This dilemma of mothers of today i s w e l l stated by Lundberg et a l (79: 242): "Deprived of a r i c h and creative home i n which to f i n d self-expression, she t r i e s desperately to f i n d a compromise. On the one hand she must re t a i n her sources of r e a l i n s t i n c t u a l g r a t i f i c a t i o n and,on the other, f i n d ways of s a t i s f y i n g her need for prestige and esteem." Or as Kirkp a t r i c k summarizes the problem: "Given the concepts of a reproductive function, a work function, and of a balance between the two, one i s led to the concepts of excess and deficiency. Excess or deficiency may exist with reference to self-judgment or to the judgment of others. (...) It would be appropriate at this point to give some easy and p r a c t i c a l solution to the woman's problem. Yet, the very d e f i n i t i o n of the woman's problem implies a dilemma. A clear-cut opinion as to woman's place i n a sacred society i s f r u s t r a t i n g to women who are unique and dif f e r e n t . On the other hand, d i v e r s i t y of public opinion makes for confusion and uncertainty as to the balance between the work and reproductive functions" (70: 66-7). The problem i s further aggravated by a c u l t u r a l lag i n the status of women i n economic, p o l i t i c a l , l e g a l , conduct and domestic areas, and by a c u l t u r a l c o n f l i c t over the status of women as between age groups, r e l i g i o u s groups, sex groups, and d i f f e r i n g , areas (70), Controversy Over the Effects of Mothers' Working Since 1940, the number of working mothers i n Canada has increased 25 dramatically. It would seem from available data that this trend will continue in the foreseeable future. Many opinions are expressed about the results of this condition. Because i t involves a dilemma, there is bound to be controversy over what these effects are. Wilensky (144) studied the changing patterns of family l i f e . He regards the conflict as one between growing equality with men in competitive occupational achievement on the one hand and the blocks to this equality plus new demands for expertness in home management. "Women have become disaffected from traditional marital and family roles without getting released from housewifery..." Such is the complaint of Mead (86: 62) who says, "Within the traditional setting, working for a married woman means doing two jobs, both of which her separate employers think of as full-time." Some of the literature deals with the effect of working wives on the role of the husband. One article expresses concern for the change from male superiority to equality (72: 299). More pessimistic authors picture the father as withdrawing from active interaction in the family group (33), (47: 100). Other literature sees the reverse, that of the growth of homemaking as a "husband-wife" teamwork (22: 75), (118: 50), (139). Two studies found the husband's attitude toward his wife's working to be a critical factor in the success of her managing a home and a job (51), (72: 185). What are the effects of employment of wives in the relationship of husfeand and wife. Odium (67: 24) says that, in France, the stability of those homes where the woman works appears to be at least 26 equal to those i n which the woman stays at home and there i s no evidence to suggest that divorce i s more frequent. A questionnaire circulated by the National Council of Women of Great B r i t a i n i n 1956 (95: 68) reported that husbands, i n most cases, were accepting the fact that their wives should earn, and i n many cases, were being co-operative i n helping with household duties. Payne (99) made a study of adolescents* attitudes toward the working wife. In his data, he found that over half of the g i r l s were expecting that when they married, they would hold positions i n the labour force outside their homes, and another twenty per cent that they.might work. The boys, on the other hand, i n 78 per cent of the cases, were expecting that their wives would not work after marriage. I t would appear that the g i r l s 1 expectations were closer to r e a l i t y . Apparently they were w i l l i n g to replace the t r a d i t i o n a l concepts of a bread-winning husband with the emerging patterns of economic partner-ship. Such divergence of opinions could result i n confusion and disappointment, p a r t i c u l a r l y for the boys, during lat e r years. Being on the p a y r o l l i s found to affect the mother's p a r t i c i -pation i n community work (109) and soc i a l l i f e (8: 27). Rothe's :study (109) was inconclusive because the variable of number of children was not controlled. Some regard t h i s smaller part i n community a f f a i r s as a detrimental outcome of women belonging to the labour force. There i s a growing concern on the part of the Church and the Y.W.C.A. that the trend towards "work for pay" may cause a r e a l shortage of volunteer workers within these organizations (46). Meyer (87) urges 27 mothers to seek parts i n community service to gain prestige for them-selves and to gain the respect of others. Komarovsky (72: 153 ) presents evidence that such community work has de f i n i t e handicaps: the u n s k i l l e d and often routine nature l i m i t s the satisfactions gained from i t ; i t i s generally accorded low esteem; there i s increas-ing professionalization of a c t i v i t i e s formerly carried on by volunteers. Once again, there i s controversy over the effects of mother's entering the labour force. Nor does the controversy disappear when one deals with l i t e r a t u r e concerning the effects upon the mother herself. In one study, Rose (105) had a questionnaire completed by parents of a college class to determine factors associated with the l i f e s a t i s f a c t i o n of middle-cl a s s , middle-aged persons. The data indicate that earning an income and engaging i n organizational a c t i v i t i e s help women to contentment. His findings are that d i s s a t i s f i e d mothers are less l i k e l y to be those with employment and more l i k e l y to be those who claim that housework i s burdensome. Smieton (118: 51) considers that the crux of the problem of the employed mother i s the hours of work for her. The survey conducted i n eight Canadian c i t i e s of married women working for pay (22: 51) found that most married women i n f u l l - t i m e jobs work extremely long hours. They usually do some household tasks before leaving for work and again after work. Weekends appear to be p a r t i c u l a r l y busy for them. However, one should remember that housework hours vary greatly accord-ing to the number and age of the children, the f i n a n c i a l means of the 28 family, and most p a r t i c u l a r l y to the working capacity of the mother, her knowledge and s k i l l i n running a household (133: 21)• No com-parison was made with the hours of non-employed mothers. Baers (4: 690) who disapproves of employed mothers, reports a study i n France which found that mothers, employed on a f u l l - t i m e basis, work somewhat more than eighty hours each week. Myrdal and Kl e i n (93: 36) who approve., of employed mothers, describe the same survey. When the employed and non-employed mothers are matched i n number of children, i t i s found that the more than 80-hour week of the married women i n employment exceeds the working week of a f u l l -time housewife with children by only 6 to 8 hours per week, i.*e.by roughly one hour per day. Jespersen (67: 5-7) reports a 1953 sociological inquiry by the Danish Medical Women's Association dealing with the circumstances of 633 housewives i n Copenhagen - a l l of them married with children and 367 of them working outside their homes. One question asked was whether the women were i n good health or i f they were worn out or perhaps even i l l . . Just about half said they were w e l l . Those with a ful l - t i m e job outside the home were worn out a l i t t l e more frequently than the others,.while the housewives staying at home were i l l twice as often. In each area of family and so c i a l l i f e , one writer sees good effects from the mother's working, while another sees harmful r e s u l t s . Nowhere-i s the argument more vociferous than i n the area of the effects upon the children. For example, when the mother works, she may have fewer 29 hours with her children (8: 59). This i s decried by those who regard the constant presence of the mother with her children as essential to their physical, and emotional well-being (37). On the contrary, LaBarre (74: 53) sees d e f i n i t e dangers i n motherhood becoming too all-absorb-ing and overacted, more especially among the middle class. In the case of an emotionally disturbed mother, such li m i t a t i o n s of time with her children w i l l tend to d i l u t e her negative influence (113: 326), (80: 88). Rhodes and Matthews (103) define maternal deprivation as lack of continuous care by a mother or mother substitute during the period from b i r t h through four years r e s u l t i n g i n s o c i a l and emotional i s o l a t i o n i n the c h i l d . Maccoby (80: 87) summarizes the effects of separation of children from parents as found by such pioneer researchers as Bowlby (11), S p i t z , Freud and Goldfarb. Very young children show few effects from separation. Children between one and three years are most vulnerable. Children vary greatly i n their v u l n e r a b i l i t y to separation trauma. While most severe effects have resulted from separations l a s t i n g a week or longer, many young children show d i s t -urbances of a lesser degree on very b r i e f separation. Myrdal and K l e i n (93: 126) point out that these studies which Bowlby (11) summarizes refer to t o t a l deprivation of maternal care; that i s , they deal with abandoned, adopted or boarded-out children rather than with children who have d a i l y breaks of some hours away from their mother, i n day nurseries, i n the care of a maid, etc. Further, i n a l l cases studied, maternal deprivation i s the r e s u l t of some calamity and often accompanied by a sudden shock which i t s e l f would 30 be s u f f i c i e n t to upset the emotional and mental balance of the c h i l d . I t would be s c i e n t i f i c a l l y inadmissable to apply conclusions drawn from such cases to those where the mother i s absent at regular inters vals for a number of hours yet returns to the c h i l d each day and provides i t with a home. This i s a f i e l d of research of great s o c i a l importance where remarkably l i t t l e attention has been given. Does the mother have to remain at home for the children's mental health? Odium (67: 24) reminds the reader that i t has always been the practice among the educated i n France, as i n other countries to hand the children over to the care of nurses and governesses and to see r e l a t i v e -l y l i t t l e of them. There i s no evidence that t h i s has resulted i n any major damage to the children. Maccoby (80: 88) reports studies done i n nurseries. The findings suggest that, while there i s an i n i t i a l disturbance for the young c h i l d when a working mother f i r s t leaves him with a substitute caretaker for part of the day, he adjusts quickly to the new routine and appears able to maintain a close a f f e c t i o n a l relationship with his mother. Maccoby claims that the adequacy of the substitute caretaker depends not so nuch on the amount of control she exercises nor on how she does i t but on how similar her reactions are to those of the mother. Maclver (81) wonders i f how the substitute d i s c i p l i n e s i s not equally important. The reactions of the mother-substitute to the c h i l d and her methods of c h i l d care both need to be similar to those of the mother (127). The same reference considers that after f i v e years of age the c h i l d i s able to adjust to the fact that his mother and others taking care of him may d i f f e r . 31 Josselyn (68: 81) reckons this limitation of mother's time as an advantage for the women whose interest span in the mother role is limited to part of a day, and who, therefore, give a l l they can in a short time. In her article, Josselyn points out that there has been too l i t t l e recognition that some women are better mothers and members of society i f they are employed either f u l l - or part-time, and that some children are happier children because their mothers work. It may be possible to combine the responsibilities of motherhood in such a way that positive values result in the mother-child relation-ship. Another report (49) concluded that there is much evidence that the home-keeping women do not necessarily have better relations with their children, and that "they tended on the whole, to be more possessive and more irritable with the children, as shown by the number of punishments inflicted." Odium (67: 22) gave similar observations of psychiatrists. Virtue (146: 6) sums up the question of time spent with the children in this way: "being a good mother, someone once well said, is a matter of 'being there'. Being there, I submit, is not accomplished by spending a certain number of clock ticks in a certain room, but by caring with a l l your heart and soul about your child, by sensing the things that are important to him, and by supporting him always with a l l the resources at your command. If you are 'there' in this sense, the child knows i t . And the children who are supported thus, I suggest, are far from neglected or heart-hungry, whether their mothers work or not." This is the viewpoint of Myrdal and Klein (93: 127): "It cannot be too strongly emphasized that the a l l -32 important factor i s the attitude and personality of the mother rather than the amount of time she spends with her children. The neurotic, neg l e c t f u l , or fo o l i s h mother i s a menace to her children, probably no less i f she devotes a l l her time to them than i f she does not. On the other hand, the i n t e l l i g e n t , sympathetic, loving mother may be able to give her c h i l d a sense of emotional security which i s not disturbed by her regular, or even her i r r e g u l a r , absences." However, i n view of inconclusive evidence and i n view of the p o s s i b i l -i t y of reduced feelings of security due to more impersonal care, these authors support the view that mothers should, as far as possible, take care of their own children during the f i r s t years of their l i v e s (93: 128). Does the working mother contribute to delinquency? Glueck and Glueck (52) made another analysis of their 1940 data and matched, pair by p a i r , 500 persistent delinquents with 500 true non-delin-quents, not only i n respect to general i n t e l l i g e n c e , age and ethnico-r a c i a l derivation, but also i n low socio-economic status. This, they considered, got closer to the pure influence of the mother's working, i n the complex t r a i t s and forces involved i n delinquency. Their con-clusions are quoted below: "The deleterious influence on the family l i f e and on the children of the mother's working outside the home has become evident i n our analysis. As regards the special impact on delinquency, t h i s too has emerged. There i s evidence of a d i f f e r e n t i a l influence of the working mother on family l i f e , on children, and on delinquency. There i s some suggestion i n our data that these influences are more potent when deriving from the mother who works sporadically than from the regularly employed mother. Actually a l i k e proportion of mothers of both delinquents and non-delinquents were found i n Unraveling Juvenile  Delinquency to be regularly employed, but among the 33 delinquents there was found a high proportion of mothers who worked only i r r e g u l a r l y . So even i n Unraveling Juvenile Delinquency we could note that i t i s the work-ing mother of this l a t t e r type who exerts the heaviest influence on the delinquency of her children" (52: 349). Taran (122) finds f a u l t with these conclusions. The whole study was not o r i g i n a l l y focused on maternal employment as a primary experi-mental variable, and hence i t i s dangerous to overgeneralize about findings drawn from them. Maccoby (80: 83-4) i s also c r i t i c a l of Glueck*s study. The "occasionally employed" mothers had often a history of delinquency themselves, or an emotionally disturbed mate, or were incompatible. Hence the emotionally disturbed and a n t i -s o c i a l c haracteristics of the parents may have produced the mothers' sporadic work pattern and at the same time led to delinquent ten-dencies i n the sons. This writer noted that by combining the information i n two tables (52: 33, 342), that only 27 of the regu-l a r l y employed mothers of delinquents were not i n broken homes and 50 of mothers of the non-delinquent boys were not employed and not i n broken homes. The factor of absent male i n the Glueck study was not held constant, hence the mother's working and the son's delinquency may both follow from the absent father. Certainly any conclusions of causal relationship between mothers' employment and juvenile delinquency are not warranted i n this important study by Glueck. Other c o n f l i c t i n g evidence has been found i n the f i e l d of delinquency. Again Nye (98) reports that "only i n studies of delinquent behaviour do we fi n d persistent (but not large) differences 34 favouring the children of non-working mothers." To explain these differences, Nye reminds his readers that most children of employed mothers are on their own every afternoon from the close of school u n t i l f i v e or l a t e r . On the other hand, figures released by the P o l i c e Department for the years 1950-54 i n Brandon, Manitoba, show only 13 of the 129 cases dealt with to be children of working mothers. No information was available of the proportion of employed mothers i n the c i t y , although 10 per cent of married women i n Canada were employed. In 80 cases, the family was quite w e l l off f i n a n c i a l l y , both parents were l i v i n g , and the mother was not working outside the home (94). Furthermore, a survey by the National Council of Women i n B r i t a i n (40) concludes that there has been no increase i n juvenile delinquency due to mothers taking up employment. Witmer (145) discusses parents and delinquency at length and yet never mentions the factor of the mother's working as relevant to causes of delinquency. Coo (37) claims that working mothers neglect th e i r children. Yet the Children's Aid Society i n Western Manitoba apprehended 34 children i n 1954 and i n none of these family situations was a working mother involved. Of the hundreds of complaints received and investigated by the agency, where neighbours f e l t that children were neglected, only three were because of the mother working (94). The National Council of Women of Great B r i t a i n sought opinions from teachers and school attendance o f f i c e r s i n their survey on the employ-ment of married women with children (95) . There was no evidence that 35 children of working mothers are truants; nor do they arrive late for school. On the contrary, a number of r e p l i e s stated that they arrive too early. The general opinion i n the r e p l i e s was that school work does not suffer, though a few stated that the older g i r l i s sometimes overburdened by extra duties which the mother expects of her i n the home, so that she develops a f e e l i n g of resentment. Others stated that this enforced domestic t r a i n i n g develops the g i r l ' s sense of responsi-b i l i t y and i s useful to her. Most of the concern was expressed regard-ing the hours after school and during holidays when the children of working mothers often lack csupervision. Myrdal and K l e i n (93: 133-4) c a l l attention to the way that teachers, magistrates,~ welfare o f f i c e r s and others blame the working mother for a l l sorts of behaviour problems of the younger generation. They report the observations of teachers that these children of work-ing mothers are i n t e l l e c t u a l l y moEe a l e r t and s o c i a l l y more independ-ent than others. These assertions s t i l l have to be supported by studies of the problem. Maccoby (80) also notes the lack of information about whether the fact that a mother works stimulates her children to vocational achieve-ment. He does mention that many men of achievement have had mothers who had f l o u r i s h i n g careers or were otherwise active outside the home. I t becomes increasingly evident that there i s l i t t l e agreement and much divergence i n the opinions about the effects of mothers' work-ing. I t should be revealing to survey the l i t e r a t u r e for the few actual studies of the effects upon their school children of mothers i n outside employment. CHAPTER I I REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE L i t t l e s c i e n t i f i c or objective study has been made to determine just how detrimental upon her children, i f at a l l , i s the outside employment of the mother. This writer has found s i x studies bearing d i r e c t l y on the problem. The evidence disclosed by these investigations was of a c o n f l i c t i n g nature. One study found negative results upon the personalities of the children because of the mother's working. Essig and Morgan (42) carried out a survey of 500 g i r l s i n the ninth and tenth grades. They used an adjustment scale by Leland Stott e n t i t l e d Home L i f e and a short questionnaire designed to secure information about the cjommunity, the home of the g i r l and the work of the mother. The sample had one hundred and f i f t y g i r l s i n homes where both parents worked. Almost 75 per cent of these employed mothers had worked two or more years and more than 25 per cent had been employed for f i v e or more years. Eighty-five per cent of these mothers worked during the day and only one half were home when their daughters came from school . This experimental group was compared with a control group of 150 g i r l s 36 37 from complete homes where the mothers did not work. Only four of these mothers were out of the home when the school day ended. No information was given concerning the randomness of the selection of the members of the control group. When the data were analyzed, "there was a very s i g n i f i c a n t difference between the means (C.R.: 8.4) and the standard deviation (C.R.= 4.2) of the two groups i n favour of the control group, i n adjustment to family l i f e " (42: 232). Essig and Morgan interpreted t h i s to mean that the children whose mothers did not work had greater feelings of love, understanding, interest and cooperation between daughters arid parents. Working mothers did not show up well here. Maccoby (80: 84) considers the weakness i n thi s study i s that the g i r l s were not matched according to economic l e v e l . In a second study, Nye (97) investigated students at high school l e v e l . He surveyed about f i f t e e n hundred adolescents from grades eight to twelve to investigate adolescent-parent adjustment. He selected several variables including age, sex, s i b l i n g number, broken homes and employed mothers. His method was to construct and administer an objective form of some 68 items dealing with f i v e areas of adjust-ment. One was the parental acceptance of the c h i l d ; another was parental trust and confidence i n the c h i l d ; a further one considered the child's feelings about the personality of the parents; a fourth dealt with the degree of s o c i a l i z a t i o n of the c h i l d ; the l a s t area was the child's adjustment to groups outside the family. Nye admitted that he hypothesized that f u l l - t i m e work outside the 38 home was incompatible with family harmony and happiness; and therefore, he expected to f i n d that both f u l l - t i m e and part-time employment of the mother would mitigate against best parent-adolescent r e l a t i o n s . To test t h i s expectation, he grouped his sample into children of f u l l -time employed mothers, of part-time and of non-employed. An analysis of the data did not support his hypothesis that the working mother was a handicap to the unity and general success of the family. Nye found that the students whose mothers were part-time employed showed s i g n i f i c a n t l y better adjustment according to the measur-ing device than either of the other two groups. This was p a r t i c u l a r l y true for the medium l e v e l when the socio-economic factor was held constant. Differences between the pupils whose mothers were f u l l - t i m e employed and those whose mothers did not work were non-significant. The author concluded from his findings that i t appeared "about equally bad for mothers to have too l i t t l e or too much to do" (97: 331). In the l i t e r a t u r e , two investigations were found which also studied the junior high school l e v e l . Both used the C a l i f o r n i a Test  of Personality as the measuring instrument. Carter (29) was attempt-ing to find the influence of family relations and family experiences on personality. The experience items which he selected for study were mobility between and within the community, sex of the student, size of family, marital status of parents, and the employment of the mother outside the home during the preceding year. After administering the C a l i f o r n i a Test of Personality, Carter arranged the students i n rank order according to t o t a l score. He then 39 compared the top and bottom thirds of the d i s t r i b u t i o n . From his analysis of the re s u l t i n g cli-squares, he concluded, "Experiences such as mobility, l i v i n g i n comparative i s o l a t i o n of the community, employment of the mother, may not r e f l e c t the over-al l experience world of the ch i l d or his role i n or reaction to the experience, and are not found to be associated with personality at a s i g n i f i c a n t l e v e l " (29: 214). Certainly the chi-square of .30 for the factor of employment of the mother gave reason for t h i s conclusion. Beals (10) was another writer who was curious about the growing concern regarding the apparent breakdown of the American home and the effect of th i s on the maturing personalities of children. With t h i s i n mind, Beals made a study of certain home factors and their r e l a t i o n -ship to the personal adjustment of children. His sample was 100 junior-high school pupils. Two of the factors which he included were the marital status of the home and the number of parents working. He gave the C a l i f o r n i a Test of Personality to the sample. Using the t o t a l scores, he divided them at the f i f t i e t h percentile into two groups, which he ca l l e d "above-average" and below-average". Like the former w r i t e r , he, too, had assumed that children from homes where only one parent worked would be better taken care of and hence better adjusted. When his data for the children of the working mother were analyzed he found that the difference i n percentages of students i n the below-average and above-average groups were n e g l i g i b l e , and he had been unable to locate any other study of this factor to ve r i f y or check his r e s u l t . 40 Admittedly, the lim i t a t i o n s i n v a l i d i t y and r e l i a b i l i t y of the testing device used i n these investigations would apply to the f i n d -ings of both of these studies and to the one following. In a study by Rouman (110) , 400 problem children of Montebello Unified School D i s t r i c t were c l a s s i f i e d into four groups according to parental factors. Eighteen percent of the cases had mothers f u l l -time employed. A similar percentage of children came from homes of step-parents and guardians. The t h i r d group lacked an adult male i n the home. The control group had homes where none of the above factors operated. The reasons for the problem cases being referred were interesting: Group 1 Group IV Employed Mother Control Group Academic f a i l u r e 28% 40% Aggressive behaviour 28% 30% Withdrawing 33% 20% Nervous tendencies 8% 8% Stealing, sex, etc. 3% 2% Rouman found that the c h i l d with the working mother displayed the greatest percentage of withdrawing tendencies. From the scores made by these students on the C a l i f o r n i a Test  of Personality, he computed the percentage of each group which ranked below the 50th percentile i n the personality components. The resu l t s are given below: 4 1 Group I Mother working Group IV Control Group Self reliance 5 0 % Feeling of belonging 627o Freedom from withdrawing 6&7o Family relations 5 6 % School relations 6 0 % Sense of personal xvorth 6 1 % Eeeling of belonging . 647., Social S k i l l s 6 0 % A n t i - s o c i a l Tendencies 6 1 % Family r e l a t i o n s 5 4 % School relations 59%, The investigator concluded that those i n the f i r s t group were lacking to a greater extent than i n any other group i n feelings of independence towards others. They also f e l t a lack of c o r d i a l relationship with people i n general. No s t a t i s t i c a l data was given to indicate how these conclusions were reached and i t i s d i f f i c u l t to see how such a generalization could be given on the strength of the evidence presented i n the a r t i c l e . One of the conclusions of this study i s quoted since i t i s related to t h i s research: "A working mother contributed to only one quarter of the t o t a l number i n need of psychological help. Apparently there are many children whose mothers work who do not present problems i n school. This would indicate that as long as the c h i l d i s made to f e e l secure and happy, the mother's f u l l - t i m e employment away from home does not become a serious problem. But i f employment i s sought, we must be most sensitive to the needs of the younger children" ( 3 3 : 5 5 ) . I t should be borne i n mind that Rouman's conclusions should be limited i n application to his sample which was seriously maladjusted pupils, and not to the population i n general. Maccoby ( 8 0 : 8 5 ) cautions readers against concluding that there i s a causal r e l a t i o n between the problems and the mother's working since both may be re f l e c t i o n s of some other factor i n this study. 42 The l a s t pertinent study located i n the l i t e r a t u r e was made by Hand (56). He divided 102 elementary school children of grades IV to VIII into two well-defined groups of "well-adjusted" and "maladjusted" by means of C a l i f o r n i a Test of Personality, ratings by their teachers, and choices by their classmates. Hand outlined his data i n the following table (56: 246): PER CENT OF PUPILS HAVING WORKING MOTHERS Sex of Pupils Pupils i n each group Per cent having working Mothers Well-adjusted Mal-adjusted Boys 27 25.9 33.3 G i r l s 24 37.5 29.2 Both 51 31.4 31.4 Such differences as the table shows were found to be far from s t a t i s t i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t . "The outcomes of t h i s section of the i n -vestigation c e r t a i n l y f a i l to support a b e l i e f that there i s any general connection between the outside employment of mothers and the personal adjustment of their children" (56: 246). Hand expresses astonishment at his discovery of th i s evidence, since he had considered that children would be adversely affected by the over-worked mother attempting to run a home and to work outside the home. Nye (98: 17) claims that research reveals that, i n the aspect of school marks, the children of employed mothers seem to be superior. He attributes t h i s to a higher educational l e v e l of employed mothers. Unfortunately, the a r t i c l e does not disclose the source of the research. Myrdal and Kl e i n (93: 134) describe an investigation by the 43 school's medical officer in Gothenberg, Sweden. The survey included 1,345 elementary school children. No evidence is cited whether the pupils were matched for a b i l i t y . The findings were that in the f i r s t form children of mothers who go to work had lower marks than children of mothers at home; in the fourth form the two groups were equal; and in the seventh form the children of working mothers had better achievement. No s t a t i s t i c a l method is described so that the findings should be taken with caution. There were no differences in degree of absenteeism between the children of employed and non-employed mothers. Evidence to date is inconclusive and contradictory concerning the effect upon her children's adjustment of the mother working. That the investigators in some instances were surprised by their data would point to the divergence between public opinion and research findings in objective studies. Certainly the need for further research i s clearly indicated. CHAPTER I I I DELIMITATION OF THE PROBLEM One researcher cannot hope to make a complete survey of this complex problem. Hence i t i s imperative to delimit i t to a reason-able scope and yet to make i t as revealing and worthwhile as possible. Geographical Limitation Geographically, the writer f e l t compelled to l i m i t the survey to Saskatchewan. This province has a large r u r a l population and only three c i t i e s of over 25,000 people. Moose Jaw, the writer's home, i s the smallest one and has only limited i n d u s t r i a l development. Either Regina or Saskatoon would provide a larger, more representative sample. Fortunately, the school systems both i n Moose Jaw and Saskatoon were w i l l i n g to have a study carried out. Age-level Limitation The second major delimitation was the age-level to be studied. Actually, the pre-school age would be the one where a researcher would hope to f i n d most revealing data. During the f i r s t s i x years of the child's l i f e , the mother i s most important. What are the 44 45 effects upon her children when she works during t h i s developmental period of their lives? Unfortunately, the writer had to abandon such a study because of the d i f f i c u l t y of locating these mothers and of gaining their co-operation i f one did. In addition, there are very few objective measuring devices either i n achievement or i n adjust-ment for ages one to s i x years. Hence, the writer would have to keep thi s study within the range of school children. The primary grades were the second most desirable group. The school has had less time to influence the c h i l d . Presumably, he would be more of a product of the home than at any other school l e v e l . On further consideration, the r e a l problems of what to measure and how to do this i n the child's f i r s t three school years seemed to pose many d i f f i c u l t i e s . The writer hoped to keep the measuring to objective instruments, but found that such tests i n personality or emotional adjustment were sadly lacking for t h i s age group. The primary pupils as a group were, therefore, unwillingly given up. To investigate this problem i n the high school was r e a l l y not possible for the writer due to established routines within the school system i t s e l f . The f i n a l decision was to use the grade-six l e v e l . Here were students for whom tests were devised and for whom adolescence was not yet a major factor. Factors to Study There followed another major delimitation. What exactly was to be 46 measured to determine the effect on her offspring of having the mother i n the labour force? Many of the general public have worried that these children would become delinquents. Could t h i s factor be studied? The best place to f i n d this information would be i n s o c i a l welfare and court records. This would be outside the school environ-ment . Emotional adjustment, s o c i a l and s e l f adjustment*these were other i n t r i g u i n g areas. HQwever, objective testing i n the f i e l d of personality i s a r e l a t i v e l y new science of measurement, and most tests do not have high proven v a l i d i t y . The writer was loathe to l i m i t the investigation to these alone. The problem may be approached from another d i r e c t i o n . I f the mother i n f u l l - t i m e employment neglected her c h i l d , would she see that he had enough r e s t , regular school attendance, help with his homework, love and affection? In other words, did the working mother create a problem for the school? School records would contain many of these data. Cumulative records would disclose age, i n t e l l i g e n c e quotients, attendance, lateness, achievement measured by teacher-made and objective tests. One could give the pupils a personality t e s t . Teachers' knowledge and opinion of the student's behaviour and attitude to school work would be useful also. These were areas where the school i t s e l f not only could provide information, but also would be interested i n the analysis of the data. The superintendents of both Moose Jaw and Saskatoon were w i l l i n g to allow the necessary facts to be collected from school records and 47 in addition to find out the marital status and employment status of the parents. Hence, the delimited problem became narrowed considerably. It was to be concerned with the effect of the mother's employment outside the home upon the school achievement and adjustment of grade six pupils in the public schools of Moose Jaw and Saskatoon. Specifically, this survey would attempt to throw some light on the following questions: Is the child of the working mother more often late than the child of the non-working mother? Are there differences in the chronological ages of these two groups which might affect any discrepancies found in other factors? Are there differences in the intelligence quotients between the two groups? Is the school attendance of the child of the working mother more irregular than that of the child of the non-working mother? Does the child of the working mother achieve lower academic marks than the child of the non-working mother? Does the child of the working mother receive lower scores in standardized achievement tests than the child of the non-working mother? According to the measuring instrument, does the child of the work-ing mother have poorer emotional adjustment than the child of the non-working mother? CHAPTER IV THE HYPOTHESIS OF THE STUDY Most of the studies i n the l i t e r a t u r e did not f i n d s i g n i f i c a n t differences between children of working mothers and those of non-working mothers. The w r i t e r , therefore, expects that there w i l l not be great differences between the children of work-ing and non-working mothers i n any of the areas under study. Accordingly, the general hypothesis of t h i s research i s that, i n comparison with that of the children of non-working mothers at the grade-six l e v e l , the factor of the mother being employed out-side the home does not s i g n i f i c a n t l y affect the school achievement and adjustment of her children. This general expectation i s stated i n s p e c i f i c hypotheses. 1. There w i l l not be s i g n i f i c a n t differences i n the chronolog-i c a l ages of the experimental group of children whose mothers work and of the control group of children whose mothers do not work. 2. There w i l l not be s i g n i f i c a n t differences between the mean inte l l i g e n c e quotients of the experimental group and the control group. 3. In t o t a l pupil-days attendance for one school year, when the means are computed, there w i l l not be s i g n i f i c a n t differences between 48 49 the two groups. 4. The average number of lates during the school year w i l l not be s i g n i f i c a n t l y d ifferent for either group. 5. When the average marks for each pupil for the school year are considered, there w i l l not be a s i g n i f i c a n t difference between the means of the experimental and control groups. 6. The mean scores of the experimental group and the control group w i l l not be s i g n i f i c a n t l y d ifferent when a standardized achieve-ment test i s used. 7. The results from a personality test w i l l not reveal s i g n i f i c a n t differences between children of employed mothers and those of non-employed mothers. 8. A chi-square_. analysis of teachers' judgment of the pupil's attitude to school work w i l l reveal no s i g n i f i c a n t differences. 9. These hypotheses w i l l apply when the two groups are considered as whole groups, when the g i r l s of the experimental group are compared with the g i r l s of the control group, and when the boys of one are compared with the boys of the other. To test these n u l l hypotheses, i t was necessary to gather data. CHAPTER V THE COLLECTION OF THE DATA During the l a s t month of the school year of 1956-7, the writer v i s i t e d nine public schools i n Moose Jaw and twenty-one i n Saskatoon to c o l l e c t the data for th i s study. The question of lateness did not appear to be a problem i n most of the schools. Because of t h i s , records were not kept i n a number of the classrooms. As a r e s u l t , i t was impossible to consider t h i s factor i n the investigation. The t o t a l days of school attendance for the year for each grade six pupil i n the two c i t i e s was obtained from the registers or cumulative record cards. From the same sources, the birthdate of each student was secured and the chronological age then computed to the nearest month. A recording was made of the pupils' i n t e l l i g e n c e quotients. In the Moose Jaw schools, the Laycock Mental A b i l i t y Test had been given to the population the previous year. In Saskatoon, the Otis Quick  Scoring Mental A b i l i t y Tests had been used. The population had been given the Alpha Test at the primary l e v e l and many had recently been given the Beta Test. However, since many more cases would have had 50 51 incomplete records i f the l a t t e r test were selected, the i n t e l l i g e n c e quotient derived from the Alpha Test was recorded. The writer collected the year's average mark given to each student by his teacher. In Moose Jaw, t h i s average mark was computed as a percentage by the class teacher on the basis of a l l the tests she had constructed or given during the year. Each individual teacher used her own standards and averaged the marks i n each subject. In Saskatoon, the year's average for a pupil was given a l e t t e r grade of A, B, C, D, or E, with plus and minus ra t i n g at each l e v e l . This grad-ing was calculated from a weighted credit system for the various subjects and used consistently i n a l l schools. The subject marks seemed to be derived from teacher-made tests and objective tests. In order to have a standardized measure of achievement the writer administered the Gates ftading Survey For Grades 3 to 10 to the Moose Jaw population. These tests were scored and the ind i v i d u a l reading-grades included i n the data. The Saskatoon classroom teachers had given t h i s same test to grade s i x during a p a r t i c u l a r week i n January, 1957. Hence their record cards contained the reading-grades for the pupils of that c i t y . The classroom teachers i n Moose Jaw had jus t completed scoring The Dominion Tests, Diagnostic Tests i n Arithmetic Fundamentals, Spring  Term, Grade VI. Hoping to have a second standardized measure of achieve-ment, the writer recorded these t o t a l scores made by each student. In Saskatoon, the School Board Office constructed a f i n a l arithmetic examination which was administered synonymously i n a l l grade s i x class-rooms. The test was scored according to e x p l i c i t instructions from head o f f i c e . The writer collected these data as a second gauge of achievement i n Saskatoon. Each student under study had spent a complete school year i n most cases with the same classroom teacher. Hence, the teacher knew him well and her opinion of his adjustment was considered valuable. Each teacher was, therefore, given a sheet containing the names of her pupils and asked to rank them, giving number one to the pupil i n her class with the best attitude toward school work, and the largest number to the one with the poorest attitude. To determine whether the pupil's sense of security and emotional adjustment were affected by the mother's employment, the students were asked i n both c i t i e s to complete the 53 items of a Children's Manifest  Anxiety Scale by Taylor (23). These twelve hundred and f i f t y anxiety scales were then scored and the results tabulated with the data. The greatest d i f f i c u l t y i n gathering data was that of defining "working mother". To do t h i s , considerable information about the home was needed. In Saskatoon, these facts were obtained from the school records, the pr i n c i p a l s and the classroom teachers. I t was not possible, however, to determine i n every case, whether the mother had been work-ing a long or short period and, i n a few instances, whether her work was ful l - t i m e or part-time. In Moose Jaw, each grade s i x student completed a questionnaire.^" The pupil t o l d the father's occupation, whether he was often unemployed, the mother's job outside the home, the s h i f t she worked, and how long * See Appendix I she had been employed. To disclose marital status, the student told who lived in the home: parents, step-parents, siblings, and step-brothers and sisters. These data were recorded carefully for each student and a statistical analysis then made. CHAPTER VI THE PRESENTATION AND STATISTICAL ANALYSIS OF THE DATA When a l l the data were compiled, the writer found a considerable number of students with incomplete records. Now i t was most desirable to compare the same students i n every factor of the study. As a re-s u l t , although t h i s weakened the representativeness of the sampling, a l l cases were dropped where information was lacking i n one or more factors under investigation. Sometimes a student had l i v e d only part of a year i n the c i t y and his attendance for the f u l l year was not available. A few students had been absent when the reading test or anxiety scale had been given, and these 18 cases for Moose Jaw and 33 for Saskatoon were not included. A very small number were eliminated because not enough was known about the home. In the largest number of instances, (24 i n Moose Jaw and 75 i n Saskatoon)., i t was the in t e l l i g e n c e quotient which was missing. Probably these were new admissions after the int e l l i g e n c e testing had been carried out. The mobility of urban people today creates r e a l problems i n any cumulative record system. In a l l , f i f t y - f i v e cases were removed from the Moose Jaw sample, twenty-eight boys and twenty-seven g i r l s . This represented 54 55 approximately fourteen per cent of the t o t a l cases of 400. The loss i n Saskatoon was even higher, barely under twenty per cent. Of the 166 cases dropped, 99 were boys and 67 were g i r l s . Such a reduction brought the t o t a l Saskatoon cases down from 845 recorded ones to 679 with complete information. D e f i n i t i o n of Terms The sample was further refined so that i t included only those students whose parents were l i v i n g , and l i v i n g together. In Moose Jaw, t h i r t y - f i v e cases had one parent permanently absent from the home due to death, desertion or divorce. In Saskatoon, t h i s number was fo r t y . Thirteen pupils i n Moose Jaw and ten i n Saskatoon had a guardian or step-parent at home. I t was decided to define "working mother" a r b i t r a r i l y as one who was employed f u l l - t i m e outside the home and had been earning for the past twelve months, at least. I t was f e l t that consideration of the effects upon the children of employment for a shorter ped,od would weaken the study. Thus the number of cases became further reduced. Those whose mothers worked f u l l - t i m e for less than one year or part-time regardless of length of service were also removed from the l i s t s . This reduced the Moose Jaw sample by 28 cases and the Saskatoon one by 33. When the f i n a l count was made, 58 grade s i x pupils i n Moose Jaw had f u l l - t i m e employed mothers, 35 boys and 23 g i r l s . In the control group were 106 boys and 105 g i r l s , or a t o t a l of 211 cases. The 56 Saskatoon sample had 96 i n the experimental group, 52 boys and 44 g i r l s ; and i t had 500 i n the control group, 281 boys and 219 g i r l s . A summary of these data i s given i n Table IV. TABLE IV A SUMMARY OF THE NUMBERS OF PUPILS IN GRADE SIX ACCORDING TO VARIOUS HOME FACTORS AND ACCORDING TO SEX IN MOOSE JAW AND SASKATOON Grouping Moose Jaw Saskatoon Boys G i r l s Total Boys G i r l s Total Total Cases Recorded 213 187 400 467 378 845 Cases with incom-plete records 28 27 55 99 67 166 Total Cases with Complete Records 185 160 345 368 311 679 Children with guard-ian or step-parent 8 5 13 5 5 10 Children with one absent parent 21 14 35 16 24 40 Part-time working mother's children 15 13 28 14 19 33 Full-time working mother's children 35 23 58 52 44 96 Non-working mother's children 106 105 211 281 219 500 57 For want of complete records, the problem of lateness had already been discarded. A further elimination was made. A c r i t i c a l examination of the arithmetic test used i n Moose Jaw showed that i t was r e a l l y what i t claimed to be, a diagnostic test of arithmetic fundamentals designed to pick out special mathematical d i f f i c u l t i e s , but not to be a measure of achievement as such. Furthermore, although the arithmetic test used i n Saskatoon was an objective t e s t , i t was not standardized on any other population. Thus the writer decided to confine the study of achievement as measured by standardized i n s t r u -ments to the reading grades obtained on the Gates Reading Survey  Test. In order to make an analysis of the data, the following factors were treated s t a t i s t i c a l l y i n the same way: chronological age, i n t e l l i g e n c e , school attendance, year's average mark, reading grade, and number of manifest anxieties. The means and standard deviations were calculated for the boys and g i r l s taken separately and together i n the experimental and control groups of both c i t i e s . Table V shows these means and standard deviations for the c i t y of Moose Jaw. Since the sample had only twenty-three g i r l s and t h i r t y - f i v e boys i n the experimental groups, a correction was made for small sampling i n the calculation of a l l the standard deviations. 58 TABLE V MEANS AND STANDARD DEVIATIONS IN THE FACTORS UNDER STUDY FOR THE CHILDREN OF WORKING MOTHERS, (GROUP A} AND OF NONrWORKING MOTHERS, (GROUP B), IN MOOSE JAW Factor Boys Group A Boys Group B G i r l s Group A G i r l s Group B Total Group A Total Group B Number of cases 35 106 23 105 58 211 Chronological-M (months) age s 151.86 11.14 148.06 9.07 147.22 10.61 145.54 7.37 150.02 11.16 146.81 8.37 I.Q. M (Laycock) s 101.28 16.78 109.22 16.10 104.61 17.39 108.33 15.57 102.60 17.10 108.78 15.84 Days M Attendance s 190.57 9.11 189.59 6.19 187.22 8.32 188.48 7.37 189.24 8.93 189.04 6.82 Year's M Average s Mark (%) 61.57 12.88 67.94 12.34 68.96 13.71 70.57 11.63 64.67 13.41 69.28 11.94 Reading M Grade s 6.21 1.52 6.64 1.34 6.17 1.31 6.72 1.42 6.19 1.44 6.67 1.38 Manifest M Anxieties s 15.74 8.15 15.49 7.59 23.57 8.24 18.72 8.27 18.84 9.06 17.09 8.10 59 The data of Table V revealed for the Moose Jaw sample that there were mean differences, some apparently large and some very small, between the children of working mothers and those of non-working mothers. In a l l instances, except two, the differences were i n favor of the control group. The exceptions were i n school attendance for the boys and for the t o t a l number of the experimental group. A similar comparison of the groups was made for the second c i t y . Table VI shows their mean scores and standard deviations i n the components under study. Since the year's average for the Saskatoon students was recorded i n l e t t e r grades rated on the basis of the t o t a l of points from a system of subject weighting, i t was inappropriate to give these grades an arithmetical average. Accordingly, percentile ranks were found for the t o t a l sample of 679 cases. These percentile ranks were converted into normalized standard scores. I t was then possible to f i n d the means and standard deviations i n the component of year's average mark for the various groupings of the sample. 60 TABLE VI MEANS AND STANDARD DEVIATIONS IN THE FACTORS UNDER STUDY FOR THE CHILDREN OF WORKING MOTHERS, (GROUP A), AND OF NON-WORKING MOTHERS, (GROUP B), IN SASKATOON BOYS GIRLS TOTAL Factor Group A Group B Group A Group B Group A Group B Number of cases 52 281 44 219 96 500 Chronological M age (months) 150.13 9.47 149.17 9.29 146.23 7.16 145.96 6.74 148.34 8.71 147.76 8.42 I.Q. M (Otis Alpha) s 102.85 14.68 103.73 14.40 108.78 14.83 104.90 14.46 105.56 15.04 105.24 14.21 Days M Attendance s-184.02 10.06 185.99 10.69 185.86 6.20 184.05 11.84 184.86 8.56 185.14 11.25 Year 1s M Average s" Z-score .01 1.00 .03 1.03 .47 .96 .51 1.22 .22 .98 .24 1.11 Reading M Grade s 6.80 1.43 6.81 1.28 6.96 1.32 7.06 1.30 6.88 1.38 6.92 1.30 Manifest M Anxieties s 15.88 7.39 16.00 7.11 20.29 5.96 18.27 7.22 17.91 7.05 17.00 7.25 From Table VI, i t i s evident that the mean differences between the boys groups or g i r l s or t o t a l groups i n Saskatoon, showed variations i n sizes. The t o t a l groups had consistently small d i f f -erences. This was also true for the differences between the two samples of boys, with the exception of t o t a l days attendance. The differences for the g i r l s , on the other hand, had wider vari a t i o n s . The g i r l s of working mothers had differences i n their favour i n inte l l i g e n c e quotient and school attendance, but showed more manifest anxieties than the other g i r l s . In order to discover which of the differences were large enough to be taken as r e a l and dependable, the standard error of the d i f f -erences between each pair of uncorrelated means was calculated, and the t-value for Moose Jaw or the c r i t i c a l r a t i o for Saskatoon then computed. In Table VII are presented these results for the Moose Jaw samples. Since the standard deviation had been corrected for small grouping, i t was necessary to select levels of significance from Student's Table (50: 427). The chart below shows the t-value at the .05, .02, and .01 levels of confidence for 23, 35 and 60 degrees of freedom. TABLE OF T. FOR THE USE IN DETERMINING THE RELIABILITY OF STATISTICS df«23 df-35 df=60 .05 l e v e l of confidence 2.07 2.03 2.00 .02 lev e l of confidence 2.50 2.44 2.39 .01 lev e l of confidence 2.81 2.72 2.66 62 TABLE VII THE DIFFERENCES BETWEEN MEANS OF THE CHILDREN OF WORKING MOTHERS, (GROUP A), AND OF NON-WORKING MOTHERS, (GROUP B), THE STANDARD ERRORS OF THE DIFFERENCES AND THE t-VALUES FOR THE FACTORS IN SCHOOL ACHIEVEMENT AND ADJUSTMENT UNDER STUDY IN THE CITY OF MOOSE JAW Boys G i r l s Group A Factor S t a t i s t i c of Groups of Groups and A and B A and B Group B Chronological D -3.80 -1.68 -3.21 Age (months) S.E.n 2.08 2.33 1.57 t 1.83 .72 2.04 I. Q. D -7.93 -3.72 -6.18 S.E.D 3.24 3.93 2.53 t 2.45 .95 2.44 School-days D +- .98 -1.26 -fr .20 Attendance S.E.D 1.67 1.88 1.26 t .58 .68 .16 Year 1s Average D -6.37 -1.61 -4.61 Mark (per cent) S.E.D 2.48 3.08 1.94 t 2.56 .52 2.38 Reading Grade D - .43 - .55 - .48 Gradeslevel S.E.n .29 .31 .21 Points t 1.48 1.77 2.29 Manifest D - .25 -4.85 -1.75 Anxieties S.E. D 1.49 1.90 1.31 t .16 2.55 1.33 63 An examination of the t-values i n Table VII disclosed no value significant at the .01 level of confidence. At the .02 level of confidence, the boys of working mothers were significantly lower i n intelligence quotient and i n year's average mark. The g i r l s of work-ing mothers had, at the .02 level of confidence, more manifest anxieties. When the total groups were considered at this level, the pupils at the experimental group were lower in intelligence quotient. At the .05 level of confidence, working mothers' children were signi-ficantly older chronologically, lower in average marks and reading grade, as well as in intelligence quotient. The standard errors of differences and the c r i t i c a l ratios for the Saskatoon sample were outlined i n Table VIII. 64 TABLE VIII THE DIFFERENCES BETWEEN MEANS OF THE CHILDREN OF WORKING MOTHERS, (GROUP A), AND OF NON-WORKING MOTHERS, (GROUP B), THE STANDARD ERRORS OF THE DIFFERENCES AND THE CRITICAL RATIOS FOR THE FACTORS IN SCHOOL ACHIEVEMENT AND ADJUSTMENT UNDER STUDY IN THE CITY OF SASKATOON Boys G i r l s Group A of Groups of Groups and S t a t i s t i c A and B A and B Group B Factor Chronological D - .96 - .27 - .58 Age (months) S.E.j} 1.43 1.17 .97 CR. .67 .23 .60 I. Q. D - .88 +3.88 + .32 S.E.D 2.21 2.44 1.67 CR. .40 1.59 .19 School Days- D -1.97 +1.81 -.28 At tendance S. E. JJ 1.53 1.23 1.01 CR. 1.28 1.47 .28 Year's Average D - .02 - .04 - .02 Z-score S .E .JJ .14 .17 .10 CR. .14 .24 .20 Reading Grade D - .01 - .10 - .04 Grade-level S.E.jj .20 .22 .15 Points CR. .05 .45 .26 Manifest D + .12 -2.02 - .91 Anxieties S .E.j) 1.10 1.02 .79 CR. .12 1.98 1.15 65 In general the c r i t i c a l r a t i o s i n Table VIII were consistently small. Only one, the difference i n means of manifest anxieties for the g i r l s , showed a higher number of these manifest anxieties for working mothers' children at the .05 l e v e l of confidence. None of the d i f f -erences were s i g n i f i c a n t at the .01 l e v e l of confidence. From the c r i t i c a l r a t i o s i n Tables VII and VIII the writer drew certain s t a t i s t i c a l conclusions. At the .01 l e v e l of confidence the n u l l hypotheses were accepted: there were not s i g n i f i c a n t differences between the grade s i x children of working and of non-working mothers i n chronological age, i n t e l l i g e n c e , t o t a l year's attendance, year's average standing, reading grade, or manifest anxieties as measured by the various devices outlined i n the study. In order to compare the groups i n attitude toward school work, the ranks given to the students by the teachers were divided into q u a r t i l e s . The lower quartile was given a r a t i n g of 4, the second one 3, the t h i r d 2 and the upper quar t i l e 1. Then chi-square was calculated to see i f there were s i g n i f i c a n t differences between the groups i n attitude to school work as rated by the classroom teacher. Table IX shows the r e s u l t i n g chi-squares, and the significance or probability of exceeding the tabulated value for three degrees of freedom. 66 TABLE IX COMPARISON BY CHI-SQUARE TEST OF ATTITUDE TO SCHOOL WORK AS RANKED BY THE CLASSROOM TEACHER OF CHILDREN OF WORKING MOTHERS, (GROUP A) , AND OF NON-WORKING MOTHERS, (GROUP B), IN GRADE SIX IN MOOSE JAW AND SASKATOON PUBLIC SCHOOLS City S t a t i s t i c Boys G i r l s Total Moose Jaw Chi-square df 3 Pro b a b i l i t y 1.26 Between .80 and .70 2.91 Between .50 and .30 4.88 Between .20 and .10 Saskatoon Chi-square df 3 Pr o b a b i l i t y 2.73 Between .50 and .30 2.52 Between .50 and .30 2.75 Between .50 and .30 Clearly i n Table IX, none of the values of chi-square are s t a t i s t i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t . Therefore, the n u l l hypothesis that there w i l l not be s i g n i f i c a n t differences i n attitude to school work as judged by classroom teachers between the experimental and control group i s accepted. Now i n Table VII, the Moose Jaw sample of children of working mothers are found to be older chronologically, lower i n average marks and reading grade, as well as i n in t e l l i g e n c e quotients at the .05 l e v e l of confidence. Cle a r l y , the attempt to i s o l a t e school achievement and adjustment i s f o i l e d i n part by these differences i n chronological age 67 and i n t e l l i g e n c e quotients. The w r i t e r , therefore, carried out a second s t a t i s t i c a l analysis of the data. In both samples, each case i n the experimental group was matched i n chronological age and int e l l i g e n c e quotient with a case i n the control group. Because some cases could not be matched, this reduced the numbers somewhat. Table X shows the r e s u l t i n g pairs for both c i t i e s . TABLE X City Boys G i r l s Total Moose Jaw 30 pairs 20 pairs 50 pairs Saskatoon 50 pairs 42 pairs 92 pairs Once again, the means and standard deviations were calculated for these groups i n the factors of school attendance, average marks, read-ing grades, and manifest anxieties. Corrections for small sampling were made. The t-valueswere then calculated for the obtained means and standard deviations. Tables XI and XII contain the obtained means and standard deviations for Moose Jaw and Saskatoon, respectively, and Tables XIII and XIV, the computed t-values for the differences i n means of equivalent groups. 68 TABLE XI MEANS AND STANDARD DEVIATIONS IN THE FACTORS UNDER STUDY WHEN THE CHILDREN OF WORKING MOTHERS, (GROUP A), ARE PAIRED WITH THE CHILDREN OF NON-WORKING MOTHERS, (GROUP B), IN CHRONOLOGICAL AGE AND INTELLI-GENCE QUOTIENT IN THE MOOSE JAW SAMPLE Factor Be ys G i r l s Total Group A Group B Group A Group B Group A Group B Total Days-M Attendance s 190.77 5.61 190.93 5.27 186.40 8.44 189.10 4.41 189.20 7.21 190.20 5.03 Year's Average M Mark (%) s 63.37 10.33 66.80 14.48 70.15 11.79 67.90 15.22 66.08 11.52 67.24 14.79 Reading Grade M (Gates) s 6.33 1.41 6.25 1.26 6.12 1.25 1.26 1.26 6.25 1.35 6.26 1.26 Manifest M Anxieties s (Taylor 1s) 15.67 7.18 15.40 8.33 23.30 8.89 18.35 7.36 18.72 8.78 16.58 8.10 N 30 30 20 20 50 50 69 TABLE XII MEANS AND STANDARD DEVIATIONS OF THE FACTORS UNDER STUDY WHEN THE CHILDREN OF WORKING MOTHERS, (GROUP A), ARE PAIRED WITH THE CHILDREN OF NON-WORKING MOTHERS, (GROUP B), IN CHRONOLOGICAL AGE AND INTELLI-GENCE QUOTIENT IN THE SASKATOON SAMPLE Factor Boys G i r l s Total Group Group Group Group Group Group A B A B A B Total Days- M L83.70 186.46 185.45 186.00 184.13 186.25 Attendance s 10.42 5.30 6.16 5.60 8.79 5.44 Year 1s Average M - .01 - .21 ,..47 .65 .21 .19 (Normalized s 1.03 1.03 .87 1.35 .99 1.26 Z-Score) Reading Grade M 6.80 6.88 7.09 7.10 6.93 6.98 (Gates) s 1.45 1.30 1.30 1.36 1.39 1.33 Manifest Anxieties M 16.10 15.60 20.09 18.19 17.93 16.78 (Taylor's) s 7.39 6.76 5.93 7.84 7.05 7.39 N 50 50 42 42 92 92 70 TABLE XIII THE DIFFERENCES BETWEEN MEANS, THE STANDARD ERRORS OF THE DIFFERENCES BETWEEN EQUIVALENT GROUPS AND THE t-VALUES FOR THE FACTORS IN SCHOOL ACHIEVEMENT AND ADJUSTMENT UNDER STUDY OF GRADE SIX PUPILS OF MOOSE JAW WHEN THE CHILDREN OF WORKING MOTHERS, (GROUP A), ARE PAIRED WITH THE CHILDREN OF NON-WORKING MOTHERS, (GROUP B), IN CHRONOLOGICAL AGE AND INTELLIGENCE QUOTIENT Boys G i r l s of Groups of Groups Group A and Factor S t a t i s t i c A and B A and B Group B r - . 1 5 - . 0 8 - . 0 5 Total-Days D - . 1 6 - 2 . 7 0 - 1 . 0 0 Attendance S .E . n 1 . 3 0 2 . 0 6 1 . 2 0 t . 1 2 1 . 3 1 . 8 3 r . 3 2 . 5 7 . 4 2 Year's Average D - 3 . 4 3 + 2 . 2 5 - 1 . 1 6 Mark (%) S.E.n 2 . 7 1 2 . 8 8 2 . 0 1 t 1 . 2 7 . 7 8 . 5 8 r . 5 2 . 6 5 . 5 6 Reading D t . 0 8 - . 1 4 - . 0 1 Grade (Gates) S.E.n . 2 4 . 2 3 . 1 7 t . 3 3 . 6 1 . 0 6 r . 1 1 . 2 0 . 1 8 Manifest D + . 2 7 + 4 . 9 5 + 2 . 1 4 Anxieties S. E. JJ 1 . 9 0 2 . 3 1 1 . 5 1 (Taylor 1s) t . 1 4 2 . 1 4 1 . 4 2 3 0 20 50 71 TABLE XIV THE DIFFERENCES BETWEEN MEANS, THE STANDARD ERRORS OF THE DIFFERENCES BETWEEN EQUIVALENT GROUPS AND THE t-VALUES FOR THE FACTORS IN SCHOOL ACHIEVEMENT AND ADJUSTMENT UNDER STUDY OF GRADE SIX PUPILS OF SASKATOON WHEN THE CHILDREN OF WORKING MOTHERS, (GROUP A), ARE PAIRED WITH THE CHILDREN OF NON-WORKING MOTHERS,(GROUP B), IN CHRONOLOGICAL AGE AND INTELLIGENCE QUOTIENT Boys G i r l s Group A of Groups of Groups and Factor S t a t i s t i c A and B A and B Group B r + .17 - .19 .00 Total-Days D -2.76 +• .55 -2.12 Attendance S.E. D 1.54 1.40 1.08 t 1.79 .39 1.96 r + .23 +• .53 +- .56 Year's Average D + .20 - .18 +• .02 (Normalized S.E. D .64 .18 .11 Scores) t .31 1.00 .18 r + .26 +• .47 +. .35 Reading D. - .08 - .01 - .05 Grade (Gates) S.E.JJ .24 .21 .16 t .33 .05 .20 r 4* .04 - .15 +• .01 Manifest D - .50 +1.90 +1.15 Anxieties S.E.JJ 1.39 1.62 1.06 t .36 1.17 1.08 N 50 42 92 72 When the two factors of chronological age and in t e l l i g e n c e were controlled, a l l except one of the obtained differences between means were below the .05 le v e l of confidence. The one t-value.1 s i g n i f i c a n t at the .05 l e v e l was for the experimental group of g i r l s i n the Moose Jaw sample who have more manifest anxieties as revealed by the measur-ing instrument. In the l a s t factor, the teacher's ranking of the students i n attitude to school work, a chi-square analysis was carried out. Table XV shows these results and the pr o b a b i l i t y of these figures being exceeded for three degrees of freedom. Once again, no s t a t i s t i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t differences are revealed. 73 TABLE XV COMPARISON BY CHI-SQUARE TEST OF ATTITUDE TO SCHOOL WORK AS MARKED BY THE CLASSROOM TEACHER OF CHILDREN OF WORKING MOTHERS, (GROUP A), AND OF NON-WORKING MOTHERS, (GROUP B), IN GRADE SIX IN MOOSE JAW AND SASKATOON PUBLIC SCHOOLS WHEN THE PUPILS ARE PAIRED IN CHRONOLOGICAL AGE AND INTELLIGENCE QUOTIENTS City S t a t i s t i c Boys G i r l s Total Moose Jaw Chi-square df 3 Pr o b a b i l i t y 3.68 Between .30 and .20 1.98 Between .70 and .50 4.76 Between .20 and .10 Saskatoon Chi-square df 3 Prob a b i l i t y 2.12 Between .70 and .50 6.52 Between .10 and .05 6.26 Between .10 and .05 74 From the t-values i n Tables X I I I and XIV, the writer drew sim i l a r s t a t i s t i c a l conclusions when the cases i n the experimental groups were matched with cases i n the control groups i n chronological age and inte l l i g e n c e as when they were not so paired. At the .01 le v e l of confidence the n u l l hypotheses were accepted: differences i n t o t a l year's attendance, year's average standing, reading grade, or manifest anxieties between the grade s i x children of working and of non-working mothers i n Moose Jaw and Saskatoon were not s i g n i f i c a n t . Likewise, the n u l l hypothesis was accepted for the matched groups that there are not s i g n i f i c a n t differences i n attitude to school work as judged by classroom teachers. F i n a l l y , the general hypothesiswas also accepted. At the grade si x l e v e l , the factor of the mother being employed outside the home does not s i g n i f i c a n t l y affect the school achievement and adjustment of her children when compared with that of the children of non-working mothers. CHAPTER VII A CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF THE DATA A c r i t i c a l analysis of the findings i n t h i s study involves three major phases. F i r s t , there must be recognition of the l i m i t a t i o n s and the, weaknesses i n the survey i t s e l f . Then, the measuring instruments must be evaluated for r e l i a b i l i t y and v a l i d i t y . F i n a l l y , the s t a t i s t i c a l analysis should be interpreted i n the l i g h t of these encumbrances. Limitations of the Survey Geographical. The survey undertaken by the writer has severe geographical l i m i t a t i o n s . Two p r a i r i e c i t i e s , one of 30,000 and the other of 70,000 population, could hardly be ca l l e d representative of large, highly i n d u s t r i a l i z e d Canadian c i t i e s . Nor could these areas be said to represent the population generally when r u r a l and urban parts are combined. Neither Saskatoon nor Moose Jaw i s highly i n d u s t r i a l i z e d , and the proportion of mothers who work i s less than for a large metropolis. In the United States, one i n four mothers of school age children work, yet i n t h i s survey at the grade s i x l e v e l of children, both c i t i e s had only about one i n eight (Moose Jaw 65/400 75 76 and Saskatoon 114/845). Because these c i t i e s are smaller and less i n d u s t r i a l i z e d , there i s not such a high degree of depersonalization i n them as i n a larger metropolis. Neighbours are better acquainted. Because they have friends and acquaintances around and near them, i t i s possible for children to be unattended by a mother for periods of the day and yet not f e e l lonely. They know their schoolmates better. The baker, milkman and postman are more l i k e l y to be the same men for years or even their friends. Shopping downtown i s a neighbourly excursion. Entertainment i s more l i k e l y to be among the same individuals whether the children attend Y.M.C.A., church, school, theatre, or the b a l l game. Age. A second major l i m i t a t i o n i s the age r e s t r i c t i o n of the survey. I t i s a study of the grade s i x population of boys and- g i r l s . Conclusions are, therefore, not to be applied to pre-school, primary, or high school groups. Incomplete records. Furthermore, the data were incomplete for some grade-six pupils so that a f a i r proportion of cases had to be removed from the study. As indicated i n t h i s report, 14 per cent of Moose Jaw cases and nearly 20 per cent of Saskatoon ones were dropped because of incomplete records. An attempt was made to see i f either the experimental or control group suffered greater loss by proportion. In Moose Jaw, 7 incomplete cases had working mothers and 36 non-work-ing mothers; i n Saskatoon, incomplete cases with employed mothers t o t a l l e d 18 and with non-employed, 121. Hence, a s l i g h t l y larger 77 proportion of students of the experimental group was omitted from the f i n a l t o t a l than the one-eighth proportion i n the o r i g i n a l group. Since the reasons for omitting the cases varied from being absent from a reading t e s t , a scale of manifest anxiety, or an int e l l i g e n c e t e s t , to absence from that school system for part of a year, i t i s impossible to guess the effect upon the data of such eliminations. Home factor. This survey was dependent upon the information about the home which the school could provide or would allow the writer to gather. School systems often do not record detailed information about the home, or i f they do, they may not keep i t up to date. Part of the reason for t h i s i s the unwillingness of parents to d i s -close information to the school. When they know that a cumulative record card contains facts about the home, some parents always object. They f e e l such matters are private and not the business of the school. This point i s well i l l u s t r a t e d by three parents who complained to the Saskatoon superintendent about some items of the Scale of Manifest  Anxiety used i n this study. This superintendent f e l t i t would cause unnecessary trouble to the system to have the children reporting to their parents that they completed a questionnaire about who l i v e d i n the home, what were the occupations of the parents and how long the mother had worked (See Appendix A). The writer had, therefore, to be content with what information the individual schools could provide i n Saskatoon. Since i t was impossible to define the working mother more accurate-l y from available information, the survey i s thereby weakened. Because 78 the only s t i p u l a t i o n regarding length of employment for the mother was a twelve-month period, there i s no opportunity to investigate whether, i n the experimental groups, the results d i f f e r when the mother works during her child's pre-school years from when she seeks employment only after school. In a study of working mothers' children, the researcher w i l l have d i f f i c u l t y obtaining detailed information about the home i n a representative sample. Socio-economic factor. The study does not separate the job factor and examine the resu l t s for children when their parents are matched according to occupation or economic status. The record of parental employment was secured i n Saskatoon from school records and i n Moose Jaw from the students themselves. Even so, no firm lines could be drawn for c l a s s i f i c a t i o n . A carpenter could be a s k i l l e d craftsman or a labourer. An engineer could mean a graduate engineer i n the professional class, or a stationary engineer i n the craftsman group. Since the grouping contains inaccuracies due to outdated information, c l a s s i f i c a t i o n errors, and no facts about salary, the data cannot r e a l l y be used for research purposes. In Tables XVI and XVII, a very rough c l a s s i f i c a t i o n was made for the two c i t i e s . The data, however, do-.r. point out general areas of s i m i l a r i t i e s and can be suggestive where wide differences occur. 79 TABLE XVI A ROUGH CLASSIFICATION OF THE OCCUPATIONS OF THE PARENTS OF THE GRADE SIX CHILDREN OF WORKING MOTHERS AND NON-WORKING MOTHERS IN MOOSE JAW Occupation Children of Non-working Mothers Children of Working Mothers Father's Occupation ] 0 father's :cupation Mother's Occupation Boys G i r l s Total Boys G i r l s Total Boys G i r l s Total Professional Technical 6 8 14 7% 1 0 1 2% 6 3 9 16% Small Business Managerial & Administrative 18 18 36 17% 5 3 8 14% 1 0 1 2% Craftsmen 20 19 39 19% 6 6 12 21% 0 0 0 0% Production & Transportation 17 20 37 18% 7 2 9 15% 0 0 0 0% Service, Sales & C l e r i c a l 20 12 32 16% 6 5 11 19% 27 18 45 77% Labourers 14 16 30 15% 5 6 11 19% 1 2 3 5% Farmers 8 6 14 7% 3 0 3 5% 0 0 0 0% Armed Forces 1 3 4 2% 2 1 3 5% 0 0 0 0% TOTALS 104 102 206 35 23 58 35 23 58 80 TABLE XVII A ROUGH CLASSIFICATION OF THE OCCUPATIONS OF THE PARENTS OF THE GRADE SIX CHILDREN OF WORKING MOTHERS AND OF NON-WORKING MOTHERS IN SASKATOON Occupation Children of Non-working Mothers Children of Working Mothers Occupati of Fatt .on ler Occupation of Father Occupation of Mother Boys G i r l s Total Boys G i r l s Total Boys G i r l s Total Professional & Technical 30 11% 24 11% 54 11% 1 4 5 5% 7 6 13 16% Small Business & Managerial Administrative 58 21% 35 16% 93 19% 6 2 8 8% 1 1 2 2% Craftsmen 47 17% 45 20% 92 18% 18 6 24 25% 2 2 4 4% Production & Transportation 26 9% 22 10% 48 10% 5 13 18 19% 0 0 0 0% Service Sales & C l e r i c a l 56 20% 46 21% 102 21% 16 11 27 28% 37 25 62 77% Labourers 36 13% 29 13% 65 13% 6 6 12 13% 0 0 0 0% Farmers 19 7% 10 5% 29 6% 0 0 0 0% 0 0 0 0% Armed Forces 4 1% 6 3% 10 2% 0 1 1 1% 0 0 0 0% TOTALS 276 217 493 52 43 95 47 34 81 81 In both c i t i e s the percentage of mothers employed i n professional or technical work was roughly 16 per cent, and i n service, sales and c l e r i c a l work approximately 77 per cent. In the two c i t i e s , the bias i n father's occupation appeared to be toward a higher socio-economic lev e l for the control groups. Each c i t y did have similar proportions of labourers i n the control and experimental groups. There were no farmers i n the experimental group i n Saskatoon, but equal small proportions i n the other three groups. Not enough information was available to study the effect upon the children of the s h i f t worked by the parents. Nor could any study be done of the child-care arrangements made by the mother when she works, whether there i s help i n the home, or whether extra duties are asked of the children. In a more comprehensive investigation these factors should be included. Survey. Of course, the study i s r e s t r i c t e d by the very nature of a survey. I t used measures of groups at one par t i c u l a r time. I t can-not have perspective gained by observations and measurements over a period of time. I t cannot be taken as an investigation of cause and effe c t . I t s r e a l function i s to point out areas for further intensive s tudy. Areas measured. The problem i n t h i s study was to compare school achievement and adjustment of pupils. Just what does one measure to evaluate this? Brueckner and Bond (14: 7) consider that the ef f e c t -iveness of an educational program i s estimated by appraising the characteristics of the students as revealed by their progress i n 82 school and by changes i n their behavior i n s o c i a l situations i n and out of school: "For purposes of appraisal, educational outcomes can be grouped under three major headings: 1. Basic learnings d i r e c t l y related to areas of the curriculum, such as functional knowledge, s k i l l s , a b i l i t i e s , understandings and insights, and methods of thought, work and study. 2. Outcomes of a broad developmental nature, such as the individual's mental, physical, s o c i a l , moral and emotional health; his interests, purposes, attitudes, and tendencies to act; his appreciations and sa t i s f a c t i o n s ; h is c r e a t i v i t y i n the arts and language expression; and his physical development. 3. Outcomes societal i n nature, such as leadership, a b i l i t y to deal with and solve problems of school and community l i f e , s k i l l i n democratic cooperation, s o c i a l s e n s i t i v i t y , and soc i a l c r e a t i v i t y " (14: 7). If t h i s three-fold c r i t e r i o n were used as the basis of the i n t e r -pretations of t h i s study, i t i s quite apparent that the whole phase of s o c i a l outcomes has been omitted from the investigation. Neither has there been broad measurement i n the second area of developmental outcomes of education. The ratings by teachers i n attitude to school work i s one. So too i s the measure of manifest anxieties. In the basic learnings related to curriculum, only the year's average mark and the reading grade have been included. Nonetheless, the factors of a b i l i t y , age or school attendance cannot be overlooked since these a l l influence the effectiveness of the whole school program. The R e l i a b i l i t y and V a l i d i t y of the Measuring Instruments The data consist of several measures of two groups of students; 83 those of employed mothers and those of non-employed mothers. Before any interpretation of the s t a t i s t i c a l analysis can be made, some evaluation of the various factors must be done to discover what exactly was measured and how r e l i a b l e and v a l i d were the measuring instruments. School Attendance. The total-days* attendance for each pupil came from the school r e g i s t e r s . Since these registers are documents which classroom teachers are required to keep accurately and to balance the figures for the whole year, the tot a l s can be taken as rather accurate measures of school attendance. Chronological age Chronological age i s another factor where the scores are measures with equal units and absolute zero point. B i r t h c e r t i f i c a t e s are required for school r e g i s t r a t i o n of the birthdate of each c h i l d . From this birthdate, the writer reckoned the child's age to the nearest month on the closing day of the school year. Calcula-tions have been care f u l l y rechecked to eliminate possible mechanical errors. Variable measures. In the other factors i n th i s study the measures are variables and expressed as scores. Distinctions among tests of in t e l l i g e n c e , achievement, and personality are not always clear-cut. An i n t e l l i g e n c e test attempts to measure educability; an achievement test attempts to measure education; personality and character tests measure achievement of a different sort. In a sense every test i s a t est of personality. However, many aspects of personality cannot be measured yet by tests, but are evaluated by means of rating scales, 84 questionnaires, interviews, controlled observation, and the l i k e . The measures of school achievement and adjustment used i n t h i s study need now to be evaluated. Mental a b i l i t y . The writer was fortunate to be able to use the measures of intel l i g e n c e from the Laycock Mental A b i l i t y Test which had been secured i n a comprehensive testing of the Moose Jaw sample only a few months previously. The same administrator gave the test and one person did a l l the scoring and recording. Tyler (130) evaluated the Laycock Mental A b i l i t y Test. He mentions that i t contains tests of information and that age norms are based on r e l a t i v e l y small numbers per grade l e v e l . On the other hand, the data presented i n the manual compare favourably with those for many other group tests of mental a b i l i t y . In the Saskatoon system, the school records had the measure of inte l l i g e n c e according to the Otis Quick Scoring Mental A b i l i t y Tests, Alpha Test, administered during the child's primary years. I t i s recognized that these test results were obtained from four to f i v e years ago. Broom (13) conducted a study to determine how constant was the I.Q. yfelded by the Otis Self-Administering Test of Mental A b i l i t y . He found after an i n t e r v a l of f i v e months, there were s l i g h t differences between the mean scores throughout the tenth to ninetieth percentile range with almost uniform differences at each percentile point. Traxler (129$ studied the r e l i a b i l i t y , constancy, and v a l i d i t y of the Otis Intelligence Quotient. He reports that i t i s not high i n r e l i a b i l -i t y ,since i t s c o e f f i c i e n t based on tests administered at least a year 85 apart was only .725. However, i t compares favourably i n r e l i a b i l i t y with in t e l l i g e n c e quotients from other tests. The evidence indicates as well that the Otis I.Q. i s at least as constant as the Stanford Binet I.Q. and perhaps i t i s s l i g h t l y more so. Kuder (73) made a c r i t i c a l analysis of the Alpha Form of the Otis test. He found the reported r e l i a b i l i t y of.81 for the test not impressively high. He f e l t that since young children exhibit high v a r i a b i l i t y of performance, and since there i s a limited sampling of a b i l i t i e s , the r e l i a b i l i t y i s adequate for group comparisons though not for prediction for an indivi d u a l case. Teacher's marks. Part of th i s study used measures of achievement based on the classroom teacher's average mark given to the student at the end of the school year. From talks with teachers, the writer found that marks i n the separate subject areas were based upon teacher-made tests or subjective evaluations. In a few instances objective or even standardized tests were used. The year's average for a Moose Jaw student was computed by averag-ing the marks i n the separate subject areas. Some of the records had l e t t e r gradings for the subjects and percentage averages on the report card. Others had percentages throughout. Saskatoon teachers had to use a weighted scale of points for the l e t t e r grades they gave each subject. For example, an A standing i n reading was worth more points than the same mark i n a r t . Next a scale for t o t a l points was followed to give the c h i l d an ove r a l l l e t t e r grade. This scale placed the grade-six population on a s l i g h t l y negatively-86 skewed normal curve. In order to treat these grades algebraically, the writer converted them into normalized standard scores. There i s disagreement among writers concerning the r e l i a b i l i t y of school marks. Ross (107) claims they are highly subjective and often somewhat of a function of the personality of the instructor rather than the performance of the student. He (107: 45) reports a study by Starch and E l l i o t t where facsimile copies of the same geometry paper were marked by 116 high-school teachers of mathe-matics. The values assigned ranged from 28 to 92. "Manifestly, i f highrsschool teachers cannot agree any more closely than that i n mathematics, one of the most objective subjects, the situation i s indeed bad," Ross concludes. Norsted (96) l i s t s the factors which he considers influence the marks teachers assign to their pupils: actual attainment, teacher-pupil relationship, deportment, sex, prompt-ness and attendance, personal appearance, obedience, effort and attitude. Such claims have lead to investigations to find out exactly what a teacher's mark does measure. As early as 1925, Fleming (112: 562) found that pupils' marks were influenced most by the teachers' estimate of intelligence, school attitude, energy and chronological age. In his unpublished Doctor's Thesis, Hadley (54) t r i e d to determine how much sex, appearance, deportment, and such enter into marks besides actual quality of performance. Basing actual achievement on the rating on the California Achievement Test Elementary Battery, Form AA, he found many most-liked pupils were marked far above actual attainment, while many least-liked pupils were marked far below. Sixteen of the 20 87 teachers, a l l of whom were women, assigned higher marks to g i r l s , but i n only 11 of the 20 classrooms did the g i r l s make higher attainment scores, while the overall average of the boys and g i r l s showed no si g n i f i c a n t difference i n scores. Carter (30) reports studies by Day, Douglas, Shinnerer, Garner, Swenson and himself where there was found a d e f i n i t e sex bias toward higher marks for g i r l s than for boys. Volberding (112: 561) and Russell and Thalman (112: 564) had similar findings. Most of these writers also found that women teachers give higher marks than men teachers to both sexes. Furthermore, the teacher's estimate of pupil's i n t e l l i g e n c e has been found to affect marks of pupils (30), (112: 563). The l a t t e r study by Russell and Thalman indicates a d e f i n i t e p o s i t i v e correlation between the mark of achievement which a pupil receives from a teacher and the personality r a t i n g of the pupil which the teacher makes ( r = + .66). One might question the conclusion of a causal r e l a t i o n -ship since the same study found moderately lower correlations between the scores on a standardized reading test and the same personality ratings ( r • + .51) and between in t e l l i g e n c e quotient and the same ratings ( r = +.53). The conclusion could also be drawn that there i s a correlation between good personality adjustment, i n t e l l i g e n c e and achievement and that teachers' marks ought to show such a correlation i f they are to be r e l i a b l e and v a l i d . In the Encyclopaedia of Educational Research, Monroe (90: 713) gives a brighter picture of the r e l i a b i l i t y and v a l i d i t y of the year's average mark assigned by teachers. Studies of correlations between 88 marks given by the same teacher to the same students i n successive courses have been made. So, too, have correlations been calculated between the marks actually given by the teachers and those the students think they should receive . From a l l sources, Monroe decides that there i s j u s t i f i c a t i o n for concluding that the usual r e l i a b i l i t y of term marks can be indicated by a co e f f i c i e n t of from .70 to .80, and perhaps even higher. Monroe considers, too, that these marks warrant a v a l i d i t y c o e f f i c i e n t from .70 to .80 as a measure of mastery of subject matter. Of course, the average marks used by th i s writer are subject to a l l the imperfections and inaccuracies of any school marks. Nevertheless, these factors operated i n the marks of a l l students, so for group comparisons, the teacher's measure of achievement should prove useful. Reading grade. Standardized objective tests do eliminate many of the sources of error of the teacher-made tests. Furthermore, i t makes possible more accurate comparisons of students who have different classroom teachers. The Gates Reading Survey was used i n the Saskatoon schools to measure reading grade and to examine the three areas of pupils' reading a b i l i t y : vocabulary, le v e l of comprehension, and speed. In Moose Jaw, the superintendent was pleased to receive the same information when the writer administered and scored these tests for the grade s i x population. Information provided i n the Manual of Directions for Gates Reading  Survey includes r e l i a b i l i t y c o e f f i c i e n t s and inter-correlations of the tests. At the grade s i x l e v e l , the correlation of Form I and Form 2 89 of the same test i s given as .85. For group comparisons t h i s test i s , therefore, s u f f i c i e n t l y r e l i a b l e for t h i s study. Personality measures. There are many things to consider i n the selection of a personality test. Strang (120: 211) points out that the v a l i d i t y of such a test i s lowered by various sources of errors within the test i t s e l f . Students have a natural incentive to make a good showing. Questions i n the inventory do not present the same sti m u l i to every i n d i v i d u a l ; each person interprets the items i n terms of his own experience and immediate mood. A satisfactory c r i t e r i o n of v a l i d i t y i s d i f f i c u l t , i f not impossible to obtain. Then a psychologically sophisticated, maladjusted person can answer the questions i n such a way as to obtain a favourable score. To these sources of errors should be added that found by Symonds and Jackson (121). After surveying questionnaries, they conclude that the seclusive type of student tends to rate himself too low, and the boisterous rates himself too high i n adjustment. Stern et a l (119: 29) report a comprehensive investigation by McNemar regarding the v a l i d i t y of a l l p o t e n t i a l l y predictive devices at the adult l e v e l . Except for the Strong Vocatinal Interest Blank and the M i l l e r Analogies t e s t , none of the other objective personality tests and projective materials yielded correlations as high as .40. At the children's l e v e l there i s a much smaller number of objective personality tests. Most have low r e l i a b i l i t y , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n subtests, and have been validated with outside c r i t e r i a to determine predictive values.in very rare instances. 90 Several studies (10, (29), (56), (110) have not found differences for children of working mothers i n personality adjustment when the C a l i f o r n i a Test of Personality i s used. I t would seem wise to try some other form of r a t i n g scale to determine whether the factor of the mother working causes the c h i l d to be anxious, insecure, worried, or emotionally upset. As a f i n a l measure, therefore, the students of the sample completed the children's form of Taylor's Scale of Manifest  Anxiety for use with fourth, f i f t h and s i x t h grade children (31). The scale contains a t o t a l of 42 anxiety items and 11 additional items, the L scale, designed to provide an index of the subject's tendency to f a l s i f y h is responses to the anxiety items. Castaneda (31: 322) correlated the scores of subjects on the 42 anxiety items with those on the L scale. For the different grade levels and for boys and g i r l s separately, the correlation c o e f f i c i e n t s are not s t a t i s t i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t and tend to cluster around the zero value. For group comparisons, i t would seem j u s t i f i a b l e to omit the scores of the L scale and to use only the scores on the anxiety items. The norms (31: 230) provided for t h i s scale at the s i x t h grade l e v e l indicate at the .005 l e v e l of confidence that the g i r l s give s i g n i f i c a n t l y more "yes" responses than the boys. There i s a m u l t i p l i c i t y of studies of the adult form of the Taylor Scale of Manifest Anxiety. Taylor (123) and Castaneda (31: 322) studied i t s r e l i a b i l i t y . Validation of the scale has been attempted by Taylor (123) using c l i n i c a l observation as the outside c r i t e r i o n , and by Holtzman et a l l (60) using a similar scale by Winne. 91 What precisely does the Taylor Scale of Manifest Anxiety measure? That i s d i f f i c u l t to say exactly. Psychologists use i t to measure the l e v e l of drive of the individual and to determine i t s ro l e i n the performance of children (31: 326). Deese et a l l (38) made a study of anxiety, anxiety reduction, and stress i n learning. They f e e l that, to explain their findings, Taylor's interpretation of the effect of anxiety drive i s too simple. Matarazzo and P h i l l i p s (82) also found low correlations between anxiety l e v e l and performance and concluded, "This implies what has long been known, that factors other than anxiety, or inte l l i g e n c e for that matter, are involved i n learning a b i l i t y . " . Several studies have beennade of the relationship between anxiety l e v e l and measures of intel l i g e n c e (83), (115) , (85), (117). Siegman (117) summarizes the va l i d a t i o n studies of others and points out that some have found positive correlations, others equivocal or negative findings. Sarason (114) considers that the results thus far have been disappointing. He points out that the most r e l i a b l e studies reported i n the l i t e r a t u r e did not f i n d that l e v e l of anxiety had any demonstrable effect on academic achievement. Sarason (114) goes on to c r i t i c i s e the Taylor scale on the ba&s that i t ignores the fact "that people are not anxious every minute of the day." He used his own general anxiety scale i n his study. He found that the relationship between anxiety and achievement variables depended to an important extent on the nature of the instrument employed to measure anxiety. Kendall (69) used as an outside c r i t e r i o n to measure anxiety, the judgment of nurses who had known the 93 patients with pulmonary tuberculosis used i n t h i s study. He concluded that the v a l i d i t y of the anxiety scale was useful only as a coarse measure of manifest anxiety and for selecting extreme groups. One might question the v a l i d i t y of his outside c r i t e r i o n and his choice of subjects, since, i n a sanitarium for tuberculosis patients, great precautions are taken to eliminate anxiety-producing situations. This review of l i t e r a t u r e leaves much to be desired i n the findings of the usefulness of the adult form of Taylor's Scale of Manifest  Anxiety. No studies s p e c i f i c a l l y investigating the Children's form, except that of Castaneda et a l (31) , were found. Hence the writer i s forced to admit that she has used a personality measuring device without proven predictive value or investigated v a l i d i t y . Next, the writer sought the teacher's opinion sbout each student. Some writers are very c r i t i c a l of such measures. Laycock (76: 27), M i t c h e l l (89: 306-7, and Wickman (143: 159-60) consider that there i s l i t t l e r e l i a b i l i t y i n teachers' and counsellors' ratings. Monroe (90: 96) considers that judges must have an adequate d e f i n i t i o n of what i s being rated. He and Burt (17) have found evidence that teacher tend to be more r e l i a b l e i n assessing such factors as industry, a t t a i n -ment i n school work, and character than i n neurotic tendencies. Shen (116) correlated each judge's r a t i n g with the average for 26 judges i n several separate factors. He found that q u a l i t i e s such as memory, impulsiveness and adaptability had lower correlations than i n t e l l i g e n c e 93 quickness, leadership and scholarship. Asch (90: 961) is reported to have found judges more accurate in assessing whole impressions rather than in rating isolated traits. The total impression which the writer wished to obtain was attitude to school work. All told, i t might be more reliable than the ratings on a l i s t of separate school adjustment factors. In addition, i t is well known that teachers are very busy people, especially at the end of the school year, and that long checklists are not really good for public relations. The writer wished to have some rating that could be treated statistically and yet eliminate as many as possible of the sources of error in rating scales. Monroe (90) includes in these errors, the tendency to overestimate or underestimate in judging a trait, to rate with too much central tendency and too l i t t l e variability and to be too lenient or severe. It was hoped that by asking teachers to put their students in rank order in attitude to school work, many of these errors would be reduced. Of course, this rank order does not eliminate errors of "halo" effect around some students or logical errors coming from presuppositions in the minds of the teacher and lack of definite-ness of the trait rated. In a few instances, the teachers observed to the writer how difficult i t was to give a rank to each pupil and how unreliable her judgment was in doing this. A definition of attitude to school work doubtless varies among teachers. Some teachers consider i t synonymous with marks; others take into consideration work habits; s t i l l others emphasize behaviour in class. Even careful definition of the term does not 94 guarantee that teachers accept the explanation as thei r c r i t e r i o n . There has also been found a bias i n favour of ranking g i r l s high and boys low i n school work (54). This bias w i l l not affect the c h i -square value when g i r l s are compared with g i r l s or boys with boys, but w i l l blur any differences for the combined groups. C r i t i c a l Analysis of the Data On the basis of a s t a t i s t i c a l analysis of the data, the writer accepted the nul hypothesis i n a l l factors studied: there are not si g n i f i c a n t differences beifcweffln the samples of boys, g i r l s , or com-bined groups of the children of working mothers compared with those of non-working mothers. Such a s t a t i s t i c a l hypothesis should now be translated into theoretical conclusions. This diould be done with f u l l recognition of the weaknesses of the survey and of the measuring instruments already considered i n th i s chapter. The two factors of chronological age and in t e l l i g e n c e should be dealt with f i r s t since the control group and experimental group ought to be comparable i n these two respects i n order to make any meaningful interpretation of differences i n scshool achievement and adjustment. Chronological age. When the differences between means of chrono-l o g i c a l ages were examined, at the .05 l e v e l of confidence, the Moose Jaw children of working mothers were older than those of non-working mothers. A closer examination of the data revealed that 4 boys of the experimental group of 35 cases were over 13-11 years of age, while only 5 of the 106 boys i n the control group were i n t h i s same age group. For the g i r l s i n the experimental group, 3 of the 23 were two years 95 overage, but i n the control group only 3 of the 105 cases were. Overagedness was more a chara c t e r i s t i c of the experimental group than the control one, and of the boys' groups when compared with the g i r l s . The mean differences i n chronological age for the Saskatoon sample were very small and lacking i n s t a t i s t i c a l significance (C.R.'s .67, .23, .60). Among the students with working mothers, 4 of the 52 boys were two years retarded and 1 of the 44 g i r l s . For the control group, these figures were 18 of the 281 boys and 3 of the 219 g i r l s . Serious retardation appeared to be about equally c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of the two Saskatoon samples, but more chara c t e r i s t i c of the boys' groups as compared with the opposite sex. Yps i l a n t i s and Bernert (147: 269) considered the factors which affect the r e l a t i v e school progress of pupils. They l i s t standards and f a c i l i t i e s of the schools, membership i n broken homes, economic pressures, inadequate attendance due to i l l n e s s or family dinterested-ness, changes of residence and of school. They report that backward-ness i n age-grade school progress occurs to a considerably greater extent among males than among females. This predominately male character of retardation increases as the degree of retardation increases. Intelligence. I t would be erroneous to conclude from the data for the Moose Jaw sample that there i s a causal r e l a t i o n between retard-ation and the child's mother being engaged i n an outside job. Association i s not to be equated with causation. There are other re-lated factors. In fact, of the 26 t o t a l cases of two year's retardation 96 only two had an I.Q. of over 89, (90 and 96). Not only were they older but they were also well below the mean I.Q. of 102.60 for Group A and 108.78 for Group B. The Saskatoon sample also had 26 cases which were two-years retarded. Four of these had Otis I.Q's. i n the 100-108 group, 13 i n the 90's, 7 i n the 80*s, and 2 i n the 70's. Most of these;cases, therefore, had I.Q's. well below the mean of s l i g h t l y more than 105. When the factor of in t e l l i g e n c e was considered, the data revealed that the mean I.Q. of the Moose Jaw experimental group, as w e l l as that of the boys taken separately, was lower i n Laycock I.Q. at the .02 lev e l of confidence. The g i r l s did not have s i g n i f i c a n t differences (t-value .95). In the Saskatoon groups, the c r i t i c a l r a t i o s of the differences between means i n Otis I.Q. were not s i g n i f i c a n t , (.40, 1.59, .19), just as they were not i n chronological age. Studies have found quite high correlations between in t e l l i g e n c e and achievement. Correlation c o e f f i c i e n t s of .44 to .63 between intel l i g e n c e and scores on Stanford Achievement Tests i n various sub-ject areas at the grade-four le v e l were reported by Barnes (9). Coleman and Cureton (36) correlated scores on the same achievement tests with forms CM and DM of the Otis Quick-Scoring Test Beta. They concluded from the obtained r's of .84 and .83, that a good school achievement test of reading and arithmetic measures e s s e n t i a l l y the same combination of functions as a t y p i c a l group in t e l l i g e n c e test. In order to discover differences:: i n achievement and adjustment which could not be attributed to differences i n age or i n t e l l i g e n c e , 97 the writer attempted to control these two variables. Cases of the experimental groups were matched with cases of the control groups i n chronological age, sex and inte l l i g e n c e quotient. The remaining portion of th i s chapter w i l l , therefore, deal with interpreting two sets of data regarding differences between means, none s i g n i f i c a n t at the .01 lev e l of confidence. School attendance. In the factor of school attendance, there were not s i g n i f i c a n t differences between the means of the experimental and control groups either with age and int e l l i g e n c e as uncontrolled or as controlled variables. I t would appear that the children of working mothers under study attended school as regularly as their classmates of non-working mothers. The differences varied from less than one school day to about 2.80 days. Certainly such small differences i n attendance during a complete school year should not affect school achievement and adjustment appreciably. Average marks. In the factor of average marks for unmatched groups, the significance of mean differences had the same pattern of values as the factor of i n t e l l i g e n c e . The boys of the experimental group i n Moose Jaw were lower at the .02 le v e l of confidence than the control group, while the t o t a l sample was within a second decimal point of having the same significance. The t-value for the g i r l s of this c i t y was only .52. For the Saskatoon groups, the c r i t i c a l r a t i o s were very small (.14, .24, .20). When the groups were matched i n age and i n t e l l i g e n c e , the t-value of the differences between the boys and between t o t a l groups i n the former c i t y decreased appreciably (t-values 1.27 and .58), 98 while the t-values for the other groups remained quite small and lack-ing i n significance. Reading grade. As with chronological age, int e l l i g e n c e quotient, and year's average mark, so with the reading grade, the signifijance of differences between the unmatched groups followed the same general pattern. The experimental group of Moose Jaw had s i g n i f i c a n t l y lower reading grades than the control group, but only at the .05 l e v e l of confidence. The boys and g i r l s considered separately had t — v a l u e s of 1.48 and 1.77 respectively. In Saskatoon, the sample had c r i t i c a l r a t i o s which were very small (.05, .45, .26). Once again, when the groups were matched, the differences which had been appreciable became lessened (Moose Jaw t-values: .33, .61, and .06; Saskatoon t-values: .33, .05, and .20). In the appraisal of basic learnings d i r e c t l y related to the areas of the curriculum, t h i s study yielded c o n f l i c t i n g results for the two unmatched samples. Saskatoon samples had very small differences. In Moose Jaw, although none of the differences were large enough to be s i g n i f i c a n t at the .01 l e v e l of confidence, however, some were at the .02 l e v e l . Nevertheless, i t would be f o l l y to regard the lower school grades and reading grades as the res u l t of the mother working when there were large differences i n int e l l i g e n c e and i n chronological age. The writer found, for example, a Pearson r of .81 between Laycock I.Q. and reading grade of the 35 Moose Jaw boys of working mothers. When the groups were matched to control the age and i n t e l l i g e n c e variables, the differences were well below the .05 l e v e l of confidence. Hence, the 99 larger differences found i n basic learnings could be attributed to the lack of comparability of the unmatched groups i n chronological age and intell i g e n c e quotients. When matched i n these variables with children of non-working mofchers, the grade-six pupils of working mothers of the samples did not have s i g n i f i c a n t differences i n year's average marks or reading grades. These were the only two measures used i n t h i s study to appraise basic learnings d i r e c t l y related to the areas of the c u r r i -culum. In this study, students i n grade s i x appeared to achieve as high marks for their year's work and as high reading grades i n the Gates Reading Survey whether their mothers were employed outside the home or not. Manifest anxiety. The second area of the educational program i s that of the child's emotional and mental health. Only two measures were attempted i n this broad developmental area where the pupil's in t e r e s t s , attitudes, and emotional maturity are of prime importance, but where v a l i d objective measures are well-nigh impossible to obtain. The differences of levels of anxiety as measured by the Taylor's Scale of Manifest Anxiety for children were the only ones where both c i t i e s i n the study were s i m i l a r . The mean differences for the boys, matched or unmatched, were not s i g n i f i c a n t . However, the unmatched g i r l s of working mothers expressed a higher l e v e l of manifest anxiety i n Saskatoon at the .05 l e v e l and i n Moose Jaw at the .02 l e v e l . When the factors of age and intel l i g e n c e were held constant, the differences i n the Saskatoon sample were below the .05 l e v e l , but the 100 Moose Jaw sample of g i r l s s t i l l had mean differences s i g n i f i c a n t at the .05 l e v e l . As has been pointed out, studies have found that g i r l s have higher "yes" responses than the boys. This study also found the same sex difference. In Moose Jaw, the experimental group of g i r l s had a mean of 23.57, the boys 15.74, the control group of g i r l s 18.72, the boys 15.49. S i m i l a r l y i n Saskatoon, the experimental group of g i r l s had a mean of 20.29, the boys 15.88, the control g i r l s 18.27 and boys 16.00. These means were modified only very slight3yby matching i n age and in t e l l i g e n c e . Since the Taylor scale for children has, as yet, not been validated empirically, one cannot r e a l l y predict what the differences found i n th i s study mean. This may very well prove to be a f i e l d y i e l d i n g positive r e s u l t s i n future investigations. Attitude to school work. The f i n a l measure i n the study i s attitude to school work. This i s not an independent factor, but i s related to achievement and a b i l i t y . The student who does wel l i n school or learns readily i s more l i k e l y , other things being equal, to have a good attitude toward his school work. Hence, th i s i s not a clear-cut, independent measurement, but rather a help i n completing the picture of school adjustment. An examination of the data discloses a bias i n favour of ranking the g i r l s i n the upper q u a r t i l e . The Moose Jaw teachers placed 6 of the 23 g i r l s of working mothers i n the top q u a r t i l e , and only 3 i n the bottom one, while they ranked 39 of the 105 g i r l s of non-working 101 mothers i n the upper q u a r t i l e and only 8 of them i n the lowest. These figures were quite different for the boys. Only 5 of the 35 boys of the experimental group were i n the top d i v i s i o n and 13 i n the bottom; 23 boys i n the control group were i n the top qu a r t i l e and 33 of 106 i n the bottom d i v i s i o n . In Saskatoon, with the exception of the boys i n the experimental group whose numbers i n the top and bottom quartiles attitude to school work were equal, there were twice as many g i r l s i n the upper quartile as i n the lowest one and twice as many boys i n the lowest one as i n the upper. When the chi-square values i n Tables IX and XV are examined, no s t a t i s t i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t value i s recorded. Reasons for lack of wide differences may be the u n r e l i a b i l i t y of teachers' opinions and/or lack of agreement by the teachers on what constitutes good attitude to school work. In any case, the ratings by the teachers i n th i s factor did not d i f f e r s i g n i f i c a n t l y i n this study for the experimental and control groups. As judged by classroom instructors, these groups of children were similar i n attitude to school work whether their mothers held a job outside the home or not. There remains a summary of the study and the implications for further investigations as well as suggestions for future research. CHAPTER VIII SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS Summary of the Investigation Theoretical framework of the study. What are the effects of maternal employment upon the children? Must we expect repercussions i n the children's emotional, i n t e l l e c t u a l or moral development? Is there any relationship between maternal employment and school adjust-ment problems? This study has t r i e d to discover some of these ef f e c t s . Increasingly, women with young children are accepting jobs which take them away from their households during their working day. In the l a s t twenty-five years, the proportion of employed married women i n Canada's labour force has ri s e n from one i n f i f t y to one i n eight. The causes of th i s increase are found rooted i n the transitions i n the family and society. Under the domestic system the mother was an inte g r a l part of the production u n i t . Then she was forced out of the labouring f i e l d i n the Industrial Revolution. The jobs once done at home moved to factory, school, hospital and other i n s t i t u t i o n s . Today, to regain an economic place i n society, married women have to change the location of their work. Other forces which 102 103 cause the same trend are increasing technology, changing public opinion, co-education, longer life-span and changes i n family size to a small conjugal u n i t . The dilemma for the mother i s created by the fact that the new location of her work makes i t impossible to rock the cradle at the same time. Great amounts of controversial w r i t i n g can be found discussing the effects of the employment of mothers outside the home. Some writers consider that the results are harmful to the mother herself, the family, the community and p a r t i c u l a r l y to her children. Other writers are equally convinced that the res u l t s are b e n e f i c i a l and that any t r a n s i t i o n brings a need for s o c i a l adjustments. I t has been a constant source of surprise and regret to the writer that there i s so l i t t l e evidence which has been s c i e n t i f i c a l l y collected and examined i n the whole f i e l d of employment of married women. Most of the w r i t i n g i s based on opinion and prejudice. There are more and more enumerative studies being written, but very few comprehensive investigations dealing with s o c i o l o g i c a l and psychological aspects of the problem. Literature. A careful search of the l i t e r a t u r e revealed few studies of the effects of maternal employment upon the personality of the child.;. Such studies as were found dealt with quite small samples and were of the enumerative type. None used measuring i n s t r u -ments of personality with tested empirical v a l i d i t y . One study (42) found grade nine g i r l s were less well adjusted when the mothers worked. 104 Five other investigations (10), (29), (56), (97), (110) did not f i n d s i g n i f i c a n t differences i n personality adjustment. The l a t t e r four studies used the C a l i f o r n i a Test of Personality as the measuring instrument. Only one study (93) investigated school success and that i n Sweden. No information was available concerning the pro-cedure i n the study. Clearly the evidence i n the l i t e r a t u r e was limited and inconclusive. Delimitation of the problem. The writer attempted to compare the school achievement and adjustment of children of working and of non-working mothers. For p r a c t i c a l reasons the study was r e s t r i c t e d to two p r a i r i e c i t i e s , Moose Jaw and Saskatoon. The grade-level chosen was grade s i x where achievement and adjustment had measuring devices readily available. The information to be collected from the school records included chronological age, int e l l i g e n c e quotient, days-attendance for one school year, year's average mark, reading grade, teacher's judgment of attitude to school work, and manifest anxiety according to Taylor's scale for children. In addition, information was needed about the employment of the parents and whether the parents were the r e a l parents and l i v i n g together. Hypotheses. The majority of the studies i n the l i t e r a t u r e reviewed had not found s i g n i f i c a n t differences between children of employed mothers and those of non-employed mothers. Hence, the general hypothesis of the research was that, at the grade-six l e v e l , the factor of the mother being i n the labour market does not s i g n i f i c a n t l y affect the school achievement and adjustment of her children i n compar-105 ison with that of children of non-working mothers. S p e c i f i c a l l y there would not be differences when the sexes were compared separately or combined into single groups i n any of the factors under study: chronological age, int e l l i g e n c e quotient, school attendance, average marks, reading grade, attitude to school work, or le v e l of manifest anxiety. Data collected. In grade s i x i n June, 1957, some 1245 pupils were enrolled i n Saskatoon and Moose Jaw. Records were complete i n a l l the factors being investigated for 1024 students i n a l l . I t was decided to eliminate a l l cases where there was an absent parent due to death, desertion or divorce, where there was a step-parent or guardian, and where the mother worked only part-time or for less than twelve months previous to the c o l l e c t i o n of the data. The f i n a l sample i n Moose Jaw included 58 children of working mothers and 211 of non-working mothers. In Saskatoon, the numbers were 96 and 500 respectively. From the school r e g i s t e r s , the t o t a l attendance was recorded for the school year. From the cumulative record cards, the birthdate was secured, as w e l l as the i n t e l l i g e n c e quotient (Moose Jaw, Laycock I Q; Saskatoon, Otis Alpha I Q), year's average mark and reading grade obtained on the Gates Reading Survey. The teachers i n each grade-s i x classroom placed their students i n rank order i n attitude to school work. F i n a l l y , the students completed the children's form of Taylor's Scale of Manifest Anxiety. In Saskatoon, the school records and prin c i p a l s and teachers provided information about the home. The pupils 106 i n Moose Jaw completed a questionnaire di s c l o s i n g who l i v e d i n the home and what were the occupations of the parents (See Appendix A) . F i r s t s t a t i s t i c a l analysis. In order to determine differences i n school achievement and adjustment between the experimental group of pupils of employed mothers and the control groups of those of non-employed mothers, the following factors were treated s t a t i s t i c a l l y i n the same way: chronological age, i n t e l l i g e n c e , school attendance, year's average mark, reading grade and number of manifest anxieties. The means and standard deviations were calculated for the boys and g i r l s taken separately and together i n the experimental and control groups of both c i t i e s . The t-values for Moose Jaw and the c r i t i c a l r a t i o s for Saskatoon were then determined for the mean differences. In comparing the groups i n attitude to school work, the teacher's rank order of the pupils was divided into quartiles and chi-square calculated to see i f there were s i g n i f i c a n t differences. This analysis disclosed for Saskatoon no difference s i g n i f i c a n t at the .01 l e v e l of confidence, and only the difference i n manifest anxiety l e v e l for the g i r l s s i g n i f i c a n t at the .05 l e v e l of confidence. The re s u l t s were different for the Moose Jaw sample. Although there were not differences large enough to rule out chance i n 99 cases out of one hundred, the children of working mothers were older chronologically, obtained lower average marks and reading grades, and also had lower intelligence quotients at the .05 l e v e l of confidence. The attempt to i s o l a t e differences i n school achievement arid adjust-ment due to working mothers was f o i l e d i n part by the differences i n 107 age and intelligence. Second s t a t i s t i c a l analysis. The writer then carried out a second s t a t i s t i c a l analysis of the data, matching the children of employed mothers i n age, sex and intelligence quotient with pupils in the control group. Once again, means, standard deviations and t-values for mean differences were calculated in the factors of school attendance, year's average, reading grade and manifest anxieties; in addition chi-square values were found for the quartile rank given the pupils in attitude to school work by the teachers. From the t-values for matched groups, the writer drew similar s t a t i s t i c a l conclusions as for the unmatched groups. At the .01 level of confidence, the null hypotheses were accepted: there were not significant differences in total year's attendance, year's average standing, reading grade, attitude to school work, or manifest anxiety between the grade-six children of working and of non-working mothers i n Moose Jaw and Saskatoon. Except for the g i r l s in Moose Jaw i n the factor of manifest anxiety, when the subjects were paired i n age and intelligence, the mean differences were a l l below the .05 level of confidence. Limitations of the study. Because of the geographical l i m i t a -tion and the restriction to one grade level in a particular school year, generalizations have to be limited. The representativeness of the sample was. weakened by incomplete records i n a number of cases. Detailed information about the home was not available. The r e l i a b i l i t y and validity of the measuring instruments 108 inevitably affected the findings. In the previous chapters, studies dealing with each instrument i n turn were reported. While each device was generally suitable for group comparisons, much more refined instruments would have been desirable. However, these were the best available to the writer for the study. Conclusions Value of the findings. This study was based on r e l a t i v e l y small samples. I t s f a i l u r e to f i n d differences w i l l have to be checked with future investigations. As yet, there does not appear to be experimental evidence for differences i n school adjustment and achievement due to working mothers. The effects of the single factor, maternal employment, i f any, may be quite small and hence amenable only to the most refined measuring instruments. I t may well be that s i g n i f i c a n t differences would be found i f a refined d e f i n i t i o n of the working mother were used. Crucial variables need to be held constant. Some of these are: the motivation for working, the socio-economic l e v e l of the father's employment, the type of job of the mother, her working hours and holidays, the number of children, the mother substitute, the age of the children when she began working, and the presence or absence of tension between parents. This research did not f i n d s i g n i f i c a n t differences. In t h i s f i e l d , i t may require studies of large numbers of children with the sub-variables or components of maternal employment well controlled. 109 Such research w i l l be expensive and require long-term v a l i d a t i o n . Suggested future research. Many important questions await s c i e n t i f i c study for answers concerning effects of employed mothers upon their children. A tremendous f i e l d for study concerns how early small children can safely give up the permanent stable devotion of one p a r t i c u l a r person with whom they have formed a close attachment. There i s needed s c i e n t i f i c research to see when such a break f i r s t becomes possible, for what length of time i t can be made without harmful e f f e c t s , and whether such breaks are equally injurious when they form part of an established routine. There i s a need for objective investigation of how much of a mother's time and attention i s needed by children at different age l e v e l s . One of the important variables i s the age of the c h i l d when the mother goes out to work. With careful attention to other factors, such as the mother substitute and the emotional climate of the home, a researcher could compare the effects upon the children under three years of age with those upon children of older age groups. Further studies of school children could be made at various grade levels i n different geographical areas. These studies should control, or at least take cognizance of the socio-economic factor, the hours of mother's employment, the number of children i n the family, the number of years the mother has worked, and so on. The measuring devices should be extended to determine emotional and s o c i a l development so that the t o t a l adjustment of the c h i l d could be evaluated. The research which in the end might be most revealing would involve long-term studies of a sample of children. Development observed over a period of years would permit the investigator to consider cause and effect of important variables. I l l APPENDIX A MY NAME IS (Surname) (First Name) MY SCHOOL IS MY AGE AT JUNE 30, 1957 i s (years) (months) I AM THE OLDEST IN THE FAMILY yes I AM THE YOUNGEST IN THE FAMILY Yes no no July 11 Aug. 10 Sepf. 9 Oct. 8 Nov. 7 Dec. 6 Jan. 5 Feb. 4 Mar. 3 Apr. 2 May 1 June 0 THE PEOPLE WHO LIVE IN MY HOME ARE THE FOLLOWING: FATHER yes no MOTHER yes no SISTERS yes no BROTHERS yes no STEP-SISTERS yes no STEP-BROTHERS yes no STEP-FATHER yes no STEP-MOTHER yes no HOW MAW OLDER? YOUNGER? HOW MANY OLDER ?_ HOW MANY OLDER ?_ HOW MANY OLDER? YOUNGER? _YOUNGER?_ YOUNGER? MY FATHER WORKS AT (place)_ MY FATHER'S JOB IS OFTEN MY FATHER DOES NOT HAVE A JOB yes no MY MOTHER WORKS AT HOME AND AT (place)_ MY MOTHER'S JOB OUTSIDE THE HOME IS SHE HAS BEEN WORKING AWAY FROM HOME FOR YEARS THE SHIFT SHE WORKS IS days afternoons nights weekends 112 BIBLIOGRAPHY 1. Abbott, Edith. "Women Workers i n 1951." Social Service Review 25: 519-20. December, 1951. 2. Applebaum, S. B. "Working Wives and Mothers." 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